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CONTENTS.
I. Historical Introduction.
CHAP.
I. Origin and Spread op Coinage.
Origin of coinage. Monetary standards, Babylonic and Phoenician. Early electrum
coins. Gold of Phocaea. Reforms of Croesus. Introduction of coinage into Greece.
Pheidon. Euboic, Aeginetan, Attic, and Corinthian standards. Adoption of coinage in
Italy, Sicily, and Cyrene ....... ......
II. International currencies among the Greeks.
The Trapezitae and their functions. Darics. Coins of Aegina, Athens, and Corinth.
Cyzicene staters. Rhodian money. Coins of Philip and of Alexander. Cistopliori
III. Die-Cutting and Coin-Stamping ...........
IV. Coin-Inscriptions ..............
V. Rights of Coinage
Coins of cities, temples, kings, leagues .........
VI. Monetary Alliances. PI. xvi.
League in South Italy. Coins of Himera and of Cyrene. Confederation under
Timoleon. League of Cnidus. Joint issues of electrum staters and liectae. Coins of
later Greek Leagues ..............
VII. MOTnER-CITIES AND COLONIES. PI. XVI.
Occasional retention of metropolitan types in colonies. Massilia and Velia. Abdera.
Messana and Rliegium. Thurium. Corinthian colonies. Corcyrean colonies. Athenian
colonies ...............
II. The Types of Greek Coins.
I. Religious Character of Coin-types.
Origin of coinage in temples. Religious meaning of types. Agonistic types. So-
called types parlants. Choice of types in Greece. Succession of types at Athens,
Corinth, Thebes, Elis, Ephesus, Syracuse. Introduction of portraits on coins .
II. Monetary Symbols or Adjuncts.
Signature of coins by magistrates. Distinction between types and symbols
III. COIN-TYU>ES AND ARCHAEOLOGY.
Coins compared with other monuments. Their disadvantages for purposes of archaeo-
logical study. Their advantages. Classification of coins by region and period. Historical
testimony; metrological data; fabric; epigraphy; evidence of hoards. Principles of
numismatic art ; adaptation of design to field, precluding servile copy of works of
sculpture ; symbolical nature of types ; continual variation ......
CONTENTS.
viii
III. Art and Mythology of Coin-types.
CHAP. PAGE
I. Explanation of Plates.
Principles of arrangement ............ 72
II. Archaic Period; early ............. 76
Copies of statues. PL xv. 1 — 17, 28 — 29 . . . . . . 77
Earliest types. PL hi. 9, 19, 20, 26 ; iv. 7—9, 13, 15—18 82
Italy. PI. i. 1 — 12 ............ 84
Sicily. PL n. 1 — 14 ............. 89
Hellas. Pl. hi. 1—8, 10—18, 21—25, 27 90
Asia Minor. PL iv. 1—6, 10— 12, 14 96
III. Later Archaic period; or period of Transition ........ 98
Italy. PL i. 13—36 99
Sicily. PL ii. 15 — 42 ............ 104
Hellas. PL hi. 28 — 53 ............ 109
Asia Minor. PL iv. 19 — 44 . . . .113
IV. Period of Finest Art; early . . . . . . .118
Italy. PL v. 1—27 119
Sicily. PL vi. 1 — 34 . . . . .124
Northern Greece. Pl. vii. 1 — 27 . . . .132
Peloponnesus. PL viii. 1 — 30 . . . . . .135
Asia Minor. PL x. 1 — 21 . . . .142
Copies of statues. Pl. xv. 19, 30 . : . . . . 146
V. Period of Finest Art; late . . .147
Italy. Pl. v. 28—45 148
Sicily. Pl. vi. 35 — 40 . . .151
Northern Greece. PL vn. 28 — 48 .......... 152
Peloponnesus. PL viii. 31 — 44 .......... 156
Crete. PL ix. 1—25 160
Cyrene. PL ix. 26 — 36 ............ 167
Asia Minor. PL x. 22—50 169
Copies of statues. PL xv. 20, 21, 23 — 27, 31. . .176
VI. Period of Decline; early 179
Italy. PL xi. 1—20 181
Sicily. PL xi. 21—33 184
Hellas. Pl. xii. 1—33 186
Asia Minor. PL xm. 1 — 13 ........... 193
The East. Pl. xiv. 1 — 12 . .195
Copies of statues. Pl. xv. 32 .197
VII. Period of Decline; late ............ 198
Italy. PL xi. 34 — 40 ............ 198
Sicily. PL xi. 41—46 200
Hellas. PL xii. 34—53 201
Asia Minor. PL xm. 14 — 35 ........... 204
The East. Pl. xiv. 13—34 208
Index of Subjects 213
Index of Classes 21S
Plates
I.
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
CHAPTER I.
Origin and Spread of Coinage.
Pollux, in his valuable chapter on coins 1 , which in fact contains nearly
all the information handed down to us from antiquity on the subject, says
that it was among the Greeks a disputed point which was the first nation or
prince to strike coins. Some, he says, ascribed the invention to the Athenians,
some to the Naxians, some to Pheidon, king of Argos, some to Demodice,
wife of the Phrygian Midas, some to the Lydians. We are able now, better
than Pollux, better even than Aristotle, who was one of his principal authorities,
to determine the respective claims of these pretenders. The Naxians certainly
issued coin early, but both in type and weight it is only a copy of that of
Aegina. Of the coinage of Athens no specimens which have reached us are of
earlier date than the reforms of Solon, about b.c. 560, and it is almost certain
that there were coins in Greece before that time. As to Midas we can only
say that we do not know of any early Phrygian coinage. The Lydians and
Pheidon, king of Argos, remain, and the claims of both to the invention of
coinage are supported by grave authorities.
Let us first consider what precise meaning is to be attached to the phrase
‘invention of coinage.’ A coin is, of course, a lump of any precious metal of
fixed weight, and stamped with the mark of some authority which guarantees
the weight and fineness of the coin, and so its value. The so-called leathern
money of the Carthaginians, if it ever existed, did not consist of coins, because
not of metal ; a lump of gold or silver, such as still constitutes currency in
China, is not a coin, because it is not stamped by authority. Before coins were
invented we know on the sure authority of the wall paintings of Egypt that
1 Translated, with notes, in the Numismatic Chronicle for 1881, p. 282.
?_ r Gr,
1
2
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
there was in Western Asia a currency passing from hand to hand of rings of
gold or silver of defined weight, though probably not stamped. In Greece
proper the place of these rings of precious metal was according to the
tradition 1 taken by bars or spits (d/IeXicr/coi) of bronze or iron. It is probable,
though not certain, that in Lydia and the coasts of Asia Minor small bars or
lumps of electrum were in use. Electrum, white gold as Herodotus calls it, is
a mixture of gold and silver which is found in the bed of the Pactolus and
other rivers of Western Asia, and which the Greeks supposed to be a separate
metal, reckoned by them at about three-fourths of the value of gold, and about
ten times that of silver. Thus, as Syrian rings, Greek obelisks, and Lydian pellets
were all adjusted to a fixed weight, it is likely that for long before the intro-
duction of coinage proper, purchases in Western Asia and even Greece were
made not so much by the clumsy method of weighing the precious metals as
by counting out a certain number of units of value. The official stamp was
all that was required to make coin.
It has been disputed among modern numismatists and metrologists what
nation first took this capital step. Their arguments are based partly on the
apparent antiquity in fabric and type of the coins which reach us from various
districts of the Levant, partly on metrological grounds. In the former matter
any trained eye can judge with some degree of accuracy, only we must remember
that some districts of the Levant were at every period more advanced in the
matter of art than others. In antiquity as in all times Asia was slower to
move than Europe. The metrological argument is so complicated that I cannot
venture to enter upon it here.
The writers of the greatest authority have come to the opinion that the
earliest coins are Asiatic, and that it is probably to the Lydians that we must
give the credit of their production. This agrees with the testimony of Herodotus 2 :
AvSol irponoL dvOpoj-rrojv, tojv Typets iSpev, vopucrpa y pvcrou kclI dpyvpov Koi/zapei'oi
iyp-qao.vTo. But the earliest Lydian coins were not made either of gold or
silver, — in this Herodotus seems to be mistaken, — but of that electrum which
was at the time the current metal in Lydia, the white gold of which I have
already spoken, and which Croesus presented in such quantities to the Delphic
temple 3 . About the seventh century, after the fall of the Assyrian empire,
Lydia rose under the dynasty of the Mernmadae to a high pitch of power
and prosperity, and ruled Western Asia Minor up to the gates of Ephesus and
Miletus. It is during this flourishing period of their history that the Lydians
began to mint coins, and the invention was at once adopted by the Ionian
cities of the coast, by Miletus, Abydos, Clazomenae, Samos and the rest. Hence
arose an electrum coinage current over all the Asiatic side of the Levant.
1 Plutarch, Lysander , I 7. 2 i. 94. 3 Herod, i. 50.
ORIGIN AND SPREAD OF COINAGE.
3
It is necessary to say a few words as to the monetary standard followed
by these coins 1 . There were, as nearly as we can make out, at the time of
the invention of coinage, three standards in use in Western Asia for the
weighing of the precious metals ; of which standards one was applied to gold
and the remaining two to silver. The weight universally used for gold had
a unit of 130 grains, about 10 grains heavier than our English sovereign.
This unit was the sixtieth part of the lighter Babylonic mina, and lineal
ancestor of all Greek gold coins whatever. And this same unit of 130 grains was
also sometimes used for weighing silver. But there was an awkwardness about
this. The relation in value of gold to silver in Asia generally in Persian times
was, as we know from the testimony of Herodotus 2 , 13 to 1 . Mommsen and
Brandis maintain, on inductive grounds, that this relation would be more
accurately expressed by the relation 13-| to 1 or 40 to 3. This may or may
not be the case, but anyhow the proportion was awkward. As gold and silver
circulated in bars, if both had been made of the same weight, 1 3 - 3 - bars of
silver, or 13 on the other supposition, would have gone against one of gold.
A desire naturally arose to have the relative values of gold and silver bars
brought into more easy and convenient relations. And it is evident that this
could only be done by means of introducing a new standard for silver, and
making the bars of that metal of a different weight from the bars of gold.
Now the value in silver of a bar of gold weighing 130 grains at the rate of
13 to 1 is 1690 grains; and the tenth of this weight being 169 grains, it is
clear that if bars of silver of the weight of 169 grains were in use for
currency, ten of these would exactly pass as equivalent to one bar of gold of 130
grains. And this actually happened; 169 grains as the normal weight of a bar
of silver was adopted in Mesopotamia and the inland parts of Asia Minor. It
is called by Brandis the Babylonian silver standard or ten-stater standard, as
ten silver bars minted according to it passed for one of gold.
But meantime in Phoenicia another mode of bringing bars of gold and silver
into relations had been adopted. In that region the gold bars or rings of fixed
weight which were in circulation seem to have been usually double, that is, to
1 The history of Greek weights was a chaos until the time of Boeckli. His Metrologische
Untersuchungen first introduced order and method into the subject; but he fell into certain grave
errors which have since been corrected. The discovery of inscribed weights by Sir H. Layard in
Assyria introduced a new epoch in the discussion, and it has now been clearly made out that
all Greek monetary standards save the Aeginetan come from Nineveh and Babylon. The standard
works on Greek metrology are now the following : — Hultsch, Metrologie and Metrologici Graeci :
Mommsen, Geschichte des Romischen Miinzwesens (translated into French) : Brandis, Das Munz-
Mass- und Gewichts-wesen in Vorderasien bis auf Alexander den Grossen. An excellent resume by
Mr B. V. Head in the Journal of the Bankers' Institute,, and his Coinage of Lydia and Persia.
2 hi. 89.
1 9
JL Ll
4
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
have weighed 260 grains instead of 130. Now a gold bar of 260 grains was
equivalent in silver, at the same rate of 13 to 1, to 3380 grains. Now the
tenth of this, 338 grains, was rather too heavy a weight to be convenient, so
the Phoenicians took, instead of a tenth, a fifteenth. In this way they reached
for silver a unit of or about 224 grains. This unit was spread far and
wide by the Phoenicians in the course of their trading expeditions. Brandis
called the system on which it was issued the Phoenician or Graeco-Asiatic, and
sometimes the fifteen-stater standard, because under it fifteen bars of silver went
for one of gold.
We reach, then, the following results. In Mesopotamia and Asia Minor a
gold unit of 130 grains (£1. Is. 8 d.) and a silver unit of 169 grains (is. 9A) 1
were in use early in the 7th century before our era; and at the same time
in Phoenicia the standard units were for gold 260 grains (£2. 3s. id.) and for
silver 224 grains (2s. id.).
Now it is a remarkable fact that almost all the early electrum coins of
Lydia and Ionia are minted not on the gold but on the silver standards. And
this fact is not inexplicable. Electrum, although merely a mixture of gold and
silver, was regarded by the ancients as a peculiar and somewhat less valuable
variety of gold. And there is reason to believe that they estimated its value
as tenfold that of silver, and three-fourths of that of gold, this being in fact
not far from the truth, as the better sort of electrum does contain about
three-fourths of gold and one-fourth of silver. Thus, an electrum coin of the
weight of a bar of silver would pass current for exactly ten of those bars. If
on the other hand electrum had been struck on the gold standard, one bar
would have passed for either three-fourths of ten or for three-fourths of fifteen
bars of silver, which would have been far less convenient. And here we get
at once a reason, not only for the minting of electrum on the silver standard,
but also for the choice of electrum for purposes of coining. It was so extremely
convenient to have as medium of exchange a metal which was, weight for
weight, exactly ten times the value of silver. Moreover, electrum being hard and
not well adapted for any other purpose except for a medium of exchange, it
would be in less danger of being melted down when issued in jDellets of fixed
weight, than would either gold or silver. The bars of gold and silver were
so continually cut up, melted and remoidded, that it did not seem worth while
to stamp them for circulation ; but electrum, once stamped, might be expected
to pass from hand to hand uninjured for a long time. Thus we reach an expla-
nation of the fact that electrum was chosen for the earliest coins, and a reason
why the Lydians, who had almost a monopoly of electrum, which was found
Reckoning silver at the old normal rate of five shillings an ounce.
ORIGIN AND SPREAD OF COINAGE.
a
nowhere so freely as in Lydia', should have been the inventors of the wondrous art
of coinage, whereas they originated scarcely any other valuable system or device.
The early electrum of Lydia is minted both on the Babylonian and the
Phoenician silver standard. Mr Head has with probability conjectured 2 that
the pieces of Babylonian weight were intended for the inland trade in the
direction of Mesopotamia and the old Hittite city of Carchemish, and those of
Phoenician weight intended for the trade along the coast and with the islands.
At any rate it may be regarded as reasonably certain that the two standards
made their way into Lydia thus, the one by land from Babylon, the other by
way of the sea from Phoenicia. The Phoenician standard no doubt reached
Sardis from the great Greek cities of the coast, for these, as soon as they
began striking money of electrum, used this standard almost exclusively. We
have here another interesting testimony to the commercial activity of the
Phoenicians in the Levant in the pre-historic ages of Greece. From them the
Asiatic Greeks adopted the weights of gold and silver, one of the surest of
proofs that they learned from them the secrets and art of commerce.
The only rival in Asia in pre-Persian times of the Lydian and Ionian
electrum was the gold of Phocaea. For half a century before the destruction
of this city by Harpagus, the general of Cyrus, it was in a high state of wealth
and prosperity. It took to issuing gold pieces on the double or heavy gold
standard of about 2G0 grains, which circulated widely in the early part of the
sixth century B.C., and in some places even superseded the Milesian electrum.
This brings us down to the days of the wealthy and powerful Croesus, who
introduced a complete reform of the Lydian coinage. For some reason unknown
to us he abolished the issue of electrum, and reintroduced a currency of gold
and silver, or rather substituted gold and silver coins for the bars of those
metals, which were probably still in frequent circulation. This gold coins weigh
about 130 grains, and his silver pieces about 1(38 grains; his standard being
in both cases the Babylonic rather than the Phoenician. And for ages the
denominations introduced by him dominated the coinage of Asia. After the
Persians destroyed his kingdom his plentiful coin continued to circulate, and it
is still dug up in large quantities in the neighbourhood of his capital of Sardis.
Darius, in his great reorganization of the Persian empire, issued Persian gold
coins, called after him darics, or to^otcu, from their type of a royal archer, of
the same weight as the Croesean staters : and the Persian, silver coins, called
also sigli, were of almost precisely half the weight (86 against 168 grains) of
the Croesean silver pieces. Until the times of Alexander’s conquests the darics
and sigli constituted the basis of the whole Asiatic coinage, and exercised, in
1 tov 7 rpos Zap Sewv ifesrpov, Sophocl. Antig. 1. 1038.
2 Coinage of Lydia and Persia, p. 11.
6
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
the form of bribes, far too great and pernicious an influence on the politics
of Greece. There is however this difference to be noted between the issue of
gold and that of silver in Persia. While the great King did not allow any
interference with his monopoly of issuing gold coin, whether by cities or indi-
viduals, he on the other hand allowed silver on the standard of the siglos to
be issued by Greek cities within his dominions, and even by his Satraps when
engaged on military expeditions.
But it is time to pursue the history of the invention of coinage across
the sea to Greece proper. To do so we must return to an earlier time than
that of Darius. In the seventh century before our era Athens had as yet
given scanty promise of the greatness to which she was one day to attain.
She was still disputing with Megara the lordship of the island of Salamis,
and neither Pisistratus nor Solon had arisen. The greatest commercial cities of
Greece in that age were Aegina and Corinth, and Chalcis and Eretria in Euboea.
Corinth had already begun to dominate the western sea, Chalcis had planted
a multitude of Hellenic cities on the Macedonian coast, the people of Aegina
were the traffickers and pedlers of all Peloponnese. We shall find, as might
indeed have been expected, that all these cities preceded Athens in the use of
a coinage. In Greece proper there is no coinage of electrum, for the very
sufficient reason that electrum is not found in Greece. Silver, on the other
hand, is abundant, especially in certain districts of Epirus and Thrace. Thus
the normal and original coinage of all cities of Greece proper is in silver.
There are indeed a few pieces of electrum of Asiatic style still extant which
are attributed with some hesitation to Thrace, Aegina and Euboea. But such
issues if they ever existed soon came to an end, and Greece proper, until the
days of Philip of Macedon and the Chalcidian league, possessed no regular
coinage in gold or electrum.
Pollux, as we have seen, says that many supposed Pheidon, king of Argos,
to have been the first to issue coin. Ephorus, as quoted by Strabo 1 , says that
he struck silver money in the island of Aegina. Herodotus states that he
regulated the weights and measures of the Peloponnese. Coupling these state-
ments with the fact that the most abundant and early-looking of the archaic
silver coins which have come down to us are the Aeginetan coins bearing the
type of a tortoise, writers have usually concluded that it was Pheidon of Argos
who introduced into Greece the custom of issuing coin. But the whole history
of Pheidon, his policy, his deeds, and even his date, are matters of extreme
difficulty and obscurity. The statements of various writers as to his age and
character are entirely inconsistent one with another. Prof. Ernst Curtius has made
him a comprehensible character with a definite anti-Dorian policy, but it may be
1 viii. p. 358.
ORIGIN AND SPREAD OF COINAGE.
7
very much doubted whether this brilliant writer has not gone somewhat beyond
the sober facts of history. Several writers have supposed that there was more than
one Pheidon. In order to restrict ourselves within narrow limits I will pass by
the fascinating discussion as to the political tendencies of Pheidon, and mention
only one or two of the most definite statements as to his acts which have
reached us. The first of these is the assertion of the trustworthy Pausanias
that he presided, with the assistance of the Pisatae, at the eighth Olympian cele-
bration. This would make his age, according to the common reckoning, the
middle of the eighth century b.c. The next is the assertion of Herodotus 1 that
among the suitors of Agariste, daughter of Cleisthenes of Sicyon, was Leocedes of
Argos, the son of Pheidon, that Pheidon (adds Herodotus) who regulated the
weights and measures of Peloponnesus, and was the most impious of the Greeks,
and who, expelling the Eleian Agonothetae, himself celebrated the Olympian
festival. Now the date of Cleisthenes can be with reasonable certainty fixed at
about b.c. 600 — 570. Therefore if Herodotus may be trusted, and if he cannot
we shall drift into unlimited scepticism, the true date of Pheidon was a little
earlier than this, say about 620 — 600 b.c. This is evidently quite irreconcilable
with the statement of Pausanias. Weissenborn 2 has tried to reconcile the
authorities by assuming that it was the 28th and not the 8tli Olympiad which
Pheidon celebrated, but this conjecture is purely arbitrary and would have been
unworthy of mention had it not been followed by Curtius.
I have introduced this brief discussion of the date of Pheidon because it
is important if we wish to fix the date of the introduction of coinage into Europe.
For it seems most likely that this was the work of Pheidon. And it is im-
portant to observe that all the evidence which can be gathered from coins them-
selves is in favour of the Herodotean date of Pheidon. We have no reason to
believe that even the Lydians minted coin at an earlier date than the beginning of
the seventh century, and the invention was not likely to be at once adopted in
Europe. Further, as we shall presently see, none of the extant coins of Athens
are of an earlier period than the legislation of Solon, about b.c. 596, and it is
not likely that the Athenians would be more than 30 or 40 years behind
other cities in the adoption of so useful an art as that of coining. For these
and for other reasons we must maintain that the ruler who first introduced coins
into Europe, and who was probably Pheidon of Argos, cannot have flourished
much earlier than the beginning of the sixth century b.c.
Contemporary with the issue of coins at Aegina were the issues from the
mints of Euboea and Corinth. And all these three places or districts had coin-
standards of their own, as to which we must say a few words. The Aeginetan,
Euboic and Corinthian standards are the three in use in historical times in
1 vi. 127. 2 A full discussion of the subject in Philologies, Vols. xxvm. xxix.
8
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
Greece, Italy and Sicily. The origin of the Aeginetan standard is doubtful. We
learn that it was introduced by Pheidon, who regulated the weights of Pelo-
ponnese, but the question whence he obtained it remains in spite of discussions
still obscure. Its stater 1 weighed about 196 grains, rather more than two of our
shillings, and was divided into two drachms of 98 grains, each of which con-
tained six obols of about 16 grains each. The Euboic standard was identical
with that in use for gold in Asia, the unit or stater weighing 130 grains, the
drachm 65, and the obol 11.
The ordinary student of archaeology will scarcely find it profitable to give
time and attention to the subject of monetary standards, as it is too perplexed
and intricate for any but specialists. I will here avoid speaking of them as
much as possible. But nevertheless we should not do justice to the historical
part of our subject unless something were said about a few of the chief monetary
systems. I must therefore very briefly recount the history in Greece of the
Euboic and Aeginetan systems of weight, as a light will probably be thereby
thrown on some aspects of Greek history.
The Aeginetan system, which we may call the Greek heavy system of
weight, spread rapidly over the whole of Peloponnese and Northern Greece ;
while the Euboic, which may be termed the light Greek system of weight, was
at first confined to Euboea, Samos and other islands. Then there arose at
Corinth and at Athens a conflict between the two, the issue whereof is
interesting. The result of the conflict at Corinth was the adoption of the
Euboic unit, the Corinthian stater being of 130 grains weight in the earlier period.
But in order probably to facilitate intercourse with the neighbouring states which
held to the Aeginetan standard the people of Corinth divided their stater, not like
the Euboeans into two drachms, but into three drachms of 45-40 grains each, which
apparently at a later period passed as Aeginetan hemidrachms. Thus the Corinthian
coins, while they could pass current as didrachms in countries using the Euboic
scale, might pass as a drachm and a half in countries using the Aeginetan.
At Athens also, towards the beginning of the sixth century, the Aeginetan
standard was in use ; and, curious as it may appear, it is yet more than probable
that the Athenians at that time had no coins of their own, but used the
Aeginetan money marked with a tortoise, the very money to which they after-
wards took such a dislike that they would not even mention the name
Aeginetan drachm or obol, but used the phrase heavy drachm or obol 2 . This '
was the state of matters at the time of the legislation of Solon. That great
lawgiver, as Plutarch informs us, introduced, among his other reforms, a measure
1 Gr. (TTarfjp, the standard or principal coin of a mintage, as the sovereign in England, the
dollar in America.
2 Pollux ix. 76.
ORIGIN AND SPREAD OF COINAGE.
9
for the relief of debtors. His plan was this : to issue new drachms considerably
lighter than those which had hitherto been in use, and to ordain that debts
contracted under the old system of drachms should be discharged by means
of the new, the debtors thus making a considerable saving. The relation
between the old and the new drachm was, according to Plutarch, as 100 to 73 ;
that is to say that 73 of the old drachms were made into 100 new ones, the
gain to the debtors being 27 of the new drachms per cent. But this practi-
cally amounted to giving up the Aeginetan for the Euboic standard ; the new
Solonic standard, which was thenceforth known as the Attic, being very nearly
equivalent to the Euboic. The difference between the staters of the Attic and
the Euboic standard is indeed about five grains, the Attic didrachm weighing
about 135 and the Euboic, as we have seen, about 130 grains. Why Solon did
not go a very little further in his reduction and make his new stater exactly
equivalent to the Euboic we cannot say. By so doing he would have given
still greater relief to the debtors, and at the same time accepted a generally
recognized scale of weight. But there can of course be no doubt that he had
reasons for doing exactly as he did, though at this distance of time we cannot
recover them. One curious effect of his proceeding was this : as he would not
come down to the Euboic level, the Euboic standard rose to the level which
he fixed. The staters of Euboea, Corinth and other places shew just at the
time of Solon, or a little later, a slight but distinctly perceptible rise in weight,
in order, probably, to bring them on terms with the money of the now rapidly
rising city of Athens.
Most of the larger Greek islands followed during the sixth century the lead
of Euboea and Aegina in issuing coins. But only a few of the wealthier and
more commercially inclined of Greek cities on the mainland began so early as
550. Many wealthy cities, such as Pharsalus and Pherae in Thessaly and Elis
in Peloponnese, apparently did not begin to mint until after the Persian wars.
Indeed there were whole districts, such as Aetolia and Epirus, which had no
coins of their own until the days of Alexander the Great ; and others such as
Doris which never had an autonomous coinage at all. In such cases no doubt
the issues of more wealthy and enterprising neighbours filled the gap.
Meantime the invention had passed on to Italy and Sicily. What course
exactly it followed we cannot be sure. We know however that when the
people of Phocaea in Ionia sailed to Italy and founded Yelia, they took their
coins with them 1 . And more archaic than any with the types of Yelia a.re
certain incuse coins of Southern Italy, which were mostly of Achaean colonies. We
possess coins of Siris and Sybaris in Magna Graecia, both of which cities were
destroyed about 530 — 510 B. c. But that these coins were issued shortly before
1 See below, cli. vii.
G.
9
10
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
the destruction of the cities which struck them we have every reason for
assuming, and the extreme rarity of those of Siris is an argument against their
having been issued over a long period of time. Nor do either Sirine or
Sybarite pieces shew any marks of an earlier and a later issue, or of progressive
perfection in workmanship and art. It is then reasonable to suppose that the
great cities of Magna Graecia did not begin to strike money before the middle
of the sixth century. All these cities issued staters weighing about 130 — 120
grains, which seem to follow the Corinthian standard 1 .
The earliest coins of Sicily are not, as might have been expected, those of
Syracuse. In this matter Syracuse seems to have been less forward than her
Chalcidian neighbours, Naxos and Zancle. Already in the sixth century these
two cities issued coins in fabric like those of Southern Italy and of the weight
of an Aeginetan drachm. But Syracuse soon followed, introducing in her mint
the Attic standard, which thenceforth prevails universally in Sicily. Mr Head 2
assigns, though with hesitation, some few coins of Syracuse to the period before
B.c. 485. The coinage of Rhegium begins with the rule of Anaxilaiis in the
beginning of the fifth century ; that of the neighbouring Messene somewhat
earlier, while that city still bore the name of Zancle. On the whole we are not
likely to be far wrong in giving the earliest coins of Italy to the middle, and
those of Sicily to the end of the sixth century. Etruria followed the lead at no long
interval, but it does not appear that the Romans possessed a coinage in copper
until the fourth century, and coins in silver did not issue from Roman mints until
B.c. 269. But the Greek colonies of the west, though they began their issues of
coin later than the mother-country, soon outstripped it in the variety, the beauty
and the universality of their coins. And in this as in other matters Asia, which
was the first to light the torch of discovery and improvement, carried it with slower
steps to the goal than the less richly endowed districts of Europe.
On the Southern shores of the Mediterranean the country which earliest
adopted the invention of coinage was not the civilized Egypt, nor the com-
mercial Carthage, but Gyrene. Very flourishing in early times was the kingdom
of the Cyrenaica under the rule of its Battiacl princes. As early probably as
the beginning of the sixth century there were issued in this district rude
silver coins which followed the Euboic or Attic standard, and in fabric resemble
the early pieces of such islands as Ceos and Aegina. The non-Hellenic regions
of North Africa were at all events in the matter of coinage far behind Gyrene.
Egypt used only the regal money of Persia until the time of the Ptolemies,
and Carthage seems only to have learned the art of coinage from the Greeks of
Sicily about b.c. 400; borrowing indeed not only the idea of money, but even
the types she impressed on it.
1 Mommsen, R. M. p. 106. 2 Coinage of Syracuse.
CHAPTER II.
International currencies among the Greeks.
To trace the history of Greek money from the first to the last days of
Greek independence .would be a task of enormous complication and difficulty.
The history of the coinage of every city runs on parallel to the political history
of that city, sometimes illustrating, sometimes confirming, sometimes deciding
between contending accounts, now and then casting a grave doubt on the tale
delivered us by historians. The very idea of such a history could only take its
rise quite lately, for until lately the dates of coins and even their local attribu-
tions had not been determined with sufficient accuracy. In our time it has
become a possibility, and the monetary history of a few cities has already been
sketched in a tentative manner. Brandis has written a most able and elaborate
work on the coinage of Asia Minor during the Persian Empire ; and Mommsen
has given us a philosophical treatise on the history of the coinages of Italy
both before and after the Roman conquest. A monetary history of Greece proper
is yet to come. It is obvious that the merest outline of such a history would
occupy too much space for the present occasion, nor could it in fact be written
without many most laborious investigations. I will therefore confine myself to a
few general observations.
All Greek cities of any importance jealously guarded their privilege of issuing
silver and copper money. And doubtless they rigorously imposed upon merchants
who came to traffic with them the necessity of taking and making payments in
the local coin. As even neighbouring cities frequently minted their money on
different standards, and not merely so but even on standards which appear to
us incommensurable, the time spent in haggling over money and prices must
have been considerable. Perhaps the Greeks even enjoyed this haggling with
the love of bargaining which marked the race in ancient as in modern times.
But the difficulties of exchange would have been endless, but for the class of
trapezitae, which existed in all large cities. These men performed some of the
simpler functions of the modern banker. The earliest and most essential part
of their business, however, was to act as money-changers, to value the miscel-
laneous stocks of coins which were continually pouring into the markets and
12
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
to give in exchange either the money of the country or some other coin which
was in demand. Having to keep by them for this purpose a considerable stock
of gold and silver they came in time to fulfil the functions of capitalists, to
lend money on mortgages and bottomry and receive deposits at interest. But
the nucleus of their business was always the changing of money.
On the tables of the trapezitae on all the shores of the Aegean were to
he found some special classes of coins which were in public demand and
fulfilled in some degree the functions of a common Hellenic coinage. Probably
one of these kinds of specie would form a measure of value in the various
cities by which the values of their respective issues could be easily tested and
reckoned up. Thus if at Delos a Persian gold Daric passed for 26 Attic drachms
and 35 Samian drachms, evidently an Attic drachm would there be equivalent
to 1-^- Samian drachms, excluding the question which would no doubt often
arise of special agios according to circumstances of supply and demand.
I have assumed the Persian Daric as a generally-current standard of value,
and so it was in many parts of the Levant and at various periods, more especially
in early times. This is evident from the way in which Herodotus speaks of
the Daric ; and there was in Greece a saying about it under the title to £6 717?,
which shews that it was familiar to the Greeks, more especially to such as
were not unopen to a bribe. It was in value nearly equivalent to a sovereign
and of very convenient size and shape. The multitude of these pieces in circu-
lation may be judged from the statement of Herodotus 1 that a private indi-
vidual, Pythius the Lydian, possessed in the reign of Xerxes four millions of
them. The silver pieces of the same type as the Darics, but of about the
value, the Persian shekels of about 86 grains weight, were likewise issued in
enormous numbers in Persia, as the quantity of them still from time to time
dug up fairly proves. These regal Persian coins, both in gold and silver, were
through the greater part of Asia the main bulk of the currency until the fall of
the Persian Empire ; and even in the Greek cities of Asia Minor they were
probably in the place of a coinage common to all, to which all the issues of the
cities had to be adapted.
In Greek proper during the century before the Peloponnesian war the coins
in widest circulation were those of Aegina, Athens and Corinth. Of these
were commonly composed the hoards of the wealthy, and in these were paid
large sums when large sums had to be paid. I have already mentioned the
relative values of the staters of these three great commercial cities. Those of
Corinth weighed 135, those of Aegina 196, those of Athens 270 grains. In
reckoning by Attic drachms of 67 grains, these sets of staters might well pass
as 2, 3 and 4 units. This is however entirely matter of conjecture. Our chief
vii. 28.
INTERNATIONAL CURRENCIES AMONG THE GREEKS.
13
authority, Pollux, gives two quite inconsistent statements as to the relative
values of the Attic and Aeginetan drachms. In one place 1 he says that the
Aeginetan obol was x^yth of the Corinthian stater or Attic didrachm ; which would
make the Aeginetan drachm 1 ^tli Attic drachms; but in another place 2 that
the Aeginetan drachm was lfrds of an Attic drachm. It is in fact extremely
probable that the relation between Aeginetan and Attic drachms varied from
place to place according to circumstances. But the normal relation would
naturally, on the tables of neutral money-changers, depend on the weight.
The Corinthian staters were largely current in Sicily, where they passed as
equivalent to ten litrae of copper, also on the coast of Acarnania, and the
shores of the Corinthian gulf. The Aeginetan staters were, until the fall of
Aegina, the ordinary currency of Peloponnesus and the Cyclades. The Athenian
coin spread ever further and further as the power and commerce of Athens
spread. The mines of Laurium furnished an abundant supply of pure silver ;
the Athenian mint paid great heed to the purity of coins issued from it, and
shrank from any alteration in type or weight which might make them less generally
acceptable. Hence they became in the course of the fifth century the money best
known on all shores of the Aegean, and in our day frequent finds of Athenian
coins in Egypt, Asia Minor, Thrace, and even the far East, shew to how large
extent they offered a coinage to barbarians and a common coinage to Hellenes.
In fact, in the Aegean Sea, after Aegina had fallen, and the course of Corin-
thian commerce had turned persistently towards the West, Athens had but two
rivals among Greek cities whose issues of coins in any way approached hers
in extent. The first of these was Cyzicus. For reasons, some of which we
can trace, though doubtless others can no longer be found, the issue of electrum
coins by the Greek cities of the coast of Asia Minor had greatly fallen off.
Several of them, notably Phocaea and Mytilene, still issued in the fifth century
small pieces of electrum called hectae or sixths, weighing about forty grains ;
but the issue of electrum staters of full weight had fallen almost entirely into
the hands of the people of Cyzicus. The Cyzicene staters are still abundant and
well known to all students of Greek numismatics. On the obverse they bear
a great variety of types, supplemented in all cases by the tunny fish, the
mark of the Cyzicene mint. Their reverse is a mere incuse-square. Several
specimens figure in our plates.
But however celebrated in modern days for interest and beauty, Cyzicene
staters were in old Greek days still more renowned. In the treasure-lists of
Athens, still preserved in the British Museum and elsewhere, they are fre-
quently mentioned. We find such mention 3 in the Lygclamis inscription from
1 iv. 174. 2 ix. 76.
3 These passages are collected by Mr Head, Num. Chronicle , 1876, pp. 293 sqq.
14
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
Halicarnassus (about B.c. 445), the accounts of the Superintendents of Public
Works at Athens (b.c. 434), and the treasure-lists (b.c. 429, 422, 418, 416, 415,
412 and 406); also in the speeches of Lysias, Demosthenes and other writers.
Xenophon 1 tells us that the mercenaries of the younger Cyrus were offered by
Timasion a Cyzicene stater a month as pay; and Demosthenes mentions 2 that
Cyzicenes were current in his day on the shores of the Black Sea. We
have then ample evidence that Cyzicene electrum formed a kind of international
currency in the Levant in conjunction with the gold of Persia and the silver of
Athens.
Also in the earlier part of the fourth century, when the fortunes of Athens
were at a low ebb, she suffered something as well in the spread of her currency
as in her Bosphoric trade from the rise of Rhodes. Not that the coins of
Rhodes were ever, until long after Alexander’s days, so plentiful and so univer-
sally accepted as those of Athens. Nevertheless they had wide circulation and
influence. And the best proof is this : the Rhodians introduced into the monetary
world about B.c. 400 a new standard for coins, called after them the Rhodian,
the stater or tetrad rachrn of which weighed about 240 grains, and it is an
interesting and important fact that this standard was adopted in a short time,
not only in places near them in Asia, such as Caria and Samos, but even in
comparatively distant regions, such as Aenus and Byzantium. This shews that
the Rhodian drachm had wide currency before the middle of the fourth century,
though the great time of Rhodes was yet to come.
However Macedon, the source of the Hellenization of the ancient world, was
also the cause of the adoption of comparatively uniform systems of coinage among
Greeks, and of the spread of Greek monetary systems over the world. Philip
began the work. The gold with which he is said to have won more cities
than he conquered by his arms was issued from the active Macedonian mints in
the form of didrachms of Attic weight, which soon became in the West of the
Mediterranean all that the Persian Darics were in the East, which passed as a
universal currency in Greece and Italy and were imitated by rude Celtic tribes
in Pannonia, Gaul and Britain. This process of imitation went on for centuries
after Philip’s death.
But on the shores of the Aegean and in Asia the gold staters of Philip
were soon succeeded and displaced by those of Alexander. Enormous as had
been the quantity of gold obtained by Philip from his Thracian mines, amounting
it is said to some £2,000,000 a year, the treasures won by Alexander in the
great cities of Persia were of immeasurably greater amount. The hoards which
the Persian kings had laboriously accumulated Alexander put into circulation,
and his generals on his death squandered them profusely ; so that the mountain
1 Anab. v. G. 23. 2 c. Phorm. 34, 23.
INTERNATIONAL CURRENCIES AMONG THE GREEKS.
15
of gold and silver — Alexander is said to have stored the precious metals at
Ecbatana to the extent of £40,000,000 — spread over all lands held by the
Greeks. The mints which the Greeks set up in Asia might probably be
numbered by thousands, and enough gold and silver flowed into Europe to set
in motion the mints of all towns in Macedon and Hellas. And almost all
these issued, either in conjunction with their own coins or in the place of
them, money bearing the name and the types of the great conqueror. Thus a
world-wide coinage arose, of which the Greeks of Bactria, of Egypt and of the
Peloponnese alike made use ; in fact it is still a matter of the greatest difficulty
to discern the differences between coins of Alexander issued respectively in dis-
tricts thousands of miles apart from one another.
It has been said, and as I think with justice, that had we no knowledge of
Alexander’s achievements except from coins, we should yet have sufficient evidence
to prove him the greatest civilizer who ever lived. And it is not only the
universality and the universal uniformity of his coin which comes in evidence,
but also his masterly treatment of issues of gold and silver in relation to one
another. Hitherto in almost all countries gold and silver had been minted on
different standards with a view to making one gold piece pass for a round number
of silver pieces. Gold bore to silver in value, it will be remembered, in early times
the relation 13 to 1. Thus, while the Persian Daric weighed 130 grains, the
Persian siglos or silver shekel weighed about 8G, in order that it might be worth
of a Daric. And in the coinage of Philip, while the gold stater weighed nearly
135 grains, the weight of the silver stater was fixed at somewhat below 230
grains in order that 15 of these latter should pass for two gold staters. Now
Alexander broke away from this rule, and struck all his money both in gold and
silver on the Attic standard only. What may have been his exact motives it
is not possible to say with certainty. It may be that the old relation in value
between the two metals of 13 to 1 had begun to fluctuate : in fact we know
that silver about the time of Alexander became more valuable in proportion to
gold. Or it may be that the wide circulation and universal acceptance which
had been attained by the silver coins of Athens, both in Asia and Europe, in-
duced Alexander to issue his silver staters of the same weight as those of Athens.
But whatever his motives may have been, there can be little doubt of the happy
results of his arrangements. Henceforth there was in all the Greek world a
normal or standard weight for the precious metals, recognized even in those cities
which preserved in minting their former standards. And henceforth fluctuations
in the relative value of gold and silver introduced no disorder or inconvenience
into trade ; when the relation stood at 12 to 1 , twelve silver drachms passed for
one of gold, when the relation was at 10 to 1, ten passed in the place of twelve.
No doubt it was asserted or implied in contracts whether payments under them
16
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
were to be made in gold or in silver ; and tbis being once understood no difficulty
as to exchanges would arise.
All the successors of Alexander, excepting only the Ptolemaic Kings of Egypt,
adhered to the same Attic standard alike for their gold and their silver. Thus
in Macedon, in Syria and in Bactria, this weight remained the usual and im-
portant one. No doubt in spite of this many cities retained their accustomed
weight. Miletus adhered still to the Persian, Tyre and Sidon to the Phoenician,
Corinth to the Corinthian standard. These however were local. The only non-
regal coinage of the Macedonian age which requires notice in this brief summary
is that of Rhodes. The Rhodian drachm was at first only by a few grains
lighter than the Attic, but it fell in weight somewhat rapidly, and about the
year b. c. 250 scarcely weighed more than 50 grains. It is probably this drachm
which was the unit of the celebrated coinage of so-called Cistophori, coins issued
in large quantities in the cities of Asia Minor under the Pergamene Kings and
the Roman Republic. And the Rhodian and Cistophoric drachm is noteworthy
as being at one time the basis of the coinage of almost all the world. For during
the second century b. c., when it was almost universally current in Asia, the
Roman Victoriatus and the Illyrian drachm, which also weighed about 50 grains,
were the units of calculation in Italy and the west ; a practically uniform coinage
being thus set up in all the basin of the Mediterranean.
CHAPTER III.
Die-Cutting and Coin-Stamping.
The materials used by tbe Greeks for coins were those which have been
favourites in all ages. The coins represented in the plates are in four metals
only, (1) gold, (2) electrum, a mixture in various proportions of gold and silver,
(3) silver, (4) bronze, a mixture of copper and tin. The use of any other material
among the Greeks was very rare. In the island of Lesbos coins of a mixed
metal, billon, were issued as early as the fifth century, and nickel seems to have
been used for currency in north India by the successors of Alexander. The
writers also speak of iron money as in use at Lacedaemon and Byzantium ; but
of this no specimen has come down to us.
Although the ancients did not use the mineral acids which are now employed
in refining gold and silver, there is no doubt that they well understood from a
practical point of view how to purify as well as how to alloy the precious metals.
Agath arch ides 1 gives us a detailed account of the refinement of gold in Egypt ;
an operation which was carried out by placing the gold in an earthen pot,
together with lead, tin, salt and barley-bran, and keeping it in a state of great
heat for five days: and M. Mongez 2 declares that this process is effectual. The
point in which the ancients were least successful was in the separation of gold
from silver ; these two metals being always found together, and not easily
separable. All gold, says Pliny 3 , contains silver, the purest known, that of the
Metallum Albicratense in Gaul, only one thirty-sixth : wherever the fifth part is
silver the compound is called electrum. But from baser alloy the precious metals
were readily separated. The touch-stone was a ready test for gold ; silver could
very easily be tried by cutting off a fragment and melting it. And even apart
from these means, Greeks and Persians, like the Chinese of our days, would readily
judge of the fineness of coin or bar by touch, sound and smell 4 . That the Greeks
used but little alloy with their coins, at all events in the earlier periods, has
been proved by frequent experiment, and is indeed well known.
1 In Photius, Bibliotheca.
2 In an important paper in the Mem. da V Acad, des Inscr. Yol. ix. whence many of the facts
following are cited.
3 II. jV. xxxiii. 23. 4 Epictetus i. 20.
G.
3
18
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
The coining implements of the Greeks were very simple. Of course machinery
such as that now used was entirely unknown ; anvil, hammer, and tongs, which
are represented on the reverse of a denarius of the Carisia gens, which bears
on the obverse a head of Moneta, were the implements used. First of all a die
was cut, by w r hat process will presently be stated, in intaglio, in bronze, brass or
soft iron. This die was then let into a prepared hole in an anvil, so that its
surface was a little below that of the anvil ; on it was laid a blank shaped by
casting into the size and form of the required coin, and heated to redness. At
this stage the tongs would obviously be required to place the heated blank. On
it was placed a bar of metal into which another die w r as inserted ; and on the
top of this bar one or more violent blows were struck with a hammer. The bar
containing the upper die was then taken away, and the now stamped coin removed
with the tongs and a fresh blank substituted in its place.
To some extent these statements are matter of conjecture, for no Greek dies,
so far as I know, have come down to our times. A few Roman dies exist, and
a few dies of Gaulish coins, which are all of bronze or wrought iron, and all
remarkable by the absence of a collar, and the simple fashion in which the dies
work one against another.
Such in general outline was the coining process of the Greeks ; and of the
Romans, until about the time of Constantine steel dies and new processes came
in. We can however trace on the coins which have come down to us, successive
improvements in the process. The most primitive in fabric of all Greek coins in
the British Museum is an ovoid pellet of electrum, on one side merely roughened
or striated, and on the other bearing three punch-marks, one oblong between tw T o
square, as in pi. iv. 8. It seems to me that this coin could only be pro-
duced in one way. The pellet of metal, after being cast, must have been placed
red-hot on a surface of rough or corrugated bronze or iron, and an instrument
placed on it in shape like a huge nail, but with an end formed like the impression
on the coin. A single blow with a heavy hammer on the top of this instrument
would drive it far into the yielding electrum ; and it would pin down the blank
so firmly that if three or four blows were required, it could not move during the
process. From this primitive beginning, jn’ogress could be made in either or both
of two directions. Either a device in intaglio could be let into the anvil at the
point where the blanks were laid, or else a device also in intaglio could be cut
in the nail-like punch. From the use of the first process the coin would get an
obverse-type, from the use of the second device a reverse-type ; the latter within
an incuse-square. As the ancients used no collar to hold a coin while being
struck the incuse-square was a very convenient result of the process, the metal
outside the square overlapping round the punch, and holding the blank in position ;
cf. pi. iv. 4, 34. Hence it appears that the obverse die of a coin was the lower
DIE-CUTTING AND COIN-STAMPING.
19
in striking, and the reverse type the upper. It also seems that archaic coins
were punched rather than struck ; and as the punch was especially the instrument
of the state which stamped the money as its own it is not strange that the city-
name should usually appear on the reverse, not the obverse of coins.
