y uir\ i w If/ JKmTJ* ^ \ \ il 1 WAfi^Vr F M W J/ A raS|m m 1 ! !|H[r^\|VKl i JR Vafck. 1 ^ v fir^B ftv f/ f !w\ m Um fm W 1 \ Il w \ WmMA l//K\lll% I m 1 w \hMfc\m f w fi \i W4> ' -¥4Hi mlllWmmmJ Ifll^lfc' PISrlnF 1 , A WoJswA? f^pw 1 ill » f. K 1 A I® «\ v\\V v V: 1 T i 5 ' /EPvCY CARD NEB. CONTENTS. I. Historical Introduction. CHAP. I. Origin and Spread op Coinage. Origin of coinage. Monetary standards, Babylonic and Phoenician. Early electrum coins. Gold of Phocaea. Reforms of Croesus. Introduction of coinage into Greece. Pheidon. Euboic, Aeginetan, Attic, and Corinthian standards. Adoption of coinage in Italy, Sicily, and Cyrene ....... ...... II. International currencies among the Greeks. The Trapezitae and their functions. Darics. Coins of Aegina, Athens, and Corinth. Cyzicene staters. Rhodian money. Coins of Philip and of Alexander. Cistopliori III. Die-Cutting and Coin-Stamping ........... IV. Coin-Inscriptions .............. V. Rights of Coinage Coins of cities, temples, kings, leagues ......... VI. Monetary Alliances. PI. xvi. League in South Italy. Coins of Himera and of Cyrene. Confederation under Timoleon. League of Cnidus. Joint issues of electrum staters and liectae. Coins of later Greek Leagues .............. VII. MOTnER-CITIES AND COLONIES. PI. XVI. Occasional retention of metropolitan types in colonies. Massilia and Velia. Abdera. Messana and Rliegium. Thurium. Corinthian colonies. Corcyrean colonies. Athenian colonies ............... II. The Types of Greek Coins. I. Religious Character of Coin-types. Origin of coinage in temples. Religious meaning of types. Agonistic types. So- called types parlants. Choice of types in Greece. Succession of types at Athens, Corinth, Thebes, Elis, Ephesus, Syracuse. Introduction of portraits on coins . II. Monetary Symbols or Adjuncts. Signature of coins by magistrates. Distinction between types and symbols III. COIN-TYU>ES AND ARCHAEOLOGY. Coins compared with other monuments. Their disadvantages for purposes of archaeo- logical study. Their advantages. Classification of coins by region and period. Historical testimony; metrological data; fabric; epigraphy; evidence of hoards. Principles of numismatic art ; adaptation of design to field, precluding servile copy of works of sculpture ; symbolical nature of types ; continual variation ...... CONTENTS. viii III. Art and Mythology of Coin-types. CHAP. PAGE I. Explanation of Plates. Principles of arrangement ............ 72 II. Archaic Period; early ............. 76 Copies of statues. PL xv. 1 — 17, 28 — 29 . . . . . . 77 Earliest types. PL hi. 9, 19, 20, 26 ; iv. 7—9, 13, 15—18 82 Italy. PI. i. 1 — 12 ............ 84 Sicily. PL n. 1 — 14 ............. 89 Hellas. Pl. hi. 1—8, 10—18, 21—25, 27 90 Asia Minor. PL iv. 1—6, 10— 12, 14 96 III. Later Archaic period; or period of Transition ........ 98 Italy. PL i. 13—36 99 Sicily. PL ii. 15 — 42 ............ 104 Hellas. PL hi. 28 — 53 ............ 109 Asia Minor. PL iv. 19 — 44 . . . .113 IV. Period of Finest Art; early . . . . . . .118 Italy. PL v. 1—27 119 Sicily. PL vi. 1 — 34 . . . . .124 Northern Greece. Pl. vii. 1 — 27 . . . .132 Peloponnesus. PL viii. 1 — 30 . . . . . .135 Asia Minor. PL x. 1 — 21 . . . .142 Copies of statues. Pl. xv. 19, 30 . : . . . . 146 V. Period of Finest Art; late . . .147 Italy. Pl. v. 28—45 148 Sicily. Pl. vi. 35 — 40 . . .151 Northern Greece. PL vn. 28 — 48 .......... 152 Peloponnesus. PL viii. 31 — 44 .......... 156 Crete. PL ix. 1—25 160 Cyrene. PL ix. 26 — 36 ............ 167 Asia Minor. PL x. 22—50 169 Copies of statues. PL xv. 20, 21, 23 — 27, 31. . .176 VI. Period of Decline; early 179 Italy. PL xi. 1—20 181 Sicily. PL xi. 21—33 184 Hellas. Pl. xii. 1—33 186 Asia Minor. PL xm. 1 — 13 ........... 193 The East. Pl. xiv. 1 — 12 . .195 Copies of statues. Pl. xv. 32 .197 VII. Period of Decline; late ............ 198 Italy. PL xi. 34 — 40 ............ 198 Sicily. PL xi. 41—46 200 Hellas. PL xii. 34—53 201 Asia Minor. PL xm. 14 — 35 ........... 204 The East. Pl. xiv. 13—34 208 Index of Subjects 213 Index of Classes 21S Plates I. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER I. Origin and Spread of Coinage. Pollux, in his valuable chapter on coins 1 , which in fact contains nearly all the information handed down to us from antiquity on the subject, says that it was among the Greeks a disputed point which was the first nation or prince to strike coins. Some, he says, ascribed the invention to the Athenians, some to the Naxians, some to Pheidon, king of Argos, some to Demodice, wife of the Phrygian Midas, some to the Lydians. We are able now, better than Pollux, better even than Aristotle, who was one of his principal authorities, to determine the respective claims of these pretenders. The Naxians certainly issued coin early, but both in type and weight it is only a copy of that of Aegina. Of the coinage of Athens no specimens which have reached us are of earlier date than the reforms of Solon, about b.c. 560, and it is almost certain that there were coins in Greece before that time. As to Midas we can only say that we do not know of any early Phrygian coinage. The Lydians and Pheidon, king of Argos, remain, and the claims of both to the invention of coinage are supported by grave authorities. Let us first consider what precise meaning is to be attached to the phrase ‘invention of coinage.’ A coin is, of course, a lump of any precious metal of fixed weight, and stamped with the mark of some authority which guarantees the weight and fineness of the coin, and so its value. The so-called leathern money of the Carthaginians, if it ever existed, did not consist of coins, because not of metal ; a lump of gold or silver, such as still constitutes currency in China, is not a coin, because it is not stamped by authority. Before coins were invented we know on the sure authority of the wall paintings of Egypt that 1 Translated, with notes, in the Numismatic Chronicle for 1881, p. 282. ?_ r Gr, 1 2 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. there was in Western Asia a currency passing from hand to hand of rings of gold or silver of defined weight, though probably not stamped. In Greece proper the place of these rings of precious metal was according to the tradition 1 taken by bars or spits (d/IeXicr/coi) of bronze or iron. It is probable, though not certain, that in Lydia and the coasts of Asia Minor small bars or lumps of electrum were in use. Electrum, white gold as Herodotus calls it, is a mixture of gold and silver which is found in the bed of the Pactolus and other rivers of Western Asia, and which the Greeks supposed to be a separate metal, reckoned by them at about three-fourths of the value of gold, and about ten times that of silver. Thus, as Syrian rings, Greek obelisks, and Lydian pellets were all adjusted to a fixed weight, it is likely that for long before the intro- duction of coinage proper, purchases in Western Asia and even Greece were made not so much by the clumsy method of weighing the precious metals as by counting out a certain number of units of value. The official stamp was all that was required to make coin. It has been disputed among modern numismatists and metrologists what nation first took this capital step. Their arguments are based partly on the apparent antiquity in fabric and type of the coins which reach us from various districts of the Levant, partly on metrological grounds. In the former matter any trained eye can judge with some degree of accuracy, only we must remember that some districts of the Levant were at every period more advanced in the matter of art than others. In antiquity as in all times Asia was slower to move than Europe. The metrological argument is so complicated that I cannot venture to enter upon it here. The writers of the greatest authority have come to the opinion that the earliest coins are Asiatic, and that it is probably to the Lydians that we must give the credit of their production. This agrees with the testimony of Herodotus 2 : AvSol irponoL dvOpoj-rrojv, tojv Typets iSpev, vopucrpa y pvcrou kclI dpyvpov Koi/zapei'oi iyp-qao.vTo. But the earliest Lydian coins were not made either of gold or silver, — in this Herodotus seems to be mistaken, — but of that electrum which was at the time the current metal in Lydia, the white gold of which I have already spoken, and which Croesus presented in such quantities to the Delphic temple 3 . About the seventh century, after the fall of the Assyrian empire, Lydia rose under the dynasty of the Mernmadae to a high pitch of power and prosperity, and ruled Western Asia Minor up to the gates of Ephesus and Miletus. It is during this flourishing period of their history that the Lydians began to mint coins, and the invention was at once adopted by the Ionian cities of the coast, by Miletus, Abydos, Clazomenae, Samos and the rest. Hence arose an electrum coinage current over all the Asiatic side of the Levant. 1 Plutarch, Lysander , I 7. 2 i. 94. 3 Herod, i. 50. ORIGIN AND SPREAD OF COINAGE. 3 It is necessary to say a few words as to the monetary standard followed by these coins 1 . There were, as nearly as we can make out, at the time of the invention of coinage, three standards in use in Western Asia for the weighing of the precious metals ; of which standards one was applied to gold and the remaining two to silver. The weight universally used for gold had a unit of 130 grains, about 10 grains heavier than our English sovereign. This unit was the sixtieth part of the lighter Babylonic mina, and lineal ancestor of all Greek gold coins whatever. And this same unit of 130 grains was also sometimes used for weighing silver. But there was an awkwardness about this. The relation in value of gold to silver in Asia generally in Persian times was, as we know from the testimony of Herodotus 2 , 13 to 1 . Mommsen and Brandis maintain, on inductive grounds, that this relation would be more accurately expressed by the relation 13-| to 1 or 40 to 3. This may or may not be the case, but anyhow the proportion was awkward. As gold and silver circulated in bars, if both had been made of the same weight, 1 3 - 3 - bars of silver, or 13 on the other supposition, would have gone against one of gold. A desire naturally arose to have the relative values of gold and silver bars brought into more easy and convenient relations. And it is evident that this could only be done by means of introducing a new standard for silver, and making the bars of that metal of a different weight from the bars of gold. Now the value in silver of a bar of gold weighing 130 grains at the rate of 13 to 1 is 1690 grains; and the tenth of this weight being 169 grains, it is clear that if bars of silver of the weight of 169 grains were in use for currency, ten of these would exactly pass as equivalent to one bar of gold of 130 grains. And this actually happened; 169 grains as the normal weight of a bar of silver was adopted in Mesopotamia and the inland parts of Asia Minor. It is called by Brandis the Babylonian silver standard or ten-stater standard, as ten silver bars minted according to it passed for one of gold. But meantime in Phoenicia another mode of bringing bars of gold and silver into relations had been adopted. In that region the gold bars or rings of fixed weight which were in circulation seem to have been usually double, that is, to 1 The history of Greek weights was a chaos until the time of Boeckli. His Metrologische Untersuchungen first introduced order and method into the subject; but he fell into certain grave errors which have since been corrected. The discovery of inscribed weights by Sir H. Layard in Assyria introduced a new epoch in the discussion, and it has now been clearly made out that all Greek monetary standards save the Aeginetan come from Nineveh and Babylon. The standard works on Greek metrology are now the following : — Hultsch, Metrologie and Metrologici Graeci : Mommsen, Geschichte des Romischen Miinzwesens (translated into French) : Brandis, Das Munz- Mass- und Gewichts-wesen in Vorderasien bis auf Alexander den Grossen. An excellent resume by Mr B. V. Head in the Journal of the Bankers' Institute,, and his Coinage of Lydia and Persia. 2 hi. 89. 1 9 JL Ll 4 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. have weighed 260 grains instead of 130. Now a gold bar of 260 grains was equivalent in silver, at the same rate of 13 to 1, to 3380 grains. Now the tenth of this, 338 grains, was rather too heavy a weight to be convenient, so the Phoenicians took, instead of a tenth, a fifteenth. In this way they reached for silver a unit of or about 224 grains. This unit was spread far and wide by the Phoenicians in the course of their trading expeditions. Brandis called the system on which it was issued the Phoenician or Graeco-Asiatic, and sometimes the fifteen-stater standard, because under it fifteen bars of silver went for one of gold. We reach, then, the following results. In Mesopotamia and Asia Minor a gold unit of 130 grains (£1. Is. 8 d.) and a silver unit of 169 grains (is. 9A) 1 were in use early in the 7th century before our era; and at the same time in Phoenicia the standard units were for gold 260 grains (£2. 3s. id.) and for silver 224 grains (2s. id.). Now it is a remarkable fact that almost all the early electrum coins of Lydia and Ionia are minted not on the gold but on the silver standards. And this fact is not inexplicable. Electrum, although merely a mixture of gold and silver, was regarded by the ancients as a peculiar and somewhat less valuable variety of gold. And there is reason to believe that they estimated its value as tenfold that of silver, and three-fourths of that of gold, this being in fact not far from the truth, as the better sort of electrum does contain about three-fourths of gold and one-fourth of silver. Thus, an electrum coin of the weight of a bar of silver would pass current for exactly ten of those bars. If on the other hand electrum had been struck on the gold standard, one bar would have passed for either three-fourths of ten or for three-fourths of fifteen bars of silver, which would have been far less convenient. And here we get at once a reason, not only for the minting of electrum on the silver standard, but also for the choice of electrum for purposes of coining. It was so extremely convenient to have as medium of exchange a metal which was, weight for weight, exactly ten times the value of silver. Moreover, electrum being hard and not well adapted for any other purpose except for a medium of exchange, it would be in less danger of being melted down when issued in jDellets of fixed weight, than would either gold or silver. The bars of gold and silver were so continually cut up, melted and remoidded, that it did not seem worth while to stamp them for circulation ; but electrum, once stamped, might be expected to pass from hand to hand uninjured for a long time. Thus we reach an expla- nation of the fact that electrum was chosen for the earliest coins, and a reason why the Lydians, who had almost a monopoly of electrum, which was found Reckoning silver at the old normal rate of five shillings an ounce. ORIGIN AND SPREAD OF COINAGE. a nowhere so freely as in Lydia', should have been the inventors of the wondrous art of coinage, whereas they originated scarcely any other valuable system or device. The early electrum of Lydia is minted both on the Babylonian and the Phoenician silver standard. Mr Head has with probability conjectured 2 that the pieces of Babylonian weight were intended for the inland trade in the direction of Mesopotamia and the old Hittite city of Carchemish, and those of Phoenician weight intended for the trade along the coast and with the islands. At any rate it may be regarded as reasonably certain that the two standards made their way into Lydia thus, the one by land from Babylon, the other by way of the sea from Phoenicia. The Phoenician standard no doubt reached Sardis from the great Greek cities of the coast, for these, as soon as they began striking money of electrum, used this standard almost exclusively. We have here another interesting testimony to the commercial activity of the Phoenicians in the Levant in the pre-historic ages of Greece. From them the Asiatic Greeks adopted the weights of gold and silver, one of the surest of proofs that they learned from them the secrets and art of commerce. The only rival in Asia in pre-Persian times of the Lydian and Ionian electrum was the gold of Phocaea. For half a century before the destruction of this city by Harpagus, the general of Cyrus, it was in a high state of wealth and prosperity. It took to issuing gold pieces on the double or heavy gold standard of about 2G0 grains, which circulated widely in the early part of the sixth century B.C., and in some places even superseded the Milesian electrum. This brings us down to the days of the wealthy and powerful Croesus, who introduced a complete reform of the Lydian coinage. For some reason unknown to us he abolished the issue of electrum, and reintroduced a currency of gold and silver, or rather substituted gold and silver coins for the bars of those metals, which were probably still in frequent circulation. This gold coins weigh about 130 grains, and his silver pieces about 1(38 grains; his standard being in both cases the Babylonic rather than the Phoenician. And for ages the denominations introduced by him dominated the coinage of Asia. After the Persians destroyed his kingdom his plentiful coin continued to circulate, and it is still dug up in large quantities in the neighbourhood of his capital of Sardis. Darius, in his great reorganization of the Persian empire, issued Persian gold coins, called after him darics, or to^otcu, from their type of a royal archer, of the same weight as the Croesean staters : and the Persian, silver coins, called also sigli, were of almost precisely half the weight (86 against 168 grains) of the Croesean silver pieces. Until the times of Alexander’s conquests the darics and sigli constituted the basis of the whole Asiatic coinage, and exercised, in 1 tov 7 rpos Zap Sewv ifesrpov, Sophocl. Antig. 1. 1038. 2 Coinage of Lydia and Persia, p. 11. 6 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. the form of bribes, far too great and pernicious an influence on the politics of Greece. There is however this difference to be noted between the issue of gold and that of silver in Persia. While the great King did not allow any interference with his monopoly of issuing gold coin, whether by cities or indi- viduals, he on the other hand allowed silver on the standard of the siglos to be issued by Greek cities within his dominions, and even by his Satraps when engaged on military expeditions. But it is time to pursue the history of the invention of coinage across the sea to Greece proper. To do so we must return to an earlier time than that of Darius. In the seventh century before our era Athens had as yet given scanty promise of the greatness to which she was one day to attain. She was still disputing with Megara the lordship of the island of Salamis, and neither Pisistratus nor Solon had arisen. The greatest commercial cities of Greece in that age were Aegina and Corinth, and Chalcis and Eretria in Euboea. Corinth had already begun to dominate the western sea, Chalcis had planted a multitude of Hellenic cities on the Macedonian coast, the people of Aegina were the traffickers and pedlers of all Peloponnese. We shall find, as might indeed have been expected, that all these cities preceded Athens in the use of a coinage. In Greece proper there is no coinage of electrum, for the very sufficient reason that electrum is not found in Greece. Silver, on the other hand, is abundant, especially in certain districts of Epirus and Thrace. Thus the normal and original coinage of all cities of Greece proper is in silver. There are indeed a few pieces of electrum of Asiatic style still extant which are attributed with some hesitation to Thrace, Aegina and Euboea. But such issues if they ever existed soon came to an end, and Greece proper, until the days of Philip of Macedon and the Chalcidian league, possessed no regular coinage in gold or electrum. Pollux, as we have seen, says that many supposed Pheidon, king of Argos, to have been the first to issue coin. Ephorus, as quoted by Strabo 1 , says that he struck silver money in the island of Aegina. Herodotus states that he regulated the weights and measures of the Peloponnese. Coupling these state- ments with the fact that the most abundant and early-looking of the archaic silver coins which have come down to us are the Aeginetan coins bearing the type of a tortoise, writers have usually concluded that it was Pheidon of Argos who introduced into Greece the custom of issuing coin. But the whole history of Pheidon, his policy, his deeds, and even his date, are matters of extreme difficulty and obscurity. The statements of various writers as to his age and character are entirely inconsistent one with another. Prof. Ernst Curtius has made him a comprehensible character with a definite anti-Dorian policy, but it may be 1 viii. p. 358. ORIGIN AND SPREAD OF COINAGE. 7 very much doubted whether this brilliant writer has not gone somewhat beyond the sober facts of history. Several writers have supposed that there was more than one Pheidon. In order to restrict ourselves within narrow limits I will pass by the fascinating discussion as to the political tendencies of Pheidon, and mention only one or two of the most definite statements as to his acts which have reached us. The first of these is the assertion of the trustworthy Pausanias that he presided, with the assistance of the Pisatae, at the eighth Olympian cele- bration. This would make his age, according to the common reckoning, the middle of the eighth century b.c. The next is the assertion of Herodotus 1 that among the suitors of Agariste, daughter of Cleisthenes of Sicyon, was Leocedes of Argos, the son of Pheidon, that Pheidon (adds Herodotus) who regulated the weights and measures of Peloponnesus, and was the most impious of the Greeks, and who, expelling the Eleian Agonothetae, himself celebrated the Olympian festival. Now the date of Cleisthenes can be with reasonable certainty fixed at about b.c. 600 — 570. Therefore if Herodotus may be trusted, and if he cannot we shall drift into unlimited scepticism, the true date of Pheidon was a little earlier than this, say about 620 — 600 b.c. This is evidently quite irreconcilable with the statement of Pausanias. Weissenborn 2 has tried to reconcile the authorities by assuming that it was the 28th and not the 8tli Olympiad which Pheidon celebrated, but this conjecture is purely arbitrary and would have been unworthy of mention had it not been followed by Curtius. I have introduced this brief discussion of the date of Pheidon because it is important if we wish to fix the date of the introduction of coinage into Europe. For it seems most likely that this was the work of Pheidon. And it is im- portant to observe that all the evidence which can be gathered from coins them- selves is in favour of the Herodotean date of Pheidon. We have no reason to believe that even the Lydians minted coin at an earlier date than the beginning of the seventh century, and the invention was not likely to be at once adopted in Europe. Further, as we shall presently see, none of the extant coins of Athens are of an earlier period than the legislation of Solon, about b.c. 596, and it is not likely that the Athenians would be more than 30 or 40 years behind other cities in the adoption of so useful an art as that of coining. For these and for other reasons we must maintain that the ruler who first introduced coins into Europe, and who was probably Pheidon of Argos, cannot have flourished much earlier than the beginning of the sixth century b.c. Contemporary with the issue of coins at Aegina were the issues from the mints of Euboea and Corinth. And all these three places or districts had coin- standards of their own, as to which we must say a few words. The Aeginetan, Euboic and Corinthian standards are the three in use in historical times in 1 vi. 127. 2 A full discussion of the subject in Philologies, Vols. xxvm. xxix. 8 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. Greece, Italy and Sicily. The origin of the Aeginetan standard is doubtful. We learn that it was introduced by Pheidon, who regulated the weights of Pelo- ponnese, but the question whence he obtained it remains in spite of discussions still obscure. Its stater 1 weighed about 196 grains, rather more than two of our shillings, and was divided into two drachms of 98 grains, each of which con- tained six obols of about 16 grains each. The Euboic standard was identical with that in use for gold in Asia, the unit or stater weighing 130 grains, the drachm 65, and the obol 11. The ordinary student of archaeology will scarcely find it profitable to give time and attention to the subject of monetary standards, as it is too perplexed and intricate for any but specialists. I will here avoid speaking of them as much as possible. But nevertheless we should not do justice to the historical part of our subject unless something were said about a few of the chief monetary systems. I must therefore very briefly recount the history in Greece of the Euboic and Aeginetan systems of weight, as a light will probably be thereby thrown on some aspects of Greek history. The Aeginetan system, which we may call the Greek heavy system of weight, spread rapidly over the whole of Peloponnese and Northern Greece ; while the Euboic, which may be termed the light Greek system of weight, was at first confined to Euboea, Samos and other islands. Then there arose at Corinth and at Athens a conflict between the two, the issue whereof is interesting. The result of the conflict at Corinth was the adoption of the Euboic unit, the Corinthian stater being of 130 grains weight in the earlier period. But in order probably to facilitate intercourse with the neighbouring states which held to the Aeginetan standard the people of Corinth divided their stater, not like the Euboeans into two drachms, but into three drachms of 45-40 grains each, which apparently at a later period passed as Aeginetan hemidrachms. Thus the Corinthian coins, while they could pass current as didrachms in countries using the Euboic scale, might pass as a drachm and a half in countries using the Aeginetan. At Athens also, towards the beginning of the sixth century, the Aeginetan standard was in use ; and, curious as it may appear, it is yet more than probable that the Athenians at that time had no coins of their own, but used the Aeginetan money marked with a tortoise, the very money to which they after- wards took such a dislike that they would not even mention the name Aeginetan drachm or obol, but used the phrase heavy drachm or obol 2 . This ' was the state of matters at the time of the legislation of Solon. That great lawgiver, as Plutarch informs us, introduced, among his other reforms, a measure 1 Gr. (TTarfjp, the standard or principal coin of a mintage, as the sovereign in England, the dollar in America. 2 Pollux ix. 76. ORIGIN AND SPREAD OF COINAGE. 9 for the relief of debtors. His plan was this : to issue new drachms considerably lighter than those which had hitherto been in use, and to ordain that debts contracted under the old system of drachms should be discharged by means of the new, the debtors thus making a considerable saving. The relation between the old and the new drachm was, according to Plutarch, as 100 to 73 ; that is to say that 73 of the old drachms were made into 100 new ones, the gain to the debtors being 27 of the new drachms per cent. But this practi- cally amounted to giving up the Aeginetan for the Euboic standard ; the new Solonic standard, which was thenceforth known as the Attic, being very nearly equivalent to the Euboic. The difference between the staters of the Attic and the Euboic standard is indeed about five grains, the Attic didrachm weighing about 135 and the Euboic, as we have seen, about 130 grains. Why Solon did not go a very little further in his reduction and make his new stater exactly equivalent to the Euboic we cannot say. By so doing he would have given still greater relief to the debtors, and at the same time accepted a generally recognized scale of weight. But there can of course be no doubt that he had reasons for doing exactly as he did, though at this distance of time we cannot recover them. One curious effect of his proceeding was this : as he would not come down to the Euboic level, the Euboic standard rose to the level which he fixed. The staters of Euboea, Corinth and other places shew just at the time of Solon, or a little later, a slight but distinctly perceptible rise in weight, in order, probably, to bring them on terms with the money of the now rapidly rising city of Athens. Most of the larger Greek islands followed during the sixth century the lead of Euboea and Aegina in issuing coins. But only a few of the wealthier and more commercially inclined of Greek cities on the mainland began so early as 550. Many wealthy cities, such as Pharsalus and Pherae in Thessaly and Elis in Peloponnese, apparently did not begin to mint until after the Persian wars. Indeed there were whole districts, such as Aetolia and Epirus, which had no coins of their own until the days of Alexander the Great ; and others such as Doris which never had an autonomous coinage at all. In such cases no doubt the issues of more wealthy and enterprising neighbours filled the gap. Meantime the invention had passed on to Italy and Sicily. What course exactly it followed we cannot be sure. We know however that when the people of Phocaea in Ionia sailed to Italy and founded Yelia, they took their coins with them 1 . And more archaic than any with the types of Yelia a.re certain incuse coins of Southern Italy, which were mostly of Achaean colonies. We possess coins of Siris and Sybaris in Magna Graecia, both of which cities were destroyed about 530 — 510 B. c. But that these coins were issued shortly before 1 See below, cli. vii. G. 9 10 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. the destruction of the cities which struck them we have every reason for assuming, and the extreme rarity of those of Siris is an argument against their having been issued over a long period of time. Nor do either Sirine or Sybarite pieces shew any marks of an earlier and a later issue, or of progressive perfection in workmanship and art. It is then reasonable to suppose that the great cities of Magna Graecia did not begin to strike money before the middle of the sixth century. All these cities issued staters weighing about 130 — 120 grains, which seem to follow the Corinthian standard 1 . The earliest coins of Sicily are not, as might have been expected, those of Syracuse. In this matter Syracuse seems to have been less forward than her Chalcidian neighbours, Naxos and Zancle. Already in the sixth century these two cities issued coins in fabric like those of Southern Italy and of the weight of an Aeginetan drachm. But Syracuse soon followed, introducing in her mint the Attic standard, which thenceforth prevails universally in Sicily. Mr Head 2 assigns, though with hesitation, some few coins of Syracuse to the period before B.c. 485. The coinage of Rhegium begins with the rule of Anaxilaiis in the beginning of the fifth century ; that of the neighbouring Messene somewhat earlier, while that city still bore the name of Zancle. On the whole we are not likely to be far wrong in giving the earliest coins of Italy to the middle, and those of Sicily to the end of the sixth century. Etruria followed the lead at no long interval, but it does not appear that the Romans possessed a coinage in copper until the fourth century, and coins in silver did not issue from Roman mints until B.c. 269. But the Greek colonies of the west, though they began their issues of coin later than the mother-country, soon outstripped it in the variety, the beauty and the universality of their coins. And in this as in other matters Asia, which was the first to light the torch of discovery and improvement, carried it with slower steps to the goal than the less richly endowed districts of Europe. On the Southern shores of the Mediterranean the country which earliest adopted the invention of coinage was not the civilized Egypt, nor the com- mercial Carthage, but Gyrene. Very flourishing in early times was the kingdom of the Cyrenaica under the rule of its Battiacl princes. As early probably as the beginning of the sixth century there were issued in this district rude silver coins which followed the Euboic or Attic standard, and in fabric resemble the early pieces of such islands as Ceos and Aegina. The non-Hellenic regions of North Africa were at all events in the matter of coinage far behind Gyrene. Egypt used only the regal money of Persia until the time of the Ptolemies, and Carthage seems only to have learned the art of coinage from the Greeks of Sicily about b.c. 400; borrowing indeed not only the idea of money, but even the types she impressed on it. 1 Mommsen, R. M. p. 106. 2 Coinage of Syracuse. CHAPTER II. International currencies among the Greeks. To trace the history of Greek money from the first to the last days of Greek independence .would be a task of enormous complication and difficulty. The history of the coinage of every city runs on parallel to the political history of that city, sometimes illustrating, sometimes confirming, sometimes deciding between contending accounts, now and then casting a grave doubt on the tale delivered us by historians. The very idea of such a history could only take its rise quite lately, for until lately the dates of coins and even their local attribu- tions had not been determined with sufficient accuracy. In our time it has become a possibility, and the monetary history of a few cities has already been sketched in a tentative manner. Brandis has written a most able and elaborate work on the coinage of Asia Minor during the Persian Empire ; and Mommsen has given us a philosophical treatise on the history of the coinages of Italy both before and after the Roman conquest. A monetary history of Greece proper is yet to come. It is obvious that the merest outline of such a history would occupy too much space for the present occasion, nor could it in fact be written without many most laborious investigations. I will therefore confine myself to a few general observations. All Greek cities of any importance jealously guarded their privilege of issuing silver and copper money. And doubtless they rigorously imposed upon merchants who came to traffic with them the necessity of taking and making payments in the local coin. As even neighbouring cities frequently minted their money on different standards, and not merely so but even on standards which appear to us incommensurable, the time spent in haggling over money and prices must have been considerable. Perhaps the Greeks even enjoyed this haggling with the love of bargaining which marked the race in ancient as in modern times. But the difficulties of exchange would have been endless, but for the class of trapezitae, which existed in all large cities. These men performed some of the simpler functions of the modern banker. The earliest and most essential part of their business, however, was to act as money-changers, to value the miscel- laneous stocks of coins which were continually pouring into the markets and 12 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. to give in exchange either the money of the country or some other coin which was in demand. Having to keep by them for this purpose a considerable stock of gold and silver they came in time to fulfil the functions of capitalists, to lend money on mortgages and bottomry and receive deposits at interest. But the nucleus of their business was always the changing of money. On the tables of the trapezitae on all the shores of the Aegean were to he found some special classes of coins which were in public demand and fulfilled in some degree the functions of a common Hellenic coinage. Probably one of these kinds of specie would form a measure of value in the various cities by which the values of their respective issues could be easily tested and reckoned up. Thus if at Delos a Persian gold Daric passed for 26 Attic drachms and 35 Samian drachms, evidently an Attic drachm would there be equivalent to 1-^- Samian drachms, excluding the question which would no doubt often arise of special agios according to circumstances of supply and demand. I have assumed the Persian Daric as a generally-current standard of value, and so it was in many parts of the Levant and at various periods, more especially in early times. This is evident from the way in which Herodotus speaks of the Daric ; and there was in Greece a saying about it under the title to £6 717?, which shews that it was familiar to the Greeks, more especially to such as were not unopen to a bribe. It was in value nearly equivalent to a sovereign and of very convenient size and shape. The multitude of these pieces in circu- lation may be judged from the statement of Herodotus 1 that a private indi- vidual, Pythius the Lydian, possessed in the reign of Xerxes four millions of them. The silver pieces of the same type as the Darics, but of about the value, the Persian shekels of about 86 grains weight, were likewise issued in enormous numbers in Persia, as the quantity of them still from time to time dug up fairly proves. These regal Persian coins, both in gold and silver, were through the greater part of Asia the main bulk of the currency until the fall of the Persian Empire ; and even in the Greek cities of Asia Minor they were probably in the place of a coinage common to all, to which all the issues of the cities had to be adapted. In Greek proper during the century before the Peloponnesian war the coins in widest circulation were those of Aegina, Athens and Corinth. Of these were commonly composed the hoards of the wealthy, and in these were paid large sums when large sums had to be paid. I have already mentioned the relative values of the staters of these three great commercial cities. Those of Corinth weighed 135, those of Aegina 196, those of Athens 270 grains. In reckoning by Attic drachms of 67 grains, these sets of staters might well pass as 2, 3 and 4 units. This is however entirely matter of conjecture. Our chief vii. 28. INTERNATIONAL CURRENCIES AMONG THE GREEKS. 13 authority, Pollux, gives two quite inconsistent statements as to the relative values of the Attic and Aeginetan drachms. In one place 1 he says that the Aeginetan obol was x^yth of the Corinthian stater or Attic didrachm ; which would make the Aeginetan drachm 1 ^tli Attic drachms; but in another place 2 that the Aeginetan drachm was lfrds of an Attic drachm. It is in fact extremely probable that the relation between Aeginetan and Attic drachms varied from place to place according to circumstances. But the normal relation would naturally, on the tables of neutral money-changers, depend on the weight. The Corinthian staters were largely current in Sicily, where they passed as equivalent to ten litrae of copper, also on the coast of Acarnania, and the shores of the Corinthian gulf. The Aeginetan staters were, until the fall of Aegina, the ordinary currency of Peloponnesus and the Cyclades. The Athenian coin spread ever further and further as the power and commerce of Athens spread. The mines of Laurium furnished an abundant supply of pure silver ; the Athenian mint paid great heed to the purity of coins issued from it, and shrank from any alteration in type or weight which might make them less generally acceptable. Hence they became in the course of the fifth century the money best known on all shores of the Aegean, and in our day frequent finds of Athenian coins in Egypt, Asia Minor, Thrace, and even the far East, shew to how large extent they offered a coinage to barbarians and a common coinage to Hellenes. In fact, in the Aegean Sea, after Aegina had fallen, and the course of Corin- thian commerce had turned persistently towards the West, Athens had but two rivals among Greek cities whose issues of coins in any way approached hers in extent. The first of these was Cyzicus. For reasons, some of which we can trace, though doubtless others can no longer be found, the issue of electrum coins by the Greek cities of the coast of Asia Minor had greatly fallen off. Several of them, notably Phocaea and Mytilene, still issued in the fifth century small pieces of electrum called hectae or sixths, weighing about forty grains ; but the issue of electrum staters of full weight had fallen almost entirely into the hands of the people of Cyzicus. The Cyzicene staters are still abundant and well known to all students of Greek numismatics. On the obverse they bear a great variety of types, supplemented in all cases by the tunny fish, the mark of the Cyzicene mint. Their reverse is a mere incuse-square. Several specimens figure in our plates. But however celebrated in modern days for interest and beauty, Cyzicene staters were in old Greek days still more renowned. In the treasure-lists of Athens, still preserved in the British Museum and elsewhere, they are fre- quently mentioned. We find such mention 3 in the Lygclamis inscription from 1 iv. 174. 2 ix. 76. 3 These passages are collected by Mr Head, Num. Chronicle , 1876, pp. 293 sqq. 14 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. Halicarnassus (about B.c. 445), the accounts of the Superintendents of Public Works at Athens (b.c. 434), and the treasure-lists (b.c. 429, 422, 418, 416, 415, 412 and 406); also in the speeches of Lysias, Demosthenes and other writers. Xenophon 1 tells us that the mercenaries of the younger Cyrus were offered by Timasion a Cyzicene stater a month as pay; and Demosthenes mentions 2 that Cyzicenes were current in his day on the shores of the Black Sea. We have then ample evidence that Cyzicene electrum formed a kind of international currency in the Levant in conjunction with the gold of Persia and the silver of Athens. Also in the earlier part of the fourth century, when the fortunes of Athens were at a low ebb, she suffered something as well in the spread of her currency as in her Bosphoric trade from the rise of Rhodes. Not that the coins of Rhodes were ever, until long after Alexander’s days, so plentiful and so univer- sally accepted as those of Athens. Nevertheless they had wide circulation and influence. And the best proof is this : the Rhodians introduced into the monetary world about B.c. 400 a new standard for coins, called after them the Rhodian, the stater or tetrad rachrn of which weighed about 240 grains, and it is an interesting and important fact that this standard was adopted in a short time, not only in places near them in Asia, such as Caria and Samos, but even in comparatively distant regions, such as Aenus and Byzantium. This shews that the Rhodian drachm had wide currency before the middle of the fourth century, though the great time of Rhodes was yet to come. However Macedon, the source of the Hellenization of the ancient world, was also the cause of the adoption of comparatively uniform systems of coinage among Greeks, and of the spread of Greek monetary systems over the world. Philip began the work. The gold with which he is said to have won more cities than he conquered by his arms was issued from the active Macedonian mints in the form of didrachms of Attic weight, which soon became in the West of the Mediterranean all that the Persian Darics were in the East, which passed as a universal currency in Greece and Italy and were imitated by rude Celtic tribes in Pannonia, Gaul and Britain. This process of imitation went on for centuries after Philip’s death. But on the shores of the Aegean and in Asia the gold staters of Philip were soon succeeded and displaced by those of Alexander. Enormous as had been the quantity of gold obtained by Philip from his Thracian mines, amounting it is said to some £2,000,000 a year, the treasures won by Alexander in the great cities of Persia were of immeasurably greater amount. The hoards which the Persian kings had laboriously accumulated Alexander put into circulation, and his generals on his death squandered them profusely ; so that the mountain 1 Anab. v. G. 23. 2 c. Phorm. 34, 23. INTERNATIONAL CURRENCIES AMONG THE GREEKS. 15 of gold and silver — Alexander is said to have stored the precious metals at Ecbatana to the extent of £40,000,000 — spread over all lands held by the Greeks. The mints which the Greeks set up in Asia might probably be numbered by thousands, and enough gold and silver flowed into Europe to set in motion the mints of all towns in Macedon and Hellas. And almost all these issued, either in conjunction with their own coins or in the place of them, money bearing the name and the types of the great conqueror. Thus a world-wide coinage arose, of which the Greeks of Bactria, of Egypt and of the Peloponnese alike made use ; in fact it is still a matter of the greatest difficulty to discern the differences between coins of Alexander issued respectively in dis- tricts thousands of miles apart from one another. It has been said, and as I think with justice, that had we no knowledge of Alexander’s achievements except from coins, we should yet have sufficient evidence to prove him the greatest civilizer who ever lived. And it is not only the universality and the universal uniformity of his coin which comes in evidence, but also his masterly treatment of issues of gold and silver in relation to one another. Hitherto in almost all countries gold and silver had been minted on different standards with a view to making one gold piece pass for a round number of silver pieces. Gold bore to silver in value, it will be remembered, in early times the relation 13 to 1. Thus, while the Persian Daric weighed 130 grains, the Persian siglos or silver shekel weighed about 8G, in order that it might be worth of a Daric. And in the coinage of Philip, while the gold stater weighed nearly 135 grains, the weight of the silver stater was fixed at somewhat below 230 grains in order that 15 of these latter should pass for two gold staters. Now Alexander broke away from this rule, and struck all his money both in gold and silver on the Attic standard only. What may have been his exact motives it is not possible to say with certainty. It may be that the old relation in value between the two metals of 13 to 1 had begun to fluctuate : in fact we know that silver about the time of Alexander became more valuable in proportion to gold. Or it may be that the wide circulation and universal acceptance which had been attained by the silver coins of Athens, both in Asia and Europe, in- duced Alexander to issue his silver staters of the same weight as those of Athens. But whatever his motives may have been, there can be little doubt of the happy results of his arrangements. Henceforth there was in all the Greek world a normal or standard weight for the precious metals, recognized even in those cities which preserved in minting their former standards. And henceforth fluctuations in the relative value of gold and silver introduced no disorder or inconvenience into trade ; when the relation stood at 12 to 1 , twelve silver drachms passed for one of gold, when the relation was at 10 to 1, ten passed in the place of twelve. No doubt it was asserted or implied in contracts whether payments under them 16 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. were to be made in gold or in silver ; and tbis being once understood no difficulty as to exchanges would arise. All the successors of Alexander, excepting only the Ptolemaic Kings of Egypt, adhered to the same Attic standard alike for their gold and their silver. Thus in Macedon, in Syria and in Bactria, this weight remained the usual and im- portant one. No doubt in spite of this many cities retained their accustomed weight. Miletus adhered still to the Persian, Tyre and Sidon to the Phoenician, Corinth to the Corinthian standard. These however were local. The only non- regal coinage of the Macedonian age which requires notice in this brief summary is that of Rhodes. The Rhodian drachm was at first only by a few grains lighter than the Attic, but it fell in weight somewhat rapidly, and about the year b. c. 250 scarcely weighed more than 50 grains. It is probably this drachm which was the unit of the celebrated coinage of so-called Cistophori, coins issued in large quantities in the cities of Asia Minor under the Pergamene Kings and the Roman Republic. And the Rhodian and Cistophoric drachm is noteworthy as being at one time the basis of the coinage of almost all the world. For during the second century b. c., when it was almost universally current in Asia, the Roman Victoriatus and the Illyrian drachm, which also weighed about 50 grains, were the units of calculation in Italy and the west ; a practically uniform coinage being thus set up in all the basin of the Mediterranean. CHAPTER III. Die-Cutting and Coin-Stamping. The materials used by tbe Greeks for coins were those which have been favourites in all ages. The coins represented in the plates are in four metals only, (1) gold, (2) electrum, a mixture in various proportions of gold and silver, (3) silver, (4) bronze, a mixture of copper and tin. The use of any other material among the Greeks was very rare. In the island of Lesbos coins of a mixed metal, billon, were issued as early as the fifth century, and nickel seems to have been used for currency in north India by the successors of Alexander. The writers also speak of iron money as in use at Lacedaemon and Byzantium ; but of this no specimen has come down to us. Although the ancients did not use the mineral acids which are now employed in refining gold and silver, there is no doubt that they well understood from a practical point of view how to purify as well as how to alloy the precious metals. Agath arch ides 1 gives us a detailed account of the refinement of gold in Egypt ; an operation which was carried out by placing the gold in an earthen pot, together with lead, tin, salt and barley-bran, and keeping it in a state of great heat for five days: and M. Mongez 2 declares that this process is effectual. The point in which the ancients were least successful was in the separation of gold from silver ; these two metals being always found together, and not easily separable. All gold, says Pliny 3 , contains silver, the purest known, that of the Metallum Albicratense in Gaul, only one thirty-sixth : wherever the fifth part is silver the compound is called electrum. But from baser alloy the precious metals were readily separated. The touch-stone was a ready test for gold ; silver could very easily be tried by cutting off a fragment and melting it. And even apart from these means, Greeks and Persians, like the Chinese of our days, would readily judge of the fineness of coin or bar by touch, sound and smell 4 . That the Greeks used but little alloy with their coins, at all events in the earlier periods, has been proved by frequent experiment, and is indeed well known. 1 In Photius, Bibliotheca. 2 In an important paper in the Mem. da V Acad, des Inscr. Yol. ix. whence many of the facts following are cited. 3 II. jV. xxxiii. 23. 4 Epictetus i. 20. G. 3 18 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. The coining implements of the Greeks were very simple. Of course machinery such as that now used was entirely unknown ; anvil, hammer, and tongs, which are represented on the reverse of a denarius of the Carisia gens, which bears on the obverse a head of Moneta, were the implements used. First of all a die was cut, by w r hat process will presently be stated, in intaglio, in bronze, brass or soft iron. This die was then let into a prepared hole in an anvil, so that its surface was a little below that of the anvil ; on it was laid a blank shaped by casting into the size and form of the required coin, and heated to redness. At this stage the tongs would obviously be required to place the heated blank. On it was placed a bar of metal into which another die w r as inserted ; and on the top of this bar one or more violent blows were struck with a hammer. The bar containing the upper die was then taken away, and the now stamped coin removed with the tongs and a fresh blank substituted in its place. To some extent these statements are matter of conjecture, for no Greek dies, so far as I know, have come down to our times. A few Roman dies exist, and a few dies of Gaulish coins, which are all of bronze or wrought iron, and all remarkable by the absence of a collar, and the simple fashion in which the dies work one against another. Such in general outline was the coining process of the Greeks ; and of the Romans, until about the time of Constantine steel dies and new processes came in. We can however trace on the coins which have come down to us, successive improvements in the process. The most primitive in fabric of all Greek coins in the British Museum is an ovoid pellet of electrum, on one side merely roughened or striated, and on the other bearing three punch-marks, one oblong between tw T o square, as in pi. iv. 8. It seems to me that this coin could only be pro- duced in one way. The pellet of metal, after being cast, must have been placed red-hot on a surface of rough or corrugated bronze or iron, and an instrument placed on it in shape like a huge nail, but with an end formed like the impression on the coin. A single blow with a heavy hammer on the top of this instrument would drive it far into the yielding electrum ; and it would pin down the blank so firmly that if three or four blows were required, it could not move during the process. From this primitive beginning, jn’ogress could be made in either or both of two directions. Either a device in intaglio could be let into the anvil at the point where the blanks were laid, or else a device also in intaglio could be cut in the nail-like punch. From the use of the first process the coin would get an obverse-type, from the use of the second device a reverse-type ; the latter within an incuse-square. As the ancients used no collar to hold a coin while being struck the incuse-square was a very convenient result of the process, the metal outside the square overlapping round the punch, and holding the blank in position ; cf. pi. iv. 4, 34. Hence it appears that the obverse die of a coin was the lower DIE-CUTTING AND COIN-STAMPING. 19 in striking, and the reverse type the upper. It also seems that archaic coins were punched rather than struck ; and as the punch was especially the instrument of the state which stamped the money as its own it is not strange that the city- name should usually appear on the reverse, not the obverse of coins. In Asia some form of incuse-square was usual until after b. c. 400, and in some places, as at Rhodes and Cos, was continued almost to Roman times. In Hellas, incuse-squares and circles alternating, pi. in. 42, 44, &c., shew that square- tipped and round-tipped punches were used indiscriminately in the fifth century. But in Italy and Sicily from the first the incuse-square was not in favour, being probably considered a crude and barbarous expedient. The cities of Magna Graecia in the sixth century substituted another plan. They cut their lower die in intaglio and their upper die in relief, at the same time casting their blanks very thin, and in this way obtained a mastery and grasp which enabled them to strike very neatly and strongly. Usually both dies have the same device so as quite to fit into one another, see pi. I. 1 ; and this was evidently the best plan ; but sometimes the reverse and obverse types were different ; thus on the obverse of pi. i. 12 is a tripod. Another device for holding a blank between the blows of the hammer was the introduction of a strongly marked border, either plain, as in pi. i. 9, dotted as in pi. i. G, or formed into a pattern as in pi. i. 4. With increasing skill in manipulation these devices became outworn, and the blank was merely placed between two nearly flat dies, nearly not quite flat (for the reverse of a Greek coin is nearly always concave), a fact for which the reason is obvious, otherwise the metal could hardly have been forced into the obverse die with sufficient energy. It now became necessary either to finish a coin at one blow of the hammer, or else so to strike successive blows that the blank should not move between. This could not have been easy, and it is the less surprising that an immense number of Greek coins are what is called double-struck ; that is, have shifted during the hammering process. M. Mongez says that the blanks were sometimes withdrawn between the blows to be re-heated ; this how- ever appears to me most unlikely, as the workman could never have restored them to quite the same place from which he took them. The woodcut represents one of the few ancient dies still existing 1 . It is of a coin of the younger Faustina, not Greek, but Roman, and probably more complete and convenient from the practical point of view than Greek dies. Yet to a modern eye it will seem sufficiently primitive and but poorly adapted to an extensive and rapid issue of coin. The right hand figure represents the two parts of the die, upper and lower, with the types cut in intaglio ; the left- hand figure the two parts fitted together ready to receive the blow of the hammer on the top. The lower die would probably be imbedded in a ground 1 Taken from the paper of Dr Friedlander Zeitschr. f. Nuviism., vol. v. p. 121. 3—2 20 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. of metal or wood, to enable it to resist the blow. Every blank would require special placing and removal. As the dies were made of soft metal they very rapidly wore out, wore down and broke. Hence the enormous variety in detail of ancient coins. Seldom do we find two coins from one die, and continually we remark in the field of coins signs of fracture or decay in the dies. And the artists who were constantly at work making coin-dies thus learned to be rapid and careless in their work, but at the same time had immense practice. Among us a new die is designed at rare intervals ; in Greece they were being continually cut at every mint. M. Mongez has gone carefully into the question with what tools these dies were cut, and gives it as the opinion of a practical engraver that all ancient dies down to the fifth century a.d. were cut by means of the wheel, in the same manner as gems, and not with the graving tool, which was introduced in late Homan times, and is now exclusively employed. It appears that cutting by the whee] is the more rapid process by far. A pair of dies, says M. Mongez, which would take more than a month to engrave with a graver, could with the aid of the wheel be produced in six days h But the ancients, working in rougher and more hasty fashion, and with more practised hands, were far more Mongez, l.c. p. 208. DIE-CUTTING AND COIN-STAMPING. 21 expeditious. The usurper Marius, for instance, who reigned only three days, has left us a quantity of coins in more than one metal, and from a great variety of dies, and similar instances abound. If we attentively consider any set of ancient coins we shall find abundant proof of the truth of the above statements. The round dots in which letters of inscriptions often terminate are a sure mark of the use of a wheel by the engravers. This may be noticed on coins of several periods, such as pi. hi. 53, v. 27, xi. 45. That coins were struck when hot is shewn by the reticulation of surface, which is especially notable in Macedonian coins ; that they were cast in moulds before being struck is evident from the projections on their sides, specially notable in Sicilian pieces, such 'as pi. vi. 10, 29 h Not only are coins double-struck, from the difficulty of holding them in one place during the minting operation, but they are in many other ways irregular. Sometimes the type is quite at the edge of the coin, sometimes it is confused and not fairly struck up, sometimes, as in pi. vi. 19, there is a blemish in the soft metal of the die. Sometimes by a too heavy blow of the hammer the edges of the coin were broken, as in pi. v. 29, 43. Altogether, there must have co-existed in the production of a perfect coin a number of favourable chances ; and it can scarcely be wondered that of the coins which reach us, not one in ten is without blemish of some kind. But at the same time this very variety and chance of coins makes them more interesting and edves them something of animation. Of the artists who cut dies we know very little. Some of the distinguished Syracusan engravers worked, we know, for some of the Italian mints. But out of Sicily signed coin-dies are rare, and we have no means of judging who in Hellas and Asia made tl*e coin-dies. I have been informed that in the opinion of some of the first painters and sculptors of Germany some of the finer pieces of Greek money are worthy of the hand of really great sculptors : but history does not record an instance in which a sculptor controlled the mint of a Greek city, as Francia in more modern times did that of Bologna. 1 Indian coins were in very early times cut as blanks out of a plate, whence their square form, cf. pi. xiv. 24, 25. Some of the copper pieces of the Seleucidae and Ptolemies seem also to have been cut out of plates and not cast ; but these are but exceptions which illustrate the rule. CHAPTER IV. Coin-Inscriptions. The special subject of the present work is the types of Greek coins. Other branches of the study of numismatics, although of value and interest, are less fitted for the purposes of students of Greek archaeology, partly because they require much special study, and partly because they would involve constant reference to the coins themselves. But the types of coins can by means of photographic fac-similes be simultaneously brought before the eyes of a class of students ; and it is possible within a limited time to learn so much about them as will be of service in the study of Greek art and antiquities. Nevertheless, for the present, we shall deal with coins as a whole ; and not with their types only. This is necessary, because it is important to gain some idea of the place held by coins in Greek life and history, before we proceed to look at them under a narrower and more special aspect. Under the present head I propose to say a few words as to the inscrip- tions of Greek coins. It is well known to all numismatists, but should perhaps be here stated for the instruction of beginners, that the ordinary inscription placed upon coins by the independent cities or states which issued them was the name of the people of the city in the genitive plural. Thus the coins of Syracuse bear the legend 2 vpaKocricov , those of Thebes, ©^/kuW , those of Ephesus, ’E^eoaW, and so forth. These legends seldom indeed occur on the earliest coins ; these are without inscription in all but a few cases, and the place of mintage is indicated only by the type. And in the sixth and fifth centuries the ethnic is seldom written at length ; the first two or three letters only are used, a custom retained in more conservative coinao-es even to Roman times. Thus the O coins of Athens bear, as a rule, only the letters AOE, those of Elis the letters FA, and the money of Corinth the single letter ?. I have said that the ordi- nary inscription is the genitive plural of the ethnic, but though this is the rule, it is a rule which admits many exceptions. Thus we not unfrequently meet the name of a city in the nominative singular as AKPAfAI and TAPAI on the coins of Agrigentum and Tarentum respectively, unless indeed TAPAI be taken as the name of the hero Taras, mythical founder of Tarentum, whose COm -INSCRIPTIONS. 2.3 figure appears on the coin. We meet also the genitive of the city -name as AKPArANTOS, ph II. 41, and IAKYNOOY, pi. vin. 33; or the nominative singular of the ethnic as PHHNOZ on a coin of Rhegium, pi. i. 18, and KAYAQNIATAI, pi. i. 13. Occasionally the feminine form occurs, as AAPIIAIA at Larissa, pi. ill. 33, in which case it is doubtful what noun should be understood. Sometimes, in place of the usual genitive plural, we find a local adjective ending in -IKON. Thus the coins of Panormus are sometimes inscribed ITANOP- MITIKON, those of Arcadia, APKAAIKON, pi. in. 15, those of Nagidus, NAriAIKON, pi. xiii. 2, and so forth. Beside the name of the city, coins frequently bear that of a monetary magistrate. Already in the fifth century b.C. these func- tionaries began to place not merely their signets on coins, in accordance with a principle of which I shall hereafter speak, but also their names, either in full or represented by a few letters. About the time of Alexander the Great this custom gained ground rapidly, more especially in Asia Minor, the coinages of many cities, such as Ephesus and Samos, bearing henceforth customarily the name of a magistrate, written at length. And in fact in certain cities, such as Abdera, this had been the custom as early as the middle of the fifth century, see pi. hi. 29, 30, 31. At a still later period, in the third and second centuries before our era, when commerce was extensive, and coins were looked on merely as a piece of machinery for facilitating it, we find a still greater refinement. Coins of series of extensive use in commerce, such as those of Athens and Dyrrhachium, bear the names of more than one magistrate ; and in this way the date of the piece was fixed at the same time that an indication was given who was to blame if it had not due weight and fineness. . © In the case of coins issued, not by cities but by kings, the names of these latter naturally appear. In that case the name of the city where the minting took place was either not indicated at all, or merely indicated by a monogram or a device at the time understood but not easily to be interpreted by us. And this fact furnishes us with a clue to determine whether a name unknown to history and written at full length on a coin is that of a ruler or tyrant, or on the other hand, of a mere monetary magistrate. If the name of the city on the coin be written at hill length or in its customary abbre- viation, it is probable that the personal name is only that of a magistrate ; if there is no name of city, or only a brief and unusual abridgment of its name, it is probable that the personal name is that of a despot. The names of regular kings are in earlier times not preceded by the word BA1IAEQI. Alexander I. of Macedon, and his successors down to the time of Alexander the Great, merely place their name in the genitive on their coin. Alexander the Epirote distinguishes himself from Lis more celebrated Macedonian contem- porary by adding to his name TOY NEOFITOAEMOY, ‘Son of Neoptolemus.’ 24 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. One set of coins before the downfall of Persia bears the title BAIIAEQI; and those are the remarkable pieces, pi. x. 14, and others, struck under the direct authority of the Great King of Persia. But after Alexander had led the way, first his successful generals assumed the style of kings, and afterwards almost any ephemeral usurper ; and finally the whole field of regal coins is taken up by a string of unmeaning titles, such as ‘ the God, the illustrious bringer of victory’ on the coin of Antiochus IV. of Syria, pi. xiv. 14. Besides the names of cities, of kings, tyrants, and magistrates, Greek coins of autonomous times bear only four important classes of legends. The first is the names of artists. The types of coins are sometimes signed in minute characters by engravers ; but such signatures are peculiar to the period of finest art, and almost peculiar to Sicilian coins. There are numerous instances on our sixth plate, which will be mentioned in their place. It is sometimes doubtful whether the name on a coin be that of an artist or a magistrate ; but artists’ names are usually distinguishable through the smallness of the characters in which they are written ; often also, through being placed actually on the type, and so being inseparable from it. The second class is marks of value, such as the words Spay/x^', d/3o\d?, and the beginnings of compounds such as cliobol and trihemiobol, which are now and then found on coins of good time, though more frequently, as we shall hereafter see, the denomination of a coin is indicated by a slight variation in the type. The third class, which although not peculiar to early coins is on them very common, consists of explanatory inscriptions. Over or beside a head or figure of deity, or hero, is written his name. As instances we may cite from early coins the name KPAOIZ, from a coin of Pandosia, pi. i. 17 ; HYYAZ from one of Selinus, pi. n. 16; IQTHP, as epithet of Zeus, on a coin of Galaria, pi. ii. 1 ; OIKIITAZ, as title of Heracles, on a coin of Croton, pi. v. 2. So the word A0AA is written beside the armour, the prize of victory in the chariot-race, which occupies the exergue of Syracusan decadrachms, pi. vi. 25. At a later time we find on a coin of Locri, pi. xi. 34, the names PQMA and TTIITIZ, placed to designate Boma and Fides as members of a group. With these merely explanatory legends we must be careful not to confuse others of a different character and later date. These partake rather of the character of dedication. For instance, when we find, on late coins of Syracuse, the word KOPAZ on a coin which bears the head of Persephone, pi. xi. 21, and AI01 EAAANIOY on one which bears the head of Zeus, pi. xi. 25, we at once suspect something of dedicatory meaning. And the suspicion is much confirmed when we find the full legend AOHNAZ IAIAAOI on late coins of Ilium, pi. xiii. 16, which appear to be specially devoted to the honour of Athene, and may have issued from her temple ; and the two legends QEQN and AAEAFQN on the two sides of COIN-INSCRIPTIONS. 25 tlie well-known coins of Ptolemy II., pi. xiv. 30, words of which the first might be rendered ‘ in memory of departed majesty/ and the second ‘ to record fraternal affection.’ The last class of inscriptions consists of words or phrases introduced for a special purpose ; a class not large, but of importance to the epigraphist. A few specimens may be cited from the plates. On pi. iv. 8, 4>ANOI EMI SHMA, ‘ T am the mark or symbol of Plianes,’ Phanes being perhaps a tyrant of Halicar- nassus in Caria ; and his type which thus speaks in the first person being a stag. On pi. xvi. 4, we have the legend IYMMAXIKON, which is abbreviated on xvi. G, to 1YN, shewing that the coins thus inscribed belonged to an alliance. So the word IEPH, agreeing with the implied word Spay/. 07, on xvi. 5, states the class of the inscribed coin, a sacred piece issued from a temple. There are several other inscriptions of this kind on autonomous Greek coins. On the copper coins issued by Greek cities during Roman times, there are a multitude of interesting inscriptions. As however our object at present is not to give any account of the epigraphy of Greek coins, but merely to shew the more ordinary forms of numismatic legends, especially such as occur on our plates, we must here stop short, and be content with the few words already written. CHAPTER V. Rights of Coinage. The right to strike coin has been in all ages of the world a mark of complete political independence in matters monetary and commercial. But the three metals, gold, silver, and copper, of which the bulk of the world’s coinage has always consisted, have been placed by custom and tradition in very different categories in this respect. As I have already stated, the only authority in the Persian Empire who had the right to issue gold coin was the Great King him- self. He tolerated an issue of electrum by Cyzicus and Lampsacus, and allowed many Greek cities to mint their own silver coin, and even granted the same privilege to some of his own Satraps, but in the case of gold, made few or no exceptions. It is worth remarking, although the matter be not strictly within our province, that the custom of jealously guarding the monopoly of issuing gold coin descended to the Romans, during the time of whose supremacy no ruler or people within the confines of the Roman world dared to issue gold money except on rare occasions and by special permission. The right to issue silver was accorded by the Romans to a few cities and districts of the East, such as Antioch, Caesarea in Cappadocia, and Crete, while on the other hand the issue of copper money was granted to many hundreds of towns in Asia and Europe. Among the Greek cities of Hellas and Italy, as there was no overlord to exact tribute, so there was no dominant currency like that of the Darics in Persia. The condition of the Hellenic world, when it was a congeries of tiny republics each supreme over the few square miles possessed by its citizens, is exactly reflected in the enormous abundance and variety of coin-issues, each of which bespeaks a civic independence, peculiar religious cults, complete political organization. Lapse of time has doubtless deprived us of the coins of hundreds of independent cities, yet enough remains to shew us to what extent sub- division of independence was carried in Greece. We have money of more than fifty Greek cities of Sicily ; the little island of Ceos, not ten miles across, had three active mints. At least fifteen cities of the remote district of Acarnania have left us coinages, some of them of great extent and variety. The number RIGHTS OF COINAGE. 27 of towns of which coins are mentioned in the work of Mionnet is nearly 1500; and since the publication of that work we have scores of new cities to add to the list. Little hill-fortresses, the inhabitants of which must have been numbered not by thousands but by hundreds, had their own types and their own mint, jealously guarding their right of coinage with the aid of two of the strongest sentiments of the Hellenic race, the love of autonomy and commercial jealousy. Complete autonomy in their issues of coin was thus the rule among Hellenic cities. But it was a rule admitting of many exceptions, a survey of which may increase our knowledge of Greek political organization. M. Lenormant, in his able and brilliant History of Money in Antiquity , says 1 , ‘ Every city had its coin which it struck and regulated at will, acting in the £ matter with complete independence, in the isolation of its own sovereignty and ‘ without caring what course was taken by its nearest neighbours.’ ‘ Hence an £ almost unlimited number of standards and monetary denominations.’ There is however here a considerable exaggeration. The Greeks have always had a keen and sound commercial instinct, and it can scarcely be doubted that whatever their motives may have been in choosing their types, they would certainly in choosing their monetary standard take into consideration motives of commercial convenience, and issue coin of such a weight as to pass easily among their neighbours and allies. If we pass under a close scrutiny the classes of coins current in various districts at a given period, we shall generally find that they were calculated to exchange against one another in not unreasonable proportions. This however is a matter of pure numismatics, and one of far too great per- plexity to be here more than touched on. The main coinage of Greece consisting of the issues of independent cities, there passed current along with these other classes of money. Among these an important place must be given to coins belonging to the temples of various deities. It is generally allowed that the temples of Greece were some of the earliest rninting-places. In most cases however during the two centuries succeed- ing the invention of coins the temple-mints were superseded by mints belonging to the state, and managed by magistrates specially selected for the purpose. Only in a few instances did the temples continue an independent issue. It is indeed not easy to separate the issues of temples from those of the cities to which they belong. But in a few cases we can clearly trace the connexion between a set of coins and a temple, where they must certainly have been minted. Thus there are drachms or hemidrachms of Milesian type, but distin- guished from the coins of Miletus by bearing the inscription iy AiSapwi' iepy, pi. xvi. 5, which proclaims them the special mintage of the temple of the 1 ii. p. 54. 4 — 2 28 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. Branchidae at Didyma. It is indeed doubtful what word must be supplied after leprj, whether Spdypy or some other word, but in any case the general meaning of the inscription can scarcely be doubted. So too the appearance in the sixth century in Arcadia of an abundant issue of coins bearing a figure of Zeus Aphesius and a head of Artemis or Despoena, together with the legend ’Ap/caSi/coV, pi. hi. 43, 50, seems to drive us to the theory that this money was issued from a great temple. For as the Arcadians had not until the time of Epaminondas any political union, the generic term ’Ap/caSi/coV cannot refer to such. But if political unity of the Arcadian race be not implied in the term, religious unity must be. So it has been concluded, and with great probability, that we have here a temple-coinage, issued by the priestly tribe of the city of Lycosura, and closely connected with the great temple of Zeus on the Lycaean mount, which was the common sanctuary of the whole Arcadian race, and in fact the chief bond of its union. A third instance of temple-coinage may be found in the rare piece issued by and bearing the name of the Amphictiones, pi. vn. 47, 44. This board, as is well known, had little political influence, but considerable religious importance, and close connexion with the two sanctuaries of Demeter at Thermopylae and Apollo at Delphi. At one or other of these temples the Amphictionic coins must probably have been struck either on the occasion of a festival, or in commemoration of some event which the Amphictiones supposed to be propitious to their cause, such as the defeat of the Phocians by Philip of Macedon. As a temple-coin must also be considered the early stater which bears the figure of Zeus thundering, and the legend 'OXvp-mKov, which clearly was minted in the precincts of Olympia, and therefore, as there was no town there but only the temenos and the offices of Zeus, necessarily belongs to Zeus and to his festival. Besides the coins which bear the name of the city which issued them, and those which appear to have emanated from temples, there are others which bear tire names of Kings or Tyrants. It is however a very noteworthy fact that these are in almost all cases subsequent to the reign of Alexander. The King of Persia allowed some of his Satraps, and some of his dependent Kings in Cyprus and elsewhere to issue silver money in their own name, and in the same way lie sometimes accorded this permission to the Tyrant of a Greek city within Bis dominions. Two instances will be sufficient. The great Themistocles, being constituted by the King of Persia after his flight from Greece Dynast of Magnesia in Ionia, struck there money in his own name, the letters MA being- added to indicate the place of mintage. And some half-century later Tymnes, tyrant of Termera in Caria, issued money bearing alike his own name Tvpvov and that of his city T eppepua\fj Kpavos, \o yxV v A rat? y epcrl koX to^ov. He adds that only the head, arms and feet of the statue were finished, the rest of it being like a brazen pillar, and that it was much older than the throne made for it by Bathycles of Magnesia. Amyclae, it should be observed, was an Achaean city and older than the Dorian Sparta. It would scarcely be possible to describe the figure on our coin more accurately than in the very words of Pausanias, so that it may be considered certain that it is a copy of the Amyclaean Apollo, although, apart from the • express testimony of Pausanias, we might rather have judged it to represent Athene, perhaps the Spartan Athene Chalcioecus, whose statue by Gitiadas however would certainly, considering the date of that master, not be so rude as this. Coins offer us several figures of Pallas of a scarcely more advanced cha- racter than this. The Palladium, for instance, which Diomed bears on coins of Argos (vm. 35), is rigid and stiff in the extreme, and the lance in the raised vm. 35 . hand of the goddess reminds us at once of the Amyclaean figure. So too the figures of Athene Itonia on late coins of Thessaly (xii. 35), on those of Seleu- xii. 35 . cus (xy. 17), and of Alexander Aegus shew us in the stiffness of their drapery xv. 17 . and the rigidity of their posture that they are reproductions of early originals. It has been noticed that the figure of Pallas which holds the middle place in the Aeginetan pediments is more archaic than the forms of the contending heroes ; but the type on our coins is yet more primitive. Of Artemis we find a very peculiar, and no doubt early, statue figured on coins of Lencas (xv. xv. 11 . 14). Here again the draped figure is almost columnar in its stiffness; one hand holds an aplustre, the other rests on the head of a stag ; while behind is a long sceptre surmounted by a dove. Dove and aplustre alike would beseem Astarte far better than Artemis, and we are inclined to see in this figure, if not a Sidonian original, at least a statue executed in early times under Sidonian influence. We can produce two instances in which valuable copies of celebrated works of sculpture of the archaic period are preserved to us on coins. On a late coin of Athens (xv. 29) we find a figure of Apollo, stiff and rigid, with an archaic xv. 29 . arrangement of hair, holding in one hand his bow, and in the other three small figures. We can scarcely be mistaken in seeing here a representation of the Apollo of Delos, executed by Tectaeus and Angelion, and mentioned by Pau- sanias 2 as holding in one hand a bow, in the other the three Charites or Graces. G, 82 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. Of this statue I think the only copies preserved are on coins and a gem. In the case of another celebrated statue of Apollo, that executed by Canachus, and set up at Didyma near Miletus, we have small copies in bronze, one in the British Museum. But that they were copies of it we should not have certainly 16 . known but for the testimony of the coins of Miletus (xv. 15, 16), which repre- sent with frequency an archaic figure of Apollo, who stands erect, but with the left foot slightly advanced, and holds out in the right hand a stag, while in his left, which hangs by his side, is a bow. This figure we can unhesitatingly identify with the statue at Didyma, and it is from the close resemblance borne to it by the bronze statuettes that we are able to identify them as copies of Canachus’ statue. It would be easy to add to these instances of the reproduc- tion on coins of works of archaic Greek sculpture, but enough has been done to shew the character and value of their evidence in this field, and we have reached the limit set by the plate in the production of examples. A few more instances, occurring in plate xm., are discussed in our final chapter. Earliest Types. Turning now from copies executed at a late period to the coins which were contemporary with works of early Greek sculpture, we find a wide field before us. Our archaic coins, that is, coins issued before the period of the Persian invasion, occupy the upper divisions of plates i. — iv. In plate i. are the earlier coins of Italy, in plate n. those of Sicily, in plate ill. those of Hellas, Crete, the Islands and Cyrene, in plate iv. those of Asia Minor. This order is in some respects unfortunate, as it throws the most ancient of our pieces onto the 3rd and 4th plates. No coins of Italy and Sicily date from an earlier time than about the middle of the sixth century, while many of those of Asia and some of those of Hellas and the islands may belong to the seventh century. And indeed the student will remark at once on looking at the plates that many of the coins on the second pair of plates are far ruder and more primitive, both in execution and in design, than any on the first pair. In spite of this disadvantage we have retained our arrangement for reasons of geographical convenience, it being an established rule among numismatists to proceed along the basin of the Mediterranean from west to east. Moreover, in all periods the art of the West takes the lead and advances faster than that of the East, so that it seems to have a right to the first place. ARCHAIC PERIOD, EARLY EARLIEST TYPES. 83 It would have been easy to form an early archaic and a middle archaic period of coins, the former extending from the invention of coinage in the seventh century to about B.c. 550, and the latter from the date just mentioned to the Persian invasion of b.c. 479. It may be well to point out, if this plan had been adopted, which of the specimens on plates in. and iv. would be included in the earlier class. We must remember that in the early part of the sixth century Greek sculpture was in its infancy, only here and there a statue of early Hellenic type standing in the temples amid rude conical stones and mis- shapen Oriental images. Smaller works of true sculpture can scarcely have existed. But on the other hand the decorative arts, closely retaining their ori- ental character, were at a high point of excellence. The characteristic works of • the time were such objects as the chest of Cypselus, the throne of the Amy- claean Apollo, and the vases painted with rows or tiers of men and animals which are to be found in all great Museums. Beside these circulated works of unmixed Phoenician or Egyptian fabric, such as the bronze and silver bowls which have been found in so many lands, Assyria, Cyprus, Italy, &c., the tripods adorned with the forms of animals and monsters, which reach us from Etruria, and the rude terra-cotta idols which are found so abundantly in Cyprus. Hence we should anticipate, what is the actual case, that the coins of the time would resemble early vases rather than early sculpture, would represent animals rather than deities or heroes, and would bear the impress of oriental rather than of Hellenic art. Among the earliest representations on coins of Asiatic Greece are, the figure of a seal which occurs at Phocaea (iv. 7), the figure of a stag, which is found iv. 7. on the earliest inscribed coin 1 (iv. 8) which is supposed to have been issued at iv. s. Halicarnassus, and a chimaera (iv. 9). In the case of the two last I have also iv. 9. represented the reverse of the coins, a rude punch-mark, which is the best pledge of real antiquity. To the same age belong the extremely rough lions’ heads . 15, 16, 17), the forepart of a stag (iv. 18), and the monstrous posed of lion’s and calf’s heads joined (iv. 13). All these figures are entirely devoid of the distinctively Hellenic element, IV - 13 - several of them are monstrous, and all the monstrous forms in Greek art come from Eastern sources. Some of them are the work of Lydian artists, though we cannot positively say which, for between Lydian and Greek work there is at this period no distinction. They are crude and without distinctive style, and remind us of nothing so much as the paintings on the very early Greek vases of the style called geometrical, such as are brought from Thera and Cyprus and Athens. They are scarcely superior to the wretched productions of Esquimaux, Mexicans, and other barbarous races, or even of the primeval savages who were 1 Num. Chron. 1878, p. 262. shape com- iv. 15, 16, 1 IV. 18. 84 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. III. 26. in. 19. III. 20. III. 9. contemporary with the mammoth and the cave-bear, many of whose carvings still remain. But turning to the coins of Hellas proper we may discover at an epoch certainly not later than the middle of the sixth century works of a more interesting and more distinctive kind. Among these is the Pegasus of Corinth (in. 26), the head of a Satyr perhaps from Naxos (in. 19), and that of Pallas from Athens (ill. 20), as well as the group representing a Centaur carrying off a nymph on a coin of Thrace (ill. 9). It is true that this Centaur last mentioned is not of the early form in which human fore-legs appear instead of those of a horse 1 , nevertheless the material of which the coin is made (electrum), its form, the stamp of its reverse, and the roughness of its style all compel us to assign it to an early date. The head of Pallas is important as one of the very earliest works of Athenian art. The projection of the nose, and the size of the almond-shaped eye, pass the custom of even archaic art, and belong to the very infancy of local design. Thiersch has instituted a com- parison 2 between the type of head on early Athenian coins and that usual in Egyptian reliefs ; but the specimens of Athenian coins on which he relies are not the earliest, but distinctly of the later archaic type. The very early coins of Athens remind us less of what is Egyptian than do those of the fifth century ; they are akin rather to Cyprian and Phrygian types. The head of the Satyr is a work of extreme boldness and unconventionality. He has a high pointed ear and a long pointed beard, and hair which falls down his neck in a long heavy mass, like the hair of the Apollo of Tenea. Here is another monstrous form, derived from the East ; a form which is gradually modified and softened until the days of Praxiteles. The artist of our coin has understood in spite of his clumsiness to give the head something of Satyric expression. Moreover, these figures, how poor soever as works of art, are yet clearly Greek. They are the bud and not the flower, but the bud of a beautiful and fruitful, not of a stunted and sterile tree. Italy Of the middle archaic period of Greek art, which we place in n.c. 550— 479, we have abundant and interesting specimens. We will begin with Italy, the archaic coins of that district occupying the upper part of plate i. The cities of Magna Graecia had attained considerable proficiency in metal-work, alike 1 Both forms of Centaur, those with human and those with equine forelegs, appear in the sculpture of the early temple of Assos, lately excavated by American scholars. 2 Overbeck, Griech. Plastik, i. p. 24 (second edit.). ARCHAIC PERIOD, EARLY ITALY. 85 as regards design and execution, wlien the invention of coinage reached them. So we find here no rude lumps of metal with a mere punch-mark on the reverse, such as are the coins hitherto discussed. On the contrary, we find the care, neatness and elegance, which, combined with stiffness and want of practice, are the distinguishing marks of the best archaic work of Greece and Etruria. The fabric of the earliest Italian money is peculiar. The pieces are broad and fiat ; on the obverse is a figure in relief, and on the reverse precisely the same figure incuse, but turned in the opposite direction so as to give the appearance of repousse work to the coins themselves ; and doubtless, when they were minted, repousse work was extremely usual in decoration, scarcely any other process being .used for early bowls and tripods. But the appearance is in this case misleading. Two distinct dies, both carefully executed, must have been used, and the blank placed accurately between them. Plate i, No. 1, will shew the peculiarity to r which I refer; the incuse eagle from the reverse of a coin of Croton (i. 12), i. being also worthy of Careful observation for neatness of execution. We have from Caulonia at this period (i. 1), what must be considered one i. of the most interesting of the figures which have reached us from the Greek cities. A striding figure advances, entirely Unclad, towards a stag who looks back to him as if claiming protection, or welcoming his approach. In his right hand, which is raised, is a branch, perhaps of laurel ; on his left arm, which is extended, runs a little figure, naked, with winged feet, and holding a branch in each hand. The head of this smaller figure is also turned backwards. To detail all the explanations which have been offered of the group would be a long task. That the central figure is Apollo may be considered fairly certain. His attitude towards the stag may then be fairly supposed to be one of protec- tion, and this may be indicated by the twig in his raised hand. But the smaller figure is an enigma. He seems a counterpart of the larger, yet subser- vient to his will and busy in his service, as he looks back to him while running. In a very charming and ingenious paper Mr Watkiss Lloyd 1 proposes the theory that the larger figure is Apollo Catharsius, the cleansing God, and that the smaller figure is the wind with which he cleanses the air. Caulonia, the writer observes, is a place noted for strong breezes, as is indeed implied in the very name, and its mythical founder was Aulon or Typhon. It may be that to its windy situation the inhabitants attributed the healthiness of the town. Cer- tainly this violently-moving little figure, with his winged feet, would make an excellent impersonation of a wind-god, and the branches in his hands would be the boughs of the trees violently shaken by the wind. On the whole Mr Lloyd’s theory seems not only ingenious but also sound, and preferable to those of other writers, that of Baoul-Bochette who identifies the smaller figure with 1 Num Chron. 1848 . 86 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. cleansing, KctOappos, or that of Rathgeber who calls him fear, Seqios. The most plausible alternative view would be to regard him as an embodiment of the yoA.os or wrath of the Apollo, who is about to attack the enemies of the deity with a swiftness indicated by the wings of his feet, and an energy corresponding to his attitude. Second in the plate is a figure of Poseidon thrusting with a trident and wearing only a chlamys passed over both arms. The forms are stiff and rigid, the anatomy strongly but conventionally indicated, just as in the early figures of athletes, the feet flat on the ground. It is worth observing that the two deities who are clad in this particular manner in early art are Poseidon and Pallas, but what may be the cause why the chlamys particularly belongs to them does not appear ; unless indeed we find it in the special Thessalian cultus of both these deities, the chlamys being in a marked degree the garment of the Thessalians. The student should notice in the first two coins of the plate the well-known peculiarity of early reliefs, viz., that the head and the body below the waist are represented in profile ; the rest of the body between waist and neck faces the spectator. Overbeck 1 has discussed the question whether on the archaic coins of Poseidonia the head of Poseidon is always bearded or sometimes youthful. This he considers doubtful, and remarks that the form of the god is sometimes dis- tinctly youthful. In my opinion the head is always bearded, and the apparent youngness of the figure is rather a result of archaic stiffness and meagreness of outline than of any intention to represent a young Poseidon. Poseidon is here represented in an attitude of attack, as to which we shall have more to say hereafter, Apropos of later instances of the same type. As our coin can be given, almost with certainty, to the last half of the sixth century b.c. it affords an interesting standard for the assignment of date to statuettes and other extant works of archaic art. No. 3 of our plate is from Tarentum. It represents a young male figure, who holds apparently with the right hand a flower to his nose, and a lyre under the left arm. This also is a type which has raised controversy. Some see in it a- figure of Taras, the civic hero of Tarentum, the son of Poseidon, who came over the sea on a dolphin to found the city of Tarentum. Certainly Taras is the usual type of the Tarentine coins, but the flower and lyre seem inappro- priate to him. Others, with better reason, believe the figure to be Apollo. In that case the lyre will be thoroughly appropriate, and the flower perhaps scarcely less so. The exact meaning of the latter attribute may still be disputed. Is it a rose ? The rose is appropriate to the sun-god in Thrace and in other regions as well as at Rhodes. Perhaps, however, it js a hyacinth. In that case we have a pleasing allusion to the legend which tells of the love of Apollo for Hyacinthus. 1 Kunslmythol. in. p. 222. ARCHAIC PERIOD, EARLY ITALY. 87 Hyacinthus was the youth whom Apollo was said to have slain by accident with a discus ; which is but a mythical way of recording the way in which the flower called by his name springs up to greet the sun of spring, but is withered by the red disk of summer sun. Apollo Hyacinthius appears in fact to have had a cultus at Tarentum : and it would seem that the most attractive rendering of our type is not the least probable. Mr Millingen 1 objects to the identification with Apollo on the ground that so great a deity would be represented as standing proudly rather than as kneel- ing. But in the first place, this objection does not make sufficient allow- ance for the restrictions imposed by a circular field. If we turn to plate x., No. 3, we shall find on a Cyzicene stater a kneeling figure of Helios leading two horses ; and there are two kneeling figures of Victory under Nos. 2 and 24. Even Zeus kneels on coins of Cyzicus. Millingen’s objection then is a mere assumption, of a class far too common in many works of Classical archaeology. And secondly, it has been disputed in regard to this class of figures whether the word kneeling properly describes their attitude. Prof. Ernst Curtius maintains that in consider- ing them we must make the curved border of the coin in thought into a straight line, and remarks that if we do so we shall see that the knees are at some distance from such line, which represents the ground, so that the attitude of the figures will be rather that of running than that of kneeling. We have only to look on as far as the Gorgon, No. 6 in our plate, to see that the ancients did represent the action of running nearly in this way ; but there is a distinction, for the Gorgon’s left knee is not on a level with her right foot, as is the case with our Apollo. Whether the action be running or kneeling, we can readily understand what reasons made it a favourite subject with Greek artists of an early time, as in it both arms and legs are extended so as at once to be readily portrayed and to well fill a circular field. In No. 4 we have Taras riding on a dolphin. That he is still at sea is made clear by one of those symbolical devices so usual among Greek artists, the introduction below of a bivalve shell. The execution of the figure of Taras on later coins is very different and more finished, but the attitude is in the main preserved, and we may conjecture that it is copied from statues of the Tyrian deity Melcarth, who also was said to have been borne over the sea on the back of a dolphin. No. 5, from an uncertain Greek city of southern Italy, is probably the earliest figure of Dionysus in existence. The deity is bearded, but he wears no clothing. He holds in one hand the wine-cup, in the other a long branch of vine. We have here an idea of Dionysus entirely different from the majestic type, clad in trailing Ionic robes, which is often designated as archaic, but the actual antiquity of which may perhaps be suspected. In our 1 Numism. de I’Ancienne Ilalie, p. 107. ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. ss coin there is not only rudeness of outline and a Satyric cast of features, but even a considerable trace in the long vine-branch of naturalistic meaning. Hence some have preferred to consider the figure a Satyr rather than Dionysus himself. I should prefer to think that we have here the God of the vine himself, but i. 6. that the vine and he are as yet not completely distinguished. No. 6 is an Etruscan coin, probably the earliest of Etruscan coins, though it can scarcely be older than the fifth century, and it offers to us, in Etruscan fashion, a shape of horror such as the Greeks for the most part carefully avoided, a Gorgon running and holding in each hand a serpent. Tie markable in this figure are the wings and the drapery, both executed with extreme neatness. In the wings the feathers overlap one another ; the drapery is not elaborate but the artist has contrived with much skill to make it seem semi-transparent. The limbs appear through it as clearly and strongly as in Egyptian wall paintings the limbs of women are seen through then' light dress, i. 7 , 8, 9 . We now reach human heads, 7 and 8 female heads of Nymphs from Velia and Cumae, 9 a male head, that of Taras, from Tarentum. In coins of Sicily the hair of men, or at least of deities, is turned up behind like that of women. But in this case, although the male head has long hair, short hair being indeed most unusual before the Persian wars, it is not trimmed in feminine fashion but jmt in a braid and wound round the head in the manner of athletes. The front part of the hah' in the female heads is represented by dots, the hinder part by lines, and no one can examine early sculpture without seeing that this arrangement is exactly paralleled in it. The short crisp curls over the forehead in archaic statues are supplemented by rigid lines of hair at the back. As an instance I would take the corner figures of the Aeginetan pediments, whose heads, looked at in profile and reduced in size, almost exactly resemble those on early coins. Great prominence of the nose, an eye which looks outward towards the spectator, a rude mouth with corners turned upwards, a very low forehead, these are the distinctive marks of archaic heads, and are to be found not only on our first, but also in the succeeding plates (n. 5 — 8, &c.). j. io. The man-headed bull from Laiis, No. 10, is of very different type from the ii. s. man-headed bull of Sicily (n. 8). In the Italian coin the head has much ele- gance, the long hair is turned up behind and confined by a cord, the pose is dignified. The figure reminds us of the Assyrian man-headed bulls ‘ oiled and curled ’ and with long formal beards. The Sicilian bull, on the other hand, has coarse features, short stubble-like hair and the horn and ear of a beast. He is swimming, and no doubt represents the river Gelas, looked on as an embodiment of rude and untamed forces of nature, as a parallel being to Satyrs and Cen- taurs. But his Italian counterpart may have represented other ideas, and be indeed Dionysus, who was largely worshipped in bovine form, more especially in ARCHAIC PERIOD, EARLY SICILY. 89 South Italy. On the coins of Neapolis the man-headed bull is almost certainly Dionysus. It is possible, however, that the greater refinement of the bull of Latis is due to the refinement of the artist who designed him, for much of it is lost on later coins of Latis (i. 35). Sicily. We will next turn to plate n., the upper part of which contains figures of coins of Sicily in the archaic period. Nos. 1 and 2 are the two sides of a most IL L 2 - remarkable archaic piece of money issued at the small town of Galaria. The obverse bears the legend IOTEB retrograde, and a figure of Zeus Soter seated on a throne, and holding in his hand a sceptre surmounted by an enormous eagle. On the reverse is Dionysus clad in a long chiton which leaves his arms entirely free ; his hands hold a wine-cup and a branch of vine. His head and feet, in accordance with the already cited canon of early art, are represented in profile, and his body fronts the spectator. It would not be easy to find a parallel for the absolute stiffness, the wooden pose of these little figures, which are more like puppets than Hellenic figures. Almost equally stiff are the Nike and the Pallas from Camarina (Nos. 3 and 4) which also form obverse and reverse of one n. 3 , 4 . coin, and in which the same ideas of perspective prevail. The Pallas stands stiff and upright, leaning on her spear, with a shield at her feet. Her left hand rests on her hip, and the serpents of her aegis project like a fringe behind her. She is not like the early Palladia, but it must be confessed that in spite of the abandonment of the old level she scarcely rises above the dignity of a puppet. Very doll-like also is the Nike who floats in the air with outspread arms. At her feet is a swan which seems to signify or present the lake of Camarina as the scene frequented by Nike. Both Goddess and swan are enclosed in an olive-wreath. To the former we shall return when we come to the next period. Passing the long hah and the pointed nose and beard of the ivy-crowned Dionysus from Naxus (No. 5), we reach two female beads surrounded by dol- n. 5. phins. These are Syracusan, and, if the current interpretation be true, they n. p, 7. represent the nymph Arethusa. The name Arethusa was given at Syracuse to a fountain of fresh water which arose at Ortygia, but of which a branch was supposed to emerge from a fissure in the ground at the bottom of the harbour, the sweet water of which was thus on all sides surrounded by salt water. This fountain is embodied in the nymph’s head, and the salt-waves round it are sym- bolically rendered by three or four dolphins which swim round the head on the G. 12 90 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. coin as they swam round the spring itself. Of the technical rendering of these heads I have already spoken, but I may add one well-known characteristic, which has been frequently observed in works of archaic sculpture. The ears are placed too high, their centre being about on a level with the eye, instead of then’ upper edge. In this respect, indeed, we find on coins considerable variety, but on the whole, if we compare all the specimens on plate n., we shall find that in the course of the period of transition the position of the ear gradually changes, and it. 9 — 12 . it sinks to its true level. Of chariot-types and of horsemen (Nos. 9 — 12) we will speak under the next period. The cock who figures as the symbol of the god of n. 13. day on coins of Himera (No. 13) is worth observing in illustration of the thesis that Greek art learned to represent animals with spirit and with truth long before it could fairly deal with the human frame. The cow of Myron was un- surpassed by later sculptors. In the same way this bird of ours leaves in energy and truth little to be desired. The cocks of a later time, pi. xvi. 3, are executed indeed with more delicacy and refinement, but there is very little difference in the type, and scarcely greater truth to nature. This bird does not, however, offer the same scope to art as the nobler eagle, so that we could not expect a ir. u. great improvement in the design. No. 14 is very interesting. It represents the harbour of Zancle in Sicily. This city derived its name from the sickle-like tongue of land which enclosed its harbour. On our coin the enclosing tongue of land is conventionally represented by an object of sickle-like form, marked with risings which may stand for houses and fortifications, while the actual water of the harbour is embodied in the dolphin within that sickle. Zancle changed its name to Messana about b.c. 490, so that there can be no doubt as to the early date of our coin, which proves what kind of representations of places were current in Greece at the time of the Persian war. At a somewhat later time Zancle would probably have been personified in a nymph. Hellas. From Sicily to northern Greece is a long stej) as regards art. In Sicily all is delicacy, refinement, careful minuteness even in archaic times ; in northern Greece we find on the contrary a rude and somewhat barbarous vigour, turning indeed at a later period to largeness and energy of design, but at first very rough. On the third plate, however, will be found not only specimens of the numis- matic art of northern Greece, but also of Athens, Boeotia and the Peloponnese. ARCHAIC PERIOD, EARLY HELLAS. 91 Necessities of space compelled me to this arrangement, which is however to be regretted as it somewhat confuses the evidence for and against certain theories of art put forward by high authority. Professor Brunn has pub- lished his opinion 1 that the early coins of northern Hellas have a character peculiar to themselves ; and it would naturally be desirable to examine the early coins of Peloponnesus apart in order to discover whether they resemble in character the remarkable reliefs from Sparta and other places in Peloponnesus, of which so much has been said of late years. But we must do our best, taking the plates as they stand, to discuss in order the two subjects just mentioned. Prof. Brunn’s theory of the character of the art of northern Greece is clear and defined. As the representatives of that art we may take, in painting Polygnotus, and in sculpture Paeonius of Mende. Its tone is distinctly Asiatic, and is exhibited alike in the massiveness of the forms, especially in the early period, and in a certain convention and lack of special study and striving after perfection. In the coins of Tliasos and the Thracian and Macedonian coasts, Prof. Brunn finds abundant instances for the illustration of his view. Speaking of coins such as our Nos. 1, 2, he remarks : ‘ The figures are in their outlines ‘ of extraordinary breadth and massiveness, even far excelling in these respects ‘ the oldest metopes of Selinus ; also, in the modelling of the high relief, the ‘ forms stand forth in great fulness and volume. Yet these figures, in spite ‘ of their solidity, are by no means wanting in consistency and proportion, nor ‘ in a fairly accurate rendering of general forms ; sometimes even we find charac- ‘ teristic rendering of detail. In the heads of Satyrs and Centaurs their rude ‘ animal character is developed in consistent style. Finally, we do not discover ‘ in the execution any helplessness, but a skilful use of the means at so early ‘a period available, a mastery of workmanship which endeavours by the intro- duction of detail, such as dotted lines in the hair, and indication of ankle ‘ and knee-cap, to soften and refine the heavy appearance of the design. That ‘ this peculiar style of treatment is original is shewn by the fact that we may ‘ trace a distinct development in this class of types, the Satyrs of Tliasos for ‘instance, up to the free and fine style of execution in detail, while yet the ‘attitude and grouping are preserved (cf. hi. 28). In the probably more recent ‘type of a warrior leading two oxen (in. 4), of a kneeling goat (in. 12), and ‘of horses, we cannot but recognize a power of clearly characterizing forms of ‘animals... In the coins of Acanthus (No. 13), with the continually varied type ‘ of a lion tearing an ox, we find a surprisingly developed specimen of decorative ‘style.’ ‘Taken together these coins shew that the Thraco- Macedonian region is ‘ in itself a separate province as regards the history of art, a province marked 1 Paeonios und die nordgriecliisclie Kunst. Proceedings of the Munich Academy , 1870, Philosophise! \- philologieche Classe, p. 315. j 9 o 92 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. ‘ by special artistic characteristics, by a peculiar style of which the rude begin- ‘ wings may go back far into the sixth century, and which can be traced at ‘ least as far as the end of archaic art, that is to say, until the middle of the ‘ fifth century. In many particulars this style still has influence even in the time ‘ of the bloom of art ; see, for instance, the full and broad treatment of the ‘heads’ (of Hermes) ‘on coins of Aenus (cf. in. 35, vn. 9). In spite of the ‘ native character of this art, yet the very circumstance that the oldest of ‘ these coins are struck on the Asiatic standard points to a connexion with ‘ Asiatic districts of older civilization, which certainly influenced this style of ‘ art. W e trace the influence of Asia in the exaggerated breadth of early ‘ figures, and in the decorative accentuation not only of hair and manes, but ‘ also of certain details, especially the legs ; finally, in the conventional character ‘ of execution ; although of course all is modified by the individuality of race ‘ in the district.’ The length of this quotation must be justified partly by the value of the remarks contained in it ; partly by the eminence of the writer. It is almost the only criticism of the style of a set of coins written by so great a master ; and it is thoroughly founded. The theory as to the art of Paeonius which in the same paper Prof. Brunn develops has scarcely met with general accept- ance ; but his remarks on the coins of Thrace form the foundation and not the crown of his theory, and might survive even if it were given up. Lines 1, 2, 5, G of plate hi., and almost the whole of plate vn., afford the reader ample material for testing the words by facts. Again on pi. in., Nos. 14, 15, 16, 24, 25, 41, 42, 43, 50, are specimens of Peloponnesian work of the period before Polycleitus. At a glance we can see in them a certain massiveness and force which seem to belong to the country of their production. But we cannot venture to say that we find in them any- thing which especially reminds us of early Dorian relief, especially those votive reliefs to the nether deities which have been found near Sparta, and whereof the style is so distinctive. Our Eleian coins especially have nothing of the rudeness of provincial style, but are worthy of a district which might be termed in some sense the art metropolis of Greece. We must however return to speak of our coins one by one in more detail, in. i, 2 . Nos. 1 and 2, from Lete in Macedon, display in the highest degree that bulki- ness of proportions above spoken of. This peculiarity, reminding us at the first glance of Assyrian reliefs, marks both the beast-like Satyr, who here has horse’s hoofs but no tail, and the Nymph whom he holds by the hand, and whose chin he caresses in order to propitiate her. The attitude of this nymph expresses in a most naive fashion her surprise. It is noteworthy that these nymphs are carefully draped in a long chiton and a curious tightly-fitting upper garment ; ARCHAIC PERIOD, EARLY HELLAS. 93 naked nymphs belong to a later period. Two more nymphs are represented on No. 6, which coin however belongs to a more civilized district. They are raising in. c. an amphora of wine and, considering the period, their attitudes are not unskil- fully drawn. With this type we may fairly compare the relief from Thessaly in the Louvre representing two women holding a flower. More refinement still appears in No. 14 from Elis, where Victory is depicted with square and thickset in. in frame indeed, but speed is well expressed in her gait, and her Doric chiton is represented in careful and accurate detail. With one band she raises her dress that it may not impede her feet, with the other she extends a wreath to a supposed victor in the Olympic games. That her wings appear, one in front and one behind, is of course a result of the attempt at perspective ; all her body, from waist to neck, fronting the spectator. No. 3 is a stiff figure of Poseidon Hippius from Potidaea ; the deity seems hi. 3. to be without clothing, and bears his trident like a lance. This is I believe quite the earliest figure known of Poseidon in this character. There is no sug- gestion of sea ; the horse is an ordinary land-horse, and below, in place of the shell or fish we might expect, is the well-known symbol of the sun. All this is not easy to explain. Nos. 4 and 5 bring us to a class of Macedonian coins with hi. 4, 5. a new sort of type. Hitherto the representations have been either of deities or of those embodiments of rude forces of nature which were considered half-divine, such as Satyrs and Rivers. But now we reach what appear to be scenes from every-day life. A youth wearing the petasus and holding two spears drives a pair of oxen (No. 4), or leads a horse (No. 5), or (as in other specimens) drives a rude lumbering country-waggon drawn by oxen. Can there be a religious meaning in these types ? I am inclined to think that there can. One need not go so far as to see a solar hero in our Macedonian, though that explanation is not absurd, as in early times men always thought of the sun as driving a car or riding a horse, but we may with greater probability reckon him as a mythical hero or ancestor of the race, possibly some demigod who, in Macedonian legends, of which we know little, may have invented the bridle or taught the use of waggons. Animals and man alike display the Assyrian characteristics of massive limbs and rigidly-accentuated muscles. The next Macedonian coin, No. 7 , represents Hermes, hi. 7 , 8. as an unwinged figure, running at speed, holding the caduceus. He is suc- ceeded, No. 8, by a second running figure. In this second figure there are two pairs of wings, one springing from the heels and one in thoroughly oriental fashion from the waist. The sex of this figure may perhaps lie disputed, and with the sex the personality. If it be female, though this seems scarcely likelv from the scantiness of drapery, it will probably be termed a Gorgon, in spite of the absence of serpents. If however, as seems more likely, the figure be male it is very interesting. The rose in the field would seem to indicate that it is a 94 - ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. sun-god, and so would the circular symbol dimly seen in the left hand, or possibly it may be a winged Cabeirus, as the Cabeiri were much venerated on the Macedonian coast. hi . 10. No. 10 from Dicaea is a bead of Heracles in lion’s skin in which the Satyric character of the hero is clearly marked in the cast of the features. It is also observable that we cannot say here that the lion’s scalp is fitted on to the hero’s head as on later coins, rather the lion’s head is the true type and a human face merely looks out between the jaws. One sees as it were the change hi, 11 . from animal- worship to anthropomorphism in progress. No. 11 is a head of Aeneas from Aeneia in Macedon, a city which he is said to have founded. A still more interesting early com of the same city, which is now at Berlin 1 , exhibits a group, Aeneas carrying Anchises, and Creusa carrying Ascanius. These solid testimonies to the antiquity of the myth of Aeneas are of great value in connexion with Roman legend. The myth travelled to many lands in ni. 12,13. connexion with the worship of Aphrodite surnamed Aeneias. Nos. 12 and 13 are good instances of the adaptation of animal figures to a circular field by bending the legs and turning the head back in case of the goat, and by a careful adjustment of figure in the group of the lion and bull which forms the quite Homeric type of the coins of Acanthus. The manner in which the shaggy skin of the lion is represented by dots is noteworthy. hi. 15, ig. Nos. 15 and 16, from Arcadia, give us archaic representations of the Arca- dian Zeus, the God of cloud and tempest, whose throne was on mount Olympus. The pose of the figure and the arrangement of the drapery over the knees closely resemble those of the statue of the same deity set up by Pheidias in the temple at Olympia which is preserved to us on a coin (pi. xv. 19), the more closely as we know that in the present coins the throwing back of the left arm which holds the sceptre is the mere result of the primitive attempt at perspec- tive. But it will be seen that in the second of our two coins the eagle flies above the outstretched hand of Zeus, and does not touch it. This is a motive impossible in a statue ; we may therefore be sure that in this case a rule already laid down holds, that coins in the good times of art never closely or intentionally reproduce a statue. Yet it becomes abundantly clear that not much latitude in the choice of position and attitude rested with Pheidias when he made his statue ; the type of the Olympian Zeus, as he must be, was already fixed in the minds of Greek men : and probably existed in statues such as the colossus of Zeus set up at Olympia by Cypselus. Almost exactly similar to the second of our coins in type is a didraclnn struck in Elis before the Pheidian age. hi. 17. In No. 17, which was struck at Gortyna in Crete, but has, unfortunately, lost its surface from friction, we have, I believe, the earliest existing representation ' Zeitschr. f Numism. vii. p. 221 . ARCHAIC PERIOD, EARLY HELLAS. 95 of Europa riding on the bull. She is closely draped and stretches one hand in alarm while the other grasps the bull’s back. In later representations of the group, which belongs especially to the Phoenician coast and to Phoenician colonies, the mantle of Europa floats free and she seems at her ease, resembling indeed far more nearly that moon-goddess of whom she is supposed to be a variant form, and who is also closely associated with the bull. We have then here a case in which the later representations of a group have truer meaning than the earlier. The close connexion existing between the Europa myth and the city of Gortyna will come under our notice hereafter. No. 18 from Cnossus has for type the Minotaur kneeling or running and holding in one hand a stone. That the head is not, according to usual custom, in profile, may be due to the familiarity of the die-cutter to bull’s heads facing, which may even thus early have adorned temples and altars. The coins of Cnossus are full of the Minotaur and the Labyrinth, a fact the more remarkable because remains supposed to be those of the Labyrinth now exist near Gortyna, not Cnossus. Of the five female heads, Nos. 21 — 25, the first is from Athens and belongs to the guardian deity of the city. Its execution is careful, the eyes, eyebrows, lips and hair alike being rendered with conscientiousness, yet there is also a certain coarseness which will at once strike the student. The second and third are beautiful heads from Corinth, either as one would naturally at first sight imagine of Pallas, or else of the armed Aphrodite, who was a somewhat close translation of Astarte, the goddess alike of arms and love. The attribution must remain un- certain, for there was in the market-place of Corinth a statue of Pallas, while Aphrodite ruled in the Acropolis. Perhaps it may be questioned whether the earring in the second of our coins is not too ornate for the austerity of Pallas. No. 24 is the bust of Aphrodite or a nymph from coins of Cephallenia. It is frequently stated that busts are not found on coins and gems before the Alex- andrine age, but this exception, which is in fact almost unique, shows the danger of pressing too hard general rules even when well founded. No. 25 is a veiled head of Plera from Heraea in Arcadia of very early type, and very coarse and heavy features. No. 27 is from Cyrene. The representations are of a silphium plant, the great object of Cyrenean culture, of a seed of silphium and of a lion’s head. The silphium usually figures on coins of Cyrene, probably as the sacred plant of Apollo Aristaeus ; it is reasonably conjectured that the lion’s head, the type of Samos, is introduced into the field as a token of the alliance with that city, of which we have already spoken under Monetary Alliances h III. 18. III. 21— 25. III. 25. III. 27. Of. Muller, Numism. de Vane. Afrique , I. p. 2. 