In Asia some form of incuse-square was usual until after b. c. 400, and in
some places, as at Rhodes and Cos, was continued almost to Roman times. In
Hellas, incuse-squares and circles alternating, pi. in. 42, 44, &c., shew that square-
tipped and round-tipped punches were used indiscriminately in the fifth century.
But in Italy and Sicily from the first the incuse-square was not in favour, being
probably considered a crude and barbarous expedient. The cities of Magna
Graecia in the sixth century substituted another plan. They cut their lower die
in intaglio and their upper die in relief, at the same time casting their blanks
very thin, and in this way obtained a mastery and grasp which enabled them to
strike very neatly and strongly. Usually both dies have the same device so as
quite to fit into one another, see pi. I. 1 ; and this was evidently the best plan ;
but sometimes the reverse and obverse types were different ; thus on the obverse
of pi. i. 12 is a tripod. Another device for holding a blank between the blows
of the hammer was the introduction of a strongly marked border, either plain, as
in pi. i. 9, dotted as in pi. i. G, or formed into a pattern as in pi. i. 4.
With increasing skill in manipulation these devices became outworn, and the
blank was merely placed between two nearly flat dies, nearly not quite flat (for
the reverse of a Greek coin is nearly always concave), a fact for which the reason
is obvious, otherwise the metal could hardly have been forced into the obverse
die with sufficient energy. It now became necessary either to finish a coin at
one blow of the hammer, or else so to strike successive blows that the blank
should not move between. This could not have been easy, and it is the less
surprising that an immense number of Greek coins are what is called double-struck ;
that is, have shifted during the hammering process. M. Mongez says that the
blanks were sometimes withdrawn between the blows to be re-heated ; this how-
ever appears to me most unlikely, as the workman could never have restored
them to quite the same place from which he took them.
The woodcut represents one of the few ancient dies still existing 1 . It is
of a coin of the younger Faustina, not Greek, but Roman, and probably more
complete and convenient from the practical point of view than Greek dies. Yet
to a modern eye it will seem sufficiently primitive and but poorly adapted to
an extensive and rapid issue of coin. The right hand figure represents the two
parts of the die, upper and lower, with the types cut in intaglio ; the left-
hand figure the two parts fitted together ready to receive the blow of the
hammer on the top. The lower die would probably be imbedded in a ground
1 Taken from the paper of Dr Friedlander Zeitschr. f. Nuviism., vol. v. p. 121.
3—2
20
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
of metal or wood, to enable it to resist the blow. Every blank would require
special placing and removal.
As the dies were made of soft metal they very rapidly wore out, wore down
and broke. Hence the enormous variety in detail of ancient coins. Seldom do
we find two coins from one die, and continually we remark in the field of coins
signs of fracture or decay in the dies. And the artists who were constantly
at work making coin-dies thus learned to be rapid and careless in their work,
but at the same time had immense practice. Among us a new die is designed
at rare intervals ; in Greece they were being continually cut at every mint.
M. Mongez has gone carefully into the question with what tools these dies
were cut, and gives it as the opinion of a practical engraver that all ancient
dies down to the fifth century a.d. were cut by means of the wheel, in the
same manner as gems, and not with the graving tool, which was introduced in
late Homan times, and is now exclusively employed. It appears that cutting by
the whee] is the more rapid process by far. A pair of dies, says M. Mongez,
which would take more than a month to engrave with a graver, could with
the aid of the wheel be produced in six days h But the ancients, working in
rougher and more hasty fashion, and with more practised hands, were far more
Mongez, l.c. p. 208.
DIE-CUTTING AND COIN-STAMPING.
21
expeditious. The usurper Marius, for instance, who reigned only three days, has
left us a quantity of coins in more than one metal, and from a great variety
of dies, and similar instances abound.
If we attentively consider any set of ancient coins we shall find abundant
proof of the truth of the above statements. The round dots in which letters
of inscriptions often terminate are a sure mark of the use of a wheel by the
engravers. This may be noticed on coins of several periods, such as pi. hi. 53,
v. 27, xi. 45. That coins were struck when hot is shewn by the reticulation
of surface, which is especially notable in Macedonian coins ; that they were cast
in moulds before being struck is evident from the projections on their sides,
specially notable in Sicilian pieces, such 'as pi. vi. 10, 29 h Not only are coins
double-struck, from the difficulty of holding them in one place during the
minting operation, but they are in many other ways irregular. Sometimes the
type is quite at the edge of the coin, sometimes it is confused and not fairly
struck up, sometimes, as in pi. vi. 19, there is a blemish in the soft metal of
the die. Sometimes by a too heavy blow of the hammer the edges of the coin
were broken, as in pi. v. 29, 43. Altogether, there must have co-existed in the
production of a perfect coin a number of favourable chances ; and it can scarcely
be wondered that of the coins which reach us, not one in ten is without
blemish of some kind. But at the same time this very variety and chance of
coins makes them more interesting and edves them something of animation.
Of the artists who cut dies we know very little. Some of the distinguished
Syracusan engravers worked, we know, for some of the Italian mints. But out
of Sicily signed coin-dies are rare, and we have no means of judging who in
Hellas and Asia made tl*e coin-dies. I have been informed that in the
opinion of some of the first painters and sculptors of Germany some of the
finer pieces of Greek money are worthy of the hand of really great sculptors :
but history does not record an instance in which a sculptor controlled the mint
of a Greek city, as Francia in more modern times did that of Bologna.
1 Indian coins were in very early times cut as blanks out of a plate, whence their square form,
cf. pi. xiv. 24, 25. Some of the copper pieces of the Seleucidae and Ptolemies seem also to have
been cut out of plates and not cast ; but these are but exceptions which illustrate the rule.
CHAPTER IV.
Coin-Inscriptions.
The special subject of the present work is the types of Greek coins. Other
branches of the study of numismatics, although of value and interest, are less
fitted for the purposes of students of Greek archaeology, partly because they
require much special study, and partly because they would involve constant
reference to the coins themselves. But the types of coins can by means of
photographic fac-similes be simultaneously brought before the eyes of a class of
students ; and it is possible within a limited time to learn so much about them
as will be of service in the study of Greek art and antiquities.
Nevertheless, for the present, we shall deal with coins as a whole ; and
not with their types only. This is necessary, because it is important to gain
some idea of the place held by coins in Greek life and history, before we
proceed to look at them under a narrower and more special aspect.
Under the present head I propose to say a few words as to the inscrip-
tions of Greek coins. It is well known to all numismatists, but should perhaps
be here stated for the instruction of beginners, that the ordinary inscription
placed upon coins by the independent cities or states which issued them was
the name of the people of the city in the genitive plural. Thus the coins of
Syracuse bear the legend 2 vpaKocricov , those of Thebes, ©^/kuW , those of Ephesus,
’E^eoaW, and so forth. These legends seldom indeed occur on the earliest coins ;
these are without inscription in all but a few cases, and the place of mintage
is indicated only by the type. And in the sixth and fifth centuries the ethnic
is seldom written at length ; the first two or three letters only are used, a
custom retained in more conservative coinao-es even to Roman times. Thus the
O
coins of Athens bear, as a rule, only the letters AOE, those of Elis the letters
FA, and the money of Corinth the single letter ?. I have said that the ordi-
nary inscription is the genitive plural of the ethnic, but though this is the
rule, it is a rule which admits many exceptions. Thus we not unfrequently
meet the name of a city in the nominative singular as AKPAfAI and TAPAI on
the coins of Agrigentum and Tarentum respectively, unless indeed TAPAI be
taken as the name of the hero Taras, mythical founder of Tarentum, whose
COm -INSCRIPTIONS.
2.3
figure appears on the coin. We meet also the genitive of the city -name as
AKPArANTOS, ph II. 41, and IAKYNOOY, pi. vin. 33; or the nominative singular
of the ethnic as PHHNOZ on a coin of Rhegium, pi. i. 18, and KAYAQNIATAI,
pi. i. 13. Occasionally the feminine form occurs, as AAPIIAIA at Larissa, pi. ill. 33,
in which case it is doubtful what noun should be understood.
Sometimes, in place of the usual genitive plural, we find a local adjective
ending in -IKON. Thus the coins of Panormus are sometimes inscribed ITANOP-
MITIKON, those of Arcadia, APKAAIKON, pi. in. 15, those of Nagidus, NAriAIKON,
pi. xiii. 2, and so forth. Beside the name of the city, coins frequently bear
that of a monetary magistrate. Already in the fifth century b.C. these func-
tionaries began to place not merely their signets on coins, in accordance with
a principle of which I shall hereafter speak, but also their names, either in
full or represented by a few letters. About the time of Alexander the Great
this custom gained ground rapidly, more especially in Asia Minor, the coinages
of many cities, such as Ephesus and Samos, bearing henceforth customarily the
name of a magistrate, written at length. And in fact in certain cities, such as
Abdera, this had been the custom as early as the middle of the fifth century,
see pi. hi. 29, 30, 31. At a still later period, in the third and second centuries
before our era, when commerce was extensive, and coins were looked on merely
as a piece of machinery for facilitating it, we find a still greater refinement.
Coins of series of extensive use in commerce, such as those of Athens and
Dyrrhachium, bear the names of more than one magistrate ; and in this way
the date of the piece was fixed at the same time that an indication was given
who was to blame if it had not due weight and fineness.
. ©
In the case of coins issued, not by cities but by kings, the names of
these latter naturally appear. In that case the name of the city where the
minting took place was either not indicated at all, or merely indicated by a
monogram or a device at the time understood but not easily to be interpreted
by us. And this fact furnishes us with a clue to determine whether a name
unknown to history and written at full length on a coin is that of a ruler
or tyrant, or on the other hand, of a mere monetary magistrate. If the name
of the city on the coin be written at hill length or in its customary abbre-
viation, it is probable that the personal name is only that of a magistrate ;
if there is no name of city, or only a brief and unusual abridgment of its
name, it is probable that the personal name is that of a despot. The names
of regular kings are in earlier times not preceded by the word BA1IAEQI.
Alexander I. of Macedon, and his successors down to the time of Alexander
the Great, merely place their name in the genitive on their coin. Alexander
the Epirote distinguishes himself from Lis more celebrated Macedonian contem-
porary by adding to his name TOY NEOFITOAEMOY, ‘Son of Neoptolemus.’
24
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
One set of coins before the downfall of Persia bears the title BAIIAEQI; and
those are the remarkable pieces, pi. x. 14, and others, struck under the direct
authority of the Great King of Persia. But after Alexander had led the way,
first his successful generals assumed the style of kings, and afterwards almost
any ephemeral usurper ; and finally the whole field of regal coins is taken up
by a string of unmeaning titles, such as ‘ the God, the illustrious bringer of
victory’ on the coin of Antiochus IV. of Syria, pi. xiv. 14.
Besides the names of cities, of kings, tyrants, and magistrates, Greek coins
of autonomous times bear only four important classes of legends. The first is the
names of artists. The types of coins are sometimes signed in minute characters
by engravers ; but such signatures are peculiar to the period of finest art, and
almost peculiar to Sicilian coins. There are numerous instances on our sixth
plate, which will be mentioned in their place. It is sometimes doubtful whether
the name on a coin be that of an artist or a magistrate ; but artists’ names
are usually distinguishable through the smallness of the characters in which they
are written ; often also, through being placed actually on the type, and so being
inseparable from it. The second class is marks of value, such as the words
Spay/x^', d/3o\d?, and the beginnings of compounds such as cliobol and trihemiobol,
which are now and then found on coins of good time, though more frequently,
as we shall hereafter see, the denomination of a coin is indicated by a slight
variation in the type.
The third class, which although not peculiar to early coins is on them very
common, consists of explanatory inscriptions. Over or beside a head or figure
of deity, or hero, is written his name. As instances we may cite from early
coins the name KPAOIZ, from a coin of Pandosia, pi. i. 17 ; HYYAZ from one
of Selinus, pi. n. 16; IQTHP, as epithet of Zeus, on a coin of Galaria, pi. ii. 1 ;
OIKIITAZ, as title of Heracles, on a coin of Croton, pi. v. 2. So the word
A0AA is written beside the armour, the prize of victory in the chariot-race,
which occupies the exergue of Syracusan decadrachms, pi. vi. 25. At a later
time we find on a coin of Locri, pi. xi. 34, the names PQMA and TTIITIZ,
placed to designate Boma and Fides as members of a group. With these merely
explanatory legends we must be careful not to confuse others of a different
character and later date. These partake rather of the character of dedication.
For instance, when we find, on late coins of Syracuse, the word KOPAZ on a
coin which bears the head of Persephone, pi. xi. 21, and AI01 EAAANIOY on
one which bears the head of Zeus, pi. xi. 25, we at once suspect something of
dedicatory meaning. And the suspicion is much confirmed when we find the
full legend AOHNAZ IAIAAOI on late coins of Ilium, pi. xiii. 16, which appear
to be specially devoted to the honour of Athene, and may have issued from
her temple ; and the two legends QEQN and AAEAFQN on the two sides of
COIN-INSCRIPTIONS.
25
tlie well-known coins of Ptolemy II., pi. xiv. 30, words of which the first
might be rendered ‘ in memory of departed majesty/ and the second ‘ to record
fraternal affection.’
The last class of inscriptions consists of words or phrases introduced for a
special purpose ; a class not large, but of importance to the epigraphist. A few
specimens may be cited from the plates. On pi. iv. 8, 4>ANOI EMI SHMA, ‘ T
am the mark or symbol of Plianes,’ Phanes being perhaps a tyrant of Halicar-
nassus in Caria ; and his type which thus speaks in the first person being a
stag. On pi. xvi. 4, we have the legend IYMMAXIKON, which is abbreviated
on xvi. G, to 1YN, shewing that the coins thus inscribed belonged to an alliance.
So the word IEPH, agreeing with the implied word Spay/. 07, on xvi. 5, states
the class of the inscribed coin, a sacred piece issued from a temple.
There are several other inscriptions of this kind on autonomous Greek coins.
On the copper coins issued by Greek cities during Roman times, there are a
multitude of interesting inscriptions. As however our object at present is not
to give any account of the epigraphy of Greek coins, but merely to shew the
more ordinary forms of numismatic legends, especially such as occur on our
plates, we must here stop short, and be content with the few words already
written.
CHAPTER V.
Rights of Coinage.
The right to strike coin has been in all ages of the world a mark of
complete political independence in matters monetary and commercial. But the
three metals, gold, silver, and copper, of which the bulk of the world’s coinage
has always consisted, have been placed by custom and tradition in very different
categories in this respect. As I have already stated, the only authority in the
Persian Empire who had the right to issue gold coin was the Great King him-
self. He tolerated an issue of electrum by Cyzicus and Lampsacus, and allowed
many Greek cities to mint their own silver coin, and even granted the same
privilege to some of his own Satraps, but in the case of gold, made few or no
exceptions. It is worth remarking, although the matter be not strictly within
our province, that the custom of jealously guarding the monopoly of issuing
gold coin descended to the Romans, during the time of whose supremacy no
ruler or people within the confines of the Roman world dared to issue gold
money except on rare occasions and by special permission. The right to issue
silver was accorded by the Romans to a few cities and districts of the East,
such as Antioch, Caesarea in Cappadocia, and Crete, while on the other hand
the issue of copper money was granted to many hundreds of towns in Asia
and Europe.
Among the Greek cities of Hellas and Italy, as there was no overlord to
exact tribute, so there was no dominant currency like that of the Darics in
Persia. The condition of the Hellenic world, when it was a congeries of tiny
republics each supreme over the few square miles possessed by its citizens, is
exactly reflected in the enormous abundance and variety of coin-issues, each of
which bespeaks a civic independence, peculiar religious cults, complete political
organization. Lapse of time has doubtless deprived us of the coins of hundreds
of independent cities, yet enough remains to shew us to what extent sub-
division of independence was carried in Greece. We have money of more than
fifty Greek cities of Sicily ; the little island of Ceos, not ten miles across, had
three active mints. At least fifteen cities of the remote district of Acarnania
have left us coinages, some of them of great extent and variety. The number
RIGHTS OF COINAGE.
27
of towns of which coins are mentioned in the work of Mionnet is nearly 1500;
and since the publication of that work we have scores of new cities to add
to the list. Little hill-fortresses, the inhabitants of which must have been
numbered not by thousands but by hundreds, had their own types and their
own mint, jealously guarding their right of coinage with the aid of two of the
strongest sentiments of the Hellenic race, the love of autonomy and commercial
jealousy.
Complete autonomy in their issues of coin was thus the rule among Hellenic
cities. But it was a rule admitting of many exceptions, a survey of which may
increase our knowledge of Greek political organization.
M. Lenormant, in his able and brilliant History of Money in Antiquity , says 1 ,
‘ Every city had its coin which it struck and regulated at will, acting in the
£ matter with complete independence, in the isolation of its own sovereignty and
‘ without caring what course was taken by its nearest neighbours.’ ‘ Hence an
£ almost unlimited number of standards and monetary denominations.’ There is
however here a considerable exaggeration. The Greeks have always had a keen
and sound commercial instinct, and it can scarcely be doubted that whatever
their motives may have been in choosing their types, they would certainly in
choosing their monetary standard take into consideration motives of commercial
convenience, and issue coin of such a weight as to pass easily among their
neighbours and allies. If we pass under a close scrutiny the classes of coins
current in various districts at a given period, we shall generally find that they
were calculated to exchange against one another in not unreasonable proportions.
This however is a matter of pure numismatics, and one of far too great per-
plexity to be here more than touched on.
The main coinage of Greece consisting of the issues of independent cities,
there passed current along with these other classes of money. Among these an
important place must be given to coins belonging to the temples of various
deities. It is generally allowed that the temples of Greece were some of the
earliest rninting-places. In most cases however during the two centuries succeed-
ing the invention of coins the temple-mints were superseded by mints belonging
to the state, and managed by magistrates specially selected for the purpose.
Only in a few instances did the temples continue an independent issue. It is
indeed not easy to separate the issues of temples from those of the cities to
which they belong. But in a few cases we can clearly trace the connexion
between a set of coins and a temple, where they must certainly have been
minted. Thus there are drachms or hemidrachms of Milesian type, but distin-
guished from the coins of Miletus by bearing the inscription iy AiSapwi' iepy,
pi. xvi. 5, which proclaims them the special mintage of the temple of the
1 ii. p. 54.
4 — 2
28
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
Branchidae at Didyma. It is indeed doubtful what word must be supplied after
leprj, whether Spdypy or some other word, but in any case the general meaning
of the inscription can scarcely be doubted. So too the appearance in the
sixth century in Arcadia of an abundant issue of coins bearing a figure of
Zeus Aphesius and a head of Artemis or Despoena, together with the legend
’Ap/caSi/coV, pi. hi. 43, 50, seems to drive us to the theory that this money was
issued from a great temple. For as the Arcadians had not until the time of
Epaminondas any political union, the generic term ’Ap/caSi/coV cannot refer to
such. But if political unity of the Arcadian race be not implied in the term,
religious unity must be. So it has been concluded, and with great probability,
that we have here a temple-coinage, issued by the priestly tribe of the city of
Lycosura, and closely connected with the great temple of Zeus on the Lycaean
mount, which was the common sanctuary of the whole Arcadian race, and in
fact the chief bond of its union. A third instance of temple-coinage may be
found in the rare piece issued by and bearing the name of the Amphictiones,
pi. vn. 47, 44. This board, as is well known, had little political influence, but
considerable religious importance, and close connexion with the two sanctuaries
of Demeter at Thermopylae and Apollo at Delphi. At one or other of these
temples the Amphictionic coins must probably have been struck either on the
occasion of a festival, or in commemoration of some event which the Amphictiones
supposed to be propitious to their cause, such as the defeat of the Phocians by
Philip of Macedon. As a temple-coin must also be considered the early stater
which bears the figure of Zeus thundering, and the legend 'OXvp-mKov, which
clearly was minted in the precincts of Olympia, and therefore, as there was no
town there but only the temenos and the offices of Zeus, necessarily belongs to
Zeus and to his festival.
Besides the coins which bear the name of the city which issued them, and
those which appear to have emanated from temples, there are others which bear
tire names of Kings or Tyrants. It is however a very noteworthy fact that these
are in almost all cases subsequent to the reign of Alexander. The King of
Persia allowed some of his Satraps, and some of his dependent Kings in Cyprus
and elsewhere to issue silver money in their own name, and in the same way
lie sometimes accorded this permission to the Tyrant of a Greek city within
Bis dominions. Two instances will be sufficient. The great Themistocles, being
constituted by the King of Persia after his flight from Greece Dynast of
Magnesia in Ionia, struck there money in his own name, the letters MA being-
added to indicate the place of mintage. And some half-century later Tymnes,
tyrant of Termera in Caria, issued money bearing alike his own name Tvpvov
and that of his city T eppepua\fj Kpavos,
\o yxV v A rat? y epcrl koX to^ov. He adds that only the head, arms and feet
of the statue were finished, the rest of it being like a brazen pillar, and that
it was much older than the throne made for it by Bathycles of Magnesia.
Amyclae, it should be observed, was an Achaean city and older than the Dorian
Sparta. It would scarcely be possible to describe the figure on our coin more
accurately than in the very words of Pausanias, so that it may be considered
certain that it is a copy of the Amyclaean Apollo, although, apart from the
• express testimony of Pausanias, we might rather have judged it to represent
Athene, perhaps the Spartan Athene Chalcioecus, whose statue by Gitiadas
however would certainly, considering the date of that master, not be so rude
as this.
Coins offer us several figures of Pallas of a scarcely more advanced cha-
racter than this. The Palladium, for instance, which Diomed bears on coins of
Argos (vm. 35), is rigid and stiff in the extreme, and the lance in the raised vm. 35 .
hand of the goddess reminds us at once of the Amyclaean figure. So too the
figures of Athene Itonia on late coins of Thessaly (xii. 35), on those of Seleu- xii. 35 .
cus (xy. 17), and of Alexander Aegus shew us in the stiffness of their drapery xv. 17 .
and the rigidity of their posture that they are reproductions of early originals.
It has been noticed that the figure of Pallas which holds the middle place
in the Aeginetan pediments is more archaic than the forms of the contending
heroes ; but the type on our coins is yet more primitive. Of Artemis we find
a very peculiar, and no doubt early, statue figured on coins of Lencas (xv. xv. 11 .
14). Here again the draped figure is almost columnar in its stiffness; one hand
holds an aplustre, the other rests on the head of a stag ; while behind is a
long sceptre surmounted by a dove. Dove and aplustre alike would beseem
Astarte far better than Artemis, and we are inclined to see in this figure, if not
a Sidonian original, at least a statue executed in early times under Sidonian
influence.
We can produce two instances in which valuable copies of celebrated works
of sculpture of the archaic period are preserved to us on coins. On a late coin
of Athens (xv. 29) we find a figure of Apollo, stiff and rigid, with an archaic xv. 29 .
arrangement of hair, holding in one hand his bow, and in the other three small
figures. We can scarcely be mistaken in seeing here a representation of the
Apollo of Delos, executed by Tectaeus and Angelion, and mentioned by Pau-
sanias 2 as holding in one hand a bow, in the other the three Charites or Graces.
G,
82
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
Of this statue I think the only copies preserved are on coins and a gem. In
the case of another celebrated statue of Apollo, that executed by Canachus, and
set up at Didyma near Miletus, we have small copies in bronze, one in the
British Museum. But that they were copies of it we should not have certainly
16 . known but for the testimony of the coins of Miletus (xv. 15, 16), which repre-
sent with frequency an archaic figure of Apollo, who stands erect, but with the
left foot slightly advanced, and holds out in the right hand a stag, while in
his left, which hangs by his side, is a bow. This figure we can unhesitatingly
identify with the statue at Didyma, and it is from the close resemblance borne
to it by the bronze statuettes that we are able to identify them as copies of
Canachus’ statue. It would be easy to add to these instances of the reproduc-
tion on coins of works of archaic Greek sculpture, but enough has been done to
shew the character and value of their evidence in this field, and we have reached
the limit set by the plate in the production of examples. A few more instances,
occurring in plate xm., are discussed in our final chapter.
Earliest Types.
Turning now from copies executed at a late period to the coins which were
contemporary with works of early Greek sculpture, we find a wide field before
us. Our archaic coins, that is, coins issued before the period of the Persian
invasion, occupy the upper divisions of plates i. — iv. In plate i. are the
earlier coins of Italy, in plate n. those of Sicily, in plate ill. those of Hellas,
Crete, the Islands and Cyrene, in plate iv. those of Asia Minor. This order is
in some respects unfortunate, as it throws the most ancient of our pieces
onto the 3rd and 4th plates. No coins of Italy and Sicily date from an
earlier time than about the middle of the sixth century, while many of those of
Asia and some of those of Hellas and the islands may belong to the seventh century.
And indeed the student will remark at once on looking at the plates that many
of the coins on the second pair of plates are far ruder and more primitive,
both in execution and in design, than any on the first pair. In spite of this
disadvantage we have retained our arrangement for reasons of geographical
convenience, it being an established rule among numismatists to proceed along
the basin of the Mediterranean from west to east. Moreover, in all periods the
art of the West takes the lead and advances faster than that of the East, so
that it seems to have a right to the first place.
ARCHAIC PERIOD, EARLY EARLIEST TYPES.
83
It would have been easy to form an early archaic and a middle archaic
period of coins, the former extending from the invention of coinage in the seventh
century to about B.c. 550, and the latter from the date just mentioned to the
Persian invasion of b.c. 479. It may be well to point out, if this plan had
been adopted, which of the specimens on plates in. and iv. would be included
in the earlier class. We must remember that in the early part of the sixth
century Greek sculpture was in its infancy, only here and there a statue of
early Hellenic type standing in the temples amid rude conical stones and mis-
shapen Oriental images. Smaller works of true sculpture can scarcely have
existed. But on the other hand the decorative arts, closely retaining their ori-
ental character, were at a high point of excellence. The characteristic works of
• the time were such objects as the chest of Cypselus, the throne of the Amy-
claean Apollo, and the vases painted with rows or tiers of men and animals which
are to be found in all great Museums. Beside these circulated works of unmixed
Phoenician or Egyptian fabric, such as the bronze and silver bowls which have
been found in so many lands, Assyria, Cyprus, Italy, &c., the tripods adorned
with the forms of animals and monsters, which reach us from Etruria, and the
rude terra-cotta idols which are found so abundantly in Cyprus. Hence we
should anticipate, what is the actual case, that the coins of the time would
resemble early vases rather than early sculpture, would represent animals rather
than deities or heroes, and would bear the impress of oriental rather than of
Hellenic art.
Among the earliest representations on coins of Asiatic Greece are, the figure
of a seal which occurs at Phocaea (iv. 7), the figure of a stag, which is found iv. 7.
on the earliest inscribed coin 1 (iv. 8) which is supposed to have been issued at iv. s.
Halicarnassus, and a chimaera (iv. 9). In the case of the two last I have also iv. 9.
represented the reverse of the coins, a rude punch-mark, which is the best pledge
of real antiquity. To the same age belong the extremely rough lions’ heads
. 15, 16, 17), the forepart of a stag (iv. 18), and the monstrous
posed of lion’s and calf’s heads joined (iv. 13).
All these figures are entirely devoid of the distinctively Hellenic element, IV - 13 -
several of them are monstrous, and all the monstrous forms in Greek art come
from Eastern sources. Some of them are the work of Lydian artists, though
we cannot positively say which, for between Lydian and Greek work there is
at this period no distinction. They are crude and without distinctive style, and
remind us of nothing so much as the paintings on the very early Greek vases
of the style called geometrical, such as are brought from Thera and Cyprus and
Athens. They are scarcely superior to the wretched productions of Esquimaux,
Mexicans, and other barbarous races, or even of the primeval savages who were
1 Num. Chron. 1878, p. 262.
shape
com- iv.
15, 16, 1
IV. 18.
84
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
III. 26.
in. 19.
III. 20.
III. 9.
contemporary with the mammoth and the cave-bear, many of whose carvings
still remain. But turning to the coins of Hellas proper we may discover at
an epoch certainly not later than the middle of the sixth century works of a
more interesting and more distinctive kind. Among these is the Pegasus of
Corinth (in. 26), the head of a Satyr perhaps from Naxos (in. 19), and that
of Pallas from Athens (ill. 20), as well as the group representing a Centaur
carrying off a nymph on a coin of Thrace (ill. 9). It is true that this Centaur
last mentioned is not of the early form in which human fore-legs appear instead
of those of a horse 1 , nevertheless the material of which the coin is made
(electrum), its form, the stamp of its reverse, and the roughness of its style
all compel us to assign it to an early date. The head of Pallas is important
as one of the very earliest works of Athenian art. The projection of the nose,
and the size of the almond-shaped eye, pass the custom of even archaic art,
and belong to the very infancy of local design. Thiersch has instituted a com-
parison 2 between the type of head on early Athenian coins and that usual in
Egyptian reliefs ; but the specimens of Athenian coins on which he relies are
not the earliest, but distinctly of the later archaic type. The very early coins
of Athens remind us less of what is Egyptian than do those of the fifth century ;
they are akin rather to Cyprian and Phrygian types. The head of the Satyr
is a work of extreme boldness and unconventionality. He has a high pointed
ear and a long pointed beard, and hair which falls down his neck in a long
heavy mass, like the hair of the Apollo of Tenea. Here is another monstrous
form, derived from the East ; a form which is gradually modified and softened
until the days of Praxiteles. The artist of our coin has understood in spite
of his clumsiness to give the head something of Satyric expression. Moreover,
these figures, how poor soever as works of art, are yet clearly Greek. They
are the bud and not the flower, but the bud of a beautiful and fruitful, not
of a stunted and sterile tree.
Italy
Of the middle archaic period of Greek art, which we place in n.c. 550—
479, we have abundant and interesting specimens. We will begin with Italy,
the archaic coins of that district occupying the upper part of plate i. The
cities of Magna Graecia had attained considerable proficiency in metal-work, alike
1 Both forms of Centaur, those with human and those with equine forelegs, appear in the sculpture of
the early temple of Assos, lately excavated by American scholars.
2 Overbeck, Griech. Plastik, i. p. 24 (second edit.).
ARCHAIC PERIOD, EARLY ITALY.
85
as regards design and execution, wlien the invention of coinage reached them.
So we find here no rude lumps of metal with a mere punch-mark on the reverse,
such as are the coins hitherto discussed. On the contrary, we find the care,
neatness and elegance, which, combined with stiffness and want of practice, are
the distinguishing marks of the best archaic work of Greece and Etruria. The
fabric of the earliest Italian money is peculiar. The pieces are broad and fiat ;
on the obverse is a figure in relief, and on the reverse precisely the same figure
incuse, but turned in the opposite direction so as to give the appearance of
repousse work to the coins themselves ; and doubtless, when they were minted,
repousse work was extremely usual in decoration, scarcely any other process being
.used for early bowls and tripods. But the appearance is in this case misleading.
Two distinct dies, both carefully executed, must have been used, and the blank
placed accurately between them. Plate i, No. 1, will shew the peculiarity to r
which I refer; the incuse eagle from the reverse of a coin of Croton (i. 12), i.
being also worthy of Careful observation for neatness of execution.
We have from Caulonia at this period (i. 1), what must be considered one i.
of the most interesting of the figures which have reached us from the Greek
cities. A striding figure advances, entirely Unclad, towards a stag who looks
back to him as if claiming protection, or welcoming his approach. In his right
hand, which is raised, is a branch, perhaps of laurel ; on his left arm, which is
extended, runs a little figure, naked, with winged feet, and holding a branch
in each hand. The head of this smaller figure is also turned backwards. To
detail all the explanations which have been offered of the group would be a
long task. That the central figure is Apollo may be considered fairly certain.
His attitude towards the stag may then be fairly supposed to be one of protec-
tion, and this may be indicated by the twig in his raised hand. But the
smaller figure is an enigma. He seems a counterpart of the larger, yet subser-
vient to his will and busy in his service, as he looks back to him while running.
In a very charming and ingenious paper Mr Watkiss Lloyd 1 proposes the theory
that the larger figure is Apollo Catharsius, the cleansing God, and that the
smaller figure is the wind with which he cleanses the air. Caulonia, the writer
observes, is a place noted for strong breezes, as is indeed implied in the very
name, and its mythical founder was Aulon or Typhon. It may be that to its
windy situation the inhabitants attributed the healthiness of the town. Cer-
tainly this violently-moving little figure, with his winged feet, would make an
excellent impersonation of a wind-god, and the branches in his hands would
be the boughs of the trees violently shaken by the wind. On the whole Mr
Lloyd’s theory seems not only ingenious but also sound, and preferable to those
of other writers, that of Baoul-Bochette who identifies the smaller figure with
1 Num Chron. 1848 .
86
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
cleansing, KctOappos, or that of Rathgeber who calls him fear, Seqios. The most
plausible alternative view would be to regard him as an embodiment of the
yoA.os or wrath of the Apollo, who is about to attack the enemies of the deity
with a swiftness indicated by the wings of his feet, and an energy corresponding
to his attitude.
Second in the plate is a figure of Poseidon thrusting with a trident and
wearing only a chlamys passed over both arms. The forms are stiff and rigid,
the anatomy strongly but conventionally indicated, just as in the early figures of
athletes, the feet flat on the ground. It is worth observing that the two deities
who are clad in this particular manner in early art are Poseidon and Pallas, but
what may be the cause why the chlamys particularly belongs to them does not
appear ; unless indeed we find it in the special Thessalian cultus of both these
deities, the chlamys being in a marked degree the garment of the Thessalians.
The student should notice in the first two coins of the plate the well-known
peculiarity of early reliefs, viz., that the head and the body below the waist are
represented in profile ; the rest of the body between waist and neck faces the
spectator. Overbeck 1 has discussed the question whether on the archaic coins of
Poseidonia the head of Poseidon is always bearded or sometimes youthful. This
he considers doubtful, and remarks that the form of the god is sometimes dis-
tinctly youthful. In my opinion the head is always bearded, and the apparent
youngness of the figure is rather a result of archaic stiffness and meagreness of
outline than of any intention to represent a young Poseidon. Poseidon is here
represented in an attitude of attack, as to which we shall have more to say
hereafter, Apropos of later instances of the same type. As our coin can be given,
almost with certainty, to the last half of the sixth century b.c. it affords an
interesting standard for the assignment of date to statuettes and other extant
works of archaic art.
No. 3 of our plate is from Tarentum. It represents a young male figure,
who holds apparently with the right hand a flower to his nose, and a lyre
under the left arm. This also is a type which has raised controversy. Some
see in it a- figure of Taras, the civic hero of Tarentum, the son of Poseidon, who
came over the sea on a dolphin to found the city of Tarentum. Certainly Taras
is the usual type of the Tarentine coins, but the flower and lyre seem inappro-
priate to him. Others, with better reason, believe the figure to be Apollo. In
that case the lyre will be thoroughly appropriate, and the flower perhaps scarcely
less so. The exact meaning of the latter attribute may still be disputed. Is it
a rose ? The rose is appropriate to the sun-god in Thrace and in other regions
as well as at Rhodes. Perhaps, however, it js a hyacinth. In that case we have a
pleasing allusion to the legend which tells of the love of Apollo for Hyacinthus.
1 Kunslmythol. in. p. 222.
ARCHAIC PERIOD, EARLY ITALY.
87
Hyacinthus was the youth whom Apollo was said to have slain by accident
with a discus ; which is but a mythical way of recording the way in which the
flower called by his name springs up to greet the sun of spring, but is withered
by the red disk of summer sun. Apollo Hyacinthius appears in fact to have
had a cultus at Tarentum : and it would seem that the most attractive rendering
of our type is not the least probable.
Mr Millingen 1 objects to the identification with Apollo on the ground that
so great a deity would be represented as standing proudly rather than as kneel-
ing. But in the first place, this objection does not make sufficient allow-
ance for the restrictions imposed by a circular field. If we turn to plate x., No.
3, we shall find on a Cyzicene stater a kneeling figure of Helios leading two horses ;
and there are two kneeling figures of Victory under Nos. 2 and 24. Even Zeus
kneels on coins of Cyzicus. Millingen’s objection then is a mere assumption, of
a class far too common in many works of Classical archaeology. And secondly, it
has been disputed in regard to this class of figures whether the word kneeling
properly describes their attitude. Prof. Ernst Curtius maintains that in consider-
ing them we must make the curved border of the coin in thought into a straight
line, and remarks that if we do so we shall see that the knees are at some
distance from such line, which represents the ground, so that the attitude of the
figures will be rather that of running than that of kneeling. We have only to
look on as far as the Gorgon, No. 6 in our plate, to see that the ancients did
represent the action of running nearly in this way ; but there is a distinction,
for the Gorgon’s left knee is not on a level with her right foot, as is the case
with our Apollo. Whether the action be running or kneeling, we can readily
understand what reasons made it a favourite subject with Greek artists of an
early time, as in it both arms and legs are extended so as at once to be readily
portrayed and to well fill a circular field.
In No. 4 we have Taras riding on a dolphin. That he is still at sea is
made clear by one of those symbolical devices so usual among Greek artists, the
introduction below of a bivalve shell. The execution of the figure of Taras on
later coins is very different and more finished, but the attitude is in the main
preserved, and we may conjecture that it is copied from statues of the Tyrian
deity Melcarth, who also was said to have been borne over the sea on the back
of a dolphin. No. 5, from an uncertain Greek city of southern Italy, is probably
the earliest figure of Dionysus in existence. The deity is bearded, but he
wears no clothing. He holds in one hand the wine-cup, in the other a long
branch of vine. We have here an idea of Dionysus entirely different from
the majestic type, clad in trailing Ionic robes, which is often designated as
archaic, but the actual antiquity of which may perhaps be suspected. In our
1 Numism. de I’Ancienne Ilalie, p. 107.
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
ss
coin there is not only rudeness of outline and a Satyric cast of features, but
even a considerable trace in the long vine-branch of naturalistic meaning. Hence
some have preferred to consider the figure a Satyr rather than Dionysus himself.
I should prefer to think that we have here the God of the vine himself, but
i. 6. that the vine and he are as yet not completely distinguished. No. 6 is an
Etruscan coin, probably the earliest of Etruscan coins, though it can scarcely be
older than the fifth century, and it offers to us, in Etruscan fashion, a shape
of horror such as the Greeks for the most part carefully avoided, a Gorgon
running and holding in each hand a serpent. Tie markable in this figure are
the wings and the drapery, both executed with extreme neatness. In the wings
the feathers overlap one another ; the drapery is not elaborate but the artist
has contrived with much skill to make it seem semi-transparent. The limbs
appear through it as clearly and strongly as in Egyptian wall paintings the
limbs of women are seen through then' light dress,
i. 7 , 8, 9 . We now reach human heads, 7 and 8 female heads of Nymphs from Velia
and Cumae, 9 a male head, that of Taras, from Tarentum. In coins of Sicily the
hair of men, or at least of deities, is turned up behind like that of women.
But in this case, although the male head has long hair, short hair being indeed
most unusual before the Persian wars, it is not trimmed in feminine fashion but
jmt in a braid and wound round the head in the manner of athletes. The
front part of the hah' in the female heads is represented by dots, the hinder
part by lines, and no one can examine early sculpture without seeing that this
arrangement is exactly paralleled in it. The short crisp curls over the forehead
in archaic statues are supplemented by rigid lines of hair at the back. As an
instance I would take the corner figures of the Aeginetan pediments, whose
heads, looked at in profile and reduced in size, almost exactly resemble those on
early coins. Great prominence of the nose, an eye which looks outward towards
the spectator, a rude mouth with corners turned upwards, a very low forehead,
these are the distinctive marks of archaic heads, and are to be found not only
on our first, but also in the succeeding plates (n. 5 — 8, &c.).
j. io. The man-headed bull from Laiis, No. 10, is of very different type from the
ii. s. man-headed bull of Sicily (n. 8). In the Italian coin the head has much ele-
gance, the long hair is turned up behind and confined by a cord, the pose is
dignified. The figure reminds us of the Assyrian man-headed bulls ‘ oiled and
curled ’ and with long formal beards. The Sicilian bull, on the other hand, has
coarse features, short stubble-like hair and the horn and ear of a beast. He is
swimming, and no doubt represents the river Gelas, looked on as an embodiment
of rude and untamed forces of nature, as a parallel being to Satyrs and Cen-
taurs. But his Italian counterpart may have represented other ideas, and be
indeed Dionysus, who was largely worshipped in bovine form, more especially in
ARCHAIC PERIOD, EARLY SICILY.
89
South Italy. On the coins of Neapolis the man-headed bull is almost certainly
Dionysus. It is possible, however, that the greater refinement of the bull of
Latis is due to the refinement of the artist who designed him, for much of it
is lost on later coins of Latis (i. 35).
Sicily.
We will next turn to plate n., the upper part of which contains figures of
coins of Sicily in the archaic period. Nos. 1 and 2 are the two sides of a most IL L 2 -
remarkable archaic piece of money issued at the small town of Galaria. The
obverse bears the legend IOTEB retrograde, and a figure of Zeus Soter seated on
a throne, and holding in his hand a sceptre surmounted by an enormous eagle.
On the reverse is Dionysus clad in a long chiton which leaves his arms entirely
free ; his hands hold a wine-cup and a branch of vine. His head and feet, in
accordance with the already cited canon of early art, are represented in profile,
and his body fronts the spectator. It would not be easy to find a parallel for
the absolute stiffness, the wooden pose of these little figures, which are more
like puppets than Hellenic figures. Almost equally stiff are the Nike and the
Pallas from Camarina (Nos. 3 and 4) which also form obverse and reverse of one n. 3 , 4 .
coin, and in which the same ideas of perspective prevail. The Pallas stands
stiff and upright, leaning on her spear, with a shield at her feet. Her left hand
rests on her hip, and the serpents of her aegis project like a fringe behind her.
She is not like the early Palladia, but it must be confessed that in spite of
the abandonment of the old level she scarcely rises above the dignity of a puppet.
Very doll-like also is the Nike who floats in the air with outspread arms. At
her feet is a swan which seems to signify or present the lake of Camarina as
the scene frequented by Nike. Both Goddess and swan are enclosed in an
olive-wreath. To the former we shall return when we come to the next period.
Passing the long hah and the pointed nose and beard of the ivy-crowned
Dionysus from Naxus (No. 5), we reach two female beads surrounded by dol- n. 5.
phins. These are Syracusan, and, if the current interpretation be true, they n. p, 7.
represent the nymph Arethusa. The name Arethusa was given at Syracuse to
a fountain of fresh water which arose at Ortygia, but of which a branch was
supposed to emerge from a fissure in the ground at the bottom of the harbour,
the sweet water of which was thus on all sides surrounded by salt water. This
fountain is embodied in the nymph’s head, and the salt-waves round it are sym-
bolically rendered by three or four dolphins which swim round the head on the
G. 12
90
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
coin as they swam round the spring itself. Of the technical rendering of these
heads I have already spoken, but I may add one well-known characteristic, which
has been frequently observed in works of archaic sculpture. The ears are placed
too high, their centre being about on a level with the eye, instead of then’ upper
edge. In this respect, indeed, we find on coins considerable variety, but on the
whole, if we compare all the specimens on plate n., we shall find that in the
course of the period of transition the position of the ear gradually changes, and
it. 9 — 12 . it sinks to its true level. Of chariot-types and of horsemen (Nos. 9 — 12) we will
speak under the next period. The cock who figures as the symbol of the god of
n. 13. day on coins of Himera (No. 13) is worth observing in illustration of the thesis
that Greek art learned to represent animals with spirit and with truth long
before it could fairly deal with the human frame. The cow of Myron was un-
surpassed by later sculptors. In the same way this bird of ours leaves in energy
and truth little to be desired. The cocks of a later time, pi. xvi. 3, are executed
indeed with more delicacy and refinement, but there is very little difference in
the type, and scarcely greater truth to nature. This bird does not, however,
offer the same scope to art as the nobler eagle, so that we could not expect a
ir. u. great improvement in the design. No. 14 is very interesting. It represents the
harbour of Zancle in Sicily. This city derived its name from the sickle-like
tongue of land which enclosed its harbour. On our coin the enclosing tongue
of land is conventionally represented by an object of sickle-like form, marked
with risings which may stand for houses and fortifications, while the actual
water of the harbour is embodied in the dolphin within that sickle. Zancle
changed its name to Messana about b.c. 490, so that there can be no doubt as
to the early date of our coin, which proves what kind of representations of
places were current in Greece at the time of the Persian war. At a somewhat
later time Zancle would probably have been personified in a nymph.
Hellas.
From Sicily to northern Greece is a long stej) as regards art. In Sicily
all is delicacy, refinement, careful minuteness even in archaic times ; in northern
Greece we find on the contrary a rude and somewhat barbarous vigour, turning
indeed at a later period to largeness and energy of design, but at first very
rough.
On the third plate, however, will be found not only specimens of the numis-
matic art of northern Greece, but also of Athens, Boeotia and the Peloponnese.
ARCHAIC PERIOD, EARLY HELLAS.
91
Necessities of space compelled me to this arrangement, which is however
to be regretted as it somewhat confuses the evidence for and against certain
theories of art put forward by high authority. Professor Brunn has pub-
lished his opinion 1 that the early coins of northern Hellas have a character
peculiar to themselves ; and it would naturally be desirable to examine the
early coins of Peloponnesus apart in order to discover whether they resemble in
character the remarkable reliefs from Sparta and other places in Peloponnesus, of
which so much has been said of late years. But we must do our best, taking
the plates as they stand, to discuss in order the two subjects just mentioned.
Prof. Brunn’s theory of the character of the art of northern Greece is
clear and defined. As the representatives of that art we may take, in painting
Polygnotus, and in sculpture Paeonius of Mende. Its tone is distinctly Asiatic,
and is exhibited alike in the massiveness of the forms, especially in the early
period, and in a certain convention and lack of special study and striving after
perfection. In the coins of Tliasos and the Thracian and Macedonian coasts,
Prof. Brunn finds abundant instances for the illustration of his view. Speaking
of coins such as our Nos. 1, 2, he remarks : ‘ The figures are in their outlines
‘ of extraordinary breadth and massiveness, even far excelling in these respects
‘ the oldest metopes of Selinus ; also, in the modelling of the high relief, the
‘ forms stand forth in great fulness and volume. Yet these figures, in spite
‘ of their solidity, are by no means wanting in consistency and proportion, nor
‘ in a fairly accurate rendering of general forms ; sometimes even we find charac-
‘ teristic rendering of detail. In the heads of Satyrs and Centaurs their rude
‘ animal character is developed in consistent style. Finally, we do not discover
‘ in the execution any helplessness, but a skilful use of the means at so early
‘a period available, a mastery of workmanship which endeavours by the intro-
duction of detail, such as dotted lines in the hair, and indication of ankle
‘ and knee-cap, to soften and refine the heavy appearance of the design. That
‘ this peculiar style of treatment is original is shewn by the fact that we may
‘ trace a distinct development in this class of types, the Satyrs of Tliasos for
‘instance, up to the free and fine style of execution in detail, while yet the
‘attitude and grouping are preserved (cf. hi. 28). In the probably more recent
‘type of a warrior leading two oxen (in. 4), of a kneeling goat (in. 12), and
‘of horses, we cannot but recognize a power of clearly characterizing forms of
‘animals... In the coins of Acanthus (No. 13), with the continually varied type
‘ of a lion tearing an ox, we find a surprisingly developed specimen of decorative
‘style.’ ‘Taken together these coins shew that the Thraco- Macedonian region is
‘ in itself a separate province as regards the history of art, a province marked
1 Paeonios und die nordgriecliisclie Kunst. Proceedings of the Munich Academy , 1870, Philosophise! \-
philologieche Classe, p. 315.
j 9 o
92
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
‘ by special artistic characteristics, by a peculiar style of which the rude begin-
‘ wings may go back far into the sixth century, and which can be traced at
‘ least as far as the end of archaic art, that is to say, until the middle of the
‘ fifth century. In many particulars this style still has influence even in the time
‘ of the bloom of art ; see, for instance, the full and broad treatment of the
‘heads’ (of Hermes) ‘on coins of Aenus (cf. in. 35, vn. 9). In spite of the
‘ native character of this art, yet the very circumstance that the oldest of
‘ these coins are struck on the Asiatic standard points to a connexion with
‘ Asiatic districts of older civilization, which certainly influenced this style of
‘ art. W e trace the influence of Asia in the exaggerated breadth of early
‘ figures, and in the decorative accentuation not only of hair and manes, but
‘ also of certain details, especially the legs ; finally, in the conventional character
‘ of execution ; although of course all is modified by the individuality of race
‘ in the district.’
The length of this quotation must be justified partly by the value of the
remarks contained in it ; partly by the eminence of the writer. It is almost the
only criticism of the style of a set of coins written by so great a master ;
and it is thoroughly founded. The theory as to the art of Paeonius which in
the same paper Prof. Brunn develops has scarcely met with general accept-
ance ; but his remarks on the coins of Thrace form the foundation and not the
crown of his theory, and might survive even if it were given up. Lines 1, 2,
5, G of plate hi., and almost the whole of plate vn., afford the reader ample
material for testing the words by facts.
Again on pi. in., Nos. 14, 15, 16, 24, 25, 41, 42, 43, 50, are specimens of
Peloponnesian work of the period before Polycleitus. At a glance we can see
in them a certain massiveness and force which seem to belong to the country
of their production. But we cannot venture to say that we find in them any-
thing which especially reminds us of early Dorian relief, especially those votive
reliefs to the nether deities which have been found near Sparta, and whereof
the style is so distinctive. Our Eleian coins especially have nothing of the
rudeness of provincial style, but are worthy of a district which might be termed
in some sense the art metropolis of Greece.
We must however return to speak of our coins one by one in more detail,
in. i, 2 . Nos. 1 and 2, from Lete in Macedon, display in the highest degree that bulki-
ness of proportions above spoken of. This peculiarity, reminding us at the first
glance of Assyrian reliefs, marks both the beast-like Satyr, who here has horse’s
hoofs but no tail, and the Nymph whom he holds by the hand, and whose chin
he caresses in order to propitiate her. The attitude of this nymph expresses
in a most naive fashion her surprise. It is noteworthy that these nymphs are
carefully draped in a long chiton and a curious tightly-fitting upper garment ;
ARCHAIC PERIOD, EARLY HELLAS.
93
naked nymphs belong to a later period. Two more nymphs are represented on
No. 6, which coin however belongs to a more civilized district. They are raising in. c.
an amphora of wine and, considering the period, their attitudes are not unskil-
fully drawn. With this type we may fairly compare the relief from Thessaly in
the Louvre representing two women holding a flower. More refinement still
appears in No. 14 from Elis, where Victory is depicted with square and thickset in. in
frame indeed, but speed is well expressed in her gait, and her Doric chiton is
represented in careful and accurate detail. With one band she raises her dress
that it may not impede her feet, with the other she extends a wreath to a
supposed victor in the Olympic games. That her wings appear, one in front and
one behind, is of course a result of the attempt at perspective ; all her body,
from waist to neck, fronting the spectator.
No. 3 is a stiff figure of Poseidon Hippius from Potidaea ; the deity seems hi. 3.
to be without clothing, and bears his trident like a lance. This is I believe
quite the earliest figure known of Poseidon in this character. There is no sug-
gestion of sea ; the horse is an ordinary land-horse, and below, in place of the
shell or fish we might expect, is the well-known symbol of the sun. All this is
not easy to explain. Nos. 4 and 5 bring us to a class of Macedonian coins with hi. 4, 5.
a new sort of type. Hitherto the representations have been either of deities or
of those embodiments of rude forces of nature which were considered half-divine,
such as Satyrs and Rivers. But now we reach what appear to be scenes from
every-day life. A youth wearing the petasus and holding two spears drives a
pair of oxen (No. 4), or leads a horse (No. 5), or (as in other specimens) drives
a rude lumbering country-waggon drawn by oxen. Can there be a religious
meaning in these types ? I am inclined to think that there can. One need not
go so far as to see a solar hero in our Macedonian, though that explanation is
not absurd, as in early times men always thought of the sun as driving a car
or riding a horse, but we may with greater probability reckon him as a mythical
hero or ancestor of the race, possibly some demigod who, in Macedonian legends, of
which we know little, may have invented the bridle or taught the use of waggons.
Animals and man alike display the Assyrian characteristics of massive limbs and
rigidly-accentuated muscles. The next Macedonian coin, No. 7 , represents Hermes, hi. 7 , 8.
as an unwinged figure, running at speed, holding the caduceus. He is suc-
ceeded, No. 8, by a second running figure. In this second figure there are two
pairs of wings, one springing from the heels and one in thoroughly oriental
fashion from the waist. The sex of this figure may perhaps lie disputed, and
with the sex the personality. If it be female, though this seems scarcely likelv
from the scantiness of drapery, it will probably be termed a Gorgon, in spite of
the absence of serpents. If however, as seems more likely, the figure be male
it is very interesting. The rose in the field would seem to indicate that it is a
94 -
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
sun-god, and so would the circular symbol dimly seen in the left hand, or
possibly it may be a winged Cabeirus, as the Cabeiri were much venerated on
the Macedonian coast.
hi . 10. No. 10 from Dicaea is a bead of Heracles in lion’s skin in which the
Satyric character of the hero is clearly marked in the cast of the features. It
is also observable that we cannot say here that the lion’s scalp is fitted on to
the hero’s head as on later coins, rather the lion’s head is the true type and a
human face merely looks out between the jaws. One sees as it were the change
hi, 11 . from animal- worship to anthropomorphism in progress. No. 11 is a head of
Aeneas from Aeneia in Macedon, a city which he is said to have founded. A
still more interesting early com of the same city, which is now at Berlin 1 ,
exhibits a group, Aeneas carrying Anchises, and Creusa carrying Ascanius.
These solid testimonies to the antiquity of the myth of Aeneas are of great
value in connexion with Roman legend. The myth travelled to many lands in
ni. 12,13. connexion with the worship of Aphrodite surnamed Aeneias. Nos. 12 and 13 are
good instances of the adaptation of animal figures to a circular field by bending
the legs and turning the head back in case of the goat, and by a careful
adjustment of figure in the group of the lion and bull which forms the quite
Homeric type of the coins of Acanthus. The manner in which the shaggy skin
of the lion is represented by dots is noteworthy.
hi. 15, ig. Nos. 15 and 16, from Arcadia, give us archaic representations of the Arca-
dian Zeus, the God of cloud and tempest, whose throne was on mount Olympus.
The pose of the figure and the arrangement of the drapery over the knees
closely resemble those of the statue of the same deity set up by Pheidias in the
temple at Olympia which is preserved to us on a coin (pi. xv. 19), the more
closely as we know that in the present coins the throwing back of the left arm
which holds the sceptre is the mere result of the primitive attempt at perspec-
tive. But it will be seen that in the second of our two coins the eagle flies
above the outstretched hand of Zeus, and does not touch it. This is a motive
impossible in a statue ; we may therefore be sure that in this case a rule
already laid down holds, that coins in the good times of art never closely or
intentionally reproduce a statue. Yet it becomes abundantly clear that not much
latitude in the choice of position and attitude rested with Pheidias when he
made his statue ; the type of the Olympian Zeus, as he must be, was already
fixed in the minds of Greek men : and probably existed in statues such as the
colossus of Zeus set up at Olympia by Cypselus. Almost exactly similar to the
second of our coins in type is a didraclnn struck in Elis before the Pheidian age.
hi. 17. In No. 17, which was struck at Gortyna in Crete, but has, unfortunately, lost
its surface from friction, we have, I believe, the earliest existing representation
' Zeitschr. f Numism. vii. p. 221 .
ARCHAIC PERIOD, EARLY HELLAS.
95
of Europa riding on the bull. She is closely draped and stretches one hand in
alarm while the other grasps the bull’s back. In later representations of the
group, which belongs especially to the Phoenician coast and to Phoenician
colonies, the mantle of Europa floats free and she seems at her ease, resembling
indeed far more nearly that moon-goddess of whom she is supposed to be a
variant form, and who is also closely associated with the bull. We have then
here a case in which the later representations of a group have truer meaning
than the earlier. The close connexion existing between the Europa myth and
the city of Gortyna will come under our notice hereafter. No. 18 from Cnossus
has for type the Minotaur kneeling or running and holding in one hand a stone.
That the head is not, according to usual custom, in profile, may be due to the
familiarity of the die-cutter to bull’s heads facing, which may even thus early
have adorned temples and altars. The coins of Cnossus are full of the Minotaur
and the Labyrinth, a fact the more remarkable because remains supposed to be
those of the Labyrinth now exist near Gortyna, not Cnossus. Of the five
female heads, Nos. 21 — 25, the first is from Athens and belongs to the guardian
deity of the city. Its execution is careful, the eyes, eyebrows, lips and hair
alike being rendered with conscientiousness, yet there is also a certain coarseness
which will at once strike the student. The second and third are beautiful
heads from Corinth, either as one would naturally at first sight imagine of Pallas,
or else of the armed Aphrodite, who was a somewhat close translation of
Astarte, the goddess alike of arms and love. The attribution must remain un-
certain, for there was in the market-place of Corinth a statue of Pallas, while
Aphrodite ruled in the Acropolis. Perhaps it may be questioned whether the
earring in the second of our coins is not too ornate for the austerity of Pallas.
No. 24 is the bust of Aphrodite or a nymph from coins of Cephallenia. It is
frequently stated that busts are not found on coins and gems before the Alex-
andrine age, but this exception, which is in fact almost unique, shows the
danger of pressing too hard general rules even when well founded. No. 25 is a
veiled head of Plera from Heraea in Arcadia of very early type, and very coarse
and heavy features. No. 27 is from Cyrene. The representations are of a
silphium plant, the great object of Cyrenean culture, of a seed of silphium and
of a lion’s head. The silphium usually figures on coins of Cyrene, probably as
the sacred plant of Apollo Aristaeus ; it is reasonably conjectured that the lion’s
head, the type of Samos, is introduced into the field as a token of the alliance
with that city, of which we have already spoken under Monetary Alliances h
III. 18.
III. 21—
25.
III. 25.
III. 27.
Of. Muller, Numism. de Vane. Afrique , I. p. 2.
9G
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
Asia Minor.
Of the early coins of Asia which occupy three lines of pi. iv. many have
been already mentioned. We scarcely find at this time in the East figures of
deities, very seldom heads of deities. The symbol, which seems to have specially
suited the Asiatic mind, takes the place of the direct anthropomorphic represen-
tations which were in favour in the West. We find, however, a few interesting
types even in Asia. No. 1 from Phaselis, a Greek colony in Lycia, gives us a
rude group of Heracles wrestling with a man-headed bull, no doubt the river
Aclielous who was his rival for the hand of Deianira. This contest is mentioned
iv. l. in the Trachiniae of Sophocles, line 9. Nothing could he more redolent of the
infancy of art than the way in which the heads of both combatants, alike void
iv. 2 . of expression, are turned towards the spectator. No. 2, a horseman from Ery-
thrae, has more style. Here the horse is in vigorous action, but there is a
curious mistake in the case of the rider whose left hand, holding the reins,
passes on the right side of the horse’s neck. The artist would seem to have
been unable to persuade himself entirely to conceal that hand. But in the
perspective of the chest he has succeeded exceptionally well for his time, the
nearer shoulder being raised considerably above the further,
iv. s, r. Nos. 3 and 4 merit a careful comparison with one another. There is no
great difference between them as to period ; both being later than the time
when reverses consisted of a rude incuse merely. The former is a head of
Ares from Calymna, the latter a head of Pallas from Methymna in Lesbos.
There seems no a priori reason why they should so differ, but it is at once
evident that they present in extreme form the two tendencies of archaic Greek
ai't. The head of Ares is rude to the last degree, whether through want of
skill or carelessness, — unless indeed what looks like the face of Ares be really
only an iron face-piece attached to the helmet, which seems not impossible ; —
the head of Pallas is carefully executed though full of convention, the helmet
adorned with a winged horse, and in the field a carefully cut inscription. The
more finished type would seem to be the work of an artist who inherited Assy-
rian and Phoenician ideas of art and skill in handiwork ; the rougher of one less
skilled and less instructed, but more original. The same contrast also marks
iv. 5 , 6. Nos. 5 and 6. On 5, which is an early electrum coin, we find a head which
bears a superficial likeness to that of Medusa. It is however apparently male,
and tire character which pertains to it is not the dreadfulness which belongs to
the Gorgon, but mere grotesqueness. It would seem to be the head of the
dwarf-god sometimes called, as by Raoul-Piochette 1 , the Assyrian Heracles, whose
1 L'Hercule Assyrien.
ARCHAIC PERIOD; EARLY— ASIA MINOR.
97
images were spread into many lands by the Phoenicians. No. G, from Chios, is iv. c.
a refined and delicate image of the Sphinx, the symbol of the island. Of some
of the figures of animals which come next in the plate we have already spoken
above. But some of them belong to the middle period of archaic art which is
now under consideration. Nos. 10, 11, 12 are all electrum staters of the Asiatic iv. io. n,
12
coast. Their subjects are respectively a sow, an eagle with a fish in the field,
and a bull looking back. The last is supposed to have been struck at Samos
about the time of Polycrates ; certainly it is a fair specimen of the art which
probably flourished at his court, an art decorative rather than sculptural, and
Asiatic rather than Greek, but finished in its kind. Likewise decorative and
highly finished is the type, No. 14, which combines the foreparts of a winged iv. u.
lion and a winged horse, and shews in design a marked improvement on the
clumsy helplessness of the type immediately preceding it in the plate.
G
CHAPTER III.
Later Archaic period ; or period of Transition.
The phrase ‘ Period of Transition ’ is perhaps not a happy one, and I do
not specially care to defend it. In one sense every age is a period of transition
from one social condition to another ; in another sense no period can fairly be
called a time of transition, for each has its own ideas and ideals. Art, so long
as it is alive and progressing, is always in a state of transition from one con-
dition to another ; and it only ceases to be transitional when it is become con-
ventional. Yet there is a sense in which especially the art of Greece in the
earlier part of the fifth century b. c. can be said to have been in a state of
transition, because it was becoming distinctively Hellenic, and gradually quitting
the beggarly elements of Assyrian and Phoenician and Ionian industry, and
becoming a new light to the world and a chief flower of human activity. If
we possessed only Greek works of art of a time preceding the Persian invasion
we should look upon Greek art as a sister of the art of Phrygia and Lycia and
Cyprus ; somewhat better than they, but not embodying a distinctively new
impulse. If, on the other hand, we possessed only the works of art of the
Pheidian and later periods we should possess the flower, but be wholly ignorant
what bud it developed from ; we should possess the crystal, but not know of
what elements it was compounded. For this reason the art which joins what is
Asiatic to what is Hellenic is called the art of the Transition.
Nevertheless the title, ‘ period of growth’ is more correct and more sugges-
tive. It may be said to be a matter of opinion what was the greatest age of
Greek sculpture. According to a man’s temperament he may prefer the style
of Pheidias or of Lysippus or of the Pergamenes. We may call the course of art
from b. c. 430 to 330 a rise, a decline or a development on the same level.
But that there was until the former of those dates in Greece constant improve-
ment in art cannot be denied. The improvement is naturally of two kinds, and
consists partly in the widening and refining of the ideas embodied in art, partly
in a more complete mastery of the technique of art, fuller powers of expression,
LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD: OR PERIOD OF TRANSITION.
99
and a more complete control of the material used, whether stone, metal or earth.
The period treated of in the present chapter is B. C. 479 — 431, which was for
all parts of Greece one of great and rapid expansion. It covers the time which
elapsed between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars ; a time peaceful and full
of the exhilaration produced by the great victory over the hitherto invincible
arms of Persia, and of the proudly dawning consciousness of the superiority of
Greek to Barbarian, and of free citizens to the slaves of an absolute despot.
'And nowhere was the growth and expansion more rapid than in art. Art in
the days of Xerxes was in its childhood ; when the Peloponnesian war broke
out it had already reached the magnificence of its maturity.
Italy.
In Italy and Sicily, not less than in Hellas, the age was one of prosperity
and peace. While the Greeks of Hellas were winning their national fame at
Salamis and Mycale, Gelo the Syracusan was overthrowing the Carthaginians at
Himera, and Hiero was defeating the Etruscans in a great sea-fight at Cumae.
In consequence of those two splendid achievements the cities of Sicily enjoyed
rest until the Athenian expedition to Syracuse, and the far more fatal invasion
of the Carthaginians ten years later ; and the cities of Italy retained their
peace and prosperity even in the neighbourhood of the warlike Italic tribes until
the cruel ravages of Dionysius of Syracuse, and the growth of the power of the
Lucanians. And during this time of peace and commercial expansion, art
throve wonderfully and grew apace, from decade to decade outstripping further
and further the art of Asia. So much has been lost of the products of the
Italic and Sicilian schools of the 5th century B.C., so little do we know of their
peculiar turns and fashion, that in spite of the later Selinuntine sculptures we
should not have known, hut for the testimony of coins, how advanced they
were, and how widely spread their influence, what originality there was in the
types they introduced, and what mastery they shewed in the execution of those
types. It even seems probable, that if we would name the place and the
time when art entered most intimately into the life of a people and most
completely moulded their ideas, filling all the external aspects of life with
sensuous beauty and grace, we ought to name beside the Italy of Michael
Angelo, and the Athens of Pericles or Alcibiades, also the Sicily of the fifth
century b.c. This is certainly the testimony of coins, and it is perhaps
confirmed by the beauty of the scanty remains of other kinds which have
13—2
100
AET AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
come down to us, such as the terra-cotta reliefs from Locri and the early
Sicilian vases.
The latter part of Plate i. is devoted to the coins of Italy during this
1.1 3 . great period, b.c. 479 — 431. In No. 13 we see the Apollo of Caulonia, and in 14
1 . 14 , 15 . and 15 the Poseidon of Poseidonia at a later stage than when we considered them
before (Nos. 1, 2). The lines of the figure and the attitude have not become
much less rigid, hut the anatomy of the body is less conventional and worked
with greater mastery, and a great improvement is visible in the understanding
of perspective. In the later coins, though the body at the hips appears in profile
and at the shoulders is turned so as almost to front the spectator, this is seen
at once to be only a slight exaggeration of the real attitude of one who strides
forward with left hand advanced and right hand drawn back, and the parts of
the body between hips and shoulders are not unskilfully represented in three-
quarter-face. Especially is it important to compare the Poseidon of No. 15 with
i.ii. the Poseidon of No. 14. The order of time is that followed in the Plate; a
i. 15 . glance at the heads of the two figures will at once shew that No. 15 is the
later. But how far more sturdy and muscular is this figure. And so it is
always in the figures on Italian and Sicilian coins. From the middle of the
sixth century onwards they are stiff and angular, with exaggerated musculature,
but not sturdy or fleshy. It is not until near the middle of the fifth century
that figures of squat and thick-set build begin to prevail, such as our No. 15. This
rule seems absolute for Italy and Sicily. Of course I am aware that the figures
of the earliest Metopes of Selinus are heavy and massive, but they are earlier
in time than any of our coins and seem to represent a different current of art.
They are in fact in style more like the Macedonian figures at the beginning of
our third plate. In northern Greece the proportions are in our earliest period
very massive, and in the course of time become progressively attenuated, but
there does not appear, as in Italy and Sicily, an inteipolated class of figures
which remind us rather of wooden xoana than of stone statues,
i in, i 7 . Nos. 16 and 17 are from Metapontum and Pandosia respectively, and repre-
r n;. sent two standing figures in nearly the same position. No. 16 is somewhat
earlier, as is shewn by the way of doing up the ham, which is long and plaited
at the back, and by the greater rigidity of the figure, and greater prominence
of the muscles. It dates from about b.c. 450, whereas No. 17 must have been
struck some twenty years later. It is however remarkable that in spite of the
superficial likeness of the two coins, the subjects of them are as different as
i. in. possible. On No. 16 we see Apollo standing, holding his usual attributes of laurel-
branch and bow, as he may have stood beside his omphalos in the market-place of
Metapontum; on No. 17 we see the river Crathis sacrificing to the gods, holding-
in one hand a patera, in the other a long bough. Closely resembling the last
LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— ITALY.
101
mentioned is No. 16 of pi. n. a coin of Selinus, where we find the river Hypsas n. ie.
sacrificing, a coin which we shall presently have more fully to discuss. On other
coins of Metapontum we find Heracles also sacrificing, in almost exactly the same
attitude. It is thus abundantly evident that the character of the figures on
these coins is in no way due to the particular deities or classes of deities they
represent. The attitude is not even peculiar to sacrificing figures, since it is
also adopted in the case of the Apollo who is not sacrificing. The truth is that
it is little more than conventional. The earlier method of representing a figure
standing and engaged in sacrifice is that to be observed in No. 15 of Plate n., n. 15 .
where the body of the sacrificer is partly in profile and partly turned towards
the spectator, just as in the case of the running figures already mentioned.
Later, this figure, although in its general characteristics unchanged, is turned
more towards the spectator, except the head, which still remains in profile. No
doubt these changes corresponded to the customs in contemporary sculptural
reliefs with which, rather than with statues executed in the round, coins should
be compared.
We next reach a remarkable series of seated male figures, which are artis-
tically of the greatest interest. No. 18 from Tthegium represents the Demos of 1 . is.
that city who is personified under the form of a bearded man who sits in the
attitude of Zeus : possibly with the intention of giving him the semblance of
Zeus, chief deity of the people of Messene, of which city Phegium may be
considered to be a colony. Nos. 19, 20, 21 represent the Demos of Tarentum
who is conceived in the likeness of Taras the founder of Tarentum, and so is
figured as a youth, holding in his hand sometimes a spindle, to symbolize the
manufactures of Tarentum, sometimes the wine-cup to denote the excellence of
its vintage. We are accustomed to associate symbolical figures like that of a
Demos with the decline rather than the childhood of Greek art, and not with-
out reason. The rule in early art is to embody the personality of a city in
its ruling divinity, not in an allegorical figure. Yet this rule admitted of
exceptions. Similarly the pictures on the chest of Cypselus contained alle-
gorical figures, such as Night and Day, Justice and Injustice; and rare as
such figures became in the fine time of Greek art, they are never absolutely
wanting. It is also interesting to note the conventions of the seated posture at
this period, the foot drawn back, so as to occupy the vacant space beneath the
throne and the himation neatly folded round the knees, with one end hanging
stiffly down : both of which conventions are present, although of course in
greatly modified and softened form, in the seated figures of deities in the
Parthenon frieze. In spite of these conventions, the figures are very advanced
for the period; certainly we might look in vain for parallels to them in Asia
and Hellas at the time, save in the works of the greatest masters. In No. 22 1 . 22 .
102
AET AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
the figure riding on a dolphin is no longer the Demos of Tarentum, but Taras
himself as he was fabled to have approached the Italian shores, towards which
he holds out hands of longing.
A standing and a seated Nike, the former by far the earlier, occur on Nos.
i. 23 , 24 . 23, 24, both from Terina. The early wingless Victory stands in an attitude
closely like that of Apollo, No. 16, and the Hypsas, Plate n. 16, but the pose
is even stifier, and there is still less attempt at perspective, notwithstanding
which the artist has rendered with care the form of the Goddess’ limbs beneath
her drapery. Mythologically it is interesting to find an unwinged figure of
Victory amid all the winged Nikes of Italy and Sicily. It suggests that perhaps
Pythagoras of Ilhegium may, in the statue of Victory which he made for the
Tegeatae to dedicate at Delphi 1 , have adhered to the tradition of Calamis, and
represented the goddess as wingless. Careful treatment of drapery, and the
attempt to render it partly transparent, are still more visible in the running Nike
ii. io. from Catana, Plate n. 19. On No. 24 the Goddess is winged, in accordance
1 24 . . . °
with universal later custom, and seated on a prostrate amphora, holding out in
i. 30 . one hand a wreath. The obverse of this coin on No. 30 is the head of the
Nymph Terina, or possibly of Pandina whom we know from inscriptions to be a
local form of Hecate, and whose head certainly does figure on later coins of
rp • o
J erina .
This coin presents us with a phenomenon familiar to all numismatists, but
overlooked by many writers on art. The head of Terina on the obverse, and the
figure of Victory on the reverse of the coin, are both executed with a want
of finish and a carelessness which we are unaccustomed to associate with the
idea of Greek art at the period. Another instance will be found in the coin of
Eryx, Plate vi. 3, which dates from about b.c. 400 ; and it would be easy to
find many more in our cabinets. These works are distinctly ungraceful and
unpleasing, and only an eye well-used to Greek art can see, especially in the
treatment of drapery, redeeming points of merit ; it would be the easiest thing
in the world to mistake their want of carefulness for the want of mastery which
marks the decline. I think that these coins sound a warning, and caution us
not to give way too hastily to the custom, which prevails perhaps too much in
the criticism of vase-paintings especially and terra-cottas, of assuming that bad
work must necessarily belong to a late period, and that signs of clumsiness and
inconsistency in a work of semi-archaic appearance shew that it must necessarily
be archaistic and not really early. I can but throw out this hint, and pass on.
i. 25 so. Nos. 25 to 30 are a series of heads of Nymphs which illustrate most of
the stages passed through by the art of representing female heads in relief in
Pans. X. 9.
2 Cat. Gr. Coins, Italy, p. 394.
LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— ITALY.
103
the period b. c. 470 — 30. In conjunction with them we may study the heads of
Sicilian nymphs, Plate n. Nos. 26 — 29 and 31. Of all these, Plates n. 29, 31
and i. 27 are the earliest. In them we see the pupil of the eye turned full on
the spectator, the almond-shaped eye-socket and the archaic cut of the mouth,
of which the corners are turned up so as to give a smiling expression, to
crefivov /cat XeXrjOos 1 . The hair is fastened in simple old fashion by being
turned up at the back under a band. When the features assume a more
Hellenic and less Oriental character, and the eye is represented partly in profile
we find the arrangement of the hair also altered in detail though it is put up
on the same plan, i. 26, 28, 29, it. 27. Finally not much before b. c. 430 we
reach straight features and an expression of hauteur together with the coiffure
of later Greek times, as in i. 25, where the hair is confined by a simple band ;
I. 30, where a metal frontlet (ampyx) is passed over the forehead ; ii. 28 where
a long fillet is wound round and round the head, a fashion belonging especially
to Aphrodite and Artemis ; n. 26 where a saccos or handkerchief entirely covers
the hair except in the front, in a manner that can never have been pleasing.
We may remark by the way the peculiar thickness of the features in the head
last cited, which must be taken as evidence either of close copying of an unusual
model, or of unexpected peculiarities in some school of Syracusan art.
The two pleasing heads of Pallas, Nos. 31, 32, are peculiarly interesting
because we have the means of closely dating them. Both are from the same
spot in Lucania, the site of Sybaris ; and both belong to the period immediately
following the refounding of Sybaris under the name of Thurium in b. c. 443
by the Athenians. No. 31, as we may see from its reverse, No. 34, was even
issued before the name of Sybaris, which the settlers at first used, had given
way to Thurium. Athens herself kept the stiff conventionality of her coins
unchanged for commercial reasons ; but these two coins shew us what but for
such conservative prejudices the head of Pallas on the Athenian coin might
have become.
The remaining representations on Plate i. are of animal types. The bull of
Sybaris, No. 34, and the man-headed bull of Laiis, No. 35, turn back their
heads in the same conventional manner as then' predecessors, Nos. 10 and 11.
So does the eagle of Croton, No. 36. The lion of Yelia, though at bay, is
represented in the fixed heraldic fashion of Asia. It is not until the next period
that naturalism appears in the attitudes and actions of most animals, even though
at this early time their general forms and essential characteristics are well under-
stood and successfully delineated.
II. 26—29,
31.
II. 29, 31.
I. 27.
I. 26, 28,
29.
II. 27.
I. 25.
I. 30.
II. 28.
II. 26.
I. 31, 32.
I. 31.
I. 34.
I. 35.
I. 10, 11.
I. 3G.
Lucian Imag. G.
104
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
Sicily.
Turning to the coins of Sicily of the transitional period, Plate ir. 15 — 42,
we find first of all a series of figures of sacrificing river-gods and nymphs of
which we have already spoken from the artistic point of view, but which must
still somewhat detain us in view of their mythological interest. Their explana-
tion is mainly due to K. O. Muller, but partly to Mr Watkiss Lloyd 1 , who has
11 . 15 . certainly improved on Muller’s text. On No. 15 we find the river-god Selinus
sacrificing at an altar, beside which is a cock ; behind him is a statue of a bull,
n. 36. The other side of this coin is given under No. 36 : it bears a chariot in which
stand Apollo and Artemis, the former discharging an arrow, while his sister
n. in. holds the reins. On No. 16, the other river-god of Selinus, Hypsas, stands in
ir. 15 . the same act as his companion of No. 15, but the accessories of the coin are
changed. By the altar is a snake instead of a cock, and a stork occupies the
n. it, field to the right. The reverse of this coin is given under No. 17 and repre-
sents the battle between Heracles and a bull. It would appear that all four of
these representations contain allusions to the same event, the draining of some
marshes at Selinus by the well-known philosopher Empedocles, whereby health
was given to the district and freshness to the waters of its streams. Every
touch adds to the fullness of the meaning. Selinus and Hypsas sacrifice in
thanksgiving for the purification of their streams ; the cock and the snake are
alike symbols of the god of healing and cleansing, Asclepius ; while the marsh
ii. 16 . bird, the stork on No. 16, is retiring because the marshes wherein he used to
feed are no more. It is true that the ancient account does not present the
matter quite in this light. What Diogenes Laertius says in his life of Empe-
docles is that the philosopher mixed the waters of the two rivers so that they
became sweet, but we can scarcely err in supposing that in this mixing of the
rivers was implied a construction of artificial channels to take away the surface-
moisture of the land.
The groups of the reverse of the coins seem to have a similar meaning.
Heracles striking the bull with his club is a visible symbol of the power of
bright sunlight in dispersing damp vapours and purifying the air. Apollo shooting
out his arrows of light must be taken in the same sense. K. O. Muller indeed
thought that Apollo and Artemis appear on our coin rather as senders than as
removers of plague and sickness ; and this is an idea which might readily occur
to any one with the first book of the Iliad fresh in his memory. But the same
Deities who scatter the plague also remove it ; and it seems preferable to imagine
1 Nam. Chron. 1848, p. 108.
LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— SICILY.
105
them on our coin engaged in a beneficent rather than a pernicious mission.
Apollo represents cleansing solar warmth, and as Mr Watkiss Lloyd well suggests,
the presence of Artemis is especially suitable because one of the evils under which
the Selinuntines laboured before succour was brought them by Empedocles, was
the difficulty experienced by women in child-birth. In these charming pieces of
money, then, there is quite a hymn of thanksgiving as well as a chapter of
history ; and they will for ever stand as a record alike of the piety of the
Selinuntines and the wisdom of the great Empedocles.
No. 18, from Himera, offers us a subject closely similar to those just dis- n. is.
cussed ; but with interesting variety. Himera was not a city of rivers, but of
hot springs which were sought by invalids. It is the Nymph of these hot springs
who at Himera sacrifices to the healing deities, while in the background appears
a Satyr rejoicing in her waters, which pour over his shoulders from a lion’s-head
jet. The nymph is clad not in the usual Doric dress, but in a long-sleeved
chiton, with himation passing under her left arm and fastened over her right
shoulder. This is the dress used in Lycian and early Greek monuments, and
may best be called the Ionian.
In No. 20 we have a well-known coin, which is certainly one of the most n. 20 .
remarkable in existence. It is of Naxus in Sicily, and represents a bearded
Satyr squatting on the ground and holding a wine-cup. In this figure we have
the general characteristics of the age, the spare proportions, the exaggerated
muscles, the rigidly defined attitude ; the head also according to the universal
rule at this early time is in profile, while the body faces the spectator. But
certainly there is also here much that is unexpected. Our coin can scarcely be
so late as the middle of the 5th century : this is shewn by the form X for B
in the inscription, and by the very early style of the Head of Dionysus on the
obverse, No. 22. AVe should then scarcely have expected to find, as we do, a
distinct notion of perspective and an attempt to foreshorten, as well as a most
successful realism in the result of the position of the left arm of the Satyr
which supports the weight of his body ; the left shoulder being pushed up with
considerable truth to nature. It should be added that all coins of this type
known come from a single die, and it would seem that that die was executed
by an artist of extraordinary talent who was in many points before his time.
The male heads on the section of Plate n. are five in number. AYe have,
to proceed in order of antiquity, an Apollo from Leontini, No. 30, a Dionysus 11 . 30 ,
from Naxus, No. 22, and three Apollos from Catana and Leontini, Nos. 23, 24, n. 23 ,
25, of which the last dates from the downward limit of our period. In the 25 '
facial angle of these heads we may trace the gradual transition from the sloping
oriental to the more upright Greek line; the mouths slope less and less upwards,
the eye looks more and more forward. Especially noticeable is the change in
G. 14
106
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
the arrangement of hair, which is in all cases long, short hair scarcely ever
IL 5 - appearing on coins of the period. The hah' of the archaic Dionysus, No. 5 of
the plate, falls down his back unconfined. In the case of the Apollo, No. 30,
we find the customary arrangement of our period, the long hah at the back
being plaited and fastened behind the ears, while the shorter hair at the sides
hangs straight down, and the hah over the forehead is cut quite short. A
similar style of coiffure is to be noticed in Plate hi. Nos. 35, 49, Plate IV.
35, 36, and in numberless other instances — as well as in many works of sculp-
ture. It is no doubt taken from contemporary real life. The head of Apollo,
ii.3o. No. 30, can fortunately be accurately dated by reason of its close resemblance
to the so-called Demareteion of Syracuse to the year b. c. 479. One interesting
point about it seems to be the laurel-spray in front and behind, which we may
suppose to be placed in the true spirit of Greek symbolism to stand for a
laurel-grove surrounding the local temple of Apollo. Of the Demareteion we
ii. 32. shall presently speak, but no one who compares its reverse. No. 32, with the
ii. 33. reverse of our coin of Leontini, No. 33, can hesitate to give the two pieces to
the same time, if to different artists. It would seem however that in Sicily it
was before the middle of the fifth century that the long hair of men ceased to
ii. 22 . be plaited and was done up in other ways. In No. 22 the back-hair is rolled
H. 23 . into a sort of ball, and the front hah’ fastened backward; in No. 23 the back
n.24,25. hair is turned up under the string of a wreath; in Nos. 24 and 25 the hair is
still turned up thus, but it would seem to be far shorter. No doubt during
our period male hair was worn shorter and shorter for the sake of convenience,
until after about 430 it was usually cut almost as short as among us.
Of the female heads which come next on our plate I have already spoken.
ii. 29 , 32. But the so-called Demareteion, obv. No. 29, rev. No. 32, deserves a special
mention as a coin of fixed date which is the chief support of the chronological
arrangement of early Sicilian coins. In b. c. 480 Gelon, King of Syracuse, won
a great victory over the Carthaginians at Himera, and as a consequence the
Carthaginians sued for peace, which was granted them at the intercession of
Demarete, wife of Gelon, on terms so favourable that they presented that lady,
in gratitude, with a large quantity of gold, with the proceeds of which she
issued coins, which we know on the express testimony of Diodorus 1 to have
been of the weight of ten Attic drachms, or fifty Sicilian litrae. The coin on
our plate being of precisely that weight, alone among all early Greek coins, and
bearing besides the figure of a lion, the well-known symbol of Africa, must be
taken to be one of the actual coins issued by Demarete. It is a work of great
beauty and in advance of the time. It is doubtful to what goddess we should
Diodorus xi. 26.
LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— SICILY.
107
ascribe the head it bears ; it has been thought by some to be Arethusa and by
some Nike.
Nos. 32 to 35 of our plate, which belong to Syracuse, Leontini, Gela and n. 32— 35 .
Himera respectively, represent the ordinary four-horse chariots of the Greeks,
£uch as contended at Olympia and the other great festivals ; with Victory
floating above, and crowning sometimes the charioteer and sometimes the horses.
No. 37, from Messana, bears a mule-chariot, also crowned by Victory. These n. 37 .
are agonistic types, and commemorate as a rule victories of citizens won at
Olympia. The victorious chariot appears at Syracuse and Gela in the time of
King Gelon, who ruled both cities and was victorious at Olympia ; before his
time the chariot at Syracuse is not greeted by Victory, see No. 9. So too Nike
floats over the chariot at Camarina subsequently to the Olympian victory of
Psaumis celebrated by Pindar 1 ; and the victorious mule-car both at Messana
and lihegium may probably be, as Aristotle says it was, a permanent record of
the victory won with the apene by Anaxilalls, king of both cities. In other
cases however, as on coins of Leontini and Panormus, some lesser victory than
an Olympian may be celebrated by the adoption of a chariot-type. The inhabi-
tants of Panormus indeed being of Carthaginian race would scarcely have been
admitted to the Olympian contest. The horseman on Sicilian coins, Nos. 11, 38, n. n, 38.
also seems to refer to agonistic success ; to a victory with the Keles, in the case
where the horseman rides his steed ; in the case where he is leaping down, to
victory in one of those contests so favourite among the Greeks where charioteers
or horsemen had to alight in the midst of their career and run on foot to the
goal. It is to be noted as the rule in the coinage of Sicily that the type of a
tetradraclnn is a four-liorse chariot, of a didraclnn a horseman leading a second
horse, of a drachm a horseman on one horse merely. We might at first be
inclined to doubt the assertion that there are four horses to the chariots on Nos.
10, 34, 35, 36, and twm horses on No. 11 of our plate. This introduces us to
a curious convention practised in the depicting of chariots in Sicily. From early
times until about b. c. 420 the artists who had to engrave a chariot indicated
two horses clearly, and the remaining two merely by doubling the front outlines of
the two already depicted. When a pair of animals only had to be represented,
as in the case of the apene, No. 37, or the horseman with two horses, No. 11, only 11 . 37 . n.
one animal was fully drawn and the second indicated by a doubling of outline.
Now and then an unusually bold artist, such as the engraver of the Demareteion,
No. 32, broke through the convention, and tried to get in either the full number
of animals, or at least one more than the usual number ; but the old custom
soon revived, and lasted even into the period of best art. The engraver who
01 . 4. This victory is given to B. c. 452.
14
o
108
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
cut No. 37 could certainly easily have depicted a pair of mules if he had been
disposed ; so could the engraver of our pi. vi. No. 24, but they preferred the
established usage. Over the victorious chariot Victory sometimes soars like a bird,
and sometimes runs with outspread wings. The latter of these attitudes seems
the older and it admits of more variety. It is interesting to contrast the earliest
running Nike of our plate, No. 10, with the latest, No. 37. In No. 10 the
Goddess hurries with swinging arms and stretched legs which are clearly seen
through her chiton. She wears an over garment, a most inappropriate thing for
a Hying figure. One of her wings is depicted as stretched in front of her and
one behind, in the fashion followed always in primitive art in the portrayal of
birds. With this figure we may compare the larger Nike of Catana, No. 19,
which is however more advanced. Possibly this figure may be not of Nike but
of Catana under the guise of Nike, for it is noteworthy that on some specimens
we find at full length the inscription KATANE which seems to refer to the winged
figure.
In No. 37, on the other hand, the Goddess moves swiftly without the
clumsy exertions of the runner ; her wings are evidently the chief means of her
propulsion. By a curious conceit of the artist she alights on the reins which
bend lightly beneath her as she stretches forward to place her wreath on the
heads of the mules. One of the early attempts at the portrayal of a floating
Nike may be seen in No. 21 ; here the Goddess although flying lifts her dress
in order that it may not impede the motion of her limbs ; a curious way of
indicating swift flight. In this case she holds part of a small galley, and seems
connected rather with naval war than with the games.
In No. 38, from Himera, we see a horseman alighting. The horseman has
the same stiff attitude and hard outline as the sacrificing figures of which we
have spoken above. In Nos. 39 and 40 we see one of the most usual objects
of veneration in Sicily, a river-god. Here however he is not portrayed in human
shape, nor like Achelous on some of the coins of Metapontum 1 as a man with
bull’s head, but as a bull with the head of a bearded man 2 . His aquatic
character is sufficiently indicated in our No. 39 by the water-bird which swims
above him, and the fish below ; and indeed lie seems from the motion of his
front legs to be himself swimming. The head on our No. 40 is of a most
majestic character, and not quite such as we should have expected from a Greek
artist of the middle of the fifth century. These fluvial types will recur in the
next period, when we shall again speak of them. Plate n. concludes with two
animals, an eagle from Agrigentum, No. 41, and a hare from Messana, No. 42.
It is interesting to place these two side by side, for the eagle is a creature in
1 Millingen, Ancient Greek Coins, p. 17.
2 Cf. my paper on Greek River-worship in Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. vol. xi.
LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— HELLAS.
109
the portrayal of which the Greeks wonderfully progressed in the course of their
history, while they retained the type of the hare almost unchanged. The eagle
here is most heavy and wanting in life and presents a vivid contrast to those
we shall find in plate vi. Beneath the hare is an interesting head of Pan with
short hair and goat’s horn, and beside him his musical instrument the Syrinx.
Hellas.
The coinage of Greece proper cannot at this period compare for variety and
care of execution with that of Sicily. Yet Abdera in northern, Thebes in central,
and Elis in southern Hellas furnish us with evidence that monetary artists of
Greece, if inferior in technical skill to those of the west, were not their inferiors
in boldness and originality of design. Evidence to prove this is collected on the
lower portion of our third plate. As regards the style of the pieces it would be
easy to say too much ; to find the peculiarities of various schools in the different
districts and to confirm old or maintain new theories of the spread of art. But
in such proceeding there are great dangers ; and our coins are neither numerous
enough nor large enough in scale to form the basis of a sound induction. But
it must be mentioned that the theory of Prof. Brunn above stated 1 as to the
art of the coins of Northern Greece is based upon and applies to the coins of
the present as well as those of the last period. The full and broad treatment
of the head of Hermes on coins of Aenus (No. 35) is especially mentioned by
Prof. Brunn as indicative of Asiatic influence. But we must not exclude from
the comparison other series. The city of Abdera, for instance, presents us with
a wonderful series of types, of which the character is very varied (see Nos. 29,
30, 31), and to them Prof. Brunn’s remarks seems to me less applicable. The
Thessalian coins too, which in types and in style are closely like those of Mace-
don (Nos. 32, 33), seem to be thoroughly Hellenic rather than Asiatic in style.
It thus appears that the style of art in the coins of Northern Greece tends in the
middle of the fifth century to lose the character which had originally marked it,
and to become assimilated to that of Southern Hellas. And it is noteworthy that
at the same period Macedon and Thrace begin to gravitate from Persia to
Hellas, to cease their dependence on the great king, and to seek allies at
Athens and Sparta. No. 28, from Thasos, represents a subject usual in the in. 28 .
mountainous region of Thrace, where a rude worship of Dionysus and his train
was at home, as well as in the islands opposite to Thrace. This subject is the
1 P . 91.
110
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
surprise and carrying off of a nymph of wood or spring by a Satyr. In the
present case the treatment is refined ; and the adaptation of the design to the
ni. 29 , 30, field of the coin quite perfect. Nos. 29, 30, 31 are from Abdera in Thrace, and
ought to give us materials for judging of the art of Northern Greece at the
iu. an. period. On 29 is the bearded Dionysus holding a wine-cup. He is clad in the
himation only, which leaves his chest bare, and is as unlike to the usual archaic
Dionysus swathed in long Ionian robes as to the later youthful and effeminate
Deity of post-Alexandrine times. Here indeed in attitude and general outline
he resembles Zeus and Asclepius. Of a not dissimilar type must have been the
Zeus Philius, a compound of Zeus and Dionysus, set up at Megalopolis in
Arcadia by the younger Polycleitus, holding in one hand a wine-cup and in the
other a thyrsus surmounted by an eagle. The approximation of Zeus and Diony-
sus, if unusual in Greece proper, was as we shall hereafter see quite usual in
Asia Minor. His head, by a license unusual on Greek coins, passes outside the
linear square cut for his reception, certainly to the great improvement of the
m. 30. design. In No. 30 we have a sturdy figure which has usually been supposed to
hold a patera in act of sacrifice. But I am inclined on close examination to
think that we have here rather a discobolus. The object supposed to be a
patera is too large and heavy to be so considered, and it does not lie in the
hand but rests on the arm of the youth who holds it. The frame of this
youth is that of an athlete, and his square and powerful figure shews affinity to
the nearly contemporary works of Polycleitus. The attitude is not that either
of the Discobolus of Myron or other extant statues of the time, but it does not
seem an unlikely one for a disk-thrower to assume : the left arm is thrown back
nearly in the position in which it is placed by a fencer when he is about to
make a forward lunge. Experiment will be the best test for the truth of this
theory. It is perhaps worth while to place beside this figure a statement of the
Scholiast on Pindar 1 , that it was the custom when one of the family of Diagoras
the boxer of Rhodes was the subject of a votive statue to represent him with
the right hand raised in prayer. This is clearly not the case with our present
figure, as the hand raised is the left, not the right. But may there not be a
mistake in the statement of the Scholiast ? May he not have imagined a hand
to be lifted in prayer when it was really placed in attitude to begin the fray ?
If we consider the attitudes usual to a Greek boxer this will not seem impro-
bable. In the fifth plate of the Journal of Hellenic Studies is figured a small
bronze discobolus in nearly the attitude of our athlete,
in. 3i. In No. 31 we possess a pleasing figure of Artemis, of a style somewhat
earlier than we should expect in view of the fabric. The hair of the goddess is
arranged in the early fashion in long locks which fall over her shoulder ; in one
1 A d 01. vii.
LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— HELLAS.
Ill
Land she holds an arrow on the string of a bow, and in the other a branch on
which feeds a doe which walks beside her. This was no doubt a current type
of the period ; it may be compared with the Leucadian figure of Artemis, pi.
xy. No. 14, which resembles it generally, although far ruder and less tastefully xv. in
executed, and with the archaic 1 gem of the British Museum signed by the
Artist Heius.