9G ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. Asia Minor. Of the early coins of Asia which occupy three lines of pi. iv. many have been already mentioned. We scarcely find at this time in the East figures of deities, very seldom heads of deities. The symbol, which seems to have specially suited the Asiatic mind, takes the place of the direct anthropomorphic represen- tations which were in favour in the West. We find, however, a few interesting types even in Asia. No. 1 from Phaselis, a Greek colony in Lycia, gives us a rude group of Heracles wrestling with a man-headed bull, no doubt the river Aclielous who was his rival for the hand of Deianira. This contest is mentioned iv. l. in the Trachiniae of Sophocles, line 9. Nothing could he more redolent of the infancy of art than the way in which the heads of both combatants, alike void iv. 2 . of expression, are turned towards the spectator. No. 2, a horseman from Ery- thrae, has more style. Here the horse is in vigorous action, but there is a curious mistake in the case of the rider whose left hand, holding the reins, passes on the right side of the horse’s neck. The artist would seem to have been unable to persuade himself entirely to conceal that hand. But in the perspective of the chest he has succeeded exceptionally well for his time, the nearer shoulder being raised considerably above the further, iv. s, r. Nos. 3 and 4 merit a careful comparison with one another. There is no great difference between them as to period ; both being later than the time when reverses consisted of a rude incuse merely. The former is a head of Ares from Calymna, the latter a head of Pallas from Methymna in Lesbos. There seems no a priori reason why they should so differ, but it is at once evident that they present in extreme form the two tendencies of archaic Greek ai't. The head of Ares is rude to the last degree, whether through want of skill or carelessness, — unless indeed what looks like the face of Ares be really only an iron face-piece attached to the helmet, which seems not impossible ; — the head of Pallas is carefully executed though full of convention, the helmet adorned with a winged horse, and in the field a carefully cut inscription. The more finished type would seem to be the work of an artist who inherited Assy- rian and Phoenician ideas of art and skill in handiwork ; the rougher of one less skilled and less instructed, but more original. The same contrast also marks iv. 5 , 6. Nos. 5 and 6. On 5, which is an early electrum coin, we find a head which bears a superficial likeness to that of Medusa. It is however apparently male, and tire character which pertains to it is not the dreadfulness which belongs to the Gorgon, but mere grotesqueness. It would seem to be the head of the dwarf-god sometimes called, as by Raoul-Piochette 1 , the Assyrian Heracles, whose 1 L'Hercule Assyrien. ARCHAIC PERIOD; EARLY— ASIA MINOR. 97 images were spread into many lands by the Phoenicians. No. G, from Chios, is iv. c. a refined and delicate image of the Sphinx, the symbol of the island. Of some of the figures of animals which come next in the plate we have already spoken above. But some of them belong to the middle period of archaic art which is now under consideration. Nos. 10, 11, 12 are all electrum staters of the Asiatic iv. io. n, 12 coast. Their subjects are respectively a sow, an eagle with a fish in the field, and a bull looking back. The last is supposed to have been struck at Samos about the time of Polycrates ; certainly it is a fair specimen of the art which probably flourished at his court, an art decorative rather than sculptural, and Asiatic rather than Greek, but finished in its kind. Likewise decorative and highly finished is the type, No. 14, which combines the foreparts of a winged iv. u. lion and a winged horse, and shews in design a marked improvement on the clumsy helplessness of the type immediately preceding it in the plate. G CHAPTER III. Later Archaic period ; or period of Transition. The phrase ‘ Period of Transition ’ is perhaps not a happy one, and I do not specially care to defend it. In one sense every age is a period of transition from one social condition to another ; in another sense no period can fairly be called a time of transition, for each has its own ideas and ideals. Art, so long as it is alive and progressing, is always in a state of transition from one con- dition to another ; and it only ceases to be transitional when it is become con- ventional. Yet there is a sense in which especially the art of Greece in the earlier part of the fifth century b. c. can be said to have been in a state of transition, because it was becoming distinctively Hellenic, and gradually quitting the beggarly elements of Assyrian and Phoenician and Ionian industry, and becoming a new light to the world and a chief flower of human activity. If we possessed only Greek works of art of a time preceding the Persian invasion we should look upon Greek art as a sister of the art of Phrygia and Lycia and Cyprus ; somewhat better than they, but not embodying a distinctively new impulse. If, on the other hand, we possessed only the works of art of the Pheidian and later periods we should possess the flower, but be wholly ignorant what bud it developed from ; we should possess the crystal, but not know of what elements it was compounded. For this reason the art which joins what is Asiatic to what is Hellenic is called the art of the Transition. Nevertheless the title, ‘ period of growth’ is more correct and more sugges- tive. It may be said to be a matter of opinion what was the greatest age of Greek sculpture. According to a man’s temperament he may prefer the style of Pheidias or of Lysippus or of the Pergamenes. We may call the course of art from b. c. 430 to 330 a rise, a decline or a development on the same level. But that there was until the former of those dates in Greece constant improve- ment in art cannot be denied. The improvement is naturally of two kinds, and consists partly in the widening and refining of the ideas embodied in art, partly in a more complete mastery of the technique of art, fuller powers of expression, LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD: OR PERIOD OF TRANSITION. 99 and a more complete control of the material used, whether stone, metal or earth. The period treated of in the present chapter is B. C. 479 — 431, which was for all parts of Greece one of great and rapid expansion. It covers the time which elapsed between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars ; a time peaceful and full of the exhilaration produced by the great victory over the hitherto invincible arms of Persia, and of the proudly dawning consciousness of the superiority of Greek to Barbarian, and of free citizens to the slaves of an absolute despot. 'And nowhere was the growth and expansion more rapid than in art. Art in the days of Xerxes was in its childhood ; when the Peloponnesian war broke out it had already reached the magnificence of its maturity. Italy. In Italy and Sicily, not less than in Hellas, the age was one of prosperity and peace. While the Greeks of Hellas were winning their national fame at Salamis and Mycale, Gelo the Syracusan was overthrowing the Carthaginians at Himera, and Hiero was defeating the Etruscans in a great sea-fight at Cumae. In consequence of those two splendid achievements the cities of Sicily enjoyed rest until the Athenian expedition to Syracuse, and the far more fatal invasion of the Carthaginians ten years later ; and the cities of Italy retained their peace and prosperity even in the neighbourhood of the warlike Italic tribes until the cruel ravages of Dionysius of Syracuse, and the growth of the power of the Lucanians. And during this time of peace and commercial expansion, art throve wonderfully and grew apace, from decade to decade outstripping further and further the art of Asia. So much has been lost of the products of the Italic and Sicilian schools of the 5th century B.C., so little do we know of their peculiar turns and fashion, that in spite of the later Selinuntine sculptures we should not have known, hut for the testimony of coins, how advanced they were, and how widely spread their influence, what originality there was in the types they introduced, and what mastery they shewed in the execution of those types. It even seems probable, that if we would name the place and the time when art entered most intimately into the life of a people and most completely moulded their ideas, filling all the external aspects of life with sensuous beauty and grace, we ought to name beside the Italy of Michael Angelo, and the Athens of Pericles or Alcibiades, also the Sicily of the fifth century b.c. This is certainly the testimony of coins, and it is perhaps confirmed by the beauty of the scanty remains of other kinds which have 13—2 100 AET AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. come down to us, such as the terra-cotta reliefs from Locri and the early Sicilian vases. The latter part of Plate i. is devoted to the coins of Italy during this 1.1 3 . great period, b.c. 479 — 431. In No. 13 we see the Apollo of Caulonia, and in 14 1 . 14 , 15 . and 15 the Poseidon of Poseidonia at a later stage than when we considered them before (Nos. 1, 2). The lines of the figure and the attitude have not become much less rigid, hut the anatomy of the body is less conventional and worked with greater mastery, and a great improvement is visible in the understanding of perspective. In the later coins, though the body at the hips appears in profile and at the shoulders is turned so as almost to front the spectator, this is seen at once to be only a slight exaggeration of the real attitude of one who strides forward with left hand advanced and right hand drawn back, and the parts of the body between hips and shoulders are not unskilfully represented in three- quarter-face. Especially is it important to compare the Poseidon of No. 15 with i.ii. the Poseidon of No. 14. The order of time is that followed in the Plate; a i. 15 . glance at the heads of the two figures will at once shew that No. 15 is the later. But how far more sturdy and muscular is this figure. And so it is always in the figures on Italian and Sicilian coins. From the middle of the sixth century onwards they are stiff and angular, with exaggerated musculature, but not sturdy or fleshy. It is not until near the middle of the fifth century that figures of squat and thick-set build begin to prevail, such as our No. 15. This rule seems absolute for Italy and Sicily. Of course I am aware that the figures of the earliest Metopes of Selinus are heavy and massive, but they are earlier in time than any of our coins and seem to represent a different current of art. They are in fact in style more like the Macedonian figures at the beginning of our third plate. In northern Greece the proportions are in our earliest period very massive, and in the course of time become progressively attenuated, but there does not appear, as in Italy and Sicily, an inteipolated class of figures which remind us rather of wooden xoana than of stone statues, i in, i 7 . Nos. 16 and 17 are from Metapontum and Pandosia respectively, and repre- r n;. sent two standing figures in nearly the same position. No. 16 is somewhat earlier, as is shewn by the way of doing up the ham, which is long and plaited at the back, and by the greater rigidity of the figure, and greater prominence of the muscles. It dates from about b.c. 450, whereas No. 17 must have been struck some twenty years later. It is however remarkable that in spite of the superficial likeness of the two coins, the subjects of them are as different as i. in. possible. On No. 16 we see Apollo standing, holding his usual attributes of laurel- branch and bow, as he may have stood beside his omphalos in the market-place of Metapontum; on No. 17 we see the river Crathis sacrificing to the gods, holding- in one hand a patera, in the other a long bough. Closely resembling the last LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— ITALY. 101 mentioned is No. 16 of pi. n. a coin of Selinus, where we find the river Hypsas n. ie. sacrificing, a coin which we shall presently have more fully to discuss. On other coins of Metapontum we find Heracles also sacrificing, in almost exactly the same attitude. It is thus abundantly evident that the character of the figures on these coins is in no way due to the particular deities or classes of deities they represent. The attitude is not even peculiar to sacrificing figures, since it is also adopted in the case of the Apollo who is not sacrificing. The truth is that it is little more than conventional. The earlier method of representing a figure standing and engaged in sacrifice is that to be observed in No. 15 of Plate n., n. 15 . where the body of the sacrificer is partly in profile and partly turned towards the spectator, just as in the case of the running figures already mentioned. Later, this figure, although in its general characteristics unchanged, is turned more towards the spectator, except the head, which still remains in profile. No doubt these changes corresponded to the customs in contemporary sculptural reliefs with which, rather than with statues executed in the round, coins should be compared. We next reach a remarkable series of seated male figures, which are artis- tically of the greatest interest. No. 18 from Tthegium represents the Demos of 1 . is. that city who is personified under the form of a bearded man who sits in the attitude of Zeus : possibly with the intention of giving him the semblance of Zeus, chief deity of the people of Messene, of which city Phegium may be considered to be a colony. Nos. 19, 20, 21 represent the Demos of Tarentum who is conceived in the likeness of Taras the founder of Tarentum, and so is figured as a youth, holding in his hand sometimes a spindle, to symbolize the manufactures of Tarentum, sometimes the wine-cup to denote the excellence of its vintage. We are accustomed to associate symbolical figures like that of a Demos with the decline rather than the childhood of Greek art, and not with- out reason. The rule in early art is to embody the personality of a city in its ruling divinity, not in an allegorical figure. Yet this rule admitted of exceptions. Similarly the pictures on the chest of Cypselus contained alle- gorical figures, such as Night and Day, Justice and Injustice; and rare as such figures became in the fine time of Greek art, they are never absolutely wanting. It is also interesting to note the conventions of the seated posture at this period, the foot drawn back, so as to occupy the vacant space beneath the throne and the himation neatly folded round the knees, with one end hanging stiffly down : both of which conventions are present, although of course in greatly modified and softened form, in the seated figures of deities in the Parthenon frieze. In spite of these conventions, the figures are very advanced for the period; certainly we might look in vain for parallels to them in Asia and Hellas at the time, save in the works of the greatest masters. In No. 22 1 . 22 . 102 AET AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. the figure riding on a dolphin is no longer the Demos of Tarentum, but Taras himself as he was fabled to have approached the Italian shores, towards which he holds out hands of longing. A standing and a seated Nike, the former by far the earlier, occur on Nos. i. 23 , 24 . 23, 24, both from Terina. The early wingless Victory stands in an attitude closely like that of Apollo, No. 16, and the Hypsas, Plate n. 16, but the pose is even stifier, and there is still less attempt at perspective, notwithstanding which the artist has rendered with care the form of the Goddess’ limbs beneath her drapery. Mythologically it is interesting to find an unwinged figure of Victory amid all the winged Nikes of Italy and Sicily. It suggests that perhaps Pythagoras of Ilhegium may, in the statue of Victory which he made for the Tegeatae to dedicate at Delphi 1 , have adhered to the tradition of Calamis, and represented the goddess as wingless. Careful treatment of drapery, and the attempt to render it partly transparent, are still more visible in the running Nike ii. io. from Catana, Plate n. 19. On No. 24 the Goddess is winged, in accordance 1 24 . . . ° with universal later custom, and seated on a prostrate amphora, holding out in i. 30 . one hand a wreath. The obverse of this coin on No. 30 is the head of the Nymph Terina, or possibly of Pandina whom we know from inscriptions to be a local form of Hecate, and whose head certainly does figure on later coins of rp • o J erina . This coin presents us with a phenomenon familiar to all numismatists, but overlooked by many writers on art. The head of Terina on the obverse, and the figure of Victory on the reverse of the coin, are both executed with a want of finish and a carelessness which we are unaccustomed to associate with the idea of Greek art at the period. Another instance will be found in the coin of Eryx, Plate vi. 3, which dates from about b.c. 400 ; and it would be easy to find many more in our cabinets. These works are distinctly ungraceful and unpleasing, and only an eye well-used to Greek art can see, especially in the treatment of drapery, redeeming points of merit ; it would be the easiest thing in the world to mistake their want of carefulness for the want of mastery which marks the decline. I think that these coins sound a warning, and caution us not to give way too hastily to the custom, which prevails perhaps too much in the criticism of vase-paintings especially and terra-cottas, of assuming that bad work must necessarily belong to a late period, and that signs of clumsiness and inconsistency in a work of semi-archaic appearance shew that it must necessarily be archaistic and not really early. I can but throw out this hint, and pass on. i. 25 so. Nos. 25 to 30 are a series of heads of Nymphs which illustrate most of the stages passed through by the art of representing female heads in relief in Pans. X. 9. 2 Cat. Gr. Coins, Italy, p. 394. LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— ITALY. 103 the period b. c. 470 — 30. In conjunction with them we may study the heads of Sicilian nymphs, Plate n. Nos. 26 — 29 and 31. Of all these, Plates n. 29, 31 and i. 27 are the earliest. In them we see the pupil of the eye turned full on the spectator, the almond-shaped eye-socket and the archaic cut of the mouth, of which the corners are turned up so as to give a smiling expression, to crefivov /cat XeXrjOos 1 . The hair is fastened in simple old fashion by being turned up at the back under a band. When the features assume a more Hellenic and less Oriental character, and the eye is represented partly in profile we find the arrangement of the hair also altered in detail though it is put up on the same plan, i. 26, 28, 29, it. 27. Finally not much before b. c. 430 we reach straight features and an expression of hauteur together with the coiffure of later Greek times, as in i. 25, where the hair is confined by a simple band ; I. 30, where a metal frontlet (ampyx) is passed over the forehead ; ii. 28 where a long fillet is wound round and round the head, a fashion belonging especially to Aphrodite and Artemis ; n. 26 where a saccos or handkerchief entirely covers the hair except in the front, in a manner that can never have been pleasing. We may remark by the way the peculiar thickness of the features in the head last cited, which must be taken as evidence either of close copying of an unusual model, or of unexpected peculiarities in some school of Syracusan art. The two pleasing heads of Pallas, Nos. 31, 32, are peculiarly interesting because we have the means of closely dating them. Both are from the same spot in Lucania, the site of Sybaris ; and both belong to the period immediately following the refounding of Sybaris under the name of Thurium in b. c. 443 by the Athenians. No. 31, as we may see from its reverse, No. 34, was even issued before the name of Sybaris, which the settlers at first used, had given way to Thurium. Athens herself kept the stiff conventionality of her coins unchanged for commercial reasons ; but these two coins shew us what but for such conservative prejudices the head of Pallas on the Athenian coin might have become. The remaining representations on Plate i. are of animal types. The bull of Sybaris, No. 34, and the man-headed bull of Laiis, No. 35, turn back their heads in the same conventional manner as then' predecessors, Nos. 10 and 11. So does the eagle of Croton, No. 36. The lion of Yelia, though at bay, is represented in the fixed heraldic fashion of Asia. It is not until the next period that naturalism appears in the attitudes and actions of most animals, even though at this early time their general forms and essential characteristics are well under- stood and successfully delineated. II. 26—29, 31. II. 29, 31. I. 27. I. 26, 28, 29. II. 27. I. 25. I. 30. II. 28. II. 26. I. 31, 32. I. 31. I. 34. I. 35. I. 10, 11. I. 3G. Lucian Imag. G. 104 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. Sicily. Turning to the coins of Sicily of the transitional period, Plate ir. 15 — 42, we find first of all a series of figures of sacrificing river-gods and nymphs of which we have already spoken from the artistic point of view, but which must still somewhat detain us in view of their mythological interest. Their explana- tion is mainly due to K. O. Muller, but partly to Mr Watkiss Lloyd 1 , who has 11 . 15 . certainly improved on Muller’s text. On No. 15 we find the river-god Selinus sacrificing at an altar, beside which is a cock ; behind him is a statue of a bull, n. 36. The other side of this coin is given under No. 36 : it bears a chariot in which stand Apollo and Artemis, the former discharging an arrow, while his sister n. in. holds the reins. On No. 16, the other river-god of Selinus, Hypsas, stands in ir. 15 . the same act as his companion of No. 15, but the accessories of the coin are changed. By the altar is a snake instead of a cock, and a stork occupies the n. it, field to the right. The reverse of this coin is given under No. 17 and repre- sents the battle between Heracles and a bull. It would appear that all four of these representations contain allusions to the same event, the draining of some marshes at Selinus by the well-known philosopher Empedocles, whereby health was given to the district and freshness to the waters of its streams. Every touch adds to the fullness of the meaning. Selinus and Hypsas sacrifice in thanksgiving for the purification of their streams ; the cock and the snake are alike symbols of the god of healing and cleansing, Asclepius ; while the marsh ii. 16 . bird, the stork on No. 16, is retiring because the marshes wherein he used to feed are no more. It is true that the ancient account does not present the matter quite in this light. What Diogenes Laertius says in his life of Empe- docles is that the philosopher mixed the waters of the two rivers so that they became sweet, but we can scarcely err in supposing that in this mixing of the rivers was implied a construction of artificial channels to take away the surface- moisture of the land. The groups of the reverse of the coins seem to have a similar meaning. Heracles striking the bull with his club is a visible symbol of the power of bright sunlight in dispersing damp vapours and purifying the air. Apollo shooting out his arrows of light must be taken in the same sense. K. O. Muller indeed thought that Apollo and Artemis appear on our coin rather as senders than as removers of plague and sickness ; and this is an idea which might readily occur to any one with the first book of the Iliad fresh in his memory. But the same Deities who scatter the plague also remove it ; and it seems preferable to imagine 1 Nam. Chron. 1848, p. 108. LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— SICILY. 105 them on our coin engaged in a beneficent rather than a pernicious mission. Apollo represents cleansing solar warmth, and as Mr Watkiss Lloyd well suggests, the presence of Artemis is especially suitable because one of the evils under which the Selinuntines laboured before succour was brought them by Empedocles, was the difficulty experienced by women in child-birth. In these charming pieces of money, then, there is quite a hymn of thanksgiving as well as a chapter of history ; and they will for ever stand as a record alike of the piety of the Selinuntines and the wisdom of the great Empedocles. No. 18, from Himera, offers us a subject closely similar to those just dis- n. is. cussed ; but with interesting variety. Himera was not a city of rivers, but of hot springs which were sought by invalids. It is the Nymph of these hot springs who at Himera sacrifices to the healing deities, while in the background appears a Satyr rejoicing in her waters, which pour over his shoulders from a lion’s-head jet. The nymph is clad not in the usual Doric dress, but in a long-sleeved chiton, with himation passing under her left arm and fastened over her right shoulder. This is the dress used in Lycian and early Greek monuments, and may best be called the Ionian. In No. 20 we have a well-known coin, which is certainly one of the most n. 20 . remarkable in existence. It is of Naxus in Sicily, and represents a bearded Satyr squatting on the ground and holding a wine-cup. In this figure we have the general characteristics of the age, the spare proportions, the exaggerated muscles, the rigidly defined attitude ; the head also according to the universal rule at this early time is in profile, while the body faces the spectator. But certainly there is also here much that is unexpected. Our coin can scarcely be so late as the middle of the 5th century : this is shewn by the form X for B in the inscription, and by the very early style of the Head of Dionysus on the obverse, No. 22. AVe should then scarcely have expected to find, as we do, a distinct notion of perspective and an attempt to foreshorten, as well as a most successful realism in the result of the position of the left arm of the Satyr which supports the weight of his body ; the left shoulder being pushed up with considerable truth to nature. It should be added that all coins of this type known come from a single die, and it would seem that that die was executed by an artist of extraordinary talent who was in many points before his time. The male heads on the section of Plate n. are five in number. AYe have, to proceed in order of antiquity, an Apollo from Leontini, No. 30, a Dionysus 11 . 30 , from Naxus, No. 22, and three Apollos from Catana and Leontini, Nos. 23, 24, n. 23 , 25, of which the last dates from the downward limit of our period. In the 25 ' facial angle of these heads we may trace the gradual transition from the sloping oriental to the more upright Greek line; the mouths slope less and less upwards, the eye looks more and more forward. Especially noticeable is the change in G. 14 106 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. the arrangement of hair, which is in all cases long, short hair scarcely ever IL 5 - appearing on coins of the period. The hah' of the archaic Dionysus, No. 5 of the plate, falls down his back unconfined. In the case of the Apollo, No. 30, we find the customary arrangement of our period, the long hah at the back being plaited and fastened behind the ears, while the shorter hair at the sides hangs straight down, and the hah over the forehead is cut quite short. A similar style of coiffure is to be noticed in Plate hi. Nos. 35, 49, Plate IV. 35, 36, and in numberless other instances — as well as in many works of sculp- ture. It is no doubt taken from contemporary real life. The head of Apollo, ii.3o. No. 30, can fortunately be accurately dated by reason of its close resemblance to the so-called Demareteion of Syracuse to the year b. c. 479. One interesting point about it seems to be the laurel-spray in front and behind, which we may suppose to be placed in the true spirit of Greek symbolism to stand for a laurel-grove surrounding the local temple of Apollo. Of the Demareteion we ii. 32. shall presently speak, but no one who compares its reverse. No. 32, with the ii. 33. reverse of our coin of Leontini, No. 33, can hesitate to give the two pieces to the same time, if to different artists. It would seem however that in Sicily it was before the middle of the fifth century that the long hair of men ceased to ii. 22 . be plaited and was done up in other ways. In No. 22 the back-hair is rolled H. 23 . into a sort of ball, and the front hah’ fastened backward; in No. 23 the back n.24,25. hair is turned up under the string of a wreath; in Nos. 24 and 25 the hair is still turned up thus, but it would seem to be far shorter. No doubt during our period male hair was worn shorter and shorter for the sake of convenience, until after about 430 it was usually cut almost as short as among us. Of the female heads which come next on our plate I have already spoken. ii. 29 , 32. But the so-called Demareteion, obv. No. 29, rev. No. 32, deserves a special mention as a coin of fixed date which is the chief support of the chronological arrangement of early Sicilian coins. In b. c. 480 Gelon, King of Syracuse, won a great victory over the Carthaginians at Himera, and as a consequence the Carthaginians sued for peace, which was granted them at the intercession of Demarete, wife of Gelon, on terms so favourable that they presented that lady, in gratitude, with a large quantity of gold, with the proceeds of which she issued coins, which we know on the express testimony of Diodorus 1 to have been of the weight of ten Attic drachms, or fifty Sicilian litrae. The coin on our plate being of precisely that weight, alone among all early Greek coins, and bearing besides the figure of a lion, the well-known symbol of Africa, must be taken to be one of the actual coins issued by Demarete. It is a work of great beauty and in advance of the time. It is doubtful to what goddess we should Diodorus xi. 26. LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— SICILY. 107 ascribe the head it bears ; it has been thought by some to be Arethusa and by some Nike. Nos. 32 to 35 of our plate, which belong to Syracuse, Leontini, Gela and n. 32— 35 . Himera respectively, represent the ordinary four-horse chariots of the Greeks, £uch as contended at Olympia and the other great festivals ; with Victory floating above, and crowning sometimes the charioteer and sometimes the horses. No. 37, from Messana, bears a mule-chariot, also crowned by Victory. These n. 37 . are agonistic types, and commemorate as a rule victories of citizens won at Olympia. The victorious chariot appears at Syracuse and Gela in the time of King Gelon, who ruled both cities and was victorious at Olympia ; before his time the chariot at Syracuse is not greeted by Victory, see No. 9. So too Nike floats over the chariot at Camarina subsequently to the Olympian victory of Psaumis celebrated by Pindar 1 ; and the victorious mule-car both at Messana and lihegium may probably be, as Aristotle says it was, a permanent record of the victory won with the apene by Anaxilalls, king of both cities. In other cases however, as on coins of Leontini and Panormus, some lesser victory than an Olympian may be celebrated by the adoption of a chariot-type. The inhabi- tants of Panormus indeed being of Carthaginian race would scarcely have been admitted to the Olympian contest. The horseman on Sicilian coins, Nos. 11, 38, n. n, 38. also seems to refer to agonistic success ; to a victory with the Keles, in the case where the horseman rides his steed ; in the case where he is leaping down, to victory in one of those contests so favourite among the Greeks where charioteers or horsemen had to alight in the midst of their career and run on foot to the goal. It is to be noted as the rule in the coinage of Sicily that the type of a tetradraclnn is a four-liorse chariot, of a didraclnn a horseman leading a second horse, of a drachm a horseman on one horse merely. We might at first be inclined to doubt the assertion that there are four horses to the chariots on Nos. 10, 34, 35, 36, and twm horses on No. 11 of our plate. This introduces us to a curious convention practised in the depicting of chariots in Sicily. From early times until about b. c. 420 the artists who had to engrave a chariot indicated two horses clearly, and the remaining two merely by doubling the front outlines of the two already depicted. When a pair of animals only had to be represented, as in the case of the apene, No. 37, or the horseman with two horses, No. 11, only 11 . 37 . n. one animal was fully drawn and the second indicated by a doubling of outline. Now and then an unusually bold artist, such as the engraver of the Demareteion, No. 32, broke through the convention, and tried to get in either the full number of animals, or at least one more than the usual number ; but the old custom soon revived, and lasted even into the period of best art. The engraver who 01 . 4. This victory is given to B. c. 452. 14 o 108 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. cut No. 37 could certainly easily have depicted a pair of mules if he had been disposed ; so could the engraver of our pi. vi. No. 24, but they preferred the established usage. Over the victorious chariot Victory sometimes soars like a bird, and sometimes runs with outspread wings. The latter of these attitudes seems the older and it admits of more variety. It is interesting to contrast the earliest running Nike of our plate, No. 10, with the latest, No. 37. In No. 10 the Goddess hurries with swinging arms and stretched legs which are clearly seen through her chiton. She wears an over garment, a most inappropriate thing for a Hying figure. One of her wings is depicted as stretched in front of her and one behind, in the fashion followed always in primitive art in the portrayal of birds. With this figure we may compare the larger Nike of Catana, No. 19, which is however more advanced. Possibly this figure may be not of Nike but of Catana under the guise of Nike, for it is noteworthy that on some specimens we find at full length the inscription KATANE which seems to refer to the winged figure. In No. 37, on the other hand, the Goddess moves swiftly without the clumsy exertions of the runner ; her wings are evidently the chief means of her propulsion. By a curious conceit of the artist she alights on the reins which bend lightly beneath her as she stretches forward to place her wreath on the heads of the mules. One of the early attempts at the portrayal of a floating Nike may be seen in No. 21 ; here the Goddess although flying lifts her dress in order that it may not impede the motion of her limbs ; a curious way of indicating swift flight. In this case she holds part of a small galley, and seems connected rather with naval war than with the games. In No. 38, from Himera, we see a horseman alighting. The horseman has the same stiff attitude and hard outline as the sacrificing figures of which we have spoken above. In Nos. 39 and 40 we see one of the most usual objects of veneration in Sicily, a river-god. Here however he is not portrayed in human shape, nor like Achelous on some of the coins of Metapontum 1 as a man with bull’s head, but as a bull with the head of a bearded man 2 . His aquatic character is sufficiently indicated in our No. 39 by the water-bird which swims above him, and the fish below ; and indeed lie seems from the motion of his front legs to be himself swimming. The head on our No. 40 is of a most majestic character, and not quite such as we should have expected from a Greek artist of the middle of the fifth century. These fluvial types will recur in the next period, when we shall again speak of them. Plate n. concludes with two animals, an eagle from Agrigentum, No. 41, and a hare from Messana, No. 42. It is interesting to place these two side by side, for the eagle is a creature in 1 Millingen, Ancient Greek Coins, p. 17. 2 Cf. my paper on Greek River-worship in Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. vol. xi. LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— HELLAS. 109 the portrayal of which the Greeks wonderfully progressed in the course of their history, while they retained the type of the hare almost unchanged. The eagle here is most heavy and wanting in life and presents a vivid contrast to those we shall find in plate vi. Beneath the hare is an interesting head of Pan with short hair and goat’s horn, and beside him his musical instrument the Syrinx. Hellas. The coinage of Greece proper cannot at this period compare for variety and care of execution with that of Sicily. Yet Abdera in northern, Thebes in central, and Elis in southern Hellas furnish us with evidence that monetary artists of Greece, if inferior in technical skill to those of the west, were not their inferiors in boldness and originality of design. Evidence to prove this is collected on the lower portion of our third plate. As regards the style of the pieces it would be easy to say too much ; to find the peculiarities of various schools in the different districts and to confirm old or maintain new theories of the spread of art. But in such proceeding there are great dangers ; and our coins are neither numerous enough nor large enough in scale to form the basis of a sound induction. But it must be mentioned that the theory of Prof. Brunn above stated 1 as to the art of the coins of Northern Greece is based upon and applies to the coins of the present as well as those of the last period. The full and broad treatment of the head of Hermes on coins of Aenus (No. 35) is especially mentioned by Prof. Brunn as indicative of Asiatic influence. But we must not exclude from the comparison other series. The city of Abdera, for instance, presents us with a wonderful series of types, of which the character is very varied (see Nos. 29, 30, 31), and to them Prof. Brunn’s remarks seems to me less applicable. The Thessalian coins too, which in types and in style are closely like those of Mace- don (Nos. 32, 33), seem to be thoroughly Hellenic rather than Asiatic in style. It thus appears that the style of art in the coins of Northern Greece tends in the middle of the fifth century to lose the character which had originally marked it, and to become assimilated to that of Southern Hellas. And it is noteworthy that at the same period Macedon and Thrace begin to gravitate from Persia to Hellas, to cease their dependence on the great king, and to seek allies at Athens and Sparta. No. 28, from Thasos, represents a subject usual in the in. 28 . mountainous region of Thrace, where a rude worship of Dionysus and his train was at home, as well as in the islands opposite to Thrace. This subject is the 1 P . 91. 110 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. surprise and carrying off of a nymph of wood or spring by a Satyr. In the present case the treatment is refined ; and the adaptation of the design to the ni. 29 , 30, field of the coin quite perfect. Nos. 29, 30, 31 are from Abdera in Thrace, and ought to give us materials for judging of the art of Northern Greece at the iu. an. period. On 29 is the bearded Dionysus holding a wine-cup. He is clad in the himation only, which leaves his chest bare, and is as unlike to the usual archaic Dionysus swathed in long Ionian robes as to the later youthful and effeminate Deity of post-Alexandrine times. Here indeed in attitude and general outline he resembles Zeus and Asclepius. Of a not dissimilar type must have been the Zeus Philius, a compound of Zeus and Dionysus, set up at Megalopolis in Arcadia by the younger Polycleitus, holding in one hand a wine-cup and in the other a thyrsus surmounted by an eagle. The approximation of Zeus and Diony- sus, if unusual in Greece proper, was as we shall hereafter see quite usual in Asia Minor. His head, by a license unusual on Greek coins, passes outside the linear square cut for his reception, certainly to the great improvement of the m. 30. design. In No. 30 we have a sturdy figure which has usually been supposed to hold a patera in act of sacrifice. But I am inclined on close examination to think that we have here rather a discobolus. The object supposed to be a patera is too large and heavy to be so considered, and it does not lie in the hand but rests on the arm of the youth who holds it. The frame of this youth is that of an athlete, and his square and powerful figure shews affinity to the nearly contemporary works of Polycleitus. The attitude is not that either of the Discobolus of Myron or other extant statues of the time, but it does not seem an unlikely one for a disk-thrower to assume : the left arm is thrown back nearly in the position in which it is placed by a fencer when he is about to make a forward lunge. Experiment will be the best test for the truth of this theory. It is perhaps worth while to place beside this figure a statement of the Scholiast on Pindar 1 , that it was the custom when one of the family of Diagoras the boxer of Rhodes was the subject of a votive statue to represent him with the right hand raised in prayer. This is clearly not the case with our present figure, as the hand raised is the left, not the right. But may there not be a mistake in the statement of the Scholiast ? May he not have imagined a hand to be lifted in prayer when it was really placed in attitude to begin the fray ? If we consider the attitudes usual to a Greek boxer this will not seem impro- bable. In the fifth plate of the Journal of Hellenic Studies is figured a small bronze discobolus in nearly the attitude of our athlete, in. 3i. In No. 31 we possess a pleasing figure of Artemis, of a style somewhat earlier than we should expect in view of the fabric. The hair of the goddess is arranged in the early fashion in long locks which fall over her shoulder ; in one 1 A d 01. vii. LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— HELLAS. Ill Land she holds an arrow on the string of a bow, and in the other a branch on which feeds a doe which walks beside her. This was no doubt a current type of the period ; it may be compared with the Leucadian figure of Artemis, pi. xy. No. 14, which resembles it generally, although far ruder and less tastefully xv. in executed, and with the archaic 1 gem of the British Museum signed by the Artist Heius. Nos. 32 and 33, from Larissa in Thessaly, give us a fair idea of the earlier ni. 32 , 33 . coins of that district. As the coins of Sicily are full of the worship of lakes and rivers, so are those of Thessaly of records of the prowess of early heroes of Thes- salian birth, such as Achilles and Protesilaus and more particularly Jason, whose sandal is the earliest type of the money of Larissa. We have in the present two coins a representation of a struggle between Jason or some other hero and a savaere bull. The hero, who wears the national Thessalian dress of hat (petasus) and chlamys, attempts to master the animal by means of a band which he passes round its horns, but the victory is still undecided, and the stress of the conflict is marked by the loose flying of petasus and chlamys; in No. 33 in. 33. the human combatant is pulled off the ground by his opponent. Contrary to the rule in early Greek coins of the West, the later specimen offers us slighter pro- portions in the human figure. No. 34, from Terone, a representation of a Satyr hi. 34. looking into a wine-jar, is only remarkable for the skill with which the design is fitted into the field. Of Nos. 35 to 40 we will sjieak a little lower down. No. 41 from Elis and No. 43 from Arcadia clearly represent the same deitv, in. 11 , 43. the great Olympian Zeus with his attendant eagle. No. 43 is merely a repeti- tion in freer style of Nos. 15 and 16 of the previous period. No. 41 is a more original work. The coin is badly preserved ; but we can still trace the design : Zeus is seated on a rock, no doubt mount Olympus, his sceptre lies on the rock beside him ; his himation is wrapped about his left arm, while with the right hand he supports the eagle who is ready to start on his bidding. The attitude of the god nearly resembles that which he assumes in the Parthenon frieze, but there is here no trace of the influence of the great pre-Pheidian statue of the Olympian temple of which we seem to catch a reflexion in the Arcadian coin. No. 42, also from Elis, represents Victory, facing, holding in both hands a long m. 42 . taenia. The work is slight and sketchy, but the attitude a bold attempt for the period. Nos. 44 to 48 are from Thebes. It is worthy of remark that the time of in. 44- the great Boeotian artist Myron is also the time when a great variety of inter- esting types appear in the usually monotonous and inartistic coinage of Boeotia. In No. 44 appears a Goddess clad in long-sleeved chiton, seated cross-kneed on Or, archaistic, Brunn, Griech. Kilns tier, 11 . 013. 112 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. a stool, and holding up a helmet. If she be Pallas, the artist has innovated in the treatment of his subject. He has perhaps only followed a custom not unfrequent in early reliefs and vases in omitting the aegis, and transferring the helmet from the head of the Goddess to her hand ; but he has certainly placed her in an attitude somewhat free for so august a Deity. Hence some have supposed that it is not Pallas who is represented but Harmonia, wife of Cadmus and daughter of Ares 1 . Next follow representations of Heracles, the special deity of Thebes. In No. 45 he appears as a remarkably short and thick-set figure holding bow and club. This figure nearly resembles that of the Tyrian Melcarth at Citium in Cyprus, pi. iv. 22, the only important difference in the pose being that in the Phoenician figure the right hand with its club is raised over the head, in the Theban figure it hangs down. Of course in the execution of the present relief, and the details, Greek handiwork is apparent ; but the hero is neverthe- less near to his foreign prototype. The absence of the lion’s skin in all these instances is noteworthy. In No. 46 we see a beardless youth stringing a bow in somewhat clumsy fashion. Plis figure is spare and muscular, and we cannot easily bring ourselves to the belief that this figure is also a Heracles, although it must probably be so considered. The ear on the plate looks as if it were pointed ; this however is a mere accident arising from an injury to the coin. The contrast between these two Theban figures of Heracles on coins of the same age and fabric may warn us of the danger of making general statements as to the prevalence of certain types at this or that period or place. No. 47 represents a subject common on vases, Heracles carrying off the tripod of Apollo from Delphi, and menacing its rightful owner with his club. In artistic expression this figure may be com- vii. 2 . pared with a somewhat later, and freer, figure of Poseidon, pi. vn. 2, also from Boeotia : the two correspond very closely. The infant Heracles strangling two ill. 48. serpents, No. 48, is an early instance of a type often afterwards repeated; see pi. viii. 1 ; xvi., Nos. 6—8. The young hero is not here as he is represented at a later period, and as the tale demands, a mere baby, but seems already a youth. It is notorious that Greek artists did not learn how to portray children until the days of Lysippus and Boethus : before that time their children are, as here, little men and women. In representing the head the Greeks of Hellas certainly at this period sur- iii. 35. passed those of the West. That the head of Hermes from Aenus, No. 35, and that of Zeus Ammon from Cyrene, No. 49, are early is at once shewn by the archaic fashion in which their long hair is plaited, yet the type of them is noble and severe ; in the features there is not much of archaic convention 2 . Similar is the 1 Head, Coinage of Boeotia , p. 33. 2 Overbeck, Kunstmyth. u. 294, calls the head on our No. 49 arckaistic. It is however certain, that the fabric of the coin is quite early, at all events within our period. Archaistic in the sense LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— HELLAS. 113 head of Apollo, from Dicaea, No. 36, though here the hair is rolled, in somewhat in. 36, 39 . later fashion, and the head of Aeneas from Aeneia, No. 39. Of the female heads on our plate the earliest in style are the helmeted head of Pallas from Athens, No. 51, and that of Despoena from Arcadia, No. 50. The head of Pallas is a m. 51 - purely conventional type. It is not truly archaic ; true archaic heads have more character, cf. No. 21. It is formed by making a general or average type from hi. 21 . coin-dies of b. c. 500 or thereabouts and perpetuating it from age to age un- changed. The particular coin chosen for the plate may have been minted at any time between b.c. 450 and 330. Athens alone among Greek cities slavishly repeated the same conventional form in perpetuity until the downfall of her freedom, led thereto no doubt by reasons of commercial expediency, by the fear of limiting the circulation of her coins, which was enormous, if she made them more beautiful. If we wish to see what Athenian die-sinkers could do in the best times, we must turn to the coinage of Thurium, pi. 1 . Nos. 31, 32. The Arcadian coin, No. 50, exhibits a head of the great Arcadian goddess Despoena; 111 . so. a bold attempt, for the period almost unique, to represent a face in three- quarter view. The perspective is obviously a little out, but the surprising thing is that it should not be worse. In No. 37 from Pharsalus we have an early 111 . 37 . Thessalian head of Pallas, of which the hair is represented still by mere dots ; and in No. 38 a beautiful head of Hera from Corcyra, almost the only beautiful in. 38 . type to be found on the thousands of coins issued by that wealthy state. Of animals we represent a goat from Aenus, No. 40, the traditional owl of Athens, m. 40 , . 53 . No. 53, which is as fixed a type for the reverse of Athenian coins as the head of Pallas for their obverse, and equally conventional, and an archaic eagle from Elis, No. 52. This last indeed might with equal propriety be given to the in. 52 . earlier period, but for the evidence of date afforded in the style of its reverse, No. 42. The bird is intended to be seen from below, and body and claws are in. 42 . thi'own into profile more through the limited skill of the artist than his deli- berate design. Asia Minor. Passing on to the coins of Asia Minor, on pi. iv., lower half, we find our- selves at once in the midst of the works of a less flourishing and more slowly developing art. To prove that they belong to the period now under discussion of conventionally retaining an older mode of treatment it may be ; but it is not in my opinion a work of affected archaism. G. 15 114 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. IV. ISt, 20. and not to earlier times would not be easy, and would require a long disserta- tion. The real ground of our assignment of date consists in the comparison of Asiatic coins of known date ; such as the pieces issued at Magnesia by Themis- tocles ; the coins of the Greek Kings of Salamis in Cyprus ; the money of known Persian Satraps ; the coins issued by the cities which formed an alliance after the battle of Cnidus (xvi. G, 7) and other specimens. M. Waddington 1 has satisfactorily shewn that the incuse square of the reverse, which is not found in Sicily after b.c. 480, and begins to disappear in Hellas after 430, persists in Asia Minor until B.C. 400, or even later. And style in Asia is as far behind style in the West as is fabric behind fabric. Of course this is not equally true of all parts of Asia Minor. It would be unreasonable to expect to find in great Greek cities like Colophon and Cyzicus the same sluggishness in art which seems natural in places like Lycia and Cyprus. These truly Greek cities were bound by close ties of religion and commerce with the cities of the West, and lay in the full stream of advancing; civilization. Their aid was far more advanced than that of the lands behind them. Thus to take an instance from the plate, No. 36, a head from Chalcedon stands on a very different level as regards art from the Cyprian head, No. 33. Yet they may well date from nearly the same time ; the differ- ence between them arises rather from geographical than temporal distance. Into lands like Cyprus Greek art filtered slowly, and Phoenician stagnation prevailed everywhere until the days of Evagoras. Omitting a few exceptional pieces we may safely say that the prominent cha- racteristic of these Asiatic coins is their decorative character. In all the figures far more care is bestowed on the general scheme and outline than on the truth of detail ; all have a tendency to approach the character of patterns or de- vices. That this character properly pertains to works of Asiatic art is too well- known to need further assertion or proof. Nos. 19 and 20 are two obverses of the well-known and widely current staters of Cyzicus which formed a large part of the coinage of the Euxine and Northern Greece in the fifth century. The mint-mark to be found on all of them alike is the tunny-fish ; but the types differ widely. In No. 20, we see a female figure running ; she is winged and clad in a long chiton ; with one hand she raises her dress, while the other grasps the tunny by the tail. This figure has all the peculiarities already noted as signs of archaic art ; the head turned back, the long hair indicated by dots merely, the prominence of the limbs through the dress. We may hesitate whether to see in it a Nike; the absence of attributes deprives us of the means of finally settling the question. It would seem however to be Nike or Eirene. One or other of these names may with greater confidence be given to another running 1 Melanges Je Muni. I. p. 15. LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— ASIA MINOR. 115 winged goddess of somewhat later date, No. 30, on a coin which is usually iv. ao. supposed to belong to Marium in Cyprus, but more properly should be given to Mallus on the Cilician coast. This remarkable figure was evidently cut at a time when skill in the plastic arts was at a high point, but had not yet, at least in conservative Asia, been able to destroy or remodel archaic poses. Between the general scheme which is altogether early, and the details which are carefully and skilfully worked out, there is a marked incongruity. The attribution is how- ever easy ; a divinity who carries in one hand a caduceus and in the other a wreath, must be either the genius of victory or the goddess of the peace which follows victory. It should be added that on the reverse of this piece is the conical stone which stood in the district as symbol of Aphrodite, with that goddess then is Nike associated at Mallus, as at Olympia with Zeus, and at Athens with Pallas. The figure of Heracles, No. 19, may be compared with the representation iv. id. of the same hero on a Lycian coin, No. 23, and more especially with the two iv. 23 . figures, Nos. 21, 22, from coins struck at the Phoenician city of Citium in Cyprus iv. 21 , 22 . and bearing on the reverse the names of kings of that city written in Phoeni- cian characters. The comparison will tend to confirm the theory already stated of the Phoenician origin of the plastic type of Heracles 1 . The position of the weapons of the hero is clearly dictated by symbolical intent, but it is unna- tural, and not such as a Greek would have invented. The later of the figures from Citium, No. 22, shews greater departure from the grotesque and Phoeni- cian and closer approximation to the Hellenic type. Here as on Nos. 19 and iv. 19, 23 . 23 the hair of the hero is • plaited at the back, his figure more spare and en- ergetic. It is probable that the figure on 19 is intended to be running 2 . On iv. 19 , 24 . No. 24, from an uncertain city of Pamphylia or Cilicia, we have an oriental rendering 1 of Hermes. This we know from a caduceus on the reverse of the piece. But the wings of the deity have risen from his heels to his shoulders. His form is roughly drawn and somewhat spare ; the violent motion of his arms would seem to shew that he is in hot haste. Another Hermes, from Cyprus, No. 27, is of more Hellenic character. Here the wings are in their iv. 27 . usual place on the heels, and the god carries his caduceus ; over his shoulders is a light chlamys, in depicting which the die-sinker has done his utmost to make the drapery light and of a character not to interfere with the portrayal of form. He would even seem first to have formed a naked figure and then added the drapery by a few lines with the tool. In No. 25 we have a figure iv. 25 . of Dionysus from Nagidus in Cilicia, bearded, and clad in a himation only, like the figure pi. in. 29. The present representation is however far ruder and more hi. 29 . clumsy ; in the right hand of Dionysus is a large twig of vine with two bunches 1 above, p. 80. 2 above, p. 87. 116 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. IV. 26. II. 38. IV. 32. IV. 29. IV. 31. IV. 28. IV. 33. IV. 34. IV. 38. of grapes; in his left hand a huge thyrsus. We must recollect that in Cilicia Dionysus and Zeus were confused, being alternately identified with a native deity. Thus Baal of Tarsus, who was usually considered as Zeus, frequently holds on coins a bunch of grapes. In No. 26 from Celenderis in Cilicia we have a horseman alighting from his horse, with the help of a spear with which he is armed, a figure to be com- pared with that from Sicily, pi. ii. 38. For once Asiatic art has been more successful both in general attitude and in details. In No. 32 from Erythrae a warrior leads a horse ; below the group is an architectural pattern which looks like part of the decoration of a temple or a tomb, and suggests that our type is a copy or rather a reminiscence of a larger monument. In No. 29 from Aspendus, a hero charges with spear and shield ; a figure in design reminding us of the figures of the Aeginetan pediments, but rudely executed. In 31, of uncertain attribution, we find two naked boxers engaging, each having his oil- flask slung on his arm. These last details can scarcely be introduced with any purpose but in order to fill the field, and perhaps to indicate the athletic cha- racter of the heroes ; for obviously in such a conflict they would be quite out of place. No. 28, from Cos, contains a figure which has, I think, been usually misin- terpreted. It has been imagined to represent the dance of joy which Apollo executed after he had slain the Python ; the god is supposed to hold a cymbal in his hand, while the tripod shews the scene of conflict to be Delphi. But Apollo does not usually appear on the coins of Cos, and if he did appear it would be as a solar deity and not as hero of a legend which belongs peculiarly to Delphi. Moreover it must strike everyone in how undignified a fashion the great god would here be depicted. I venture to propose 1 an entirely different interpretation of the group. The male figure I take to be an athlete, or perhaps a deity in the guise of an athlete, in violent motion, in the very act of hurling a discus which he holds in his right hand, while the tripod is introduced to shew how mighty was the throw, winning the tripod, which was no doubt the prize of the contest. Looked at in this light our coin is interesting as an im- portant addition to the class of agonistic types. Next follow several representations of heads of male deities. No. 33, a Cyprian head of Zeus Ammon, and No. 34, a Lycian head of Ares, belong by style rather to the archaic period, though probably they were not struck before b.c. 480, as the art of Cyprus and Lycia developed slowly, and long repeated archaic types. The obverse of No. 33 resembles No. 27 above. The head of Herakles, No. 38, is also Lycian ; but it belongs to the latter part of our period 1 I now find that this has already been suggested. Berlin Kon. Miinzk. p. 64. LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— ASIA MINOR. 117 when the Athenian maritime empire had spread along the Asiatic coast, and with it Athenian art; it closely resembles the works of Greek artists. Nos. 35 and iv. 35 , 37 . 37 are two heads of Apollo from Colophon, which shew gradual development of style, though even in the later, No. 37, the archaic plaiting of hair is retained. No. 36, from Chalcedon, is in all probability the head of the Thracian sun-god iv. 36. Ares 1 . In spite of archaic convention it has a certain grimness of aspect : the reverse of the coin is a radiate wheel, the primitive symbol of the sun which was later expanded into a chariot. Nearly all the animal symbols in the last line of pi. iv. are connected with the sun and solar worship, sun and moon in varied form being the chief deities of almost all the peoples of western Asia. In No. 39, from Aspendus, we iv. 3 which accompanies this type is found on several other fine coins of South Italy of the period, such as the head of Terina, No. 20. On a fine piece of Thurium, the obverse bears the letter may be the initial of a magistrate’s name, but more likely that it is the signature of an artist 2 , who may possibly, as the Tinman piece suggests, be the Sicilian engraver Phrygillus. Certainly the style of these pieces is uniform, and as fine and delicate as that of Phrygillus’ signed works 3 . No. 1 Br. Mus. Cat. Italy, p. 287. 2 So much has already been stated by Mr Head, Br. Mus. Guide to Coins, pp. 30, 50. 3 Cat. Sicily, pp. 168, 182 ; von Sallet, Kunstler-Inschri/ten , p. 39. G. 1G V. 5. V. 6. V. 19. V. 32. V. 20. 122 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. v. 10 . v. 11. Y. 13. V. 12. V. 14. VI. 37. V. 15, 10, 10, from Croton, represents the victory of young Heracles over the snakes, a type discussed below. No. 11, from Locri, represents, as the inscription shews, an Eirene. She is an unwinged figure, seated, on an altar, which the bucranium on it shews to be meant for sacrifices, and holds the herald’s staff. We know not on what occasion this figure was introduced on the Locrian coin ; it was doubtless at a time when the people of Locri supposed themselves to owe much to the goddess. In attitude and in proportions, which are decidedly those of the school of Poly- cleitus, this figure exactly resembles the two which follow it. These are two Nikes from Terina, a city little known to any but numismatists, which are of wonderfully fine work. They may be compared with the same deity on coins of Elis, pi. viii. 4, the present figures being far more carefully finished, though the design is less graceful. In No. 13 Nike holds, according to her wont, a wreath, in No. 12 a bird, possibly a dove. In the latter attribute we need seek no special meaning, for the dove was not among the Greeks a symbol of peace ; but Nike on the coins of Terina is introduced as amusing herself in many ways. Sometimes she plays with a ball, sometimes she fills a hydria from a spring ; at other times she fondles a pet swan or dove. She seems in fact at Terina to embody the fresh gladness of nature and the sportive joy of open-air life in a soft and genial region. Above all Greeks the people of South Italy seem to have loved birds and insects and flowers, all of which actually swarm on their coins, just as they do in the seventh Idyll of Theocri- tus, the scene of which is laid most appropriately at Yelia. But we do find something of the same kind in other parts of the Greek world. On a whole series of small coins issued by the cities of Thessaly, for instance, we have representations of river-nymphs occupied in the like joyous play. Sometimes, as at Cierium, they are playing with astragali, sometimes tossing balls, sometimes they are filling hydriae, sometimes seated in quiet enjoyment. They are the happy and ever young forces of nature, every development of which seemed to the Greeks with their sanguine nature and their genial climate full of pleasure and sport. Unfortunately the extremely small size of these beautiful Thessa- lian coins has excluded them from our plates. To return to our coins of Terina : it is probable that both of them are by the artist of whom we have just spoken, and who signs with a 4>, for the style is closely like his. No. 14, from Locri, bears a head the attribution of which might perhaps have perplexed us but for the legend, the word Zees. As a head of Zeus this is quite unique ; the thick beard and strong bare neck would better suit Heracles. The nearest approach to it is to be noted in the head of Zeus Eleutherius from Syracuse, pi. vi. 37 ; the style is no doubt local. On No. 15 from Rhegium, and No. 1G from Croton, are two noble heads of Apollo with PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— ITALY. 123 long flowing flair; No. 15 is specially beautiful; its style should be compared v. 15 . with that of the pieces from Olynthus, pi. vii. 12, 13, and will scarcely suffer vii.12,13. from the comparison. Equally fine are the heads of Athene which follow', Nos. 17 and 18 from Thurium, No. 19 from the Lucanian Heraclea. The figure ofv. 17 — 19 . Scylla on the helmet of the Goddess on the Thurian coins is a well-known triumph of ancient art ; the subject is no doubt adopted from local legends of Italy. Thurium was, as will be remembered, a colony founded by the Athenians in B. c. 434 ; the beauty of its coinage from the very beginning makes it appear that Athenian artists w r ent with the colony and worked on its coins. So while the old Pallas on the Athenian coins retained its traditional ruggedness, the same deity is represented at Thurium by Attic colonists with all the resources of perfect art. No. 19 is probably by the same artist who executed the head of v. 19 . Terina on a coin of the city of the same name; No. 20, a proud and ungentle v. 20 . but severely beautiful effigy. No. 21 from Nola and 23 from Terina, are also v. 21 . beautiful heads of nymphs. It is uncertain who is intended in the head on No. 22 from Heraclea, a beautiful profile placed on the snake-bordered aegis of v. 22 . Pallas. Such a position could properly suit no head but that of Medusa, but w r e do not find wing or serpents, nor in fact does the head in any way resemble that of the dread Gorgon. It wears an olive-wreath and is of gentle and pleasing type. Possibly it may be the head of Victory, the servant of Pallas, or even of the Goddess herself : but we cannot speak with any certainty. On No. 24, from Thurium, is the butting bull, fiovs dovpios, who symbolizes v. 24 . the rapidly gushing springs which procured for the city its name. His aqueous character is indicated by the fish which swims below. This bull is a master- piece ; of noble form and full of energy. On 25 from Croton is an eagle carrying v. 25 . an olive branch, fit symbol of agonistic victory. Next, on 26, comes a lion’s scalp v. 26 . of very conventional style, dignified in form, but very far from nature. This type is from Phegium, and is in fact the reverse of the Apollo, No. 15. The obverse v. 15 . of the coin shews us the artist working 1 from nature and raising it to the ideal ; the other side shews us the same artist (in all probability) doing the best he can with a form familiar to him only in architectonic and decorative reliefs. On No. 27 the ear of corn, the usual type of the Metapontine coin, appears with a v. 27 . little bird standing on the leaf, a pretty illustration of what lias been said as to the feeling for natural objects displayed by the Italian Greeks. 16—2 124 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. Sicily. The coins of Sicily of the period b. c. 431 — 371 are peculiarly interesting for many reasons. In the first place they are commonly regarded as the most beautiful specimens of numismatic art in existence ; and the reader by turning to our selection on pi. vi. Nos. 1 — 34 may easily satisfy himself that this opinion is not without some justification. Again, not only are these coins very beautiful, but they supply a great gap, for there is a paucity of artistic remains of Sicily during the best time ; sculptures and vases of this class are alike rare, and neither bear quite so high testimony to the artistic skill of the Sicilian Greeks as do the coins. Once more, most of these Sicilian pieces can be dated within narrow limits. In 409 B. C. began that terrible Carthaginian campaign which laid waste for a time or for ever most of the great cities of Sicily ; and those cities which survived the Punic carnage were a few years later ruined by the not less relentless hand of the tyrant Dionysius. It is almost certain that these cities did not issue coin between the time of their destruction by Cartha- ginian or Syracusan invaders and their restoration about B. C. 345 by the Corinthian Timoleon. During this period Syracuse alone issues money, as she alone has arms and resources. We can therefore with considerable confidence fix a limit below which we cannot bring: the coins of each of the Sicilian cities. And the result to which we are driven by the acceptance of this limit is remarkable ; that there was a most wonderful sudden ripening of art in Sicily during the period between the Athenian expedition of b. e. 415 and the Carthaginian invasion, a rapid hot-house growth which might, had it been allowed to continue, have produced results still more remarkable than those existing. The Sicilian school might in some respects have outstripped those of Hellas, and left to our day results of imperishable splendour. How much Athenian influence, and in particular the aid lent by the numerous Athenian prisoners of 413 may have helped towards this sudden development, we cannot tell with accuracy ; and we should not forget to observe that the phenomenon appears less in Syracuse, where those prisoners were kept, than at Agrigentum, Gela and Camarina. Still it is worth noticing that a chariot-group which might almost have served as the model of the chariots on the reverses of Sicilian coins, with the Nike floating over them, is to be found on a relief from Athens, now preserved in the British Museum 1 . Engraved in Museum Marbles, part 9, PI. xxxvm. PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— SICILY. 125 The subjects usual on Sicilian coins at the period belong to the same mythological cycle as those of the previous generation. We still find sacrifices by river gods, No. 1, or nymphs, No. 2, heads of Arethusa and Apollo, and chariot-groups. But some new types make their appearance, and some old ones undergo important variations. The only thing to be noted in Nos. 1 and 2 is vi. 1 . 2 . the progress shewn in these later coins in the understanding and rendering of the human form. I think that no archaeologist could look carefully at the figure of Selinus, on No. 1, without detecting a likeness to the copies of the Diadumenus vi. 1 . of Polycleitus which exist in various Museums, two in that of London. There are the same heavy proportions, the same large head, the same general balance of the weight of the body on the legs. Our coin is distinctly Polycleitan ; and a comparison of it with 11 . 15 and 16 will shew the reader how well Greek art understood how, while preserving a fixed general type, to reproduce it in the style of various schools and ages. The nymph Himera, on No. 2, is not vi. 2 . dissimilar in style, though somewhat less emancipated from traditional treatment ; she too has learnt, cf. 11 . 18, to throw her weight on one foot, and has arranged her himation in far more becoming guise. The Satyr behind her is also re- modelled on the principles of the new school ; there is however in him a comic element which we do not usually look for in the art of Polycleitus ; he seems really to enjoy his warm-bath. It is probably a river-god, Crimissus, who is represented as a young hunter with dogs, standing beside a term on the coin of Segesta, No. 4. We might rather have identified the figure with the mythical vi. 4 . founder of Segesta, Segestus or Acestes, but for the fact that on some coins of the class he appears with short horn on his head. This, cf. No. 11, is a dis- vi. 11 . tinctive mark of river-gods. Salinas 1 calls him Pan Agreus, and this also is a not impossible attribution, a horned Pan actually appearing with name appended on coins of Messana at this period 2 . But whoever he be, this young hunter is of service to the history of art. For I do not remember any other figure of so early a period who stands in this attitude with one foot raised and resting on a rock, and the whole body bending over it. It is not however essentially different from the attitude assumed in early sculpture by figures loosening the sandal. For this compare the Cretan coin, pi. ix. 13, with a figure of Hermes ix 13 . tying his sandal, and the beautiful Victory from Terina, pi. v. 33, both of which date from the middle of the fourth century. But the exact variety of attitude adopted in the case of the Segestan coin does not become at all usual until Hellenistic times, cf. pi. XI. 37, xn. 2, 38, when it suddenly becomes common, xi. 37.^ especially in figures of Poseidon. Yet there can scarcely be a reasonable doubt as to the date of our Segestan coin ; from the general analogy of Sicilian coins 1 Period, di Numism. e di Sfragistica, vol. ill. p. 1. 2 Wieseler-Miillei’, Denkmaeler, no. 528. 126 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. it must be given to the earlier part of the reign of Dionysius ; and to put it even as late as the time of Timoleon is impossible. Our plate contains other Vi. 7 . pleasing aqueous types. On No. 7, from Camarina, the nymph Camarina appears seated on a swan and sailing over the waters of her lake, waters most agree- ably indicated by a line of curling waves and a fish. The progress of the Nymph is not like that of a mere mortal ; her floating garment makes a sail to catch the wind, and the swan seems to fly rather than to swim ; a fish which leaps out of the water behind her adds to the joyousness of the whole scene. On vi. n. No. 11 we have the river-god Gelas, who has by this time lost his semi-bovine appearance, cf. pi. n. 8, 40, and retains nothing of the beast, save a little horn over his forehead : avSpeico Tvna) ( Kinei ) fiovirpiopos we might term him in the lan- guage of Sophocles. Indeed that phrase better suits him than the figures with bull’s head and human limbs to which usually it has been applied. Around his head vi. 13. three fresh-water fishes swim in most life-like fashion. On No. 13 from Camarina we have a differently-treated head of the river-god Hipparis rising amid a circle of waves and between tw T o fishes ; ‘ sunima caput extulit unda.’ His hair floats out freely and his somewhat wild features contrast with the dignified repose of vi. 22 . Gelas. And on the Syracusan coin No. 22 we find a head of Arethusa, the name ’A pedocra written above, with floating hair amid which fishes glide. These are types borrowed from the river-worship which the Sicilian Greeks practised, borrowing it no doubt from older and ruder races of inhabitants, and then in Hellenic fashion filling it with a freshness of meaning and beauty of expression which made of it something new and splendid, vi. 3. In No. 3, from Eryx, the Sicilian seat of Aphrodite, we have a remarkable representation of that Goddess, who sits on a stool, modestly draped in chiton and himation, holding a dove in her hand. In front of her stands Eros, a tall winged youth, but represented on a smaller scale than the goddess, as of less importance. The execution of these figures is somewhat barbarous ; but we must remember that Eryx was not a Greek city, and that the cultus of Aphrodite there was founded not by Hellenes but probably by Phoenicians. Our type is a not very skilful Greek translation of a barbarous original; we may compare it vi. 5. with the Aphrodite and Eros of Nagidus on the Cilician coast. In No. 5 from Syracuse appears the hero Leucaspis charging at a run, upright and athletic ; vi. 8. his weapon is not the spear of the ordinary hoplite, but a short sword. In No. 8, also from Syracuse, is a group of Heracles strangling the lion, which is most skilfully adapted to a circular field. Of this type I have already spoken, vi. r,. The Satyr from Naxus, No. 6, is much refined and improved from his prototype, pi. ii. 20. The figure is softened and the head brought nearer to nature, though the general attitude remains, the artist apparently fearing to alter it lest he should produce a design less adapted to the space. The limit of space decidedly cramps PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— SICILY. 127 the present figure. But what is most remarkable in our coin is that the soil is depicted and the background filled up with a growing vine. We have thus an effect like that of a painting, an effect common on coins of Crete in the fourth century B.C., cf. pi. ix., but most unusual at this early time. Indeed, an eminent archaeologist, Dr Helbig 1 , would limit such representations to the Alexan- drine age. But the existence of Nos. 2, 4, G, 7 of our plate seems not consistent vi. 2 , 4, with this view ; which indeed sounds strangely to one used to numismatic art. And in fact we may venture to assert that many of the theories as to Greek art which find currency from time to time would not have arisen had the study of coins been familiar to their authors. We next come to the heads of deities. No. 9. from Leontini, and 10 and vi. 9 , 10 , 16 from Catana, are of Apollo. No. 9 is of large and noble type of features, yi' d with long hair turned up behind in the old fashion ; No. 10, on the other hand, is a curious mixture of archaism in design and great delicacy in detail. So youthful is this head, and its expression, though pleasing, so wanting in dig- nity, that if it had occurred in an isolated way we might have called it rather an Eros ; and had it been found save on a coin it might have passed as an archaistic reproduction of later time. But the laurel-leaf and berry, and the analogy of the whole series of Catana, shew that our head is intended as an Apollo, and its date is fixed alike by inscription and style of reverse to about b. c. 420. No. 16 is of later date, though struck before the capture of Catana vi. ic. by Dionysius in b. c. 406. We have here extreme care and refinement, which indeed are carried so far as to spoil meaning. It is on the ground of the occur- rence of coins like this that Mr Poole has based his theory 2 that gem-engraving largely influenced the style of Sicilian art. And certainly for that theory there is much justification. Not only do the delicacy and neatness of the work indi- cate a hand accustomed to work with great accuracy and on a small scale, but in the selection of the types we may discern traces of a taste accustomed to examine minute works of art. Magnify these heads of Apollo to life-size and place them on a statue and they will at once become ridiculous ; whereas heads on the coins of Hellas will bear to be magnified many times in imagination without losing anything, but rather will gain in dignity and force. And a ma- terial circumstance, which lends weight to this view, is the fact that a large number of Sicilian coins bear inscriptions in so minute characters that to ordi- nary eyes they are quite invisible without a magnifying glass ; some of them indeed have never yet been deciphered with certainty. Several of these inscribed coins are to be found in the present plate, and they will be presently men- tioned. Meantime it is quite clear that the monetary artists must have been of keen and practised sight, and used to cutting intaglios on a small 1 Campanische Wanclmalerei, p. 28C. 2 Aim. Citron. 1861, p. 240. men 128 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. VI. 12, 15. VI. 11. VI. 13. VI. 14. VI. 10. VIII. 26. VI. 17, 18, 10, 20. VI. 21, 22 23. scale. On both the coins, 10 and 16, we may notice characteristic, though slight and affected, traces of the old customs in dressing the hair. It must be added that on No. 16 the object to the left of the type is a woollen fillet, that to the right, a cray-fish or a prawn. In Nos. 12 and 15, both from Camarina, we find two heads of Heracles which exhibit the same contrast as the lately-discussed heads of Apollo. The earlier, No. 12, is full of spirit and energy; but the head is somewhat trucu- lent for that of an immortal ; the later is refined actually into effeminacy, so that, but for the whisker, we might almost imagine it to belong to Omphale rather than Heracles. The head of Gelas, on No. 11, is of the highest type and might well pass as an Apollo, as the bearded heads of the same deity might pass for heads of Zeus, pi. n. 40, vi. 38 ; that of Hipparis, No. 13, is of more sportive and appropriate character. The head of Dionysus, from Naxus, No. 14, resembles, alike in facial angle and delicacy of execution, the Apolline head No. 10, the manner in which the hair is curled being especially note- worthy. The head of Zeus, from Elis, pi. viii. 26, may also be compared, espe- cially as regards the treatment of the beard, although to the Eleian coin, as we shall see, a later date must be assigned. The female heads in the middle of pi. vi. are all Syracusan; No. 19 is of Persephone, the rest of Arethusa or Artemis. The female heads at Syracuse are hard to attribute, for they are closely alike in type, and differ only in ex- ternals such as the wreath or the fashion of dressing the hair. When we see a wreath of corn we naturally take the representation to be intended for De- meter or her daughter Persephone. Otherwise we suppose it to stand for Arethusa or Artemis Pelagia, who is probably identical with Arethusa. The last-men- tioned name however would seem to be more correct, as we find it engraved in small characters over the full-face head No. 22. But in character there is no difference between the heads of Persephone and of Arethusa. In fact the dolphins which were originally placed with an exact physical meaning round the head of Arethusa are in time transferred also to Persephone. In both cases the likeness is of a goddess no longer a child, but in full bloom, full of youth, beauty and pride. The type of loveliness is rich and full, somewhat sensuous, but entirely free from all that is sensual. The numismatic artists seem to have vied one with another in the endeavour to depict a fair girlish emblem of the Greek race, dowered with all pagan charms and graces. In Nos. 17, 18 of our plate the type is simple and strong; and Nos. 19, 20 shew the same mixture of refinement and archaism of which we have already spoken. All four of these pieces were issued before about b. c. 410, as they retain in their inscriptions 0 for Q, and the last-mentioned letter came into general use in Sicily just before the Carthaginian invasion. Nos. 21, 22, 23 on the other hand belong to the PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— SICILY. 129 reign of Dionysius, b. c. 40G — 367. From them archaism has almost entirely vanished ; and we find in its place a certain affectation of novelty and search for picturesque effects, which seem to have made their way into Sicilian far earlier than into Greek art. The arrangement of the hair on these three speci- mens is distinctly over-elaborate and fanciful, though we must not forget that it is the hair of a water-nymph floating loosely amid the waves. The chariots depicted on plate vi. range over the whole of our period. No. 24, from Selinus, which continues the type of pi. n. 36, Apollo and Artemis vi. 24. driving in a quadriga together, is the earliest. Here the drawing, alike of horses and charioteers, is skilful, and worthy of the obverse of the coin, No. 1 ; vi. l. yet the curious convention is preserved whereby the second and fourth horse are depicted only by doubling the front outlines of the first and third. But about n. c. 420 these conventions are thrown aside, and the four horses of the chariots all appear, at first galloping side by side and in step, and next in the freest and most diversified action. Of the galloping in step we have here no repre- sentation, but one will be found in Mr Head’s Coinage of Syracuse, pi. in. No. 12. Of the freer action the plate furnishes several instances, Nos. 25, 26, vi. 25,2< 1 27, 28, 21 from Syracuse ; 27, from Camarina ; 28, 29, from Agrigentum ; as well as a con- temporary representation of the apene or mule-car from Messana, No. 30. At this period every artist seems to be eager to introduce some novelty into the type. In No. 25 we have a representation in the exergue of the arms which vi. 2 . 3, 21 were prizes, ad\a, won by the victors in chariot-races. In No. 26 we have a broken rein and prostrate chariot-wheel, incidents but too common in the Olympian chariot-race; in No. 27 Pallas, and in No. 28, Nike take the place vi. 27 . VI. 28 of the charioteers; in No. 30 the floating Victory holds a caduceus as well as vi. 30 ! her usual wreath; in No. 29 she carries — a very questionable piece of taste — vi. 29 . a label on which is written the name of the artist who engraved the die, Euaenetus ; while the chariot is in the act of doubling an Ionic column, the turning-post or goal. We have just made the first mention of an artist's signature in the field of a coin. Such signatures are quite usual in Sicily at this period, but occur very rarely elsewhere or at any other time. Tliev are placed either in small letters under a type, or else, more often, on some part or adjunct of the type itself. They are thus easily distinguished from the signatures of magistrates, which occupy the field, usually in bold characters. The earliest signature in our plate is that of Eumenus on No. 18. At a later time the same artist spells his vi. is. name with an H, but here he uses the E, which indicates a date not later than b. c. 410. Cimon signs No. 21, on the body of a dolphin, and No. 22, on the vi. 21 band over the forehead, as well as, probably, the chariot group from Messana, No. 30, on the line of exergue. Euaenetus signs the chariot-groups, No. 26, 17 G. VT. 31 ). VI. 25. 130 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. vi. 29 . on the exergual line, and No. 29 on a tablet. Eucleides signs the somewhat vi. 23. over-refined and fanciful, but carefully graven head, No. 23 ; and a head of vi. 40. Pallas closely copied on the coin No. 40, which we give to the next period. v. 4i. The head of Pallas on pi. v. No. 41, from Yelia, is signed on the helmet by the artist Cleodorus. All these artists belong to the same class ; they work with the minuteness and delicacy of gem-engravers, and are constantly intro- ducing some pleasing new variety of type or treatment. It is perhaps scarcely easy to detail the characteristics of each engraver. Mr Head 1 contents himself with remarking that the work of Eumenus is characterized by its stiffness and by a certain roughness of execution ; that of Euaenetus by an almost gem-like minuteness of work, which approaches to hardness. Prof. Brunn contents him- self in his History of Greek Artists 2 , with a strong expression of admiration for the work of Cimon, especially the decadraclnns, and does not go into detail. With the exception of Eumenus, some of whose works belong to an earlier period, the whole of the artists seem to me to form a group, and it might even puzzle the keenest critic to assign works to one or other of them on the ground of style alone. In this respect they are unlike the artist who signs with in Magna Graecia, who has a distinct style of his own which can easily be recognized. It may be said of all Syracusan artists that their work is not large in character ; it is too strictly appropriate to the material and the purpose to tell us much about the state of contemporary art. Some of the rough works of Peloponnesian and Cretan coin- engravers are in view of the history of art far more instructive. vi.31— 34. Nos. 31 to 34 are Agrigentine, and exhibit some of the finest studies of vi. 3i. animal life in existence. The two eagles of No. 31 are earlier and more con- vi. 33. ventional, the single eagle of No. 33 more naturalistic ; but it is hard to decide which design is the more admirable. In both cases the scene is laid on some lofty rock whither the birds of prey have carried their booty to devour it at their leisure. The hare lies dead, but the ancient artist has not chosen, as a modern would choose, to shew on it the traces of beak and claw. In the vi. 3i. field of No. 31 is a head of Pan or perhaps of a river-god. I must not omit to mention, ii propos of the two eagles, the well-known passage of the Agamemnon 3 which describes the portent which appeared to the sons of Atreus when about to set out for Ilium, two eagles, one black and one white-tailed, tearing a hare, an omen which Calchas interpreted as foretelling a happy end to the expedi- tion. The coincidence of the words of Aeschylus with our type is very close ; both may alike owe their origin to some historical event or at least to a well- known legend. At all events the coincidence will help us to reject the notion 1 Coinage of Syracuse, p. 22. 2 n. 432. 3 1 . 114 . PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— SICILY. 131 that the Agrigentines put the eagle on their coins because it was common in their neighbourhood, or because the cry ( xpavyrj ) of the eagle was like the name ’Axpayas. All Greeks looked on the eagle as the messenger of the gods, and we can readily understand how eager the Agrigentines would be, if at a crisis of their history eagles brought them a favourable omen, to make it doubly their own by perpetuating it on relief and on coin. The fish on No. 32 is a remarkable piece of reproduction of nature ; Dr vi. 32 . Gunther thinks that it is intended for a sea-perch. Lastly, we may note how the crab in No. 34 is turned into a human face, by a slight modification of vi. 34. the lines of the back. This treatment of a type on coins is almost unique ; but though the effect to us is comic, it does not follow that it was intended to be so. As to the reasons of our exact determination of the dates of these coins it is necessary to say a few words. It can be proved to demonstration that every com in the first six rows of our plate belongs to the time before Timoleon, B. C. 344, with whom quite another kind of coins comes in. The Syracusan specimens on our plate may come down to the time of Timoleon. But in regard to the coins of other cities, Selinus, Naxus, Camarina, Segesta, and the rest, it may be doubted whether all are anterior to the Dionysian tyranny, or whether some may not have been struck during its continuance. Certainly from the point of view of art it would be desirable to bring down as late as possible such coins as 4, 7, 15, 1G of our plate. But, on the other hand, the testimony of history seems explicit. Prof. Holm in his History of Sicily 1 , after summing up the evidence, thus concludes : ‘ That all these cities (Selinus, Camarina, Catana, &c.) were under ‘ the Dionysian dynasty either not autonomous or quite unimportant is clear, from ‘ which it naturally follows that they had no autonomous coinage.’ Segesta, the only city which escaped the hands of Dionysius, became during his reign a dependent ally of Carthage. It would seem then that the earlier dates for Sicilian coins in view of the testimony of history can scarcely be disputed, and we thus ari’ive at the most extraordinary result, that numismatic art in Sicily had already before b. c. 400 touched its highest point and begun to decline. Even at that period the artists who worked on coins, and who seem in Sicily to have enjoyed peculiar esteem, had carried refinement in execution to the farthest possible point, and even begun to refine away types until they lost their meaning, and to pursue novelty at the cost of affectation. And we shall see in our next chapter that in the days of Timoleon Sicilian art seems to have greatly declined. It is scarcelv necessary to say that such phenomena as these are not found in other parts of Greece, not even in South Italy. They would seem then to demand the 1 n. 446. 17—2 132 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. careful attention of archaeologists. Towards their explanation I will make but one or two suggestions. Such rapid progress of numismatic art must have been the result of the honour paid to die-cutters in the island, to their frequent rivalries one with another, to the small number of subjects to which they con- fined themselves, — a few set types and chariot-groups, the possible variations in which are limited ; and finally to their circumscription within the narrow limits of space imposed by the field of a coin. Had the efforts of these artists been spread over a wider field or directed to higher ideals they might have met with less prompt and rapid success. Northern Greece. The coins of northern Greece selected for illustration of our period will be found in Nos. 1 — 21, those of Central Greece in Nos. 22 — 27 of plate Vii. vii. i. These we may treat as one class. The coin of Thasos, No. 1, which bears the kneeling figure of Heracles discharging an arrow, is somewhat abnormal. The hero is here depicted with a coarseness of outline and clumsiness remarkable for the period. Nor do these faults arise from inability in the artist, as we may vii. 8. assure ourselves by comparing the fine obverse of the same coin, No. 8. Rather they arise from an assimilation of Heracles to satyr and centaur, which are fre- quently depicted in coins of Thasos and the region of mainland opposite. Equally vii. 7. coarse is the group, No. 7, of Dionysus reclining on an ass, wine-cup in hand, vii. 2 . from the Thracian city of Mende. No. 2, from Haliartus or Ariartus in Boeotia, offers us a figure of Poseidon with outstretched arm, striking with the trident. We have here a motive common in early art, as to which we shall have more to say presently, and specially appropriate to Poseidon, see pi. I. 2, 14, 15. The vii. 22 . charging Ajax from Locri, No. 22, is a representation of the Homeric warrior who was the national hero of the Opuntii, a figure of Polycleitan type, square vi. 5 . and solid. Compared with the Syracusan hero, pi. vi. 5, he shews a certain deficiency of animation and excess of fleshiness. He compares also with the Ajax vii. 43. of the next period, No. 43, as the warriors of the frieze of the temple of Bassae with those of the Mausoleum frieze. The type of infant Heracles strangling vii. 23 . serpents, which appears on the Theban coin, No. 23, is a very usual one at this xvi. 6, 7 . time. It is found in the coinage of the cities of the Cnidian league, pi. xvi. vnf. l. G, 7, at Lampsacus, pi. xvi. 8, at Zacynthus, pi. yiii. 1, and at Croton, pi. v. ni/is. 10. It is also found twenty years earlier at Thebes, pi. in. No. 48. The last- PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— NORTHERN GREECE. 133 mentioned instance is distinguished by the more archaic treatment of Heracles, who is of less tender age. The Zacynthian design is very peculiar ; Heracles in it is grappling with one large serpent, while another prepares to attack his back : the work is strong but hard. The other designs are closely alike and somewhat superficial in character, the easy victory of the baby-hero over his two foes being rendered simply but without special force. The origin and meaning of the type are easily seen. It is originally Theban, and its adoption by other cities seems to be in them a clear sign of Thebaizing. In adopting it those cities place themselves under the protection of the Theban hero. In addition to this we may, without letting fancy run away with us, suppose that there was in the type itself a meaning which generally commended itself. In the days which succeeded the fall of Athens, Thebes was the only power which could make head against Sparta ; and the defeat and death of Lysander at the hands of the Thebans must have made great commotion in Greece. From all sides the states oppressed by Spartan harmosts looked to this young and vigorous power as the only one which could liberate them from the serpent-like coils in which Spartan rule held them confined ; and within a quarter of a century the young power of Thebes had fully justified the expectations so formed. In Nos. 3 from Larissa, 4 and 5 from the Macedonian kingdom, and 6 from vn.3,4, 5. ’ _ ° VII. o. Pharsalus, we have a series of figures of the cavaliers of northern Greece, which gives us a good idea of their character and equipments. They wore on their heads the flat causia or petasus (the terms seem to be equivalent), on their bodies a chiton and a chlamys, — which streamed in the wind like the jacket of a hussar, and carried a couple of spears. These horsemen no doubt were marked by the usual vices and virtues of aristocracies ; conspicuous among the latter, love and mastery of horses. So the type of the horseman, which those who adopted it probably justified by seeing in it the likeness of some ancestral or local hero, became the commonest of all types in the north. The two Macedonian pieces Nos. 4, 5 , have the further interest attaching to a fixed date. The first was vii. 4, 5. minted by Archelaus I. b. c. 413 — 399 ; the second was issued by Amyntas III. b. C. 389 — 369, and shews a decrease in dignity and an increase in detail. Next follows a remarkable series of heads of male deities. No. 8 is a Diony- vii. 8. sus from Thasos, wearing an ivy-wreath, the treatment of which is worthy of note; a work of great beauty, and in dignity rather like Zeus than the god of revels. Not less noble are the two heads of Dionysus from Thebes, Nos. 24 , 25 , vn.24,25. both full of a mild dignity. We may also compare the Sicilian heads, pi. 11 . 22 , vi. 14. In fact these qualities usually mark the effigy of Dionysus in early 11 . 22. times ; he first becomes youthful and effeminate in the time of Praxiteles. No. 9 vii. is a work in the large and simple style of the Macedonian school, a fine Hermes from Aenus. During this period full-face effigies of deities, which had hitherto, 134 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYRES. VII. 9, 11, 24 . VI. 22. IX. 26. X. 15. XIV. 11. VII. 10. VII. 11,12, 13. VI. 22. VII. 26. VII. 14. VII. 15,17. VII. 16. VIII. 27. VII. 18. VII. 19. XIV. 6. I. 6. because of the difficulty of producing them, seldom appeared on coins, become quite usual ; and are completely successful. Some of them are masterpieces, as 9, 11, 24, of the present plate, pi. vi. 22, ix. 26, x. 15. During the decline they again become rare, the instance pi. xiv. 11 standing almost alone as a successful attempt. The hat of Hermes here, as in pi. in. 35, is a close-fitting felt-cap, by no means identical with the Thessalian petasus, cf. Nos. 3 — 5 above, to which it was later assimilated at Aenus. No. 10 is a head in a somewhat dry style of art, probably representing Apollo but possibly Ares, since the coin is Macedonian, and in the north Ares frequently took the place of Apollo. This head is bound with a simple taenia and not with the laurel-wreath usual in case of the Delphic god. Nos. 11, from Amphipolis, and 12 and 13, from Olynthus in Chalcidice, are singularly beautiful specimens of the art of northern Greece. They belong however to different schools. The full-face head is treated with extreme delicacy but is nevertheless of rather florid type. Though the work is more noble and manly, it resembles the master- pieces of the Sicilian artists, pi. vi. 22 for instance. But the heads from Olyn- thus are not without touches of archaic severity. In the sharp, hard cutting of the features, and especially of the locks of hair, there is something which reminds us of early bronze work. Other notable instances of this kind of treatment are the heads of Apollo, pi. vm. 8 and pi. x. 15. No. 26, from Megara, is also an Apollo, and of fine early type. In No. 14, which belongs quite to the beginning of our period, we have a bearded head of Heracles of the stern early class. Here, as in pi. vi. 12, iv. 38, the lion’s skin which covers the head ends abruptly at the neck, causing an awkward want of congruity, which disappeared when artists of a later time, more skilled in effect, added paws to the lion’s scalp, and tied them round the hero’s throat, see pi. vi. 15, vn. 32, xi. 26, xii. 15, 42. Nos. 15, from Euboea, and 17, from Pharsalus, represent the heads of local nymphs, and 16, from the Macedonian Neapolis, that of Nike crowned with olive. All of these are marked by great hardness of detail, and fine but not expressive cast of features. The best specimen of the class is the head of the nymph Olympia, pi. viit. 27, of which we shall speak in its place. The head of Pallas, from Pharsalus, No. 18, has been injured on the cheek : in gentleness of expression it approaches the works of the next period. The letters TH behind the head may be the initial letters of an artist’s name. The Medusa-head, from Neapolis, No. 19, occupies a middle place between the Gorgoneion, partly terrible and partly grotesque, of early art, and the beautiful heads in profile of the dying Medusa, which belong to later times and which we shall find on coins, pi. xiv. 6. The old type is here retained, cf. pi. I. 6, but in an indefinitely softened form ; we have something no longer dreadful but merely quaint, and PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— NORTHERN GREECE. 135 the terrible snakes in the hair of the daemon are replaced by merely sharply curling locks. On the coins of Parium and Abydos we may trace the change step by step. In No. 20, the lion and bull on the coin of Acanthus pursue the eternal battle which symbolizes the conflict between heat and damp among the physical elements of the world. Comparing this with the earlier group from the same city, pi. in. 13, we may observe that the later artist in spite of his technical skill has really improved the design but little. He had evidently never seen a lion. There is indeed a decided loss of vig;our in the rendering; of both animals ; in the earlier group the lion’s claw is really fixed in the prey, and the bull is evidently sinking beneath his weight ; the later group is little more than decorative. The sculptured group from the doorway of Acan- thus, of which casts are to be found in museums, nearly resembles the present type. It is to be observed that in the early period, as we know from Hero- dotus’ narrative of the march of Xerxes 1 , lions were to be found in Thrace ; but afterwards they nearly or quite disappeared from that district. Whether for this reason or some other, it is certain that in delineating the lion the Greeks of Hellas and Sicily, — I do not say those of Asia Minor, who might see real lions, — declined from period to period, their representations even when in themselves fine being quite unlike the animal represented. Perhaps their most notable failure is the colossal lion from Cliaeroneia. But even on coins the decadence can be clearly traced. In early times the Greek artists, though never in this one matter rivalling those of Assyria, yet could depict lions with vigour, see pi. I. 33, II. 32, iv. 14. Later we have merely decorative figures such as the present, No. 41 below, and pi. v. 2G, and even monstrosities such as pi. xi. 18. No. 21 from Olynthus gives us one of the best extant representations of the Greek lyre, all the parts of which are clear. No. 27, from Thebes, is remarkable for the treatment of the ivy-wreath which is depicted in a highly decorative style and fills the field in a way which is quite admirable. Peloponnesus. Plate viii. contains specimens of Peloponnesian art during our period. Nos. 1 to 24 were in all probability issued in the course of it. And with these it seems best to include Nos. 25 to 30, which although they would seem to have been issued just after b.c. 371, are yet of an early style, and have more in common with the beginning than the middle of the fourth century. 1 Hdt. vii. 125, 6. VII. 20. III. 13. VII. 21. VII. 27. 13G ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. VIII. 1 VIII. 2. VIII. 3, VIII. 5. VIII. 6 No. 1 from Zacynthus, a most original rendering of the combat of young Heracles and the serpents, has already been mentioned. No. 2 from Cephallenia represents the hero Cephalus, seated on a rock, with a hunting-spear in his hand. The proportions of the figure are clumsy and the head large, yet the work is of a good time and rather careless than unskilful. The comparison of this coin led Leake to the belief that the so-called Theseus in the eastern pediment of the 4. Parthenon was really intended for Cephalus. Nos. 3 and 4 from Elis are, like all types of Elis, closely connected with the Olympic festival. Victory in one case hurries to greet an agonistic victor, holding out a wreath ; in the other case she sits on some steps holding a palm. Victory on the coins of Elis does not fly or alight, but runs, as sometimes even in Sicily : see pi. n. 19. The seated figure of Victory, which will be familiar to the eyes of some readers as the original copied in the English Waterloo Medal, requires special discussion. This figure is seated neither on rock nor chair nor altar, but distinctly on a basis consisting of two steps. This is, I believe, a phenomenon unique in Greek numismatics ; and the simplest explanation of it would be that the intention of the artist was to suggest some monumental figure of Victory which was erected at Olympia and placed on a pedestal of this kind. I say suggest and not re- produce, because as already stated more than once, at this period engravers of coin-dies do not slavishly copy works of sculpture, but at the most produce designs of their own suggested by works of art familiar to them, and suggesting these in turn to the minds of the people. Probably in the monument which the engraver of the present coin had in his mind a figure of Victory was either the principal, or at least one of the most important figures ; but that she was sitting in this attitude we cannot say ; it is indeed in itself most unlikely, for the pose, though well suited to a relief, is ill suited to a statue in the round, especially if such statue were to be looked at from behind. Do we know of any monument of this period which will suit the circumstances ? I have elsewhere suggested 1 that the monument which suits them best is that trophy mentioned by Pausanias 2 as erected by the Eleians in the Altis to commemorate a victory they had won over the Lacedaemonians. The sculptor who made this trophy was Daedalus of Sicyon, and it was set up nearly about the year B. c. 400, which date will suit our coin admirably. No. 5 represents Belleropbon spearing the Chimaera, the figure of which appears on the other side of the coin. This rare piece is almost the only abnormal device which breaks the uniformity of the Corinthian coinage. The . attitude and dress are usual for horsemen, see pi. vn. 5. No. G is a very note- worthy head of Zeus of the finest style, from Elis. At first sight this head, 2 vi. 2. 8. N umism. Citron. 1879, p. 242. PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— PELOPONNESUS. 137 which is w T ell rendered in the plate, seems to conflict with all our ideas as to what the head of Zeus should be. The liondike brow, the mane-like hair, the energetic expression, are all wanting. In their place we have very short closely- curled beard and hair, extremely large features of the purest Greek type and an air of calm unruffled majesty. The short hair is found on the coin of Locri, pi. v. 14, but the cast of features nowhere again. No. 26 also from Elis is also v. 14. an unexpected type. Here we have distinct remains of archaism in the carefully wrought curls, in the fashion of the beard, even in the eye which is half turned towards the spectator. How different are these heads from the ordinary type of Zeus, of which No. 37 may serve as a representative specimen, and which is vm. 37 . repeated in all but a few of the extant statues and busts ! Naturally these coins, coming from Elis, and executed by artists who had the great chrysele- phantine statue of the Olympian Zeus by Pheidias directly under their eyes, have excited much discussion among archaeologists 1 , and it has been disputed wdrether they help us towards recovering the true type of the head of that greatest of works of Greek art. In my opinion neither coin is of much service in this respect. But we must distinguish between them. The archaistic piece, No. 26, seems to be entirely apart from the Pheidian conception. It closely vm. 20 . resembles the head of Dionysus from Naxus, pi. vi. 14, and like it combines an vi. 14 . idea of immature art with careful detail of execution. No. 6 on the other hand vm. is large and original, and may be the work of a great artist of the time of Pheidias. But the greater the artist the less likely would he be to adopt the type introduced by a contemporary, perhaps of a rival school. The coin therefore can help us only in generalities. For details the safest guide is pro- bably the coin of Elis of the time of Hadrian, pi. xv. 18, the engraver of which xv. is. must certainly have intended to copy the head of Pheidias’ statue, and also lived at a time when the copying of works of the great time of Greek art was usual. If he has been unsuccessful the fault lies in his want of talent not in his intention. And this intention to copy makes it more singular that the head he gives so nearly resembles that of Zeus on archaistic reliefs 2 . Next to the Eleian heads of Zeus, the heads of Hera claim our attention. Of these the most beautiful is No. 15 from a coin of Elis; which so closely vm. ir>. resembles both in style and execution that of Zeus, No. 6, that we should be vm. justified in giving them both to the same artist. AVith this head we may compare No. 13 from Argos, and two others belonging to a later time, No. 14 vm. 13 . from Argos and No. 29 from Elis. AVith regard to these a question has been vm. 29 . raised similar to that recently discussed, namely, whether in these coins we may acknowledge a close approach to the ideal of Polycleitus as embodied in his G. 1 See especially tlie Russian Comptes Rendus for 1875. 2 e.g. Ovei’beck, Kunstmythologie , pi. 1 . 6. 18 138 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. VIII. 13, 15. VIII. 7. VIII. 8, 27. colossal statue of Hera at Argos, wliicli was set up during our present period ; an interesting question ; but one which must be answered mainly in the nega- tive. We may begin by eliminating No. 14, the hair of which is arranged in masses in the style of the next period, cf. No. 40 ; as well as No. 29 which bears distinct traces of archaism. The hair in this case is plaited behind in archaic fashion, presenting a very marked contrast to the finished work of mouth and eye. The expression of the goddess is haughty and contemptuous rather than majestic, and the olive-leaves with which her stephanos is bound are ela- borated with the detail which belongs to later numismatic art than that of the school of Polycleitus. In Nos. 13 and 15 on the other hand we have works of a time before b. c. 400. And in both of these, differing as they do in details and in style, and various as is their merit as works of art, I would yet see something of Polycleitan influence ; more especially in the stephanos which the goddess wears. In the statue of Polycleitus the goddess wore a stephanos adorned with figures of the Horae and Charites 1 , and a tall round stephanos appears on the head of the statue of Hera on late coins of Argos 2 . Now the head on our two coins wears a notable stephanos which is adorned with floral ornaments, and it seems to be quite in consonance with the laws of Greek numismatic art to suppose these ornaments to be a translation of the figures of Seasons and Graces. We may then go so far as to say that probably had our coins been struck before the erection of the Polycleitan statue they would have been very different from what they are : but there we must stop. Especially in arrangement of hair our two coins differ from all existing' statues of Hera, and may well also have differed from contemporary statues. No. 7 gives us a head of Asclepius from his city of Epidaurus. It is of hard and dry work, and expresses none of the benevolence which we look for in effigies of this god. At about the time when it was struck Thrasymedes of Paros was setting up his celebrated statue of Asclepius in the same city ; but we do not know that there was any connexion between coin and statue. The head of Apollo from Zacynthus, No. 8, and that of the nymph Olympia from Elis, No. 27, may be spoken of together because they are closely alike in fabric ; their lines are hard and strong and clear, and they impress us like works in bronze ; they have in fact in them something of archaic want of geniality. In the Apollo the liaii - is still long, and turned back from the forehead like a woman’s ; the head of the nymph distinctly reminds us of that of the reclining corner figure from the western pediment of the Olympian temple. That the nymph Olympia and not the Olympian Hera is represented is made certain not only by considerations of style, but also by the fact that the inscription ’0\u/x7ua is Pansan. n. 17- 4. • Overbeck, Kunstmyth. in. 125. PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— PELOPONNESUS. 139 found on similar pieces, and apparently as the name of the person represented and not a mere epithet. Nos. 9 and 12 are heads of Cephalus and Procris from the vm. 9,12 island of Cephallenia, where their myth was at home. Cephalus as in No. 2 is a sturdy young huntsman with short clustering hair and thick neck. No. 10 from Cleonae is one of the earliest radiate heads which have come down to us. It represents Apollo as the sun-god, and the manner in which it looks directly out of the coin, a thing almost unknown in Greek Numismatics, may have a meaning as rendering the round form of the sun’s disk. The same result is attained by a peculiar treatment of the head in profile, 'on the contemporary Rhodian coin, pi. X. 16. The helmeted head No. 11 and the three heads of Aphrodite, Nos. x. 10 . 16, 17, 18, are all from Corinth, and are of a beauty which is quite extraordi- 16 , 17, 18 nary considering their size. The smaller coins of Corinth furnish a gallery of beautiful female heads and different styles of coiffure in which we may see reflected the fashions which reigned among the Hetaerae of the city, the demi-monde of Greece. No. 19 also from Corinth gives us a playful, scarcely comic represen- vm. 19 . tation of Pegasus tied with a rope to the wall, and instinct with eagerness to be gone. The immortal steed on other Corinthian coins is drinking ; in some, having a stone taken from his hoof. It is very seldom that such liberties are taken with a religious type ; the only other instance that I can cite at the moment being the Agrigentine coin pi. vi. 34, but we can allow for the working of vi. 34. Corinthian levity. No. 20 from Sicyon offers one of the most unsatisfactory vm. 20 . subjects of Greek art, the Chimaera, a creature still more clumsy and repugnant to the perfection of art than even centaurs and griffins. These hybrid monstro- sities were adopted by Hellas from Asia ; but never quite assimilated — except the Centaurs — to true Greek art. The Chimaera, ‘ prima leo, postrema draco, media ipsa Chimaera,’ especially suffers from the wretched necessity of imposing a feeble and most superfluous goat on the middle of a lioness’ back ; and no skill in rendering the lioness can much mitigate the helplessness of the result. We now reach some more types from Elis. In No. 21 the device, an eagle vm. 21 . tear in o' a ram, is wrought into the circular form of a Greek buckler. No. 22 is vm. 22 . a most spirited group, an eagle and a serpent in deadly conflict. No. 23 is a vm. 23 . noble eagle’s head, below which is a leaf; No. 24 a winged thunderbolt, No. 30 vm. 21 . ° . 0 30. an eao-le standing erect in a wreath of wild olive. Thunderbolt and eagle alike are the symbols of the Olympian Zeus, and the eagle tearing the prey, in especial, is the sign sent by him to those he favours ; the sure presage of victory. In the eighth book of the Iliad Zeus is said to have sent to Agamemnon as a sign of his favour an eagle bearing a fawn in its claws. To two of these representa- tions peculiar interest attaches because they bear on them a signature which may be that of an artist. The letters AA appear in the field of No. 22 and are vm. 22 . engraved on the leaf on No. 23 though scarcely distinguishable on our plate, vm. 23. 18—2 140 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. As artists sometimes sign in the field, and hardly any but artists on a part of the type itself, the balance of probability seems to be in favour of our reading these two letters as the initials of the artist who engraved these two pieces. If so, the matter lies open to conjecture, and it is at least worth while to point out that at this period Daedalus of Sicyon was certainly employed at Olympia not only in erecting the trophy already mentioned, but in making statues of Olym- pian victors h That Daedalus was the actual designer of these coins we cannot prove, but it is something more than a possibility, and the designs are, as emi- nent artists have assured me, by no means unworthy of so great a sculptor. viil 28 , The coin of Messene, of which the two sides are represented under Nos. 28 25 . and 25, is of importance. The head of Demeter on the obverse is in very high relief and one of the most massive and splendid effigies we have, though the type has nothing to make it a fit portrait of a matronly and sorrowing divinity. Itather it looks like a proud young beauty who has the world at her feet. And it would not help us were we to suppose that the head is not of Demeter but of her daughter Persephone, for the type suits her no better. The fact is that as Overbeck 2 has remarked, the heads of Demeter on coins do not bear the same character as those belonging to statues which have come down to us, and which embody far better the ideas which we naturally form of Demeter as a benevolent and matronly goddess. The reason of this discrepancy probably is that our statues, most of which belong to the maturity and decline of Greek art, were fully intended to be in consonance with the current myths which were the property of the whole Greek race, while coins on the other hand, being more local in their character, would often follow a special or local tradition which would differ in character from the general myths. This local character belonged in many places to the Chthonian goddesses, as we may learn from Pausanias ; in Arcadia and other parts of Greece Demeter is not the deity of the Homeric hymn. And we may take the opportunity of remarking that coins frequently present a deity in more various lights than either sculpture or vases. Their Greece is the Greece mirrored in the pages of Pausanias, while the Greece of at all events the more usual sculptural remains is rather the Greece of poets and historians. The figure of Zeus on the reverse of our Messenian coin is in an attitude which we have met before. He strides forward with a thunderbolt in one up- raised hand, and an eagle perched on his advanced left arm. This attitude we [,i,i8. have noticed as given to Apollo, pi. I. 1, 13, and Poseidon, pi. i. 2, 14, 15, v. 1 is. 14 ’ 5, vn. 2. To the latter deity it seems especially appropriate, the left arm being vn\ thrown forward to balance the weight of the trident in the right. Overbeck 3 1 For details see Num. Citron. 1879, p. 242. ~ Kunstmythologie, hi. p. 452. 1 Ibid. in. p. 222. PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— PELOPONNESUS. 141 thinks that it specially belongs to Poseidon as the opponent of giants 1 , and was retained for him longer than for other deities. We find indeed a Zeus in the same attitude on late coins, such as that of Corinth, pi. vm. 42, that of Mes- sene, pi. xn. 47, those of Antiochus II. of Syria, and copper pieces of Athens. We may however cite in favour of the opinion of Overbeck the fact that the Zeus who appears in this attitude on coins is always a stiff figure of traditional and archaic pattern. Our present coin, No. 25, is almost the only instance in which the figure has not the spareness and rigidity of early art, and even here the fleshy proportions only of contemporary schools are introduced, the attitude is not altered from its traditional pose. On the other hand several of the figures of Poseidon, such as pi. v. 5, vii. 2, and especially pi. xn. 3, are rendered in full accordance with the state of contemporary art ; are indeed full of swing and spirit. This certainly would look as if the die-cutters of later Greece had before their minds only archaic figures of the striding Zeus with outstretched arm, but knew of figures of freer style representing Poseidon in the same attitude. It has been supposed 2 that the figure on the coins of Messene, pi. viii. 25, and xn. 47 is copied from the statue of Zeus Ithomaeus executed for the Messenians at Naupactus by Ageladas and set up 3 by them, not in theff Acropolis, but in a house at the foot of the Acropolis lull, when they were restored to their own city by Epaminondas. The balance of opinion seems to be in favour of this theory. The design of the figure is such as would well suit the age of Ageladas, and the type is exactly repeated at periods two cen- turies apart. If so the coin on pi. vm. would be an early instance of an intentional copy on coins which can be shewn to be taken from a definite work of art ; a copy which does not indeed reproduce the proportions and contour of the original, but preserves faithfully its general attitude and attributes. On some coins of Messene, it should be observed, we have beside the figure of Zeus, the legend IOQAA..., the commencement of his distinctive title. Of the coins of Crete and Cyrene, pi. ix., we speak under the next period. For to that period they mostly belong, though it is not easy to fix the exact limits of time within which they were current. 1 More likely, merely as hunter of marine-monsters, see pi. v. 5, where the head of one is introduced. 2 Overheck, Kunstmyth. ii. 12. There is a general opinion that the figure of Zeus by Ageladas was youthful : this however is not necessarily implied in the statements of ancient writers. 3 Pausan. Messen. 33. VIII. 42. XII. 47. VIII. 25. V. 5. VII. 2. XII. 3. VIII. 25. XII. 47. 142 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. Asia Minor. Passing then to Asia Minor, pi. x., we at once plunge into quite a new region of art. The coins of Italy, Sicily and Hellas during the present period are almost all beautiful and carefully executed. In Asia we find a greater mix- ture of good and bad, of beauty and barbarism. The reason is that already stated in the last chapter, that Asia Mhior included not only the flourishing Greek cities of the coast, but semi-Greek populations like those of Lycia and Cyprus, and tracts of absolute barbarism. Thus on our plate beside the pure Hellenic art of Cyzicus and Rhodes and Chios we find the productions of the half-barbarians of Side and Aspendus, Nos. 6, 10, 11, and the struggling efforts of settlers on the borders of outer barbarism like the people of Trapezus in Pontus, No. 17. Yet it is clear from a general comparison of plates x. and iv. that in our present period the tide of influence is setting from west to east. Hellas has learned what Asia can teach and is already beginning to instruct her instructress. On pi. iv. we had coins of Greek cities which were in style quite Asiatic ; on pi. x. we have money inscribed with Aramaic and Pamphylian characters which bears types of unmistakably Greek style. It would be hazard- ous to attempt to trace in the art of Asia the influence of any special Greek master or school ; but probably Athens was the chief source of Hellenic influ- ence to most parts of Asia. Prof. Brunn thinks that the Lycian who carved the Xanthian monument studied at Athens ; and we know the extent in Asia of the Athenian maritime empire. In accordance with these data we may discern in the Pallas, No. 7, and the Zeus, No. 9, of our plate works which seem to recall the style of Pheidias and his pupils. And if a recent theory be well founded, No. 27, of which we shall speak in the next chapter, is a still more decided reminiscence of a work of Attic art. So too a large number of the types on Cyzicene staters can clearly be traced to an Attic source. But in spite of all western influence the art of Asia Minor still retains in a marked degree the decorative element. The forms of animals are still favourite subjects and still rendered hi conventional style. And even in the case of the staters of Cyzicus, Nos. 1 — 5, though their subjects be very varied and their execution good, yet there is a tendency to sacrifice all propriety in order to adapt the shape of the type to the field, which makes those types resemble patterns rather than subjects ; supplying a proof that even in flourishing Greek communities something of the old Asiatic leaven still worked. In considering them we must constantly make allowance for this tendency. PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— ASIA MINOR. 