Nos. 32 and 33, from Larissa in Thessaly, give us a fair idea of the earlier ni. 32 , 33 .
coins of that district. As the coins of Sicily are full of the worship of lakes and
rivers, so are those of Thessaly of records of the prowess of early heroes of Thes-
salian birth, such as Achilles and Protesilaus and more particularly Jason, whose
sandal is the earliest type of the money of Larissa. We have in the present
two coins a representation of a struggle between Jason or some other hero
and a savaere bull. The hero, who wears the national Thessalian dress of hat
(petasus) and chlamys, attempts to master the animal by means of a band which
he passes round its horns, but the victory is still undecided, and the stress of
the conflict is marked by the loose flying of petasus and chlamys; in No. 33 in. 33.
the human combatant is pulled off the ground by his opponent. Contrary to the
rule in early Greek coins of the West, the later specimen offers us slighter pro-
portions in the human figure. No. 34, from Terone, a representation of a Satyr hi. 34.
looking into a wine-jar, is only remarkable for the skill with which the design
is fitted into the field. Of Nos. 35 to 40 we will sjieak a little lower down.
No. 41 from Elis and No. 43 from Arcadia clearly represent the same deitv, in. 11 , 43.
the great Olympian Zeus with his attendant eagle. No. 43 is merely a repeti-
tion in freer style of Nos. 15 and 16 of the previous period. No. 41 is a more
original work. The coin is badly preserved ; but we can still trace the design :
Zeus is seated on a rock, no doubt mount Olympus, his sceptre lies on the rock
beside him ; his himation is wrapped about his left arm, while with the right
hand he supports the eagle who is ready to start on his bidding. The attitude
of the god nearly resembles that which he assumes in the Parthenon frieze,
but there is here no trace of the influence of the great pre-Pheidian statue of the
Olympian temple of which we seem to catch a reflexion in the Arcadian coin.
No. 42, also from Elis, represents Victory, facing, holding in both hands a long m. 42 .
taenia. The work is slight and sketchy, but the attitude a bold attempt for the
period.
Nos. 44 to 48 are from Thebes. It is worthy of remark that the time of in. 44-
the great Boeotian artist Myron is also the time when a great variety of inter-
esting types appear in the usually monotonous and inartistic coinage of Boeotia.
In No. 44 appears a Goddess clad in long-sleeved chiton, seated cross-kneed on
Or, archaistic, Brunn, Griech. Kilns tier, 11 . 013.
112
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
a stool, and holding up a helmet. If she be Pallas, the artist has innovated in the
treatment of his subject. He has perhaps only followed a custom not unfrequent
in early reliefs and vases in omitting the aegis, and transferring the helmet from
the head of the Goddess to her hand ; but he has certainly placed her in an
attitude somewhat free for so august a Deity. Hence some have supposed that
it is not Pallas who is represented but Harmonia, wife of Cadmus and daughter
of Ares 1 . Next follow representations of Heracles, the special deity of Thebes.
In No. 45 he appears as a remarkably short and thick-set figure holding bow
and club. This figure nearly resembles that of the Tyrian Melcarth at Citium
in Cyprus, pi. iv. 22, the only important difference in the pose being that in
the Phoenician figure the right hand with its club is raised over the head, in
the Theban figure it hangs down. Of course in the execution of the present
relief, and the details, Greek handiwork is apparent ; but the hero is neverthe-
less near to his foreign prototype. The absence of the lion’s skin in all these
instances is noteworthy. In No. 46 we see a beardless youth stringing a bow in
somewhat clumsy fashion. Plis figure is spare and muscular, and we cannot
easily bring ourselves to the belief that this figure is also a Heracles, although it
must probably be so considered. The ear on the plate looks as if it were pointed ;
this however is a mere accident arising from an injury to the coin. The contrast
between these two Theban figures of Heracles on coins of the same age and fabric
may warn us of the danger of making general statements as to the prevalence of
certain types at this or that period or place. No. 47 represents a subject common
on vases, Heracles carrying off the tripod of Apollo from Delphi, and menacing
its rightful owner with his club. In artistic expression this figure may be com-
vii. 2 . pared with a somewhat later, and freer, figure of Poseidon, pi. vn. 2, also from
Boeotia : the two correspond very closely. The infant Heracles strangling two
ill. 48. serpents, No. 48, is an early instance of a type often afterwards repeated; see
pi. viii. 1 ; xvi., Nos. 6—8. The young hero is not here as he is represented
at a later period, and as the tale demands, a mere baby, but seems already a
youth. It is notorious that Greek artists did not learn how to portray children
until the days of Lysippus and Boethus : before that time their children are, as
here, little men and women.
In representing the head the Greeks of Hellas certainly at this period sur-
iii. 35. passed those of the West. That the head of Hermes from Aenus, No. 35, and that
of Zeus Ammon from Cyrene, No. 49, are early is at once shewn by the archaic
fashion in which their long hair is plaited, yet the type of them is noble and
severe ; in the features there is not much of archaic convention 2 . Similar is the
1 Head, Coinage of Boeotia , p. 33.
2 Overbeck, Kunstmyth. u. 294, calls the head on our No. 49 arckaistic. It is however certain,
that the fabric of the coin is quite early, at all events within our period. Archaistic in the sense
LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— HELLAS.
113
head of Apollo, from Dicaea, No. 36, though here the hair is rolled, in somewhat in. 36, 39 .
later fashion, and the head of Aeneas from Aeneia, No. 39. Of the female heads
on our plate the earliest in style are the helmeted head of Pallas from Athens,
No. 51, and that of Despoena from Arcadia, No. 50. The head of Pallas is a m. 51 -
purely conventional type. It is not truly archaic ; true archaic heads have more
character, cf. No. 21. It is formed by making a general or average type from hi. 21 .
coin-dies of b. c. 500 or thereabouts and perpetuating it from age to age un-
changed. The particular coin chosen for the plate may have been minted at any
time between b.c. 450 and 330. Athens alone among Greek cities slavishly
repeated the same conventional form in perpetuity until the downfall of her
freedom, led thereto no doubt by reasons of commercial expediency, by the fear
of limiting the circulation of her coins, which was enormous, if she made them
more beautiful. If we wish to see what Athenian die-sinkers could do in the
best times, we must turn to the coinage of Thurium, pi. 1 . Nos. 31, 32. The
Arcadian coin, No. 50, exhibits a head of the great Arcadian goddess Despoena; 111 . so.
a bold attempt, for the period almost unique, to represent a face in three-
quarter view. The perspective is obviously a little out, but the surprising thing
is that it should not be worse. In No. 37 from Pharsalus we have an early 111 . 37 .
Thessalian head of Pallas, of which the hair is represented still by mere dots ;
and in No. 38 a beautiful head of Hera from Corcyra, almost the only beautiful in. 38 .
type to be found on the thousands of coins issued by that wealthy state. Of
animals we represent a goat from Aenus, No. 40, the traditional owl of Athens, m. 40 , . 53 .
No. 53, which is as fixed a type for the reverse of Athenian coins as the head
of Pallas for their obverse, and equally conventional, and an archaic eagle from
Elis, No. 52. This last indeed might with equal propriety be given to the in. 52 .
earlier period, but for the evidence of date afforded in the style of its reverse,
No. 42. The bird is intended to be seen from below, and body and claws are in. 42 .
thi'own into profile more through the limited skill of the artist than his deli-
berate design.
Asia Minor.
Passing on to the coins of Asia Minor, on pi. iv., lower half, we find our-
selves at once in the midst of the works of a less flourishing and more slowly
developing art. To prove that they belong to the period now under discussion
of conventionally retaining an older mode of treatment it may be ; but it is not in my opinion
a work of affected archaism.
G.
15
114
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
IV. ISt, 20.
and not to earlier times would not be easy, and would require a long disserta-
tion. The real ground of our assignment of date consists in the comparison of
Asiatic coins of known date ; such as the pieces issued at Magnesia by Themis-
tocles ; the coins of the Greek Kings of Salamis in Cyprus ; the money of known
Persian Satraps ; the coins issued by the cities which formed an alliance after
the battle of Cnidus (xvi. G, 7) and other specimens. M. Waddington 1 has
satisfactorily shewn that the incuse square of the reverse, which is not found in
Sicily after b.c. 480, and begins to disappear in Hellas after 430, persists in Asia
Minor until B.C. 400, or even later. And style in Asia is as far behind style in the
West as is fabric behind fabric. Of course this is not equally true of all parts
of Asia Minor. It would be unreasonable to expect to find in great Greek cities
like Colophon and Cyzicus the same sluggishness in art which seems natural in
places like Lycia and Cyprus. These truly Greek cities were bound by close ties
of religion and commerce with the cities of the West, and lay in the full stream
of advancing; civilization. Their aid was far more advanced than that of the
lands behind them. Thus to take an instance from the plate, No. 36, a head
from Chalcedon stands on a very different level as regards art from the Cyprian
head, No. 33. Yet they may well date from nearly the same time ; the differ-
ence between them arises rather from geographical than temporal distance. Into
lands like Cyprus Greek art filtered slowly, and Phoenician stagnation prevailed
everywhere until the days of Evagoras.
Omitting a few exceptional pieces we may safely say that the prominent cha-
racteristic of these Asiatic coins is their decorative character. In all the figures
far more care is bestowed on the general scheme and outline than on the truth
of detail ; all have a tendency to approach the character of patterns or de-
vices. That this character properly pertains to works of Asiatic art is too well-
known to need further assertion or proof.
Nos. 19 and 20 are two obverses of the well-known and widely current
staters of Cyzicus which formed a large part of the coinage of the Euxine and
Northern Greece in the fifth century. The mint-mark to be found on all of
them alike is the tunny-fish ; but the types differ widely. In No. 20, we see
a female figure running ; she is winged and clad in a long chiton ; with
one hand she raises her dress, while the other grasps the tunny by the tail.
This figure has all the peculiarities already noted as signs of archaic art ; the
head turned back, the long hair indicated by dots merely, the prominence
of the limbs through the dress. We may hesitate whether to see in it a
Nike; the absence of attributes deprives us of the means of finally settling
the question. It would seem however to be Nike or Eirene. One or other
of these names may with greater confidence be given to another running
1 Melanges Je Muni. I. p. 15.
LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— ASIA MINOR.
115
winged goddess of somewhat later date, No. 30, on a coin which is usually iv. ao.
supposed to belong to Marium in Cyprus, but more properly should be given to
Mallus on the Cilician coast. This remarkable figure was evidently cut at a time
when skill in the plastic arts was at a high point, but had not yet, at least in
conservative Asia, been able to destroy or remodel archaic poses. Between the
general scheme which is altogether early, and the details which are carefully and
skilfully worked out, there is a marked incongruity. The attribution is how-
ever easy ; a divinity who carries in one hand a caduceus and in the other
a wreath, must be either the genius of victory or the goddess of the peace
which follows victory. It should be added that on the reverse of this piece
is the conical stone which stood in the district as symbol of Aphrodite, with
that goddess then is Nike associated at Mallus, as at Olympia with Zeus, and
at Athens with Pallas.
The figure of Heracles, No. 19, may be compared with the representation iv. id.
of the same hero on a Lycian coin, No. 23, and more especially with the two iv. 23 .
figures, Nos. 21, 22, from coins struck at the Phoenician city of Citium in Cyprus iv. 21 , 22 .
and bearing on the reverse the names of kings of that city written in Phoeni-
cian characters. The comparison will tend to confirm the theory already stated
of the Phoenician origin of the plastic type of Heracles 1 . The position of the
weapons of the hero is clearly dictated by symbolical intent, but it is unna-
tural, and not such as a Greek would have invented. The later of the figures
from Citium, No. 22, shews greater departure from the grotesque and Phoeni-
cian and closer approximation to the Hellenic type. Here as on Nos. 19 and iv. 19, 23 .
23 the hair of the hero is • plaited at the back, his figure more spare and en-
ergetic. It is probable that the figure on 19 is intended to be running 2 . On iv. 19 , 24 .
No. 24, from an uncertain city of Pamphylia or Cilicia, we have an oriental
rendering 1 of Hermes. This we know from a caduceus on the reverse of the
piece. But the wings of the deity have risen from his heels to his shoulders.
His form is roughly drawn and somewhat spare ; the violent motion of his
arms would seem to shew that he is in hot haste. Another Hermes, from
Cyprus, No. 27, is of more Hellenic character. Here the wings are in their iv. 27 .
usual place on the heels, and the god carries his caduceus ; over his shoulders
is a light chlamys, in depicting which the die-sinker has done his utmost to
make the drapery light and of a character not to interfere with the portrayal
of form. He would even seem first to have formed a naked figure and then
added the drapery by a few lines with the tool. In No. 25 we have a figure iv. 25 .
of Dionysus from Nagidus in Cilicia, bearded, and clad in a himation only, like
the figure pi. in. 29. The present representation is however far ruder and more hi. 29 .
clumsy ; in the right hand of Dionysus is a large twig of vine with two bunches
1 above, p. 80. 2 above, p. 87.
116
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
IV. 26.
II. 38.
IV. 32.
IV. 29.
IV. 31.
IV. 28.
IV. 33.
IV. 34.
IV. 38.
of grapes; in his left hand a huge thyrsus. We must recollect that in Cilicia
Dionysus and Zeus were confused, being alternately identified with a native
deity. Thus Baal of Tarsus, who was usually considered as Zeus, frequently
holds on coins a bunch of grapes.
In No. 26 from Celenderis in Cilicia we have a horseman alighting from his
horse, with the help of a spear with which he is armed, a figure to be com-
pared with that from Sicily, pi. ii. 38. For once Asiatic art has been more
successful both in general attitude and in details. In No. 32 from Erythrae
a warrior leads a horse ; below the group is an architectural pattern which looks
like part of the decoration of a temple or a tomb, and suggests that our type
is a copy or rather a reminiscence of a larger monument. In No. 29 from
Aspendus, a hero charges with spear and shield ; a figure in design reminding
us of the figures of the Aeginetan pediments, but rudely executed. In 31, of
uncertain attribution, we find two naked boxers engaging, each having his oil-
flask slung on his arm. These last details can scarcely be introduced with any
purpose but in order to fill the field, and perhaps to indicate the athletic cha-
racter of the heroes ; for obviously in such a conflict they would be quite out
of place.
No. 28, from Cos, contains a figure which has, I think, been usually misin-
terpreted. It has been imagined to represent the dance of joy which Apollo
executed after he had slain the Python ; the god is supposed to hold a cymbal
in his hand, while the tripod shews the scene of conflict to be Delphi. But
Apollo does not usually appear on the coins of Cos, and if he did appear it
would be as a solar deity and not as hero of a legend which belongs peculiarly
to Delphi. Moreover it must strike everyone in how undignified a fashion the
great god would here be depicted. I venture to propose 1 an entirely different
interpretation of the group. The male figure I take to be an athlete, or perhaps
a deity in the guise of an athlete, in violent motion, in the very act of hurling
a discus which he holds in his right hand, while the tripod is introduced to
shew how mighty was the throw, winning the tripod, which was no doubt the
prize of the contest. Looked at in this light our coin is interesting as an im-
portant addition to the class of agonistic types.
Next follow several representations of heads of male deities. No. 33, a
Cyprian head of Zeus Ammon, and No. 34, a Lycian head of Ares, belong by
style rather to the archaic period, though probably they were not struck before
b.c. 480, as the art of Cyprus and Lycia developed slowly, and long repeated
archaic types. The obverse of No. 33 resembles No. 27 above. The head of
Herakles, No. 38, is also Lycian ; but it belongs to the latter part of our period
1 I now find that this has already been suggested. Berlin Kon. Miinzk. p. 64.
LATER ARCHAIC PERIOD— ASIA MINOR.
117
when the Athenian maritime empire had spread along the Asiatic coast, and with
it Athenian art; it closely resembles the works of Greek artists. Nos. 35 and iv. 35 , 37 .
37 are two heads of Apollo from Colophon, which shew gradual development of
style, though even in the later, No. 37, the archaic plaiting of hair is retained.
No. 36, from Chalcedon, is in all probability the head of the Thracian sun-god iv. 36.
Ares 1 . In spite of archaic convention it has a certain grimness of aspect : the
reverse of the coin is a radiate wheel, the primitive symbol of the sun which
was later expanded into a chariot.
Nearly all the animal symbols in the last line of pi. iv. are connected
with the sun and solar worship, sun and moon in varied form being the chief
deities of almost all the peoples of western Asia. In No. 39, from Aspendus, we iv. 3
which accompanies this type is found on several other fine coins of South Italy
of the period, such as the head of Terina, No. 20. On a fine piece of Thurium,
the obverse bears the letter may be the initial of a magistrate’s name, but more likely
that it is the signature of an artist 2 , who may possibly, as the Tinman piece
suggests, be the Sicilian engraver Phrygillus. Certainly the style of these pieces
is uniform, and as fine and delicate as that of Phrygillus’ signed works 3 . No.
1 Br. Mus. Cat. Italy, p. 287.
2 So much has already been stated by Mr Head, Br. Mus. Guide to Coins, pp. 30, 50.
3 Cat. Sicily, pp. 168, 182 ; von Sallet, Kunstler-Inschri/ten , p. 39.
G. 1G
V. 5.
V. 6.
V. 19.
V. 32.
V. 20.
122
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
v. 10 .
v. 11.
Y. 13.
V. 12.
V. 14.
VI. 37.
V. 15, 10,
10, from Croton, represents the victory of young Heracles over the snakes, a
type discussed below.
No. 11, from Locri, represents, as the inscription shews, an Eirene. She
is an unwinged figure, seated, on an altar, which the bucranium on it shews to
be meant for sacrifices, and holds the herald’s staff. We know not on what
occasion this figure was introduced on the Locrian coin ; it was doubtless at a
time when the people of Locri supposed themselves to owe much to the goddess.
In attitude and in proportions, which are decidedly those of the school of Poly-
cleitus, this figure exactly resembles the two which follow it. These are two
Nikes from Terina, a city little known to any but numismatists, which are of
wonderfully fine work. They may be compared with the same deity on coins
of Elis, pi. viii. 4, the present figures being far more carefully finished, though
the design is less graceful. In No. 13 Nike holds, according to her wont, a
wreath, in No. 12 a bird, possibly a dove. In the latter attribute we need
seek no special meaning, for the dove was not among the Greeks a symbol
of peace ; but Nike on the coins of Terina is introduced as amusing herself
in many ways. Sometimes she plays with a ball, sometimes she fills a hydria
from a spring ; at other times she fondles a pet swan or dove. She seems
in fact at Terina to embody the fresh gladness of nature and the sportive joy
of open-air life in a soft and genial region. Above all Greeks the people of
South Italy seem to have loved birds and insects and flowers, all of which
actually swarm on their coins, just as they do in the seventh Idyll of Theocri-
tus, the scene of which is laid most appropriately at Yelia. But we do find
something of the same kind in other parts of the Greek world. On a whole
series of small coins issued by the cities of Thessaly, for instance, we have
representations of river-nymphs occupied in the like joyous play. Sometimes, as
at Cierium, they are playing with astragali, sometimes tossing balls, sometimes
they are filling hydriae, sometimes seated in quiet enjoyment. They are the
happy and ever young forces of nature, every development of which seemed to
the Greeks with their sanguine nature and their genial climate full of pleasure
and sport. Unfortunately the extremely small size of these beautiful Thessa-
lian coins has excluded them from our plates.
To return to our coins of Terina : it is probable that both of them are by
the artist of whom we have just spoken, and who signs with a 4>, for the style
is closely like his. No. 14, from Locri, bears a head the attribution of which
might perhaps have perplexed us but for the legend, the word Zees. As a head
of Zeus this is quite unique ; the thick beard and strong bare neck would better
suit Heracles. The nearest approach to it is to be noted in the head of Zeus
Eleutherius from Syracuse, pi. vi. 37 ; the style is no doubt local. On No. 15
from Rhegium, and No. 1G from Croton, are two noble heads of Apollo with
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— ITALY.
123
long flowing flair; No. 15 is specially beautiful; its style should be compared v. 15 .
with that of the pieces from Olynthus, pi. vii. 12, 13, and will scarcely suffer vii.12,13.
from the comparison. Equally fine are the heads of Athene which follow', Nos.
17 and 18 from Thurium, No. 19 from the Lucanian Heraclea. The figure ofv. 17 — 19 .
Scylla on the helmet of the Goddess on the Thurian coins is a well-known
triumph of ancient art ; the subject is no doubt adopted from local legends of
Italy. Thurium was, as will be remembered, a colony founded by the Athenians
in B. c. 434 ; the beauty of its coinage from the very beginning makes it appear
that Athenian artists w r ent with the colony and worked on its coins. So while
the old Pallas on the Athenian coins retained its traditional ruggedness, the
same deity is represented at Thurium by Attic colonists with all the resources of
perfect art. No. 19 is probably by the same artist who executed the head of v. 19 .
Terina on a coin of the city of the same name; No. 20, a proud and ungentle v. 20 .
but severely beautiful effigy. No. 21 from Nola and 23 from Terina, are also v. 21 .
beautiful heads of nymphs. It is uncertain who is intended in the head on
No. 22 from Heraclea, a beautiful profile placed on the snake-bordered aegis of v. 22 .
Pallas. Such a position could properly suit no head but that of Medusa, but
w r e do not find wing or serpents, nor in fact does the head in any way resemble
that of the dread Gorgon. It wears an olive-wreath and is of gentle and
pleasing type. Possibly it may be the head of Victory, the servant of Pallas, or
even of the Goddess herself : but we cannot speak with any certainty.
On No. 24, from Thurium, is the butting bull, fiovs dovpios, who symbolizes v. 24 .
the rapidly gushing springs which procured for the city its name. His aqueous
character is indicated by the fish which swims below. This bull is a master-
piece ; of noble form and full of energy. On 25 from Croton is an eagle carrying v. 25 .
an olive branch, fit symbol of agonistic victory. Next, on 26, comes a lion’s scalp v. 26 .
of very conventional style, dignified in form, but very far from nature. This type
is from Phegium, and is in fact the reverse of the Apollo, No. 15. The obverse v. 15 .
of the coin shews us the artist working 1 from nature and raising it to the ideal ;
the other side shews us the same artist (in all probability) doing the best he
can with a form familiar to him only in architectonic and decorative reliefs. On
No. 27 the ear of corn, the usual type of the Metapontine coin, appears with a v. 27 .
little bird standing on the leaf, a pretty illustration of what lias been said as
to the feeling for natural objects displayed by the Italian Greeks.
16—2
124
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
Sicily.
The coins of Sicily of the period b. c. 431 — 371 are peculiarly interesting
for many reasons. In the first place they are commonly regarded as the most
beautiful specimens of numismatic art in existence ; and the reader by turning
to our selection on pi. vi. Nos. 1 — 34 may easily satisfy himself that this opinion
is not without some justification. Again, not only are these coins very beautiful,
but they supply a great gap, for there is a paucity of artistic remains of Sicily
during the best time ; sculptures and vases of this class are alike rare, and
neither bear quite so high testimony to the artistic skill of the Sicilian Greeks
as do the coins. Once more, most of these Sicilian pieces can be dated within
narrow limits. In 409 B. C. began that terrible Carthaginian campaign which
laid waste for a time or for ever most of the great cities of Sicily ; and those
cities which survived the Punic carnage were a few years later ruined by the
not less relentless hand of the tyrant Dionysius. It is almost certain that
these cities did not issue coin between the time of their destruction by Cartha-
ginian or Syracusan invaders and their restoration about B. C. 345 by the
Corinthian Timoleon. During this period Syracuse alone issues money, as she
alone has arms and resources. We can therefore with considerable confidence
fix a limit below which we cannot bring: the coins of each of the Sicilian
cities. And the result to which we are driven by the acceptance of this limit
is remarkable ; that there was a most wonderful sudden ripening of art in
Sicily during the period between the Athenian expedition of b. e. 415 and the
Carthaginian invasion, a rapid hot-house growth which might, had it been allowed
to continue, have produced results still more remarkable than those existing.
The Sicilian school might in some respects have outstripped those of Hellas,
and left to our day results of imperishable splendour. How much Athenian
influence, and in particular the aid lent by the numerous Athenian prisoners of
413 may have helped towards this sudden development, we cannot tell with
accuracy ; and we should not forget to observe that the phenomenon appears
less in Syracuse, where those prisoners were kept, than at Agrigentum, Gela and
Camarina. Still it is worth noticing that a chariot-group which might almost have
served as the model of the chariots on the reverses of Sicilian coins, with the
Nike floating over them, is to be found on a relief from Athens, now preserved
in the British Museum 1 .
Engraved in Museum Marbles, part 9, PI. xxxvm.
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— SICILY.
125
The subjects usual on Sicilian coins at the period belong to the same
mythological cycle as those of the previous generation. We still find sacrifices
by river gods, No. 1, or nymphs, No. 2, heads of Arethusa and Apollo, and
chariot-groups. But some new types make their appearance, and some old ones
undergo important variations. The only thing to be noted in Nos. 1 and 2 is vi. 1 . 2 .
the progress shewn in these later coins in the understanding and rendering of
the human form. I think that no archaeologist could look carefully at the figure
of Selinus, on No. 1, without detecting a likeness to the copies of the Diadumenus vi. 1 .
of Polycleitus which exist in various Museums, two in that of London. There
are the same heavy proportions, the same large head, the same general balance
of the weight of the body on the legs. Our coin is distinctly Polycleitan ; and
a comparison of it with 11 . 15 and 16 will shew the reader how well Greek
art understood how, while preserving a fixed general type, to reproduce it in
the style of various schools and ages. The nymph Himera, on No. 2, is not vi. 2 .
dissimilar in style, though somewhat less emancipated from traditional treatment ;
she too has learnt, cf. 11 . 18, to throw her weight on one foot, and has arranged
her himation in far more becoming guise. The Satyr behind her is also re-
modelled on the principles of the new school ; there is however in him a comic
element which we do not usually look for in the art of Polycleitus ; he seems
really to enjoy his warm-bath. It is probably a river-god, Crimissus, who is
represented as a young hunter with dogs, standing beside a term on the coin
of Segesta, No. 4. We might rather have identified the figure with the mythical vi. 4 .
founder of Segesta, Segestus or Acestes, but for the fact that on some coins of
the class he appears with short horn on his head. This, cf. No. 11, is a dis- vi. 11 .
tinctive mark of river-gods. Salinas 1 calls him Pan Agreus, and this also is a
not impossible attribution, a horned Pan actually appearing with name appended
on coins of Messana at this period 2 . But whoever he be, this young hunter is
of service to the history of art. For I do not remember any other figure of
so early a period who stands in this attitude with one foot raised and resting
on a rock, and the whole body bending over it. It is not however essentially
different from the attitude assumed in early sculpture by figures loosening the
sandal. For this compare the Cretan coin, pi. ix. 13, with a figure of Hermes ix 13 .
tying his sandal, and the beautiful Victory from Terina, pi. v. 33, both of which
date from the middle of the fourth century. But the exact variety of attitude
adopted in the case of the Segestan coin does not become at all usual until
Hellenistic times, cf. pi. XI. 37, xn. 2, 38, when it suddenly becomes common, xi. 37.^
especially in figures of Poseidon. Yet there can scarcely be a reasonable doubt
as to the date of our Segestan coin ; from the general analogy of Sicilian coins
1 Period, di Numism. e di Sfragistica, vol. ill. p. 1.
2 Wieseler-Miillei’, Denkmaeler, no. 528.
126
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
it must be given to the earlier part of the reign of Dionysius ; and to put it
even as late as the time of Timoleon is impossible. Our plate contains other
Vi. 7 . pleasing aqueous types. On No. 7, from Camarina, the nymph Camarina appears
seated on a swan and sailing over the waters of her lake, waters most agree-
ably indicated by a line of curling waves and a fish. The progress of the Nymph
is not like that of a mere mortal ; her floating garment makes a sail to catch
the wind, and the swan seems to fly rather than to swim ; a fish which leaps
out of the water behind her adds to the joyousness of the whole scene. On
vi. n. No. 11 we have the river-god Gelas, who has by this time lost his semi-bovine
appearance, cf. pi. n. 8, 40, and retains nothing of the beast, save a little horn
over his forehead : avSpeico Tvna) ( Kinei ) fiovirpiopos we might term him in the lan-
guage of Sophocles. Indeed that phrase better suits him than the figures with
bull’s head and human limbs to which usually it has been applied. Around his head
vi. 13. three fresh-water fishes swim in most life-like fashion. On No. 13 from Camarina
we have a differently-treated head of the river-god Hipparis rising amid a circle
of waves and between tw T o fishes ; ‘ sunima caput extulit unda.’ His hair floats
out freely and his somewhat wild features contrast with the dignified repose of
vi. 22 . Gelas. And on the Syracusan coin No. 22 we find a head of Arethusa, the name
’A pedocra written above, with floating hair amid which fishes glide. These are
types borrowed from the river-worship which the Sicilian Greeks practised,
borrowing it no doubt from older and ruder races of inhabitants, and then in
Hellenic fashion filling it with a freshness of meaning and beauty of expression
which made of it something new and splendid,
vi. 3. In No. 3, from Eryx, the Sicilian seat of Aphrodite, we have a remarkable
representation of that Goddess, who sits on a stool, modestly draped in chiton
and himation, holding a dove in her hand. In front of her stands Eros, a tall
winged youth, but represented on a smaller scale than the goddess, as of less
importance. The execution of these figures is somewhat barbarous ; but we must
remember that Eryx was not a Greek city, and that the cultus of Aphrodite
there was founded not by Hellenes but probably by Phoenicians. Our type is a
not very skilful Greek translation of a barbarous original; we may compare it
vi. 5. with the Aphrodite and Eros of Nagidus on the Cilician coast. In No. 5 from
Syracuse appears the hero Leucaspis charging at a run, upright and athletic ;
vi. 8. his weapon is not the spear of the ordinary hoplite, but a short sword. In
No. 8, also from Syracuse, is a group of Heracles strangling the lion, which is
most skilfully adapted to a circular field. Of this type I have already spoken,
vi. r,. The Satyr from Naxus, No. 6, is much refined and improved from his prototype,
pi. ii. 20. The figure is softened and the head brought nearer to nature, though
the general attitude remains, the artist apparently fearing to alter it lest he should
produce a design less adapted to the space. The limit of space decidedly cramps
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— SICILY.
127
the present figure. But what is most remarkable in our coin is that the soil
is depicted and the background filled up with a growing vine. We have thus
an effect like that of a painting, an effect common on coins of Crete in the
fourth century B.C., cf. pi. ix., but most unusual at this early time. Indeed, an
eminent archaeologist, Dr Helbig 1 , would limit such representations to the Alexan-
drine age. But the existence of Nos. 2, 4, G, 7 of our plate seems not consistent vi. 2 , 4,
with this view ; which indeed sounds strangely to one used to numismatic art.
And in fact we may venture to assert that many of the theories as to Greek
art which find currency from time to time would not have arisen had the study
of coins been familiar to their authors.
We next come to the heads of deities. No. 9. from Leontini, and 10 and vi. 9 , 10 ,
16 from Catana, are of Apollo. No. 9 is of large and noble type of features, yi' d
with long hair turned up behind in the old fashion ; No. 10, on the other
hand, is a curious mixture of archaism in design and great delicacy in detail.
So youthful is this head, and its expression, though pleasing, so wanting in dig-
nity, that if it had occurred in an isolated way we might have called it rather
an Eros ; and had it been found save on a coin it might have passed as an
archaistic reproduction of later time. But the laurel-leaf and berry, and the
analogy of the whole series of Catana, shew that our head is intended as an
Apollo, and its date is fixed alike by inscription and style of reverse to about
b. c. 420. No. 16 is of later date, though struck before the capture of Catana vi. ic.
by Dionysius in b. c. 406. We have here extreme care and refinement, which
indeed are carried so far as to spoil meaning. It is on the ground of the occur-
rence of coins like this that Mr Poole has based his theory 2 that gem-engraving
largely influenced the style of Sicilian art. And certainly for that theory there
is much justification. Not only do the delicacy and neatness of the work indi-
cate a hand accustomed to work with great accuracy and on a small scale, but
in the selection of the types we may discern traces of a taste accustomed to
examine minute works of art. Magnify these heads of Apollo to life-size and
place them on a statue and they will at once become ridiculous ; whereas heads
on the coins of Hellas will bear to be magnified many times in imagination
without losing anything, but rather will gain in dignity and force. And a ma-
terial circumstance, which lends weight to this view, is the fact that a large
number of Sicilian coins bear inscriptions in so minute characters that to ordi-
nary eyes they are quite invisible without a magnifying glass ; some of them
indeed have never yet been deciphered with certainty. Several of these inscribed
coins are to be found in the present plate, and they will be presently men-
tioned. Meantime it is quite clear that the monetary artists must have been
of keen and practised sight, and used to cutting intaglios on a small
1 Campanische Wanclmalerei, p. 28C. 2 Aim. Citron. 1861, p. 240.
men
128
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
VI. 12, 15.
VI. 11.
VI. 13.
VI. 14.
VI. 10.
VIII. 26.
VI. 17, 18,
10, 20.
VI. 21, 22
23.
scale. On both the coins, 10 and 16, we may notice characteristic, though
slight and affected, traces of the old customs in dressing the hair. It must be
added that on No. 16 the object to the left of the type is a woollen fillet,
that to the right, a cray-fish or a prawn.
In Nos. 12 and 15, both from Camarina, we find two heads of Heracles
which exhibit the same contrast as the lately-discussed heads of Apollo. The
earlier, No. 12, is full of spirit and energy; but the head is somewhat trucu-
lent for that of an immortal ; the later is refined actually into effeminacy, so
that, but for the whisker, we might almost imagine it to belong to Omphale
rather than Heracles. The head of Gelas, on No. 11, is of the highest type
and might well pass as an Apollo, as the bearded heads of the same deity
might pass for heads of Zeus, pi. n. 40, vi. 38 ; that of Hipparis, No. 13, is of
more sportive and appropriate character. The head of Dionysus, from Naxus,
No. 14, resembles, alike in facial angle and delicacy of execution, the Apolline
head No. 10, the manner in which the hair is curled being especially note-
worthy. The head of Zeus, from Elis, pi. viii. 26, may also be compared, espe-
cially as regards the treatment of the beard, although to the Eleian coin, as we
shall see, a later date must be assigned.
The female heads in the middle of pi. vi. are all Syracusan; No. 19 is
of Persephone, the rest of Arethusa or Artemis. The female heads at Syracuse
are hard to attribute, for they are closely alike in type, and differ only in ex-
ternals such as the wreath or the fashion of dressing the hair. When we see
a wreath of corn we naturally take the representation to be intended for De-
meter or her daughter Persephone. Otherwise we suppose it to stand for Arethusa
or Artemis Pelagia, who is probably identical with Arethusa. The last-men-
tioned name however would seem to be more correct, as we find it engraved
in small characters over the full-face head No. 22. But in character there is
no difference between the heads of Persephone and of Arethusa. In fact the
dolphins which were originally placed with an exact physical meaning round the
head of Arethusa are in time transferred also to Persephone. In both cases
the likeness is of a goddess no longer a child, but in full bloom, full of youth,
beauty and pride. The type of loveliness is rich and full, somewhat sensuous,
but entirely free from all that is sensual. The numismatic artists seem to have
vied one with another in the endeavour to depict a fair girlish emblem of the
Greek race, dowered with all pagan charms and graces. In Nos. 17, 18 of our
plate the type is simple and strong; and Nos. 19, 20 shew the same mixture
of refinement and archaism of which we have already spoken. All four of these
pieces were issued before about b. c. 410, as they retain in their inscriptions 0
for Q, and the last-mentioned letter came into general use in Sicily just before
the Carthaginian invasion. Nos. 21, 22, 23 on the other hand belong to the
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— SICILY.
129
reign of Dionysius, b. c. 40G — 367. From them archaism has almost entirely
vanished ; and we find in its place a certain affectation of novelty and search
for picturesque effects, which seem to have made their way into Sicilian far
earlier than into Greek art. The arrangement of the hair on these three speci-
mens is distinctly over-elaborate and fanciful, though we must not forget that
it is the hair of a water-nymph floating loosely amid the waves.
The chariots depicted on plate vi. range over the whole of our period.
No. 24, from Selinus, which continues the type of pi. n. 36, Apollo and Artemis vi. 24.
driving in a quadriga together, is the earliest. Here the drawing, alike of
horses and charioteers, is skilful, and worthy of the obverse of the coin, No. 1 ; vi. l.
yet the curious convention is preserved whereby the second and fourth horse are
depicted only by doubling the front outlines of the first and third. But about
n. c. 420 these conventions are thrown aside, and the four horses of the chariots
all appear, at first galloping side by side and in step, and next in the freest
and most diversified action. Of the galloping in step we have here no repre-
sentation, but one will be found in Mr Head’s Coinage of Syracuse, pi. in.
No. 12. Of the freer action the plate furnishes several instances, Nos. 25, 26, vi. 25,2<
1 27, 28, 21
from Syracuse ; 27, from Camarina ; 28, 29, from Agrigentum ; as well as a con-
temporary representation of the apene or mule-car from Messana, No. 30. At
this period every artist seems to be eager to introduce some novelty into the
type. In No. 25 we have a representation in the exergue of the arms which vi. 2 . 3, 21
were prizes, ad\a, won by the victors in chariot-races. In No. 26 we have a
broken rein and prostrate chariot-wheel, incidents but too common in the
Olympian chariot-race; in No. 27 Pallas, and in No. 28, Nike take the place vi. 27 .
VI. 28
of the charioteers; in No. 30 the floating Victory holds a caduceus as well as vi. 30 !
her usual wreath; in No. 29 she carries — a very questionable piece of taste — vi. 29 .
a label on which is written the name of the artist who engraved the die,
Euaenetus ; while the chariot is in the act of doubling an Ionic column, the
turning-post or goal.
We have just made the first mention of an artist's signature in the field of
a coin. Such signatures are quite usual in Sicily at this period, but occur very
rarely elsewhere or at any other time. Tliev are placed either in small letters
under a type, or else, more often, on some part or adjunct of the type itself.
They are thus easily distinguished from the signatures of magistrates, which
occupy the field, usually in bold characters. The earliest signature in our plate
is that of Eumenus on No. 18. At a later time the same artist spells his vi. is.
name with an H, but here he uses the E, which indicates a date not later than
b. c. 410. Cimon signs No. 21, on the body of a dolphin, and No. 22, on the vi. 21
band over the forehead, as well as, probably, the chariot group from Messana,
No. 30, on the line of exergue. Euaenetus signs the chariot-groups, No. 26,
17
G.
VT. 31 ).
VI. 25.
130
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
vi. 29 . on the exergual line, and No. 29 on a tablet. Eucleides signs the somewhat
vi. 23. over-refined and fanciful, but carefully graven head, No. 23 ; and a head of
vi. 40. Pallas closely copied on the coin No. 40, which we give to the next period.
v. 4i. The head of Pallas on pi. v. No. 41, from Yelia, is signed on the helmet by
the artist Cleodorus. All these artists belong to the same class ; they work
with the minuteness and delicacy of gem-engravers, and are constantly intro-
ducing some pleasing new variety of type or treatment. It is perhaps scarcely
easy to detail the characteristics of each engraver. Mr Head 1 contents himself
with remarking that the work of Eumenus is characterized by its stiffness and
by a certain roughness of execution ; that of Euaenetus by an almost gem-like
minuteness of work, which approaches to hardness. Prof. Brunn contents him-
self in his History of Greek Artists 2 , with a strong expression of admiration
for the work of Cimon, especially the decadraclnns, and does not go into detail.
With the exception of Eumenus, some of whose works belong to an earlier
period, the whole of the artists seem to me to form a group, and it might
even puzzle the keenest critic to assign works to one or other of them on the
ground of style alone. In this respect they are unlike the artist who signs
with in Magna Graecia, who has a distinct style of his own which can easily
be recognized. It may be said of all Syracusan artists that their work is not large
in character ; it is too strictly appropriate to the material and the purpose to
tell us much about the state of contemporary art. Some of the rough works of
Peloponnesian and Cretan coin- engravers are in view of the history of art far
more instructive.
vi.31— 34. Nos. 31 to 34 are Agrigentine, and exhibit some of the finest studies of
vi. 3i. animal life in existence. The two eagles of No. 31 are earlier and more con-
vi. 33. ventional, the single eagle of No. 33 more naturalistic ; but it is hard to
decide which design is the more admirable. In both cases the scene is laid on
some lofty rock whither the birds of prey have carried their booty to devour
it at their leisure. The hare lies dead, but the ancient artist has not chosen,
as a modern would choose, to shew on it the traces of beak and claw. In the
vi. 3i. field of No. 31 is a head of Pan or perhaps of a river-god. I must not omit
to mention, ii propos of the two eagles, the well-known passage of the Agamemnon 3
which describes the portent which appeared to the sons of Atreus when about
to set out for Ilium, two eagles, one black and one white-tailed, tearing a hare,
an omen which Calchas interpreted as foretelling a happy end to the expedi-
tion. The coincidence of the words of Aeschylus with our type is very close ;
both may alike owe their origin to some historical event or at least to a well-
known legend. At all events the coincidence will help us to reject the notion
1 Coinage of Syracuse, p. 22. 2 n. 432.
3 1 . 114 .
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— SICILY.
131
that the Agrigentines put the eagle on their coins because it was common in
their neighbourhood, or because the cry ( xpavyrj ) of the eagle was like the name
’Axpayas. All Greeks looked on the eagle as the messenger of the gods, and
we can readily understand how eager the Agrigentines would be, if at a crisis
of their history eagles brought them a favourable omen, to make it doubly their
own by perpetuating it on relief and on coin.
The fish on No. 32 is a remarkable piece of reproduction of nature ; Dr vi. 32 .
Gunther thinks that it is intended for a sea-perch. Lastly, we may note how
the crab in No. 34 is turned into a human face, by a slight modification of vi. 34.
the lines of the back. This treatment of a type on coins is almost unique ;
but though the effect to us is comic, it does not follow that it was intended
to be so.
As to the reasons of our exact determination of the dates of these coins
it is necessary to say a few words. It can be proved to demonstration that
every com in the first six rows of our plate belongs to the time before Timoleon,
B. C. 344, with whom quite another kind of coins comes in. The Syracusan
specimens on our plate may come down to the time of Timoleon. But in regard
to the coins of other cities, Selinus, Naxus, Camarina, Segesta, and the rest, it
may be doubted whether all are anterior to the Dionysian tyranny, or whether
some may not have been struck during its continuance. Certainly from the point
of view of art it would be desirable to bring down as late as possible such coins as
4, 7, 15, 1G of our plate. But, on the other hand, the testimony of history seems
explicit. Prof. Holm in his History of Sicily 1 , after summing up the evidence,
thus concludes : ‘ That all these cities (Selinus, Camarina, Catana, &c.) were under
‘ the Dionysian dynasty either not autonomous or quite unimportant is clear, from
‘ which it naturally follows that they had no autonomous coinage.’ Segesta, the
only city which escaped the hands of Dionysius, became during his reign a
dependent ally of Carthage.
It would seem then that the earlier dates for Sicilian coins in view of the
testimony of history can scarcely be disputed, and we thus ari’ive at the most
extraordinary result, that numismatic art in Sicily had already before b. c. 400
touched its highest point and begun to decline. Even at that period the artists
who worked on coins, and who seem in Sicily to have enjoyed peculiar esteem,
had carried refinement in execution to the farthest possible point, and even begun
to refine away types until they lost their meaning, and to pursue novelty at
the cost of affectation. And we shall see in our next chapter that in the
days of Timoleon Sicilian art seems to have greatly declined. It is scarcelv
necessary to say that such phenomena as these are not found in other parts
of Greece, not even in South Italy. They would seem then to demand the
1 n. 446.
17—2
132
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
careful attention of archaeologists. Towards their explanation I will make but
one or two suggestions. Such rapid progress of numismatic art must have been
the result of the honour paid to die-cutters in the island, to their frequent
rivalries one with another, to the small number of subjects to which they con-
fined themselves, — a few set types and chariot-groups, the possible variations in
which are limited ; and finally to their circumscription within the narrow limits
of space imposed by the field of a coin. Had the efforts of these artists been
spread over a wider field or directed to higher ideals they might have met
with less prompt and rapid success.
Northern Greece.
The coins of northern Greece selected for illustration of our period will
be found in Nos. 1 — 21, those of Central Greece in Nos. 22 — 27 of plate Vii.
vii. i. These we may treat as one class. The coin of Thasos, No. 1, which bears the
kneeling figure of Heracles discharging an arrow, is somewhat abnormal. The
hero is here depicted with a coarseness of outline and clumsiness remarkable for
the period. Nor do these faults arise from inability in the artist, as we may
vii. 8. assure ourselves by comparing the fine obverse of the same coin, No. 8. Rather
they arise from an assimilation of Heracles to satyr and centaur, which are fre-
quently depicted in coins of Thasos and the region of mainland opposite. Equally
vii. 7. coarse is the group, No. 7, of Dionysus reclining on an ass, wine-cup in hand,
vii. 2 . from the Thracian city of Mende. No. 2, from Haliartus or Ariartus in Boeotia,
offers us a figure of Poseidon with outstretched arm, striking with the trident.
We have here a motive common in early art, as to which we shall have more
to say presently, and specially appropriate to Poseidon, see pi. I. 2, 14, 15. The
vii. 22 . charging Ajax from Locri, No. 22, is a representation of the Homeric warrior
who was the national hero of the Opuntii, a figure of Polycleitan type, square
vi. 5 . and solid. Compared with the Syracusan hero, pi. vi. 5, he shews a certain
deficiency of animation and excess of fleshiness. He compares also with the Ajax
vii. 43. of the next period, No. 43, as the warriors of the frieze of the temple of Bassae
with those of the Mausoleum frieze. The type of infant Heracles strangling
vii. 23 . serpents, which appears on the Theban coin, No. 23, is a very usual one at this
xvi. 6, 7 . time. It is found in the coinage of the cities of the Cnidian league, pi. xvi.
vnf. l. G, 7, at Lampsacus, pi. xvi. 8, at Zacynthus, pi. yiii. 1, and at Croton, pi. v.
ni/is. 10. It is also found twenty years earlier at Thebes, pi. in. No. 48. The last-
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— NORTHERN GREECE.
133
mentioned instance is distinguished by the more archaic treatment of Heracles,
who is of less tender age. The Zacynthian design is very peculiar ; Heracles
in it is grappling with one large serpent, while another prepares to attack his
back : the work is strong but hard. The other designs are closely alike and
somewhat superficial in character, the easy victory of the baby-hero over his
two foes being rendered simply but without special force. The origin and
meaning of the type are easily seen. It is originally Theban, and its adoption
by other cities seems to be in them a clear sign of Thebaizing. In adopting
it those cities place themselves under the protection of the Theban hero. In
addition to this we may, without letting fancy run away with us, suppose that
there was in the type itself a meaning which generally commended itself. In
the days which succeeded the fall of Athens, Thebes was the only power which
could make head against Sparta ; and the defeat and death of Lysander at the
hands of the Thebans must have made great commotion in Greece. From all
sides the states oppressed by Spartan harmosts looked to this young and vigorous
power as the only one which could liberate them from the serpent-like coils
in which Spartan rule held them confined ; and within a quarter of a century the
young power of Thebes had fully justified the expectations so formed.
In Nos. 3 from Larissa, 4 and 5 from the Macedonian kingdom, and 6 from vn.3,4, 5.