143 On No. 1 is a figure whom it is perhaps most reasonable to regard with x. i- M. Six 1 as Cecrops, the serpent-footed king of Attica, since it has none of the fierceness which marks the serpent-footed giants. In that case the tree which he grasps will not be a rough weapon of defence, but the olive of Athens. On No. 2 is a figure of Nike kneeling, the upper part of her body altogether bare. x. 2 . On No. 3 is a radiate figure of Helios holding two horses. This is a remarkable x. 3 . group, especially for the way in which perspective is subordinated to the neces- sities of grouping. The artist evidently wished to represent Helios as advancing towards the spectator holding in each hand the bridle of a horse ; and what he gives us is but a mannered rendering of this idea. On No. 4 we find a x. 4. reminiscence, a copy it can scarcely be called, of the celebrated Athenian group of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, by Critius and Nesiotes, of which there is a copy at Naples. Of this group there is a more faithful rendering on late coins of Athens, pi. xv. 30. Comparing the two derivatives from the same original xv. 30 . we may at once see how the present coin translates the group into the vigorous and free style of its own time, shaping the figures according to the Polycleitian canon, while in the Athenian coin there is a distinct attempt to reproduce, so far as limits of space allow, the real character of the original. On No. 5 we x. 5 . have a kneeling archer holding an arrow which he is about to place on the string of his bow. This design is of a class very common at Cyzicus. It is noteworthy that in this city, alone among Greek mints, the types are borrowed from the beliefs and traditions of the most varied regions. We next reach several designs of less strictly Hellenic character. Nos. 6 and 7 are from Side x. g, 7 . in Pamphylia, an Aeolic colony of the coast, dedicated to the worship of Apollo and Pallas, both of which deities here appear. On later coins the Apollo of Side has a barbaric appearance, but here, on No. 6, he is Hellenic, and in fact x. g. nearly resembles in attitude the Apollo of Metapontum pi. 1 . 16, and like him 1 . 16. holds lustral branch and bow, and stands at an altar. Unlike him however he wears a chlamys, and is accompanied by a raven, the bird of soothsaying. This close likeness between two coins struck at the two ends of the Hellenic world, and at different epochs of art, is instructive. On No. 7 appears a Pallas whose x. 7 . stout proportions, with the manner in which her limbs appear through her dress, argue a somewhat early period. On her outstretched right hand is an owl, while her left rests on the rim of a shield, and the aegis covers her breast. This is a type of the goddess whicli recurs at a later time in Asia, see pi. xiv. 2, and was xiv. 2 . probably not unusual in the case of statues. On No. 8, a coin issued by the x. s. Satrap Tiribazus in Cilicia, we have a slightly Hellenized form of an Eastern deity, Ormazd, whom the Persians represented nearly in the same attitude and with the same attributes which belonged to the Assyrian Asshur. The reverse of the 1 Num . Chron. 1877, p. 170. 144 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. x. o. same piece, No. 9, bears a figure of the Hellenic Zeus standing with a himation over liis shoulder and an eagle in his hand. In the Greek cities of Cilicia, Zeus was the chief object of worship ; and we suppose that the city of Tiribazus’ satrapy which issued the coin reserved the reverse of it for its own national deity, while conceding the obverse to that of the over-lord Tiribazus. This is scarcely an instance of syncretism in religion ; rather it serves to shew how completely both a civic community and a ruler are embodied in and represented by their respective divinities. x. in, n. Nos. 10 and 11, from Aspendus in Pamphylia, being accompanied by a bar- barous legend, shew that agonistic types were not peculiar to the pure Hellenes. On No. 10 we have a slinger, the transparency of whose short chiton is most remarkable, and in No. 11 a pair of wrestlers, of whom each is trying to get a better grip of the other’s arms as the first step towards victory. These figures are somewhat lean and of exaggerated muscle, resembling earlier coins of the real Greeks ; the southern coast of Asia Minor being at this time especially x. 12 . backward in the development of art. In No. 12 from Celencleris appears a horse- man alighting, a figure worthy of Tarentum, and entirely free from the stiffness iv. 26 . of the earlier instance of the type, pi. iv. 26. Very fine also is the Sphinx from x. 13. Chios, No. 13, a figure combining in very bold design an archaic form of wing with a proud pose and a beautiful Greek head with hair rolled up close in the fashion of ordinary women, instead of hanging as usually in formal curls. The result justifies the artist’s attempt, though he may fairly be accused of trying to put new wine into old bottles. x. 14. No. 14 is quite one of the most noteworthy Greek heads in existence; the coin is from Colophon. That it is meant for a Persian is proved by the head-dress, which is the regular mitra of Persians and Phrygians. The expression is majestic in the extreme, dignity and the habit of command are written on the large regular features. This head is unlike any Greek ideal, not even like the head vin. c. of Zeus, pi. viii. 6, which for a moment it recalls. Is it then a portrait ? It has sometimes been considered to be such. M. Waddington sees in it the head of King Artaxerxes Mneinon 1 . Mr Head 2 , on the other hand, remarks the absence of the regal Persian crown, the turreted kidaris ; and thinks that it must lie meant for Pharnabazus. And certainly a similar head is found on coins bearing the name of Pharnabazus. But not on such only ; many Persian satraps issue money bearing an effigy which if very inferior in style to the present yet resembles it in general character. I cannot think it possible that at a time when not even Dionysius of Sicily or the Macedonian kings ventured to put their portraits on coins, such a liberty would be taken in Asia by a mere satrap. Mel. de Numism. p. 96. Coinage of Lydia and Persia,, p. 50. PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— ASIA MINOR. 145 Surely sucli a venture would liave cost him his post and his life. Nor indeed do we find in the present effigy anything individual ; the type, though marked, is general and impersonal. On the reverse of the piece is the inscription BAII ; and this legend appears conclusively to shew that the head on the obverse is intended to represent the Great King. Yet it does not seem to be in any sense a portrait ; it may be doubted if at the period true portraits existed. The Greek artist who executed the type, having probably small idea what the King really was like, simply tried to express his idea as to what a Persian king ought to be. And in this he has succeeded admirably. Noble birth is expressed in the type, as well as dignity and the habit of command. Perhaps there is something of languidness and haughtiness in the cast of features ; but these were precisely characteristics of the Persian nobility among whom the artist would seek his models. But the head is in several respects unlike that of contemporary Greeks. No. 15 is from Pdiodes, and represents the Rhodian Apollo. It does not x. 15. receive justice in the plate, owing to its high relief, yet our photograph gives an idea of the peculiar hardness and sharpness of the features, which remind us of the work of early Italian painters. The date must be about b.c. 400, shortly after the foundation of the city of Rhodes. It cannot possibly be earlier than 408 when that city was founded by Lindus, lalysus, and Camirus. The head of the same deity occurs on No. 16, from the island Megiste, but here on a x. ic. rayed disk, a simple and pleasing ,way of indicating a sun-god. This is perhaps the earliest of radiate heads ; on later coins of Rhodes and the Syrian Kings the rays are attached to a fillet passing round the head ; and later still, on Roman coins they appear like metal spikes, with very inferior fitness and beauty. No. 17, from Trapezus, represents a young male head, drawn somewhat coarsely; No. x. 17 . 18, from Cnidus, is a head of Aphrodite. This must be earlier than the statue x. i«. of Praxiteles, and is probably copied from no image. It is also of hard and rough work, and though bold not equal in style to the lion’s head on the reverse of the same coin, No. 20, which is of noble style, if somewhat mannered. On x. 20 . No. 19 is a bull from Cyprus between two oriental symbols, the winged disk x. 10 . and the crux ansata, a fair type of the art of Cyprus, always giving definite semi-Hellenic form to oriental ideas, yet without the innate force to form from these an original and consistent cycle of art, and so always repeating the same simple forms and not progressing. On No. 21 we have the rose, the symbol of x. 21 . the island of Rhodes, a good instance of Greek conventionalism in flowers, with a small sphinx seated beside it. G. 19 140 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. Copies of Statues. On the xvtli plate are a few late copies of statues by Plieidias and bis con- xv. 30. temporaries, besides that of the group of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, No. 30. The xv. 19 . figure of the Olympic Zeus appears on a coin of Hadrian, No. 19, struck at Elis. As to this I have elsewhere 1 remarked that we find in it certain distinct depar- tures from the usual stereotyped design which stands on coins of Alexander and the Seleucidae for the Olympian deity (pi. xv. 31), departures which indicate a decided intention to approach nearer to the Pheidian statue. With this object the artist threw the figure more correctly into profile by making the left arm project in front of the body and not behind it, as previous artists had done in a clumsy attempt at perspective. He also tried to improve the type of the head and represented the drapery falling from the left shoulder with greater clearness. In xv. is. No. 18 we have a similar attempt to portray the head of the Pheidian statue; of this we have already spoken in this chapter. Of the other great work of Plieidias, the Athene Parthenos, we have also some slight numismatic record in xv. 22 . pi. xv. 22. But here the discovery of statuettes has made our knowledge of the form of the statue so complete that coins add nothing to it. Of a head which may be copied from that of the Parthenos, pi. xn. 43, mention will be made in due place. Coins of Elis , p. 50. CHAPTER Y. Period of finest art; late. The period b.c. 371 — 335 was that during which Praxiteles and Scopas were at work, and their influence fast radiating through Greece. It can scarcely be expected that we should in this place attempt to give even an outline of the changes introduced by those great masters into Greek sculpture, or to detail the chief characteristics of their style. A dissertation of that sort is to be found in every book which attempts to give the history of Greek art as a whole ; but it would be out of place in a piece of special work like the present. And it would be the more out of place because the character which attaches to the sculptures of Scopas and Praxiteles is only found in a modified form in numismatic art. The narrow limits of that art shut out for the most part any attempt at the pathetic or the dramatic ; and give but moderate scope to the tendency to embody in form a more sensuous beauty. Moreover, though Scopas and Praxiteles no doubt controlled the main stream of Greek art, they did not control all the subordinate currents. There were other schools of art than theirs in the length and breadth of Hellas ; and as our coins come from all parts, a large proportion of them were affected by the works of local masters of style rather than by Athenian sculptors ; just as the tidal wave follows rather the nearer but smaller moon than the more distant but larger sun. In fact the changes which we shall find in coins in this period are rather those produced by the general current of ancient art than those which recall the works of any particular school. The human figures will be of slighter proportions and more rounded outline, and the attitudes more graceful and less vigorous. Frequently they are seated on rocks and under trees amid natural scenes instead of in temples and on the formal thrones usual at earlier and later periods. In the heads we shall find greater variety, less severity of type, more care and more success in the rendering of details such as hair and eve. And besides, there is a great increase of expression. As however it is not easy or possible to introduce much expression into a head represented in profile the custom prevails of three-quarter- face representations of deities. It is evident that into a face thus represented far more character as well as more pathos can be intro- 19— 2 148 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. duced. The custom took its rise apparently in Sicily ; for some of the coins of Leontini and Camarina with full-face heads must date from the fifth century ; but it soon spread to Hellas and Asia, and is very common during the whole time from B. c. 400 to the age of Philip, when it suddenly disappears. In the present period we also find greater freedom of treatment in the case of some animals, notably the horse. These of course are but generalities ; we shall soon come to details. Mean- while I would direct those who wish at once to fix in their minds some idea of the style of the age, in particular to two series of coins. The first is the fine pieces issued in Peloponnese by cities in alliance with Epaminondas, and as the result of his memorable expedition against Spartan influence in these regions. These coins occupy most of the latter half of the vmth plate. The second is the remarkable set of gold staters issued at Lampsacus, probably about the time when the issue of Cyzicene electrum ceased in the middle of the 4th century. These will be found represented in our xth plate by Nos. 24, 25, 38, 39, 40. Of both these series I shall speak in the proper place. Italy. The coinage of Italy during the later fine period is not separated by any sharp line from that of the preceding age. Towards the middle of the fourth century the Greek cities of the South began to be hard pressed by the warlike inland tribes, but their destruction or subjugation was as yet staved off, and the day of Pioman dominion had not come. So they still continued their plenteous issues of beautiful coins, which do not differ in type from those of previous v. 28 . times but are of freer and more advanced style. No. 28 of plate v. is a remark- able group from the gold coinage of Tarentum. It represents Poseidon seated on a throne, looking down on his son Taras, who stands before him with hands raised in petition. The attitude and dress of Poseidon are those usual in the case of Zeus ; only he holds the trident in the place of a sceptre. The group well expresses the confidence of the Tarentines in their destiny to rule the sea ; Taras is the darling of Poseidon, who can refuse him no request, and who places at his service alike the dolphin by sea and the horse by land. The same idea v. 30, si. inspires other coins of Tarentum in our plate. Thus on Nos. 30, 31 we see Taras riding with easy but firm seat on a dolphin, a figure of complete grace- fulness. On Nos. 34 and 35 Taras or Phalanthus or perhaps a more modern cavalier of the Tarentines who had won renown sits on a horse. The Greeks used neither saddle nor stirrup ; and our hero seems to need neither, so steady PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— ITALY. 149 and safe is his seat. In No. 35 the horse seems to he racing; in No. 34 he is being crowned by his rider with the wreath of victory. On No 36 the rider is armed for battle, carrying three spears and a large round shield. These few specimens must serve to represent the Tarentine coins with their inexhaustible variety and constantly changing beauty. On No. 29 we have a reposing Heracles, from Croton. In attitude the figure bears rather a close resemblance to the Heracles of the last period, No. 2 ; but there are differences which suit the times of the two coins. In the later representation the figure of Heracles has less of simple massiveness, the muscles of arms and chest are worked out in greater detail, and the attitude is nearer to lounging. The figure reminds us of the description of the statuette of Heracles made to place on the table of Alexander the Great, where the hero was seated on a rock over which his lion’s skin was spread, was looking up, and held in one hand a wine-cup, in the other a club 1 . There is however a local element in the present representation, since we learn that when in Italy Heracles rested and refreshed himself in the house of Croton. The gem-like delicacy of work makes this figure pleasing ; other contempo- rary treatments of the subject are less successful ; for instance that of pi. vi. No. 36, from the Sicilian Thermae, where the figure of Heracles has a weakness and rotundity which is most unsuitable to the hero. It would seem that in the time preceding Lysippus even the form of Heracles, most manly of all heroes, was in danger of undergoing the same softening which took place in the types of Apollo and Dionysus ; but in this case the tendency met with a violent reaction, of which we see the fruit in the statue of Glycon. On No. 32 we have a spirited rendering of the contest of Heracles and the Nemean lion. Less sturdy and less upright than in No. 6, Heracles seems to bend over the lion; but the tension of his muscles is splendidly rendered, and on the whole this group deserves its wide reputation. Not less charming is the figure of Nike, No. 33, from Terina, who stands with raised foot placed on a cippus. As a study of drapery this work may compare with the contemporary statuettes from Tanagra, and indeed with the beautiful figure in a somewhat similar position in the relief from the balustrade of the temple of Nike Apteros. Nos. 37 to 39 are all from the coins struck in Italy by Alexander ofv Epirus, and therefore of known date. They represent the head of the Dodonaean Zeus, ancestral deity of the Molossian Kings, who is distinguished from other forms of Zeus by wearing a wreath of oak, the sacred tree of Dodona. No. 37 is one of our noblest heads of Zeus, simple and dignified, with faultless features, and hair represented with consummate art and not too great subtlety of detail. The close likeness in style between this head and that of Hera, No. 1 Martial, ix. 44. V. 35. V. 34. V. 36. V. 29. V. 2. VI. 36. V. 32. V. 6. V. 33. . 37—39. V. 37. 150 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. v. 45 , 38. 45, seem to indicate a Tarentine origin for it. No. 38 far more nearly resembles the head of Zeus on coins of Philip of Macedon, which is in its turn closely similar to the heads of bearded citizens on the frieze of the Parthenon and Athenian sepulchral reliefs. It is the thoroughly typical Greek head which became stereotyped in art. I do not here discern the prophetic look attributed v. 39 . Ly Overbeck to the Zeus of this set of coins. In No. 39 on the other hand we have something entirely peculiar and distinctive. This head with short sparse beard and long mane-like hair, is almost unique, the nearest to it among effigies xii. 17. occurring on coins of Thessaly, for instance pi. xn. 17. Are its peculiarities due to the influence of a school of art belonging' to northern Greece ? This is possible, and although it is probable that the silver coins of the Epirote King were struck in Italy, yet this piece may be an exception, or it may be the work of an Epirote artist. But whoever is the author, he shews the influence of the school of Lysippus ; the leonine brow and hair sufficiently prove this ; and the coin might perhaps better have been relegated to the next period, to which in historical strictness it probably belongs. Distinctly earlier in character is the laurel- v. 40. crowned head of Zeus from Metapontum, No. 40, which is indeed by no means v. 16 . f r ee from archaism, and may fitly be compared with the head of Apollo, No. 16. v. in We have next several heads which face the spectator. On No. 41 is a head of Pallas from Velia, signed on the front of the helmet by the artist Cleodorus. v 42 , 43. Nos. 42 from Pandosia and 43 from Croton represent the Lacinian Hera, a warlike deity who was represented as armed, who loved sacrifices of cows, and whose temple on the Lacinian Promontory was a centre of religious observance in Bruttium, and whose effigy appears at this period on the coins of many cities round. It is noteworthy that this head almost always faces the spectator, vi. 39. an exception occurring only in Sicily, pi. vi. 39 ; but whether there is a special reason for this we cannot say. This type of head for Hera is apparently un- known in sculpture 1 . We are probably justified on numismatic evidence in supposing that the Lacinian Llera, like her namesake at Argos, wore a tall circular stephanos on her head, which may have been adorned, as on the coins, v. 44. with griffins : but further than this it is not safe to go. On No. 44 we have a head of Pallas from Thurium, in which the features are very regular and the details of the helmet faultless ; yet the work stands in originality and beauty v. it, 18 , far below the heads of the earlier period, Nos. 17, 18. Finally, in No. 45 we have a head of Hera or perhaps of Amphitrite from Tarentum of the richest style. About this what is most notable is the veil of the goddess, which appears in evanescent shape. These matronly goddesses had a special right to the veil, but the artist of our coin did not choose to sacrifice to it the beauty of his design, so that it is hinted at rather than portrayed. 1 Overbeck, Kunslmyth. in. 106. PERIOD OE FINEST ART, LATE— SICILY. 151 Sicily. The coinage of Sicily during our period will not long detain us. It is repre- sented by a few specimens at the bottom of plate vi. Before the year b.c. 371 almost all the great cities of Sicily had either been destroyed or had become mere dependencies of Syracuse. But like Pharaoh’s lean kine Syracuse did not grow by their accession, but pined away the more, so that when Timoleon landed at Syracuse in b.c. 344 he found grass growing in the market-place, and the city suffering extreme poverty. The era of Dionysius, b.c. 406 — 367, was no doubt a time of far greater prosperity, and it is to this period that the most splendid coins of Syracuse, including the celebrated decadrachms, are attributed. I have considered, to suit our convenience, that the finest series of Syracusan coins was issued before b.c. 371, and so included it in the last period, although some speci- mens, such as 21 — 23 of plate vi., may have been struck as late as the reign of the VI - 21 son and successor of Dionysius. But as the legend on all these pieces is the same, SvpaKocriuv, it is not possible to make a division of them into two classes to suit our periods. The only coins of Syracuse which I have ventured to place within our period are Nos. 35, 37, 40. On 35 we have a charging figure of Leucaspis, the vi. 35, 37 , same hero who appears above on No. 5. But in the later coin the vigour and vi. 5 . energy which marked the warrior in the earlier type have disappeared and given way to weakness. On No. 35 the slight figure of Leucaspis seems to bend vi. 35 . under the weight of his shield, though the engraver has most carefully finished the group which he was unable to endow with spirit. No. 40 represents the vi. 40 . obverse of this coin, a head of Pallas closely resembling that signed by the artist Eucleides, and either the work of that artist or else, which is far more probable, the production of some feeble copyist of his. Although the work is pretty and very minute, it lacks energy and originality. No. 37 belongs to the vi. 37 . age of Timoleon ; it bears a head of Zeus Eleutherius, whose worship the Syracusans adopted in B.c. 466 in memory of their liberation from the despotic tyranny of Thrasybulus, brother of Gelon. It is of fine type, in style well suiting the period between the prevalence of the majestic head of early times and the more passionate and leonine type introduced about the middle of the fourth century. Short hair belongs to heads of Zeus especially about this period, cf. pi. V. 14. V. 14. On No. 36, from the Himeraean Thermae, we have a decidedly feeble figure vi. 30 . of Heracles, of which I have already spoken. On the obverse of this piece, No. 152 . ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. VI. 39. VIII. 40. VI. 38. V. 39. VII. 43. VII. 22. VII. 47, 44. VII. 47. VIII. 28, 41. VII. 46. 39, is a head of Hera which seems to represent the goddess in her character of Lacinia, though it is almost as closely like the head from Argos, pi. vm. 40. On No. 38 we find a head of the river-god Gelas, with the horns of a hull. The type of this deity follows in its changes the current effigies of Zeus. We have noticed this fact at an early period, and now again observe it. Save in treatment of hair our present head recalls that of Zeus on Epirote coins, pi. V. 39. There is little here, as elsewhere in the representations of Gelas, of animal nature and brute force. The Sicilian Greeks not only venerated rivers but seemed to have formed a lofty idea of their divinity, and their artists are persistent save in the earliest times in attributing to them noble forms of head and thoroughly human expression. Northern Greece. The coins of Northern and Central Greece which belong to our period are represented on the lower half of plate vn. It is remarkable that few of them bear types of much importance, scarcely any exhibit human figures or types of the gods of mythological interest. Instructive from the point of view of style is the coin of Locri, No. 43, which represents the hero Ajax charging at a run. Comparing this with the earlier instance of the same type, No. 22, we see what an extraordinary change in the proportions of the human frame had taken place in sculpture between the days of Polycleitus and those of Lysippus. The spare and muscular frame of Ajax, and the smallness of his head on our present coin recall the figures on the Mausoleum frieze. A more modern touch too is the spear which has been hurled at the hero by a foeman and struck the ground at his feet. Still more interesting is the coin of the Amphictionic League, of which the obverse appears as No. 47 and the reverse as No. 44. The occasion when this piece was minted is obscure, but the time must have been nearly that of the Sacred War in the middle of the fourth century. We have already spoken of the coin from the historical point of view ; but it is also important as a work of art. The head of Demeter, No. 47, departs far from the ordinary coin-representations, most of which, e.g. pi. vm. 28, 41, and vn. 46, seem imitated from Syracusan coins, and convey to our minds nothing of the distinctive character of the sorrowing and motherly goddess. In the present coin, though we cannot profess to trace sorrow in the face of the goddess we see there a mature sweetness and dignity which are very appropriate. When we reach the coins of Asia, we shall find in pi. x. 41 another head worthy of a place beside this; hut in x. 11. PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— NORTHERN GREECE. 153 general Demeter does not appear to advantage on coins. We may here notice, as belonging to her cycle, the coin of Eleusis, Nos. 45, 48. No. 45 represents vn. 45,48. Triptolemus in his winged chariot drawn by serpents passing through the lands to distribute the gifts of agriculture, a favourite subject on vases. It is Tripto- lemus, not Demeter, for the figure is clearly masculine and not feminine as some have imagined 1 ; although there do exist exceptional coins of Eleusis in which appears a female figure in this winged car. On No. 48 is the pig of Demeter vii. 4s. standing on her torch, in double allusion to the great mysteries. To return however to our Amphictionic coin ; on the reverse, No. 44, is Apollo seated on vii. 44. the omphalos, the mystic centre of the world which existed in the Delphian temple, and surrounded by Delphic symbols. He is clad in the chiton, with long sleeves and waist girt-in, which specially belonged to the Citharoedus, and which he wears on what are supposed to be copies of Scopas' statue, the Apollo Palatinus. One elbow rests on his lyre as he leans in the attitude of meditation, perhaps looking into the future with eyes of prophecy ; in one hand he holds a laurel bough. A tripod in the background still more clearly indicates that Delphi is the scene portrayed on the coin. On this coin the hair of Apollo falls in long tresses as in the head on the coin of Olynthus, No. 28. This type seems to belong to a later time than the vn. 28 . beautiful Apollo-heads from the same city figured above, Nos. 12, 13 ; and we may consider that the coin was probably struck shortly before the complete suppression of the Olynthian League by Philip. There is a want of force about this head, and in the style of the hair we see a gradual return to the old- fashioned ideas which later again prevailed, as in pi. xm., No. 25, and generally, xhi. 25. On No. 29, struck by Philip of Macedon, and No. 33 from Cierium in Thessaly vn. 29 , 33 . we have two heads of Zeus of fine but somewhat conventional type. To judge hy the bearded heads on the frieze of the Parthenon, the Zeus-head on Philip’s coins would seem to have something of the style of Pheidias about it. And in this view it is noteworthy that Philip distinctly intended tins head to stand for that of the Zeus of Olympia, whom contrary to the customs of his fathers he claimed as patron deity. These considerations may serve to arouse an interest in our coin as possibly bearing an affinity to the great masterpiece of Pheidias, but they will not bear pressing. No. 30, also from Philip’s coin, is a head which vn. 30 . has roused much discussion. It has usually been called either an Apollo or a Heracles ; but neither of these attributions is satisfactory. Apollo, when occurring unmistakeably on Philip’s coin, has long hair ; and the present head is too round and thick-set to suit the idea of Apollo. And Heracles on the Macedonian money wears the lion’s skin, both on coins of princes who preceded Philip, as Perdiccas 1 Stephani, Coviptes Rendus, 1859, p. 87. G. Kohler, Mitth. d. D. Inst, in Athen , Yol. iv. 20 VII. 32. XII. 15. VII. 31. VII. 34, 42. VII. 34. VII. 42. VII. 35. VI. 22. X. 4G. 154 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. III., No. 32, and on coins of Alexander the Great, pi. xii. 15. It seems then more probable, as I have tried to prove elsewhere 1 that the present head belongs rather to the Macedonian sun-god Ares. There was a celebrated statue of this deity by Alcamenes, and just to the time of Philip must belong the colossal statue of Ares by Scopas in seated attitude. The chief argument for the attri- bution is that on the coins of the Sicilian Mamertines a head just like it, also laureate, bears the full inscription APEOI, and this seems a valid reason in favour of the theory. If it be accepted, we must probably also give the name of Ares to the head on No. 31 from Phalanna in Thessaly, which is of similar type : but our probability cannot be raised to the rank of a certainty because the rounded head with short curly hair seems to be usual at the period for various deities, as for instance for Hermes in the great statue of Praxiteles. One of the most remarkable remains of ancient art is the coin of Pantica- paeum, Nos. 34 and 42. The excavation of Crimean graves has revealed to us the fact that art flourished in that region in the fourth century b. c., and further that the ideas of art were borrowed especially from Athens, between which city and the northern shore of the Euxine continual intercourse was kept up. Cer- tainly none hut a Greek artist of the best school could have engraved the head of Pan, No. 34, a head expressing in fullest degree the terrible and the bestial sides of the god’s nature. And the rough material whence the type was formed is easily discerned. The pointed ears of the god are an artistic addition, but his rough hair and rugged features are clearly derived from a Scythian original ; as anyone may convince himself by studying the figures of Scythians on the celebrated electrum vase of the Hermitage 2 . In the same way the monetary artists of Olbia in Sarmatia give a Scythian cast on their coins to the features of the river-god Borysthenes 3 . The wonderful griffin on the reverse of our piece, No. 42, is of Persian and Oriental rather than Creek type, having the head of a horned lion in place of that of an eagle. Similar representations will be found on vases from the Crimea 4 , but rarely elsewhere. On No. 35 from Larissa is a nymph-head facing, which nearly resembles the Syracusan full-face head of Arethusa by Cimon, pi. vi. 22. It is difficult to say whether resemblances of this sort indicate closer connexion than contem- poraneity. It should he noticed however that the coin of Larissa is a specimen of a very large class, all hearing full-face heads of Nymphs, and differing one from the other in many small ways. And even in the remote region of Cilicia we have nymph-heads such as pi. x. 46 which are of very similar character. On the other hand the coins of Syracuse certainly had a wide circulation, and were widely imitated. The money of Carthage in the fourth century is closely 1 Numism, Chron. 1880, p. 52. 3 Cat. Gr. Coins , Thrace, p. 12. ~ Antiq. da Bosph. Cimmer. pi. xxxin. 4 Antiq. da Bosph. Cimmer. pi. xlvi. PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— NORTHERN GREECE. 155 copied from them. And we can scarcely think that heads of Persephone or Demeter such as No. 46 on this plate from Locri or No. 41 on pi. vm. from Pheneus in Arcadia are entirely unconnected in origin with the large class of perfectly similar heads on the coins of Syracuse. Both of the pieces just men- tioned might almost pass as specimens of the work of the Syracusan engraver Euaenetus. But in our full-face coin, No. 35, there is a distinctive tone of non-Sicilian art, indeed there is a simplicity about it which makes it on the whole superior to the coins of Sicily. We may conclude then that even if the general scheme of the full-faced nymph-head be borrowed from the work of Cimon, the artists of other parts of Greece copied it in their own several styles, accepting it not as a model but only as a suggestion. On No. 36 we have a head of the goddess Hecate from Pherae in Thessaly, on a coin of the tyrant Alexander. In front of the head is a torch grasped by a small hand ; an adjunct more in the taste of Homan and Italian than Greek art, and apparently inserted only to shew that the head is of Plecate, the special goddess of Pherae. On 37 is a head of Artemis facing from Orthagoria or Stageira of the time of Philip of Macedon. On Nos. 38 and 39 are two agonistic types of Philip of Macedon, a biga and a Jceles or single horse. In both the allusion is to victories at Olympia gained by Philip, who specially affected the worship of the Olympian Zeus, and spared no pains or money to gain a firm hold on the ruling bodies of Olympia, Delphi and other seats of the great games. It is well known that from the gold staters of Philip, Nos. 30, 38, were derived the types of the coins used by Gauls and Britons for cen- turies. We may fairly be surprised to find, at so good a period for art as that of Philip, anything so monstrously exaggerated as is the figure of the horse on No. 39. Not only is he ridiculously large in comparison to his jockey, but of such heavy proportions that he certainly could never have won any race. The whole group must be regarded as a clumsy attempt to flatter the pride of Philip — the coin was struck at Pella — by giving unnatural proportions to his horse. Earlier on Macedonian coins, as Nos. 4, 5, the rider is large in proportion to the horse, in accordance with the well-known rule of Greek art to give greater size to the more dignified object ; and it may be that a perverse interpretation of the same rule made the engraver of the later coin increase the size of the royal horse, and diminish that of the jockey, who would receive small share of the praise. An infinitely better engraved horse comes next on No. 40 from Larissa in Thes- saly, the work of a man who loved horses for their own sakes. On No. 41 is a conventional or architectonic lion’s head from the coinage of Alexander of Pherae. 20 — 2 VII. 46. VIII. 41. VII. 36. VII. 37. VII. 38, 36. VII. 30, 38. VII. 36. VII. 4, 5 VII. 40. VII. 41. 156 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. Peloponnesus. We turn next to the last two rows of pi. viil, where will be found Pelo- ponnesian coins of the middle of the fourth century. And first we may state the fact — a fact, however it may be explained — that in Peloponnese and Crete we do not find at this period the greater attenuation of the human figure which we can so clearly trace in the contemporary coins of Sicily and Italy, as well as at Locri in northern Hellas, pi. vn. 22, 43. The forms in the Peloponnesian class are singularly robust, with a few exceptions, such as No. 36, and are nearer to the canon of Polycleitus than that of Euphranor or Lysippus. History enables us to date with some closeness this class of coins. In the year B. c. 370 Epaminondas made his celebrated invasion of Peloponnese, which was no hasty incursion, hut a political move of the greatest importance, and taken with full deliberation. The object of Epaminondas was to raise up on the very borders of the Laconian territory neighbours who should be hostile to Sparta, and restrain her from again venturing to exercise authority in northern Greece. His two chief movements to this end were the re-establishment of the Messenians at Ithome, and the formation of an Arcadian federation with Megalopolis as chief city. The Arcadian league however soon broke up in consequence of internal dissensions. It has for some time been the general opinion of numismatists that we may attribute to the time which followed the invasion of Epaminondas the series of fine didrachms which at about this period make their appearance in Peloponnese. In the case of the coin of Messene, Nos. 25, 28, and that of Arcadia, Nos. 32, 37, we can be sure that they could not be issued at an earlier time, for the political bodies which struck them did not exist ; on the other hand to place them much later is out of the question. The coin of Elis 1 , Nos. 26, 27, probably belongs to the time of the Arcadian attack upon Olympia in the 104th Olympiad. In the case, however, of the coins of Arcadian cities such as Stymphalus, Nos. 34, 38, 44, and Pheneus, Nos. 31, 41, it may be doubted whether they were minted just before the foundation of the Arcadian league, or during its existence ; but the similarity of their style to that of the pieces of fixed date shews that our temporal assignment cannot be far wrong. All these coins, though not wanting in freedom, yet preserve something of the state- liness which belongs properly to the period of early fine art. The Arcadians were a conservative race ; and their art did not move rapidly ; nor was its decay Nurn. Chron. 1879, p. 247. PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— PELOPONNESUS. 157 hastened as in northern Greece by the growing political disorganization, and the rise of despots like Alexander of Pherae and Philip of Ma.cedon. On No. 31 we have a group quite characteristic of the age of Praxiteles, viii. 31. The coin is from Pheneus, and the type Hermes carrying an infant who is identified by an inscription behind him as Areas, the mythical ancestor of the Arcadian race. On the death of Callisto, mother of Areas, Hermes, by command of Zeus, carried the child to Maia his own mother to bring up. On this mission Hermes is actively engaged in our representation. The child seems to see some- thing which attracts him on the head or petasus of Hermes, and stretches his hand to grasp it ; a motive which at once reminds us of Praxiteles’ great group of Hermes and the child Dionysus. At the point of motive however the like- ness between the two groups stops ; the design we are discussing being fitted only for relief and not for sculpture in the round. On No. 32 we have young viii. 32 . Pan the hunter seated on a mountain, holding in his hand the knotted lagobolon. The letters OAY below were formerly supposed to stand for ‘ Olympus ’ and to shew that the scene was laid on that great Arcadian mountain, but the occur- rence of other specimens with another legend, leads us to doubt this interpre- tation. Perhaps we may venture with more probability to see in the letters an artist’s name 1 , and if so it is not at all impossible that the engraver may have been Olympus of Sicyon, a sculptor of this period, who is however known to us by little more than his name. We may presume however that he was a disci} ile of Polycleitus, and we know that he made statues of athletes 2 , and in both these respects resembled the engraver of our figure of Pan, which is for its size a wonderful study of the human frame. On No. 33 we have a seated Apollo from Zacynthus. The god is not en- viii. 33 . throned, and so no temple-statue, but is seated on a bill, and lays his hand on the head of a snake, just as Asclepius does at Epidaurus pi. xn. 21. This is an xn. 21 . interesting local rendering of Apollo, rather than a young Asclepius, for there is nothing in the type to indicate the deity of medicine. Figures seated on rocks especially belong to this period though they do occur in others. We may compare pi. v. 29 and vi. 36, as well as No. 36 of our present plate, which offers us a v figure of Hermes from Pheneus. It should be observed that the two coins from viii. 3 <>. Pheneus, of which the reverses figure in Nos. 31 and 36 are nearly contemporary, Ym -. 31 > as is shewn by the similarity of style of their obverse types, two heads of Persephone, of which one is reproduced under No. 41. Yet they differ very vin. 41 . widely in their methods of representing the human frame. On No. 34 we have vui. 31 . a picture of one of the battles of Heracles, from Stymphalus. It would appear that the invisible enemy of the hero is the Stymphalian birds, for the types of 1 Brunn, n. p. 437. 2 Pausau. vi. 3. 5. Cf. Brunn, i. 292. 158 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. VIII. 44. VIII. 38. VIII. 35. XI. 22. XII. 36. XV. 17. XV. 13. VIII. 37. VIII. 32. XII. 14, 25. VIII. 38. Stymphalus naturally refer to this exploit. On No. 44, for instance, we have the head of one of these birds from a Stymplialian coin, emerging from amid leaves and plants. It is notorious too that figures of the Stymphalian birds were set up in the temple of Artemis 1 the guardian deity of the place, of whom we have a noble effigy on No. 38. If however Heracles is attacking these birds his action can scarcely be termed well-chosen, a bow and arrows being the natural weapons wherewith to attack them and not the club. Elsewhere, as on the coins of Lamia in Thessaly, Heracles does during this action use his bow, and so usually on other classes of monuments. But if we waive this objection we must allow that the design is very fine. Heracles is not the burly middle- aged pancratiast of the school of Lysippus, hut young ; in his frame strength and activity are happily joined. On No. 35, from Argos, we have the scene of the carrying off of the Trojan Palladium by Diomede. The hero’s attitude well expresses the mixture of caution in movement and readiness to meet the foe which his expedition demanded, and which so well suited the character of Dio- mede. The figure of the goddess is merely the conventional Pallas of early times, cf. pi. xi. 22 ; xn. 36 ; xv. 17 ; a kind of statue which existed in many Greek cities, giving rise to various traditions as to the history of the Trojan simulacrum. But the statue which existed in historical Ilium, and which bears every mark of great antiquity, was of quite another form, cf. pi. xv. 13. This last, of colossal size, is the statue naively described by Apollodorus 2 as the real Palladium of Ilium which fell from heaven. Among the heads of the period one of the most important is that of Zeus from Arcadia, No. 37. It would be most desirable, if it were possible, closely to fix the date of this head ; for this is the first appearance on coins of the type of Zeus which afterwards became prevalent and almost universal, the type with flowing hair streaming backwards, leonine brow, and an expression of command mixed with vigour. Unfortunately, our determination of date can only be approximate. The coin cannot have been issued earlier than the establish- ment of the Arcadian league, when Epaminondas invaded Peloponnese in b. c, 370; and it must in all probability precede the reign of Alexander the Great. The reverse side of it, No. 32, is of the style of the middle of the fourth century. More closely than this we cannot fix the date of our coin, but it seems probable that the influence predominant with its engraver was that of the school of Lysippus. All Zeus-heads on later coins, at least in Greece proper, adhere closely to this type, cf. pi. xn. 14, 25. The female heads though with less of severe beauty than those of the last period are still very fine and of most careful finish. On No. 38 is the head of Pausan. vm. 22. 7. 2 hi. 12. 3. PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— PELOPONNESUS. 159 the Arcadian Artemis from Stymphalus, an early instance of the style of hair- dressing which later became usual for that goddess, pi. xm. 13, 24, 29. But XI ] L 0 j 3, in the present case the head of Artemis has not that girlish lightness, that maiden freedom from care which we suppose to be characteristic of Artemis. For this there may be reasons, among others perhaps the fact that at Stym- phalus Artemis was Limnatis, a goddess of lake and stream rather than a huntress. Two heads of Hera, from Elis and Argos respectively occur as Nos. 39 and 40. The former may be compared with No. 15, above; the latter with vm. 39 , No. 14, and in each case we shall see the same change in the coin of later viii. 15 , ... 14 . period, a shorter and less majestic profile, more care and elaboration in hair and ornaments. A great elaboration of the earring, I may remark, is an almost infallible indication of a period later than the fifth century. But these later heads of Hera approach 110 nearer to the recognized ideal of the goddess than the earlier ones, and in spite of their beauty of detail do not satisfy 11 s with meaning. Of the head of Demeter, No. 41, I have lately spoken in connexion vm. 41 . with the very similar head on the coin of Locri, pi. vii. 46. The Demeter of vn. 46 . Pheneus was called Eleusinia and closely connected with the mysteries, but we find small trace of this connexion in the head before us. The two heads of the Corinthian goddess on Nos. 42, 43 have something of the beauty which, as Mr vm. 4 * Buskin has well remarked, is the distinguishing quality of the Corinthian coin at all periods. But the coins are here figured more particularly for the sake of the adjunct in each case. The adjuncts or symbols on Corinthian money are very various, and in many cases works of the greatest interest and beauty. A young collector could scarcely do better than search out the vai'ieties of these coins, which are of small money value, and have never been thoroughly investigated. On No. 42, in the field, is an archaic statue of Zeus, nearly resembling the vm. 42. Zeus of Ithome, No. 25, omitting his eagle, and the Zeus on the late coins ol vm. 25. Athens. This figure, in spite of its small size, presents us clearly with the characteristics of early art ; and if the coin be really of an older date than Alexander’s, is one of the first instances of the deliberate copy of a statue to be found in numismatics. On No. 43 is a beautiful figure of Hermes seated on vm. 43. a bucranium and nursing liis knee, a design which looks like a copy of a statue or picture ; and somewhat free for our period. The head of the Stymphalian bird on No. 44 emerges from the water-plants vm. 44. or sedge amid which he is supposed to be hiding. This bird, as usually on sarcophagi and gems is little better than a goose, and has nothing at all terrible about him ; he is in fact, as Pausanias remarks, in most respects like an ibis, ‘but with beak stronger and not curved like that of an ibis 1 .’ O Pausan. vm. 22. 5. 160 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. Crete. Plate ix. contains, I think, some matter which will be new to archaeological students. Nos. 1 — 25 are all from Crete, Nos. 26 — 36 from Gyrene. I have not ventured so minutely to subdivide the corns of Crete under periods as the coins of other parts of Hellas. Those on our plate are assigned roughly to the period b.c. 431 — 300. The reasons for giving wider limits in this case are two, one historical, and one artistic. The historical reason is this, that the accession of Alexander is not in Crete so important as a historical landmark as it is in Asia or even Hellas. We have no reason to think that the issues of Cretan coins at once felt the influence of his dominion. And the artistic reason, which is still more important, is this : — that there are in Cretan coins curious and exceptional elements, partly barbarous, and partly only local, which prevent us from assigning to specimens with much confidence a date within narrow limits. In fact but for the very fortunate adoption by some Cretan cities of the custom of using as blanks for their coins the issues of other districts we should often be somewhat at a loss to assign a date to the issues. But relying on this and other evidence we may go so far as to say that few, if any, of the coins on our plate mount to a higher date than b.c. 400; and that the large majority of them are contemporary with the Peloponnesian coins which we connect with the time of Epaminondas, that is, belong about to the middle of the fourth century. The heads Nos. 21 — 23 may be rather later and date from the latter part of that century. There is undoubtedly in the Cretan coins much that is peculiar. To begin with, full-length figures of deities are commoner here than elsewhere, and the types are sometimes very singular and unexpected. For instance in our Nos. 15 — 20 we have a series of deities seated in trees, a class of representations almost peculiar to the island. Some of the personages on our plate are quite foreign to Hellenic mythology, such as Talos, Velchanus and Ptolioecus ; others appear with unusual attributes. And even in the style of execution there is much which surprises, and on which critics have variously commented. According to Mr Poole 1 the art of the coins of Crete is essentially realistic. ‘ Its want of force is relieved by its love of nature. It excels in the portrayal of animal and vegetable subjects and delights in perspective and foreshortening.’ With regard to the coins of Gortyna, Helbig 2 remarks that the introduction of the Num. Chron. 18G4, p. 240. 2 Campanische Wandmalerei, p. 28G. PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— CRETE. 161 tree into them is an instance of the feeling for nature which specially marked the period after Alexander’s death ; placing them decidedly too late, for a specimen in the British Museum is restruck on a coin of Cnossus with incuse reverse. Otto Jahn 1 has devoted to them part of an able paper, in which he shews how much they are affected by a somewhat crude local nature- worship. We might venture to affirm that there is almost always in Cretan coins a substratum of barbarism ; but this is penetrated and made interesting by a certain boldness and originality of design, and by a naive reproduction of nature which sometimes even puts the Cretan artists in advance of those of the rest of Greece in matters of grouping and perspective. On No. 1, from Itanus, we have a figure with fish’s tail, striking with a trident. We may doubt by what name the engraver of this coin would have called it. Possibly Triton, or more probably Glaucus, who was called the son of Minos 2 and so might well be represented on Cretan coins. Triton is thus represented in early art, as on the reliefs from Assus ; it is however more than probable that the deity of Itanus is the direct representative of a Phoenician sea-god of the Dagon class, worshipped in early times at Itanus 3 . The reten- tion of the barbarous form of an oriental deity is not usual among Greeks ; such form is generally made pleasing and human ; we should have expected the form of Poseidon rather than such a monster as this ; but even here there is a great improvement on genuine Phoenician representations of Dagon. On No. 2 we have a Poseidon, naked to the waist, holding dolphin and trident, from Priansus. Overbeck 4 remarks that the god here assumes the attitude of Zeus ; and that this is true we may see on comparing the figures of Zeus, below No. 33, pi. x. 9, &c., though the position of the left hand is different. The same attitude belongs however to Dionysus, pi. xm. 2, and other deities : we cannot be sure that Poseidon was thus represented in statues. The same deity, on No. 3 from Rhaucus, appears as Hippius, leading not riding his sacred horse, as he did on the early coin of Potidaea, pi. in. 3. On No. 4 from Sybritia we have a seated figure of Dionysus, a fine type, but by no means expressive of the character of the god, at least as embodied in later art. For with the present figure we need but make a change of attributes, substitute an eagle fur the wine-cup and a sceptre for the thyrsus to have an appropriate represen- tation of Zeus, cf. No. 31 below. In this we may perhaps see oriental influence. As we have already observed the figures of Zeus and Dionysus were assimilated in some parts of the Asiatic coast ; thus the deity of Tarsus figured under pi. x., No. 30, who was probably in origin a Phoenician Baal, might be termed 1 Vienna Acad. Phil. Hist. Clas. Yol. xix. 2 Athenaeus xn. 24. 3 See Hoeck, Kreta i. p. 17. 4 Arch. d. Kunst. m. 295. IX. 1. IX. 2. IX. 33. X. 0. XIII. 2. IX. 3. III. 3. IX. 4. IX. 31. X. 30. 162 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. Dionysus in virtue of the grapes and com which he holds, though writers apply to him the name Zeus. We need not however press this explanation, as it is not unusual in Crete to find one deity in the pose elsewhere reserved for another. This no doubt arises from the untrained and imitative character of Cretan art. In Crete we find not unusually mere slavish copies of coins of Sicily and of Peloponnesus, and from this the transfer of pose and type from one deity to another is not far removed. It is however not impossible that if we had a copy of the seated Dionysus Lenaeus erected by Alcamenes at Athens we should find it to be not entirely unlike the figure on our coin 1 . On No. 5 from Priansus we have a female deity seated under a palm-tree and laying her hand on the head of a serpent. There was at Leben near Priansus a great temple of Asclepius ; we may perhaps therefore feel justified in calling this figure Hygieia the daughter of the god of healing, who here seems to be somewhat akin to the great nature-goddesses of Asia Minor. If so this figure and the head of Hygieia on coins of Metapontum 2 are among the earliest representations of the goddess extant. But another explanation of the type seems at least equally plausible. Zagreus the Cretan chthonic form of Dionysus was variously represented as the husband of Persephone or as her son by Zeus, who appeared to the earth-goddess in the form of a serpent. On a coin of Selinus in Sicily 3 we have a type which probably refers to the legend in its last-mentioned form. Certainly it would be in no way contrary to the analogy of Cretan coins to see in the seated goddess Persephone, and in the snake which approaches her an embodiment of Zeus. And though the figures of Dionysus on Cretan coins are not usually chthonic, yet we know that the myth of Zagreus was at home in the island. There is in the British Museum a marble relief 4 which may well be compared with the present type. It represents a veiled deity, wearing a polus on her head, seated on a four-legged stool ; in one hand she holds a leaf- shaped fan, in the other a patera from which a snake feeds. The work is rude but apparently not late. In the description in the Museum Marbles the figure is identified as ‘ Hygeia,’ but it may here also be doubted whether we have not one of those votive reliefs to the nether deities of which so many have been found in various parts of Greece ; and whether the goddess be not really Persephone. On No. G we have another Dionysus from Sybritia, but of a very different type, a youth seated on a galloping panther. This figure is certainly of a later date, perhaps nearly a century later, and belongs to the cycle of later Greek 1 Indeed the small figure on Athenian coins, supposed by Beule to be a copy of the statue by Alcamenes, is closely like that on these Cretan coins. 2 Br. Mas. Cat. Italy , p. 215. 4 Museum Marbles , Part 9, PI xxxvm. p. 174. 3 Cat. Sicily, p. 142. PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— CRETE. 163 mythology, when the worship of Dionysus changed its character during the fourth century, and especially in Alexander’s time under the revival of Asiatic influence and became more enthusiastic and uncontrolled. From the deity of the hidden mysteries of nature Dionysus became by degrees the patron of violent excesses and sensuous excitement. We have the same contrast of period in the case of the reverses of these two coins, our No. 14 being; the other side ix. 14 , 4 , o 13 6 of No. 4 and 13 of 6. It will be noticed that on the earlier coin the ethnic ends in ON, in the later in QN. Hermes appears on both. On the earlier coin he stands upright, a slight, hard, somewhat archaic figure, holding a patera. On the later he props his foot on a rock that he may tie his sandal. He has placed his caduceus on the rock, his clothing consists only of a chlamys thrown back from his shoulders. This is a fine and vigorous sketch, and worthy of a good artist in spite of its want of finish. On Nos. 7 and 8, from Phaestus, we have fine studies of Heracles. In one ix. 7 , 8. case he is quelling with his club the Lernaean hydra who is assisted by a crab according; to the legend. His lion’s skin is borne backwards from his arm as he rushes forwards. There is plenty of force in this group, and though the execution be less admirable than that displayed in the Stymphalian coin, pi. vin. No. 34, there is more meaning and intelligence in the present design, for Heracles vin. 34. is here certainly not beating the air. On No. 8 the hero is resting, in an atti- ix. 8. tude rather easy than dignified, evidently worn out with toil. His bow and quiver are hung on a tree in front ; and at his back is a huge wine-cup. The group is quite a landscape, and we can scarcely imagine it to resemble the work of any contemporary sculptor, rather we should fancy in it a likeness to the paintings of Pausias or some other painter fond of novel experiments and of fore- shortening. For a thoroughly Hellenic treatment of the same subject we may refer back to the coin of Croton, pi. v. 29. On No. 9, also from Phaestus, we v. 29 . 1 . . ix. 9 . may recognize, by help of the inscription, Talos the bronze man made by He- phaestus for Minos, who threw stones at the Argonauts as they approached the Cretan shore and was slain by a stratagem of Medea. He is here represented as winged, a character which does not at all agree with his function in the legend, and is depicted in the act of hurling stones, as is often the other Cretan monster, the Minotaur. It seems clear that we have here to do with a thoroughly non- Hellenic legend. The wings of Talos may arise from his connexion with Daedalus, whose nephew he is in - one account said to have been. Apart from them we may explain the type as derived from the tradition existing at Phaestus of one of those bronze images of Moloch which were used in the human sacrifices of the people of Canaan. The victims to be offered were fastened to one of these images and a fire lighted around out of which the image escaped uninjured while the human beings perished. To some such sacrifices we have clear allusion in 21—2 164 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. IX. 10 . III. 10. IX. 12. IX. 11. IX 18— 20 . one of the stories told of Talos, namely, that he seized strangers in his arms and leapt with them into the fire 1 . On No. 10 from Cydonia we see a young hero stringing a bow in nearly the modern fashion, only that the shortness of the bow compels him to press it against his knee rather than against his foot. The Cretans were celebrated archers and knew better than to use, in stringing a bow, the clumsy method represented on the Theban coin pi. in. 46. This design is of remarkably clean and neat work, especially in view of its small size ; the proportions of the body seem to approach the Lysippean canon without quite reaching it. Decidedly inferior is the figure of Apollo from a coin of Eleuthernae, No. 12. He holds in one hand a stone, in the other a bow. That this figure is Apollo we know because on other specimens he is seated on the omphalos, but the stone in his hand still requires explanation. Pei haps it is not a stone but an apple or some other object. On No. 11 from Aptera we have again a local hero, Apteras or Pteras 2 , a man of Delphi, who is said to have founded the city and to have built there a temple of Apollo. Leake suggests that in our representation he is plucking a branch from the sacred bay-tree. The inscription terms him UtoXlolkos, a word which does not occur elsewhere, but which seems to be equi- valent to TTokeojq olKLcrrrjs. He is armed as an ordinary Greek hoplite ; the Cretan die-cutter, with characteristic realism, does not in any way raise him to the divine level or idealize him. We next reach a remarkable series of coins representing deities seated in the midst of trees. We should, I think, be wrong if we saw in these repre- sentations only instances of naturalism and love of the picturesque in the Greeks of Crete. We must find a more satisfactory reason than this for so abnormal a method of representing gods and goddesses, and in order to this end must study them in some detail. We will begin with the representations of Europa from the city of Gortyna, Nos. 18 — 20. A large number of the coins of Gortyna bor- row their types from the Europa myth. From their variety we can conclude with certainty as to the nature of the particular local story they embody. According to this Europa was carried from beyond seas by Zeus in the form of a bull, and brought to Gortyna. There under the shade of a tree the animal left her, and the god who had assumed that form after a while reappeared in the form of an eagle. The tree is an important element; Pliny writes 3 ‘Est Gortynae ‘ in insula Greta juxta fontem platanus una insignis utriusque linguae monimentis, ‘ numquam folia dimittens, statimque ei Graeciae fabulositas superfuit Jovem sub ‘ ea cum Europa concubuisse.’ All the stages of this legend are chronicled on 1 Lloyd in Num. Chron. 1848, p. 122. 2 Paus. x. 5. Cf. I eake, Num. Ilellen. ; Insulae, p. 3. N. 11. xii. 11. PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— CRETE. 1G5 coins, some of them on those we have selected. On pi. hi. 17 we see Europa hi. 17 . on the back of the galloping bull, on pi. ix. 20 she sits deserted and sad in IX - 20 . the plane-tree, while the bull, on No. 24, departs. On 19 the eagle makes ix. 24 , m. his appearance, perhaps far off if we may judge from his small size 1 : on No. 18 ix. is. he has won the favour of Europa who fondles him with her hand. But in Europa herself on the coin last cited we see a change. She is no longer a mere nymph but a deity who resembles Hera in attributes. On her head is the polus, in her hand a sceptre surmounted by a cuckoo. The last represen- tation explains much, for it shews us that at Gortyna Europa was put in the place of Hera as consort of Zeus and regarded as a great deity of nature. So we must also consider the tree not as a mere background or piece of local colouring, but as having a religious meaning. For the earth-goddesses had mostly their original seat in a sacred tree, a tree like the olive of Athena at Athens, the bay of Apollo at Delphi, and the oak of Zeus at Dodona. To find an earth-goddess actually in her tree we need hut turn to the coin of Myra pi. xv. G where the goddess of the city not only possesses her tree, but protects xv. <;. it against spoilers. Sacred trees were well known all over Greece 2 and the platanus of Gortyna was one of the class. In sacred trees were placed in early times the archaic statues of the deities. Probably this platanus was an older object of veneration in the district than Europa herself, and indeed Pliny seems to hold this view. Thus it is likely that in our coins the tree may be quite as essential a part of the type as either the eagle or Europa herself. On Nos. 15, 16 we have two figures of Apollo seated in a tree. Strange IX - i5 % n;. to say, they are obverse and reverse of a single coin 3 . In one case the god holds a wreath, in the other he is about to touch the lyre. The tree is his favourite bay ; here no doubt we have another instance of a sacred tree and an imported deity who becomes its patron. A still more remarkable figure occurs on the coin of Phaestus, No. J 7. Here we should be quite at a loss as to attribution, ix. 17. but for the legend which shews that the figure is intended for R'Xycmo?, a peculiar form of Zeus, youthful, as Zeus often is in this island. This god is seated also in a tree with a cock, the bird of day, on his knee, a figure at once in physique, countenance and attitude almost exactly like an Apollo. That in this form Zeus is regarded as a sun-god is shewn by the presence of the cock ; and the tree seems to indicate that he was regarded as a god of vegetation, a power to stimulate germination and fill the land with life and growth in the time of spring. In fact Velchanus, Apollo, and Europa in Crete seem all to have had a local character, arid to have been alike connected with the life and energy 1 Perhaps this bird may be the cuckoo. Bbttiger’s Baumcultus , passim. 3 In the Hunter cabinet. Glasgow. 1G6 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. of nature, of which the tree is the appropriate symbol. And in fact the trees ix. 5 , li. introduced above, on Nos. 5 and 11, may not be without a similar significance. To return to the point of style, we may observe that, leaving out of account No. 11, where a most remarkable naturalism prevails, the trees on our coins are represented with a singular mixture of convention and truth. The bay-tree of Apollo is dealt with simply, by representing only a stump and two twigs which form a sort of wreath. What the other trees may be we should ix. 20 , 19. Rnd it hard to say. On No. 20 we see serrated leaves as of oak; on No. 19 IX - 18 - a large cluster of berries; on No. 18 a growth closely like that of the silphium ix. 17. of Gyrene, cf. No. 29, below ; on No. 17 no attempt is made to depict any settled form, but we seem to see quite a grove of trees in the background. Arboreal forms in Greek art are usually quite conventional, like the palm-tree ix. s, 29. on No. 5, and the silphium from Gyrene, No. 29; we are therefore more sur- prised at this curious outbreak of naturalism, ix. 2 i. On No. 21 is a head of Zeus from Polyrhenium of unusual type, which may v. 39 . however be compared with pi. v. 39. It has a somewhat gloomy appearance, ix. 22 . On 22 is a very beautiful head of the young Dionysus, crowned with ivy, from Cydonia. This head bears perhaps as clearly as any on coins the impress of the school of Praxiteles. There is something about it which cannot fail to charm, a most pleasing expression, yet we miss the majesty of the earlier Dionysus and ix. 23. notice a certain want of force and energy. On No. 23 we have an effigy of the Argive Hera from a coin of Cnossus. This is by no means, however, a slavish T .U, copy of the head of Hera on coins of Argos and Elis, pi. vm. 14, 15, 40, but has originality. The hair is very ably treated ; and the features seem to shew a certain pathos ; the goddess is here not so far removed from relationship to human women as she is elsewhere. And here too I think we may trace the peculiar charm which follows the influence of Praxiteles, ix. 24. The bull from Gortyna, No. 24, is one of the most remarkably foreshortened figures which have come down to us from antiquity. In the sculpture of the period, the middle of the fourth century, we could scarcely match it ; it is how- ever highly probable that it would no longer appear unique if we had more remains of Greek painting. It reminds us at once of the black bull which Pausias painted, ‘ ad versum eum pinxit, non traversum V No doubt the painters of that time dealt in perspective far more than the sculptors ; and good as is the drawing of the bull on our coin, we see at once that it is exceptional in a relief, especially in a numismatic relief. The Cretan artists certainly worked with a certain want of fitness and disregard for the material conditions of their art ; but for that very reason they give us the more valuable information as to Pliny, A. II. xxxv. 12G. PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— CRETE. 167 the contemporary state of art 1 . On No. 25 we have a subject mythologically ix. 25 . interesting. It is from Cydonia, and represents Miletus, the destined founder of the greatest of Ionian cities, as being suckled by a she-wolf, or rather it would seem a female hound, for the forms are too slight for those of a wolf. Cyrene. The art of Cyrene stood almost as much apart from the general current of Greek art as did that of Crete. There was no doubt constant intercourse between Cyrene and Greece, and at Olympia citizens of Cyrene were frequently successful in the games ; but still the people of Cyrene stood in many ways apart. Their main staple of export was the silphium plant, of which they had a practical monopoly ; their chief deity was the Libyan Ammon whom they adopted from their first settlement and identified with the chief god of the Hellenic Pantheon. Almost all the coins of the whole Cyrenaic district refer to one of three subjects ; the culture of the silphium, the worship of Zeus Ammon, and victories in athletic contests. The coins of Cyrene at the bottom of pi. ix. fall into two classes as regards period. Nos. 26 to 30 which are of silver are probably anterior to, and Nos. 31 to 36 which are of gold subsequent to, the middle of the fourth century, at wdiich period a change from a silver to a gold coinage took place at Cyrene as well as in many other parts of the Greek world. Nos. 31 and 32 are latest in style ; some of the other gold pieces may in fact be earlier than the time I have mentioned. On Nos. 26 — 28 we have three very remarkable heads of Zeus ix. 2 c, — Ammon, distinguished by the horns of a ram which rise from his temples, but otherwise resembling the Hellenic Zeus. In fact No. 28 is one of the noblest ix. 2 s. heads of Zeus we possess, and there is but slight trace in the other specimens of that barbarism which Overbeck 2 notes as a characteristic of Cyrenaic coins. The same writer however must be right in his remark that the plume attached to the diadem or wreath of Ammon above the forehead on Nos. 26, 28 is placed there IX ;, 26 ~ in imitation of the globe and plumes worn at the same place by the Egyptian Amen-Pa. Perhaps too there is in No. 26 something of the tough animal force ix. 21 ;. which belongs to the ram and which was embodied in Ammon as god of pro- creation and growth. In 27 and 28 this aspect of the deity is kept in the background. In the gold coins Nos. 31 — 34 we may trace the merging of the barbarous iX \ :;1 - 1 R. S. Poole in Ear, yd. Brit. 8th Edit. s. v. Numismatics, p. 373. 2 Kunstmythologie, ii. 294. ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. 168 in the Hellenic type, and of physical in moral attributes, if we take them in what is probably the order of date, for which purpose we must unfortunately exactly ix. 34. invert the order on the plate. On No. 34 we have an early figure of Ammon horned, standing beside his ram, but clad in the himation and leaning on the sceptre of Zeus. Here in the aspect of the god and his muscular development ix. 33. there is a certain want of refinement. On No. 33 the deity is without his attendant animal, and is occupied in pouring incense on an incense-altar. By this action the Greeks, mingling after their fashion active and passive, seem to have expressed in this and many other cases that the god is an object of worship and receives adoration from men. We must not of course fancy that he sacrifices to a greater than himself, but merely take the action of worship as general, and ix. 32 . symbolical of that which belongs to him by nature. On No. 32 we have Zeus- Ammon, still horned, but seated in the characteristic attitude of the Olympian god, holding the sceptre of command. On No. 31 we have no longer a horned figure but a noble representation of the Hellenic Zeus in his majesty, holding in his hand the eagle. It may be that this last figure is, however, unconnected with Ammon, as we know that the worship of the Arcadian Zeus Lycaeus pre- vailed at Gyrene 1 , having perhaps been introduced by the law-giver Demonax of Mantineia in the sixth century. Certainly the Zeus of our present coin is much hi. is, 16. like the same god on the early Arcadian coins, pi. m. 15, 16. But even if this be the case, none the less interesting is the progressive elimination in the Cyre- naic coin, at the best period, of foreign elements in the national worship. We shall have in the course of these pages to trace a similar course of affairs in other districts. ix. 35 . On No. 35 we have a victorious Cyrenaic chariot, driven by Victory herself, ix. 36 . a somewhat stiff work for the period (the obverse is No. 33); on No. 36 appears a victorious rider on his Tides. In this case the proportions are far better preserved vn. 39 . between man and beast than in the contemporary coinage of Macedon, pi. vn. 39. The prowess of the people of Cyrene in gymnastic and hippie contests is strange to no reader of Pindar, and it is attested by the discovery at Cyrene x. 29 . of many Panathenaic vases. On No. 29 we have what may be considered as the arms of Cyrene, a silphium plant conventionally treated, the convention however well displaying the nature of the plant and its manner of growth. On x. 30. No. 30 we have a symbol of the fertility of the region, three silphium plants crowing from a single root. And between the stems lurk three creatures which belonged to the fauna of the district ; an owl above, a jerboa leaping in the field to right, and a chamaeleon in the field to left. The whole device brings charmingly together on the surface of a single coin the surroundings of the outdoor life of the region. ' Hdfc. iv. 203. Cf. Muller, Num. de V Anc. Afrique, i. 68. PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE. 169 Asia Minor. The period b.c. 371 — 335 is a peculiarly interesting one for Asiatic coins. Many of the Persian satraps were then allowed by the central power to issue money of their own, whether for currency in their districts, or as some rather think, on the occasion of military expeditions. And several cities, Cyzicus and Lampsacus especially, struck an abundance of coin. And this coin is the more valuable because it represents the highest limits attained by Graeco-Asiatic art. In the next age the art of Asia is flooded and destroyed by that of Athens and Sicyon, so as almost to lose its individual character, except when it returns in copies of the semi-barbarous statues of oriental antiquity. To put it shortly, there is scarcely a coin on pi. x. which an expert would not at once identify as of Asiatic character ; whereas in the coins of Asia of the next period at the top of plate xiii. scarcely any is of distinctively Asiatic design. Of the specimens of Asiatic coins in the lower half of plate x. we might well make two classes, which we might call respectively the Persian and the Greek. The coins issued by Persian officers, even when the work of Greek artists, are seldom purely Greek in design ; either in mythological allusions or in style they contain a foreign element. In this class, which I will first take up, are included Nos. 22, and 26 to 35 of our plate, with the heads Nos. 46 to 49. The rest, which are uncontrolled works of Asiatic Greeks, must be dealt with afterwards. In our first or semi-Greek class are a large number of coins with full-length figures ; for among Asiatic peoples the custom of representing man or deity by figuring his head only was not in favour as it was among the Greeks, and did not prevail until after our present period. On No. 22 we have a figure from x. Halicarnassus, of the Carian Zeus Stratius or Labrandeus, the wielder of the two-edged axe. In some respects his worship resembled that of Dionysus, who was also according to Simonides 1 a wielder of the bipennis, and who was in certain places called 7 reAe/cu?. Maury however considers Zeus Stratius mainly as a god of war, and especially of the maritime and piratical war of the Carians. Here he is a standing figure fully draped and with hair arranged in somewhat archaic fashion. As the coin was issued by Mausolus who encouraged Greek artists, we may suppose that this figure may resemble a cultus-statue set up for him by some great sculptor. On No. 26 we have a figure of a Greek hoplite x. 99 G. Ap. Athen. x. p. 456. Cf. Maury, Religions de la Grece Ant. hi. 139. 170 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. in attitude to receive a charge. It is from a coin struck in Ionia by the Satrap Orontes. M. Waddington 1 sees in it allusion to the military reforms of Chabrias, who introduced among his soldiers the custom, in receiving an enemy’s charge, of kneeling on one knee and supporting the buckler against the other. Chabrias was himself sculptured in this attitude, as we learn, yet it is perhaps more in accordance with analogy to see in our type not Chabrias, but some ancient hero. The apparent superiority in attitude over earlier figures may result only from superiority in the designer. On No. 27 we have a noble figure of a deity from Cyprus. She is crowned with a wreath and holds in one hand a patera the symbol of worship, in the other a bough of some tree. The figure is massive and in high relief, and the treatment of the drapery is very notable. The folds of the chiton in front are skilfully arranged ; a kimation hangs down from the shoulders behind. The right arm is much foreshortened. With regard to this figure M. Six has quite recently put forward a novel and bold theory. He maintains that it is intended as a copy of the statue of Nemesis at Hham- nus in Attica which was a work usually attributed by the ancients to Agora- critus of Paros, but sometimes to Pheidias himself. We learn 2 from the testimony of Pausanias and other ancient writers that the statue was eleven cubits high, bearing on the head a stephanos adorned with stags and small Victories, and holding in one hand an apple-bough and in the other a patera. Part of the head of the statue is preserved in the Elgin room of the British Museum. In favour of M. Six’s theory may be cited the correspondence of attributes, and the Pheidian character of the drapery of our coin-type. But we certainly have not on the coin a stephanos such as that attributed to the goddess by Pausanias 3 . In any case we can scarcely establish the certainty of an exact copy of Agora- critus’ statue ; but that a reminiscence of it is intended is by no means unlikely. The next coin, No. 28, seems also to be taken from an Attic original, and that original nothing less than the Parthenos of Pheidias itself. The attitude corresponds too closely to that of the great Athenian goddess to allow us to suppose it quite unconnected with her. The art of the piece is indeed by no means good, the coin is Lycian of the hard and liny work frequent in this class of money. The right hand which supports the Victory rests on the stump of a tree, a device clearly applicable to sculpture in the round rather than relief. In the new statuette of the Athene Parthenos of Athens 4 the right hand is similarly supported by a pillar, and it has been disputed whether this pillar really occurred in the great original in gold and ivory in the Parthenon. This point we shall not here discuss, but the testimony of the present coin, and other coins and reliefs, seems to prove to demonstration that the device of using a ' Melanges de Numism. ii. 22. ’’ See Overbeck, Schriftquellen, p. -149. 2 Six in Nwm. Chron. 1882, p. 89. 4 Jour. Hell. Stud. n. p. 1. PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— ASIA MINOR. 171 tree or a pillar or some other prop to support the hand and what it bears was sometimes employed even in great statues. Had this expedient been unusual, or been regarded as contemptible, it would scarcely have been copied in reliefs, where it obviously is quite inappropriate and has no meaning. Nor can the date of its first use be late, for our present coin cannot be placed later than the time of Alexander. On No. 29 we have a group which has been plausibly explained by the late x. 29. Due de Luynes L The coin was issued at Tarsus by a Persian Satrap, and the able French archaeologist saw in its type representations of two of the principal Deities of the city, Heracles and Sardanapalus. In the midst is an altar of incense which may belong to both. On the right of it stands Sardanapalus transformed by a Greek artist from his primitive Asiatic form (cf. pi. xiv. 17) xiv. 17 . to that of an effeminate Zeus or Dionysus, but still preserving the characteristic attitude of the hand which the Greeks interpreted as a contemptuous snapping of the fingers 2 . Opposite to this figure stands his cousin, the Greek Heracles, who with outstretched hand seems to be addressing him : possibly, as the Due de Luynes thinks, exhorting him to attempt better things. If so we should have a group with a moral lesson in it, a rare or unprecedented occurrence anions; Greek coins. We are on safer ground in turning; to our next coin No. x. so 30. Here we have the chief deity of Tarsus Baal, who was identified either with Zeus or with Dionysus. In the present instance he sits on a throne as Zeus; beside him is an incense-altar, and beneath the throne a bull crouching ; yet he holds in his hand corn and grapes, which proves that he was regarded as patron of natural growth and rural increase. Around is a circle of towers which stands for the walls of the city of Tarsus, the city which the deity fills with his presence and covers with his protection. Such a circle recurs on late Byzantine coins but scarcely elsewhere in ancient times. We may, however, compare the circle of waves on the coin of Camarina, pi. vr. 13, and vi. 1 : 1 . the circle of Maeander-pattern on coins of Magnesia in Ionia. On No. 31 from x. 31. Mallus we have again a remarkable group. Aphrodite leans, thinly draped, upon a pillar, and lays her arm caressingly on the shoulder of her companion, who however is not her usual lover Ares, but Hermes, holding a caduceus and clad in a chlamys. Here too we do not seem to discern a Hellenic myth. Probably both the figures are mere Greek transcripts of Cilician deities ; what deities we cannot now stay to enquire. On No. 32 we have a figure in Persian dress x. 32. seated and carefully examining an arrow, while a bow lies at his feet. This archer is either some deity or hero, or perhaps the Great King of Persia in generalized and idealized form. Above is the symbol of the divine presence, a. 1 Numism. des Satrapies, p. 20. 2 And put into words in the phrase, ec r9u 7rtre -ndi'Cf, ou? raXXa tovtov uvk a£ia, Atlienaeus xii. p. 530. 9 9 2 172 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYRES. X. 33. X. 31, 34. X. 35. X. 30. X. 33. XIV. 4, 5. X. 28, 33, TX. 11. X. 33. IX. 5. X. 35. X. 40— 49. X. 48. winged disk. The seated attitude of this figure, like that of Apollo on the coins of the Greek Kings of Syria, and that of the Parthian King on the Parthian money, seems to have suggested to an Asiatic mind rule or dominion. On No. 33 we have a figure of Pallas seated on a rock at the foot of a tree. In her hand is a spear and a shield lies beside her. This coin is from Mallus, a city where Pallas was much venerated : its other side is represented in No. 31. On No. 34, from Lycia, we have a distinctly Asiatic goddess, — whom we may if we please call Aphrodite, but whom it is safer merely to class with Kybele and Mylitta and the Ephesian Artemis — seated between two sphinxes and holding a flower. The delicacy with which her garments are folded is quite extraordinary and admirable. On No. 35 we have a young male figure, pre- sumably Dionysus, seated in the midst of a vine. With the grapes of the vine are mingled as on the coin of Tarsus, No. 30, ears of corn. Before quitting this remarkable Graeco- Asiatic group of types I must say a few words as to their style. The first thing that strikes one in regal'd to them is the harmonious manner in which they blend Hellenic and Asiatic elements. The Pallas on No. 33 is surrounded by Barbarians ; yet she does not seem out of place nor do they. From whatever circle of mythology our coins take their types, in the treatment of those types Hellenic style is in this period on the whole victorious. We find indeed very various degrees of merit in the design ; even in case of the two sides of one coin ; but we find little of Assyrian and Persian convention, even when the coins bear Aramaic inscriptions. Only the coins of Phoenicia, cf. pi. xiv. 4, 5, form an exception to this l'ule and do not become in design Hellenic until the second century before our aera. In the second place it is very notable how closely the coins of the Persian Satraps resemble in some points those of Crete of the same period ; more particularly in their way of introducing trees. The trees on our Nos. 28, 33 are wonderfully like the tree on the coin of Aptera, pi. ix. 11. Pallas on our No. 33 is seated beneath a tree, so is the Cretan goddess on pi. ix. 5. Dionysus on our No. 35 is placed in the midst of a tree, as are Apollo and Europa on the Cretan coins. Many other points of likeness will be visible on close inspection of this plate and the last. And yet as to the reason of these resemblances we are in the dark. Something may be set down to the character of semi-barbarism which attaches to both series, but this is in itself not a sufficient explanation ; and we must await one more complete. Of the female heads, Nos. 46 — 49, the last three are Cyprian and represent the same Goddess, the Paphian Aphrodite. In them we can trace alike her barbarous origin and her complete Hellenization. On No. 48 she appears smothered with ornament, wearing a lofty tiara covered with jewels and long pendent earrings. On the early terra-cotta figures of the same deity from Cyprus PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— ASIA MINOR. 173 this barbarous profusion of ornament is equally conspicuous. On No. 49 the X. 49. goddess wears a diadem of peculiar form, with leaves or medallions at regular intervals. The same ornament is found on the head of a Goddess on coins of Euboea and on a terra-cotta of the British Museum ; but it also does not appear to be native to Greece. On the other hand the head of Aphrodite on No. 47 x. 47 . is of thoroughly Greek type. The stephanos here is, like that of Hera, adorned with flowers, cf. pi. viii. 13, 14, 40, and lends dignity to the head of the goddess, which however is of far less composed and stately type than that of Hera, and although it has suffered from time still preserves much charm of expression. It is a good instance to shew how completely in course of time the Greeks reconquered the Semitic sources whence much of their mythology had spread, and repaid with interest all that they had borrowed from the East- No. 46 seems to be the head of a nymph. It is from a coin of Cilicia struck x. 46. by the Satrap Pharnabazus, and reminds us at once of the nymph-heads of Syracuse, pi. vi. 22, and Thessaly, pi. vn. 35. Probably the coins just cited vi. 22 . were the models of No. 46, but it is of another style, of ruder and harder work. We next turn to the purely Hellenic types of plate x. In them there is little trace of barbarous influence ; but on the other hand there is something of Ionian softness. Mr Poole, in his paper already cited 1 , advocates the theory that they betray in a marked degree the influence of the great painters, of whom several, such as Parrhasius, Apelles and Protogenes were Asiatic Greeks. This influence he assigns as the cause of the boldness of design in our coins, and their freer attempts at expression than are usual elsewhere. Certainly these characteristics do mark the coins we are about to discuss, more especially those of Cyzicus and Lampsacus. On No. 23, from Cyzicus, we have a figure of Apollo seated on the Delphic x. 23 . omphalos, holding in one hand a patera, and letting the other rest lovingly on his lyre. It is remarkable how different is this conception of the Delphic god from that current at Delphi itself, see pi. vn. 44. At Delphi the god is fully vn. 44. draped, and thought of as the master of the lyre and of prophecy ; at Cyzicus he retains the lyre ; but here the patera in his hand and the cock at his feet both rather recall the sun-god than the ruler of life and morals, or the founder of Hellenic colonies on distant shores. The type of our present coin, however, is not very original, and belongs to a class which is numerous at this period. On No. 24 from a gold coin of Lampsacus we have Nike kneeling, hammering x. 24. a helmet to a trophy. This is an early instance of such employment in Nike ; in the Alexandrine age we could cite a multitude of instances from coins and gems; for instance, pi. xi. 21, xiv. 1. In other cases however Nike stands; her xivii. Num. Chron. 1864. 171 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. posture here is unusual, though by no means ill-considered in relation to the work on which she is engaged, and extremely well adapted to the field of the coin, x. 25 . On No. 25, also from Lampsacus, we see Cora rising from the earth. Her face is upraised ; in her hand are three ears of corn, and others together with grapes are springing behind her shoulder. Complete is here the identification of the goddess and her attribute : she is embowered amid the ears of growing corn, and like it half buried in the ground. She does not make the corn and vine grow, but she is the corn and vine growing, and returning again to the face of the earth after lying hidden in its depths. Certainly the artist who designed this beautiful figure thoroughly understood Hellenic religion. With this figure of x. 41 , 45 . Cora we may compare two heads of Demeter from Cyzicus, Nos. 41 and 45. No. 45 might almost be an enlargement from the head of our Lampsacene figure. The veil would seem to shew that the head is meant for the mother goddess, but its brightness and upturned attitude speak of growth and life not of depri- x. 4i. vation and sadness. On No. 41, on the other hand, we may certainly recognize the Demeter of the Mysteries, the sorrowing goddess who constituted almost the only sober band in the rainbow of Greek religion. Her veil is drawn forward, not put out of sight, and in the expression of the face sadness tempers dignity. In the coins lately cited there certainly seems to be something of pathos and of sentiment, something on the borders of painting. The same character x. 38. belongs to other Lampsacene coins, such as Nos. 38 to 40. On No. 38 we have a male bearded head wearing a wreathed pileus. Who this may be is doubtful, probably the artist would have called him by a Hellenic name, and various names have been assigned him in modern times, among others, those of Odysseus and Hephaestus. These attributions are founded on the conical shape of the vi. i. pileus, but a refei’ence to pi. vi. 4 will shew that such a head covering might be worn by a local hunter or hero. This head has not the stately repose which belongs to the divine and consummate artist Hephaestus, nor the expres- sion of restless daring and intrigue which belongs to the hero of the Odyssey. Possibly it may be the head of one of the local Cabeiri. In any case the lank hair and strongly marked features make it remarkable. There is something about it quite modern. Of a similar character are the two heads of Maenads, x. 39 , 40 . Nos. 39, 40 from Lampsacus. The former head looks as if in the very midst of a wild orgy, the hair wildly disordered and the streaming ends of the ivy- wreath indicate rapid motion, the expression of the head is one of fierce x. 40 . excitement. The head on No. 40 is in repose and the hair hangs loosely about the ears ; but in this case the introduction of a pointed ear gives a certain non-human and bestial air to the features which repels us even more than un- governed fury. We can scarcely be wrong in tracing the adoption of such types PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE -ASIA MINOR, 175 to the influence of Praxiteles and Scopas, to whom is due, as all know, the complete development in artistic shape of the Dionysiac circle of daemons. The influence of the same school is visible in the full-face Apollo heads, of which No. 3G is from a coin of King Mausolus struck probably at Halicarnassus, x. sc and No. 37 from a coin of Clazomenae. In both of these we find great beauty x. 37 and delicacy of treatment; in the case of No. 37 there is a pathos of expression, a proud dignity which at once fascinates. The head of Apollo in profile from Mytilene, No. 44, seems very tame in comparison. The swan of Apollo on No. 50 x. 44 is also from Clazomenae, and is singularly noble, yet not untruthful. In No. 42 x. 42 from a Cyzicene stater of electrum, we reach a representation of a most puzzling character. The issue of Cyzicene staters is supposed by Mr Head 1 to have ceased about b. c. 390 ; all writers seem agreed that they do not come down lower than the accession of Alexander the Great ; yet here we have what at first looks like a thoroughly realistic portrait of a coarse-looking man 2 . Yet it is quite a fixed point in the history of Greek art that there are no thoroughly realistic portraits of an earlier time than that of Alexander the Great. We seem then to have a conflict of evidence ; so that the coin merits a serious study. The result of a closer inspection seems to be that this is not a portrait. What gives it the appearance of one is the square form of the head, the bloated neck, the swelling veins, the non-Hellenic profile. But portaits do not ever I believe appear wearing wreaths before the third century : and a Greek artist of the best time would scarcely occupy himself in imaging the repulsive features of a barbarian. It is therefore almost certain that the head on our coin must be that of some slavish or barbarous daemon of Greek mythology, in all pro- bability that of one of the more disreputable members of the Dionysiac rout, Silenus or perhaps Priapus. Considering the boldness of design exhibited by Asiatic coins at the period, especially those of Cyzicus and Lampsacus, we can scarcely say that the type is too vulgar and brutal to represent deities of this loose character. On No. 43 from Tenedos we have a janiform head, of which one side is x. 4 : male the other female. This type aroused curiosity among the Greeks themselves, and Aristotle 3 entertained a fancy that the type arose from a decree of a king of Tenedos, punishing adultery with death. There is far more probability in the opinion of M. Lenormant 4 that the head is that of the dimorphous or androgy- nous Dionysus. The point for us to observe is that the heads, at first rude, become in the period of fine art so stately that they have frequently been taken 1 A urn. Citron. 1870, p. 293. 2 See the remarks of W. Greenwell in the Num. Chron. 1880, p. 11. A pud Steph. Byz. s. v. Tenedos. ' Iti Daremberg and Saglio’s Dictionary , .9. v. Bacchus. 17G ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. for those of Zeus and Hera. So great was at that time the love of the Greeks for noble forms that many even of the less worthy of their conceptions acquired dignity and grandeur. Copies of Statues. Of a few of the statues of the Praxitelian age we have probably faithful XV. 20 , 21 . copies on coins of late time. Nos. 20, 21 of pi. XV., from Cnidus, present us one with the head, the other with the entire figure of the most celebrated of ancient Aphrodites, the nude figure at Cnidus by Praxiteles. The full-length figure has been fully discussed in the text-books of the history of sculpture, the head has attracted less observation, and the coin of my plate is unpublished. In the length and pose of the neck and in the line of profile we may certainly discern the characteristics of the school of Praxiteles ; and the coin, however rude, possesses elements of beauty. Of a great statue of Scopas, the Apollo Smintheus xv. 23 . of the Troad we have a possible copy on the coin of Alexandria Troas, pi. xv. 23. Apollo here is fully draped, as in the other work of Scopas, the Palatine statue, and as on the contemporary coin of Delphi, pi. vn. 44. But certainly the pose seems very stiff for the age of Scopas, and the hair is arranged in archaic fashion. Probably for these reasons Brunn, Overbeck and other writers do not accept the identity of the statue of Scopas with that on our coin, an identity maintained by K. O. Muller and Welcker. The evidence however may be shortly stated, and seems to preponderate in favour of Muller’s view. It is abundantly evident from the statement of Strabo 1 that the statue of Scopas was the cultus statue in the temple of Apollo Smintheus. The silver coins 2 of Alexandria Troas bear a figure of Apollo draped, with the inscription ATIOAAQNOZ ZMIQEQZ. On some of the copper coins of the city a figure in essentials identical appears distinctly as a cultus-statue, i. e. as receiving worship, and on other copper coins there is at his feet the rat or mouse in exact correspondence with the words of Strabo. The statue of our present coin is evidently meant to be the same as that on the coins just mentioned ; but it differs from them in the manner in which Apollo stands with both feet together, instead of putting one in advance, and in the fashion of the hair, which is long and arranged in a sort of queue instead of being bound round the head, as on the silver coins. It seems clear that in all cases alike the intention is to portray the statue of Scopas. But we cannot entirely free ourselves from a dilemma. The statue on Strabo, p. C04. 2 Hr. Mils. Guide, vi. A . 11. PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— COPIES OF STATUES. 177 the silver coins lias nothing about it which cannot be reconciled with the age of Scopas. But the present coin, which is of Roman period, and which seems executed by a far more careful hand, bears marks of distinct archaism. We must accept one of two alternatives : — either the artist who designed our coin intro- duced traits of archaism not in his model, or else the statue of Scopas did retain certain archaic traits. In weighing the second alternative we should consider that Scopas may have felt bound for religious reasons to adhere to an older type ; and it is worth while to remember that Strabo applies to the statue the term £6avov, though that term need not imply something archaic. In weighing the first alternative we must not fail to observe that it is very easy to suppose that an artist of coins in the second century b. c. would modernize a statue which he copied ; but less easy to imagine that an artist of Roman times would distinctly give an archaic character to a work of art which he was copying when such character did not belong to it. Some editors of Strabo avoid the difficulty by slightly changing the reading, substituting epyov for epya 1 , in which case the mouse at the feet of Apollo, and not the statue itself, would seem to be attri- buted to the hand of Scopas. But it is most unlikely that Scopas would condescend to such a trifling piece of work, or, if he did, that Strabo would record the authorship of the mouse and not that of the statue. There will be found on pi. xv. a few other figures of deities which we will here mention, although they need not belong to the present period. Indeed those of them which are enthroned would seem rather to belong to the previous period, when the pupils of Pheidias were erecting seated statues in so many Greek temples. No. 27 is a coin of Chalcis in Euboea, bearing the figure of a xv. goddess with turreted crown seated on a rock or mountain holding a patera and a sceptre bound with a fillet. That this goddess is ITera the inscription, "H pa, test ifies, but the form taken by the goddess is unusual ; her mountain - throne is, I think, unexampled. On No. 24, from Corinth, we have a figure of xv. Hermes seated in a shrine with a ram beside him. It is a rule, I think with- out exceptions, that when a figure thus appears in a building on coins, it is a copy of the cultus-statue which was the central point of the building. This shrine of Hermes cannot be older than the settlement of Roman Corinth by Julius Caesar ; but the statue may be, like many of those seen by Pausanias at Corinth, of earlier date. That traveller appears to mention this very figure 2 as set up in the road to the harbour Lechaeum, yak/ron? KaOppevos icrru’ 'E pprjs, TrapicrTrjKe Se ol Kpios. No. 25 gives us a representation of the armed Aphrodite xv. who was enthroned on the Acropolis of later Corinth. We may well believe 1 See Overbeck, Scliriftqudlen, p. 226. This reading is supported by a quotation of Eustathius, ad II. p. 30. 16. 2 ii. 3. 4. 23 178 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. that in early times she had been fully armed, a rude figure like a Palladium, xv. 17 , 23 . cf. No. 17, or the Apollo of Amyclae No. 28. But in later times her arms seemed inappropriate, and the shield which alone was left to her was supposed to be stolen from Ares, and used by the goddess merely as a mirror. The conceit is much older than the Roman foundation of Corinth ; and one of the most plausible restorations of the Aphrodite of Melos places her in the same xv. 2 G. attitude as this Corinthian goddess. In No. 26, from Delphi, we have a cultus- statue of Apollo standing in his temple, naked, holding in his right hand a patera and leaning his left elbow on a pillar. This coin is specially interesting because Pausanias in his elaborate description of Delphi 1 does not mention any cultus-statue. It would appear that the omphalos stood in the place of a statue. There was however in the Adytum a statue of gold, perhaps hidden there on account of its great value ; and this may be the image represented on our coin. It can scarcely have been more ancient than the sack of Delphi during the Sacred War by the Phocians, who would hardly have spared so rich booty. On xv. si. the coin of Alexander the Great, No. 31, we have a figure as yet unexplained, a naked youth standing and holding in both hands above his head a long woollen fillet. This figure is not unusual on the coins of Sicyon. It may be an Apollo 2 , but we cannot be sure. This is but a small fraction of the instances in which coins offer us copies of statues, of which the most part have perished, though small copies of a few are extant. It would be a great and worthy work to collect the whole numis- matic material bearing on this subject ; but this is cpiite beyond our limits. I can but endeavour to raise interest, not to satisfy it, and with this view I have included in the selection alike copies of well-known statues, and reproductions of which the originals are not mentioned in our histories of sculpture. x. 24. 2 Miiller, Num. d' Alex, le Or. p. 219. CHAPTER VI. Period of Decline : — early. The period b. c. 335 — 280 witnessed the most rapid transformation which ever took place in the history of the ancient world, probably the most rapid in the history of the world down to the last century. The horizon of Greece was enormously enlarged, and Hellenism extended into the seats of the great Empires of the East ; and at the same time civic and municipal life in the old Greek countries was ruined. The conquests of Alexander transplanted the tree of Greek civilization into other lands ; and though it there took root and flourished, yet the fruits and foliage of it were for the time spoiled. The artistic activities of a nation are among the first to feel a sudden change in its centre of gravity. The art of Greece had grown up under the shadow of Hellenic religion and was adapted to a state of civic autonomy ; and when scepticism and philosophy took the place of religion, and regal systems the place of autonomy, the basis of it was cut away. Yet it was too full of vitality to perish ; it took new forms and followed new inspirations. And in the process it lost its unity and com- pleteness ; it seemed to wander in the dark and frequently to occupy itself with unworthy subjects. This uncertainty caused the decline of Greek art, which consisted far more in the loss of ennobling ideas and stately self-containment than in any real decline in the artistic powers of the Greeks or inferiority in material processes. Rather we may say that in knowledge and love of nature, in skill in artistic effect and in mastery of the processes of production art did not decline until the Roman period ; for in all these respects the sculptures of the Pergamene and Neo-Attic schools will bear a comparison with anything of an earlier period. This however is only true of the higher art, of sculpture and painting. The minor branches of art, such as vase-painting and coin-stamping, exhibit a marked decline after the time of Alexander, not only in intention and design but also in the details of execution. Vase-paintings and coin-types alike become rough and careless, and no longer mirror the state of contemporary art. The same phenomena recurred in Italy at the time of the Renaissance. In the fifteenth and sixteenth century Italian medals are worthy to be placed beside 23—2 180 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. Italian paintings and sculpture ; but at a later time, when painting shewed a moral rather than a material decline, medals became in all respects debased, and quite unworthy to be placed beside the works even of a Guido or a Carracci. K. 0. Muller well compares the art of die-cutting to a branch into which life spreads slowly from the main-stem. To enlarge on the comparison we may say that in the spring-time of art, when the stem is overflowing with life and energy, these flow into the branch ; but in the cold season, though the sap is still in the tree, it is pent in the roots and the stem, and does not reach out- lying parts. The upper limit of date in the four plates XL- — xiv. is fixed for convenience at the year of Alexander’s appointment as General and practical Dictator of Hellas. We have however excluded from them not only all coins of a time before the invasion of Persia, but even many coins which may probably have been issued at a later date, in cases where they are a mere continuation of the autonomous coinage of cities, and shew no trace of Alexandrine influence. It is in fact more than probable that the expedition into Asia did not at once affect the coinages of Peloponnesus and other districts ; they were not changed until the days of Alexander’s more grasping generals the Diadochi ; of Demetrius, Cassander and the rest. In Asia the change may have come earlier and been more marked, but even there we have proofs that some cities went on with their local coinages until the dominion of the Seleucid Kings of Syria w 7 as fully esta- blished. I have however admitted into the plates scarcely any coins but such as shew in style distinct traces of the influence of Alexander’s age or such as bear in their inscriptions full proof of a date after the ruin of Persia. This applies to Hellas and Asia ; in Italy and Sicily the reign of Alexander does not make an epoch, but here in place of it as a landmark we have the expedition of the Molossian King Alexander into Italy, and the reign of Agathocles in Sicily. In numismatics the period has new and clearly-marked characteristics, most of which may be traced to the influence of Alexander and his coins. The pro- portions of the human body, and the attitudes of deities are those usual in the school of Lysippus. Victory becomes a very usual type. Deities seated on thrones or standing take the place of deities seated on rocks or in landscapes, and the choice of subjects is greatly narrowed. And in the treatment of male heads we find nearly always traces of the personality of Alexander himself ; more especially in those strongly idealized portraits of kings and imaginary portraits of ancestral heroes which now become usual. In the rendering of most animals we find complete decadence. Of all these statements w r e shall find illustrations as we proceed. PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY. 181 Italy. Our Italian series, at the beginning of pi. XL, commences with a standing xi. 1 . Heracles, from Heracleia in Lucania. That this is a work of the decline would scarcely be denied by anyone who went carefully over the coins of the city ; indeed the attitude in which the hero stands, facing the spectator, with his hands spread on both sides, reminds us of quite late productions, such as the Bactrian coins, Nos. 21, 22 of pi. xiv. But in details it is a very favourable xiv. 21 , specimen for the time ; the figure of Heracles is executed in a manner worthy of a better design. On No. 2, from a coin of Pyrrhus probably struck in Italy, xi. 2 . we have an entirely new subject. At this time the fondness of Alexander for the memory of his supposed ancestor Achilles, and his enthusiasm on the subject of the Trojan war had given a strong impulse towards the representation in works of art of subjects from the Iliad. Homeric subjects are found about the times of Demetrius Poliorcetes and Pyrrhus on the coins of several Thessalian cities. The subject of the present coin is certainly Homeric. It is apparently the goddess Thetis seated on a sea-horse, bearing to her son the arms of Hephaestus, arms among which is conspicuous the shield with Gorgon-head in the midst. We know that marine subjects of this class were favourites with Scopas ; our coin is half a century later, and has in it something of Alexandrine style ; yet in essentials it seems fairly to represent the style of Scopas, better perhaps than more pretentious works of later times. The obverse of the same piece, No. 10, bears a helmeted head, in all probability meant for Achilles. We here meet one of the most marked peculiarities of the period, the influence on art of Alexander’s personality. Not only do his feelings and pre- ferences dictate the choice of subjects in the productions of his contemporaries, but his features actually lend themselves to the faces of all young heroes of the past. Henceforth in the heads of heroes, and even of deities, especially Zeus and Heracles, one finds the deep-set eye, the leonine brow, the ardent expression which belong to the Macedonian hero, and are the signs of a nature of fervid and overflowing genius, mingled with a slight tendency towards insanity. On a coin of Lysimachus, pi. xii. 16, we have a noble head of Alexander represented as son of Ammon and so bearing the horn of a ram, but otherwise only slightly idealized. To this portrait we must again return ; at present I wish to point out the close likeness between it and the helmeted head of Achilles. It is evident that the ancestor is conceived in the likeness of his descendant, and we must 182 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. confess that a happier idea of the head of Homer’s hero could not easily be found. xi. 3 , 4 . On Nos. 3 and 4 we have a pair of horsemen crowning their horses, from Tarentum. Placed side by side these two groups form a marked contrast. In the first the anatomical details alike of rider and horse are worked out with elaborate care and minute fidelity. The only fault we can find is that too much is attempted for the space, whence results a certain want of vigour and harmony. In the second we have a thoroughly stiff wooden group in every way poor. The first coin is not in time much anterior to the second. The two together seem to convey in briefest space the secret of the art history of the period ; over-elabo- ration and refinement leading rapidly to decline and inferiority, poorness in execution soon coming to join poverty in design, and presaging the ruin of art, xi. 5. at least in the numismatic province. No. 5, from Tarentum, is a later treatment of the subject which we have already met on pi. v., Taras riding on a dolphin. Here the form of the hero is softer and more effeminate ; and his position less masterly. In his hand is a bunch of grapes, xi. 6. On No. 6 we have a Zeus-head from Locri in Bruttium of somewhat elabo- xi. 7. rately ornate type. On No. 7, a coin of King Pyrrhus, we have the head of the great Epirote divinity, Zeus Dodonaeus. The god is crowned with an oak- wreath which is worked out in ornate style, and his hair and beard shew careful though somewhat superficial work. The head is a noble one, although in low relief and in all respects of late style. In the expression there is an absence of calm majesty, but in place of it something earnest and enthusiastic ; an expression in which we may if we please see something appropriate to the special character of the Dodonaean Zeus Naius the great oracular god, who dwells in the darkness and is served by the ascetic Selli. But at the same time a XL 10 - comparison with contemporary works as No. 10 will shew us that this earnest- ness of expression belongs in a marked degree to male heads of the time of Alexander ; and that it may be set down, at least in part, as a peculiarity of a xi. s, 9 . school. On Nos. 8 and 9 are two Apolline heads, the first from Croton, the second from Tarentum. In No. 9 there is visible, in spite of the smallness of the coin, a decided mannerism, a pathetic expression which reminds us rather of 15th century Italian than of Hellenic art. No. 8 is of a more common-place character. Noteworthy in it is the arrangement of the hair, which is very long and slopes backward in a stream. This is an exaggeration of the arrangement viii. 37 . in the Zeus-head, pi. yin. 37, and belongs altogether to the period of decline. Wonderfully like this head of Apollo is that of Persephone from Metapontum xi. 17. immediately below it, No. 15 ; indeed so close resemblance between the heads of two so different deities shews that at this period the die-cutters of Italy thought far more of manner than of matter, and of form than of meaning. And PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY— ITALY. 183 after observing this we need not be surprised to find that although the two specimens in the plate are beautiful, the great majority of similar and contem- porary coins at Croton and Metapontum are very poor. On Nos. 11 and 14, from Neapolis, we have two heads of a nymph, orxi. 11 , 14 . perhaps of the Siren Parthenope. No. 11 is earlier, and of pleasing though some- what ornate style; No. 14, which is later, is of the poor and hard though neatly executed class of money which prevailed in Italy about the time of the Roman conquest when the dominion in Magna Graecia was passing from Greek to Roman, from a beauty-loving to an order-loving race. No. 12, from Thurium, xi. 12, 13. and No. 13, from Heracleia, bear heads of Pallas, whose helmet is adorned with the sea-monster Scylla. Compared with the Thurian heads of previous times, pi. Y. Nos. 17, 18, the present types are strikingly poor. No. 12 is of weak v._i7, is. and common type, and it certainly belongs to the decline to load with heavy ornament the upper part of a Corinthian helmet, as in No. 13. The close- fitting Athenian helmet will bear the figure of Scylla easily ; but the same figure transferred to the back of a Corinthian helmet seems to overbalance it. On No. 16 is a head of Persephone which faces the spectator, wearing a corn- xi. 10 . wreath. There is here more expression than in most numismatic heads of the goddess ; but certainly nothing very noble. Indeed we might venture to call it rather sorry than sorrowful. As illustrations of the animal types of the period are selected (Nos. 17 — 20) an eagle tearing a hare from Locri, a lion crushing xi. 17 — 20 . a stag from Yelia, a man-headed bull crowned by Victory from Neapolis, and a butting bull from Thurium. All of these shew marked falling-off. Among them the only type of mythological interest is the man-headed bull, No. 19. xi. id. We have had similar creatures before on coins of Sicily, pi. 11 ., and these I have explained to represent river-gods, in accordance with an opinion now almost universally admitted. It is however probable that quite another meaning attaches to the man-headed bull of the Campanian cities. For we have no sufficient proof that streams were objects of special worship in Campania ; but we have on the other hand ample proof that the cultus of Dionysus, especially of Dionysus Zagreus, was there quite at home, and that the god was frequently invoked in the form of a horned youth or a human-headed bull. And figures of this monster are often accompanied by Dionysiac emblems. It seems likely then that in the present and similar instances we have representations of the Dionysus of the Mysteries in tauriform guise. With the present period we may be said to come to an end of the coinage of Magna Graecia. Hereafter we have in Italy scarcely any but Roman coins or coins of the Italic races, the Lucanians and Bruttii who maintained a little longer their independence of the conquering Republic. And in view of the coins which we have discussed, it can scarcely be said that the art of Italy, like that ol 184 AET AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. most Sicilian ci t ies, died a violent death from foreign conquest ; rather it died a natural death before the final crushing blows came from without. Sicily. In Sicily the age of Alexander and the Diadochi is filled by the reigns of xi. 21 . Agathocles and Hicetas and the expedition of Pyrrhus. On pi. xi. No. 21 is a Syracusan coin of the age of Agathocles. The type of Victory erecting a trophy is not unknown in earlier times ; it occurs for instance in the frieze of the beautiful temple of Nike Apteros, but it becomes far more usual in the Alex- andrine age when men’s minds were filled by innumerable victories over barbarous foes. Agathocles too was a winner of brilliant victories, and had every right to introduce the type at Syracuse. In the present group Victory is nailing to the frame a conical helmet, in shape like that Tyrrhenian helmet dedicated to Zeus by Hiero 1 . 1 , and probably meant to be Carthaginian. If we compare xiv. l. with the present coin that of Seleucus of Syria, pi. xiv. 1, we shall discern amid general similarity interesting differences. In our Sicilian coin there is more attempt at an artistic result, especially in allowing the drapery to conceal only the lower part of the body of Nike. In artistic motive there certainly is a likeness between her and the Aphrodite of Melos ; but the likeness is probably one of those which spring from proximity of period rather than one which denotes xi. 22 . similar meaning. On No. 22, a Sicilian coin of Pyrrhus, is a decidedly original treatment of the archaic fighting Pallas. While preserving the archaic general type the artist of this coin has put Pallas in motion ; she seems advancing and the end of her chlamys streams behind her. Here again we may instructively xv. 17. compare a coin of Seleucus, pi. xv. 17, which adheres to the more conventional xi. 23 . type. On No. 23, which also bears the name of Pyrrhus, we have again an original design ; Nike appears floating down to earth, holding in one hand an oak-wreath, a meet reward for an Epirote victor, and in the other a trophy. The idea of this coin seems to be taken from the gold money of Alexander, xii. lo. pi. xn. 10; but the model is decidedly improved on in regard to the attitude of the Victory and varied in the attributes she carries, especially in the sub- stitution of a trophy for the mere trophy-frame of Alexander’s coin. There is xi. 27. one more of Pyrrhus’ coins on our plate, No. 27, which bears a veiled female head and the inscription a?. As Phthia was the name of the mother of Pyrrhus it is generally supposed that our coin offers us her portrait ; and cer- Br. Mas. Guide to Bronze Room, p. 1 2. PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY— SICILY. 185 tainly this head is quite in the style of other idealized portraits of the period, and the veil is just such as would be worn by a royal mother. Some however suppose that the head is not merely idealized but purely ideal, and represents the part of Thessaly called Plithia or the eponymous nymph of that district, wdience Pyrrhus the descendant of Neoptolemus claimed the origin of his house to spring. On our plate are several other Syracusan heads of the period, Syracuse at this time ruling almost all Sicily. No. 24 represents perhaps Apollo, but more xi. 24 . probably Ares, being indeed a somewhat close copy from the gold staters of Philip of Macedon, pi. vn. 30. The gold Philippi had for a long time universal vn. so. circulation in Western Europe, and it is rather in deference to their commercial than their artistic qualities that the Syracusans imitated them. The style of the head is however changed, and shews more delicacy and less manliness than the design on Philip’s coin. On No. 25 we have a head not unlike that of xi. 25 . Apollo but for the expression of command which it wears. The inscription however, Aios 'E \Xav[ov, shews that it is intended rather to represent Zeus when young. Statues of Zeus as a young man are so rare that a special interest attaches to this coin, but the surname given to the deity is not distinctive ; and we have no means of explaining the reason of so unusual a variety 1 . The head of Heracles, on No. 26, is a poor copy of that on Alexander’s coins, pi. xn. xi. 26 . 