’ _ ° VII. o.
Pharsalus, we have a series of figures of the cavaliers of northern Greece, which
gives us a good idea of their character and equipments. They wore on their heads
the flat causia or petasus (the terms seem to be equivalent), on their bodies a
chiton and a chlamys, — which streamed in the wind like the jacket of a hussar,
and carried a couple of spears. These horsemen no doubt were marked by the
usual vices and virtues of aristocracies ; conspicuous among the latter, love and
mastery of horses. So the type of the horseman, which those who adopted it
probably justified by seeing in it the likeness of some ancestral or local hero,
became the commonest of all types in the north. The two Macedonian pieces
Nos. 4, 5 , have the further interest attaching to a fixed date. The first was vii. 4, 5.
minted by Archelaus I. b. c. 413 — 399 ; the second was issued by Amyntas III.
b. C. 389 — 369, and shews a decrease in dignity and an increase in detail.
Next follows a remarkable series of heads of male deities. No. 8 is a Diony- vii. 8.
sus from Thasos, wearing an ivy-wreath, the treatment of which is worthy of
note; a work of great beauty, and in dignity rather like Zeus than the god of
revels. Not less noble are the two heads of Dionysus from Thebes, Nos. 24 , 25 , vn.24,25.
both full of a mild dignity. We may also compare the Sicilian heads, pi. 11 .
22 , vi. 14. In fact these qualities usually mark the effigy of Dionysus in early 11 . 22.
times ; he first becomes youthful and effeminate in the time of Praxiteles. No. 9 vii.
is a work in the large and simple style of the Macedonian school, a fine Hermes
from Aenus. During this period full-face effigies of deities, which had hitherto,
134
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYRES.
VII. 9, 11,
24 .
VI. 22.
IX. 26.
X. 15.
XIV. 11.
VII. 10.
VII. 11,12,
13.
VI. 22.
VII. 26.
VII. 14.
VII. 15,17.
VII. 16.
VIII. 27.
VII. 18.
VII. 19.
XIV. 6.
I. 6.
because of the difficulty of producing them, seldom appeared on coins, become
quite usual ; and are completely successful. Some of them are masterpieces, as
9, 11, 24, of the present plate, pi. vi. 22, ix. 26, x. 15. During the decline
they again become rare, the instance pi. xiv. 11 standing almost alone as a
successful attempt. The hat of Hermes here, as in pi. in. 35, is a close-fitting
felt-cap, by no means identical with the Thessalian petasus, cf. Nos. 3 — 5 above,
to which it was later assimilated at Aenus.
No. 10 is a head in a somewhat dry style of art, probably representing
Apollo but possibly Ares, since the coin is Macedonian, and in the north Ares
frequently took the place of Apollo. This head is bound with a simple taenia
and not with the laurel-wreath usual in case of the Delphic god. Nos. 11, from
Amphipolis, and 12 and 13, from Olynthus in Chalcidice, are singularly beautiful
specimens of the art of northern Greece. They belong however to different schools.
The full-face head is treated with extreme delicacy but is nevertheless of rather
florid type. Though the work is more noble and manly, it resembles the master-
pieces of the Sicilian artists, pi. vi. 22 for instance. But the heads from Olyn-
thus are not without touches of archaic severity. In the sharp, hard cutting
of the features, and especially of the locks of hair, there is something which
reminds us of early bronze work. Other notable instances of this kind of
treatment are the heads of Apollo, pi. vm. 8 and pi. x. 15. No. 26, from
Megara, is also an Apollo, and of fine early type. In No. 14, which belongs
quite to the beginning of our period, we have a bearded head of Heracles of
the stern early class. Here, as in pi. vi. 12, iv. 38, the lion’s skin which covers
the head ends abruptly at the neck, causing an awkward want of congruity,
which disappeared when artists of a later time, more skilled in effect, added
paws to the lion’s scalp, and tied them round the hero’s throat, see pi. vi. 15,
vn. 32, xi. 26, xii. 15, 42.
Nos. 15, from Euboea, and 17, from Pharsalus, represent the heads of local
nymphs, and 16, from the Macedonian Neapolis, that of Nike crowned with
olive. All of these are marked by great hardness of detail, and fine but not
expressive cast of features. The best specimen of the class is the head of the
nymph Olympia, pi. viit. 27, of which we shall speak in its place. The head
of Pallas, from Pharsalus, No. 18, has been injured on the cheek : in gentleness
of expression it approaches the works of the next period. The letters TH behind
the head may be the initial letters of an artist’s name. The Medusa-head, from
Neapolis, No. 19, occupies a middle place between the Gorgoneion, partly terrible
and partly grotesque, of early art, and the beautiful heads in profile of the
dying Medusa, which belong to later times and which we shall find on coins,
pi. xiv. 6. The old type is here retained, cf. pi. I. 6, but in an indefinitely
softened form ; we have something no longer dreadful but merely quaint, and
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— NORTHERN GREECE.
135
the terrible snakes in the hair of the daemon are replaced by merely sharply
curling locks. On the coins of Parium and Abydos we may trace the change
step by step. In No. 20, the lion and bull on the coin of Acanthus pursue
the eternal battle which symbolizes the conflict between heat and damp among
the physical elements of the world. Comparing this with the earlier group
from the same city, pi. in. 13, we may observe that the later artist in spite
of his technical skill has really improved the design but little. He had evidently
never seen a lion. There is indeed a decided loss of vig;our in the rendering;
of both animals ; in the earlier group the lion’s claw is really fixed in the
prey, and the bull is evidently sinking beneath his weight ; the later group
is little more than decorative. The sculptured group from the doorway of Acan-
thus, of which casts are to be found in museums, nearly resembles the present
type. It is to be observed that in the early period, as we know from Hero-
dotus’ narrative of the march of Xerxes 1 , lions were to be found in Thrace ;
but afterwards they nearly or quite disappeared from that district. Whether
for this reason or some other, it is certain that in delineating the lion the
Greeks of Hellas and Sicily, — I do not say those of Asia Minor, who might see
real lions, — declined from period to period, their representations even when in
themselves fine being quite unlike the animal represented. Perhaps their most
notable failure is the colossal lion from Cliaeroneia. But even on coins the
decadence can be clearly traced. In early times the Greek artists, though
never in this one matter rivalling those of Assyria, yet could depict lions with
vigour, see pi. I. 33, II. 32, iv. 14. Later we have merely decorative figures such
as the present, No. 41 below, and pi. v. 2G, and even monstrosities such as
pi. xi. 18.
No. 21 from Olynthus gives us one of the best extant representations of
the Greek lyre, all the parts of which are clear. No. 27, from Thebes, is
remarkable for the treatment of the ivy-wreath which is depicted in a highly
decorative style and fills the field in a way which is quite admirable.
Peloponnesus.
Plate viii. contains specimens of Peloponnesian art during our period. Nos.
1 to 24 were in all probability issued in the course of it. And with these it
seems best to include Nos. 25 to 30, which although they would seem to have
been issued just after b.c. 371, are yet of an early style, and have more in
common with the beginning than the middle of the fourth century.
1 Hdt. vii. 125, 6.
VII. 20.
III. 13.
VII. 21.
VII. 27.
13G
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
VIII. 1
VIII. 2.
VIII. 3,
VIII. 5.
VIII. 6
No. 1 from Zacynthus, a most original rendering of the combat of young
Heracles and the serpents, has already been mentioned. No. 2 from Cephallenia
represents the hero Cephalus, seated on a rock, with a hunting-spear in his hand.
The proportions of the figure are clumsy and the head large, yet the work is
of a good time and rather careless than unskilful. The comparison of this coin
led Leake to the belief that the so-called Theseus in the eastern pediment of the
4. Parthenon was really intended for Cephalus. Nos. 3 and 4 from Elis are, like
all types of Elis, closely connected with the Olympic festival. Victory in one
case hurries to greet an agonistic victor, holding out a wreath ; in the other case
she sits on some steps holding a palm. Victory on the coins of Elis does not
fly or alight, but runs, as sometimes even in Sicily : see pi. n. 19. The seated
figure of Victory, which will be familiar to the eyes of some readers as the
original copied in the English Waterloo Medal, requires special discussion. This
figure is seated neither on rock nor chair nor altar, but distinctly on a basis
consisting of two steps. This is, I believe, a phenomenon unique in Greek
numismatics ; and the simplest explanation of it would be that the intention of
the artist was to suggest some monumental figure of Victory which was erected
at Olympia and placed on a pedestal of this kind. I say suggest and not re-
produce, because as already stated more than once, at this period engravers of
coin-dies do not slavishly copy works of sculpture, but at the most produce
designs of their own suggested by works of art familiar to them, and suggesting
these in turn to the minds of the people. Probably in the monument which
the engraver of the present coin had in his mind a figure of Victory was either
the principal, or at least one of the most important figures ; but that she
was sitting in this attitude we cannot say ; it is indeed in itself most unlikely,
for the pose, though well suited to a relief, is ill suited to a statue in the round,
especially if such statue were to be looked at from behind. Do we know of any
monument of this period which will suit the circumstances ? I have elsewhere
suggested 1 that the monument which suits them best is that trophy mentioned
by Pausanias 2 as erected by the Eleians in the Altis to commemorate a victory
they had won over the Lacedaemonians. The sculptor who made this trophy
was Daedalus of Sicyon, and it was set up nearly about the year B. c. 400,
which date will suit our coin admirably.
No. 5 represents Belleropbon spearing the Chimaera, the figure of which
appears on the other side of the coin. This rare piece is almost the only
abnormal device which breaks the uniformity of the Corinthian coinage. The
. attitude and dress are usual for horsemen, see pi. vn. 5. No. G is a very note-
worthy head of Zeus of the finest style, from Elis. At first sight this head,
2 vi. 2. 8.
N umism. Citron. 1879, p. 242.
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— PELOPONNESUS.
137
which is w T ell rendered in the plate, seems to conflict with all our ideas as to
what the head of Zeus should be. The liondike brow, the mane-like hair, the
energetic expression, are all wanting. In their place we have very short closely-
curled beard and hair, extremely large features of the purest Greek type and
an air of calm unruffled majesty. The short hair is found on the coin of Locri,
pi. v. 14, but the cast of features nowhere again. No. 26 also from Elis is also v. 14.
an unexpected type. Here we have distinct remains of archaism in the carefully
wrought curls, in the fashion of the beard, even in the eye which is half turned
towards the spectator. How different are these heads from the ordinary type of
Zeus, of which No. 37 may serve as a representative specimen, and which is vm. 37 .
repeated in all but a few of the extant statues and busts ! Naturally these
coins, coming from Elis, and executed by artists who had the great chrysele-
phantine statue of the Olympian Zeus by Pheidias directly under their eyes,
have excited much discussion among archaeologists 1 , and it has been disputed
wdrether they help us towards recovering the true type of the head of that
greatest of works of Greek art. In my opinion neither coin is of much service
in this respect. But we must distinguish between them. The archaistic piece,
No. 26, seems to be entirely apart from the Pheidian conception. It closely vm. 20 .
resembles the head of Dionysus from Naxus, pi. vi. 14, and like it combines an vi. 14 .
idea of immature art with careful detail of execution. No. 6 on the other hand vm.
is large and original, and may be the work of a great artist of the time of
Pheidias. But the greater the artist the less likely would he be to adopt
the type introduced by a contemporary, perhaps of a rival school. The coin
therefore can help us only in generalities. For details the safest guide is pro-
bably the coin of Elis of the time of Hadrian, pi. xv. 18, the engraver of which xv. is.
must certainly have intended to copy the head of Pheidias’ statue, and also
lived at a time when the copying of works of the great time of Greek art was
usual. If he has been unsuccessful the fault lies in his want of talent not in
his intention. And this intention to copy makes it more singular that the head
he gives so nearly resembles that of Zeus on archaistic reliefs 2 .
Next to the Eleian heads of Zeus, the heads of Hera claim our attention.
Of these the most beautiful is No. 15 from a coin of Elis; which so closely vm. ir>.
resembles both in style and execution that of Zeus, No. 6, that we should be vm.
justified in giving them both to the same artist. AVith this head we may
compare No. 13 from Argos, and two others belonging to a later time, No. 14 vm. 13 .
from Argos and No. 29 from Elis. AVith regard to these a question has been vm. 29 .
raised similar to that recently discussed, namely, whether in these coins we may
acknowledge a close approach to the ideal of Polycleitus as embodied in his
G.
1 See especially tlie Russian Comptes Rendus for 1875.
2 e.g. Ovei’beck, Kunstmythologie , pi. 1 . 6.
18
138
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
VIII. 13,
15.
VIII. 7.
VIII. 8,
27.
colossal statue of Hera at Argos, wliicli was set up during our present period ;
an interesting question ; but one which must be answered mainly in the nega-
tive. We may begin by eliminating No. 14, the hair of which is arranged in
masses in the style of the next period, cf. No. 40 ; as well as No. 29 which
bears distinct traces of archaism. The hair in this case is plaited behind in
archaic fashion, presenting a very marked contrast to the finished work of mouth
and eye. The expression of the goddess is haughty and contemptuous rather
than majestic, and the olive-leaves with which her stephanos is bound are ela-
borated with the detail which belongs to later numismatic art than that of the
school of Polycleitus. In Nos. 13 and 15 on the other hand we have works of
a time before b. c. 400. And in both of these, differing as they do in details
and in style, and various as is their merit as works of art, I would yet see
something of Polycleitan influence ; more especially in the stephanos which the
goddess wears. In the statue of Polycleitus the goddess wore a stephanos
adorned with figures of the Horae and Charites 1 , and a tall round stephanos
appears on the head of the statue of Hera on late coins of Argos 2 . Now the
head on our two coins wears a notable stephanos which is adorned with floral
ornaments, and it seems to be quite in consonance with the laws of Greek
numismatic art to suppose these ornaments to be a translation of the figures of
Seasons and Graces. We may then go so far as to say that probably had our
coins been struck before the erection of the Polycleitan statue they would have
been very different from what they are : but there we must stop. Especially in
arrangement of hair our two coins differ from all existing' statues of Hera, and
may well also have differed from contemporary statues.
No. 7 gives us a head of Asclepius from his city of Epidaurus. It is of
hard and dry work, and expresses none of the benevolence which we look for
in effigies of this god. At about the time when it was struck Thrasymedes of
Paros was setting up his celebrated statue of Asclepius in the same city ; but we
do not know that there was any connexion between coin and statue. The head
of Apollo from Zacynthus, No. 8, and that of the nymph Olympia from Elis,
No. 27, may be spoken of together because they are closely alike in fabric ;
their lines are hard and strong and clear, and they impress us like works in
bronze ; they have in fact in them something of archaic want of geniality. In the
Apollo the liaii - is still long, and turned back from the forehead like a woman’s ;
the head of the nymph distinctly reminds us of that of the reclining corner
figure from the western pediment of the Olympian temple. That the nymph
Olympia and not the Olympian Hera is represented is made certain not only
by considerations of style, but also by the fact that the inscription ’0\u/x7ua is
Pansan. n. 17- 4.
• Overbeck, Kunstmyth. in. 125.
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— PELOPONNESUS.
139
found on similar pieces, and apparently as the name of the person represented and
not a mere epithet. Nos. 9 and 12 are heads of Cephalus and Procris from the vm. 9,12
island of Cephallenia, where their myth was at home. Cephalus as in No. 2 is a
sturdy young huntsman with short clustering hair and thick neck. No. 10 from
Cleonae is one of the earliest radiate heads which have come down to us. It
represents Apollo as the sun-god, and the manner in which it looks directly out of
the coin, a thing almost unknown in Greek Numismatics, may have a meaning as
rendering the round form of the sun’s disk. The same result is attained by a
peculiar treatment of the head in profile, 'on the contemporary Rhodian coin,
pi. X. 16. The helmeted head No. 11 and the three heads of Aphrodite, Nos. x. 10 .
16, 17, 18, are all from Corinth, and are of a beauty which is quite extraordi- 16 , 17, 18
nary considering their size. The smaller coins of Corinth furnish a gallery of
beautiful female heads and different styles of coiffure in which we may see
reflected the fashions which reigned among the Hetaerae of the city, the demi-monde
of Greece. No. 19 also from Corinth gives us a playful, scarcely comic represen- vm. 19 .
tation of Pegasus tied with a rope to the wall, and instinct with eagerness to be
gone. The immortal steed on other Corinthian coins is drinking ; in some, having
a stone taken from his hoof. It is very seldom that such liberties are taken
with a religious type ; the only other instance that I can cite at the moment
being the Agrigentine coin pi. vi. 34, but we can allow for the working of vi. 34.
Corinthian levity. No. 20 from Sicyon offers one of the most unsatisfactory vm. 20 .
subjects of Greek art, the Chimaera, a creature still more clumsy and repugnant
to the perfection of art than even centaurs and griffins. These hybrid monstro-
sities were adopted by Hellas from Asia ; but never quite assimilated — except
the Centaurs — to true Greek art. The Chimaera, ‘ prima leo, postrema draco,
media ipsa Chimaera,’ especially suffers from the wretched necessity of imposing
a feeble and most superfluous goat on the middle of a lioness’ back ; and no
skill in rendering the lioness can much mitigate the helplessness of the result.
We now reach some more types from Elis. In No. 21 the device, an eagle vm. 21 .
tear in o' a ram, is wrought into the circular form of a Greek buckler. No. 22 is vm. 22 .
a most spirited group, an eagle and a serpent in deadly conflict. No. 23 is a vm. 23 .
noble eagle’s head, below which is a leaf; No. 24 a winged thunderbolt, No. 30 vm. 21 .
° . 0 30.
an eao-le standing erect in a wreath of wild olive. Thunderbolt and eagle alike
are the symbols of the Olympian Zeus, and the eagle tearing the prey, in especial,
is the sign sent by him to those he favours ; the sure presage of victory. In
the eighth book of the Iliad Zeus is said to have sent to Agamemnon as a sign
of his favour an eagle bearing a fawn in its claws. To two of these representa-
tions peculiar interest attaches because they bear on them a signature which may
be that of an artist. The letters AA appear in the field of No. 22 and are vm. 22 .
engraved on the leaf on No. 23 though scarcely distinguishable on our plate, vm. 23.
18—2
140
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
As artists sometimes sign in the field, and hardly any but artists on a part of
the type itself, the balance of probability seems to be in favour of our reading
these two letters as the initials of the artist who engraved these two pieces. If
so, the matter lies open to conjecture, and it is at least worth while to point out
that at this period Daedalus of Sicyon was certainly employed at Olympia not
only in erecting the trophy already mentioned, but in making statues of Olym-
pian victors h That Daedalus was the actual designer of these coins we cannot
prove, but it is something more than a possibility, and the designs are, as emi-
nent artists have assured me, by no means unworthy of so great a sculptor.
viil 28 , The coin of Messene, of which the two sides are represented under Nos. 28
25 .
and 25, is of importance. The head of Demeter on the obverse is in very high
relief and one of the most massive and splendid effigies we have, though the
type has nothing to make it a fit portrait of a matronly and sorrowing divinity.
Itather it looks like a proud young beauty who has the world at her feet. And
it would not help us were we to suppose that the head is not of Demeter but
of her daughter Persephone, for the type suits her no better. The fact is that as
Overbeck 2 has remarked, the heads of Demeter on coins do not bear the same
character as those belonging to statues which have come down to us, and which
embody far better the ideas which we naturally form of Demeter as a benevolent
and matronly goddess. The reason of this discrepancy probably is that our
statues, most of which belong to the maturity and decline of Greek art, were
fully intended to be in consonance with the current myths which were the
property of the whole Greek race, while coins on the other hand, being more
local in their character, would often follow a special or local tradition which
would differ in character from the general myths. This local character belonged
in many places to the Chthonian goddesses, as we may learn from Pausanias ; in
Arcadia and other parts of Greece Demeter is not the deity of the Homeric
hymn. And we may take the opportunity of remarking that coins frequently
present a deity in more various lights than either sculpture or vases. Their
Greece is the Greece mirrored in the pages of Pausanias, while the Greece of at
all events the more usual sculptural remains is rather the Greece of poets and
historians.
The figure of Zeus on the reverse of our Messenian coin is in an attitude
which we have met before. He strides forward with a thunderbolt in one up-
raised hand, and an eagle perched on his advanced left arm. This attitude we
[,i,i8. have noticed as given to Apollo, pi. I. 1, 13, and Poseidon, pi. i. 2, 14, 15, v.
1 is. 14 ’ 5, vn. 2. To the latter deity it seems especially appropriate, the left arm being
vn\ thrown forward to balance the weight of the trident in the right. Overbeck 3
1 For details see Num. Citron. 1879, p. 242.
~ Kunstmythologie, hi. p. 452. 1 Ibid. in. p. 222.
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— PELOPONNESUS.
141
thinks that it specially belongs to Poseidon as the opponent of giants 1 , and was
retained for him longer than for other deities. We find indeed a Zeus in the
same attitude on late coins, such as that of Corinth, pi. vm. 42, that of Mes-
sene, pi. xn. 47, those of Antiochus II. of Syria, and copper pieces of Athens.
We may however cite in favour of the opinion of Overbeck the fact that the
Zeus who appears in this attitude on coins is always a stiff figure of traditional
and archaic pattern. Our present coin, No. 25, is almost the only instance in
which the figure has not the spareness and rigidity of early art, and even here
the fleshy proportions only of contemporary schools are introduced, the attitude
is not altered from its traditional pose. On the other hand several of the
figures of Poseidon, such as pi. v. 5, vii. 2, and especially pi. xn. 3, are
rendered in full accordance with the state of contemporary art ; are indeed full
of swing and spirit. This certainly would look as if the die-cutters of later
Greece had before their minds only archaic figures of the striding Zeus with
outstretched arm, but knew of figures of freer style representing Poseidon in
the same attitude. It has been supposed 2 that the figure on the coins of
Messene, pi. viii. 25, and xn. 47 is copied from the statue of Zeus Ithomaeus
executed for the Messenians at Naupactus by Ageladas and set up 3 by them, not
in theff Acropolis, but in a house at the foot of the Acropolis lull, when they
were restored to their own city by Epaminondas. The balance of opinion seems
to be in favour of this theory. The design of the figure is such as would well
suit the age of Ageladas, and the type is exactly repeated at periods two cen-
turies apart. If so the coin on pi. vm. would be an early instance of an
intentional copy on coins which can be shewn to be taken from a definite work
of art ; a copy which does not indeed reproduce the proportions and contour of
the original, but preserves faithfully its general attitude and attributes. On
some coins of Messene, it should be observed, we have beside the figure of Zeus,
the legend IOQAA..., the commencement of his distinctive title.
Of the coins of Crete and Cyrene, pi. ix., we speak under the next period.
For to that period they mostly belong, though it is not easy to fix the exact
limits of time within which they were current.
1 More likely, merely as hunter of marine-monsters, see pi. v. 5, where the head of one is
introduced.
2 Overheck, Kunstmyth. ii. 12. There is a general opinion that the figure of Zeus by Ageladas
was youthful : this however is not necessarily implied in the statements of ancient writers.
3 Pausan. Messen. 33.
VIII. 42.
XII. 47.
VIII. 25.
V. 5.
VII. 2.
XII. 3.
VIII. 25.
XII. 47.
142
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
Asia Minor.
Passing then to Asia Minor, pi. x., we at once plunge into quite a new
region of art. The coins of Italy, Sicily and Hellas during the present period
are almost all beautiful and carefully executed. In Asia we find a greater mix-
ture of good and bad, of beauty and barbarism. The reason is that already
stated in the last chapter, that Asia Mhior included not only the flourishing
Greek cities of the coast, but semi-Greek populations like those of Lycia and
Cyprus, and tracts of absolute barbarism. Thus on our plate beside the pure
Hellenic art of Cyzicus and Rhodes and Chios we find the productions of the
half-barbarians of Side and Aspendus, Nos. 6, 10, 11, and the struggling efforts
of settlers on the borders of outer barbarism like the people of Trapezus in
Pontus, No. 17. Yet it is clear from a general comparison of plates x. and iv.
that in our present period the tide of influence is setting from west to east.
Hellas has learned what Asia can teach and is already beginning to instruct
her instructress. On pi. iv. we had coins of Greek cities which were in style
quite Asiatic ; on pi. x. we have money inscribed with Aramaic and Pamphylian
characters which bears types of unmistakably Greek style. It would be hazard-
ous to attempt to trace in the art of Asia the influence of any special Greek
master or school ; but probably Athens was the chief source of Hellenic influ-
ence to most parts of Asia. Prof. Brunn thinks that the Lycian who carved
the Xanthian monument studied at Athens ; and we know the extent in Asia
of the Athenian maritime empire. In accordance with these data we may discern
in the Pallas, No. 7, and the Zeus, No. 9, of our plate works which seem to
recall the style of Pheidias and his pupils. And if a recent theory be well
founded, No. 27, of which we shall speak in the next chapter, is a still more
decided reminiscence of a work of Attic art. So too a large number of the
types on Cyzicene staters can clearly be traced to an Attic source. But in
spite of all western influence the art of Asia Minor still retains in a marked
degree the decorative element. The forms of animals are still favourite subjects
and still rendered hi conventional style. And even in the case of the staters
of Cyzicus, Nos. 1 — 5, though their subjects be very varied and their execution
good, yet there is a tendency to sacrifice all propriety in order to adapt the
shape of the type to the field, which makes those types resemble patterns rather
than subjects ; supplying a proof that even in flourishing Greek communities
something of the old Asiatic leaven still worked. In considering them we must
constantly make allowance for this tendency.
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— ASIA MINOR.
143
On No. 1 is a figure whom it is perhaps most reasonable to regard with x. i-
M. Six 1 as Cecrops, the serpent-footed king of Attica, since it has none of the
fierceness which marks the serpent-footed giants. In that case the tree which
he grasps will not be a rough weapon of defence, but the olive of Athens. On
No. 2 is a figure of Nike kneeling, the upper part of her body altogether bare. x. 2 .
On No. 3 is a radiate figure of Helios holding two horses. This is a remarkable x. 3 .
group, especially for the way in which perspective is subordinated to the neces-
sities of grouping. The artist evidently wished to represent Helios as advancing
towards the spectator holding in each hand the bridle of a horse ; and what
he gives us is but a mannered rendering of this idea. On No. 4 we find a x. 4.
reminiscence, a copy it can scarcely be called, of the celebrated Athenian group
of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, by Critius and Nesiotes, of which there is a
copy at Naples. Of this group there is a more faithful rendering on late coins
of Athens, pi. xv. 30. Comparing the two derivatives from the same original xv. 30 .
we may at once see how the present coin translates the group into the vigorous
and free style of its own time, shaping the figures according to the Polycleitian
canon, while in the Athenian coin there is a distinct attempt to reproduce, so
far as limits of space allow, the real character of the original. On No. 5 we x. 5 .
have a kneeling archer holding an arrow which he is about to place on the
string of his bow. This design is of a class very common at Cyzicus. It is
noteworthy that in this city, alone among Greek mints, the types are borrowed
from the beliefs and traditions of the most varied regions. We next reach
several designs of less strictly Hellenic character. Nos. 6 and 7 are from Side x. g, 7 .
in Pamphylia, an Aeolic colony of the coast, dedicated to the worship of Apollo
and Pallas, both of which deities here appear. On later coins the Apollo of
Side has a barbaric appearance, but here, on No. 6, he is Hellenic, and in fact x. g.
nearly resembles in attitude the Apollo of Metapontum pi. 1 . 16, and like him 1 . 16.
holds lustral branch and bow, and stands at an altar. Unlike him however he
wears a chlamys, and is accompanied by a raven, the bird of soothsaying. This
close likeness between two coins struck at the two ends of the Hellenic world,
and at different epochs of art, is instructive. On No. 7 appears a Pallas whose x. 7 .
stout proportions, with the manner in which her limbs appear through her dress,
argue a somewhat early period. On her outstretched right hand is an owl, while
her left rests on the rim of a shield, and the aegis covers her breast. This is a
type of the goddess whicli recurs at a later time in Asia, see pi. xiv. 2, and was xiv. 2 .
probably not unusual in the case of statues. On No. 8, a coin issued by the x. s.
Satrap Tiribazus in Cilicia, we have a slightly Hellenized form of an Eastern deity,
Ormazd, whom the Persians represented nearly in the same attitude and with
the same attributes which belonged to the Assyrian Asshur. The reverse of the
1 Num . Chron. 1877, p. 170.
144
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
x. o. same piece, No. 9, bears a figure of the Hellenic Zeus standing with a himation
over liis shoulder and an eagle in his hand. In the Greek cities of Cilicia, Zeus
was the chief object of worship ; and we suppose that the city of Tiribazus’
satrapy which issued the coin reserved the reverse of it for its own national deity,
while conceding the obverse to that of the over-lord Tiribazus. This is scarcely
an instance of syncretism in religion ; rather it serves to shew how completely
both a civic community and a ruler are embodied in and represented by their
respective divinities.
x. in, n. Nos. 10 and 11, from Aspendus in Pamphylia, being accompanied by a bar-
barous legend, shew that agonistic types were not peculiar to the pure Hellenes.
On No. 10 we have a slinger, the transparency of whose short chiton is
most remarkable, and in No. 11 a pair of wrestlers, of whom each is trying
to get a better grip of the other’s arms as the first step towards victory. These
figures are somewhat lean and of exaggerated muscle, resembling earlier coins of
the real Greeks ; the southern coast of Asia Minor being at this time especially
x. 12 . backward in the development of art. In No. 12 from Celencleris appears a horse-
man alighting, a figure worthy of Tarentum, and entirely free from the stiffness
iv. 26 . of the earlier instance of the type, pi. iv. 26. Very fine also is the Sphinx from
x. 13. Chios, No. 13, a figure combining in very bold design an archaic form of wing
with a proud pose and a beautiful Greek head with hair rolled up close in the
fashion of ordinary women, instead of hanging as usually in formal curls. The
result justifies the artist’s attempt, though he may fairly be accused of trying to
put new wine into old bottles.
x. 14. No. 14 is quite one of the most noteworthy Greek heads in existence; the
coin is from Colophon. That it is meant for a Persian is proved by the head-dress,
which is the regular mitra of Persians and Phrygians. The expression is majestic
in the extreme, dignity and the habit of command are written on the large
regular features. This head is unlike any Greek ideal, not even like the head
vin. c. of Zeus, pi. viii. 6, which for a moment it recalls. Is it then a portrait ? It
has sometimes been considered to be such. M. Waddington sees in it the head
of King Artaxerxes Mneinon 1 . Mr Head 2 , on the other hand, remarks the
absence of the regal Persian crown, the turreted kidaris ; and thinks that it must
lie meant for Pharnabazus. And certainly a similar head is found on coins bearing
the name of Pharnabazus. But not on such only ; many Persian satraps issue
money bearing an effigy which if very inferior in style to the present yet
resembles it in general character. I cannot think it possible that at a time when
not even Dionysius of Sicily or the Macedonian kings ventured to put their
portraits on coins, such a liberty would be taken in Asia by a mere satrap.
Mel. de Numism. p. 96.
Coinage of Lydia and Persia,, p. 50.
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, EARLY— ASIA MINOR.
145
Surely sucli a venture would liave cost him his post and his life. Nor indeed
do we find in the present effigy anything individual ; the type, though marked,
is general and impersonal. On the reverse of the piece is the inscription BAII ;
and this legend appears conclusively to shew that the head on the obverse is
intended to represent the Great King. Yet it does not seem to be in any sense
a portrait ; it may be doubted if at the period true portraits existed. The Greek
artist who executed the type, having probably small idea what the King really
was like, simply tried to express his idea as to what a Persian king ought to be.
And in this he has succeeded admirably. Noble birth is expressed in the type,
as well as dignity and the habit of command. Perhaps there is something of
languidness and haughtiness in the cast of features ; but these were precisely
characteristics of the Persian nobility among whom the artist would seek his
models. But the head is in several respects unlike that of contemporary Greeks.
No. 15 is from Pdiodes, and represents the Rhodian Apollo. It does not x. 15.
receive justice in the plate, owing to its high relief, yet our photograph gives
an idea of the peculiar hardness and sharpness of the features, which remind us
of the work of early Italian painters. The date must be about b.c. 400, shortly
after the foundation of the city of Rhodes. It cannot possibly be earlier than
408 when that city was founded by Lindus, lalysus, and Camirus. The head
of the same deity occurs on No. 16, from the island Megiste, but here on a x. ic.
rayed disk, a simple and pleasing ,way of indicating a sun-god. This is perhaps
the earliest of radiate heads ; on later coins of Rhodes and the Syrian Kings the
rays are attached to a fillet passing round the head ; and later still, on Roman
coins they appear like metal spikes, with very inferior fitness and beauty. No.
17, from Trapezus, represents a young male head, drawn somewhat coarsely; No. x. 17 .
18, from Cnidus, is a head of Aphrodite. This must be earlier than the statue x. i«.
of Praxiteles, and is probably copied from no image. It is also of hard and
rough work, and though bold not equal in style to the lion’s head on the reverse
of the same coin, No. 20, which is of noble style, if somewhat mannered. On x. 20 .
No. 19 is a bull from Cyprus between two oriental symbols, the winged disk x. 10 .
and the crux ansata, a fair type of the art of Cyprus, always giving definite
semi-Hellenic form to oriental ideas, yet without the innate force to form from
these an original and consistent cycle of art, and so always repeating the same
simple forms and not progressing. On No. 21 we have the rose, the symbol of x. 21 .
the island of Rhodes, a good instance of Greek conventionalism in flowers, with a
small sphinx seated beside it.
G.
19
140
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
Copies of Statues.
On the xvtli plate are a few late copies of statues by Plieidias and bis con-
xv. 30. temporaries, besides that of the group of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, No. 30. The
xv. 19 . figure of the Olympic Zeus appears on a coin of Hadrian, No. 19, struck at Elis.
As to this I have elsewhere 1 remarked that we find in it certain distinct depar-
tures from the usual stereotyped design which stands on coins of Alexander and the
Seleucidae for the Olympian deity (pi. xv. 31), departures which indicate a decided
intention to approach nearer to the Pheidian statue. With this object the artist
threw the figure more correctly into profile by making the left arm project in
front of the body and not behind it, as previous artists had done in a clumsy
attempt at perspective. He also tried to improve the type of the head and
represented the drapery falling from the left shoulder with greater clearness. In
xv. is. No. 18 we have a similar attempt to portray the head of the Pheidian statue;
of this we have already spoken in this chapter. Of the other great work of
Plieidias, the Athene Parthenos, we have also some slight numismatic record in
xv. 22 . pi. xv. 22. But here the discovery of statuettes has made our knowledge of the
form of the statue so complete that coins add nothing to it. Of a head which
may be copied from that of the Parthenos, pi. xn. 43, mention will be made in
due place.
Coins of Elis , p. 50.
CHAPTER Y.
Period of finest art; late.
The period b.c. 371 — 335 was that during which Praxiteles and Scopas
were at work, and their influence fast radiating through Greece. It can scarcely
be expected that we should in this place attempt to give even an outline of
the changes introduced by those great masters into Greek sculpture, or to detail
the chief characteristics of their style. A dissertation of that sort is to be
found in every book which attempts to give the history of Greek art as a whole ;
but it would be out of place in a piece of special work like the present. And
it would be the more out of place because the character which attaches to
the sculptures of Scopas and Praxiteles is only found in a modified form in
numismatic art. The narrow limits of that art shut out for the most part any
attempt at the pathetic or the dramatic ; and give but moderate scope to the
tendency to embody in form a more sensuous beauty. Moreover, though Scopas
and Praxiteles no doubt controlled the main stream of Greek art, they did not
control all the subordinate currents. There were other schools of art than theirs
in the length and breadth of Hellas ; and as our coins come from all parts, a
large proportion of them were affected by the works of local masters of style rather
than by Athenian sculptors ; just as the tidal wave follows rather the nearer
but smaller moon than the more distant but larger sun.
In fact the changes which we shall find in coins in this period are rather
those produced by the general current of ancient art than those which recall the
works of any particular school. The human figures will be of slighter proportions
and more rounded outline, and the attitudes more graceful and less vigorous.
Frequently they are seated on rocks and under trees amid natural scenes instead
of in temples and on the formal thrones usual at earlier and later periods. In
the heads we shall find greater variety, less severity of type, more care and
more success in the rendering of details such as hair and eve. And besides,
there is a great increase of expression. As however it is not easy or possible to
introduce much expression into a head represented in profile the custom prevails
of three-quarter- face representations of deities. It is evident that into a
face thus represented far more character as well as more pathos can be intro-
19— 2
148
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
duced. The custom took its rise apparently in Sicily ; for some of the coins of
Leontini and Camarina with full-face heads must date from the fifth century ;
but it soon spread to Hellas and Asia, and is very common during the whole time
from B. c. 400 to the age of Philip, when it suddenly disappears. In the present
period we also find greater freedom of treatment in the case of some animals,
notably the horse.
These of course are but generalities ; we shall soon come to details. Mean-
while I would direct those who wish at once to fix in their minds some idea of
the style of the age, in particular to two series of coins. The first is the fine
pieces issued in Peloponnese by cities in alliance with Epaminondas, and as the
result of his memorable expedition against Spartan influence in these regions.
These coins occupy most of the latter half of the vmth plate. The second is
the remarkable set of gold staters issued at Lampsacus, probably about the time
when the issue of Cyzicene electrum ceased in the middle of the 4th century.
These will be found represented in our xth plate by Nos. 24, 25, 38, 39, 40.
Of both these series I shall speak in the proper place.
Italy.
The coinage of Italy during the later fine period is not separated by any
sharp line from that of the preceding age. Towards the middle of the fourth
century the Greek cities of the South began to be hard pressed by the warlike
inland tribes, but their destruction or subjugation was as yet staved off, and the
day of Pioman dominion had not come. So they still continued their plenteous
issues of beautiful coins, which do not differ in type from those of previous
v. 28 . times but are of freer and more advanced style. No. 28 of plate v. is a remark-
able group from the gold coinage of Tarentum. It represents Poseidon seated
on a throne, looking down on his son Taras, who stands before him with hands
raised in petition. The attitude and dress of Poseidon are those usual in the
case of Zeus ; only he holds the trident in the place of a sceptre. The group
well expresses the confidence of the Tarentines in their destiny to rule the sea ;
Taras is the darling of Poseidon, who can refuse him no request, and who places
at his service alike the dolphin by sea and the horse by land. The same idea
v. 30, si. inspires other coins of Tarentum in our plate. Thus on Nos. 30, 31 we see
Taras riding with easy but firm seat on a dolphin, a figure of complete grace-
fulness. On Nos. 34 and 35 Taras or Phalanthus or perhaps a more modern
cavalier of the Tarentines who had won renown sits on a horse. The Greeks
used neither saddle nor stirrup ; and our hero seems to need neither, so steady
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— ITALY.
149
and safe is his seat. In No. 35 the horse seems to he racing; in No. 34 he is
being crowned by his rider with the wreath of victory. On No 36 the rider is
armed for battle, carrying three spears and a large round shield. These few
specimens must serve to represent the Tarentine coins with their inexhaustible
variety and constantly changing beauty.
On No. 29 we have a reposing Heracles, from Croton. In attitude the
figure bears rather a close resemblance to the Heracles of the last period, No. 2 ;
but there are differences which suit the times of the two coins. In the later
representation the figure of Heracles has less of simple massiveness, the muscles
of arms and chest are worked out in greater detail, and the attitude is nearer
to lounging. The figure reminds us of the description of the statuette of Heracles
made to place on the table of Alexander the Great, where the hero was seated
on a rock over which his lion’s skin was spread, was looking up, and held in
one hand a wine-cup, in the other a club 1 . There is however a local element
in the present representation, since we learn that when in Italy Heracles rested
and refreshed himself in the house of Croton.
The gem-like delicacy of work makes this figure pleasing ; other contempo-
rary treatments of the subject are less successful ; for instance that of pi. vi.
No. 36, from the Sicilian Thermae, where the figure of Heracles has a weakness
and rotundity which is most unsuitable to the hero. It would seem that in the
time preceding Lysippus even the form of Heracles, most manly of all heroes,
was in danger of undergoing the same softening which took place in the types
of Apollo and Dionysus ; but in this case the tendency met with a violent
reaction, of which we see the fruit in the statue of Glycon. On No. 32 we
have a spirited rendering of the contest of Heracles and the Nemean lion. Less
sturdy and less upright than in No. 6, Heracles seems to bend over the lion;
but the tension of his muscles is splendidly rendered, and on the whole this
group deserves its wide reputation. Not less charming is the figure of Nike,
No. 33, from Terina, who stands with raised foot placed on a cippus. As a
study of drapery this work may compare with the contemporary statuettes from
Tanagra, and indeed with the beautiful figure in a somewhat similar position in
the relief from the balustrade of the temple of Nike Apteros.
Nos. 37 to 39 are all from the coins struck in Italy by Alexander ofv
Epirus, and therefore of known date. They represent the head of the Dodonaean
Zeus, ancestral deity of the Molossian Kings, who is distinguished from other
forms of Zeus by wearing a wreath of oak, the sacred tree of Dodona.
No. 37 is one of our noblest heads of Zeus, simple and dignified, with faultless
features, and hair represented with consummate art and not too great subtlety
of detail. The close likeness in style between this head and that of Hera, No.
1 Martial, ix. 44.
V. 35.
V. 34.
V. 36.
V. 29.
V. 2.
VI. 36.
V. 32.
V. 6.
V. 33.
. 37—39.
V. 37.
150
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
v. 45 , 38. 45, seem to indicate a Tarentine origin for it. No. 38 far more nearly resembles
the head of Zeus on coins of Philip of Macedon, which is in its turn closely
similar to the heads of bearded citizens on the frieze of the Parthenon and
Athenian sepulchral reliefs. It is the thoroughly typical Greek head which
became stereotyped in art. I do not here discern the prophetic look attributed
v. 39 . Ly Overbeck to the Zeus of this set of coins. In No. 39 on the other hand
we have something entirely peculiar and distinctive. This head with short sparse
beard and long mane-like hair, is almost unique, the nearest to it among effigies
xii. 17. occurring on coins of Thessaly, for instance pi. xn. 17. Are its peculiarities
due to the influence of a school of art belonging' to northern Greece ? This is
possible, and although it is probable that the silver coins of the Epirote King
were struck in Italy, yet this piece may be an exception, or it may be the
work of an Epirote artist. But whoever is the author, he shews the influence of
the school of Lysippus ; the leonine brow and hair sufficiently prove this ; and
the coin might perhaps better have been relegated to the next period, to which in
historical strictness it probably belongs. Distinctly earlier in character is the laurel-
v. 40. crowned head of Zeus from Metapontum, No. 40, which is indeed by no means
v. 16 . f r ee from archaism, and may fitly be compared with the head of Apollo, No. 16.
v. in We have next several heads which face the spectator. On No. 41 is a head
of Pallas from Velia, signed on the front of the helmet by the artist Cleodorus.
v 42 , 43. Nos. 42 from Pandosia and 43 from Croton represent the Lacinian Hera, a
warlike deity who was represented as armed, who loved sacrifices of cows, and
whose temple on the Lacinian Promontory was a centre of religious observance
in Bruttium, and whose effigy appears at this period on the coins of many
cities round. It is noteworthy that this head almost always faces the spectator,
vi. 39. an exception occurring only in Sicily, pi. vi. 39 ; but whether there is a special
reason for this we cannot say. This type of head for Hera is apparently un-
known in sculpture 1 . We are probably justified on numismatic evidence in
supposing that the Lacinian Llera, like her namesake at Argos, wore a tall
circular stephanos on her head, which may have been adorned, as on the coins,
v. 44. with griffins : but further than this it is not safe to go. On No. 44 we have
a head of Pallas from Thurium, in which the features are very regular and the
details of the helmet faultless ; yet the work stands in originality and beauty
v. it, 18 , far below the heads of the earlier period, Nos. 17, 18. Finally, in No. 45 we
have a head of Hera or perhaps of Amphitrite from Tarentum of the richest
style. About this what is most notable is the veil of the goddess, which appears
in evanescent shape. These matronly goddesses had a special right to the veil,
but the artist of our coin did not choose to sacrifice to it the beauty of his
design, so that it is hinted at rather than portrayed.
1 Overbeck, Kunslmyth. in. 106.
PERIOD OE FINEST ART, LATE— SICILY.
151
Sicily.
The coinage of Sicily during our period will not long detain us. It is repre-
sented by a few specimens at the bottom of plate vi. Before the year b.c. 371
almost all the great cities of Sicily had either been destroyed or had become
mere dependencies of Syracuse. But like Pharaoh’s lean kine Syracuse did not
grow by their accession, but pined away the more, so that when Timoleon landed
at Syracuse in b.c. 344 he found grass growing in the market-place, and the city
suffering extreme poverty. The era of Dionysius, b.c. 406 — 367, was no doubt a
time of far greater prosperity, and it is to this period that the most splendid
coins of Syracuse, including the celebrated decadrachms, are attributed. I have
considered, to suit our convenience, that the finest series of Syracusan coins was
issued before b.c. 371, and so included it in the last period, although some speci-
mens, such as 21 — 23 of plate vi., may have been struck as late as the reign of the VI - 21
son and successor of Dionysius. But as the legend on all these pieces is the
same, SvpaKocriuv, it is not possible to make a division of them into two classes
to suit our periods.
The only coins of Syracuse which I have ventured to place within our
period are Nos. 35, 37, 40. On 35 we have a charging figure of Leucaspis, the vi. 35, 37 ,
same hero who appears above on No. 5. But in the later coin the vigour and vi. 5 .
energy which marked the warrior in the earlier type have disappeared and given
way to weakness. On No. 35 the slight figure of Leucaspis seems to bend vi. 35 .
under the weight of his shield, though the engraver has most carefully finished
the group which he was unable to endow with spirit. No. 40 represents the vi. 40 .
obverse of this coin, a head of Pallas closely resembling that signed by the
artist Eucleides, and either the work of that artist or else, which is far more
probable, the production of some feeble copyist of his. Although the work is
pretty and very minute, it lacks energy and originality. No. 37 belongs to the vi. 37 .
age of Timoleon ; it bears a head of Zeus Eleutherius, whose worship the
Syracusans adopted in B.c. 466 in memory of their liberation from the despotic
tyranny of Thrasybulus, brother of Gelon. It is of fine type, in style well suiting
the period between the prevalence of the majestic head of early times and the
more passionate and leonine type introduced about the middle of the fourth
century. Short hair belongs to heads of Zeus especially about this period, cf.
pi. V. 14. V. 14.
On No. 36, from the Himeraean Thermae, we have a decidedly feeble figure vi. 30 .
of Heracles, of which I have already spoken. On the obverse of this piece, No.
152
. ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
VI. 39.
VIII. 40.
VI. 38.
V. 39.
VII. 43.
VII. 22.
VII. 47,
44.
VII. 47.
VIII. 28,
41.
VII. 46.
39, is a head of Hera which seems to represent the goddess in her character of
Lacinia, though it is almost as closely like the head from Argos, pi. vm. 40.
On No. 38 we find a head of the river-god Gelas, with the horns of a hull.