15. On Nos. 28, 29 we have two late heads of Persephone. The former which xi. 28 , 20 . dates from the time of Pyrrhus is pleasing ; the arrangement of the hair in loosely falling tresses is only found at this period, and is a thoroughly charming- variety ; in general type it is not unlike the head of Persephone above, No. 15. The other head of the same goddess, No. 29, is far closer to the traditional type of Syracusan heads ; which is best represented on our plates by the Locrian coin, pi. vii. 46. But while the general type is carefully preserved the relief vn. 46 . is lower, the lines harder and the expression far less dignified. The chariot also, No. 30, is a ‘poor cousin’ of the Syracusan chariots of pi. vi. xi. 30 . Nos. 31 to 33 of our plate are Carthaginian specimens, and interesting asxi. 31 — shewing the tendencies of the art of Carthage. The two heads of Persephone are closely copied from contemporaneous or earlier heads on coins of Syracuse, such as No. 29. But the Carthaginians have deliberately chosen to make much of all the worst points of their copy. The false drawing of the eyelids and eye, the heaviness of the chin, is copied and exaggerated. So is the ungraceful straightness of the neck, the formally ornate arrangement of the hair. The leaf which rises on the Syracusan coin towards the top of the head becomes in the Carthaginian coin a complete horn 2 . Nevertheless about this latter there is a 1 Overbecb, Kunstmythologie, 11 . 196. 2 It is worth enquiry whether this prominent leaf may not be the source of the great leaf which divides the head of Apollo on ancient British coins. G. 24 186 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. pride and dignity which pleases some eyes, as is shewn by the fact that the head of the Republic on French coins of 1848 is in the main copied from it. xi. 33. On No. 33 is a horse standing, which is much like the late and stiff horse xi. 4 . above quoted from coins of Tarentum, No. 4 ; but he too is made worse in the copying. Hellas. Passing to Greece proper, pi. xil, we come first on the leading type of the period, the Zeus on the coins of Alexander the Great. Of this deity we have a xii. l. representation from Macedon in No. 1 and another from Peloponnesus in No. 23. ' These two coins differ remarkably in style ; the former being in design stiff, the latter being extremely free, and shewing as a variety on the original type a pair of Victories standing on the back of the throne. This difference between the two pieces may be partly accounted for by difference of period, the first probably dating from the early years of Alexander’s reign, the latter having been struck after his death. But clearly both point to the same original, that original being a figure of the Zeus of Olympia and Arcadia, who in pre-Pheidian hi. 15, 16, times regularly bears in his hand the eagle rather than Nike, cf. pi. in. 15, 16, 41, 43. The Zeus of Alexander’s coins is certainly not an imitation in any close sense of the great Olympian statue of Pheidias, but the type is probably intro- duced in honour of the god represented by that statue ; Alexander not less than his father Philip being eager to pose as favourite of the great Hellenic deity. xii. 2 , 3, On Nos. 2 and 3, from coins of Demetrius Poliorcetes, we have two strongly contrasted figures of Poseidon. The figure striking with a trident, and having a chlamys wrapped round the other arm, is but a freer reproduction of a type which, as we have already seen, specially belongs to Poseidon. In early repre- i. 2 , 14 , 15 . sentations, pi. i. 2, 14, 15, v. 5 the chlamys of the god hangs over both arms; vil°2. at a somewhat later period he is entirely naked, pi. vii. 2 ; in the present case the chlamys is turned into a defence ; the attitude here is also much more boldly designed. In No. 3 Poseidon is in the act of striking his foes ; in No. 2 he is at rest, in an attitude familiar to us from the sculpture of the post- Alexandrine age, resting his foot on a rock and looking meditatively out over the sea, as Overbeck says, ‘ in seiner ganzen trotzigen Kraft 1 .’ Several other figures of Poseidon are found on coins of the period distinguished by the attri- butes of dolphin and trident, but in all of them his attitude is nearly that of his brother Zeus ; it is remarkable that in the case of Poseidon, as in that of 1 Kunstmythologie, in. 274. PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY— HELLAS. 1ST Demeter and Hera, the testimony of most coins is not easy to reconcile with that derived from other sources as to the manner in which Greek artists ordi- narily represented the god. We have a seated Poseidon from Boeotia, No. 5, xii. 5, 22 . and from Tenos, No. 22, and a standing Poseidon clad like Zeus in a himation, also from Tenos, No. 24. Another apparent plagiarism from the usual seated xn. 24 . type of Zeus is the figure of Asclepius from Epidaurus, No. 21. The healing xn. 21 . deity is here seated on a throne, his right hand resting on the head of a coiled snake, in his left a sceptre : beneath the throne is a dog. This figure has been supposed to be a copy of the statue of gold and ivory at Epidaurus, of the school of Pheidias, probably by his pupil Thrasymedes of Paros. The words in which Pausanias describes the statue certainly closely apply to the figure of our coin. ‘ He sits on a throne grasping a sceptre, the other hand he rests on the head of his serpent; a dog lies by his side 1 .’ It is clear that we have to do with a close copy of the Pheidian Zeus ; and scarcely with a type really appropriate to Asclepius. On No. 4 is a type which has attracted much notice in recent years. It is xn 4 . from a coin of Demetrius Poliorcetes, and represents Nike or perhaps Fame standing on the prow of a galley and blowing a trumpet. This group and the fighting Poseidon of No. 3 are obverse and reverse of the same coin, and are chosen xii. 3 . probably as a memorial of the sea-victory of Demetrius over Ptolemy near Cyprus in b. c. 306. It is conjectured by Conze, Hauser and Benndorf 2 that this victory was also commemorated by a trophy raised on the island of Samothrace and consisting of a prow surmounted by the noble figure of Victory now in the Louvre ; and further that our coin is intended as a copy of that trophy. The writers mentioned shew that the figure of the Louvre was in the same attitude as that on the coin, and held the same attributes, a trumpet in one hand and in the other a frame or stand for a trophy ; also that the vessel on whicli she stood was in all respects similar to that of the coin. Certainly this is sufficient proof that the coin was copied from the sculptural trophy, unless the trophy follows the coin, in spite of small differences between the two in the pose and the arrangement of drapery. This being almost the only instance in which there has come down to us besides the copy of a statue on coins the original statue so copied, it would be worth while to institute a careful com- parison between the two, a comparison which would shew clearly what method the Creeks of the third century followed in imitating on coin-dies contemporary works of art. The copying is not so close as in Roman times, but it omits nothing essential, and only introduces varieties when almost compelled to do so by the change of form and material conditioning the work. ' Pans. 11 . 27. 2. 5 Archdolog. Untersuchungen auf Samothrake, vol. 11 . 24—2 188 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. xii. 6. On No. 6, from Lamia in Thessaly, we have a seated figure of young Heracles, who rests on a rock and holds on his knee a bow in a case. This is also a work of the time of Demetrius, admirably worked out, yet possessing, at least to my eyes, something of formality and a set effect which does not meet us in xii. 7. earlier works. On No. 7, from the Phthiotic Thebes, we have a Homeric subject, Protesilaus leaping armed from his vessel on to the Trojan shore. This is a more complicated subject than would have been attempted at an earlier time, and somewhat unfit for the field of a coin. The small size of the galley is obviously necessary because of the restrictions of space ; and has in it nothing repugnant to Greek ideas of art, which make more account of moral than material xii. 8. size in proportioning works. On No. 8, from Oeta in Thessaly, is a Heracles in quite a new position, facing the spectator and holding a club transversely. The attitude of the hero is less sculptural than usual ; we may compare it with that xiv. 22 . assumed by the same hero on Bactrian coins of late date, as pi. xiv. No. 22. xii. 9 . On No. 9 we have a type which long remained unexplained, and which is of great interest. It is a close copy of an ancient statue of Hermes from Aenus. The deity is a mere terminal block surmounted by a head, and is set up on an elaborate and massive throne, the arms of which end in heads of rams and rest on sphinxes. We have literary evidence that archaic statues of deities, the Apollo of Amyclae for instance, were set up in some way on thrones on which their forms would certainly not allow them to sit, and this fact has frequently puzzled archaeologists ; this coin furnishes us at once with a clue to the mystery, shewing that the simulacrum was commonly erected in an upright attitude on the seat of the throne. xii. io. On No. 10 we have a Victory from a gold coin of Alexander the Great. The gold coins of Philip had borne on one side a head of Ares, on the other vii. 30, 38. a chariot, pi. vn. 30, 38. These types were by no means suited to the ambitious and soaring mind of Alexander. Ares, the champion of Troy, was naturally dis- tasteful to a prince who claimed, through his mother who was a princess of the Molossians, descent from Achilles, and it was scarcely to be expected of Alexander that he should try to immortalize the chariot-victories of his father. So he chose entirely new types for his gold coin, placing on the obverse a head of Pallas the patroness of the besiegers of Ilium, and on the reverse a figure of Nike. It was to Zeus, Pallas and Nike that Alexander sacrificed before the battle of Issus. But the Nike of Alexander was not what figures of that goddess on coins had hitherto nearly always been, a memorial of peaceful victories in the games. She is purely warlike, carrying in one hand a wreath for the victor, and in the other a trophy-stand to which when planted in the earth might be nailed the armour of enemies, cf. pi. xi. 21. A trophy-stand is also borne by the Victory of No. 4, and a similar stand by PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY— HELLAS. 189 the Nymph Histiaea seated on the stern of a ship on the coin of Histiaea in Euboea, No. 11. This last figure is beautifully executed as regards drapery, and xn. 11 . is a favourable specimen of the class of figures on galleys which become at this age common, cf. Nos. 4, 35. The allusion in all these types is no doubt to naval xn. 4, 85. victories won, part of a ship, whether the acrostolium, the stern, or the prow, being ordinarily part of a naval trophy. In the choice of the figure which is seated on these galleys we have a fresh instance of the same kind of symbolism which we discerned in the case of the Sicilian chariots of pi. vi. Sometimes it is Victory herself ; sometimes it is a more direct representative of the victorious king or city. On the coin of Histiaea it is the Nymph Histiaea herself, the natural embodiment of the city which bore her name. On the Macedonian coin of Antigonus, No. 35, it is Apollo, who was probably regarded by the king as his special guardian deity. In all these cases the design of the coin is such as would suit a larger object, such as a trophy set up on shore as a memorial of victory. On No. 12 is a seated Pallas from the coins of Lysimachus, king of Thrace, xn. 12 . a figure quite in the style of the seated state-deities of the period. The Victory in her hand is crowning, by a favourite conceit of the period, the name of Lysimachus himself : thus indicating the connexion between goddess and king. No. 13 is a very peculiar type. It is from Uranopolis, a Macedonian city, xii. in. founded by Alexarchus, brother of King Cassander, a man of noted eccentricity, about whom Athenaeus tells strange tales 1 . Some of this eccentricity has infected our coin. It bears a figure of Aphrodite Urania seated on a globe. On her head is a cone surmounted by a star, in her right hand a sceptre bound with fillets ; and by her side a second cone surmounted by a star. On the other side of the coin is a radiate globe 2 . We have here a number of allegorical representations of the heavenly bodies. The cone surmounted by a star seems to symbolize the sun and the sun seems also to be more exactly and physically portrayed in the globe surrounded by rays. It is evident that Alexarchus attached some curious meaning of his own to the figure of Aphrodite Urania, who was to him rather an embodiment of fanciful ideas than the his- torical goddess adopted by Greeks from Phoenicians. The allegorizing tendency is found in other statues of the period such as the Kaipos of Lysippus ; but never more markedly than in our coin. In all probability the design is copied from a well-known work of sculpture. Turning next to heads, we will begin with those which are ideal, and afterwards come to portraits. There will be found on the plate four effigies of Zeus, one from Boeotia, No. 14, one from Thessaly, No. 17, one from Elis, No. xii . 11,17. 25, one from Achaia, No. 33. Nos. 14 and 25 are nothing but inferior speci- xn.2.yi:;. hi. 20. 2 Cat. Gr. Coins, Macedon, pp. xxxii, 133. 190 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN TYPES. mens of the type which has been already discussed when it occurred on a coin viii. 37 . of Arcadia pi. viti. 37. No. 17 differs in the length of the moustache and the spare and pointed form of the beard, in which respects it resembles the head on v. 39. the coin of Alexander of Epirus, pi. v. 39. No. 33 is remarkable for the shortness of the hair. We must not however reason from these varieties that a special form of Zeus is intended at this city or that ; probably it is merely a xn. 15 . question of artists and local style. On No. 15, a coin in remarkably high relief, we have a notable head of Heracles from a silver coin of Alexander the Great. The face is meaningless and heavy, but the work of the head of the hero and especially of his lion’s skin is executed in a masterly way. In fact the specimen combines the greatest skill in execution with poverty in design, and may be considered in these respects as representative of the period to which it belongs, xn. 26 . On No. 26 is a head of Hera with the ethnic FaXeiW written on the xn. 27 , 28 . stephanos which binds her hair. Nos. 27 and 28, from Corinth, present us with heads of the armed Corinthian goddess of less noble type than those which we viii. 42 , have already noticed, pi. viii. 42, 43. But No. 27 is redeemed from insignifi- 43 ' cance by the exquisite figure which it bears of Eros riding on a dolphin and nursing his knee, a very early and charming example of the playful treatment of Eros which becomes more and more usual from the time of Lysippus onwards to Homan times and those of the Renaissance. But on our coin Eros is not yet a xn. 29 . mere baby, but a graceful stripling full of life and activity. No. 29, from Her- xi. 15 . mione in Argolis, is a head of Persephone which may be compared with pi. xi. 15 as regards facial angle as well as brightness of countenance, although the xn. 30 , 31 . present coin is less elaborate. On Nos. 30, 31 are two heads of young Ammon, with the ram’s horn, the former from Cyrene the latter from Tenos. The contrast between the two is striking, the Cyrenean coin being far more beautiful and finished ; yet they are nearly contemporary and furnish us with an instance to shew that often in judging of the age of coins we must look above mere detail. The Tenian coin certainly shews a tendency to approximate to the type of Alexander the Great, whose favourite character was that of the son of Zeus Ammon. xn. 32. On No. 32 is a pleasing head of a Nymph from Paros, one of those types which belong entirely to the decline yet have a vigour and freshness sometimes wanting at a better period. xn. 16 , We now return to the group in the third line of the plate, Nos. 16, 18, 19, lH ~ J *' 20, which serves well to illustrate the origin of portraits in Greece in the Lysip- pean age. The head of Heracles from Alexander’s coin, No. 15, is entirely ideal; but it is well known that this type undergoes in the course of years a remark- able transformation ; the eye becomes sunk and the forehead more furrowed, the hair arches from the brow in wavy masses and the whole expression changes PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY— HELLAS. 191 until we reach a type approaching the head of Alexander himself as it is pre- sented to us on the coins of his general Lysimachus, of which No. 16 is among xn. 16 . the finest specimens known. Of the later type an indifferent specimen will be found below on a coin of Aetolia, No. 42. And as I have already pointed out the xn. 42. heads of Achilles, of Dionysus, and of Zeus himself become more or less trans- formed into the image of the Macedonian king. At the same time a somewhat opposed tendency is also at work. Not only do deities assume human linea- ments, but human beings when they take their place on coins always at first assume the character of some divinity. The whole subject of Greek portraits is full of difficulty, and a careful work dealing with the matter is one of the most pressing needs of archaeology. The work of Visconti 1 is out of date and thoroughly uncritical ; yet we are still obliged to use it in the absence of any more recent treatise. The most satis- factory remarks of modern archaeology are those of Michaelis a propos of the portrait of Thucydides at Holkham Hall 2 ; but they open rather than close the discussion. Michaelis observes that we possess a few portraits of the Periclean age, those of Pericles himself, of Thucydides and Euripides, which appear to be contemporary in design at least, and shew in their style the ideal spirit of early Greek art. In them the sculptor contents himself with reproducing what is essential in the head before him, passing by all which bears a temporary or fortuitous character. Such details as the formation of the surface of the skin and the momentary arrangement of the hair he entirely disregards. In the portraits of Alexander also, the same writer proceeds, we find similar treatment. £ They almost entirely disregard the fortuitous details of actual life, and follow, £ though with full freedom of handling, the more rigid rules of artistic style, £ which still prevailed, at least in some degree, in the Hellenistic period, for £ ideal portraits. The sculptor of Alexander’s portraits seems as it were to stop £ short at flesh. But in portraits of a later time the skin plays a most impor- £ tant part.’ In these later portraits, of which those of Demosthenes and Menan- der are typical specimens, we see more sharply-defined individuality combined with a striving after pictorial effect, and a taste for naturalistic reproduction of personal peculiarities, the details of hair, skin and so forth. The distinctions here drawn are fully justified by the evidence of coins. On these before the time of Alexander the Great there are but two heads so far as I know which have any pretensions to be regarded as portraits. One is a It cad in a Persian tiara, of which there is a good representation on pi. x. 14, and x. n. which was discussed in its place 3 . The head is obviously of a fine ideal type 1 Iconographie Grecque. ' Festschrift zur vierten Secularfeier der Univ. Tubingen , 1877, p. 10. 3 Above, p. 144. 192 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. without any impress of personal peculiarities. Other bearded heads in Persian tiara occur on coins struck by various satraps. They may be intended for the head of a Persian divinity ; but more probably they are intended to represent the Great King, not as a personage but as an abstraction. The artist having no idea what the Persian monarch was like would simply reproduce his ideal of what a highly born Persian ought to be. If the result was better in type than the head of the reigning monarch would strictly warrant, so much the better. At any rate we have in these cases no true instance of an individual portrait. The other instance of an apparent portrait on a pre- Alexandrine coin occurs on x. 42. pi. x. No. 42, which for reasons already stated 1 I can scarcely bring myself to admit as the only instance of an individualized portrait at the period. If we consider the history and exploits of Alexander we shall hardly wonder that his contemporaries looked on him as a god. And it is as a god that he found a place on the coins issued by his marshals. He claimed to be the son of Zeus Ammon ; so when he appears on the money of Ptolemy and of Lysi- xn. 16 . machus, No. 16, he bears the ram’s horn which specially belonged to the Libyan god 2 . For some time all the heirs of Alexander’s empire contented themselves with reproducing the divinized head of their master. But towards the year b. c. 300 they began themselves to assume a divinity very convenient for purposes of state. And becoming thus divine, they could not longer scruple to place their own heads on their money. Thus we have at this period a head of xii. 19. Demetrius Poliorcetes as Bacchus, with bull’s horn, No. 19, a head of Ptolemy xiv. 8. with the aegis of Zeus, a head of Seleucus helmeted, pi. xiv. 8, also wearing the horn of Dionysus, and with the lion-skin of Heracles knotted round his neck. And as the kings of the time are assimilated to deities, so their features are idealized and toned down. We find scarcely one or two real portraits of the contemporaries of Alexander. As kings appear as gods so do their queens in the guise of goddesses on xii. is. coins. The head from Ambracia on No. 18, which one would take for that of Hera or Dione, has yet something in it so human that we may fairly suppose that it is intended at the same time to represent some queen. It is indeed xi. 27 . much like the head of Phthia on coins of Pyrrhus, pi. xi. 27. The very re- xii. 20 . markable head on the coin of Lamia, No. 20, is in all probability intended, as I have elsewhere maintained 3 , for the celebrated beauty of the same name as the city, Lamia, the wife of Demetrius Poliorcetes, who was worshipped under the 1 Above, p. 175. 2 It would seem, as Mr Poole informs me, that in doing so Alexander only copied the example set about four centuries earlier by Tirhaka, the Ethiopian king of Egypt, who conquered Libya, and whose portrait bears a ram’s horn just like Alexander’s. 3 Num. Chron. 1878, p. 266. PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY— HELLAS. 193 name of Aphrodite in various cities of Greece, and so might well appear on Thessalian coins of the period. Between her head and that of Demetrius placed next to it there is a remarkable general artistic likeness, indicating that both belong to one period, and to one class of coins. The reverse of No. 19 is No. 2, and of No. 20, No. 6. These facts seem to me to illustrate the thesis of Michaelis from a fresh point of view, and to give a reason why the portraits of Alexander and the Diadochi are formed on the lines of earlier rather than of later Greek art. In the next period we shall find portraits individual to the last degree, and full of naturalistic detail. Asia Minor. We pass next to the coins of Asia Minor on pi. xiii. On No. 1, from Amastris on the Euxine, we have a seated female figure of queenly type. On our coin she wears a stephanos and holds in one hand a long sceptre, in the other a figure of Victory. We should have supposed the deity represented to be Hera, but for a variant coin in the collection of M. Six in which she holds in her hand in the place of Victory a small Eros. This coin however also bears not the name of the city but of the Queen Amastris by whom it was built and whose name it bore. It would seem then that the seated deity who combines the attributes of Hera and of Aphrodite is really but the deified mortal foundress whom her subjects in the taste of the time established in a temple and invested with the attributes of the chief deities of Olympus. It would be easy to quote from history a score of instances of such deification, but the statues in which the idea was embodied have usually perished, so that our coin is the more interesting. Of Zeus-like type are the two figures of Dionysus in our plate, the standing figure from Nagidus, No. 2, and the seated figure from Heraclea, No. 4. The god of Nagidus is evidently the same nature-deity as is found at Tarsus and other cities, who was identified alternately with Zeus and Dionysus, pi. x. 30. But the figure from Heraclea is more original. The god holds in one hand his wine-cup, in the other an ivy-bound thyrsus, but he is of youthful type ; evidently a figure of the new style placed on the throne and in the attitude of some older cultus-statue. On No. 3, from Pergamon, we have a close rendering of an archaic Palladium, with a closed trunk in the place of legs. On No. 5, from Aspendus, we have the old type of the.slinger, cf. pi. x. No. 10; but ids movement is freer, and in the field is one of those winged male figures which become common in art after the time of Alexander. This figure here is expres- G. 25 XII. 19, 2. XII. 20, 6. XIII. 1. XIII. 2 XIII. 4. X. 30. XIII. 3. XIII. 5. X. 10. 194 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. sively introduced ; lie is looking in the direction in which the slinger aims, and his attitude expresses his surprise at the distance to which the missile is sent, xin. g. No. G, which bears the names of two kings of Heraclea in Pontus, Timotheus and Dionysius, offers us a type very characteristic of the period, Heracles the eponymous deity of the city erecting a trophy, no doubt in memory of some victorious war. This is a pious device for giving the credit of the success to Heracles. In the same way Pan is represented as setting up a trophy, on coins of Antigonus Gonatas, in memory of the panic flight of the Gauls from Delphi, xin. 7. On No. 7 we have a head of Apollo from Colophon, on No. 8 an effigy of the xiii. 9 . same god from Miletus, on No. 9 a head of Dionysus from Heraclea. These heads are chiefly noteworthy as shewing how the custom of representing the younger members of the Pantheon with long hair returned at this period, after having for a time almost disappeared, and as giving instances of the way in which xm. 10 . it was arranged. On No. 10, from Berytus in Troas, is a young head wearing a conical pileus surmounted by a star. If we were guided by considerations of origin we might probably see in it one of the Cabeiri of Samothrace ; but in the days of rapid spread of Hellenism the people of Troas would probably rather xiii. n. call it one of the Dioscuri. The head on No. 11 has been regarded as a portrait of Amastris, wife of Lysimachus, coming as it does from the city which bore her name. If so, she would be here figured as divine foundress. I suspect however that the head is male, and intended to represent some Persian deity of youthful type, such as Mithras or Men. It is clearly not much like the xiii. 12 . head of the statue of Amastris, No. 1. We have, however, certainly on No. 12, the head of a foundress, of Arsinoe, one of the queens of Lysimachus, after whom he renamed the city of Ephesus which he enlarged and fortified. This is an Ephesian coin. The portrait is somewhat idealized like almost all other portraits of the period ; yet there clearly seems to be an intention to represent a person ; the hair is arranged in the style of the Egyptian queens, the veil too is worn rather in the manner of Greek matrons than of deities like Hera xiii, 13. and Demeter. No. 13 is also from Ephesus, and of nearly the same period; but here the head is of Artemis, and of a specially charming type. The expres- sion is very pleasing and as an instance of the care with which details are rendered I may mention the earring, which consists of a winged figure, Nike or Eros. At an earlier period we have on the coins of Ephesus only the symbolical bee and stag ; at a later period we have the barbarous many- breasted image which is so well known ; only in the century which began with Alexander’s invasion were Hellenic ideas so prevalent in Asia that even the barbaric deity of Ephesus appears in the form of the Greek Artemis whose name was so inaccu- rately applied to her 1 . Head, Coinage of Ephesus , passim. PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY. 195 The East. In plate xiv. we reach a region which is new to us. Syria and Asia did indeed issue coins long before the time of Alexander, but as these do not clearly display Greek influence, and as we are restricted to what is of Hellenic origin, I passed them by in silence. But under Alexander and the Seleucidae, Asia as far as the Ganges begins to become in most outward respects Hellenic ; certainly, if we may judge from our coins, Hellenic as regards art. On No. 1, xiv. 1 . which bears the name of Seleucus I., we have a figure of Victory setting up a trophy, which is not however very original compared with a parallel group in Sicily, pi. xi. 21. The Victory on another coin of Seleucus, No. 3, is merely an Xj^ 2 i. enlarged copy of a type of Alexander, pi. xir. 10. The Pallas on No. 2 is xn.io. important in many ways. The coin bears the name of Andragoras, who would seem to have been a ruler in central Asia early in the third century ; and is thus interesting as a historical record ; but the figure of Pallas is also remark- able. The goddess wears no aegis but is wrapped in a himation, and holds an owl in her extended hand. I am not aware of any figure on extant coins which is closely like this ; we may however compare the coin of Side, pi. x. No. 7 , x - 7 - where Athene holds as here an owl. No. 4, from Sidon, and No. 5, from Tyre, xiv. 4, 5. scarcely properly belong to our subject. The king in his chariot on the former coin, and the king slaying a lion on the latter do not remind us of Greek works, but of Assyrian mural reliefs, and have in them scarcely any trace of Greek influence. But this fact, their date being fairly certain, makes them really more interesting. It shews that the cities of Phoenicia were the last strongholds of oriental art, and suggests that they held out longest against the new Greek ideas. But coins of Alexander were issued from Phoenician mints ; and in the next age the legends and types of the coins of Sidon and Tyre are alike Hellenic. On No. 6, a copper coin of King Seleucus, w r e have a head of Medusa in xiv. profile. It would be interesting to trace on coins the gradual softening with time of the grim Gorgon-head of early art, pi. i. G, until it becomes milder and i. ,; - not unpleasing. But with the present piece we reach an entirely new departure. The full-face head could be softened but not made positively beautiful, but when turned into profile it could become quite a new inspiration in art. A dying face of rigid and fixed beauty is the form in which the head of Medusa appears in reliefs like the celebrated Ludovisi relief as well as on several remarkable 25—2 19G ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. gems ; our coin is higher up in the line of descent, and presents a living face instead of a dying one. It gives us therefore a fixed chronological datum whence to judge of other heads of the class. It is I imagine the earliest of all profile- xiv. 7 . heads of Medusa. On No. 7, from a coin of Andragoras, we have a head of a deity, probably Zeus, but treated in a remarkable manner. There is something oriental about the formality of hair and beard ; yet we trace far more expression than is to be found in Oriental or in earlier Greek works. Perhaps the nearest xiv. 26 . approach to it is found in the Zeus-head of Antiochus IV., No. 26. On No. 8 we have a much idealized portrait of Seleucus in helmet of skin, of which I have xiv. 9. already spoken; on No. 9 a less ideal portrait of an Indian prince Sophytes 1 . In outward style this prince’s head is closely copied from that of his suzerain Seleucus, but the Greek artist who made the die managed to give to the head something of individualism : we even fancy it to be of Indian rather than Greek xiv. io. character. No. 10 is the reverse of No. 9, and bears the name of Sophytes xiv. li. with the type of a cock, also clearly executed by a Greek artist. On No. 11 is a head of Dionysus very characteristic of the period. The turn of the shoulders and the type of head are distinctly post- Alexandrine. The god has the horns of a bull ; and in this fact we probably gain a clue to the phenomenon that bull’s horns are attributed so freely to men and animals on the coins of the period. The heads of Demetrius and Seleucus are both horned, and horses and elephants are also horned on the coins of Seleucus. It seems likely that the two kings mentioned claimed to be impersonations of Dionysus the great Eastern Conqueror of whom Alexander found so many traces in the East ; and hence even the animals which ministered to the state of Seleucus partook of Dionysiac character. I am of course aware that it was from Apollo and not from Dionysus that the Seleucidae claimed descent; and that from the time of Antiochus I. downwards Apollo regularly appears on their coins as protecting deity. But as Apollo is by no means prominent on the money of Seleucus, it would seem that his adoption of that god belongs rather to the later than the earlier part of his career. The head of the horned horse, which figures so largely xiv. 12 . on coins of Seleucus, will be found on No. 12. Some writers think that he was intended for Bucephalus, some for Seleucus’ own horse, which had once saved his life by its speed of foot, and of which a statue was erected at Babylon. Perhaps preferable to either of these views is the opinion that the horned horse is merely an oriental religious emblem ; and the horns as just suggested may have been by the Greeks connected with Dionysus. Num. Citron , 1866, p. 220. PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY. 197 Copies of Statues. To the present period belongs an interesting statue copied on the coin of Tigranes, King of Syria, xv. 32. It represents the city of Antioch wearing a xv. 32. turreted crown, and clad in full drapery. In her hand she holds a palm, and her feet rest on the river Orontes who swims amid his own waters at her feet. This is the celebrated statue made by Eutychides the pupil of Lysippus, of which several copies exist; that in the Vatican has called forth the strongest expres- sions of admiration from Prof. Brunn 1 . It seems to have become the prototype of a large class of statues which are copied on the coins of a multitude of Asiatic cities ; and is indeed in all respects thoroughly characteristic of its age. 1 Gr. Kiinstler, 1 . 412, cf. Overbeck, Plastik, II. 135. CHAPTER VII. Period oe Decline : — late. With our present period, b. c. 280 — 146, we reach a time when the balance of the Hellenic world is entirely shifted. We can now expect little of interest from the West or even from Hellas proper. But when we turn to Asia and the East, we shall find this deficiency more than made up. Hitherto, the types of coins have been useful as illustrating works of contemporary art, sometimes filling up blank spaces indeed, but to be taken in conjunction with the state- ments of ancient writers and fitted into a fairly complete scheme of the growth and development of Greek art. But now we have reached a time when ancient testimonies for the most part fail us, and when the history of Greek art runs an unknown course. Although many monuments of the time remain to our days, we cannot even yet, in sjfite of recent discoveries, classify them to our satisfac- tion ; the widest differences of opinion exist among savants as to their date and origin and even their meaning. Under such circumstances the testimony of coins becomes more valuable than ever. Unfortunately their art is at a low level, far below that reached by contemporary sculpture, and especially by painting. And there is frequently much about them of a purely conventional and heraldic character. But these drawbacks notwithstanding, we may find in coins most important data for the reconstruction of the history of Greek art, more especially in Asia, in pre-Roman days, data which as yet have been seldom sufficiently extracted. Indeed there is here a field of almost unexplored wealth ; and I shall be able in my brief limits to do little more than indicate where the veins of ore lie, and to exhibit a few specimens to shew what may be expected from working them. Italy. In Italy and Sicily there are few coins of importance of this period. I have collected some specimens in the two last rows of pi. xi. Of all the most inter- xi. 40. esting is that of Locri of which the obverse bears a rude head of Zeus, No. 40, PERIOD OF DECLINE, LATE— ITALY. 199 and the reverse a group of two female figures, No. 34 . The seated figure is xi. 34. armed with a sword and rests her arm on a shield. An inscription behind shews that she is an impersonation of Rome, one of the earliest of all artistic representations of the great conquering city. I11 front of Rome stands a draped female figure who places a wreath on her head, and who is shewn by the inscription to be Good-faith (ilicrrt?). This is a fair specimen of a class of allegorical groups which were excessively common in all cities in later days of Greece, and it is a good and dignified composition. The figure of Rome is of the same kind as that of Aetolia in pi. xii., No. 40. It is evidently to the Greeks xn. 40 . that the Romans were indebted for the artistic embodiment of their city which afterwards became so common and has prevailed in sculpture down to our own day. That Rome does not in our group wear a helmet probably arises from the incongruity between such a head-covering and the wreath offered by Pistis. On what occasion the type was adopted we cannot say for certain ; it may have been when the Romans, after the complete defeat of Pyrrhus, allowed the people of Locri to retain their autonomy, or it may possibly belong to the time of a later alliance h Nos. 35 to 39 are all coins of the Bruttii, a barbarous Italian people who xi. 35— 39. at this time conquered most of the Hellenic cities of South Italy, and probably from them gathered a certain amount of civilization and a few ideas as to art. Their coins are neatly executed, and the tyes are mostly copied from those used by Pyrrhus and other Greek sovereigns. On No. 35 is a group closely copied from that of Thetis bearing arms to Achilles on Pyrrhus’ coin, No. 2 . But xi. 2. closely, almost slavishly, as the group is reproduced, its meaning is entirely changed. In place of the shield of Achilles it substitutes a small Eros dis- charging an arrow, and the veiled goddess is no longer Thetis, but either Aphrodite or Amphitrite. The introduction of the Eros is distinctly character- istic of the later period ; and 1 1 is form, rounded and infantile, is of far later type than children of the times of Praxiteles and Scopas. So that while the type of Pyrrhus (xi. 2 ) may be taken as representative of the school of Scopas, we seem in the present coin to reach a subsequent method of treatment of the class of subjects which had been usual with that master. I would venture to suggest in passing, although with great diffidence since Prof. Brunn takes the opposite view 2 , that the celebrated relief at Munich representing the marriage of Poseidon and Amphitrite is far nearer in conception to the Bruttian coin than to that of Pyrrhus, a fact which would seem to offer us a hint that the relief may be of the third century and perhaps of Italian origin. The character and forms of the Erotes in it appear to agree better with a later age than with 1 Overbeck, Kunstmythol. n. 100. 2 Munich Academy, 1876, Philos.-philol. Classe, p. 342. 200 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. that of Scopas. These remarks however are a mere suggestion offered to the consideration of those who are more nearly concerned with the Munich relief. As the coins of the Bruttii are almost entirely marine in their types, the seated xi. 39 . goddess is probably meant for Amphitrite 1 . Of this deity No. 39 presents us with an effigy, but the effigy might as well stand for Hera or Dione, as there is nothing distinctive about it. Far more originality belongs to the representa- xi. 38,36. tions of the Dioscuri on coins of the Bruttians ; the heads on No. 38 and the whole figures on No. 36. These are good specimens of the Italo-Greek art of the period ; being very neatly and clearly cut, and having a tasteful appearance, but not being marked by vigour or power. It seems strange that the Bruttii should have appropriated the Dioscuri who had been at that time so thoroughly adopted by the Romans ; but it is probable that, as Mommsen suggests, these coins being used by all the cities of the extreme south of Italy were authorized xi. 37 . by the Romans. The figure of Poseidon on No. 37 seems clearly to be copied xii. 2. from that on the coin of Demetrius Poliorcetes, pi. xn. 2, unless indeed both are derived from some common original. Sicily. Sicily was during our period, or rather until shortly before the Roman conquest of b.c. 212, a kingdom with Syracuse as capital, and presents us with a regular series of regal coins bearing excellent portraits of King Hiero and xi. 43. members of his family. On No. 43 is a head of Hiero himself; for so we must rather call it than a traditional likeness of the first Hiero, who would probably have been represented as bearded like his contemporaries Miltiades, Themistocles and Pericles. The head before us quite goes with the realistic portraits of the period, and is indeed superior to most of them. The head of Queen Philistis, xi. 44 . No. 44, is less skilfully executed, and has far less of realism about it. This difference between male and female portraits is usual. Until the Roman Empire no heads of ladies on coins are quite distinctive, with the solitary exceptions of xii. 20 . the head of the courtezan Lamia, pi. xii. 20, and of that of the great Cleo- patra. It is likely that the artists had but limited opportunities for studying the physiognomies of most queens, and were influenced by a not unnatural dread of making them less beautiful than utmost skill allowed. And it is at once evident why to a rule of this kind exceptions should be found in the cases of Lamia and Cleopatra, who were not of a character to conceal the charms they Imhoof-Blumer in Overbeck’s Kunstmyth., in. 404. PERIOD OF DECLINE, LATE— SICILY. 201 possessed. The reverses of the two numbers last mentioned are occupied by chariot-types, Nos. 45, 46, which are certainly an improvement on those of thexi. 45, 46. last period, and revert in some degree to the variety and energy of the chariot- groups of the best period, pi. vi. The driver is a winged Victory. Nos. 41xi.4i,42. and 42 belong to the last three years of Syracusan autonomy. On No. 42 is a head of Persephone of carefully finished work, but bearing every mark of the decline. On No. 41 is a figure of Artemis drawing the bow, a most clumsy and ill-proportioned work, which is only interesting because its place and date can be closely fixed, and because it may claim a certain distant cousinship to the Artemis of the Louvre, which though immeasurably superior in all points to the figure of the coin yet has indications not dissimilar of period and school. Hellas. We turn next to the coins of Hellas proper on pi. xii. Of these very few are coins of cities ; nearly all are either of Kingdoms or Federal Unions. On No. 34 from Byzantium is Poseidon seated on a rock, holding in one hand an xii. 34 . aplustre, in the other his trident. This figure symbolizes well the commanding naval position of the city and the prowess of the people of Byzantium, who at one time made all ships which entered the Euxine pay toll to them. No. 35, a xii. 35 . coin variously attributed to Antigonus Gonatas and to Antigonus Doson 1 of Macedon, is certainly also a record of naval victory. It bears a figure of Apollo holding a bow, seated on the bulwarks of a war-galley. The obverse of the piece is a head of Poseidon, No. 41 ; but that it is not out of the way to xii. n. associate Apollo also with naval victory we may see by comparing the coin of Marathus, pi. xiv. 13. There we have Apollo seated on shields and holding xiv. 13 . aplustre. But the present Apollo reminds us alike by his hair which falls in long formal tresses, by his way of holding the how, and by the smooth round- ness of his slight form, of the regular type of the coins of the Seleucidae, an Apollo seated on the omphalos. Possibly the naval victory may have been the result of a Syrian alliance. But in any case the group is not a success from the point of view of art. On the Thessalian coin, No. 36, we have a figure of Pallas of the conven- xii. 36. tional archaic pattern, and without the refinements introduced by the artist of Pyrrhus, in pi. xi. 22. On the Boeotian coin, No. 37, we have a copy of the xi. 22 . J XII. 37. Nike of Alexander’s coin, No. 10, with a slight difference in the arrangement xii! 10 ! 1 See Br. Mus. Guide, p. 75. G. 26 202 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. of the wings, and the interesting variety that the trophy- stand in the left hand of the goddess is replaced by a trident, an attribute in better keeping with the Boeotian types of the period which are almost universally nautical. On the xii. 38 . Aetolian piece, No. 38, we have a male figure in the attitude so usual at this period, and especially appropriated to Poseidon. But there is nothing Poseidonian in the present figure, which is entirely unclad save for a petasus and a chlamys which lies over the knee, but is armed with spear and sword. The scantiness of clothing and completeness of arming would well suit an impersonation of the poor and warlike race of the Aetolians. But as Aetolia is represented usually in female form, we should probably rather identify our warrior with Meleager the xii. 40 . national Aetolian hero. Of Aetolia herself we have a figure on No. 40. She O is clad in a hat and a short chiton which falls away leaving one breast free (yira )v kT€poixd(T\a\o No. 30 of Ptolemy II. of Egypt and his sister and wife Arsinoe, No. 31 of the xiv. 3i. Parthian Mithradates, bearded according to the custom of his country. Next come three wonderful heads of Greek kings of India, No. 32 of Antimachus, xiv. 32. No. 33 of Euthydemus II., No. 34 of Eucratides. The flat hat worn by Anti- xiv. 33. machus seems to be a slight modification of the north Greek petasus, cf. pi. vn. 3 — 5 and pi. xn. 40 ; and the helmet worn by Eucratides seems to be an imitation of the same head-covering' in metal, adorned with the horn and ear of a bull. These portraits impress by their realism alike those familiar with and those unacquainted with Greek art. Their most marked characteristic is the skill with which the engravers seize the most salient features of a face and give its characteristic expression. In some instances, such as the head of Antiochus I. xiv. 29, we can scarcely bring ourselves to think that the engraver has not exaggerated the peculiarities of the subject, almost to the verge of caricature. The portraits of the age are thus striking and distinctive, but we feel that they rather imitate that which is on the surface than afford us any idea of the real personage of the ruler who is portrayed. Of course for the highest kind of portraiture the field of a coin offers but scanty scope. Nevertheless we may venture to say that numismatic testimony confirms the opinion derived by Michaelis from the study of likenesses in marble, that the portraits of the Helle- nistic age do not avoid the faults of superficiality and love of theatrical effect which mark generally the sculpture of that age. Only, those faults are in the case of portraits less glaring and more pardonable ; and the close realism which accompanies them is pleasing to eyes trained by modern works of art, and only vexes the few who have a genuine love for the products of earlier and brighter days of Greek art. P.S. The decadrachm of Agrigentum, engraved on the title-page, is in the French Collection. Its date must be immediately before the destruction of Agrigentum in b.c. 406. The obverse-type, two eagles devouring a hare, is 212 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES. explained at page 130. The chariot of the reverse is represented in the act of turning the meta, and is so somewhat foreshortened ; an attempt at perspective somewhat bold for the period. Over it flies the frequent symbol of agonistic victory, an eagle bearing olf a serpent, which here takes the place of the more usual Nike. The crab below is the civic emblem of Agrigentum, unless indeed it may indicate the fact that the agonistic victory which inspired the coin was won on the shore of the sea. INDEX OF SUBJECTS [The references are to the Plates ; further reference from Plates to text may easily be made by means of the Table of Contents.] THE OLYMPIAN DEITIES. I. ZEUS. Zeus, VIII. 42; X. 9; XIII. 14; XIY. 20, 24 Zeus Olympius, III. 15, 16,41, 43; XII. 1 , 23; XIY. 14; XV. 19 Zeus Ithomates, VIII. 25; XII. 47 Zeus Soter, II. 1 Zeus holding Hecate, XIY. 19 Zeus, Simulacrum of, XV. 1 Zeus Velchanus, IX. 7 Zeus Stratius, X. 22 Zeus Stratius, Simulacrum of, XV. 9 Zeus, Head of, V. 14, 40; VII. 29, 33; VIII. 6, 26, 37; IX. 21 ; XI. 6, 40; XII. 14, 17, 25, 51 ; XIV. 7, 26 Zeus Olympius, Head of, XV. 18 Zeus Dodonaeus, Head of, V. 37, 38, 39 ; XI. 7 Zeus Eleutherius, Head of, VI. 37 Zeus Hellenius, Head of, XI. 25 Zeus and Dione, Heads of, XII. 44 Dione, Head of, XII. 18 Zeus Ammon, IX. 31, 32, 33, 34 Zeus Ammon, Head of, III. 49; IV. 33; IX. 26, 27, 28 Ammon, Young, Head of, XII. 30, 31 Europa on bull, III. 17 Europa seated in tree, IX. 18, 19, 20 Thunderbolt personified, XIV. 24 [See also Nike, Eagle, Thunderbolt.] II. HERA. Hera of Chalcis, XV. 27 Hera Sarnia, Simulacrum of, XV. 5 Hera, Head of, III. 25, .38; V. 45; VIII. 13, 14, 15, 29, 39, 40; IX. 23; XII. 26 Hera Lacinia, Head of, V. 42, 43; VI. 39 III. POSEIDON. Poseidon I. 2, 14, 15; V. 5; VII. 2; IX. 2; XI. 37; XII. 2, 3, 5, 22, 24, 34; XIV. 21 ; XVI. 2, 17 Poseidon receiving Taras, V. 28 Poseidon Hippius, III. 3; IX. 3 Poseidon, Head of, XII. 41 Amphitrite on sea-horse, XI. 35 Amphitrite, Head of, XI. 39 [See also Taras, Horse, Bull.] IV. DEMETER. Demeter, XII. 48 Demeter, Head of, VII. 47; VIII. 28, 41 ; X. 41, 45 ; XII. 52; XIII. 26 Persephone, IX. 5 Persephone rising from the earth, X. 25 Persephone, Head of, VI. 19; VII. 46; XI. 15, 16, 28, 29, 31, 32, 42; XII. 29 Despoena, Head of, III. 50 [See also Pig on torch, Cista mystica.] Triptolemus, VII. 45 V. APOLLO. Apollo, I. 13, 16; IX. 12; X. 23; XIII. 17, 19; XV. 31 Apollo Amyclaeus, XV. 28 Apollo Citharoedus, XIII. 15 Apollo Delius, XV. 29 Apollo Didymaeus, XV. 15, 16 Apollo Hyacinthius, I. 3 Apollo Pythius, VII. 44; XV. 26 Apollo Smintheus, XV. 23 Apollo slaying Python, V. 7 Apollo and genius, I. 1 Apollo with horses of the sun, X. 3 Apollo with serpent, VIII. 33 Apollo seated on shields, XIV. 13 Apollo seated on prow, XII. 35 Apollo seated in tree, IX. 15, 16 Apollo and Artemis in quadriga, II. 36; VI. 24 Apollo, Head of, II. 23, 24, 25, 30; III. 36; IV. 35, 37; V. 15, 16; VI. 9, 10, 16; VII. 10, 11, 12, 13, 26, 28; VIII. 8, 10; X. 15, 16, 36, 37, 44; XI. 8, 9; XII. 53; XIII. 7, 8, 25, 28; XVI. 4, 5 [See also Raven, Stag, Swan, Griffin, Rose, Lyre, Tripod.] 214 INDEX OF SUBJECTS. VI. ARTEMIS. Artemis, III. 31 ; XI. 41 ; XII. 39, 50 Artemis in chariot with Apollo, II. 36 ; VI. 24 Artemis, Head of, VII. 37; VIII. 38; XIII. 13, 24, 29 Artemis, archaic, XV. 14 Artemis, Oriental, XIII. 21 ; XV. 3, 4 [See also Bee.] VII. PALLAS. Pallas, II. 4; III. 44; X. 7, 28, 33; XII. 12; XIII. 18; XIV. 2 Athene Ilias, XIII. 16; XV. 7, 13 Athene Parthenos, XV. 22 Pallas in chariot, VI. 27 Pallas, archaic, XI. 22; XII. 36; XIII. 3; XIV. 18; XV. 17 Pallas, Head of, I. 31, 32; III. 20, 21, 22, 23, 37, 51 ; V. 17, 18, 19, 41, 44; VI. 40; VII. 18; VIII. 11, 42, 43; XI. 12, 13; XII. 27, 28; XVI. 12, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22 Athene Parthenos, Head of, XII. 43; XIII. 27 [See also Owl.] VIII. ARES. Ares, Head of, IV. 36; VII. 10, 30, 31 ; XI. 24 IX. APHRODITE. Aphrodite Cnidia, XV. 21 Aphrodite Coriutliia, XV. 25 Aphrodite Urania, XII. 13 Aphrodite, Simulacrum of, XV. 10 Aphrodite, Lycian, X. 34 Aphrodite, Head of, VIII. 16, 17, 18 Aphrodite Cnidia, Head of, XV. 20 Aphrodite Paphia, Head of, X. 47, 48, 49 Aphrodite and Eros, VI. 3 Eros riding on dolphin, XII. 27 Eros, Head of, XIV. 27 X. HERMES. Hermes, III. 7; IV. 27; VIII. 36, 43; IX. 13, 14; XV. 24 Hermes, Simulacrum of, XII. 9 Hermes, Head of, III. 35 ; VII. 9 Hermes and Aphrodite, X. 31 Hermes and young Dionysus, VIII. 31 [See also Goat.] OTHER DEITIES. I. DIONYSUS. Dionysus, 1. 5 ; II. 2; III. 29; IV. 25; IX. 4; XIII. 2, 4 Dionysus on panther, IX. 6 Dionysus seated in tree, X. 35 Dionysus, Lesbian, Simulacrum of, XV. 11 Dionysus, Head of, II. 5, 22; VI. 14; VII. 8, 24, 25; IX. 22; XIII. 9, 30 Dionysus, Lesbian, Head of, XV. 12 Dionysus, Head of, horned, XIV. 1 1 Dionysus, Dimorphous, Head of, X. 43 [See also Bull, Man-headed.] Satyr drinking, II. 20; III. 34; VI. 6 Satyr bathing, II. 18; VI. 2 Satyr surprising nymph, III. 1, 2, 28 Satyr, Head of, 111. 19 Silenus on ass, VII. 7 Pan, VIII. 32 Pan, Head of, II. 42; VII. 34 [See also Syrinx.] Centaur, XIII. 23 Centaur carrying off woman, III. 9 Maenad, Head of, X. 39, 40 II. ASCLEPIUS. Asclepius of Epidaurus, XII. 21 Asclepius, Head of, VIII. 7 Hygieia, IX. 5 III. HECATE. Hecate in hand of Zeus, XIV. 19 Hecate, Head of, VII. 36 IV. DIOSCURI. The Dioscuri, XI. 36 ; XIV. 23 Dioscuri, Heads of the, XI. 38 V. SEA DEITIES. Triton or Glaucus, IX. 1 VI. RIVERS AND LAKES. Arethusa, Head of, II. 6, 7, 26, 27, 28; VI. 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23 Camarina riding on swan, VI. 7 Crathis, sacrificing, I. 17 INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 215 Gelas, Head of, VI. 11, 38 Himera sacrificing, II. 18; VI. 2 Hipparis, Head of, VI. 13 Hypsas sacrificing, II. 16 Selinus sacrificing, II. 15 ; VI. 1 River-god Orontes under feet of City, XV. 32 River-god hunting, VI. 4 [See also Man-headed Bull, Bull.] VII. PERSONIFICATIONS OF PLACES. Aetolia, XII. 40 Demos of Rhegium, I. 18; V. 1 Demos of Tarentum, I. 19, 20, 21 Histiaea seated on ship, XII. 11 Olympia, Head of, VIII. 27 Pandosia, Head of, I. 29 Phthia, Head of, XI. 27 Roma crowned by Pistis, XI. 34 Taras on dolphin, I. 4, 22; V. 4, 30, 31 ; XI. 5 Taras playing with panther’s cub, V. 3 Taras welcomed by Poseidon, V. 28 Taras, Head of, I. 9 Terina, Head of, V. 20, 23 Tyche Antiocheia, XV. 32 Nymph, Head of, I. 7, 8, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30; II. 31; III. 24; V. 21; VII. 15, 17, 35; X. 46; XI. 11, 14; XII. 32 VIII. ALLEGORICAL FIGURES. Eirene, V. 11 Nemesis of Rhamnus, X. 27 Nike, I. 24; II. 3, 17, 21; III. 14, 42; IV. 30; V. 13, 33; VIII. 3,4; X. 2; XII. 10, 37; XIV. 3 HEROIC I. HERACLES, Heracles, III. 45, 46; IV. 19, 21, 22, 23; VI. 36; XI. 1; XII. 6, 8; XIV. 16, 22 Heracles, Head of, III. 10; IV. 38; VI. 12, 15; VII. 14, 32; XI. 26; XII. 15, 42 Heracles strangling serpents, III. 48; V. 10; VII. 23; VIII. 1 ; XVI. 6, 7, 8 Heracles strangling lion, V. 6, 32 ; VI. 8 Heracles slaying hydra, IX. 7 Heracles slaying birds, VIII. 34 Stymphalian bird, Head of a, VIII. 44 Heracles shooting, VII. 1 Heracles striking bull, II. 17 Heracles wrestling with Achelous, IV. 1 Heracles carrying off tripod, III. 47 Heracles feasting, V. 29 Heracles reposing, IX. 8 Heracles with lustral bough, V. 2 Nike Apteros, I. 23 Nike carrying trophy, XI. 23 Nike erecting trophy, X. 24; XI. 21 ; XIV. I Nike playing with bird, V. 12 Nike on prow, XII. 4 Nike, Head of, II. 29; V. 22; VII. 16 [See also Agonistic types, "Chariot; Bull, Man- headed.] Pistis, XI. 34 Tyche, XIV. 15, 25 IX. LOCAL DAEMONS. Minotaur, III. 18 Scylla, on helmet of Pallas, V. 17, 18, 44; XI. 12, 13 Talos, IX. 9 Daemon, Winged, III. 8; IV. 20, 24; XIII. 5 X. ORIENTAL DEITIES. Aphrodite, Oriental, X. 34 Aphrodite, Oriental, Head of, X. 48, 49 Astarte, Simulacrum of, XV. 2 Baal Tars, X. 30 Bes, Head of, IV. 5 Cabeirus, Head of, X. 38; XIII. 10 Cybele, Simulacrum of, XV. 6 Cybele, Head of, XIII. 31 Hormuzd, X. 8 Melkarth, IV. 21, 22 ’ Men, Head of, XIII. 1 1 Sardanapalus, X. 29 Sardanapalus standing on monster, XIII. 20 Pyre of Sardanapalus, XIV. 17 Oriental simulacra of various deities, XV. 1 — 13 CYCLE. Heracles erecting trophy, XIII. 6 Heracles and Sardanapalus, X. 29 Heracles, archaic, XV. 8 11. TROJAN WAR. Protesilaus, XII. 7 Thetis carrying arms to Achilles, XL 2 Diomedes carrying off Palladium, VIII. 35 Achilles, Head of, XI. 10 Aeneas, Head of, III. 11, 39 Ajax O'ileus, VII. 22, 43 III. SOLAR HEROES. Belleroplion on Pegasus, VIII. 5 Pegasus, III. 26; VIII. 19; XVI. 20, 21, 22 Perseus, Head of, XII. 45 Gorgon, I. 6 Gorgon, Head of, VII. 19; XIV. 6 21G INDEX OF SUBJECTS. IV. LOCAL HEROES. Apteras, IX. 11 Cecrops, X. 1 Ceplialus, VIII. 2 Cephalus, Head of, VIII. 9 Procris, Head of, VIII. 12 Leucaspis, VI. 5, 35 Meleager, XII. 38 Miletus suckled by wolf, IX. 25 HISTORICAL PERSONS. I. PRE- ALEXANDRINE. Harmodius and Aristogeiton, X. 4 ; XV. 30 Homer, XIII. 22 King of Persia, X. 32 King of Persia, Head of, X. 14 King in chariot, XIV. 4 King slaying lion, XIV. 5 II. POST- ALEXANDRINE PORTRAITS. Alexander, Plead of, XII. 16 Amastris, Queen, XIII. 1 Antimachus, Head of, XIV. 32 Antiochus I., Head of, XIV. 29 Antiochus II., Head of, XIV. 28 Apollonias, Head of, XIII. 32 Arsinoe, Head of, XIII. 12 Demetrius Poliorcetes, Head of, XII. 19 Eucratides, Head of, XIV. 34 Euthydemus II., Head of, XIV. 33 Iliero II., Head of, XI. 43 Lamia, Head of, XII. 20 Mitkradates IV., Head of, XIII. 34 Mithradates of Partliia, Head of, XIV. 31 Orophernes, Head of, XIII. 33 Perseus, King, Head of, XII. 45, 46 Pkilistis, Head of, XI. 44 Prusias I., Head of, XIII. 35 Ptolemy II. and Arsinoe, Heads of, XIV. 30 Seleucus I., Head of, XIV. 8 Sophytes, Head of, XIV. 9 EVENTS OF LIFE. I. AGONISTIC TYPES. Eoxers, IV. 31 Discobolus, III. 30; IV. 28 Wrestlers, X. 11 Horseman, unarmed, II. 11, 38; IV. 2, 32; V. 34, 35; VII. 39; IX. 36; X. 12 Horseman crowning horse, XI. 3, 4 Chariot, II. 9; XI. 30 Chariot crowned by Nike, II. 10, 32, 33, 34, 35; VI. 25, 26, 27, 28, 29 Chariot driven by Nike, VI. 28; IX. 35; XI. 45, 46 Riga, VII. 38 Apene of mules crowned by Nike, II. 37 ; VI. 30 Arms (ad\a), VI. 25 II. WAR. Warrior, IV. 29; X. 26 Warrior, Head of, IV. 34 Archer, IX. 10 ; X. 5 Slinger, X. 10; XIII. 5 Horseman, armed, II. 12; III. 5; IV. 26; V. 8, 9, 36; VII. 3, 4, 5, 6 III. PEACE. Hunter, Cretan, XII. 49 Hero taming bull, 111. 32, 33 Hero driving oxen, III. 4 Women holding amphora, III. 6 Woodmen felling tree, XV. 6 IV. ANIMALS. Lee, XVI. 7 Bull, I. 11, 34; IV. 12; V. 24; IX. 24; X. 19; XI. 20; XVI. 1, 2, 16, 17, 18, 19 Bull, Head of, XVI. 13, 14, 15 Chamaeleon, IX. 30 Cock, II. 13; XIV. 10; XVI. 3, 23 Cow suckling calf, XVI. 23, 24, 25 Crab, VI. 32, 34; XVI. 3 Crab, in form of human face, VI. 34 Crane, II. 16; VIII. 12 Eagle, I. 12, 36; II. 41; III. 52; IV. 11 ; VIII. 30 Eagle on branch, V. 25 Eagle tearing hare, VI. 33; XI. 17 Eagles, Two, tearing hare, VI. 31 Eagle devouring ram, VIII. 21 INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 2 \ Eagle tearing serpent, VIII. 22 Eagle, Head of, VIII. 23 Fish, VI. 32 Goat, III. 12, 40 Hare, II. 42; VI. 31, 33 Horse, VII. 40; XI. 33 Jerboa, IX. 30 Lion, I. 33 ; IV. 15, 39, 43 ; XVI. 5 Lion slaying bull, III. 13; VII. 20 Lion tearing stag, XI. 18 Lion tearing prey, XVI. 1 1 Lion, Head of, III. 27; IV. 16, 17; V. 26; VII. 41; X. 20; XVI. 6, 13, 14, 15 Locust, XVI. 10 Owl, III. 53 Pig on torch, VII. 48 Prawn, VI. 16, 34 Earn, IX. 34 ; XV. 24 Raven, X. 6 Seal, IV. 7 Sow, IV. 10 Stag, I. 1, 13; IV. 8, 18 Swan, X. 50 V. MONSTERS. Boar, Winged, IV. 44 Bull, Man-headed, I. 10, 35; II. 8, 39, 40 Man-headed bull crowned by Nike, XI. 1!) Chimaera, IV. 9; VIII. 20 Griffin, VII. 42; XVI. 9, 10 Horned horse’s head, XIV. 12 Sea-horse, XI. 2; XVI. 8 Sphinx, IV. 6, 40; X. 13, 21, 34 Monstrous combination, IV. 13, 14, 41 VI. NATURAL OBJECTS, &c. Acorn, I. 35 Corn, Ear of, V. 27 Rose, X. 21 Silphium, III. 27 ; IX. 29, 30 Floral pattern, XVI. 24, 25 Amphora, VII. 27 Helmet and mask, IV. 3 Lyre, VII. 21 Cista mystica, XII. 48 Syrinx, 1 1. 