The type of this deity follows in its changes the current effigies of Zeus. We
have noticed this fact at an early period, and now again observe it. Save in
treatment of hair our present head recalls that of Zeus on Epirote coins, pi. V.
39. There is little here, as elsewhere in the representations of Gelas, of animal
nature and brute force. The Sicilian Greeks not only venerated rivers but
seemed to have formed a lofty idea of their divinity, and their artists are
persistent save in the earliest times in attributing to them noble forms of head
and thoroughly human expression.
Northern Greece.
The coins of Northern and Central Greece which belong to our period are
represented on the lower half of plate vn. It is remarkable that few of them
bear types of much importance, scarcely any exhibit human figures or types of
the gods of mythological interest.
Instructive from the point of view of style is the coin of Locri, No. 43,
which represents the hero Ajax charging at a run. Comparing this with the
earlier instance of the same type, No. 22, we see what an extraordinary change
in the proportions of the human frame had taken place in sculpture between
the days of Polycleitus and those of Lysippus. The spare and muscular frame
of Ajax, and the smallness of his head on our present coin recall the figures on
the Mausoleum frieze. A more modern touch too is the spear which has been
hurled at the hero by a foeman and struck the ground at his feet. Still more
interesting is the coin of the Amphictionic League, of which the obverse appears
as No. 47 and the reverse as No. 44. The occasion when this piece was
minted is obscure, but the time must have been nearly that of the Sacred War
in the middle of the fourth century. We have already spoken of the coin
from the historical point of view ; but it is also important as a work of art.
The head of Demeter, No. 47, departs far from the ordinary coin-representations,
most of which, e.g. pi. vm. 28, 41, and vn. 46, seem imitated from Syracusan
coins, and convey to our minds nothing of the distinctive character of the
sorrowing and motherly goddess. In the present coin, though we cannot profess
to trace sorrow in the face of the goddess we see there a mature sweetness
and dignity which are very appropriate. When we reach the coins of Asia, we
shall find in pi. x. 41 another head worthy of a place beside this; hut in
x. 11.
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— NORTHERN GREECE.
153
general Demeter does not appear to advantage on coins. We may here notice,
as belonging to her cycle, the coin of Eleusis, Nos. 45, 48. No. 45 represents vn. 45,48.
Triptolemus in his winged chariot drawn by serpents passing through the lands
to distribute the gifts of agriculture, a favourite subject on vases. It is Tripto-
lemus, not Demeter, for the figure is clearly masculine and not feminine as some
have imagined 1 ; although there do exist exceptional coins of Eleusis in which
appears a female figure in this winged car. On No. 48 is the pig of Demeter vii. 4s.
standing on her torch, in double allusion to the great mysteries. To return
however to our Amphictionic coin ; on the reverse, No. 44, is Apollo seated on vii. 44.
the omphalos, the mystic centre of the world which existed in the Delphian
temple, and surrounded by Delphic symbols. He is clad in the chiton, with
long sleeves and waist girt-in, which specially belonged to the Citharoedus,
and which he wears on what are supposed to be copies of Scopas' statue, the
Apollo Palatinus. One elbow rests on his lyre as he leans in the attitude of
meditation, perhaps looking into the future with eyes of prophecy ; in one hand
he holds a laurel bough. A tripod in the background still more clearly indicates
that Delphi is the scene portrayed on the coin.
On this coin the hair of Apollo falls in long tresses as in the head on the
coin of Olynthus, No. 28. This type seems to belong to a later time than the vn. 28 .
beautiful Apollo-heads from the same city figured above, Nos. 12, 13 ; and we
may consider that the coin was probably struck shortly before the complete
suppression of the Olynthian League by Philip. There is a want of force about
this head, and in the style of the hair we see a gradual return to the old-
fashioned ideas which later again prevailed, as in pi. xm., No. 25, and generally, xhi. 25.
On No. 29, struck by Philip of Macedon, and No. 33 from Cierium in Thessaly vn. 29 , 33 .
we have two heads of Zeus of fine but somewhat conventional type. To judge
hy the bearded heads on the frieze of the Parthenon, the Zeus-head on Philip’s
coins would seem to have something of the style of Pheidias about it. And in
this view it is noteworthy that Philip distinctly intended tins head to stand
for that of the Zeus of Olympia, whom contrary to the customs of his fathers he
claimed as patron deity. These considerations may serve to arouse an interest
in our coin as possibly bearing an affinity to the great masterpiece of Pheidias, but
they will not bear pressing. No. 30, also from Philip’s coin, is a head which vn. 30 .
has roused much discussion. It has usually been called either an Apollo or a
Heracles ; but neither of these attributions is satisfactory. Apollo, when occurring
unmistakeably on Philip’s coin, has long hair ; and the present head is too round
and thick-set to suit the idea of Apollo. And Heracles on the Macedonian money
wears the lion’s skin, both on coins of princes who preceded Philip, as Perdiccas
1 Stephani, Coviptes Rendus, 1859, p. 87.
G.
Kohler, Mitth. d. D. Inst, in Athen , Yol. iv.
20
VII. 32.
XII. 15.
VII. 31.
VII. 34, 42.
VII. 34.
VII. 42.
VII. 35.
VI. 22.
X. 4G.
154 ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
III., No. 32, and on coins of Alexander the Great, pi. xii. 15. It seems then
more probable, as I have tried to prove elsewhere 1 that the present head belongs
rather to the Macedonian sun-god Ares. There was a celebrated statue of this
deity by Alcamenes, and just to the time of Philip must belong the colossal
statue of Ares by Scopas in seated attitude. The chief argument for the attri-
bution is that on the coins of the Sicilian Mamertines a head just like it, also
laureate, bears the full inscription APEOI, and this seems a valid reason in
favour of the theory. If it be accepted, we must probably also give the name
of Ares to the head on No. 31 from Phalanna in Thessaly, which is of similar
type : but our probability cannot be raised to the rank of a certainty because
the rounded head with short curly hair seems to be usual at the period for
various deities, as for instance for Hermes in the great statue of Praxiteles.
One of the most remarkable remains of ancient art is the coin of Pantica-
paeum, Nos. 34 and 42. The excavation of Crimean graves has revealed to us
the fact that art flourished in that region in the fourth century b. c., and further
that the ideas of art were borrowed especially from Athens, between which city
and the northern shore of the Euxine continual intercourse was kept up. Cer-
tainly none hut a Greek artist of the best school could have engraved the head
of Pan, No. 34, a head expressing in fullest degree the terrible and the bestial
sides of the god’s nature. And the rough material whence the type was formed
is easily discerned. The pointed ears of the god are an artistic addition, but
his rough hair and rugged features are clearly derived from a Scythian original ;
as anyone may convince himself by studying the figures of Scythians on the
celebrated electrum vase of the Hermitage 2 . In the same way the monetary
artists of Olbia in Sarmatia give a Scythian cast on their coins to the features
of the river-god Borysthenes 3 . The wonderful griffin on the reverse of our
piece, No. 42, is of Persian and Oriental rather than Creek type, having the
head of a horned lion in place of that of an eagle. Similar representations will
be found on vases from the Crimea 4 , but rarely elsewhere.
On No. 35 from Larissa is a nymph-head facing, which nearly resembles
the Syracusan full-face head of Arethusa by Cimon, pi. vi. 22. It is difficult
to say whether resemblances of this sort indicate closer connexion than contem-
poraneity. It should he noticed however that the coin of Larissa is a specimen
of a very large class, all hearing full-face heads of Nymphs, and differing one
from the other in many small ways. And even in the remote region of Cilicia
we have nymph-heads such as pi. x. 46 which are of very similar character.
On the other hand the coins of Syracuse certainly had a wide circulation, and
were widely imitated. The money of Carthage in the fourth century is closely
1 Numism, Chron. 1880, p. 52.
3 Cat. Gr. Coins , Thrace, p. 12.
~ Antiq. da Bosph. Cimmer. pi. xxxin.
4 Antiq. da Bosph. Cimmer. pi. xlvi.
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— NORTHERN GREECE.
155
copied from them. And we can scarcely think that heads of Persephone or
Demeter such as No. 46 on this plate from Locri or No. 41 on pi. vm. from
Pheneus in Arcadia are entirely unconnected in origin with the large class of
perfectly similar heads on the coins of Syracuse. Both of the pieces just men-
tioned might almost pass as specimens of the work of the Syracusan engraver
Euaenetus. But in our full-face coin, No. 35, there is a distinctive tone of
non-Sicilian art, indeed there is a simplicity about it which makes it on the
whole superior to the coins of Sicily. We may conclude then that even if the
general scheme of the full-faced nymph-head be borrowed from the work of
Cimon, the artists of other parts of Greece copied it in their own several styles,
accepting it not as a model but only as a suggestion.
On No. 36 we have a head of the goddess Hecate from Pherae in Thessaly,
on a coin of the tyrant Alexander. In front of the head is a torch grasped
by a small hand ; an adjunct more in the taste of Homan and Italian than
Greek art, and apparently inserted only to shew that the head is of Plecate, the
special goddess of Pherae. On 37 is a head of Artemis facing from Orthagoria
or Stageira of the time of Philip of Macedon. On Nos. 38 and 39 are two
agonistic types of Philip of Macedon, a biga and a Jceles or single horse. In
both the allusion is to victories at Olympia gained by Philip, who specially
affected the worship of the Olympian Zeus, and spared no pains or money to
gain a firm hold on the ruling bodies of Olympia, Delphi and other seats of
the great games. It is well known that from the gold staters of Philip, Nos.
30, 38, were derived the types of the coins used by Gauls and Britons for cen-
turies. We may fairly be surprised to find, at so good a period for art as
that of Philip, anything so monstrously exaggerated as is the figure of the
horse on No. 39. Not only is he ridiculously large in comparison to his jockey,
but of such heavy proportions that he certainly could never have won any race.
The whole group must be regarded as a clumsy attempt to flatter the pride of
Philip — the coin was struck at Pella — by giving unnatural proportions to his
horse. Earlier on Macedonian coins, as Nos. 4, 5, the rider is large in proportion
to the horse, in accordance with the well-known rule of Greek art to give greater
size to the more dignified object ; and it may be that a perverse interpretation of
the same rule made the engraver of the later coin increase the size of the royal
horse, and diminish that of the jockey, who would receive small share of the praise.
An infinitely better engraved horse comes next on No. 40 from Larissa in Thes-
saly, the work of a man who loved horses for their own sakes. On No. 41 is a
conventional or architectonic lion’s head from the coinage of Alexander of Pherae.
20 — 2
VII. 46.
VIII. 41.
VII. 36.
VII. 37.
VII. 38,
36.
VII. 30,
38.
VII. 36.
VII. 4, 5
VII. 40.
VII. 41.
156
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
Peloponnesus.
We turn next to the last two rows of pi. viil, where will be found Pelo-
ponnesian coins of the middle of the fourth century. And first we may state
the fact — a fact, however it may be explained — that in Peloponnese and Crete
we do not find at this period the greater attenuation of the human figure which
we can so clearly trace in the contemporary coins of Sicily and Italy, as well
as at Locri in northern Hellas, pi. vn. 22, 43. The forms in the Peloponnesian
class are singularly robust, with a few exceptions, such as No. 36, and are nearer
to the canon of Polycleitus than that of Euphranor or Lysippus.
History enables us to date with some closeness this class of coins. In the
year B. c. 370 Epaminondas made his celebrated invasion of Peloponnese, which
was no hasty incursion, hut a political move of the greatest importance, and
taken with full deliberation. The object of Epaminondas was to raise up on the
very borders of the Laconian territory neighbours who should be hostile to Sparta,
and restrain her from again venturing to exercise authority in northern Greece.
His two chief movements to this end were the re-establishment of the Messenians
at Ithome, and the formation of an Arcadian federation with Megalopolis as chief
city. The Arcadian league however soon broke up in consequence of internal
dissensions. It has for some time been the general opinion of numismatists that
we may attribute to the time which followed the invasion of Epaminondas the
series of fine didrachms which at about this period make their appearance in
Peloponnese. In the case of the coin of Messene, Nos. 25, 28, and that of
Arcadia, Nos. 32, 37, we can be sure that they could not be issued at an earlier
time, for the political bodies which struck them did not exist ; on the other
hand to place them much later is out of the question. The coin of Elis 1 , Nos.
26, 27, probably belongs to the time of the Arcadian attack upon Olympia in
the 104th Olympiad. In the case, however, of the coins of Arcadian cities such
as Stymphalus, Nos. 34, 38, 44, and Pheneus, Nos. 31, 41, it may be doubted
whether they were minted just before the foundation of the Arcadian league,
or during its existence ; but the similarity of their style to that of the pieces
of fixed date shews that our temporal assignment cannot be far wrong. All
these coins, though not wanting in freedom, yet preserve something of the state-
liness which belongs properly to the period of early fine art. The Arcadians
were a conservative race ; and their art did not move rapidly ; nor was its decay
Nurn. Chron. 1879, p. 247.
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— PELOPONNESUS.
157
hastened as in northern Greece by the growing political disorganization, and the
rise of despots like Alexander of Pherae and Philip of Ma.cedon.
On No. 31 we have a group quite characteristic of the age of Praxiteles, viii. 31.
The coin is from Pheneus, and the type Hermes carrying an infant who is
identified by an inscription behind him as Areas, the mythical ancestor of the
Arcadian race. On the death of Callisto, mother of Areas, Hermes, by command
of Zeus, carried the child to Maia his own mother to bring up. On this mission
Hermes is actively engaged in our representation. The child seems to see some-
thing which attracts him on the head or petasus of Hermes, and stretches his
hand to grasp it ; a motive which at once reminds us of Praxiteles’ great group
of Hermes and the child Dionysus. At the point of motive however the like-
ness between the two groups stops ; the design we are discussing being fitted
only for relief and not for sculpture in the round. On No. 32 we have young viii. 32 .
Pan the hunter seated on a mountain, holding in his hand the knotted lagobolon.
The letters OAY below were formerly supposed to stand for ‘ Olympus ’ and to
shew that the scene was laid on that great Arcadian mountain, but the occur-
rence of other specimens with another legend, leads us to doubt this interpre-
tation. Perhaps we may venture with more probability to see in the letters an
artist’s name 1 , and if so it is not at all impossible that the engraver may have
been Olympus of Sicyon, a sculptor of this period, who is however known to
us by little more than his name. We may presume however that he was a
disci} ile of Polycleitus, and we know that he made statues of athletes 2 , and
in both these respects resembled the engraver of our figure of Pan, which is for
its size a wonderful study of the human frame.
On No. 33 we have a seated Apollo from Zacynthus. The god is not en- viii. 33 .
throned, and so no temple-statue, but is seated on a bill, and lays his hand on
the head of a snake, just as Asclepius does at Epidaurus pi. xn. 21. This is an xn. 21 .
interesting local rendering of Apollo, rather than a young Asclepius, for there is
nothing in the type to indicate the deity of medicine. Figures seated on rocks
especially belong to this period though they do occur in others. We may compare
pi. v. 29 and vi. 36, as well as No. 36 of our present plate, which offers us a v
figure of Hermes from Pheneus. It should be observed that the two coins from viii. 3 <>.
Pheneus, of which the reverses figure in Nos. 31 and 36 are nearly contemporary, Ym -. 31 >
as is shewn by the similarity of style of their obverse types, two heads of
Persephone, of which one is reproduced under No. 41. Yet they differ very vin. 41 .
widely in their methods of representing the human frame. On No. 34 we have vui. 31 .
a picture of one of the battles of Heracles, from Stymphalus. It would appear
that the invisible enemy of the hero is the Stymphalian birds, for the types of
1 Brunn, n. p. 437.
2 Pausau. vi. 3. 5. Cf. Brunn, i. 292.
158
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
VIII. 44.
VIII. 38.
VIII. 35.
XI. 22.
XII. 36.
XV. 17.
XV. 13.
VIII. 37.
VIII. 32.
XII. 14,
25.
VIII. 38.
Stymphalus naturally refer to this exploit. On No. 44, for instance, we have
the head of one of these birds from a Stymplialian coin, emerging from amid
leaves and plants. It is notorious too that figures of the Stymphalian birds were
set up in the temple of Artemis 1 the guardian deity of the place, of whom we
have a noble effigy on No. 38. If however Heracles is attacking these birds
his action can scarcely be termed well-chosen, a bow and arrows being the
natural weapons wherewith to attack them and not the club. Elsewhere, as on
the coins of Lamia in Thessaly, Heracles does during this action use his bow,
and so usually on other classes of monuments. But if we waive this objection
we must allow that the design is very fine. Heracles is not the burly middle-
aged pancratiast of the school of Lysippus, hut young ; in his frame strength
and activity are happily joined. On No. 35, from Argos, we have the scene of
the carrying off of the Trojan Palladium by Diomede. The hero’s attitude well
expresses the mixture of caution in movement and readiness to meet the foe
which his expedition demanded, and which so well suited the character of Dio-
mede. The figure of the goddess is merely the conventional Pallas of early
times, cf. pi. xi. 22 ; xn. 36 ; xv. 17 ; a kind of statue which existed in many
Greek cities, giving rise to various traditions as to the history of the Trojan
simulacrum. But the statue which existed in historical Ilium, and which bears
every mark of great antiquity, was of quite another form, cf. pi. xv. 13. This
last, of colossal size, is the statue naively described by Apollodorus 2 as the real
Palladium of Ilium which fell from heaven.
Among the heads of the period one of the most important is that of Zeus
from Arcadia, No. 37. It would be most desirable, if it were possible, closely
to fix the date of this head ; for this is the first appearance on coins of the
type of Zeus which afterwards became prevalent and almost universal, the type
with flowing hair streaming backwards, leonine brow, and an expression of
command mixed with vigour. Unfortunately, our determination of date can only
be approximate. The coin cannot have been issued earlier than the establish-
ment of the Arcadian league, when Epaminondas invaded Peloponnese in b. c,
370; and it must in all probability precede the reign of Alexander the Great.
The reverse side of it, No. 32, is of the style of the middle of the fourth
century. More closely than this we cannot fix the date of our coin, but it
seems probable that the influence predominant with its engraver was that of the
school of Lysippus. All Zeus-heads on later coins, at least in Greece proper,
adhere closely to this type, cf. pi. xn. 14, 25.
The female heads though with less of severe beauty than those of the last
period are still very fine and of most careful finish. On No. 38 is the head of
Pausan. vm. 22. 7.
2 hi. 12. 3.
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— PELOPONNESUS.
159
the Arcadian Artemis from Stymphalus, an early instance of the style of hair-
dressing which later became usual for that goddess, pi. xm. 13, 24, 29. But XI ] L 0 j 3,
in the present case the head of Artemis has not that girlish lightness, that
maiden freedom from care which we suppose to be characteristic of Artemis.
For this there may be reasons, among others perhaps the fact that at Stym-
phalus Artemis was Limnatis, a goddess of lake and stream rather than a
huntress. Two heads of Hera, from Elis and Argos respectively occur as Nos.
39 and 40. The former may be compared with No. 15, above; the latter with vm. 39 ,
No. 14, and in each case we shall see the same change in the coin of later viii. 15 ,
... 14 .
period, a shorter and less majestic profile, more care and elaboration in hair and
ornaments. A great elaboration of the earring, I may remark, is an almost
infallible indication of a period later than the fifth century. But these later
heads of Hera approach 110 nearer to the recognized ideal of the goddess than
the earlier ones, and in spite of their beauty of detail do not satisfy 11 s with
meaning. Of the head of Demeter, No. 41, I have lately spoken in connexion vm. 41 .
with the very similar head on the coin of Locri, pi. vii. 46. The Demeter of vn. 46 .
Pheneus was called Eleusinia and closely connected with the mysteries, but we
find small trace of this connexion in the head before us. The two heads of the
Corinthian goddess on Nos. 42, 43 have something of the beauty which, as Mr vm. 4 *
Buskin has well remarked, is the distinguishing quality of the Corinthian coin
at all periods.
But the coins are here figured more particularly for the sake of the
adjunct in each case. The adjuncts or symbols on Corinthian money are very
various, and in many cases works of the greatest interest and beauty. A young
collector could scarcely do better than search out the vai'ieties of these coins,
which are of small money value, and have never been thoroughly investigated.
On No. 42, in the field, is an archaic statue of Zeus, nearly resembling the vm. 42.
Zeus of Ithome, No. 25, omitting his eagle, and the Zeus on the late coins ol vm. 25.
Athens. This figure, in spite of its small size, presents us clearly with the
characteristics of early art ; and if the coin be really of an older date than
Alexander’s, is one of the first instances of the deliberate copy of a statue to
be found in numismatics. On No. 43 is a beautiful figure of Hermes seated on vm. 43.
a bucranium and nursing liis knee, a design which looks like a copy of a statue
or picture ; and somewhat free for our period.
The head of the Stymphalian bird on No. 44 emerges from the water-plants vm. 44.
or sedge amid which he is supposed to be hiding. This bird, as usually on
sarcophagi and gems is little better than a goose, and has nothing at all terrible
about him ; he is in fact, as Pausanias remarks, in most respects like an ibis,
‘but with beak stronger and not curved like that of an ibis 1 .’
O
Pausan. vm. 22. 5.
160
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
Crete.
Plate ix. contains, I think, some matter which will be new to archaeological
students. Nos. 1 — 25 are all from Crete, Nos. 26 — 36 from Gyrene.
I have not ventured so minutely to subdivide the corns of Crete under
periods as the coins of other parts of Hellas. Those on our plate are assigned
roughly to the period b.c. 431 — 300. The reasons for giving wider limits in
this case are two, one historical, and one artistic. The historical reason is this,
that the accession of Alexander is not in Crete so important as a historical
landmark as it is in Asia or even Hellas. We have no reason to think that
the issues of Cretan coins at once felt the influence of his dominion. And the
artistic reason, which is still more important, is this : — that there are in Cretan
coins curious and exceptional elements, partly barbarous, and partly only local,
which prevent us from assigning to specimens with much confidence a date
within narrow limits. In fact but for the very fortunate adoption by some
Cretan cities of the custom of using as blanks for their coins the issues of other
districts we should often be somewhat at a loss to assign a date to the issues.
But relying on this and other evidence we may go so far as to say that few,
if any, of the coins on our plate mount to a higher date than b.c. 400; and
that the large majority of them are contemporary with the Peloponnesian coins
which we connect with the time of Epaminondas, that is, belong about to the
middle of the fourth century. The heads Nos. 21 — 23 may be rather later and
date from the latter part of that century.
There is undoubtedly in the Cretan coins much that is peculiar. To begin
with, full-length figures of deities are commoner here than elsewhere, and the
types are sometimes very singular and unexpected. For instance in our Nos.
15 — 20 we have a series of deities seated in trees, a class of representations
almost peculiar to the island. Some of the personages on our plate are quite
foreign to Hellenic mythology, such as Talos, Velchanus and Ptolioecus ; others
appear with unusual attributes. And even in the style of execution there is
much which surprises, and on which critics have variously commented. According
to Mr Poole 1 the art of the coins of Crete is essentially realistic. ‘ Its want of
force is relieved by its love of nature. It excels in the portrayal of animal
and vegetable subjects and delights in perspective and foreshortening.’ With
regard to the coins of Gortyna, Helbig 2 remarks that the introduction of the
Num. Chron. 18G4, p. 240.
2 Campanische Wandmalerei, p. 28G.
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— CRETE.
161
tree into them is an instance of the feeling for nature which specially marked
the period after Alexander’s death ; placing them decidedly too late, for a
specimen in the British Museum is restruck on a coin of Cnossus with incuse
reverse. Otto Jahn 1 has devoted to them part of an able paper, in which he
shews how much they are affected by a somewhat crude local nature- worship.
We might venture to affirm that there is almost always in Cretan coins a
substratum of barbarism ; but this is penetrated and made interesting by a
certain boldness and originality of design, and by a naive reproduction of nature
which sometimes even puts the Cretan artists in advance of those of the rest
of Greece in matters of grouping and perspective.
On No. 1, from Itanus, we have a figure with fish’s tail, striking with a
trident. We may doubt by what name the engraver of this coin would have
called it. Possibly Triton, or more probably Glaucus, who was called the son
of Minos 2 and so might well be represented on Cretan coins. Triton is thus
represented in early art, as on the reliefs from Assus ; it is however more than
probable that the deity of Itanus is the direct representative of a Phoenician
sea-god of the Dagon class, worshipped in early times at Itanus 3 . The reten-
tion of the barbarous form of an oriental deity is not usual among Greeks ;
such form is generally made pleasing and human ; we should have expected the
form of Poseidon rather than such a monster as this ; but even here there is a
great improvement on genuine Phoenician representations of Dagon. On No. 2
we have a Poseidon, naked to the waist, holding dolphin and trident, from
Priansus. Overbeck 4 remarks that the god here assumes the attitude of Zeus ;
and that this is true we may see on comparing the figures of Zeus, below No.
33, pi. x. 9, &c., though the position of the left hand is different. The same
attitude belongs however to Dionysus, pi. xm. 2, and other deities : we cannot
be sure that Poseidon was thus represented in statues. The same deity, on
No. 3 from Rhaucus, appears as Hippius, leading not riding his sacred horse, as
he did on the early coin of Potidaea, pi. in. 3. On No. 4 from Sybritia we
have a seated figure of Dionysus, a fine type, but by no means expressive of
the character of the god, at least as embodied in later art. For with the
present figure we need but make a change of attributes, substitute an eagle
fur the wine-cup and a sceptre for the thyrsus to have an appropriate represen-
tation of Zeus, cf. No. 31 below. In this we may perhaps see oriental influence.
As we have already observed the figures of Zeus and Dionysus were assimilated
in some parts of the Asiatic coast ; thus the deity of Tarsus figured under pi.
x., No. 30, who was probably in origin a Phoenician Baal, might be termed
1 Vienna Acad. Phil. Hist. Clas. Yol. xix. 2 Athenaeus xn. 24.
3 See Hoeck, Kreta i. p. 17. 4 Arch. d. Kunst. m. 295.
IX. 1.
IX. 2.
IX. 33.
X. 0.
XIII. 2.
IX. 3.
III. 3.
IX. 4.
IX. 31.
X. 30.
162
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
Dionysus in virtue of the grapes and com which he holds, though writers
apply to him the name Zeus. We need not however press this explanation, as
it is not unusual in Crete to find one deity in the pose elsewhere reserved for
another. This no doubt arises from the untrained and imitative character of
Cretan art. In Crete we find not unusually mere slavish copies of coins of
Sicily and of Peloponnesus, and from this the transfer of pose and type from
one deity to another is not far removed. It is however not impossible that if
we had a copy of the seated Dionysus Lenaeus erected by Alcamenes at Athens
we should find it to be not entirely unlike the figure on our coin 1 . On No. 5
from Priansus we have a female deity seated under a palm-tree and laying her
hand on the head of a serpent. There was at Leben near Priansus a great
temple of Asclepius ; we may perhaps therefore feel justified in calling this
figure Hygieia the daughter of the god of healing, who here seems to be
somewhat akin to the great nature-goddesses of Asia Minor. If so this figure
and the head of Hygieia on coins of Metapontum 2 are among the earliest
representations of the goddess extant. But another explanation of the type
seems at least equally plausible. Zagreus the Cretan chthonic form of Dionysus
was variously represented as the husband of Persephone or as her son by Zeus,
who appeared to the earth-goddess in the form of a serpent. On a coin of
Selinus in Sicily 3 we have a type which probably refers to the legend in its
last-mentioned form. Certainly it would be in no way contrary to the analogy
of Cretan coins to see in the seated goddess Persephone, and in the snake
which approaches her an embodiment of Zeus. And though the figures of
Dionysus on Cretan coins are not usually chthonic, yet we know that the myth
of Zagreus was at home in the island. There is in the British Museum a marble
relief 4 which may well be compared with the present type. It represents a veiled
deity, wearing a polus on her head, seated on a four-legged stool ; in one hand
she holds a leaf- shaped fan, in the other a patera from which a snake feeds.
The work is rude but apparently not late. In the description in the Museum
Marbles the figure is identified as ‘ Hygeia,’ but it may here also be doubted
whether we have not one of those votive reliefs to the nether deities of which
so many have been found in various parts of Greece ; and whether the
goddess be not really Persephone.
On No. G we have another Dionysus from Sybritia, but of a very different
type, a youth seated on a galloping panther. This figure is certainly of a later
date, perhaps nearly a century later, and belongs to the cycle of later Greek
1 Indeed the small figure on Athenian coins, supposed by Beule to be a copy of the statue
by Alcamenes, is closely like that on these Cretan coins.
2 Br. Mas. Cat. Italy , p. 215.
4 Museum Marbles , Part 9, PI xxxvm. p. 174.
3 Cat. Sicily, p. 142.
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— CRETE.
163
mythology, when the worship of Dionysus changed its character during the
fourth century, and especially in Alexander’s time under the revival of Asiatic
influence and became more enthusiastic and uncontrolled. From the deity of
the hidden mysteries of nature Dionysus became by degrees the patron of violent
excesses and sensuous excitement. We have the same contrast of period in
the case of the reverses of these two coins, our No. 14 being; the other side ix. 14 , 4 ,
o 13 6
of No. 4 and 13 of 6. It will be noticed that on the earlier coin the ethnic
ends in ON, in the later in QN. Hermes appears on both. On the earlier coin
he stands upright, a slight, hard, somewhat archaic figure, holding a patera.
On the later he props his foot on a rock that he may tie his sandal. He has
placed his caduceus on the rock, his clothing consists only of a chlamys thrown
back from his shoulders. This is a fine and vigorous sketch, and worthy of a
good artist in spite of its want of finish.
On Nos. 7 and 8, from Phaestus, we have fine studies of Heracles. In one ix. 7 , 8.
case he is quelling with his club the Lernaean hydra who is assisted by a crab
according; to the legend. His lion’s skin is borne backwards from his arm as
he rushes forwards. There is plenty of force in this group, and though the
execution be less admirable than that displayed in the Stymphalian coin, pi. vin.
No. 34, there is more meaning and intelligence in the present design, for Heracles vin. 34.
is here certainly not beating the air. On No. 8 the hero is resting, in an atti- ix. 8.
tude rather easy than dignified, evidently worn out with toil. His bow and
quiver are hung on a tree in front ; and at his back is a huge wine-cup. The
group is quite a landscape, and we can scarcely imagine it to resemble the work
of any contemporary sculptor, rather we should fancy in it a likeness to the
paintings of Pausias or some other painter fond of novel experiments and of fore-
shortening. For a thoroughly Hellenic treatment of the same subject we may
refer back to the coin of Croton, pi. v. 29. On No. 9, also from Phaestus, we v. 29 .
1 . . ix. 9 .
may recognize, by help of the inscription, Talos the bronze man made by He-
phaestus for Minos, who threw stones at the Argonauts as they approached the
Cretan shore and was slain by a stratagem of Medea. He is here represented as
winged, a character which does not at all agree with his function in the legend,
and is depicted in the act of hurling stones, as is often the other Cretan monster,
the Minotaur. It seems clear that we have here to do with a thoroughly non-
Hellenic legend. The wings of Talos may arise from his connexion with Daedalus,
whose nephew he is in - one account said to have been. Apart from them we
may explain the type as derived from the tradition existing at Phaestus of one
of those bronze images of Moloch which were used in the human sacrifices of
the people of Canaan. The victims to be offered were fastened to one of these
images and a fire lighted around out of which the image escaped uninjured while
the human beings perished. To some such sacrifices we have clear allusion in
21—2
164
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
IX. 10 .
III. 10.
IX. 12.
IX. 11.
IX 18—
20 .
one of the stories told of Talos, namely, that he seized strangers in his arms
and leapt with them into the fire 1 .
On No. 10 from Cydonia we see a young hero stringing a bow in nearly
the modern fashion, only that the shortness of the bow compels him to press
it against his knee rather than against his foot. The Cretans were celebrated
archers and knew better than to use, in stringing a bow, the clumsy method
represented on the Theban coin pi. in. 46. This design is of remarkably clean
and neat work, especially in view of its small size ; the proportions of the body
seem to approach the Lysippean canon without quite reaching it. Decidedly
inferior is the figure of Apollo from a coin of Eleuthernae, No. 12. He holds in
one hand a stone, in the other a bow. That this figure is Apollo we know
because on other specimens he is seated on the omphalos, but the stone in his
hand still requires explanation. Pei haps it is not a stone but an apple or some
other object. On No. 11 from Aptera we have again a local hero, Apteras
or Pteras 2 , a man of Delphi, who is said to have founded the city and to have
built there a temple of Apollo. Leake suggests that in our representation he
is plucking a branch from the sacred bay-tree. The inscription terms him
UtoXlolkos, a word which does not occur elsewhere, but which seems to be equi-
valent to TTokeojq olKLcrrrjs. He is armed as an ordinary Greek hoplite ; the Cretan
die-cutter, with characteristic realism, does not in any way raise him to the
divine level or idealize him.
We next reach a remarkable series of coins representing deities seated in
the midst of trees. We should, I think, be wrong if we saw in these repre-
sentations only instances of naturalism and love of the picturesque in the Greeks
of Crete. We must find a more satisfactory reason than this for so abnormal a
method of representing gods and goddesses, and in order to this end must study
them in some detail. We will begin with the representations of Europa from
the city of Gortyna, Nos. 18 — 20. A large number of the coins of Gortyna bor-
row their types from the Europa myth. From their variety we can conclude with
certainty as to the nature of the particular local story they embody. According
to this Europa was carried from beyond seas by Zeus in the form of a bull,
and brought to Gortyna. There under the shade of a tree the animal left her,
and the god who had assumed that form after a while reappeared in the form
of an eagle. The tree is an important element; Pliny writes 3 ‘Est Gortynae
‘ in insula Greta juxta fontem platanus una insignis utriusque linguae monimentis,
‘ numquam folia dimittens, statimque ei Graeciae fabulositas superfuit Jovem sub
‘ ea cum Europa concubuisse.’ All the stages of this legend are chronicled on
1 Lloyd in Num. Chron. 1848, p. 122.
2 Paus. x. 5. Cf. I eake, Num. Ilellen. ; Insulae, p. 3.
N. 11. xii. 11.
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— CRETE.
1G5
coins, some of them on those we have selected. On pi. hi. 17 we see Europa hi. 17 .
on the back of the galloping bull, on pi. ix. 20 she sits deserted and sad in IX - 20 .
the plane-tree, while the bull, on No. 24, departs. On 19 the eagle makes ix. 24 , m.
his appearance, perhaps far off if we may judge from his small size 1 : on No. 18 ix. is.
he has won the favour of Europa who fondles him with her hand. But in
Europa herself on the coin last cited we see a change. She is no longer a
mere nymph but a deity who resembles Hera in attributes. On her head is
the polus, in her hand a sceptre surmounted by a cuckoo. The last represen-
tation explains much, for it shews us that at Gortyna Europa was put in the
place of Hera as consort of Zeus and regarded as a great deity of nature. So
we must also consider the tree not as a mere background or piece of local
colouring, but as having a religious meaning. For the earth-goddesses had
mostly their original seat in a sacred tree, a tree like the olive of Athena at
Athens, the bay of Apollo at Delphi, and the oak of Zeus at Dodona. To find
an earth-goddess actually in her tree we need hut turn to the coin of Myra
pi. xv. G where the goddess of the city not only possesses her tree, but protects xv. <;.
it against spoilers. Sacred trees were well known all over Greece 2 and the
platanus of Gortyna was one of the class. In sacred trees were placed in early
times the archaic statues of the deities. Probably this platanus was an older
object of veneration in the district than Europa herself, and indeed Pliny seems
to hold this view. Thus it is likely that in our coins the tree may be quite
as essential a part of the type as either the eagle or Europa herself.
On Nos. 15, 16 we have two figures of Apollo seated in a tree. Strange IX - i5 % n;.
to say, they are obverse and reverse of a single coin 3 . In one case the god holds
a wreath, in the other he is about to touch the lyre. The tree is his favourite
bay ; here no doubt we have another instance of a sacred tree and an imported
deity who becomes its patron. A still more remarkable figure occurs on the
coin of Phaestus, No. J 7. Here we should be quite at a loss as to attribution, ix. 17.
but for the legend which shews that the figure is intended for R'Xycmo?, a
peculiar form of Zeus, youthful, as Zeus often is in this island. This god is
seated also in a tree with a cock, the bird of day, on his knee, a figure at
once in physique, countenance and attitude almost exactly like an Apollo. That
in this form Zeus is regarded as a sun-god is shewn by the presence of the cock ;
and the tree seems to indicate that he was regarded as a god of vegetation,
a power to stimulate germination and fill the land with life and growth in the
time of spring. In fact Velchanus, Apollo, and Europa in Crete seem all to have
had a local character, arid to have been alike connected with the life and energy
1 Perhaps this bird may be the cuckoo.
Bbttiger’s Baumcultus , passim. 3 In the Hunter cabinet.
Glasgow.
1G6
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
of nature, of which the tree is the appropriate symbol. And in fact the trees
ix. 5 , li. introduced above, on Nos. 5 and 11, may not be without a similar significance.
To return to the point of style, we may observe that, leaving out of
account No. 11, where a most remarkable naturalism prevails, the trees on our
coins are represented with a singular mixture of convention and truth. The
bay-tree of Apollo is dealt with simply, by representing only a stump and two
twigs which form a sort of wreath. What the other trees may be we should
ix. 20 , 19. Rnd it hard to say. On No. 20 we see serrated leaves as of oak; on No. 19
IX - 18 - a large cluster of berries; on No. 18 a growth closely like that of the silphium
ix. 17. of Gyrene, cf. No. 29, below ; on No. 17 no attempt is made to depict any
settled form, but we seem to see quite a grove of trees in the background.
Arboreal forms in Greek art are usually quite conventional, like the palm-tree
ix. s, 29. on No. 5, and the silphium from Gyrene, No. 29; we are therefore more sur-
prised at this curious outbreak of naturalism,
ix. 2 i. On No. 21 is a head of Zeus from Polyrhenium of unusual type, which may
v. 39 . however be compared with pi. v. 39. It has a somewhat gloomy appearance,
ix. 22 . On 22 is a very beautiful head of the young Dionysus, crowned with ivy, from
Cydonia. This head bears perhaps as clearly as any on coins the impress of the
school of Praxiteles. There is something about it which cannot fail to charm, a
most pleasing expression, yet we miss the majesty of the earlier Dionysus and
ix. 23. notice a certain want of force and energy. On No. 23 we have an effigy of the
Argive Hera from a coin of Cnossus. This is by no means, however, a slavish
T .U, copy of the head of Hera on coins of Argos and Elis, pi. vm. 14, 15, 40, but
has originality. The hair is very ably treated ; and the features seem to shew
a certain pathos ; the goddess is here not so far removed from relationship to
human women as she is elsewhere. And here too I think we may trace the
peculiar charm which follows the influence of Praxiteles,
ix. 24. The bull from Gortyna, No. 24, is one of the most remarkably foreshortened
figures which have come down to us from antiquity. In the sculpture of the
period, the middle of the fourth century, we could scarcely match it ; it is how-
ever highly probable that it would no longer appear unique if we had more remains
of Greek painting. It reminds us at once of the black bull which Pausias
painted, ‘ ad versum eum pinxit, non traversum V No doubt the painters of that
time dealt in perspective far more than the sculptors ; and good as is the
drawing of the bull on our coin, we see at once that it is exceptional in a
relief, especially in a numismatic relief. The Cretan artists certainly worked
with a certain want of fitness and disregard for the material conditions of their
art ; but for that very reason they give us the more valuable information as to
Pliny, A. II. xxxv. 12G.
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— CRETE.
167
the contemporary state of art 1 . On No. 25 we have a subject mythologically ix. 25 .
interesting. It is from Cydonia, and represents Miletus, the destined founder of
the greatest of Ionian cities, as being suckled by a she-wolf, or rather it would
seem a female hound, for the forms are too slight for those of a wolf.
Cyrene.
The art of Cyrene stood almost as much apart from the general current of
Greek art as did that of Crete. There was no doubt constant intercourse
between Cyrene and Greece, and at Olympia citizens of Cyrene were frequently
successful in the games ; but still the people of Cyrene stood in many ways
apart. Their main staple of export was the silphium plant, of which they had
a practical monopoly ; their chief deity was the Libyan Ammon whom they
adopted from their first settlement and identified with the chief god of the
Hellenic Pantheon. Almost all the coins of the whole Cyrenaic district refer to
one of three subjects ; the culture of the silphium, the worship of Zeus Ammon,
and victories in athletic contests.
The coins of Cyrene at the bottom of pi. ix. fall into two classes as regards
period. Nos. 26 to 30 which are of silver are probably anterior to, and Nos. 31
to 36 which are of gold subsequent to, the middle of the fourth century, at
wdiich period a change from a silver to a gold coinage took place at Cyrene as
well as in many other parts of the Greek world. Nos. 31 and 32 are latest in
style ; some of the other gold pieces may in fact be earlier than the time I have
mentioned. On Nos. 26 — 28 we have three very remarkable heads of Zeus ix. 2 c, —
Ammon, distinguished by the horns of a ram which rise from his temples, but
otherwise resembling the Hellenic Zeus. In fact No. 28 is one of the noblest ix. 2 s.
heads of Zeus we possess, and there is but slight trace in the other specimens of
that barbarism which Overbeck 2 notes as a characteristic of Cyrenaic coins. The
same writer however must be right in his remark that the plume attached to the
diadem or wreath of Ammon above the forehead on Nos. 26, 28 is placed there IX ;, 26 ~
in imitation of the globe and plumes worn at the same place by the Egyptian
Amen-Pa. Perhaps too there is in No. 26 something of the tough animal force ix. 21 ;.
which belongs to the ram and which was embodied in Ammon as god of pro-
creation and growth. In 27 and 28 this aspect of the deity is kept in the
background.
In the gold coins Nos. 31 — 34 we may trace the merging of the barbarous iX \ :;1 -
1 R. S. Poole in Ear, yd. Brit. 8th Edit. s. v. Numismatics, p. 373.
2 Kunstmythologie, ii. 294.
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
168
in the Hellenic type, and of physical in moral attributes, if we take them in what
is probably the order of date, for which purpose we must unfortunately exactly
ix. 34. invert the order on the plate. On No. 34 we have an early figure of Ammon
horned, standing beside his ram, but clad in the himation and leaning on the
sceptre of Zeus. Here in the aspect of the god and his muscular development
ix. 33. there is a certain want of refinement. On No. 33 the deity is without his
attendant animal, and is occupied in pouring incense on an incense-altar. By
this action the Greeks, mingling after their fashion active and passive, seem to
have expressed in this and many other cases that the god is an object of worship
and receives adoration from men. We must not of course fancy that he sacrifices
to a greater than himself, but merely take the action of worship as general, and
ix. 32 . symbolical of that which belongs to him by nature. On No. 32 we have Zeus-
Ammon, still horned, but seated in the characteristic attitude of the Olympian
god, holding the sceptre of command. On No. 31 we have no longer a horned
figure but a noble representation of the Hellenic Zeus in his majesty, holding in
his hand the eagle. It may be that this last figure is, however, unconnected
with Ammon, as we know that the worship of the Arcadian Zeus Lycaeus pre-
vailed at Gyrene 1 , having perhaps been introduced by the law-giver Demonax of
Mantineia in the sixth century. Certainly the Zeus of our present coin is much
hi. is, 16. like the same god on the early Arcadian coins, pi. m. 15, 16. But even if this
be the case, none the less interesting is the progressive elimination in the Cyre-
naic coin, at the best period, of foreign elements in the national worship. We
shall have in the course of these pages to trace a similar course of affairs in
other districts.
ix. 35 . On No. 35 we have a victorious Cyrenaic chariot, driven by Victory herself,
ix. 36 . a somewhat stiff work for the period (the obverse is No. 33); on No. 36 appears
a victorious rider on his Tides. In this case the proportions are far better preserved
vn. 39 . between man and beast than in the contemporary coinage of Macedon, pi. vn. 39.
The prowess of the people of Cyrene in gymnastic and hippie contests is
strange to no reader of Pindar, and it is attested by the discovery at Cyrene
x. 29 . of many Panathenaic vases. On No. 29 we have what may be considered as
the arms of Cyrene, a silphium plant conventionally treated, the convention
however well displaying the nature of the plant and its manner of growth. On
x. 30. No. 30 we have a symbol of the fertility of the region, three silphium plants
crowing from a single root. And between the stems lurk three creatures which
belonged to the fauna of the district ; an owl above, a jerboa leaping in the
field to right, and a chamaeleon in the field to left. The whole device brings
charmingly together on the surface of a single coin the surroundings of the
outdoor life of the region.
' Hdfc. iv. 203. Cf. Muller, Num. de V Anc. Afrique, i. 68.
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE.
169
Asia Minor.
The period b.c. 371 — 335 is a peculiarly interesting one for Asiatic coins.
Many of the Persian satraps were then allowed by the central power to issue
money of their own, whether for currency in their districts, or as some rather
think, on the occasion of military expeditions. And several cities, Cyzicus and
Lampsacus especially, struck an abundance of coin. And this coin is the more
valuable because it represents the highest limits attained by Graeco-Asiatic art.
In the next age the art of Asia is flooded and destroyed by that of Athens and
Sicyon, so as almost to lose its individual character, except when it returns in
copies of the semi-barbarous statues of oriental antiquity. To put it shortly, there
is scarcely a coin on pi. x. which an expert would not at once identify as of
Asiatic character ; whereas in the coins of Asia of the next period at the top
of plate xiii. scarcely any is of distinctively Asiatic design.
Of the specimens of Asiatic coins in the lower half of plate x. we might
well make two classes, which we might call respectively the Persian and the
Greek. The coins issued by Persian officers, even when the work of Greek
artists, are seldom purely Greek in design ; either in mythological allusions or in
style they contain a foreign element. In this class, which I will first take up,
are included Nos. 22, and 26 to 35 of our plate, with the heads Nos. 46 to
49. The rest, which are uncontrolled works of Asiatic Greeks, must be dealt with
afterwards.
In our first or semi-Greek class are a large number of coins with full-length
figures ; for among Asiatic peoples the custom of representing man or deity by
figuring his head only was not in favour as it was among the Greeks, and did
not prevail until after our present period. On No. 22 we have a figure from x.
Halicarnassus, of the Carian Zeus Stratius or Labrandeus, the wielder of the
two-edged axe. In some respects his worship resembled that of Dionysus, who
was also according to Simonides 1 a wielder of the bipennis, and who was
in certain places called 7 reAe/cu?. Maury however considers Zeus Stratius mainly
as a god of war, and especially of the maritime and piratical war of the Carians.
Here he is a standing figure fully draped and with hair arranged in somewhat
archaic fashion. As the coin was issued by Mausolus who encouraged Greek
artists, we may suppose that this figure may resemble a cultus-statue set up
for him by some great sculptor. On No. 26 we have a figure of a Greek hoplite x.
99
G.
Ap. Athen. x. p. 456. Cf. Maury, Religions de la Grece Ant. hi. 139.
170
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
in attitude to receive a charge. It is from a coin struck in Ionia by the
Satrap Orontes. M. Waddington 1 sees in it allusion to the military reforms
of Chabrias, who introduced among his soldiers the custom, in receiving an
enemy’s charge, of kneeling on one knee and supporting the buckler against the
other. Chabrias was himself sculptured in this attitude, as we learn, yet it is
perhaps more in accordance with analogy to see in our type not Chabrias, but
some ancient hero. The apparent superiority in attitude over earlier figures may
result only from superiority in the designer. On No. 27 we have a noble figure
of a deity from Cyprus. She is crowned with a wreath and holds in one hand
a patera the symbol of worship, in the other a bough of some tree. The figure
is massive and in high relief, and the treatment of the drapery is very notable.
The folds of the chiton in front are skilfully arranged ; a kimation hangs down
from the shoulders behind. The right arm is much foreshortened. With regard
to this figure M. Six has quite recently put forward a novel and bold theory.
He maintains that it is intended as a copy of the statue of Nemesis at Hham-
nus in Attica which was a work usually attributed by the ancients to Agora-
critus of Paros, but sometimes to Pheidias himself. We learn 2 from the testimony
of Pausanias and other ancient writers that the statue was eleven cubits high,
bearing on the head a stephanos adorned with stags and small Victories, and
holding in one hand an apple-bough and in the other a patera. Part of the
head of the statue is preserved in the Elgin room of the British Museum. In
favour of M. Six’s theory may be cited the correspondence of attributes, and the
Pheidian character of the drapery of our coin-type. But we certainly have not
on the coin a stephanos such as that attributed to the goddess by Pausanias 3 .
In any case we can scarcely establish the certainty of an exact copy of Agora-
critus’ statue ; but that a reminiscence of it is intended is by no means unlikely.
The next coin, No. 28, seems also to be taken from an Attic original, and
that original nothing less than the Parthenos of Pheidias itself. The attitude
corresponds too closely to that of the great Athenian goddess to allow us to
suppose it quite unconnected with her. The art of the piece is indeed by no
means good, the coin is Lycian of the hard and liny work frequent in this class
of money. The right hand which supports the Victory rests on the stump of a
tree, a device clearly applicable to sculpture in the round rather than relief.
In the new statuette of the Athene Parthenos of Athens 4 the right hand is
similarly supported by a pillar, and it has been disputed whether this pillar
really occurred in the great original in gold and ivory in the Parthenon. This
point we shall not here discuss, but the testimony of the present coin, and other
coins and reliefs, seems to prove to demonstration that the device of using a
' Melanges de Numism. ii. 22.
’’ See Overbeck, Schriftquellen, p. -149.
2 Six in Nwm. Chron. 1882, p. 89.
4 Jour. Hell. Stud. n. p. 1.
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— ASIA MINOR.
171
tree or a pillar or some other prop to support the hand and what it bears was
sometimes employed even in great statues. Had this expedient been unusual, or
been regarded as contemptible, it would scarcely have been copied in reliefs,
where it obviously is quite inappropriate and has no meaning. Nor can the date
of its first use be late, for our present coin cannot be placed later than the time
of Alexander.
On No. 29 we have a group which has been plausibly explained by the late x. 29.
Due de Luynes L The coin was issued at Tarsus by a Persian Satrap, and the
able French archaeologist saw in its type representations of two of the principal
Deities of the city, Heracles and Sardanapalus. In the midst is an altar of
incense which may belong to both. On the right of it stands Sardanapalus
transformed by a Greek artist from his primitive Asiatic form (cf. pi. xiv. 17) xiv. 17 .
to that of an effeminate Zeus or Dionysus, but still preserving the characteristic
attitude of the hand which the Greeks interpreted as a contemptuous snapping
of the fingers 2 . Opposite to this figure stands his cousin, the Greek Heracles,
who with outstretched hand seems to be addressing him : possibly, as the Due
de Luynes thinks, exhorting him to attempt better things. If so we should
have a group with a moral lesson in it, a rare or unprecedented occurrence
anions; Greek coins. We are on safer ground in turning; to our next coin No. x. so
30. Here we have the chief deity of Tarsus Baal, who was identified either
with Zeus or with Dionysus. In the present instance he sits on a throne
as Zeus; beside him is an incense-altar, and beneath the throne a bull
crouching ; yet he holds in his hand corn and grapes, which proves that he was
regarded as patron of natural growth and rural increase. Around is a circle of
towers which stands for the walls of the city of Tarsus, the city which the
deity fills with his presence and covers with his protection. Such a circle recurs
on late Byzantine coins but scarcely elsewhere in ancient times. We may,
however, compare the circle of waves on the coin of Camarina, pi. vr. 13, and vi. 1 : 1 .
the circle of Maeander-pattern on coins of Magnesia in Ionia. On No. 31 from x. 31.
Mallus we have again a remarkable group. Aphrodite leans, thinly draped, upon
a pillar, and lays her arm caressingly on the shoulder of her companion, who
however is not her usual lover Ares, but Hermes, holding a caduceus and clad
in a chlamys. Here too we do not seem to discern a Hellenic myth. Probably
both the figures are mere Greek transcripts of Cilician deities ; what deities
we cannot now stay to enquire. On No. 32 we have a figure in Persian dress x. 32.
seated and carefully examining an arrow, while a bow lies at his feet. This
archer is either some deity or hero, or perhaps the Great King of Persia in
generalized and idealized form. Above is the symbol of the divine presence, a.
1 Numism. des Satrapies, p. 20.
2 And put into words in the phrase, ec r9u 7rtre -ndi'Cf, ou? raXXa tovtov uvk a£ia, Atlienaeus xii. p. 530.
9 9 2
172
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYRES.
X. 33.
X. 31, 34.
X. 35.
X. 30.
X. 33.
XIV. 4, 5.
X. 28, 33,
TX. 11.
X. 33.
IX. 5.
X. 35.
X. 40—
49.
X. 48.
winged disk. The seated attitude of this figure, like that of Apollo on the coins
of the Greek Kings of Syria, and that of the Parthian King on the Parthian
money, seems to have suggested to an Asiatic mind rule or dominion.
On No. 33 we have a figure of Pallas seated on a rock at the foot of a
tree. In her hand is a spear and a shield lies beside her. This coin is from
Mallus, a city where Pallas was much venerated : its other side is represented
in No. 31. On No. 34, from Lycia, we have a distinctly Asiatic goddess, — whom
we may if we please call Aphrodite, but whom it is safer merely to class with
Kybele and Mylitta and the Ephesian Artemis — seated between two sphinxes
and holding a flower. The delicacy with which her garments are folded is quite
extraordinary and admirable. On No. 35 we have a young male figure, pre-
sumably Dionysus, seated in the midst of a vine. With the grapes of the vine
are mingled as on the coin of Tarsus, No. 30, ears of corn. Before quitting this
remarkable Graeco- Asiatic group of types I must say a few words as to their
style. The first thing that strikes one in regal'd to them is the harmonious
manner in which they blend Hellenic and Asiatic elements. The Pallas on No.
33 is surrounded by Barbarians ; yet she does not seem out of place nor do
they. From whatever circle of mythology our coins take their types, in the
treatment of those types Hellenic style is in this period on the whole victorious.
We find indeed very various degrees of merit in the design ; even in case of the
two sides of one coin ; but we find little of Assyrian and Persian convention,
even when the coins bear Aramaic inscriptions. Only the coins of Phoenicia, cf.
pi. xiv. 4, 5, form an exception to this l'ule and do not become in design
Hellenic until the second century before our aera. In the second place it is
very notable how closely the coins of the Persian Satraps resemble in some
points those of Crete of the same period ; more particularly in their way of
introducing trees. The trees on our Nos. 28, 33 are wonderfully like the tree
on the coin of Aptera, pi. ix. 11. Pallas on our No. 33 is seated beneath a
tree, so is the Cretan goddess on pi. ix. 5. Dionysus on our No. 35 is placed
in the midst of a tree, as are Apollo and Europa on the Cretan coins. Many
other points of likeness will be visible on close inspection of this plate and the
last. And yet as to the reason of these resemblances we are in the dark.
Something may be set down to the character of semi-barbarism which attaches
to both series, but this is in itself not a sufficient explanation ; and we must
await one more complete.
Of the female heads, Nos. 46 — 49, the last three are Cyprian and represent
the same Goddess, the Paphian Aphrodite. In them we can trace alike her
barbarous origin and her complete Hellenization. On No. 48 she appears
smothered with ornament, wearing a lofty tiara covered with jewels and long
pendent earrings. On the early terra-cotta figures of the same deity from Cyprus
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— ASIA MINOR.
173
this barbarous profusion of ornament is equally conspicuous. On No. 49 the X. 49.
goddess wears a diadem of peculiar form, with leaves or medallions at regular
intervals. The same ornament is found on the head of a Goddess on coins of
Euboea and on a terra-cotta of the British Museum ; but it also does not appear
to be native to Greece. On the other hand the head of Aphrodite on No. 47 x. 47 .
is of thoroughly Greek type. The stephanos here is, like that of Hera, adorned
with flowers, cf. pi. viii. 13, 14, 40, and lends dignity to the head of the
goddess, which however is of far less composed and stately type than that of
Hera, and although it has suffered from time still preserves much charm of
expression. It is a good instance to shew how completely in course of time
the Greeks reconquered the Semitic sources whence much of their mythology
had spread, and repaid with interest all that they had borrowed from the East-
No. 46 seems to be the head of a nymph. It is from a coin of Cilicia struck x. 46.
by the Satrap Pharnabazus, and reminds us at once of the nymph-heads of
Syracuse, pi. vi. 22, and Thessaly, pi. vn. 35. Probably the coins just cited vi. 22 .
were the models of No. 46, but it is of another style, of ruder and harder work.
We next turn to the purely Hellenic types of plate x. In them there is
little trace of barbarous influence ; but on the other hand there is something of
Ionian softness. Mr Poole, in his paper already cited 1 , advocates the theory
that they betray in a marked degree the influence of the great painters, of
whom several, such as Parrhasius, Apelles and Protogenes were Asiatic Greeks.
This influence he assigns as the cause of the boldness of design in our coins,
and their freer attempts at expression than are usual elsewhere. Certainly these
characteristics do mark the coins we are about to discuss, more especially those
of Cyzicus and Lampsacus.
On No. 23, from Cyzicus, we have a figure of Apollo seated on the Delphic x. 23 .
omphalos, holding in one hand a patera, and letting the other rest lovingly on
his lyre. It is remarkable how different is this conception of the Delphic god
from that current at Delphi itself, see pi. vn. 44. At Delphi the god is fully vn. 44.
draped, and thought of as the master of the lyre and of prophecy ; at Cyzicus
he retains the lyre ; but here the patera in his hand and the cock at his feet
both rather recall the sun-god than the ruler of life and morals, or the founder
of Hellenic colonies on distant shores. The type of our present coin, however,
is not very original, and belongs to a class which is numerous at this period.
On No. 24 from a gold coin of Lampsacus we have Nike kneeling, hammering x. 24.
a helmet to a trophy. This is an early instance of such employment in Nike ;
in the Alexandrine age we could cite a multitude of instances from coins and
gems; for instance, pi. xi. 21, xiv. 1. In other cases however Nike stands; her xivii.
Num. Chron. 1864.
171
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
posture here is unusual, though by no means ill-considered in relation to the work
on which she is engaged, and extremely well adapted to the field of the coin,
x. 25 . On No. 25, also from Lampsacus, we see Cora rising from the earth. Her face
is upraised ; in her hand are three ears of corn, and others together with grapes
are springing behind her shoulder. Complete is here the identification of the
goddess and her attribute : she is embowered amid the ears of growing corn, and
like it half buried in the ground. She does not make the corn and vine grow,
but she is the corn and vine growing, and returning again to the face of the
earth after lying hidden in its depths. Certainly the artist who designed this
beautiful figure thoroughly understood Hellenic religion. With this figure of
x. 41 , 45 . Cora we may compare two heads of Demeter from Cyzicus, Nos. 41 and 45.
No. 45 might almost be an enlargement from the head of our Lampsacene figure.
The veil would seem to shew that the head is meant for the mother goddess,
but its brightness and upturned attitude speak of growth and life not of depri-
x. 4i. vation and sadness. On No. 41, on the other hand, we may certainly recognize
the Demeter of the Mysteries, the sorrowing goddess who constituted almost
the only sober band in the rainbow of Greek religion. Her veil is drawn
forward, not put out of sight, and in the expression of the face sadness tempers
dignity.
In the coins lately cited there certainly seems to be something of pathos
and of sentiment, something on the borders of painting. The same character
x. 38. belongs to other Lampsacene coins, such as Nos. 38 to 40. On No. 38 we have
a male bearded head wearing a wreathed pileus. Who this may be is doubtful,
probably the artist would have called him by a Hellenic name, and various
names have been assigned him in modern times, among others, those of Odysseus
and Hephaestus. These attributions are founded on the conical shape of the
vi. i. pileus, but a refei’ence to pi. vi. 4 will shew that such a head covering might
be worn by a local hunter or hero. This head has not the stately repose
which belongs to the divine and consummate artist Hephaestus, nor the expres-
sion of restless daring and intrigue which belongs to the hero of the Odyssey.
Possibly it may be the head of one of the local Cabeiri. In any case the
lank hair and strongly marked features make it remarkable. There is something
about it quite modern. Of a similar character are the two heads of Maenads,
x. 39 , 40 . Nos. 39, 40 from Lampsacus. The former head looks as if in the very midst
of a wild orgy, the hair wildly disordered and the streaming ends of the ivy-
wreath indicate rapid motion, the expression of the head is one of fierce
x. 40 . excitement. The head on No. 40 is in repose and the hair hangs loosely about
the ears ; but in this case the introduction of a pointed ear gives a certain
non-human and bestial air to the features which repels us even more than un-
governed fury. We can scarcely be wrong in tracing the adoption of such types
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE -ASIA MINOR,
175
to the influence of Praxiteles and Scopas, to whom is due, as all know, the
complete development in artistic shape of the Dionysiac circle of daemons.
The influence of the same school is visible in the full-face Apollo heads, of
which No. 3G is from a coin of King Mausolus struck probably at Halicarnassus, x. sc
and No. 37 from a coin of Clazomenae. In both of these we find great beauty x. 37
and delicacy of treatment; in the case of No. 37 there is a pathos of expression,
a proud dignity which at once fascinates. The head of Apollo in profile from
Mytilene, No. 44, seems very tame in comparison. The swan of Apollo on No. 50 x. 44
is also from Clazomenae, and is singularly noble, yet not untruthful. In No. 42 x. 42
from a Cyzicene stater of electrum, we reach a representation of a most puzzling
character. The issue of Cyzicene staters is supposed by Mr Head 1 to have
ceased about b. c. 390 ; all writers seem agreed that they do not come down
lower than the accession of Alexander the Great ; yet here we have what at
first looks like a thoroughly realistic portrait of a coarse-looking man 2 . Yet it
is quite a fixed point in the history of Greek art that there are no thoroughly
realistic portraits of an earlier time than that of Alexander the Great. We seem
then to have a conflict of evidence ; so that the coin merits a serious study.
The result of a closer inspection seems to be that this is not a portrait. What
gives it the appearance of one is the square form of the head, the bloated
neck, the swelling veins, the non-Hellenic profile. But portaits do not ever I
believe appear wearing wreaths before the third century : and a Greek artist of
the best time would scarcely occupy himself in imaging the repulsive features
of a barbarian. It is therefore almost certain that the head on our coin must
be that of some slavish or barbarous daemon of Greek mythology, in all pro-
bability that of one of the more disreputable members of the Dionysiac rout,
Silenus or perhaps Priapus. Considering the boldness of design exhibited by
Asiatic coins at the period, especially those of Cyzicus and Lampsacus, we can
scarcely say that the type is too vulgar and brutal to represent deities of this
loose character.
On No. 43 from Tenedos we have a janiform head, of which one side is x. 4 :
male the other female. This type aroused curiosity among the Greeks themselves,
and Aristotle 3 entertained a fancy that the type arose from a decree of a king
of Tenedos, punishing adultery with death. There is far more probability in the
opinion of M. Lenormant 4 that the head is that of the dimorphous or androgy-
nous Dionysus. The point for us to observe is that the heads, at first rude,
become in the period of fine art so stately that they have frequently been taken
1 A urn. Citron. 1870, p. 293.
2 See the remarks of W. Greenwell in the Num. Chron. 1880, p. 11.
A pud Steph. Byz. s. v. Tenedos.
' Iti Daremberg and Saglio’s Dictionary , .9. v. Bacchus.
17G
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
for those of Zeus and Hera. So great was at that time the love of the Greeks
for noble forms that many even of the less worthy of their conceptions acquired
dignity and grandeur.
Copies of Statues.
Of a few of the statues of the Praxitelian age we have probably faithful
XV. 20 , 21 . copies on coins of late time. Nos. 20, 21 of pi. XV., from Cnidus, present us one
with the head, the other with the entire figure of the most celebrated of ancient
Aphrodites, the nude figure at Cnidus by Praxiteles. The full-length figure has
been fully discussed in the text-books of the history of sculpture, the head has
attracted less observation, and the coin of my plate is unpublished. In the
length and pose of the neck and in the line of profile we may certainly discern
the characteristics of the school of Praxiteles ; and the coin, however rude,
possesses elements of beauty. Of a great statue of Scopas, the Apollo Smintheus
xv. 23 . of the Troad we have a possible copy on the coin of Alexandria Troas, pi. xv.
23. Apollo here is fully draped, as in the other work of Scopas, the Palatine
statue, and as on the contemporary coin of Delphi, pi. vn. 44. But certainly
the pose seems very stiff for the age of Scopas, and the hair is arranged in
archaic fashion. Probably for these reasons Brunn, Overbeck and other writers
do not accept the identity of the statue of Scopas with that on our coin, an
identity maintained by K. O. Muller and Welcker. The evidence however may
be shortly stated, and seems to preponderate in favour of Muller’s view. It is
abundantly evident from the statement of Strabo 1 that the statue of Scopas was
the cultus statue in the temple of Apollo Smintheus. The silver coins 2 of
Alexandria Troas bear a figure of Apollo draped, with the inscription ATIOAAQNOZ
ZMIQEQZ. On some of the copper coins of the city a figure in essentials identical
appears distinctly as a cultus-statue, i. e. as receiving worship, and on other
copper coins there is at his feet the rat or mouse in exact correspondence with
the words of Strabo. The statue of our present coin is evidently meant to be
the same as that on the coins just mentioned ; but it differs from them in the
manner in which Apollo stands with both feet together, instead of putting one
in advance, and in the fashion of the hair, which is long and arranged in a sort
of queue instead of being bound round the head, as on the silver coins. It
seems clear that in all cases alike the intention is to portray the statue of
Scopas. But we cannot entirely free ourselves from a dilemma. The statue on
Strabo, p. C04.
2 Hr. Mils. Guide, vi. A . 11.
PERIOD OF FINEST ART, LATE— COPIES OF STATUES.
177
the silver coins lias nothing about it which cannot be reconciled with the age
of Scopas. But the present coin, which is of Roman period, and which seems
executed by a far more careful hand, bears marks of distinct archaism. We must
accept one of two alternatives : — either the artist who designed our coin intro-
duced traits of archaism not in his model, or else the statue of Scopas did
retain certain archaic traits. In weighing the second alternative we should
consider that Scopas may have felt bound for religious reasons to adhere to an
older type ; and it is worth while to remember that Strabo applies to the statue
the term £6avov, though that term need not imply something archaic. In weighing
the first alternative we must not fail to observe that it is very easy to suppose
that an artist of coins in the second century b. c. would modernize a statue
which he copied ; but less easy to imagine that an artist of Roman times would
distinctly give an archaic character to a work of art which he was copying when
such character did not belong to it. Some editors of Strabo avoid the difficulty
by slightly changing the reading, substituting epyov for epya 1 , in which case the
mouse at the feet of Apollo, and not the statue itself, would seem to be attri-
buted to the hand of Scopas. But it is most unlikely that Scopas would
condescend to such a trifling piece of work, or, if he did, that Strabo would
record the authorship of the mouse and not that of the statue.
There will be found on pi. xv. a few other figures of deities which we will
here mention, although they need not belong to the present period. Indeed
those of them which are enthroned would seem rather to belong to the previous
period, when the pupils of Pheidias were erecting seated statues in so many
Greek temples. No. 27 is a coin of Chalcis in Euboea, bearing the figure of a xv.
goddess with turreted crown seated on a rock or mountain holding a patera
and a sceptre bound with a fillet. That this goddess is ITera the inscription,
"H pa, test ifies, but the form taken by the goddess is unusual ; her mountain -
throne is, I think, unexampled. On No. 24, from Corinth, we have a figure of xv.
Hermes seated in a shrine with a ram beside him. It is a rule, I think with-
out exceptions, that when a figure thus appears in a building on coins, it is a
copy of the cultus-statue which was the central point of the building. This
shrine of Hermes cannot be older than the settlement of Roman Corinth by
Julius Caesar ; but the statue may be, like many of those seen by Pausanias at
Corinth, of earlier date. That traveller appears to mention this very figure 2 as
set up in the road to the harbour Lechaeum, yak/ron? KaOppevos icrru’ 'E pprjs,
TrapicrTrjKe Se ol Kpios. No. 25 gives us a representation of the armed Aphrodite xv.
who was enthroned on the Acropolis of later Corinth. We may well believe
1 See Overbeck, Scliriftqudlen, p. 226. This reading is supported by a quotation of Eustathius,
ad II. p. 30. 16.
2 ii. 3. 4.
23
178
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
that in early times she had been fully armed, a rude figure like a Palladium,
xv. 17 , 23 . cf. No. 17, or the Apollo of Amyclae No. 28. But in later times her arms
seemed inappropriate, and the shield which alone was left to her was supposed
to be stolen from Ares, and used by the goddess merely as a mirror. The
conceit is much older than the Roman foundation of Corinth ; and one of the
most plausible restorations of the Aphrodite of Melos places her in the same
xv. 2 G. attitude as this Corinthian goddess. In No. 26, from Delphi, we have a cultus-
statue of Apollo standing in his temple, naked, holding in his right hand a
patera and leaning his left elbow on a pillar. This coin is specially interesting
because Pausanias in his elaborate description of Delphi 1 does not mention any
cultus-statue. It would appear that the omphalos stood in the place of a statue.
There was however in the Adytum a statue of gold, perhaps hidden there on
account of its great value ; and this may be the image represented on our coin.
It can scarcely have been more ancient than the sack of Delphi during the
Sacred War by the Phocians, who would hardly have spared so rich booty. On
xv. si. the coin of Alexander the Great, No. 31, we have a figure as yet unexplained,
a naked youth standing and holding in both hands above his head a long woollen
fillet. This figure is not unusual on the coins of Sicyon. It may be an Apollo 2 ,
but we cannot be sure.
This is but a small fraction of the instances in which coins offer us copies
of statues, of which the most part have perished, though small copies of a few
are extant. It would be a great and worthy work to collect the whole numis-
matic material bearing on this subject ; but this is cpiite beyond our limits. I
can but endeavour to raise interest, not to satisfy it, and with this view I have
included in the selection alike copies of well-known statues, and reproductions
of which the originals are not mentioned in our histories of sculpture.
x. 24.
2 Miiller, Num. d' Alex, le Or. p. 219.
CHAPTER VI.
Period of Decline : — early.
The period b. c. 335 — 280 witnessed the most rapid transformation which
ever took place in the history of the ancient world, probably the most rapid in
the history of the world down to the last century. The horizon of Greece
was enormously enlarged, and Hellenism extended into the seats of the great
Empires of the East ; and at the same time civic and municipal life in the old
Greek countries was ruined. The conquests of Alexander transplanted the tree of
Greek civilization into other lands ; and though it there took root and flourished,
yet the fruits and foliage of it were for the time spoiled. The artistic activities
of a nation are among the first to feel a sudden change in its centre of gravity.
The art of Greece had grown up under the shadow of Hellenic religion and
was adapted to a state of civic autonomy ; and when scepticism and philosophy
took the place of religion, and regal systems the place of autonomy, the basis of
it was cut away. Yet it was too full of vitality to perish ; it took new forms
and followed new inspirations. And in the process it lost its unity and com-
pleteness ; it seemed to wander in the dark and frequently to occupy itself with
unworthy subjects. This uncertainty caused the decline of Greek art, which
consisted far more in the loss of ennobling ideas and stately self-containment
than in any real decline in the artistic powers of the Greeks or inferiority in
material processes. Rather we may say that in knowledge and love of nature,
in skill in artistic effect and in mastery of the processes of production art did
not decline until the Roman period ; for in all these respects the sculptures of
the Pergamene and Neo-Attic schools will bear a comparison with anything of
an earlier period.
This however is only true of the higher art, of sculpture and painting.
The minor branches of art, such as vase-painting and coin-stamping, exhibit a
marked decline after the time of Alexander, not only in intention and design
but also in the details of execution. Vase-paintings and coin-types alike become
rough and careless, and no longer mirror the state of contemporary art. The
same phenomena recurred in Italy at the time of the Renaissance. In the
fifteenth and sixteenth century Italian medals are worthy to be placed beside
23—2
180
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
Italian paintings and sculpture ; but at a later time, when painting shewed a
moral rather than a material decline, medals became in all respects debased, and
quite unworthy to be placed beside the works even of a Guido or a Carracci.
K. 0. Muller well compares the art of die-cutting to a branch into which life
spreads slowly from the main-stem. To enlarge on the comparison we may say
that in the spring-time of art, when the stem is overflowing with life and
energy, these flow into the branch ; but in the cold season, though the sap is
still in the tree, it is pent in the roots and the stem, and does not reach out-
lying parts.
The upper limit of date in the four plates XL- — xiv. is fixed for convenience
at the year of Alexander’s appointment as General and practical Dictator of
Hellas. We have however excluded from them not only all coins of a time
before the invasion of Persia, but even many coins which may probably have
been issued at a later date, in cases where they are a mere continuation of the
autonomous coinage of cities, and shew no trace of Alexandrine influence. It is
in fact more than probable that the expedition into Asia did not at once affect
the coinages of Peloponnesus and other districts ; they were not changed until
the days of Alexander’s more grasping generals the Diadochi ; of Demetrius,
Cassander and the rest. In Asia the change may have come earlier and been
more marked, but even there we have proofs that some cities went on with their
local coinages until the dominion of the Seleucid Kings of Syria w 7 as fully esta-
blished. I have however admitted into the plates scarcely any coins but such as
shew in style distinct traces of the influence of Alexander’s age or such as bear
in their inscriptions full proof of a date after the ruin of Persia. This applies
to Hellas and Asia ; in Italy and Sicily the reign of Alexander does not make
an epoch, but here in place of it as a landmark we have the expedition of the
Molossian King Alexander into Italy, and the reign of Agathocles in Sicily.
In numismatics the period has new and clearly-marked characteristics, most
of which may be traced to the influence of Alexander and his coins. The pro-
portions of the human body, and the attitudes of deities are those usual in the
school of Lysippus. Victory becomes a very usual type. Deities seated on
thrones or standing take the place of deities seated on rocks or in landscapes,
and the choice of subjects is greatly narrowed. And in the treatment of male
heads we find nearly always traces of the personality of Alexander himself ; more
especially in those strongly idealized portraits of kings and imaginary portraits
of ancestral heroes which now become usual. In the rendering of most animals
we find complete decadence. Of all these statements w r e shall find illustrations
as we proceed.
PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY.
181
Italy.
Our Italian series, at the beginning of pi. XL, commences with a standing xi. 1 .
Heracles, from Heracleia in Lucania. That this is a work of the decline would
scarcely be denied by anyone who went carefully over the coins of the city ;
indeed the attitude in which the hero stands, facing the spectator, with his
hands spread on both sides, reminds us of quite late productions, such as the
Bactrian coins, Nos. 21, 22 of pi. xiv. But in details it is a very favourable xiv. 21 ,
specimen for the time ; the figure of Heracles is executed in a manner worthy
of a better design. On No. 2, from a coin of Pyrrhus probably struck in Italy, xi. 2 .
we have an entirely new subject. At this time the fondness of Alexander for
the memory of his supposed ancestor Achilles, and his enthusiasm on the subject
of the Trojan war had given a strong impulse towards the representation in
works of art of subjects from the Iliad. Homeric subjects are found about the
times of Demetrius Poliorcetes and Pyrrhus on the coins of several Thessalian
cities. The subject of the present coin is certainly Homeric. It is apparently
the goddess Thetis seated on a sea-horse, bearing to her son the arms of
Hephaestus, arms among which is conspicuous the shield with Gorgon-head in
the midst. We know that marine subjects of this class were favourites with
Scopas ; our coin is half a century later, and has in it something of
Alexandrine style ; yet in essentials it seems fairly to represent the style of
Scopas, better perhaps than more pretentious works of later times. The obverse
of the same piece, No. 10, bears a helmeted head, in all probability meant for
Achilles. We here meet one of the most marked peculiarities of the period, the
influence on art of Alexander’s personality. Not only do his feelings and pre-
ferences dictate the choice of subjects in the productions of his contemporaries, but
his features actually lend themselves to the faces of all young heroes of the
past. Henceforth in the heads of heroes, and even of deities, especially Zeus
and Heracles, one finds the deep-set eye, the leonine brow, the ardent expression
which belong to the Macedonian hero, and are the signs of a nature of fervid
and overflowing genius, mingled with a slight tendency towards insanity. On a
coin of Lysimachus, pi. xii. 16, we have a noble head of Alexander represented
as son of Ammon and so bearing the horn of a ram, but otherwise only slightly
idealized. To this portrait we must again return ; at present I wish to point
out the close likeness between it and the helmeted head of Achilles. It is evident
that the ancestor is conceived in the likeness of his descendant, and we must
182
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
confess that a happier idea of the head of Homer’s hero could not easily be
found.
xi. 3 , 4 . On Nos. 3 and 4 we have a pair of horsemen crowning their horses, from
Tarentum. Placed side by side these two groups form a marked contrast. In
the first the anatomical details alike of rider and horse are worked out with
elaborate care and minute fidelity. The only fault we can find is that too much
is attempted for the space, whence results a certain want of vigour and harmony.
In the second we have a thoroughly stiff wooden group in every way poor. The
first coin is not in time much anterior to the second. The two together seem
to convey in briefest space the secret of the art history of the period ; over-elabo-
ration and refinement leading rapidly to decline and inferiority, poorness in
execution soon coming to join poverty in design, and presaging the ruin of art,
xi. 5. at least in the numismatic province. No. 5, from Tarentum, is a later treatment
of the subject which we have already met on pi. v., Taras riding on a dolphin.
Here the form of the hero is softer and more effeminate ; and his position less
masterly. In his hand is a bunch of grapes,
xi. 6. On No. 6 we have a Zeus-head from Locri in Bruttium of somewhat elabo-
xi. 7. rately ornate type. On No. 7, a coin of King Pyrrhus, we have the head of
the great Epirote divinity, Zeus Dodonaeus. The god is crowned with an oak-
wreath which is worked out in ornate style, and his hair and beard shew careful
though somewhat superficial work. The head is a noble one, although in low
relief and in all respects of late style. In the expression there is an absence
of calm majesty, but in place of it something earnest and enthusiastic ; an
expression in which we may if we please see something appropriate to the
special character of the Dodonaean Zeus Naius the great oracular god, who dwells
in the darkness and is served by the ascetic Selli. But at the same time a
XL 10 - comparison with contemporary works as No. 10 will shew us that this earnest-
ness of expression belongs in a marked degree to male heads of the time of
Alexander ; and that it may be set down, at least in part, as a peculiarity of a
xi. s, 9 . school. On Nos. 8 and 9 are two Apolline heads, the first from Croton, the
second from Tarentum. In No. 9 there is visible, in spite of the smallness of
the coin, a decided mannerism, a pathetic expression which reminds us rather of
15th century Italian than of Hellenic art. No. 8 is of a more common-place
character. Noteworthy in it is the arrangement of the hair, which is very long
and slopes backward in a stream. This is an exaggeration of the arrangement
viii. 37 . in the Zeus-head, pi. yin. 37, and belongs altogether to the period of decline.
Wonderfully like this head of Apollo is that of Persephone from Metapontum
xi. 17. immediately below it, No. 15 ; indeed so close resemblance between the heads
of two so different deities shews that at this period the die-cutters of Italy
thought far more of manner than of matter, and of form than of meaning. And
PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY— ITALY.
183
after observing this we need not be surprised to find that although the two
specimens in the plate are beautiful, the great majority of similar and contem-
porary coins at Croton and Metapontum are very poor.
On Nos. 11 and 14, from Neapolis, we have two heads of a nymph, orxi. 11 , 14 .
perhaps of the Siren Parthenope. No. 11 is earlier, and of pleasing though some-
what ornate style; No. 14, which is later, is of the poor and hard though
neatly executed class of money which prevailed in Italy about the time of the
Roman conquest when the dominion in Magna Graecia was passing from Greek
to Roman, from a beauty-loving to an order-loving race. No. 12, from Thurium, xi. 12, 13.
and No. 13, from Heracleia, bear heads of Pallas, whose helmet is adorned with
the sea-monster Scylla. Compared with the Thurian heads of previous times,
pi. Y. Nos. 17, 18, the present types are strikingly poor. No. 12 is of weak v._i7, is.
and common type, and it certainly belongs to the decline to load with heavy
ornament the upper part of a Corinthian helmet, as in No. 13. The close-
fitting Athenian helmet will bear the figure of Scylla easily ; but the same
figure transferred to the back of a Corinthian helmet seems to overbalance it.
On No. 16 is a head of Persephone which faces the spectator, wearing a corn- xi. 10 .
wreath. There is here more expression than in most numismatic heads of the
goddess ; but certainly nothing very noble. Indeed we might venture to call it
rather sorry than sorrowful. As illustrations of the animal types of the period
are selected (Nos. 17 — 20) an eagle tearing a hare from Locri, a lion crushing xi. 17 — 20 .
a stag from Yelia, a man-headed bull crowned by Victory from Neapolis, and
a butting bull from Thurium. All of these shew marked falling-off. Among
them the only type of mythological interest is the man-headed bull, No. 19. xi. id.
We have had similar creatures before on coins of Sicily, pi. 11 ., and these I
have explained to represent river-gods, in accordance with an opinion now
almost universally admitted. It is however probable that quite another meaning
attaches to the man-headed bull of the Campanian cities. For we have no
sufficient proof that streams were objects of special worship in Campania ; but
we have on the other hand ample proof that the cultus of Dionysus, especially
of Dionysus Zagreus, was there quite at home, and that the god was frequently
invoked in the form of a horned youth or a human-headed bull. And figures
of this monster are often accompanied by Dionysiac emblems. It seems likely
then that in the present and similar instances we have representations of the
Dionysus of the Mysteries in tauriform guise.
With the present period we may be said to come to an end of the coinage
of Magna Graecia. Hereafter we have in Italy scarcely any but Roman coins or
coins of the Italic races, the Lucanians and Bruttii who maintained a little longer
their independence of the conquering Republic. And in view of the coins which
we have discussed, it can scarcely be said that the art of Italy, like that ol
184
AET AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
most Sicilian ci t ies, died a violent death from foreign conquest ; rather it died a
natural death before the final crushing blows came from without.
Sicily.
In Sicily the age of Alexander and the Diadochi is filled by the reigns of
xi. 21 . Agathocles and Hicetas and the expedition of Pyrrhus. On pi. xi. No. 21 is a
Syracusan coin of the age of Agathocles. The type of Victory erecting a trophy
is not unknown in earlier times ; it occurs for instance in the frieze of the
beautiful temple of Nike Apteros, but it becomes far more usual in the Alex-
andrine age when men’s minds were filled by innumerable victories over barbarous
foes. Agathocles too was a winner of brilliant victories, and had every right
to introduce the type at Syracuse. In the present group Victory is nailing to
the frame a conical helmet, in shape like that Tyrrhenian helmet dedicated to
Zeus by Hiero 1 . 1 , and probably meant to be Carthaginian. If we compare
xiv. l. with the present coin that of Seleucus of Syria, pi. xiv. 1, we shall discern
amid general similarity interesting differences. In our Sicilian coin there is more
attempt at an artistic result, especially in allowing the drapery to conceal only
the lower part of the body of Nike. In artistic motive there certainly is a
likeness between her and the Aphrodite of Melos ; but the likeness is probably
one of those which spring from proximity of period rather than one which denotes
xi. 22 . similar meaning. On No. 22, a Sicilian coin of Pyrrhus, is a decidedly original
treatment of the archaic fighting Pallas. While preserving the archaic general
type the artist of this coin has put Pallas in motion ; she seems advancing and
the end of her chlamys streams behind her. Here again we may instructively
xv. 17. compare a coin of Seleucus, pi. xv. 17, which adheres to the more conventional
xi. 23 . type. On No. 23, which also bears the name of Pyrrhus, we have again an
original design ; Nike appears floating down to earth, holding in one hand an
oak-wreath, a meet reward for an Epirote victor, and in the other a trophy.
The idea of this coin seems to be taken from the gold money of Alexander,
xii. lo. pi. xn. 10; but the model is decidedly improved on in regard to the attitude
of the Victory and varied in the attributes she carries, especially in the sub-
stitution of a trophy for the mere trophy-frame of Alexander’s coin. There is
xi. 27. one more of Pyrrhus’ coins on our plate, No. 27, which bears a veiled female
head and the inscription a?. As Phthia was the name of the mother of
Pyrrhus it is generally supposed that our coin offers us her portrait ; and cer-
Br. Mas. Guide to Bronze Room, p. 1 2.
PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY— SICILY.
185
tainly this head is quite in the style of other idealized portraits of the period,
and the veil is just such as would be worn by a royal mother. Some however
suppose that the head is not merely idealized but purely ideal, and represents the
part of Thessaly called Plithia or the eponymous nymph of that district, wdience
Pyrrhus the descendant of Neoptolemus claimed the origin of his house to spring.
On our plate are several other Syracusan heads of the period, Syracuse at
this time ruling almost all Sicily. No. 24 represents perhaps Apollo, but more xi. 24 .
probably Ares, being indeed a somewhat close copy from the gold staters of
Philip of Macedon, pi. vn. 30. The gold Philippi had for a long time universal vn. so.
circulation in Western Europe, and it is rather in deference to their commercial
than their artistic qualities that the Syracusans imitated them. The style of
the head is however changed, and shews more delicacy and less manliness than
the design on Philip’s coin. On No. 25 we have a head not unlike that of xi. 25 .
Apollo but for the expression of command which it wears. The inscription
however, Aios 'E \Xav[ov, shews that it is intended rather to represent Zeus when
young. Statues of Zeus as a young man are so rare that a special interest
attaches to this coin, but the surname given to the deity is not distinctive ;
and we have no means of explaining the reason of so unusual a variety 1 . The
head of Heracles, on No. 26, is a poor copy of that on Alexander’s coins, pi. xn. xi. 26 .
15. On Nos. 28, 29 we have two late heads of Persephone. The former which xi. 28 , 20 .
dates from the time of Pyrrhus is pleasing ; the arrangement of the hair in
loosely falling tresses is only found at this period, and is a thoroughly charming-
variety ; in general type it is not unlike the head of Persephone above, No. 15.
The other head of the same goddess, No. 29, is far closer to the traditional
type of Syracusan heads ; which is best represented on our plates by the Locrian
coin, pi. vii. 46. But while the general type is carefully preserved the relief vn. 46 .
is lower, the lines harder and the expression far less dignified. The chariot also,
No. 30, is a ‘poor cousin’ of the Syracusan chariots of pi. vi. xi. 30 .
Nos. 31 to 33 of our plate are Carthaginian specimens, and interesting asxi. 31 —
shewing the tendencies of the art of Carthage. The two heads of Persephone
are closely copied from contemporaneous or earlier heads on coins of Syracuse,
such as No. 29. But the Carthaginians have deliberately chosen to make much
of all the worst points of their copy. The false drawing of the eyelids and
eye, the heaviness of the chin, is copied and exaggerated. So is the ungraceful
straightness of the neck, the formally ornate arrangement of the hair. The leaf
which rises on the Syracusan coin towards the top of the head becomes in the
Carthaginian coin a complete horn 2 . Nevertheless about this latter there is a
1 Overbecb, Kunstmythologie, 11 . 196.
2 It is worth enquiry whether this prominent leaf may not be the source of the great leaf which
divides the head of Apollo on ancient British coins.
G.
24
186
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
pride and dignity which pleases some eyes, as is shewn by the fact that the
head of the Republic on French coins of 1848 is in the main copied from it.
xi. 33. On No. 33 is a horse standing, which is much like the late and stiff horse
xi. 4 . above quoted from coins of Tarentum, No. 4 ; but he too is made worse in the
copying.
Hellas.
Passing to Greece proper, pi. xil, we come first on the leading type of the
period, the Zeus on the coins of Alexander the Great. Of this deity we have a
xii. l. representation from Macedon in No. 1 and another from Peloponnesus in No. 23.
' These two coins differ remarkably in style ; the former being in design stiff, the
latter being extremely free, and shewing as a variety on the original type a
pair of Victories standing on the back of the throne. This difference between
the two pieces may be partly accounted for by difference of period, the first
probably dating from the early years of Alexander’s reign, the latter having been
struck after his death. But clearly both point to the same original, that
original being a figure of the Zeus of Olympia and Arcadia, who in pre-Pheidian
hi. 15, 16, times regularly bears in his hand the eagle rather than Nike, cf. pi. in. 15, 16,
41, 43. The Zeus of Alexander’s coins is certainly not an imitation in any close
sense of the great Olympian statue of Pheidias, but the type is probably intro-
duced in honour of the god represented by that statue ; Alexander not less than
his father Philip being eager to pose as favourite of the great Hellenic deity.
xii. 2 , 3, On Nos. 2 and 3, from coins of Demetrius Poliorcetes, we have two strongly
contrasted figures of Poseidon. The figure striking with a trident, and having
a chlamys wrapped round the other arm, is but a freer reproduction of a type
which, as we have already seen, specially belongs to Poseidon. In early repre-
i. 2 , 14 , 15 . sentations, pi. i. 2, 14, 15, v. 5 the chlamys of the god hangs over both arms;
vil°2. at a somewhat later period he is entirely naked, pi. vii. 2 ; in the present case
the chlamys is turned into a defence ; the attitude here is also much more
boldly designed. In No. 3 Poseidon is in the act of striking his foes ; in No. 2
he is at rest, in an attitude familiar to us from the sculpture of the post-
Alexandrine age, resting his foot on a rock and looking meditatively out over
the sea, as Overbeck says, ‘ in seiner ganzen trotzigen Kraft 1 .’ Several other
figures of Poseidon are found on coins of the period distinguished by the attri-
butes of dolphin and trident, but in all of them his attitude is nearly that of
his brother Zeus ; it is remarkable that in the case of Poseidon, as in that of
1 Kunstmythologie, in. 274.
PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY— HELLAS.
1ST
Demeter and Hera, the testimony of most coins is not easy to reconcile with
that derived from other sources as to the manner in which Greek artists ordi-
narily represented the god. We have a seated Poseidon from Boeotia, No. 5, xii. 5, 22 .
and from Tenos, No. 22, and a standing Poseidon clad like Zeus in a himation,
also from Tenos, No. 24. Another apparent plagiarism from the usual seated xn. 24 .
type of Zeus is the figure of Asclepius from Epidaurus, No. 21. The healing xn. 21 .
deity is here seated on a throne, his right hand resting on the head of a coiled
snake, in his left a sceptre : beneath the throne is a dog. This figure has been
supposed to be a copy of the statue of gold and ivory at Epidaurus, of the
school of Pheidias, probably by his pupil Thrasymedes of Paros. The words
in which Pausanias describes the statue certainly closely apply to the figure of
our coin. ‘ He sits on a throne grasping a sceptre, the other hand he rests
on the head of his serpent; a dog lies by his side 1 .’ It is clear that we have
to do with a close copy of the Pheidian Zeus ; and scarcely with a type really
appropriate to Asclepius.
On No. 4 is a type which has attracted much notice in recent years. It is xn 4 .
from a coin of Demetrius Poliorcetes, and represents Nike or perhaps Fame standing
on the prow of a galley and blowing a trumpet. This group and the fighting
Poseidon of No. 3 are obverse and reverse of the same coin, and are chosen xii. 3 .
probably as a memorial of the sea-victory of Demetrius over Ptolemy near Cyprus
in b. c. 306. It is conjectured by Conze, Hauser and Benndorf 2 that this
victory was also commemorated by a trophy raised on the island of Samothrace
and consisting of a prow surmounted by the noble figure of Victory now in
the Louvre ; and further that our coin is intended as a copy of that trophy.
The writers mentioned shew that the figure of the Louvre was in the same
attitude as that on the coin, and held the same attributes, a trumpet in one
hand and in the other a frame or stand for a trophy ; also that the vessel on
whicli she stood was in all respects similar to that of the coin. Certainly this
is sufficient proof that the coin was copied from the sculptural trophy, unless
the trophy follows the coin, in spite of small differences between the two in
the pose and the arrangement of drapery. This being almost the only instance
in which there has come down to us besides the copy of a statue on coins the
original statue so copied, it would be worth while to institute a careful com-
parison between the two, a comparison which would shew clearly what method
the Creeks of the third century followed in imitating on coin-dies contemporary
works of art. The copying is not so close as in Roman times, but it omits
nothing essential, and only introduces varieties when almost compelled to do so
by the change of form and material conditioning the work.
' Pans. 11 . 27. 2. 5 Archdolog. Untersuchungen auf Samothrake, vol. 11 .
24—2
188
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
xii. 6. On No. 6, from Lamia in Thessaly, we have a seated figure of young Heracles,
who rests on a rock and holds on his knee a bow in a case. This is also a
work of the time of Demetrius, admirably worked out, yet possessing, at least
to my eyes, something of formality and a set effect which does not meet us in
xii. 7. earlier works. On No. 7, from the Phthiotic Thebes, we have a Homeric subject,
Protesilaus leaping armed from his vessel on to the Trojan shore. This is a
more complicated subject than would have been attempted at an earlier time,
and somewhat unfit for the field of a coin. The small size of the galley is
obviously necessary because of the restrictions of space ; and has in it nothing
repugnant to Greek ideas of art, which make more account of moral than material
xii. 8. size in proportioning works. On No. 8, from Oeta in Thessaly, is a Heracles in
quite a new position, facing the spectator and holding a club transversely. The
attitude of the hero is less sculptural than usual ; we may compare it with that
xiv. 22 . assumed by the same hero on Bactrian coins of late date, as pi. xiv. No. 22.
xii. 9 . On No. 9 we have a type which long remained unexplained, and which is of
great interest. It is a close copy of an ancient statue of Hermes from Aenus.
The deity is a mere terminal block surmounted by a head, and is set up on
an elaborate and massive throne, the arms of which end in heads of rams and
rest on sphinxes. We have literary evidence that archaic statues of deities,
the Apollo of Amyclae for instance, were set up in some way on thrones on which
their forms would certainly not allow them to sit, and this fact has frequently
puzzled archaeologists ; this coin furnishes us at once with a clue to the mystery,
shewing that the simulacrum was commonly erected in an upright attitude on the
seat of the throne.
xii. io. On No. 10 we have a Victory from a gold coin of Alexander the Great.