42 Temple, XV. 1, 3, 24, 25, 26 Sacred car, XV. 2 , Thunderbolt, VIII. 24; XVI. 4 Tripod, XVI. 1 Acropolis of Corinth, XV. 25 Harbour of Zancle, II. 14 VII. ASTRONOMICAL SYMBOLS. Lion and star, XVI. 5 Lion and triquetra of legs, IV. 39 Triquetra of cock’s heads, IV. 42 G. CLASSIFICATION OF GREEK COINS. Period Date B.C. Political Character North Italy South Italy Sicily North Greece Central Greece Pelopon- nesus Crete & Islands North Africa Asia Minor The East Art Character Typical Sculptors i. 600—479 Age of the Despots . . . i 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Early Archaic ( Selinuntine ( Sculptors ii. 479—431 Rise of Athens ii 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 Late Archaic ( Aeginetan l School hi. 431—371 Peloponnesian War — \ Spartan Hegemony) 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 Early Fine ... Polycleitus IV. 371—335 Theban Hegemony — ) Philip of Macedon ) 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 Late Fine ... Praxiteles V. 335—280 Alexander and the Dia-/ dochi j 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 Early Decline Lysippus i VI. 280—146 The Epigoni — ) Federal Systems ...) 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Late Decline (Pergamene j School INDEX OF CLASSES. Plates I.— XIV. Class Plate Lines Text Pages Class Plate Lines 1 Text Pages Class Plate Lines Text Pages 1 l i. 1,2 85—89 21 41 2 ) 22 V. 1—4 119—123 42 XI. 1—3 181—184 O ii. 1,2 89—90 23 VI. 1—6 124—132 43 XI. 4,5 184—186 1 4 hi. 1,2 84, 90—95 24 VII. 1—3 1 132—135 44’ XII. 1—3 186—193 5 1 25 VII. 4 J 45 hi. 3,4 84, 90—95 26 VIII. 1—5 135—141 46' 7 27 IX. 1—5 160—167 47 XII. 4,5 186—193 8 J 28 IX. 6 167—168 48. 9 IV. 1—3 83, 96—97 29 X. 1—3 142—145 49 XIII. 1, 2 193—195 10 30 50 XIV. 1,2 195—197 11 31 51 12 i. 3—6 100—103 32 V. 5—7 148—150 52 XI. 6 198—200 13 ii. 3—7 104—109 33 VI. 7 151—152 53 XI. 7 200—201 14 hi. 5 — 6 109—111 34 VII. 5, 6 | 152—155 54 XII. 6, 71 15 1 35 VII. 7 1 55 16 36 VIII. 6, 7 156—159 561 201—204 in. 7, 8 111—113 17 37 IX. 1—5 160—167 57 y XII. 8 j 18 J 38 IX. 7 167—168 58 _ 19 IV. 4—7 113—117 39 X. 4—7 169—176 59 XIII. 3—6 204—208 20 40 60 XIV. 3—6 208—211 Caution. The surface of the Plates must not be touched ; more especially with any metallic substance, as the touch of metal leaves on them permanent marks. ©amtmtigc : PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, SI. A. AND SON, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 l& 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 28 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 ; 38 PLATE I. [ Obv. KAYAO retrograde. Apollo striking with bough, a small figure on his outstretched arm. Stag in field. { Rev. Back of the same figures, incuse. Obv. Poseidon, clad in chlamys, striking with trident. [Rev. TTOX retrogr. Back of same figure, incuse.'] Obv. T A PAS retrogr. Apollo kneeling, holds flower and lyre. [Rev. The other side of the same figure, incuse.] [Obv. T A PAS retrogr. Taras riding on dolphin through sea indicated by a shell : cable border. [{Rev. The other side of the same devices, incuse.] Obv. XEP. Dionysus holding wine-cup and branch of vine. [Rev. Branch of vine.] Obv. Gorgon running, clad in long chiton ; holds snake in each hand. [Rev. OEXI- Archaic wheel.] Obv. Head of nymph. [Rev. Lion’s head.] Obv. As last. [Rev. KYA\E. Muscle and sea-plant.] Obv. Head of Taras. [Rev. Taras riding on dolphin, below, shell.] Obv. Man-headed bull (river-god?). [Rev. Back of the same type.] Obv. XY retrogr. Bull. [Rev. Back of bull.] [Obv. VPO retrogr. Tripod.] Rev. Eagle flying, incuse. Obv. KAYAONIATAX. Apollo striking with bough. Stag in field. [Rev. KAYAO N IA[ Stag ; in field, crab.] Obv. TTOXEIAANIATAX. Poseidon, clad in chlamys, striking with trident. [Rev. TTOXEIAA[ Bull.] Obv. TTOX El retrogr. Type as last. [Rev. TTOXEI. Bull.] [Obv. AAETA. Ear of corn.] Rev. Apollo holding lustral bough and bow. Obv. No. 29. Rev. KPAOIX. River Crathis holding patera and lustral bough ; at his feet fish leaping. [Obv. Lion’s scalp.] Rev. PE TIN OX. The Demos of Rliegium seated : type in wreath. [Obv. The Demos of Tarentum seated, holding distaff ; type in wreath. [[Rev. TAPAX. Taras riding on dolphin ; beneath, shell.] Obv. TAPAX retrogr. The Demos of Tarentum holding staff and wine-cup. [Rev. Similar to last.] Obv. TAPAX retrogr. The Demos of Tarentum holding distaff and staff. [Rev. Similar to last.] [Obv. Head of Taras.] Rev. TAPAX. Taras riding on dolphin through sea indicated by a shell. [Obv. TEPINA. Head of nymph.] Rev. N I KA retrogr. Victory holding olive-bough ; type in wreath. Obv. No. 30. Rev. TEPI NAION. Victory seated on vase, holds wreath. Obv. Head of nymph. [Rev. KYAAAION. Pistrix and muscle.] Obv. YEAH. Head of nymph, wearing stephane. [Rev. Lion at bay.] Obv. YEAH. Head of nymph. Rev. No. 33. Obv. Head of nymph ; around, wreath. [Rev. A\E. Ear of corn.] Obv. TTANAOXIA. Head of nymph, bound with taenia. Rev. No. 17. Obv. Head of nymph, wearing spliendone, within wreath. Rev. No. 24. Obv. Head of Pallas, helmet bound with olive. Rev. No. 34. j Obv. Head of Pallas, helmet bound with ivy ; behind, the letter E. [[Rev. OOYPinN. Bull walking; below, helmet.] Obv. No. 27. Rev. Lion at bay ; below, an owl. Obv. No. 31. Rev. XYBAPI. Bull, looking back. Obv. AAI retrogr. Man-headed bull ; below, an acorn. [Rev. AAI retrogr. Man-headed bull.] Obv. Eagle standing on cornice of temple ; in field, head of ibex. [Rev. ?PO. Tripod ; in field, olive-spray.] From Mionnet’s casts. PI. I. B.C. 550-431. ITALY. PLATE II. Cl. 3 1 9 Galaria Sicily Camarina 3 e. c. 550 — 4 479 5 Naxus 6 Syracuse r- 7 77 8 Gela 9 Syracuse 10 7 7 11 77 12 Gela 13 Himera 14 Zancle Cl. 13 15 Selinus Sicily B.c. 479 — 16 431 17 >7 18 Himera 19 Catana 20 Naxus 21 Himera 22 Naxus 23 Catana 24 Leontini 25 77 26 Syracuse 27 77 28 77 29 77 30 Leontini 31 Segesta 32 Syracuse 33 Leontini 34 Gela 35 Himera 36 Selinus 37 Messana 38 1 f imera 39 Catana 40 Gela 41 Agrigentiu: 42 Messana (Obv. ZOTEP retrogr. Zeus Soter seated ; holds eagle. \llev. T AAA. Dionysus clad in long chiton ; holds wine-cup and grapes. Rev. Victory flying ; at her feet, swan ; type in wreath. Obv. KAA/\API N AION. Pallas standing, leaning on spear. Obv. Head of Dionysus ivy-crowned. [Rev. NAEION. Bunch of grapes ; in field, A.] Obv. ZY PA90Z ION. Head of Arethusa ; around, dolphins to represent the sea. Rev. No. 10. Obv. As last. Rev. No. 11. Obv. I~EAAZ retrogr. Forepart of man-headed bull (river-god). Rev. Quadriga ; above, Victory. Obv. ZY PA. Quadriga. [Rev. Female head in the midst of incuse.] Obv. No. 6. Rev. Quadriga crowned by Victory. Obv. No. 7. Rev. Horseman leading second horse. [Obv. FEAAZ retrogr. Forepart of man-headed bull.] Rev. Armed horseman thrusting with spear. Obv. Cock. [Rev. Incuse device.] Obv. AAN K. The harbour of Zancle ; within it, dolphin. [Rev. Incuse device ; in the midst, shell.] j Obv. ZEAI NOS- River Selinus sacrificing at altar, by which stands a cock ; in the field, a bull on a base and I a parsley-leaf. Rev. No. 36. [Obv. HYYAZ. River Hypsas sacrificing at altar, round which twines a snake ; in the field, a marsh-bird and a ] parsley-leaf. Rev. ZEAINONTION. Heracles struggling with bull, and striking it with his club. Obv. Nymph Himera sacrificing at altar ; behind, satyr taking a warm bath. Rev. No. 35. Obv. No. 39. Rev. KATA N AION. Victory running, holding wreath. Obv. No. 22. Rev. NAEION. Satyr seated, holding wine-cup. [Obv. H[IAAEPA]ION retrogr. Hermes riding on goat.] Rev. NIKA. Victory holding aplustre bound with fillet. Obv. Head of bearded Dionysus ivy-wreathed. Rev. No. 20. Obv. KATANAION. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. Quadriga.] Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. AEONTINON. Lion’s head and four barleycorns.] Obv. As last. [Rev. As last.] (Obv. ZYPAKOZION. Head of Arethusa in net ; around, dolphins. ][ALr. Quadriga driven by aged man ; above, Victory.] Obv. Same inscription. Head of Arethusa ; around, dolphins. [ Rev. Quadriga ; above, Victory ; below, pistrix.] Obv. As last. [Rev. Quadriga ; above, Victory.] Obv. Same inscription retrogr. Head of Nike ? ; around, dolphins. Rev. No. 32. Obv. AEONTINON. Head of Apollo ; below, lion ; around, leaves. Rev. No. 33. Obv. ZETEZTAIIB retrogr. Head of nymph. [Rev. Hound; above, mures:.] Obv. No. 29. Rev. Quadriga crowned by Victory ; below, lion. Obv. No. 30. Rev. As last. Obv. No. 40. Rev. Quadriga crowned by Victory. Obv. No. 18. Rev. IAAEPAION retrogr. Type as last. Obv. No. 15. Rev. ZEAI NONTION retrogr. Apollo and Artemis in chariot ; she holds the reins, ne shoots arrow. [[Obv. AA EZZA N 1 0 N. Hare running ; below, dolphin.] | Rev. Apene of mules crowned by Victory ; below, olive-spray. [Obv. Nymph Himera sacrificing at altar ; behind, caduceus.] Rev. Horseman alighting. Obv. Man-headed bull ; above, water-fowl ; below, fish. Rev. No. 19. Obv. Forepart of man-headed bull. Rev. No. 34. Obv. A K PA TAN TOE. Eagle. [Rev. Crab ; below, flower.] ( 'Obv. AAEZZANION. Hare ; below, head of Pan and syrinx. I [Rev. Apene crowned by Victory ; below, two dolphins.] P1.1I B.C. 550-431. SICILY. PLATE III. Cl. 4 1 Lete Obv. Satyr and nymph. [Rev. Incuse square.] N. Greece 2 >> Obv. As last. \Rev. Incuse square.] 3 Potidaea Obv. TT. Poseidon on horseback, holds trident ; below, star. [Rev. Incuse square.] b.c. 600 — 4 Orrescii Obv. OPPHXKION. Man armed with two spears, leading two oxen. [Rev. Incuse square.] 479 5 Bisalti Obv. BIZAATI KLIN. Man armed with two spears, beside horse. [Rev. Incuse square.] 6 Uncertain city Obv. Two women lifting an amphora ; rose in field. [Rev. Incuse square.] i J J Obv. Hermes running ; holds caduceus. [Rev. Incuse square.] 8 1J Obv. Winged figure running, holding solar symbol ; in field, rose. [Rev. Incuse square.] 9 Thrace Obv. Centaur carrying off nymph. [Rev. Incuse square.] 10 Dicaea Obv. Head of bearded Heracles in lion’s skin. [Rev. Incuse square.] 11 Aeneia Obv. Head of Aeneas, lielmeted. [Rev. Incuse square.] 12 Edessa Obv. EA in monogram. Goat kneeling. [Rev. Incuse square.] 13 Abdera Obv. Lion seizing bull. [R.ev. Incuse square.] Cl. 5. 6. 7. 8 14 Elis [Obv. FAAEION retrogr. Eagle flying, in talons a serpent.] Rev. Yk retrogr. Victory holding wreath, running. Central Greece, 15 Arcadia Obv. Zeus Aetophorus seated. [Rev. APKAAI KON retrogr. Head of nymph ] 16 Obv. As last. [Rev. APKA. Head of nymph.] Pelopon- 17 Gortyna Obv. Europa on bull. [Rev. Lion’s scalp.] nese, 18* Cnossus Obv. Minotaur holding stone. [Rev. Labyrinthine pattern enclosing star.] Crete, 19 Naxos ? Obv. Head of satyr. [Rev. Incuse square.] Cyrene 20 Athens Obv. Head of Pallas. [Rev. AGE. Owl and olive-spray.] b.c. 600 — 21 Obv. As last. [Rev. AQE retrogr. Owl.] 479 22 Corinth Obv. Head of armed goddess. [Rev. ?. Pegasus flying.] 23 >> Obv. As last. [Rev. As last.] 24 Cranium Obv. Bust of nymph or Aphrodite. [Rev. Head of ram.] 25 Heraea Obv. Head of Hera. [Rev. EPA retrogr. within pattern.] 26 Corinth Obv. ?. Pegasus walking. [Rev. Incuse.] 27 Cyrene Obv. Silphium, seed of silphium and head of lion. [Rev. Eagle’s head with serpent in beak.] Cl. 14 28 Thasos Obv. 0]A. Satyr surprising nymph. [Rev. Incuse square.] N. Greece 29 Abdera [Obv. Griffin rearing.] Rev. ANAEIHOAIX. Dionysus clad in himation, holding wine-cup. 30 [Obv. A BAH. Griffin rearing.] Rev. E IT 1 M Y P X O . Athlete holding discus. B.c. 479 — 431 31 \[0bv. ABAHPI. Griffin recumbent.] (Rev. HOAYKPATHX. Artemis clad in long chiton, holding bow and branch, beside her, stag. 32 Larissa Obv. Hero struggling with bull. [Rev. A A P 1 X A ! O N . Horse galloping.] 33 >5 Obv. As last. [Rev. AAPIXAIA. Horse galloping.] 34 Terone Obv. Satyr drinking from oenochoe. [Rev. TE. Goat.] 35 Aenus Obv. Head of Hermes. Rev. No. 40. 1 36 Dicaea Obv. Head of Apollo, or Goddess. [Rev. AIKAIA. Bull’s head.] 37 Pharsalus Obv. Head of Pallas. [Rev. TAP. Horse’s head.] 38 Corcyra Obv. KOP. Head of Hera. [Rev. K. Star.] 39 Aeneia Obv. Head of Aeneas. [Rev. AINEAX. Incuse square.] 40 Aenus Obv. No. 35. Rev. AIN. Goat; in front, bipennis. Cl. 15. 16. 41 Elis Obv. Zeus Aetophorus seated. [Rev. FAAE. Eagle flying, serpent in beak.] 17. 18 42 Obv. No. 52. Rev. FA. Nike holding untied wreath. 43 Arcadia Obv. Zeus Aetophorus seated. [Rev. APKA. Head of nymph.] Greece, 44 Thebes [Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. 0EBA. Pallas? seated, clad in long chiton and holding helmet. Pelopon- 45 U [Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. OEB. Heracles holding club and bow. nese, Crete, Cyrene 46 V [Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. OEBAIOX. Heracles stringing bow. 47 [Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. OEBAION. Heracles carrying off' the Delphic tripod. 48 [Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. 0EBAI[OX. Infant Heracles strangling serpents. b.c. 479— 49 Cyrene Obv. KYPA. Head of Zeus Ammon. [Rev. Silphium plant.] 431 50 Arcadia [Obv. Zeus Aetophorus seated.] Rev. APKAAI KON retrogr. Head of Despoena. 51 Athens Obv. Head of Pallas. Rev. No. 53. 52 Elis Obv. F AAEIO. Eagle flying. Rev. No. 42. 53 Athens 1 Obv. No. 51. Rev. A0E. Owl and olive-twig. From Mionnet’s casts. pi. m. B.C. 600-431. HELLAS. PLATE IV. Cl. 9 1 Phaselis Obv. T ? Heracles wrestling with Acheloiis. [Rev. Prow of galley ; below, fish.] Asia Minor 2 o Erytkrae ? Calymna Obv. Horseman galloping. [Rev. Incuse square.] Obv. Head of Ares, or helmet and mask. [Rev. Lyre in incuse.] B.c. 650— 4 Methymna [Obv. Boar.] Rev. MA0YMNAION. Head of Pallas. 4/ y 5 Parium l Obv. Head of male deity. [Rev. Pattern in incuse.] 6 Chios Obv. Sphinx and amphora. [Rev. Incuse square.] 7* Pkocaea Obv. ? Seal. [R,ev. Incuse squares.] 8 Halicarnassus Obv. TAN OS EMI SHMA retrogr. Stag. Rev. Incuse pattern. 9 Zeleia Obv. Chimaera. Rev. Incuse squares. 10 Uncertain city Obv. Sow. [Rev. Incuse square.] 11* Abydos l Obv. Eagle and dolphin. [Rev. Incuse square.] 12 Samos Obv. Pore-part of bull. [Rev. Incuse square.] 13* Uncertain city Obv. Fore-parts of lion and bull joined. [Rev. Incuse pattern.] 14 15 11 11 Obv. Fore-parts of winged lion and winged horse joined. [Rev. Incuse square.] Obv. Fore-part of lion. [Rev. Incuse device.] 16 11 Obv. Lion’s head. [Rev. Incuse device.] 17 11 Obv. Lion’s head. [Rev. Incuse square.] 18 Ephesus 1 Obv. Fore-part of stag. [Rev. Incuse square.] Cl. 19 19 Cyzicus Obv. Heracles kneeling, holding club and bow ; in field, tunny. [Rev. Incuse square.] Asia Minor 20 21 11 Citium Obv. Winged goddess running, holding tunny by the tail. [Rev. Incuse square.] Obv. Tyrian Heracles holding club and bow. Rev. No. 43. b.c. 479 — 22 11 Obv. As last. [Rev. Le Azbaal in Phoenician letters. Lion tearing stag.] 431 23 Lycia Obv. Heracles holding club. [Rev. Lycian inscription and symbol.] 24 Pamphylia Obv. Hermes winged, holding caduceus. [Rev. Pamphylian inscription. Lion ; alx>ve, caduceus.] 25 Nagidus Obv. NAfl Al KON. Dionysus holding grapes and thyrsus. [Rev. Aphrodite seated, crowned by Eros.] 26 Celenderis Obv. Horseman armed with spear, alighting. [Rev. Goat kneeling.] 27 Cyprus Obv. Cyprian legend. Hermes clad in chiton, holding caduceus. [Rev. Like No. 33.] 28 Cos Obv. KON. Discobolus preparing to hurl discus ; beside him tripod. [Rev. Crab in incuse.] 29 Aspendus Obv. Warrior charging. Rev. No. 39. 30 Mallus in Cilicia Obv. Victory running holding caduceus and wreath. [Rev. A 1”. Conical stone.] 31 Uncertain city Obv. Two boxers, each holding oil-flask. [Rev. Cuttle-fish.] 32 Erythrae Obv. Horseman leading horse. [Rev. EPYO. Flower.] OO oo Cyprus [Obv. Like No. 27.] Rev. Head of Zeus Ammon. 34 Lycia [Obv. Boar.] Rev. Helmeted head of warrior. 35 Colophon Obv. KOAOT1TN IflN retrogr. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. Lyre.] 36 Chalcedon Obv. Head of Ares. [Rev. KAAX. Radiate wheel.] 37 Colophon Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. KOAOTHN ION. Lyre.] 38 Lycia [Obv. Head of Pallas.] Rev. Lycian inscription. Head of bearded Heracles. 39 Aspendus Obv. No. 29. Rev. ENTT. Lion and triquetra of legs. 40 Cyprus Obv. Cyprian inscription. Sphinx seated on lotus. [Rev. Lotus and astragalus.] 41 Lycia Obv. Winged lion-like monster. [Rev. Lycian legend and symbol.] 42 11 [Obv. Boar.] Rev. Lycian letters. Triquetra of cock’s heads. 43 Citium Obv. No. 21. Rev. Le Baal Melek in Phoenician letters. Lion seated ; in front, ram’s head. 44 Ialysus Obv. IAAYNION. Fore-part of winged boar ; below, helmet. [Rev. IAAYNION Eagle’s head. In the Museum at Munich. PI. IV B. C. 650 - 43 ! . ASIA M I N O R. . PLATE Y. I 01.22 1 Rhegium 2 Croton S. Italy 3 Tarentum b. c. 431 — 4 „ 371 5 Poseidonia 6 Heraclea 7 Croton 8 Tarentum 9 V 10 Croton 11 Locri 12 Terina 13 14 Locri 15 Rhegium 16 Croton 17 Thurium 18 19 Heraclea 20 Terina 21 Nola 22 Heraclea 23 Terina 24 Thurium 25 Croton 26 Rhegium 27 Metapontum Cl. 32 28* Tarentum 29 Croton S. Italy 30 Tarentum b.c. 371 — 31 335 32 Heraclea 33 Terina 34 Tarentum 35 V 36 Tarentum (Alex- 3 1 38 ander of Epirus) J S. Italy ) ( (Alexander) ] 39 » 40 Metapontum 41 Velia 42 Pandosia 43 Croton 44 Heraclea 45 Tarentum [■ Obv . Lion’s scalp and olive-spray.] Rev. PH Tl NOS retrogr. Demos seated leaning on staff, type in wreath. Obv. O I K I STAS. Heracles seated holding lustral branch and leaning on club. [Rev. Like No. 7.] Obv. Taras or Demos seated playing with panther’s cub. Rev. TAPANTI NflN. Taras armed, riding on dolphin. Obv. Poseidon striking with trident ; in field, branch, and head of pistrix. [Rev. TT O S E I A A N I A . Bull.] Obv. No. 19. Rev. H PAKAEIHN. Heracles strangling Nemean lion ; in field, bow and club ; below . [Obv. Like No. 2.] Rev. Apollo shooting the Python ; between the two, tripod. Obv. Horseman thrusting with spear. [Rev. TAP retrogr. Taras on dolphin amid waves.] Obv. Horseman crowning horse ; carries shield. [Rev. T A PAS retrogr. Taras on dolphin, thrusting with spear. Obv. No. 1 0. Rev. Infant Heracles on couch strangling serpents. Obv. No. 14. Rev. EIPHNH AO K PI t N. Eirene seated on altar, holds caduceus. Obv. No. 23. Rev. Nike seated on cippus, holds bird. [Obv. TEPI NAION. Head of nymph Terina.] Rev. Nike seated, holding wreath ; beside her, vase. Obv. IEYS. Head of Zeus laureate. Rev. No. 11. Obv. PH PI NOS- Head of Apollo laureate. Rev. No. 26. Obv. KPOTflNIATAS- Head of Apollo laureate. Rev. No. 10. Obv. Head of Pallas, Seylla on helmet. Rev. No. 24. Obv. As last. [Rev. 00 Y P 1 11 N. Bull butting.] Obv. Head of Pallas, sea-horse on helmet. Rev. No. 6. (Obv. Head of nymph Terina within wreath ; behind 4>. ([Rev. TEPI NAION. Nike seated on hydria ; holding caduceus and bird.] Obv. Head of nymph. [Rev. NflAAIOS. Man-headed bull, crowned by Victory.] Obv. Head of Victory (?) on aegis. [Rev. HPAKAEIflN. Heracles reclining ; holds wine-cup.] Obv. TEPI NAIflN. Head of nymph. Rev. No. 12. Obv. No. 17. Rev. QOYPIflN. Bull butting ; below, fish. Obv. KPOTflN I. Eagle carrying olive-bough. [Rev. Tripod between ear of corn and Python coiled.] Obv. No. 15. Rev. Lion’s scalp. §0bv. AEYKITTTTOZ. Head of Leucippus ; behind, dog: below, N.] (Rev. META. Ear of corn, on leaf, bird ; below which, AMI. [Obv. Head of Hera.] Rev. Poseidon receiving Taras ; behind, star. • Obv. No. 43. Rev. K POTflN I. Heracles reclining, holding wine-cup and club. Obv. No. 34. Rev. T A PAS. Taras riding on dolphin ; holds wine-cup. Obv. No. 35. Rev. As last ; Taras holds plant. Obv. No. 44. Rev. hHPAKAHIflN. Heracles strangling lion ; in field, club, KAA, below, owl. [Obv. Head of nymph.] Rev. TEPI]NAI. Victory standing, holding caduceus. Obv. Horseman crowning horse. Rev. No. 33. Obv. Horseman galloping. Rev. No. 31. Obv. No. 45. Rev. Armed horseman thrusting with spear ; below, ATT, 0. i Obv. Head of Dodonaean Zeus, oak-crowned. '([Rev. AAEEANAPOY TOY N EOTTTOAEMOY. Thunderbolt and spear-head.] Obv. As last. . [Rev. Same legend. Thunderbolt and eagle.] Obv. As last. [Rev. Same legend. Thunderbolt.] lObv. Head of Zeus laureate; behind, fulmen. ([Rev. ME]TATTON. Ear of corn; in field, KAA, and poppy-head.] Obv. Head of Pallas ; signed on helmet by the artist Cleodorus. [Rev. YEAHTflN. Lion tearing prey.] Obv. Head of Hera Lacinia. [Rev. HAN] AOS I N. Pan Agreus seated by Term.] Obv. As last. Rev. No. 29. Obv. Head of Pallas, Seylla on helmet. Rev. No. 32. Obv. Head of Hera. Rev. No. 36. I From Mionnet’s casts. PLY. B.C. 431-335. ITALY. PLATE VI. Cl. 23 1 1 Seli aus Sicily B.C. 431— 2 Himera 371 3* Eryx 4 Segesta 5 Syracuse 6 Naxus i Camarina 8 Syracuse 9 Leontini 10 Catana 11 Gela 12 Camarina 13 » 14 Naxus 15 Camarina 16 Catana 17 Syracuse 18 ” 19 „ 20 21 ,» 22 23 24 Selinus 25 Syracuse 26 27 Camarina 28 Agrigentum 29 Catana 30 Messana 31 Agrigentum 32 33 34 » Cl. 33 ' | 35 Syracuse Sicily 36 Thermae 37 Syracuse ij.c. 371- 38 Gela 39 Thermae 40 Syracuse [Obv. NEAI NONTION. River-god Selinus sacrificing at altar, beside which is a cock ; behind, bull on pedestal ( and parsley-leaf. Rev. No. 24. [Obv. Nymph Himera sacrificing at altar ; behind her, satyr enjoying a warm bath ; above, barleycorn \[R ev. IMEPAION retrogr. Quadriga crowned by Nike.] Obv. EPYKI NON. Aphrodite holding a dove ; before her, Eros. [Rev. Quadriga crowned by Nike.] [[Obv. NETENTATIA. Head of nymph wearing sphendone ; below, ear of corn.] (Rev. E TEN]TAI AN. River-god standing, holding hunting-spears ; beside him two dogs, and in front Term. Obv. No. 18. Rev. AEYKANHIN. Leucaspis charging. Obv. No. 14. Rev. NAEION. Satyr sitting by vine, holding wine-cup and thyrsus. Obv. No. 13. Rev. KAAAA. Nymph Camarina riding on swan over waves, amid which are fishes. Obv. No. 17. Rev. NY PA. Heracles strangling lion ; in field, club and ivy-leaf. Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. AEONTINON. Lion’s head, and barleycorns ; below, fish.] Obv. KATANA I ON. Head of Apollo laureate ; behind, olive-leaf. [Rev. Quadrig a crowned lay Nike.] Obv. Head of river-god Gelas amid fishes. [Rev. rE Aft ION. Quadriga driven by Nike ; above, olive-wreath.] [Obv. K A AA A P I N A i 0 N retrogr. Head of bearded Heracles in lion’s skin. \[Rev. Quadriga crowned by Nike ; below, swan.] Obv. Head of river-god emerging from waves, amid fishes ; signed on neck by artist Euae[netus. Rev. No. 7. Obv. Head of bearded Dionysus, ivy-crowned. Rev. No. 6. Obv. KAAAAPI NAIflN. Head of young Heracles ; in front, olive-twig. Rev. No. 27. Obv. KATA NAIflN. Head of Apollo laureate ; in front bell, behind cray-fish. Rev. No. 29. Obv. NYPAKONION. Head of Arethusa ; behind, barleycorn, Kl. Rev. No. 8. Obv. NYPAKONION. Head of Arethusa amid dolphins. Signed by the artist Eumenus. Rev. No. 5. [Obv. NYPAKONI AN. Head of Persephone surrounded by dolphins. ([Rev. Quadriga crowned by Nike ; in exergue, ear of corn.] ] i Obv. NYPAKONION. Head of Arethusa amid dolphins. Signed by the artist Eumenus, on ampyx. ([Rev. Quadriga crowned by Nike, horses galloping in step.] Obv. NYPAKONI AN. Head of Arethusa amid dolphins. Signed by Cimon, on dolphin. Rev. No. 25. [Obv. APEOONA. Head of Arethusa facing, amid dolphins. Signed by Cimon, on ampyx. ! ([Rev. NYPAKONI AN. Quadriga crowned by Nike ; below, ear of corn.] j [Obv. NY PA KON I A N. Head of Arethusa amid dolphins. Signed by Eucleides. j/[A ev. Quadriga crowned by Nike ; below, dolphin.] ’ Obv. No. 1. Rev. Apollo and Artemis in quadriga ; she holds the reins, he shoots arrow ; below, barleycorn. ! Obv. No. 21. Rev. Quadriga crowned by Victory ; below, arms as prizes and inscription A0AA. ^ [[Obv. NYPAKQNION. Head of Arethusa amid dolphins. Signed by Eucleides.] i (Rev. Quadriga crowned by Victory ; in exergue, wheel. Signed by Euaenetus on line of exergue. J Obv. No. 15. Rev. Quadriga driven by Pallas, who is crowned by Victory ; below, barley-corn, j Obv. No. 31. Rev. AKPATANTINON. Quadriga driven by Victory; above, vine-branch, j [Obv. No. 16. Rev. Quadriga passing meta ; above, Victory holding tablet ; below, crab. Signed by the artist I Euaenetus, on tablet. [[Obv. AAENNAN IAN. Hare ; below, eagle tearing serpent.] Rev. Apene of mules ; over it, Victory, who holds \ caduceus and wreath ; below, fish. Signed by Cimon (?) on line of exergue. Obv. NTPATAN. Two eagles on hare which lies on rocks ; behind, head of Pan or river-god. Rev. No. 28. [Rev. Crab, sea-perch, and shell. (Obv. AKPATANTINAN. Eagle tearing hare which lies on the sea-shore, symbolized by shell. [[Obv. Two eagles tearing hare.] (Rev. A K PA TAN. Crab, made to resemble a human head, cray-fish, barleycorn, and locust. Obv. No. 40. Rev. NYPAKONIAN AEYKANTT[IN. Leucaspis charging beside altar ; in front of him, dead ram. Obv. N o. 39. Rev. Heracles seated on rock ; behind him, bow and cpiiver. [Obv. IEYN EAEY0EPION. Head of Zeus Eleutherius laureate. ([Rev. NY PA KON I Id N. Thunderbolt and barleycorn.] Obv. TEAAN- Head of bearded river-god. [Rev. Free horse.] Obv. 0EPAAITAN. Head of Hera Lacinia ; behind, dolphin. Rev. No. 36. ! Obv. NYPAKONIflN. Head of Pallas, amid dolphins. Like work of the artist Eucleides. Rev. No. 35. * From the Collection of Rev. W. Greenwell. PI. VI. B.C. 431-335. SICILY PLATE VII. Cl. 24 1 Thasos N. Greece o* Iialiartus 3 Larissa B.c. 431 — Macedon [ 371 4 Archelaus I. j 5 Amyntas III. 6 Pharsalus ( Mende 8 Thasos 9 Aenus 10 Archelaus I. 11 Amphipolis 12 Chalcidice 13 11 14 Thebes 15 Euboea 16 Neapolis 17 Larissa 18 Pharsalus 19 Neapolis 20 Abdera 21 Chalcis Cl. 25 22 Locri Opuntii Central 23 Thebes Greece 24 55 25 55 b.c. 431 — 26 Megara 371 27 Thebes Cl. 34 28 Chalcidice N. Greece 29 Philip II. 30 11 b.c. 371 — 31 Phalanna 335 Macedon ) 32 Perdiccas III. ( 33 Cierium 34 Panticapaeum 35 Larissa Pherae / 36 Alexander S 37 Orthagoria 38 QQ Philip II. 40 11 Larissa Pherae ) 41 Alexander j 42 Panticapaeum Cl. 35 43 Locri Opuntii Central 44 Amphictiones ( Jreece 45 Eleusis B.c. 371 — 46 Locri 335 47 Amphictiones 48 Eleusis [ Obv . No. 8.] Rev. OANION. Heracles as an archer ; in field, buckler. [ Obv . Boeotian shield, on it, trident.] Rev. APIAPTIOX. Poseidon thrusting with trident. Obv. No. 17. Rev. AA PINA I A. Horseman standing beside horse. Obv. Horseman carrying two spears. [Rev. APXEAAO. Fore-part of goat.] Obv. Horseman striking with lance. [Rev. AAA Y N TA. Lion breaking spear in his mouth.] Obv. No. 18. Rev. APN. Horseman, whip over shoulder; in exergue, TEAE4>ANTO retrogr. Obv. Silenus riding on ass ; in field, astragalus and barleycorn. \_Rev. AA E N AA I H. Amphora.] Obv. Head of Dionsyus ivy-crowned. Rev. No. 1. Obv. Head of Hermes, wearing pileus. [Rev. A I N ION. Goat ; in field, eagle.] Obv. Head of Ares, or Apollo, bound with taenia. [Rev. APXEAAO. Horse walking.] Obv. Head of Apollo laureate ; beside, small dog. [Rev. AA\4>ITTOAITEflN. Torch ; beside it, A.] Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. Rev. No. 21. Obv. As last. [Rev. As last, tripod above lyre.] [Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. OE. Head of bearded Heracles. Obv. Head of nymph. [Rev. EYB. Head of bull.] Obv. No. 19. Rev. NEOTT. Head of Nike, wearing olive- wreath. Obv. Head of nymph. Rev. No. 3. Obv. Head of Pallas. Rev. No. 6. Obv. Head of Gorgon. Rev. No. 16. Obv. Lion devouring bull. [Rev. A KANO I ON. Linear square.] Obv. No. 12. Rev. Lyre bound with fillet. [Obv. Head of Persephone.] Rev. OTTONTIflN. Ajax charging ; below, shield. [Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. OE. Infant Heracles strangling serpents. [Obv. Boeotian shield. | Rev. Head of Dionysus, ivy-crowned. [Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. Q E . As last. Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. ME TA. Five crescents.] [Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. OE. Amphora in ivy- wreath. Ob v. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. XAAKIAEHN. Lyre.] Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. Rev. No. 39. Obv. Head of Ares laureate. Rev. No. 38. Obv. Head of Ares 1 [Rev. A A A N N A I fl N. Bridled horse.] Obv. Head of young Heracles. [Rev. 17EPAIKKA. He >rse ; below, club.] Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. [Rev. K I E P I E I fl N . Nymph Arne playing with astragali.] Obv. Head of Pan. Rev. No. 42. Obv. Head of nymph. Rev. No. 40. Obv. Head of Hecate, with arm holding torch. Rev. No. 41. Obv. Head of Artemis. [Rev. OPOAfOPEflN. Helmet, surmounted by star.] Obv. No. 30. Rev. d>l AITTTTOY. Two-horse chariot ; below, trident. Obv. No. 29. Rev. 4>IAITTTTOY. Victorious horse and jockey ; below, thunderbolt. Obv. No. 35. Rev. AAPINAIflN. Horse feeding. Obv. No. 36. Rev. AAErAN. Head of lion. Obv. No. 34. Rev. TTAN. Griffin holding spear in jaws, treading on ear of corn. [Obv. Head of Persephone crowned with corn.] Rev. OTTQNTIflN. Ajax charging ; below, spear. [Obv. No. 47. {Rev. AAA'M KTIONflN. Apollo clad in long chiton, seated on omphalos and leaning on lyre ; in field, tripod. Obv. Triptolemus in winged chariot drawn by serpents. Rev. No. 48. Obv. Head of Persephone, crowned with corn. [Rev. OTTONTII1N. Ajax charging.] Obv. Head of Demeter, veiled and crowned with corn. Rev. No. 44. Obv. No. 45. Rev. EAEYFI. Pig standing on torch ; below, pig’s head and ivy-leaf. * From the Collection of Dr Imhoof-Blumer. PI. VII. 4-0 . ^r-f' -* 26 A*m> ££*£ B.C. 431-335. NORTHERN GREECE. I 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14' 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 * 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 PLATE VIII. Obv. No. 8. Rev. I A K Y N 0 1 II N . Infant Heracles strangling serpents. Obv. No. 9. Rev. KETA. Cephalus seated, holding hunting-spear. [Obv. Eagle holding serpent in claws.] Rev. FA A. Victory running, holding wreath. [Obv. Eagle tearing hare.] Rev. FA. Victory seated, holding palm ; below, olive-twig. Obv. ?. Bellerophon on Pegasus, striking with spear. [Rev. Chimaera ; below, Al, amphora.] Obv. Head of Olympian Zeus crowned with olive. [Rev. FA. Thunderbolt ; type in olive-wreath.] Obv. Head of Asclepius laureate. [Rev. En in monogram, within wreath.] Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. Rev. No. 1. Obv. TTA. Head of Cephalus. Rev. No. 2. Obv. Head of Apollo radiate. [Rev. KAH. Butting bull ; above, Centaur.] Obv. Head of armed goddess ; behind, trident. [Rev. 9. Pegasus flying.] [Obv. KE4>. Head of Cephalus ; in field, dog’s head and spear- head.] Rev. Head of Procris ; behind, stork. Obv. Head of Hera, wearing stephanos. [Rev. APFEI AN. Two dolphins ; between them, wolf.] Obv. As last. [Rev. A PTE I AN. Two dolphins ; between them, swan.] Obv. As last. [Rev. F A. Thunderbolt ; type in olive- wreath.] Obv. A- Head of Aphrodite. [Rev. 9. Pegasus flying.] Obv. A. As last. [Rev. As last.] Obv. A. As last. [Rev. As last.] [Obv. Head of armed goddess.] Rev. 9. Pegasus fastened by halter to nail. Obv. Chimaera ; below, head of Pan. [Rev. A, T. Dove flying ; in olive-wreath.] Obo. Eagle tearing ram, on round shield. [Rev. FA. Thunderbolt.] Obv. Eagle tearing serpent. Signed by the artist Da(edalus ?). [Rev. As last.] Obv. Head of Eagle ; below, leaf. Signed as last. [Rev. FA. Thunderbolt; within wreath.] [Obv. Eagle tearing hare.] Rev. FAAEION. Winged thunderbolt. Obv. No. 28. Rev. A\EXXANIAN. Zeus holding thunderbolt and eagle. Obv. FAAEION. Head of Zeus laureate. [Rev. Eagle on Ionic capital.] Obv. FA. Head of Olympia. Rev. No. 30. Obv. Head of Demeter crowned with corn. Rev. No. 25. f Obv. FA. Head of Hera. [Rev. Eagle standing, in wreath of olive.] Obv. No. 27. Rev. Eagle, within olive-wreath. [These coins appear from historical ground's to belong to the period after B.c. 371 ; but their style is rather of an earlier period.] Obv. No 41. Rev. 4>ENEAN APKAX. Hermes carrying the infant Areas. Obv. No. 37. Rev. APK in monogram. Pan seated on mountain (which is inscribed OAY) ; below, liis syrinx. [Obv. Head of Apollo laureate.] Rev. IAKYNOOY. Apollo? seated, caressing snake. Obv. No. 38. Rev. XTYAATAAI AN. Heracles striking with club; below, X0. Obv. No. 40. Rev. A PTE I AN. Diomedes carrying off Palladium. [Obv. Head of Persephone.] Rev. TEN E AN. Hermes seated on rocks. Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. Rev. No. 32. Obv. Head of Artemis laureate. Rev. No. 34. Obv. FA. Head of Hera, wearing stephanos. [Rev. Eagle standing, in wreath of olive.] Obv. As last. Rev. No. 35. Obv. Head of Demeter crowned with corn. Rev. No. 31. Obv. Head of armed goddess ; behind, Zeus hurling thunderbolt. [Rev. A. Pegasus flying.] Obv. A. Same head ; behind, Hermes seated ; in front, magistrate’s name, APAOOOX. [Rev. Pegasus flying.] \[0bv. Head of young Heracles in lion’s skin.] (Rev. XTYAATAAION. Head of a Stymphalian bird emerging from amid plants. Prom Mionnet’s casts. PL VIII. B.C. 431-335. PELOPONNESE. PLATE IX. 1 Itanus 01. 27/37 Crete 2 3 Priansus Rhaucus b.c. 431 — 4* Sybritia 300 5 Priansus 6 Sybritia 7 Phaestus 8 >7 9 10 Cydonia 11 Apt era 12 Eleuthernae 13 Sybritia 14* 15* Uncertain city 16* 17 Phaestus 18* Gortyna 19 V 20 21 Polyrhenium 22* Cydonia 23 Cnossus 24 Gortyna 25* Cydonia Cl. 28 26 Cyrene 27 Barce Cyrene 28 Cyrene b.c. 431— 29 371 .30 Barce Cl. 38 31 32 Cyrene Cyrene 33 b.c. 371 — 300 34 >> 35 5? 36 Obv. Triton striking with trident. [ Rev. IT A. Two sea monsters.] Obv. HPIANXIEflN. Poseidon holding dolphin and trident. Rev. No. 5. Obv. AN. Poseidon Hippius holding trident and the bridle of a horse. [Rev. PAYKION. Trident.] Obv. Bearded Dionysus seated, holding wine-cup and thyrsus. Rev. No. 14. Obv. No. 2. Rev. Draped female figure sitting under palm, and caressing serpent. Obv. Young Dionysus galloping on panther. Rev. No. 13. Obv. Heracles slaying the Lernaean hydra ; at his feet, crab. [Rev. TAIXTION. Bull.] jObv. TAIXTI. Heracles resting ; bow and quiver hung to tree by his side ; behind him, large vase. | [Rev. Bull walking.] Obv. TAA1TN. The winged daemon Talos or Talon hurling stones. [ Rev. 4>AIXTI1TN. Bull butting.] [Obv. Female head.] Rev. KYAHN. Athlete stringing bow. ([Obv. AnT E PA If! N. Head of goddess wearing stephane.] Rev. HTOAIOIKOX. Apteras, called in the ( inscription Ptolioecus, armed, plucking branch from tree ; in field, A TT in monogram. [Obv. Head of Apollo laureate.] Rev. EAEY. Apollo holding stone and bow. Obv. No. 6. Rev. XYBP]ITIflN. Hermes tying his sandal, caduceus in field. Obv. No. 4. Rev. XYBPITION. Hermes standing, holding patera and caduceus. Obv. Apollo seated in tree, holding wreath. Rev. Apollo seated in tree, playing on lyre. (Obv. FEAXANOX retrogr. Young Zeus (called in inscription Velchanus), seated in tree, holding cock. \[Rev. 4>A I XT retrogr. Bull.] ( Obv. Europa seated in tree, holding sceptre surmounted by cuckoo, and wearing stephanos, caresses eagle. I [Rev. Bull.] Obv. Europa seated in tree in attitude of grief; beside her, eagle. [Rev. TOPTYNION retrogr. Bull] Obv. Europa seated in tree. [Rev. As last.] Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. [Rev. TTOAYPHNION. Ox-head bound with fillet, and spear-head.] Obv. Head of Dionysus, ivy-crowned. Rev. No. 25. Obv. Head of Argive Hera. [Rev. KNflXIflN AP- Labyrinth ; in field, spear-head.] [Obv. Europa seated in tree.] Rev. TOPTYNION retrogr. Bull cleaning himself. Obv. No. 22. Rev. KYAHN. Miletus suckled by she-wolf or hound. Obv. Head of Zeus Ammon in wreath. Rev. No. 29. Obv. Head of Zeus Ammon ; below, A K EX I OX. [Rev. BAPKAI. Silphium.] Obv. Head of Zeus Ammon ; behind, olive-spray. [Rev. AIBYXTPATO. Silphium.] Obv. No. 26. Rev. KYPANA. Silphium. [Obv. Like No. 27.] Rev. B A P KA 1 0 N retrogr. Three silphium-plants, between them owl, jerboa and chamacleon. Obv. KYAIOXO. Zeus seated, holding eagle. [Rev. KY. Quadriga; above, sun.] Obv. IAXHN. Zeus Ammon seated, holding sceptre. [Rev. KYPANA ION. Quadriga.] I Obv. nOAIANOEYX. Zeus Ammon standing, holding patera and sceptre ; beside him, lamp-stand or incense- I altar. Rev. No. 35. Obv. KYPANAION. Zeus Ammon standing, holding sceptre ; beside him, ram. [Rev. APIXTATOPA. Quadriga.] Obv. No. 33. Rev. KYPANAION. Quadriga driven by Victory. Obv. KYPANAION. Horseman. [Rev. Silphium.] 4, 14, 18 from Mionnet’s casts; 15, 16, 22, 25 from the Hunter collection. PI. IX. B.C 431-300. CRETE, CY RENE. PLATE X. Cl. 29 1 Cyzicus Obv. Cecrops, serpent-footed, grasping tree, on tunny. [Rev. Incuse square.] Asia Minoi 2 99 Obv. Victory kneeling, on tunny. [Rev. As last.] 3 99 Obv. Helios holding two horses, kneeling, on tunny. [Rev. As last.] b.c. 431— 4 M Obv. Harmodius and Aristogeiton charging, on tunny. [Rev. As last.] 371 5 99 Obv. Warrior about to discharge arrow ; behind, tunny. [Rev. As last.] 6 Side Rev. Pamphylian inscription. Apollo at altar, holds laurel-branch and bow ; behind him, raven. 7 99 Obv. Pallas armed, holding owl and shield. 8 Cilicia. Tiribazus Obv. Hormuzd flying ; holds wreath and flower. 9 99 Rev. Name of Tiribazus in Aramaic letters. Zeus holding eagle and sceptre. 10 Aspendus [Obv. Similar to No. 11.] Rev. Pamphylian inscription. Slinger ; in field, triquetra. 11 99 Obv. Wrestlers. [Rev. Similar to No. 10.] 12 Celenderis Obv. Horseman alighting. [Rev. KEAE. Goat kneeling.] 13 Chios Obv. Sphinx seated ; in front, grapes and amphora. [Rev. Incuse square.] 14 Colophon Obv. Head of a King or Satrap in Persian cap. [Rev. BAS 1 A. Lyre.] 15 Rhodes Obv. Head of Apollo. Rev. No. 21. 16 Megiste Obv. Head of Helios on radiate disk. [Rev. AAE. Rose with buds.] 17 Trapezus Obv. Bearded male head. [Rev. TPA. Table ; on it bunch of grapes.] 18 Cnidus Obv. Head of Aphrodite. Rev. No. 20. 19 Cyprus Obv. Cyprian inscription. Bull ; above, winged symbol ; in front, crux ansata. [Rev. Eagle flying.] 20 Cnidus Obv. No. 18. Rev. EOBflAO. Head and paw of lion. 21 Rhodes Obv. No. 15. Rev. POAION. Rose with bud ; in field, Sphinx, seated. Cl. 39 22 Caria. Mausolus Obv. No. 36. Rev. AAAYmflAAO. Zeus Labrandeus armed with bipennis ; in field, wreath. Asia Minor 23 Cyzicus [Obv. No. 45. Rev. KYII. Apollo seated on omphalos, holding patera and leaning on lyre ; in front, cock ; \ behind, A P in monogram. B.c. 371 — 24 Lampsacus Obv. Victory erecting trophy. [Rev. Half-winged horse.] 335 25 99 Obv. Persephone rising from the ground amid corn and vines. [Rev. Half-winged horse.] 26 Clazomenae f Orontas \ Obv. Warrior in attitude of defence ; below, T. [Rev. OPONTA. Half-winged boar.] Cyprus [ [Obv. Cyprian inscription. Zeus seated.] £ i (Rev. Cyprian inscription. Female figure pouring incense on altar and holding branch. 28 Lycia Obv. Pallas Nikephoros ; her right hand rests on trunk of tree. Rev. No. 34. 29 30 Tarsus [Obv. Name of Satrap in Aramaic letters. Two deities standing ; between them, incense-altar. \[Rev. Baal Tars in Aramaic letters. Baal Tars seated, holds eagle-topped sceptre and grapes.] [Obv. No. 32. Rev. Baal Tars in Aramaic letters. Baal Tars seated, holding grapes and corn ; beside him, 99 ( incense-altar ; under throne, forepart of bull ; around, the walls of Tarsus. 31 Mallus Obv. AAAA. Hermes ; beside him, Aphrodite, who rests on pillar and lays a hand on his shoulder. Rev. No. 33. 32 Tarsus [Obv. Name of Satrap in Aramaic letters. King or Hero shooting in seated attitude ; in the field, winged ( symbol and bow. Rev. No. 30. 3.3 Mallus Obv. No. 31. Rev. Pallas seated, holding spear and shield ; behind her, tree. 34 Lycia Obv. No. 28. Rev. Female deity seated between sphinxes, and smelling flower. 35 Cilicia [Obv. Young Dionysus seated in vine ; over shoulder, ear of corn. \[Rev. Car drawn by oxen ; above, winged symbol.] 36 Caria. Mausolus Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. Rev. No. 22. 37 Clazomenae Obv. As last. [Rev. KAAXO A0H NATOPAX Swan; below, winged boar.] 38 Lampsacus Obv. Head of a Cabeirus ? wearing laureate pileus. [Rev. Half- winged horse .] 39 99 Obv. Head of a Maenad wearing ivy- wreath. [Rev. As last.] 40 „ Obv. Head of a Maenad with pointed ear. [Rev. As last.] 41 42* Cyzicus Obv. Head of Demeter, corn-crowned ; below, tunny. [Rev. Incuse square.] Obv. Laureate male head, bald ; below, tunny. [Rev. As last.] 43 Tenedos Obv. Head of dimorphous Dionysus. [Rev. T E N E A 1 0 N • Bipennis ; in field, grapes and lyre.] 44 Mytilene Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. AAYT1. Lyre ; amphora in field.] 45 Cyzicus Obv. Head of Demeter, corn-crowned ; below, tunny. Rev. No. 23. 46 Cilicia i Pharnabazus ] [Obv. Helmeted head of Deity ; name of Pharnabazus in Aramaic letters.] Rev. Head of nymph. 47 Paphos Obv. Head of Aphrodite, wearing stephanos. [Rev. IT ATI. Dove ; above, astragalus.] 48 Cyprus Obv. As last. [Rev. Cypriote letters. Head of Pallas.] 49 99 Obv. BA. As last. [Rev. TTN. Turreted head of goddess.] 50 Clazomenae [Obv. Head of Apollo. Signed by the artist Theodotus.] Rev. KAAIO AAANAPflNAE. Swan. * From the collection of Rev. W. Greenwell. Pl.X 40 US B.C. 431-335. ASIA MINOR. PLATE XT. Cl. 42 1 Heraclea S. Italy 2 S. Italy, Pyrrhus 3 Tarentum B. c. 335 — 280 4 11 5 11 6 Locri 7 S. Italy, Pyrrhus i 8 Croton 9 Tarentum 10 S. Italy, Pyrrhus 11 Neapolis 12 Thurium 13 Heraclea 14 Neapolis 15 Metapontum 16 ,, 17 Locri 18 Velia 19 Neapolis 20 Thurium Cl. 43 21 Syracuse ) Agathocles i Sicily 22 Syracuse { Pyrrhus ) 11 B. c. 335— 280 23 24 Syracuse 25 11 26 11 27 Pyrrhus 28 Syracuse 29 11 30 ,, 31 Carthage 32 „ 33 a Cl. 52 34 Locri S. Italy 35 Bruttii b.c. 280— 36 11 146 37 11 38 11 39 „ 40 Locri Cl. 53 41 Syracuse Sicily 42 B.c. 280 — 43 Syracuse, Hiero IT. Syracuse 146 44 45 46 11 11 Obv. No. 13. Rev. I- H PAKAH IftN. Heracles holding club and bow ; in field, wine-cup. Obv. No. 10. Rev. BAZIAEflZ T7YPPOY. Thetis on hippocamp, bearing the armour of Achilles. {Oho. KPA. N I K in monogram. Horseman crowning horse. {[Rev. TAPAZ. APIZTO. Taras on dolphin ; holds Victory and trident.] Obv. As last, magistrates’ names, ZA 4>IAIAPXOZ. Rev. TAPAZ. Taras riding on dolphin, holds grapes ; below, ATA. Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. Rev. No. 17. [Obv. Head of Zeus Dodonaeus crowned with oak ; below, letters. ([Rev. BAZIAEflZ TTYPPOY. Dione seated on throne ; below, A.] Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. [Acr. KPO. Tripod ; in field, laurel-branch.] Obv. As last. [Rev. TAPANTI NflN. Eagle on thunderbolt ; in field, letters.] Obv. Head of Achilles ; below, A. Rev. No. 2. Obv. Head of Nymph ; behind, bunch of grapes ; beneath, AIOTANOYZ. [Rev. Like No. 19.] Obv. Head of Pallas, on helmet, Scylla. Rev. No. 20. Obv. Head of Pallas, Scylla on helmet. Rev. No. 1. Obv. Head of Nymph ; behind, oenochoe. [Rev. Like No. 19, legend N EOTTOAI TflN, Bl.] Obv. Head of Persephone, crowned with corn. [Rev. META. Ear of corn, plough and letters in field.] Obv. As last. [Rev. META. Ear of corn.] Obv. No. 6. Rev. Eagle tearing hare ; in field, thunderbolt. [Obv. Head of Pallas ; in field, IE, A.] Rev. YEAHTflN. Lion devouring stag. [Obv. Like No. 11.] Rev. NEOnOAITHZ. Man-headed bull crowned by Victory. Obv. No. 12. Rev. OOYPIflN. Bull butting; below, thunderbolt, above OE. [Obv. KOPAZ. Head of Persephone crowned with corn.] Rev. Victory erecting trophy ; in field, triquetra. Ob v. Like No. 28. Rev. TTYPPOY BAZIAEflZ. Athene Alkis fighting ; in field, thunderbolt and cornucopiae. \[0bv. Head of Artemis, with torch and quiver.] {Rev. TTYPPOY BAZIAEflZ. Victory carrying wreath and trophy ; in field, star and thunderbolt. Obv. Head of Ares laureate. [Rev. ZYPAKOZIflN. Biga ; below, triquetra.] \0bv. AIOZ EAAANIOY. Head of Zeus Hellenius laureate ; behind, bucranium. \[Rev. ZYPAKOZIflN. Eagle on thunderbolt.] Obv. Head of young Heracles in lion’s skin. [Rev. ZYPAKOZIflN. Athene Alkis.] Obv. 4>OIAZ. Head of Phthia veiled ; behind, thyrsus. [Rev. BAZIAEflZ TTYPPOY. Thunderbolt.] Obv. Head of Persephone crowned with corn ; behind, star. [Rev. Like No. 22.] Obv. Head of Persephone ; around, three dolphins. Rev. ZYPAKOZIflN. Quadriga; above, triquetra ; below, monogram. Obv. Head of Persephone crowned with corn. [Rev. Horse ; above, sacred symbol.] Obv. As last. Rev. Horse. Obv. No. 40. Rev. AOKPflN. Good faith (Pistis) crowning Roma ; the names of Pistis and Roma behind them. I [Obv. Head of Poseidon, trident over shoulder.] {Rev. BPETTIflN. Aphrodite riding on hippocamp in company with Eros, who shoots arrow ; in field, shell. Obv. No. 38. Rev. BPETTIflN. The Dioscuri on horseback, club below. Obv. No. 39. Rev. BPETTIflN. Poseidon leaning on sceptre ; in field, crab. Obv. Heads of the Dioscuri ; behind, cornucopiae. Rev. No. 36. Obv. Head of Amphitrite ; behind, dolphin. Rev. No. 37. Obv. Head of Zeus laureate ; below, monogram. Rev. No. 34. [[Obv. Head of Pallas ; in field, monogram.] {Rev. ZYPAKOZIflN . Zfl- Artemis discharging arrow ; beside her, dog. [Obv. Head of Persephone crowned with corn ; behind, owl. KR ev. ZYPAKOZIflN. Quadriga driven by Victory ; letters in field. Obv. Head of Hiero ; behind, star. Rev. No. 46. Obv. Head of Philistis, veiled. Rev. BAZIAIZZAZ > Hermione 30 Cyrene 31 Tenos 32 Paros 33 Achaia 34 Byzantium Macedon. Anti-) 35 gonus Doson 1 J 36 Thessaly 37 Boeotia 38 Aetolia 39 40 ” 41 Macedon. Anti-) gonus Doson 1 ( 42 Aetolia 43 Athens 44 Epirus 45 Macedon Philip V. 46 Perseus 47 Messene 48 Paros 49 50 Gortyna Cydonia 51 Elis 52 Messene 53 Polyrhenium Obv. No. 15. Rev. AAE-ANAPOY. Zeus Aetophorus seated; in field, prow of galley. Obv. No. 19. Rev. BAYIAEflY AHAAHTPIOY. Poseidon standing leaning on trident; monograms in field. [Rev. BA Y I AEflY AHAAHTPIOY. Poseidon striking with trident; in field, bipennis and monogram. {Obv. Victory on prow of galley, blowing trumpet, and holding standard. Obv. No. 14. Rev. BOIflT flN. Poseidon seated, holding dolphin and trident ; shield on side of throne. Obv. No. 20. Rev. AAAAI El IN. Heracles seated, holding bow and quiver. [Obv. Head of Demeter.] Rev. OHBAIflN. Protesilaus leaping ashore from galley. [Obv. Lion’s head, spear in mouth.] Rev. OITA1TN r trogr. Young Heracles holding club in both hands. [Obv. Head of Hermes.] Rev. A I N ION. Archaic simulacrum of Dionysus raised on throne, beside it, cantharus. [Obv. Head of Pallas.] Rev. AAEEANAPOY. Victory holding wreath and standard ; in field, helmet. [[Obv. Head of Nymph crowned with vine.] {Rev. I YTIAI EflN. Nymph seated on galley, holds trophy ; in field, bunch of grapes. [Obv. Head of Alexander, horned.] Rev. BAYIAEflY AYYIAAAXOY. Pallas Nikephoros seated ; in field, star. [Obv. Radiate disk (the sun).] Rev. OYPANIAflN. Aphrodite Urania holding sceptre; in field, solar symbol. Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. Rev. No. 5. Obv. Head of young Heracles in lion’s skin. Rev. No. 1. [Obv. Head of Alexander diademed, with horn of Ammon. )[Rev. BAYIAEflY AYZIAAAXOY. Pallas Nikephoros seated.] Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. [Rev. A I N I A N ft N . Warrior throwing javelin.] Obv. Head of Dione veiled. [Rev. AAA. Obelisk in wreath.] Obv. Head of Demetrius diademed, with horn of bull. Rev. No. 2. Obv. Head of Lamia diademed. Rev. No. 6. Obv. Head of Apollo.] Rev. E. Asclepius seated, caressing serpent ; dog under seat. Obv. Head of Zeus Ammon.] Rev. TH. Poseidon seated, holding dolphin and trident. \[Obv. Head of young Heracles.] Rev. AAEEANAPOY. Zeus Aetophorus seated, Victories on back of throne ; { in field, trident ; below, monogram. Obv. No. 31. Rev. THNIflN. Poseidon standing, holding dolphin and trident ; in field, grapes. Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. [Rev. FA. Eagle.] Obv. FAAEII1N. Head of Hera. [Rev. Eagle within wreath.] Obv. Head of armed goddess ; behind, Eros riding on dolphin and A. [Rev. A. Pegasus flying.] [Obv. Head of armed goddess, helmet bound with myrtle ; behind, plough ; in field, AP. {[Rev. ?. Pegasus flying.] Obv. Head of Persephone crowned with corn. [Rev. EP in monogram. Wreath of corn.] Obv. Head of Dionysus Ammon with rain’s horn. [Rev. KYPA. Silphium ; in field, snake and monogram.] Obv. Same head, laureate. Rev. No. 24. Obv. Head of nymph. [Rev. A N AE I K. HA PI. Goat.] Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. [Rev. AX in monogram, within wreath.] t' [[Obv. Head of Demeter.] {Rev. B. EFT I AAEN I YKOY. Poseidon seated, holding aplustre and trident, in field, monogram. Obv. No. 41. Rev. BAYIAEflY ANTITONOY. Apollo seated on galley, holds bow ; beneath, monogram. [Obv. Head of Zeus crowned with oak.] Rev. OEYYAAflN nOAI. Pallas Itonia fighting. \[Obv. Head of Zeus laureate.] {Rev. BOIflT flN. Victory holding wreath and trident ; in field, grapes and monogram. \[Obv. Male head wearing diaderna and oak-wreath, below, 4>l.] {Rev. AIT flAflN. Aetolian warrior leaning on hunting-spear. [[Obv. AKAPNANflN. Head of Achelous.] {Rev. AAE N N E I AY- Artemis running holding torch ; in field, second torch. Obv. No. 42. Rev. AITflAflN. Aetolia seated on shields, holding spear and sword ; infield, JH and monogram. Obv. Head of Poseidon or River-god crowned with reeds. Rev. No. 35. Obv. Head of Young Heracles. Rev. No. 40. [Obv. Head of Pallas. {[Rev. AOE. Owl on Amphora ; in field, names of magistrates and device ; all in olive-wreath.] [Obv. Heads of Zeus Dodonaeus and Dione, behind, AAE. {[Rev. AH E I PI 1TA N. Bull butting ; type in oak-wreath.] [Obv. Head of Perseus on Macedonian shield. {[Rev. BAYIAEflY 4> I A I FT HOY. Club in oak-wreath ; monograms and harpe in field.] [Obv. Head of the king Perseus, diademed ; below, Till AO Y. {[Rev. BAYIAEIIY HEPYEflY. Eagle on thunderbolt, in oak-wreath ; monograms and star in field.] Obv. No. 52. Rev. AAEYYAN I1TN YflYI KPA. Zeus Aetophorus thundering ; in field, tripod. [[Obv. Head of Dionysus.] {Rev. APIYTOAH. TT A P I II N . Demeter holding ears of corn and sceptre, seated on cista mystica. [Obv. Head of Zeus diademed.] Rev. TOPTYNIflN. Hunter seated, holding bow and arrows ; infield, B. [[Obv. Head of Artemis, with magistrate’s name.] { Rev. KYAflNIATAN. Artemis holding long torch ; beside her, dog ; all in wreath. Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. [Rev. FA. Al. Eagle and serpent.] Obv. Head of Demeter crowned with corn. Rev. No. 47. [Obv. Head of Apollo ; bow and quiver at shoulder. {[Rev. HOAYPHNI11N. Female figure seated, holding Victory ; below, thunderbolt.] PL XU B.C. 335-146. HELLAS. i PLATE XIII. Cl. 49 Asia Minor B. C. 335 — ! 280 Cl. 59 Asia Minor b. c. 280 — ! 146 1 Amastris 2 Nagidus 3 Pergamum 4 Heraclea 5 Aspendus Heraclea. j 6 Timotheus and Dionysius ) 7 Colophon 8 Miletus 9 Heraclea 10 Berytus in the } Troad S 11 Amastris 12 Ephesus 13 V 14 Bithynia Prusias I. 15 Lampsacus 16 Ilium 17 Myrina 18 Pergamum 19 Chalcedon 20 Tarsus Demetrius II. 21 Erythrae 22 Smyrna 23 Bithynia. Prusias 24 25 Ephesus Smyrna 26 Chalcedon 27 Heraclea 28 Myrina 29 Magnesia 30 Lampsacus 31 Smyrna 32 Cyzicus 33 Cappadocia Orophernes 34 Pontus Mithradates IV. 35 Bithynia. Prusiasl. Obv. No. 11. Rev. AAAAXTPIETIN. Seated Figure, holding Victory and sceptre ; in field, rose. [Obv. N A T I A I K 0 N TTOAY. Dionysus standing, holding grapes and thyrsus ; in field, monogram. <[/Zcr. Aphrodite seated on throne, wearing stephanos (cf. X. 34) ; above, winged Eros, crowning her ; beneath ( throne, shrew ; in field, rose.] [Obv. Head of Pallas.] Rev. TTEPFAM. Simulacrum of Pallas. \[Obv. Head of young Heracles in lion’s skin.] (Rev. H PAKAEfL Young Dionysus seated, holding wine cup and thyrsus. [Obv. Wrestlers ; letters in field.] Rev. Slinger ; in field, winged genius and triquetra ; also countermarks. Ob v. No. 9. Rev. TIA\O0EOY AIONYXIOY. Heracles erecting trophy. Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. KOAOdMl IHNHX Lyre.] Obv. As last. [Rev. AM KAAAAIXXPOX. Lion looking back at star.] Obv. Head of Dionysus, thyrsus over shoulder. Rev. No. 6. Obv. Head of Cabeirus? surrounded by star. [Rev. B! PY. Club in wreath.] Obv. Head of Men ?. Rev. No. 1. Obv. Head of Arsinoe, wife of Lysimachus. [Rev. APXI TONEYS. Bow and quiver.] Obv. Head of Artemis. [Rev. E. Forepart of stag, palm tree and bee ; in held, name of magistrate.] \Obv. No. 35. Rev. BAXIAEflX TTPOYXIOY. Zeus leaning on sceptre, crowning name of Prusias ; in field, ( thunderbolt and monograms. \Obv. No. 30. Rev. AAA\YAKH NHN, XHKPATOY TOY EENOTANOY. Apollo Citharoedus ; in held, I palm and monogram. \[Obv. Head of Pallas.] Rev. AOHNAX IAIAAOX, A\ENETPONOI TOY A\E N ETPONOI. Athene ( Ilias holding spear and spindle ; in held, bee and monogram. {Obv. No. 28. Rev. AAYPINAIflN. Apollo holding patera and lustral branch; at his feet, omphalos and ( amphora : all in wreath. §0bv. Head of a king.] Rev. AIA\NAIOX. Forepart of stag ; bee in field.] Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. Rev. No. 22. Obv. Head of Demeter, veiled. [Rev. Similar to No. 19.] Obv. Head of Pallas. [Rev. H PAKAEflT flN. Club ; in field, Victory and monograms ; all in wreath.] Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. Rev. No. 17. {Obv. Head of Artemis, quiver at shoulder. [Rev. AAATNHTflN. Apollo standing on Maeander and leaning on l tripod ; magistrate’s name in field ; all in wreath.] Obv. Head of bearded Dionysus, ivy-crowned. Rev. No. 15. Obv. Head of deity, wearing turreted crown. [Rev. XAAYPNAI1TN and monogram ; all in wreath.] Obv. Head of Queen Apollonius crowned with laurel. [Rev. KYUKHNflN. Torch and monograms; all in wreath. i^Obv. Head of King Orophernes diademed. [Rev. BAXIAEHX 0 P 0 4> E P N O Y N I K H TO POY. Nike crowning ( name of king ; in field, owl on altar, and monogram.] ^Obv. Head of King Mithradates IV. diademed. [Rev. BAXIAEI1X AAIOPAAATOY. Zeus Aetophorus, seated ; \ in field, crescent and star and monograms.] Obv. Head of King Prusias diademed. Rev. No. 14. Pi. XIII. B.C. 335-146. ASIA MINOR I ) PLATE XIY. Cl. 50 1 Syria. Seleucus 1. Further 2 Parthia. ( Asia Andragoras ( i. c. 335 — 3 Syria. Seleucus I. 280 4 Sidon 5 Tyre 6 Seleucus I. 7 Andragoras 8 Seleucus I. 9 India. Sophytes 10 11 Seleucus I. 12 Cl. 60 13 Marathus Further Syria. Asia 14 15 .c. 280— Antiochus IV. Demetrius I. 100 16 Parthia. Mithradates I. 17 Syria. Antiochus IX. 18 Demetrius 11. 19 Bactria. Agathocles 20 Autialcides 21 Antimachus 22 Euthydemus II. 23 Eucratides 24 ' Maues 25 >> 26 Syria. ) Antiochus IV. ] 27 Antiochus VII. 28 Antiochus II. 29 Antiochus I. 30 Egypt- Ptolemy II. 31 Parthia. | | Mithradates I. $ 32 Bactria. ) Antimachus ] 33 Euthydemus II. 34 Eucratides Obv. No. 8. Rev. BAZIAE11Z XEAEYKOY. Victory crowning trophy ; letters in field. [Obv. Head of a city, turreted ; behind, monogram.] Rev. ANAPATOPOY. Pallas standing ; holds owl. ' ([Obv. Head of Alexander in elephant’s skin.] (Rev. Victory holding wreath and trophy-stand ; in field, horned head of horse, Al. ([Obv. Galley amid waves.] (Rev. King in quadriga ; behind, an attendant carrying sceptre and vessel ; above, Phoenician letters. [Obv. Galley in front of walled city ; below, two lions.] Rev. King slaying lion ; in field, Phoenician letters. Obv. Head of Medusa. [Rev. BAIIAEHI IEAEYKOY. Bull butting ; below, J.] Obv. Head of a bearded Deity ; behind, monogram. [Rev. ANA PA TO PO Y. King and Victory in quadriga.] Obv. Head of Seleucus in helmet, lion’s skin tied round throat. Rev. No. 1. Obv. Head of Sophytes in laureate helmet. Rev. ZflTYTOY. Cook; above, caducous. (Obv. Horned head of Dionysus. ([Rev. BAS! I AE (IS ZEAEYKOY. Horseman piercing prostrate foe ; in field, monograms.] Obv. Horned head of horse, bridled. [Aer. BAZIAEflX XEAEYKOY. Anchor ; in field, bunch of grapes.] ([Obv. Head of city, turreted.] Rev. AAA PAG H N ft N. Apollo holding aplustre and sceptre, seated on shields; l in field, date in Phoenician letters. {Obv. No. 26. Rev. BAIIAEAS ANTIOXOY 0EOY ETTITANOYI NIKHTOPOY. The Olympian Zeus, ( holding Victory. ([Obv. Head of Demetrius in wreath.] Rev. BAXIAEflX AHAAHTPIOY XflTHPOX- Tyche (fortuna) seated, ] holding wand and cornucopiae ; her throne supported by winged figure ; in field, date, 161, and monograms. (Obv. No. 31. Rev. BAZIAEflZ AAETAAOY APZAKOY l AEAAH NOX. Heracles holding wine-cup and l club ; in field, date, 173, and monogram. ([Obv. Head of the king.] Rev. BAZIAEflZ ANTIOXOY 4>!AOTTATOPOZ. The Pyre of Sardanapalus, the ) Deity standing on a lion ; letters in field. ([Obv. Head of the king.] Rev. BAIIAEHZ AHAAHTPIOY TIAAAEA4>OY NIKATOPOI- Simulacrum ( of Pallas holding spear, star on either side her head ; in field, monogram. {[Obv. Head of the king.] Rev. BAXIAEflX ATAOOKAEOYZ. Zeus holding in one hand sceptre, in the ( other, figure of Hecate, who carries two torches ; in field, monogram. [Obv. BAZIAEHZ NIKH4>OPOY ANTIAAKIAOY. Head of the king.] Rev. Indian inscription. Zeus \ holding Victory ; in front, elephant. (Obv. No. 32. (Rev. BAXIAEflX OEOY ANTIMAXOY. Poseidon holding trident and palm ; in field, monogram. Obv. No. 33. Rev. BAXIAEHX EYOYAHAAOY. Heracles holding wreath and club ; in field, monogram. (Obv. No. 34. Rev. BAZIAEHZ AAETAAOY EYKPATIAOY. The Dioscuri charging, each having palm ; in \ field, monogram. (Obv. BAZIAEIIZ BAZlAEflN MEFAAOY AAAYOY. Zeus, holding sceptre, and thunderbolt personified in ( female figure. Rev. Indian inscription. Deity wearing turreted crown and holding long sceptre ; in field, monogram. Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. Rev. No. 14. (Obv. Bust of Eros, crowned with myrtle. ([Rev. BAXIAEflX ANTIOXOY EYEPTETOY. Head-dress of Isis ; in field, date.] (Obv. Head of Anticchus as Hermes. ([Rev. BAXIAEflZ ANTIOXOY. Apollo seated on omphalos ; in field, symbol and letters.] Obv. Head of Antiochus. [Rev. Similar to last.] (Obv. AAEA4M1N. Heads of Ptolemy II. and Arsinoe ; behind, monogram. ([Rev. OEflN. Heads of Ptolemy I. and Berenice.] Obv. Head of Mithradates, diademed. Rev. No. 16. Obv. Head of the king in causia. Rev. No. 21. Obv. Head of the king diademed. Rev. No. 22. Obv. Head of the king helmeted. Rev. No. 23. PI XIV B.C. 335-1 00 FURTHER ASIA. I PLATE XY. Copies of Statues 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15* 16 17 18 19 20 21 * 22 23 24* 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 Emisa. Caracalla Sidon. Elagabalus Perga. L. Verus Ephesus. ^ Claudius and Agrippina^ Samos. Commodus Myra. Gordian III. Dardanus. Geta Erythrae. Sept. Severus Euromus in Caria. j Claudius and Agrippina Aphrodisias. Hadrian Mytilene. 3rd cent. A. D. Antissa in Lesbos. } 3rd cent. B. C. 5 Ilium. 2nd cent. b. c. Leucas. 2nd cent. b. c. : Miletus. Faustina, Jun. „ Nero Syria. Seleucus I. Elis. Hadrian Cnidus. 3rd cent. A. d. Cnidus. ) ■ Caracalla and Plautillaf j ; Athens. 2nd cent. a.d. Alexandria Troas | ! 2nd cent. a.d. \ Corinth. Antoninus Pius „ L. Verus Delphi. Faustina, Jun. Chalcis in Euboea. \ Septim. Severus ( Lacedaemon. ^ Antigonus Doson ] Athens. 2nd cent. b. c. Sicyon. ( Alexander the Great [ Antioch. j Tigranes of Syria \ Eagle in front of conical stone in temple. Simulacrum of Astarte in car. Simulacrum of Artemis of Perga between Sphinxes in temple. Artemis of Ephesus. Nemesis beside the simulacrum of Hera. Kybele protecting a tree against woodmen. Aeneas carrying off seated deity and leading Ascanius. Nemesis beside simulacrum of Heracles in temple. The Carian Zeus Labrandeus ; beside him, eagle. Simulacrum of Aphrodite between sun and moon ; in front of her, Eros shooting arrow. [ Obv . Head of Zeus Ammon.] Rev. Figure of Dionysus on a prow ; beside it, Concordia. [■ Oho . Head of Apollo.] Rev. A NT IX. Head of Dionysus ; below, thunderbolt. [Ob v. Head of Pallas.] Rev. I A I - Athene Ilias holding spear and spindle ; in field, olive-twig. i^Obv. Figure of Artemis holding aplustre ; beside her, stag ; behind, sceptre surmounted by bird : all in ( wreath. [Rev. Name of city, &c. Prow.] Apollo ; the statue of Canachus. As last. [Obv. Head of Apollo.] Rev. BAXI AEflX XEAEYKOY. Early statue of Athene. Head of the Zeus of Phidias. Figure of the Zeus of Phidias. Obv. Head of the Aphrodite of Praxiteles. [Rev. KNIAIflN. Fortune.] Figure of the Aphrodite of Praxiteles. [Obv. Head of Pallas.] Rev. AOHNAIAN. The Pallas of the Parthenon. Apollo Smintheus ; statue by Scopas ? in front, tripod. Hermes seated in temple ; beside him, ram. Aphrodite holding shield, in temple on the Acropolis of Corinth. Apollo in temple ; holds patera, and leans on column. Hera seated on rock, holding patera and sceptre. Armed figure holding lance and bow (the Apollo of Amyclae) ; beside him goat ; in field, wreath. (Athenian types ; in field, Apollo holding the Graces in his hand (statue at Delos, by Tectaeus and \ Angelion). Athenian types. Harmodius and Aristogeiton, statues by Critius and Nesiotes. Types of Alexander. Male figure (Apollo holding taenia ?). Type of Tigranes. The Tyche of Antioch holding palm ; at her feet, Orontes (statue by Eutychides). From Mionnet’s casts. PI. XV. COPIES OF STATUES. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 PLATE XYI. Croton & Sybaris Poseidonia and Sybaris Himera Alaesa in Sicily Miletus Samos Ephesus Lampsacus Teos Abdera ( Phocaea, Velia ^ {. or Massilia j Samos Rhegium Messana Sybaris Thulium Corinth Leucas Syracuse | Carystus in Euboea Obv. 9PO. Tripod. Rev. XY retrogr. Incuse bull. Obv. XY retrogr. Poseidon striking with trident. Rev. IT 0 X retrogr. Bull. Obv. HIMEPA. Cock. Rev. Crab. Obv. Head of Apollo. Rev. XYAAAAAXIKON. Thunderbolt and bunch of grapes. Obv. Head of Apollo. Rev. Ef AIAYAAHN IEPH. Lion looking back, and star. Obo. XYN. Young Heracles strangling serpents. Rev. "Eh- Lion’s scalp. Obv. Same type and inscription. Rev. E4>. Bee; below, TIE. Obv. Same type, no inscription. Rev. Half of winged horse. Obv. Griffin ; in field, part of winged horse. Rev. Incuse scpiare. Obv. Griffin ; in field, grasshopper and magistrate's name HPAK- Rev. Incuse square. Obv. Forepart of lion tearing prey. Rev. Incuse. Obv. Head of Pallas. Rev. Incuse. Obv. Lion’s scalp. Rev. XA. Head and neck of bull. Obv. lion’s face. Rev. PE HON retrogr. Head of calf. Obv. Lion’s face. Rev. AAEXXENION Head of calf. Obv. XY retrogr. Bull. Rev. Bull, incuse. Obv. Poseidon striking with trident. Rev. XY retrogr. Bull. Obv. Head of Pallas, helmeted. Rev. XYBAP1. Bull looking back. Obv. As last. Rev. 0OYPIITN. Bull walking; below 7 , fish and l~. Obv. Head of Pallas or armed Aphrodite ; behind, lituus. Rev. ?. Pegasus. Obv. Same type, behind wine-cup ; below, A. Rev. A. Pegasus. Obv. XYPAKOXIHN. Same type. Rev. Pegasus. Obv. Cow suckling calf. Rev. K- Cock. Corcyra Dyrrhachium Obv. Cow suckling calf. Rev. KOP. Archaic floral pattern ; beside, bunch of grapes. Obv. A- Same type. Rev. AYP. Similar type ; in field, club. PI. XVI COINS OF ALLIANCES &C * # ' > V ‘ t GETTY CENTER LIBRARY 3 3125 00808 8185