The gold coins of Philip had borne on one side a head of Ares, on the other
vii. 30, 38. a chariot, pi. vn. 30, 38. These types were by no means suited to the ambitious
and soaring mind of Alexander. Ares, the champion of Troy, was naturally dis-
tasteful to a prince who claimed, through his mother who was a princess of the
Molossians, descent from Achilles, and it was scarcely to be expected of Alexander
that he should try to immortalize the chariot-victories of his father. So he
chose entirely new types for his gold coin, placing on the obverse a head of
Pallas the patroness of the besiegers of Ilium, and on the reverse a figure of
Nike. It was to Zeus, Pallas and Nike that Alexander sacrificed before the battle
of Issus. But the Nike of Alexander was not what figures of that goddess on
coins had hitherto nearly always been, a memorial of peaceful victories in the
games. She is purely warlike, carrying in one hand a wreath for the victor, and
in the other a trophy-stand to which when planted in the earth might be
nailed the armour of enemies, cf. pi. xi. 21.
A trophy-stand is also borne by the Victory of No. 4, and a similar stand by
PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY— HELLAS.
189
the Nymph Histiaea seated on the stern of a ship on the coin of Histiaea in
Euboea, No. 11. This last figure is beautifully executed as regards drapery, and xn. 11 .
is a favourable specimen of the class of figures on galleys which become at this
age common, cf. Nos. 4, 35. The allusion in all these types is no doubt to naval xn. 4, 85.
victories won, part of a ship, whether the acrostolium, the stern, or the prow,
being ordinarily part of a naval trophy. In the choice of the figure which is seated
on these galleys we have a fresh instance of the same kind of symbolism which
we discerned in the case of the Sicilian chariots of pi. vi. Sometimes it is
Victory herself ; sometimes it is a more direct representative of the victorious king
or city. On the coin of Histiaea it is the Nymph Histiaea herself, the natural
embodiment of the city which bore her name. On the Macedonian coin of
Antigonus, No. 35, it is Apollo, who was probably regarded by the king as his
special guardian deity. In all these cases the design of the coin is such as would
suit a larger object, such as a trophy set up on shore as a memorial of victory.
On No. 12 is a seated Pallas from the coins of Lysimachus, king of Thrace, xn. 12 .
a figure quite in the style of the seated state-deities of the period. The Victory
in her hand is crowning, by a favourite conceit of the period, the name of
Lysimachus himself : thus indicating the connexion between goddess and king.
No. 13 is a very peculiar type. It is from Uranopolis, a Macedonian city, xii. in.
founded by Alexarchus, brother of King Cassander, a man of noted eccentricity,
about whom Athenaeus tells strange tales 1 . Some of this eccentricity has
infected our coin. It bears a figure of Aphrodite Urania seated on a globe.
On her head is a cone surmounted by a star, in her right hand a sceptre
bound with fillets ; and by her side a second cone surmounted by a star. On
the other side of the coin is a radiate globe 2 . We have here a number of
allegorical representations of the heavenly bodies. The cone surmounted by a
star seems to symbolize the sun and the sun seems also to be more exactly
and physically portrayed in the globe surrounded by rays. It is evident that
Alexarchus attached some curious meaning of his own to the figure of Aphrodite
Urania, who was to him rather an embodiment of fanciful ideas than the his-
torical goddess adopted by Greeks from Phoenicians. The allegorizing tendency
is found in other statues of the period such as the Kaipos of Lysippus ; but
never more markedly than in our coin. In all probability the design is copied
from a well-known work of sculpture.
Turning next to heads, we will begin with those which are ideal, and
afterwards come to portraits. There will be found on the plate four effigies of
Zeus, one from Boeotia, No. 14, one from Thessaly, No. 17, one from Elis, No. xii . 11,17.
25, one from Achaia, No. 33. Nos. 14 and 25 are nothing but inferior speci- xn.2.yi:;.
hi. 20.
2 Cat. Gr. Coins, Macedon, pp. xxxii, 133.
190
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN TYPES.
mens of the type which has been already discussed when it occurred on a coin
viii. 37 . of Arcadia pi. viti. 37. No. 17 differs in the length of the moustache and the
spare and pointed form of the beard, in which respects it resembles the head on
v. 39. the coin of Alexander of Epirus, pi. v. 39. No. 33 is remarkable for the
shortness of the hair. We must not however reason from these varieties that a
special form of Zeus is intended at this city or that ; probably it is merely a
xn. 15 . question of artists and local style. On No. 15, a coin in remarkably high relief,
we have a notable head of Heracles from a silver coin of Alexander the Great.
The face is meaningless and heavy, but the work of the head of the hero and
especially of his lion’s skin is executed in a masterly way. In fact the specimen
combines the greatest skill in execution with poverty in design, and may be
considered in these respects as representative of the period to which it belongs,
xn. 26 . On No. 26 is a head of Hera with the ethnic FaXeiW written on the
xn. 27 , 28 . stephanos which binds her hair. Nos. 27 and 28, from Corinth, present us with
heads of the armed Corinthian goddess of less noble type than those which we
viii. 42 , have already noticed, pi. viii. 42, 43. But No. 27 is redeemed from insignifi-
43 ' cance by the exquisite figure which it bears of Eros riding on a dolphin and
nursing his knee, a very early and charming example of the playful treatment of
Eros which becomes more and more usual from the time of Lysippus onwards to
Homan times and those of the Renaissance. But on our coin Eros is not yet a
xn. 29 . mere baby, but a graceful stripling full of life and activity. No. 29, from Her-
xi. 15 . mione in Argolis, is a head of Persephone which may be compared with pi. xi.
15 as regards facial angle as well as brightness of countenance, although the
xn. 30 , 31 . present coin is less elaborate. On Nos. 30, 31 are two heads of young Ammon,
with the ram’s horn, the former from Cyrene the latter from Tenos. The contrast
between the two is striking, the Cyrenean coin being far more beautiful and
finished ; yet they are nearly contemporary and furnish us with an instance to
shew that often in judging of the age of coins we must look above mere detail.
The Tenian coin certainly shews a tendency to approximate to the type of
Alexander the Great, whose favourite character was that of the son of Zeus
Ammon.
xn. 32. On No. 32 is a pleasing head of a Nymph from Paros, one of those types
which belong entirely to the decline yet have a vigour and freshness sometimes
wanting at a better period.
xn. 16 , We now return to the group in the third line of the plate, Nos. 16, 18, 19,
lH ~ J *' 20, which serves well to illustrate the origin of portraits in Greece in the Lysip-
pean age. The head of Heracles from Alexander’s coin, No. 15, is entirely ideal;
but it is well known that this type undergoes in the course of years a remark-
able transformation ; the eye becomes sunk and the forehead more furrowed, the
hair arches from the brow in wavy masses and the whole expression changes
PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY— HELLAS.
191
until we reach a type approaching the head of Alexander himself as it is pre-
sented to us on the coins of his general Lysimachus, of which No. 16 is among xn. 16 .
the finest specimens known. Of the later type an indifferent specimen will be
found below on a coin of Aetolia, No. 42. And as I have already pointed out the xn. 42.
heads of Achilles, of Dionysus, and of Zeus himself become more or less trans-
formed into the image of the Macedonian king. At the same time a somewhat
opposed tendency is also at work. Not only do deities assume human linea-
ments, but human beings when they take their place on coins always at first
assume the character of some divinity.
The whole subject of Greek portraits is full of difficulty, and a careful work
dealing with the matter is one of the most pressing needs of archaeology. The
work of Visconti 1 is out of date and thoroughly uncritical ; yet we are still
obliged to use it in the absence of any more recent treatise. The most satis-
factory remarks of modern archaeology are those of Michaelis a propos of the
portrait of Thucydides at Holkham Hall 2 ; but they open rather than close the
discussion. Michaelis observes that we possess a few portraits of the Periclean
age, those of Pericles himself, of Thucydides and Euripides, which appear to be
contemporary in design at least, and shew in their style the ideal spirit of early
Greek art. In them the sculptor contents himself with reproducing what is
essential in the head before him, passing by all which bears a temporary or
fortuitous character. Such details as the formation of the surface of the skin
and the momentary arrangement of the hair he entirely disregards. In the
portraits of Alexander also, the same writer proceeds, we find similar treatment.
£ They almost entirely disregard the fortuitous details of actual life, and follow,
£ though with full freedom of handling, the more rigid rules of artistic style,
£ which still prevailed, at least in some degree, in the Hellenistic period, for
£ ideal portraits. The sculptor of Alexander’s portraits seems as it were to stop
£ short at flesh. But in portraits of a later time the skin plays a most impor-
£ tant part.’ In these later portraits, of which those of Demosthenes and Menan-
der are typical specimens, we see more sharply-defined individuality combined
with a striving after pictorial effect, and a taste for naturalistic reproduction of
personal peculiarities, the details of hair, skin and so forth.
The distinctions here drawn are fully justified by the evidence of coins. On
these before the time of Alexander the Great there are but two heads so far as
I know which have any pretensions to be regarded as portraits. One is a It cad
in a Persian tiara, of which there is a good representation on pi. x. 14, and x. n.
which was discussed in its place 3 . The head is obviously of a fine ideal type
1 Iconographie Grecque.
' Festschrift zur vierten Secularfeier der Univ. Tubingen , 1877, p. 10.
3 Above, p. 144.
192
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
without any impress of personal peculiarities. Other bearded heads in Persian
tiara occur on coins struck by various satraps. They may be intended for the
head of a Persian divinity ; but more probably they are intended to represent
the Great King, not as a personage but as an abstraction. The artist having no
idea what the Persian monarch was like would simply reproduce his ideal of
what a highly born Persian ought to be. If the result was better in type than
the head of the reigning monarch would strictly warrant, so much the better.
At any rate we have in these cases no true instance of an individual portrait.
The other instance of an apparent portrait on a pre- Alexandrine coin occurs on
x. 42. pi. x. No. 42, which for reasons already stated 1 I can scarcely bring myself to
admit as the only instance of an individualized portrait at the period.
If we consider the history and exploits of Alexander we shall hardly wonder
that his contemporaries looked on him as a god. And it is as a god that he
found a place on the coins issued by his marshals. He claimed to be the son
of Zeus Ammon ; so when he appears on the money of Ptolemy and of Lysi-
xn. 16 . machus, No. 16, he bears the ram’s horn which specially belonged to the Libyan
god 2 . For some time all the heirs of Alexander’s empire contented themselves
with reproducing the divinized head of their master. But towards the year
b. c. 300 they began themselves to assume a divinity very convenient for purposes
of state. And becoming thus divine, they could not longer scruple to place
their own heads on their money. Thus we have at this period a head of
xii. 19. Demetrius Poliorcetes as Bacchus, with bull’s horn, No. 19, a head of Ptolemy
xiv. 8. with the aegis of Zeus, a head of Seleucus helmeted, pi. xiv. 8, also wearing
the horn of Dionysus, and with the lion-skin of Heracles knotted round his
neck. And as the kings of the time are assimilated to deities, so their features
are idealized and toned down. We find scarcely one or two real portraits of
the contemporaries of Alexander.
As kings appear as gods so do their queens in the guise of goddesses on
xii. is. coins. The head from Ambracia on No. 18, which one would take for that of
Hera or Dione, has yet something in it so human that we may fairly suppose
that it is intended at the same time to represent some queen. It is indeed
xi. 27 . much like the head of Phthia on coins of Pyrrhus, pi. xi. 27. The very re-
xii. 20 . markable head on the coin of Lamia, No. 20, is in all probability intended, as
I have elsewhere maintained 3 , for the celebrated beauty of the same name as the
city, Lamia, the wife of Demetrius Poliorcetes, who was worshipped under the
1 Above, p. 175.
2 It would seem, as Mr Poole informs me, that in doing so Alexander only copied the example
set about four centuries earlier by Tirhaka, the Ethiopian king of Egypt, who conquered Libya, and
whose portrait bears a ram’s horn just like Alexander’s.
3 Num. Chron. 1878, p. 266.
PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY— HELLAS.
193
name of Aphrodite in various cities of Greece, and so might well appear on
Thessalian coins of the period. Between her head and that of Demetrius placed
next to it there is a remarkable general artistic likeness, indicating that both
belong to one period, and to one class of coins. The reverse of No. 19 is No. 2,
and of No. 20, No. 6.
These facts seem to me to illustrate the thesis of Michaelis from a fresh
point of view, and to give a reason why the portraits of Alexander and the
Diadochi are formed on the lines of earlier rather than of later Greek art.
In the next period we shall find portraits individual to the last degree, and
full of naturalistic detail.
Asia Minor.
We pass next to the coins of Asia Minor on pi. xiii. On No. 1, from
Amastris on the Euxine, we have a seated female figure of queenly type. On
our coin she wears a stephanos and holds in one hand a long sceptre, in the
other a figure of Victory. We should have supposed the deity represented to be
Hera, but for a variant coin in the collection of M. Six in which she holds in
her hand in the place of Victory a small Eros. This coin however also bears
not the name of the city but of the Queen Amastris by whom it was built and
whose name it bore. It would seem then that the seated deity who combines
the attributes of Hera and of Aphrodite is really but the deified mortal foundress
whom her subjects in the taste of the time established in a temple and invested
with the attributes of the chief deities of Olympus. It would be easy to quote
from history a score of instances of such deification, but the statues in which the
idea was embodied have usually perished, so that our coin is the more interesting.
Of Zeus-like type are the two figures of Dionysus in our plate, the standing
figure from Nagidus, No. 2, and the seated figure from Heraclea, No. 4. The
god of Nagidus is evidently the same nature-deity as is found at Tarsus and
other cities, who was identified alternately with Zeus and Dionysus, pi. x. 30.
But the figure from Heraclea is more original. The god holds in one hand his
wine-cup, in the other an ivy-bound thyrsus, but he is of youthful type ;
evidently a figure of the new style placed on the throne and in the attitude of
some older cultus-statue. On No. 3, from Pergamon, we have a close rendering
of an archaic Palladium, with a closed trunk in the place of legs. On No. 5,
from Aspendus, we have the old type of the.slinger, cf. pi. x. No. 10; but ids
movement is freer, and in the field is one of those winged male figures which
become common in art after the time of Alexander. This figure here is expres-
G. 25
XII. 19, 2.
XII. 20, 6.
XIII. 1.
XIII. 2
XIII. 4.
X. 30.
XIII. 3.
XIII. 5.
X. 10.
194
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
sively introduced ; lie is looking in the direction in which the slinger aims, and
his attitude expresses his surprise at the distance to which the missile is sent,
xin. g. No. G, which bears the names of two kings of Heraclea in Pontus, Timotheus
and Dionysius, offers us a type very characteristic of the period, Heracles the
eponymous deity of the city erecting a trophy, no doubt in memory of some
victorious war. This is a pious device for giving the credit of the success to
Heracles. In the same way Pan is represented as setting up a trophy, on coins
of Antigonus Gonatas, in memory of the panic flight of the Gauls from Delphi,
xin. 7. On No. 7 we have a head of Apollo from Colophon, on No. 8 an effigy of the
xiii. 9 . same god from Miletus, on No. 9 a head of Dionysus from Heraclea. These
heads are chiefly noteworthy as shewing how the custom of representing the
younger members of the Pantheon with long hair returned at this period, after
having for a time almost disappeared, and as giving instances of the way in which
xm. 10 . it was arranged. On No. 10, from Berytus in Troas, is a young head wearing
a conical pileus surmounted by a star. If we were guided by considerations of
origin we might probably see in it one of the Cabeiri of Samothrace ; but in
the days of rapid spread of Hellenism the people of Troas would probably rather
xiii. n. call it one of the Dioscuri. The head on No. 11 has been regarded as a portrait
of Amastris, wife of Lysimachus, coming as it does from the city which bore
her name. If so, she would be here figured as divine foundress. I suspect
however that the head is male, and intended to represent some Persian deity
of youthful type, such as Mithras or Men. It is clearly not much like the
xiii. 12 . head of the statue of Amastris, No. 1. We have, however, certainly on No. 12,
the head of a foundress, of Arsinoe, one of the queens of Lysimachus, after
whom he renamed the city of Ephesus which he enlarged and fortified. This is
an Ephesian coin. The portrait is somewhat idealized like almost all other
portraits of the period ; yet there clearly seems to be an intention to represent
a person ; the hair is arranged in the style of the Egyptian queens, the veil
too is worn rather in the manner of Greek matrons than of deities like Hera
xiii, 13. and Demeter. No. 13 is also from Ephesus, and of nearly the same period;
but here the head is of Artemis, and of a specially charming type. The expres-
sion is very pleasing and as an instance of the care with which details are
rendered I may mention the earring, which consists of a winged figure, Nike or
Eros. At an earlier period we have on the coins of Ephesus only the symbolical
bee and stag ; at a later period we have the barbarous many- breasted image
which is so well known ; only in the century which began with Alexander’s
invasion were Hellenic ideas so prevalent in Asia that even the barbaric deity of
Ephesus appears in the form of the Greek Artemis whose name was so inaccu-
rately applied to her 1 .
Head, Coinage of Ephesus , passim.
PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY.
195
The East.
In plate xiv. we reach a region which is new to us. Syria and Asia did
indeed issue coins long before the time of Alexander, but as these do not
clearly display Greek influence, and as we are restricted to what is of Hellenic
origin, I passed them by in silence. But under Alexander and the Seleucidae,
Asia as far as the Ganges begins to become in most outward respects Hellenic ;
certainly, if we may judge from our coins, Hellenic as regards art. On No. 1, xiv. 1 .
which bears the name of Seleucus I., we have a figure of Victory setting up a
trophy, which is not however very original compared with a parallel group in
Sicily, pi. xi. 21. The Victory on another coin of Seleucus, No. 3, is merely an Xj^ 2 i.
enlarged copy of a type of Alexander, pi. xir. 10. The Pallas on No. 2 is xn.io.
important in many ways. The coin bears the name of Andragoras, who would
seem to have been a ruler in central Asia early in the third century ; and is
thus interesting as a historical record ; but the figure of Pallas is also remark-
able. The goddess wears no aegis but is wrapped in a himation, and holds an
owl in her extended hand. I am not aware of any figure on extant coins which
is closely like this ; we may however compare the coin of Side, pi. x. No. 7 , x - 7 -
where Athene holds as here an owl. No. 4, from Sidon, and No. 5, from Tyre, xiv. 4, 5.
scarcely properly belong to our subject. The king in his chariot on the former
coin, and the king slaying a lion on the latter do not remind us of Greek
works, but of Assyrian mural reliefs, and have in them scarcely any trace of
Greek influence. But this fact, their date being fairly certain, makes them
really more interesting. It shews that the cities of Phoenicia were the last
strongholds of oriental art, and suggests that they held out longest against the
new Greek ideas. But coins of Alexander were issued from Phoenician mints ;
and in the next age the legends and types of the coins of Sidon and Tyre are
alike Hellenic.
On No. 6, a copper coin of King Seleucus, w r e have a head of Medusa in xiv.
profile. It would be interesting to trace on coins the gradual softening with
time of the grim Gorgon-head of early art, pi. i. G, until it becomes milder and i. ,; -
not unpleasing. But with the present piece we reach an entirely new departure.
The full-face head could be softened but not made positively beautiful, but when
turned into profile it could become quite a new inspiration in art. A dying
face of rigid and fixed beauty is the form in which the head of Medusa appears
in reliefs like the celebrated Ludovisi relief as well as on several remarkable
25—2
19G
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
gems ; our coin is higher up in the line of descent, and presents a living face
instead of a dying one. It gives us therefore a fixed chronological datum whence
to judge of other heads of the class. It is I imagine the earliest of all profile-
xiv. 7 . heads of Medusa. On No. 7, from a coin of Andragoras, we have a head of a
deity, probably Zeus, but treated in a remarkable manner. There is something
oriental about the formality of hair and beard ; yet we trace far more expression
than is to be found in Oriental or in earlier Greek works. Perhaps the nearest
xiv. 26 . approach to it is found in the Zeus-head of Antiochus IV., No. 26. On No. 8
we have a much idealized portrait of Seleucus in helmet of skin, of which I have
xiv. 9. already spoken; on No. 9 a less ideal portrait of an Indian prince Sophytes 1 .
In outward style this prince’s head is closely copied from that of his suzerain
Seleucus, but the Greek artist who made the die managed to give to the head
something of individualism : we even fancy it to be of Indian rather than Greek
xiv. io. character. No. 10 is the reverse of No. 9, and bears the name of Sophytes
xiv. li. with the type of a cock, also clearly executed by a Greek artist. On No. 11
is a head of Dionysus very characteristic of the period. The turn of the
shoulders and the type of head are distinctly post- Alexandrine. The god has the
horns of a bull ; and in this fact we probably gain a clue to the phenomenon
that bull’s horns are attributed so freely to men and animals on the coins of
the period. The heads of Demetrius and Seleucus are both horned, and horses
and elephants are also horned on the coins of Seleucus. It seems likely that
the two kings mentioned claimed to be impersonations of Dionysus the great
Eastern Conqueror of whom Alexander found so many traces in the East ; and
hence even the animals which ministered to the state of Seleucus partook of
Dionysiac character. I am of course aware that it was from Apollo and not
from Dionysus that the Seleucidae claimed descent; and that from the time of
Antiochus I. downwards Apollo regularly appears on their coins as protecting
deity. But as Apollo is by no means prominent on the money of Seleucus, it
would seem that his adoption of that god belongs rather to the later than the
earlier part of his career. The head of the horned horse, which figures so largely
xiv. 12 . on coins of Seleucus, will be found on No. 12. Some writers think that he was
intended for Bucephalus, some for Seleucus’ own horse, which had once saved
his life by its speed of foot, and of which a statue was erected at Babylon.
Perhaps preferable to either of these views is the opinion that the horned horse
is merely an oriental religious emblem ; and the horns as just suggested may
have been by the Greeks connected with Dionysus.
Num. Citron , 1866, p. 220.
PERIOD OF DECLINE, EARLY.
197
Copies of Statues.
To the present period belongs an interesting statue copied on the coin of
Tigranes, King of Syria, xv. 32. It represents the city of Antioch wearing a xv. 32.
turreted crown, and clad in full drapery. In her hand she holds a palm, and
her feet rest on the river Orontes who swims amid his own waters at her feet.
This is the celebrated statue made by Eutychides the pupil of Lysippus, of which
several copies exist; that in the Vatican has called forth the strongest expres-
sions of admiration from Prof. Brunn 1 . It seems to have become the prototype
of a large class of statues which are copied on the coins of a multitude of
Asiatic cities ; and is indeed in all respects thoroughly characteristic of its age.
1 Gr. Kiinstler, 1 . 412, cf. Overbeck, Plastik, II. 135.
CHAPTER VII.
Period oe Decline : — late.
With our present period, b. c. 280 — 146, we reach a time when the balance
of the Hellenic world is entirely shifted. We can now expect little of interest
from the West or even from Hellas proper. But when we turn to Asia and the
East, we shall find this deficiency more than made up. Hitherto, the types of
coins have been useful as illustrating works of contemporary art, sometimes
filling up blank spaces indeed, but to be taken in conjunction with the state-
ments of ancient writers and fitted into a fairly complete scheme of the growth
and development of Greek art. But now we have reached a time when ancient
testimonies for the most part fail us, and when the history of Greek art runs
an unknown course. Although many monuments of the time remain to our days,
we cannot even yet, in sjfite of recent discoveries, classify them to our satisfac-
tion ; the widest differences of opinion exist among savants as to their date and
origin and even their meaning. Under such circumstances the testimony of coins
becomes more valuable than ever. Unfortunately their art is at a low level, far
below that reached by contemporary sculpture, and especially by painting. And
there is frequently much about them of a purely conventional and heraldic
character. But these drawbacks notwithstanding, we may find in coins most
important data for the reconstruction of the history of Greek art, more especially
in Asia, in pre-Roman days, data which as yet have been seldom sufficiently
extracted. Indeed there is here a field of almost unexplored wealth ; and I
shall be able in my brief limits to do little more than indicate where the veins
of ore lie, and to exhibit a few specimens to shew what may be expected from
working them.
Italy.
In Italy and Sicily there are few coins of importance of this period. I have
collected some specimens in the two last rows of pi. xi. Of all the most inter-
xi. 40. esting is that of Locri of which the obverse bears a rude head of Zeus, No. 40,
PERIOD OF DECLINE, LATE— ITALY.
199
and the reverse a group of two female figures, No. 34 . The seated figure is xi. 34.
armed with a sword and rests her arm on a shield. An inscription behind
shews that she is an impersonation of Rome, one of the earliest of all artistic
representations of the great conquering city. I11 front of Rome stands a draped
female figure who places a wreath on her head, and who is shewn by the
inscription to be Good-faith (ilicrrt?). This is a fair specimen of a class of
allegorical groups which were excessively common in all cities in later days of
Greece, and it is a good and dignified composition. The figure of Rome is of the
same kind as that of Aetolia in pi. xii., No. 40. It is evidently to the Greeks xn. 40 .
that the Romans were indebted for the artistic embodiment of their city which
afterwards became so common and has prevailed in sculpture down to our own
day. That Rome does not in our group wear a helmet probably arises from the
incongruity between such a head-covering and the wreath offered by Pistis. On
what occasion the type was adopted we cannot say for certain ; it may have
been when the Romans, after the complete defeat of Pyrrhus, allowed the people
of Locri to retain their autonomy, or it may possibly belong to the time of a
later alliance h
Nos. 35 to 39 are all coins of the Bruttii, a barbarous Italian people who xi. 35— 39.
at this time conquered most of the Hellenic cities of South Italy, and probably
from them gathered a certain amount of civilization and a few ideas as to art.
Their coins are neatly executed, and the tyes are mostly copied from those used
by Pyrrhus and other Greek sovereigns. On No. 35 is a group closely copied
from that of Thetis bearing arms to Achilles on Pyrrhus’ coin, No. 2 . But xi. 2.
closely, almost slavishly, as the group is reproduced, its meaning is entirely
changed. In place of the shield of Achilles it substitutes a small Eros dis-
charging an arrow, and the veiled goddess is no longer Thetis, but either
Aphrodite or Amphitrite. The introduction of the Eros is distinctly character-
istic of the later period ; and 1 1 is form, rounded and infantile, is of far later
type than children of the times of Praxiteles and Scopas. So that while the
type of Pyrrhus (xi. 2 ) may be taken as representative of the school of Scopas,
we seem in the present coin to reach a subsequent method of treatment of the
class of subjects which had been usual with that master. I would venture to
suggest in passing, although with great diffidence since Prof. Brunn takes the
opposite view 2 , that the celebrated relief at Munich representing the marriage
of Poseidon and Amphitrite is far nearer in conception to the Bruttian coin than
to that of Pyrrhus, a fact which would seem to offer us a hint that the relief
may be of the third century and perhaps of Italian origin. The character and
forms of the Erotes in it appear to agree better with a later age than with
1 Overbeck, Kunstmythol. n. 100.
2 Munich Academy, 1876, Philos.-philol. Classe, p. 342.
200
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
that of Scopas. These remarks however are a mere suggestion offered to the
consideration of those who are more nearly concerned with the Munich relief.
As the coins of the Bruttii are almost entirely marine in their types, the seated
xi. 39 . goddess is probably meant for Amphitrite 1 . Of this deity No. 39 presents us
with an effigy, but the effigy might as well stand for Hera or Dione, as there
is nothing distinctive about it. Far more originality belongs to the representa-
xi. 38,36. tions of the Dioscuri on coins of the Bruttians ; the heads on No. 38 and the
whole figures on No. 36. These are good specimens of the Italo-Greek art of
the period ; being very neatly and clearly cut, and having a tasteful appearance,
but not being marked by vigour or power. It seems strange that the Bruttii
should have appropriated the Dioscuri who had been at that time so thoroughly
adopted by the Romans ; but it is probable that, as Mommsen suggests, these
coins being used by all the cities of the extreme south of Italy were authorized
xi. 37 . by the Romans. The figure of Poseidon on No. 37 seems clearly to be copied
xii. 2. from that on the coin of Demetrius Poliorcetes, pi. xn. 2, unless indeed both
are derived from some common original.
Sicily.
Sicily was during our period, or rather until shortly before the Roman
conquest of b.c. 212, a kingdom with Syracuse as capital, and presents us with
a regular series of regal coins bearing excellent portraits of King Hiero and
xi. 43. members of his family. On No. 43 is a head of Hiero himself; for so we must
rather call it than a traditional likeness of the first Hiero, who would probably
have been represented as bearded like his contemporaries Miltiades, Themistocles
and Pericles. The head before us quite goes with the realistic portraits of the
period, and is indeed superior to most of them. The head of Queen Philistis,
xi. 44 . No. 44, is less skilfully executed, and has far less of realism about it. This
difference between male and female portraits is usual. Until the Roman Empire
no heads of ladies on coins are quite distinctive, with the solitary exceptions of
xii. 20 . the head of the courtezan Lamia, pi. xii. 20, and of that of the great Cleo-
patra. It is likely that the artists had but limited opportunities for studying
the physiognomies of most queens, and were influenced by a not unnatural
dread of making them less beautiful than utmost skill allowed. And it is at
once evident why to a rule of this kind exceptions should be found in the cases
of Lamia and Cleopatra, who were not of a character to conceal the charms they
Imhoof-Blumer in Overbeck’s Kunstmyth., in. 404.
PERIOD OF DECLINE, LATE— SICILY.
201
possessed. The reverses of the two numbers last mentioned are occupied by
chariot-types, Nos. 45, 46, which are certainly an improvement on those of thexi. 45, 46.
last period, and revert in some degree to the variety and energy of the chariot-
groups of the best period, pi. vi. The driver is a winged Victory. Nos. 41xi.4i,42.
and 42 belong to the last three years of Syracusan autonomy. On No. 42 is a
head of Persephone of carefully finished work, but bearing every mark of the
decline. On No. 41 is a figure of Artemis drawing the bow, a most clumsy
and ill-proportioned work, which is only interesting because its place and date
can be closely fixed, and because it may claim a certain distant cousinship to
the Artemis of the Louvre, which though immeasurably superior in all points to
the figure of the coin yet has indications not dissimilar of period and school.
Hellas.
We turn next to the coins of Hellas proper on pi. xii. Of these very few
are coins of cities ; nearly all are either of Kingdoms or Federal Unions. On
No. 34 from Byzantium is Poseidon seated on a rock, holding in one hand an xii. 34 .
aplustre, in the other his trident. This figure symbolizes well the commanding
naval position of the city and the prowess of the people of Byzantium, who at
one time made all ships which entered the Euxine pay toll to them. No. 35, a xii. 35 .
coin variously attributed to Antigonus Gonatas and to Antigonus Doson 1 of
Macedon, is certainly also a record of naval victory. It bears a figure of Apollo
holding a bow, seated on the bulwarks of a war-galley. The obverse of the
piece is a head of Poseidon, No. 41 ; but that it is not out of the way to xii. n.
associate Apollo also with naval victory we may see by comparing the coin of
Marathus, pi. xiv. 13. There we have Apollo seated on shields and holding xiv. 13 .
aplustre. But the present Apollo reminds us alike by his hair which falls in
long formal tresses, by his way of holding the how, and by the smooth round-
ness of his slight form, of the regular type of the coins of the Seleucidae, an
Apollo seated on the omphalos. Possibly the naval victory may have been the
result of a Syrian alliance. But in any case the group is not a success from
the point of view of art.
On the Thessalian coin, No. 36, we have a figure of Pallas of the conven- xii. 36.
tional archaic pattern, and without the refinements introduced by the artist of
Pyrrhus, in pi. xi. 22. On the Boeotian coin, No. 37, we have a copy of the xi. 22 .
J XII. 37.
Nike of Alexander’s coin, No. 10, with a slight difference in the arrangement xii! 10 !
1 See Br. Mus. Guide, p. 75.
G.
26
202
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
of the wings, and the interesting variety that the trophy- stand in the left hand
of the goddess is replaced by a trident, an attribute in better keeping with
the Boeotian types of the period which are almost universally nautical. On the
xii. 38 . Aetolian piece, No. 38, we have a male figure in the attitude so usual at this
period, and especially appropriated to Poseidon. But there is nothing Poseidonian
in the present figure, which is entirely unclad save for a petasus and a chlamys
which lies over the knee, but is armed with spear and sword. The scantiness
of clothing and completeness of arming would well suit an impersonation of the
poor and warlike race of the Aetolians. But as Aetolia is represented usually in
female form, we should probably rather identify our warrior with Meleager the
xii. 40 . national Aetolian hero. Of Aetolia herself we have a figure on No. 40. She
O
is clad in a hat and a short chiton which falls away leaving one breast free
(yira )v kT€poixd(T\a\o
No. 30 of Ptolemy II. of Egypt and his sister and wife Arsinoe, No. 31 of the xiv. 3i.
Parthian Mithradates, bearded according to the custom of his country. Next
come three wonderful heads of Greek kings of India, No. 32 of Antimachus, xiv. 32.
No. 33 of Euthydemus II., No. 34 of Eucratides. The flat hat worn by Anti- xiv. 33.
machus seems to be a slight modification of the north Greek petasus, cf. pi. vn.
3 — 5 and pi. xn. 40 ; and the helmet worn by Eucratides seems to be an
imitation of the same head-covering' in metal, adorned with the horn and ear of
a bull. These portraits impress by their realism alike those familiar with and
those unacquainted with Greek art. Their most marked characteristic is the
skill with which the engravers seize the most salient features of a face and give
its characteristic expression. In some instances, such as the head of Antiochus I.
xiv. 29, we can scarcely bring ourselves to think that the engraver has not
exaggerated the peculiarities of the subject, almost to the verge of caricature.
The portraits of the age are thus striking and distinctive, but we feel that they
rather imitate that which is on the surface than afford us any idea of the real
personage of the ruler who is portrayed. Of course for the highest kind of
portraiture the field of a coin offers but scanty scope. Nevertheless we may
venture to say that numismatic testimony confirms the opinion derived by
Michaelis from the study of likenesses in marble, that the portraits of the Helle-
nistic age do not avoid the faults of superficiality and love of theatrical effect
which mark generally the sculpture of that age. Only, those faults are in the
case of portraits less glaring and more pardonable ; and the close realism which
accompanies them is pleasing to eyes trained by modern works of art, and only
vexes the few who have a genuine love for the products of earlier and
brighter days of Greek art.
P.S. The decadrachm of Agrigentum, engraved on the title-page, is in
the French Collection. Its date must be immediately before the destruction of
Agrigentum in b.c. 406. The obverse-type, two eagles devouring a hare, is
212
ART AND MYTHOLOGY OF COIN-TYPES.
explained at page 130. The chariot of the reverse is represented in the act of
turning the meta, and is so somewhat foreshortened ; an attempt at perspective
somewhat bold for the period. Over it flies the frequent symbol of agonistic
victory, an eagle bearing olf a serpent, which here takes the place of the more
usual Nike. The crab below is the civic emblem of Agrigentum, unless indeed
it may indicate the fact that the agonistic victory which inspired the coin was
won on the shore of the sea.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS
[The references are to the Plates ; further reference from Plates to text may easily be made by
means of the Table of Contents.]
THE OLYMPIAN DEITIES.
I. ZEUS.
Zeus, VIII. 42; X. 9; XIII. 14; XIY. 20, 24
Zeus Olympius, III. 15, 16,41, 43; XII. 1 , 23; XIY.
14; XV. 19
Zeus Ithomates, VIII. 25; XII. 47
Zeus Soter, II. 1
Zeus holding Hecate, XIY. 19
Zeus, Simulacrum of, XV. 1
Zeus Velchanus, IX. 7
Zeus Stratius, X. 22
Zeus Stratius, Simulacrum of, XV. 9
Zeus, Head of, V. 14, 40; VII. 29, 33; VIII. 6, 26, 37;
IX. 21 ; XI. 6, 40; XII. 14, 17, 25, 51 ; XIV. 7, 26
Zeus Olympius, Head of, XV. 18
Zeus Dodonaeus, Head of, V. 37, 38, 39 ; XI. 7
Zeus Eleutherius, Head of, VI. 37
Zeus Hellenius, Head of, XI. 25
Zeus and Dione, Heads of, XII. 44
Dione, Head of, XII. 18
Zeus Ammon, IX. 31, 32, 33, 34
Zeus Ammon, Head of, III. 49; IV. 33; IX. 26, 27, 28
Ammon, Young, Head of, XII. 30, 31
Europa on bull, III. 17
Europa seated in tree, IX. 18, 19, 20
Thunderbolt personified, XIV. 24
[See also Nike, Eagle, Thunderbolt.]
II. HERA.
Hera of Chalcis, XV. 27
Hera Sarnia, Simulacrum of, XV. 5
Hera, Head of, III. 25, .38; V. 45; VIII. 13, 14, 15,
29, 39, 40; IX. 23; XII. 26
Hera Lacinia, Head of, V. 42, 43; VI. 39
III. POSEIDON.
Poseidon I. 2, 14, 15; V. 5; VII. 2; IX. 2; XI. 37;
XII. 2, 3, 5, 22, 24, 34; XIV. 21 ; XVI. 2, 17
Poseidon receiving Taras, V. 28
Poseidon Hippius, III. 3; IX. 3
Poseidon, Head of, XII. 41
Amphitrite on sea-horse, XI. 35
Amphitrite, Head of, XI. 39
[See also Taras, Horse, Bull.]
IV. DEMETER.
Demeter, XII. 48
Demeter, Head of, VII. 47; VIII. 28, 41 ; X. 41, 45 ;
XII. 52; XIII. 26
Persephone, IX. 5
Persephone rising from the earth, X. 25
Persephone, Head of, VI. 19; VII. 46; XI. 15, 16, 28,
29, 31, 32, 42; XII. 29
Despoena, Head of, III. 50
[See also Pig on torch, Cista mystica.]
Triptolemus, VII. 45
V. APOLLO.
Apollo, I. 13, 16; IX. 12; X. 23; XIII. 17, 19; XV.
31
Apollo Amyclaeus, XV. 28
Apollo Citharoedus, XIII. 15
Apollo Delius, XV. 29
Apollo Didymaeus, XV. 15, 16
Apollo Hyacinthius, I. 3
Apollo Pythius, VII. 44; XV. 26
Apollo Smintheus, XV. 23
Apollo slaying Python, V. 7
Apollo and genius, I. 1
Apollo with horses of the sun, X. 3
Apollo with serpent, VIII. 33
Apollo seated on shields, XIV. 13
Apollo seated on prow, XII. 35
Apollo seated in tree, IX. 15, 16
Apollo and Artemis in quadriga, II. 36; VI. 24
Apollo, Head of, II. 23, 24, 25, 30; III. 36; IV. 35,
37; V. 15, 16; VI. 9, 10, 16; VII. 10, 11, 12, 13,
26, 28; VIII. 8, 10; X. 15, 16, 36, 37, 44; XI. 8,
9; XII. 53; XIII. 7, 8, 25, 28; XVI. 4, 5
[See also Raven, Stag, Swan, Griffin, Rose, Lyre,
Tripod.]
214
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
VI. ARTEMIS.
Artemis, III. 31 ; XI. 41 ; XII. 39, 50
Artemis in chariot with Apollo, II. 36 ; VI. 24
Artemis, Head of, VII. 37; VIII. 38; XIII. 13, 24, 29
Artemis, archaic, XV. 14
Artemis, Oriental, XIII. 21 ; XV. 3, 4
[See also Bee.]
VII. PALLAS.
Pallas, II. 4; III. 44; X. 7, 28, 33; XII. 12; XIII.
18; XIV. 2
Athene Ilias, XIII. 16; XV. 7, 13
Athene Parthenos, XV. 22
Pallas in chariot, VI. 27
Pallas, archaic, XI. 22; XII. 36; XIII. 3; XIV. 18;
XV. 17
Pallas, Head of, I. 31, 32; III. 20, 21, 22, 23, 37, 51 ;
V. 17, 18, 19, 41, 44; VI. 40; VII. 18; VIII. 11,
42, 43; XI. 12, 13; XII. 27, 28; XVI. 12, 18, 19,
20, 21, 22
Athene Parthenos, Head of, XII. 43; XIII. 27
[See also Owl.]
VIII. ARES.
Ares, Head of, IV. 36; VII. 10, 30, 31 ; XI. 24
IX. APHRODITE.
Aphrodite Cnidia, XV. 21
Aphrodite Coriutliia, XV. 25
Aphrodite Urania, XII. 13
Aphrodite, Simulacrum of, XV. 10
Aphrodite, Lycian, X. 34
Aphrodite, Head of, VIII. 16, 17, 18
Aphrodite Cnidia, Head of, XV. 20
Aphrodite Paphia, Head of, X. 47, 48, 49
Aphrodite and Eros, VI. 3
Eros riding on dolphin, XII. 27
Eros, Head of, XIV. 27
X. HERMES.
Hermes, III. 7; IV. 27; VIII. 36, 43; IX. 13, 14;
XV. 24
Hermes, Simulacrum of, XII. 9
Hermes, Head of, III. 35 ; VII. 9
Hermes and Aphrodite, X. 31
Hermes and young Dionysus, VIII. 31
[See also Goat.]
OTHER DEITIES.
I. DIONYSUS.
Dionysus, 1. 5 ; II. 2; III. 29; IV. 25; IX. 4; XIII.
2, 4
Dionysus on panther, IX. 6
Dionysus seated in tree, X. 35
Dionysus, Lesbian, Simulacrum of, XV. 11
Dionysus, Head of, II. 5, 22; VI. 14; VII. 8, 24, 25;
IX. 22; XIII. 9, 30
Dionysus, Lesbian, Head of, XV. 12
Dionysus, Head of, horned, XIV. 1 1
Dionysus, Dimorphous, Head of, X. 43
[See also Bull, Man-headed.]
Satyr drinking, II. 20; III. 34; VI. 6
Satyr bathing, II. 18; VI. 2
Satyr surprising nymph, III. 1, 2, 28
Satyr, Head of, 111. 19
Silenus on ass, VII. 7
Pan, VIII. 32
Pan, Head of, II. 42; VII. 34
[See also Syrinx.]
Centaur, XIII. 23
Centaur carrying off woman, III. 9
Maenad, Head of, X. 39, 40
II. ASCLEPIUS.
Asclepius of Epidaurus, XII. 21
Asclepius, Head of, VIII. 7
Hygieia, IX. 5
III. HECATE.
Hecate in hand of Zeus, XIV. 19
Hecate, Head of, VII. 36
IV. DIOSCURI.
The Dioscuri, XI. 36 ; XIV. 23
Dioscuri, Heads of the, XI. 38
V. SEA DEITIES.
Triton or Glaucus, IX. 1
VI. RIVERS AND LAKES.
Arethusa, Head of, II. 6, 7, 26, 27, 28; VI. 17, 18, 20,
21, 22, 23
Camarina riding on swan, VI. 7
Crathis, sacrificing, I. 17
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
215
Gelas, Head of, VI. 11, 38
Himera sacrificing, II. 18; VI. 2
Hipparis, Head of, VI. 13
Hypsas sacrificing, II. 16
Selinus sacrificing, II. 15 ; VI. 1
River-god Orontes under feet of City, XV. 32
River-god hunting, VI. 4
[See also Man-headed Bull, Bull.]
VII. PERSONIFICATIONS OF PLACES.
Aetolia, XII. 40
Demos of Rhegium, I. 18; V. 1
Demos of Tarentum, I. 19, 20, 21
Histiaea seated on ship, XII. 11
Olympia, Head of, VIII. 27
Pandosia, Head of, I. 29
Phthia, Head of, XI. 27
Roma crowned by Pistis, XI. 34
Taras on dolphin, I. 4, 22; V. 4, 30, 31 ; XI. 5
Taras playing with panther’s cub, V. 3
Taras welcomed by Poseidon, V. 28
Taras, Head of, I. 9
Terina, Head of, V. 20, 23
Tyche Antiocheia, XV. 32
Nymph, Head of, I. 7, 8, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30; II. 31;
III. 24; V. 21; VII. 15, 17, 35; X. 46; XI. 11,
14; XII. 32
VIII. ALLEGORICAL FIGURES.
Eirene, V. 11
Nemesis of Rhamnus, X. 27
Nike, I. 24; II. 3, 17, 21; III. 14, 42; IV. 30; V. 13,
33; VIII. 3,4; X. 2; XII. 10, 37; XIV. 3
HEROIC
I. HERACLES,
Heracles, III. 45, 46; IV. 19, 21, 22, 23; VI. 36;
XI. 1; XII. 6, 8; XIV. 16, 22
Heracles, Head of, III. 10; IV. 38; VI. 12, 15; VII.
14, 32; XI. 26; XII. 15, 42
Heracles strangling serpents, III. 48; V. 10; VII. 23;
VIII. 1 ; XVI. 6, 7, 8
Heracles strangling lion, V. 6, 32 ; VI. 8
Heracles slaying hydra, IX. 7
Heracles slaying birds, VIII. 34
Stymphalian bird, Head of a, VIII. 44
Heracles shooting, VII. 1
Heracles striking bull, II. 17
Heracles wrestling with Achelous, IV. 1
Heracles carrying off tripod, III. 47
Heracles feasting, V. 29
Heracles reposing, IX. 8
Heracles with lustral bough, V. 2
Nike Apteros, I. 23
Nike carrying trophy, XI. 23
Nike erecting trophy, X. 24; XI. 21 ; XIV. I
Nike playing with bird, V. 12
Nike on prow, XII. 4
Nike, Head of, II. 29; V. 22; VII. 16
[See also Agonistic types, "Chariot; Bull, Man-
headed.]
Pistis, XI. 34
Tyche, XIV. 15, 25
IX. LOCAL DAEMONS.
Minotaur, III. 18
Scylla, on helmet of Pallas, V. 17, 18, 44; XI. 12, 13
Talos, IX. 9
Daemon, Winged, III. 8; IV. 20, 24; XIII. 5
X. ORIENTAL DEITIES.
Aphrodite, Oriental, X. 34
Aphrodite, Oriental, Head of, X. 48, 49
Astarte, Simulacrum of, XV. 2
Baal Tars, X. 30
Bes, Head of, IV. 5
Cabeirus, Head of, X. 38; XIII. 10
Cybele, Simulacrum of, XV. 6
Cybele, Head of, XIII. 31
Hormuzd, X. 8
Melkarth, IV. 21, 22 ’
Men, Head of, XIII. 1 1
Sardanapalus, X. 29
Sardanapalus standing on monster, XIII. 20
Pyre of Sardanapalus, XIV. 17
Oriental simulacra of various deities, XV. 1 — 13
CYCLE.
Heracles erecting trophy, XIII. 6
Heracles and Sardanapalus, X. 29
Heracles, archaic, XV. 8
11. TROJAN WAR.
Protesilaus, XII. 7
Thetis carrying arms to Achilles, XL 2
Diomedes carrying off Palladium, VIII. 35
Achilles, Head of, XI. 10
Aeneas, Head of, III. 11, 39
Ajax O'ileus, VII. 22, 43
III. SOLAR HEROES.
Belleroplion on Pegasus, VIII. 5
Pegasus, III. 26; VIII. 19; XVI. 20, 21, 22
Perseus, Head of, XII. 45
Gorgon, I. 6
Gorgon, Head of, VII. 19; XIV. 6
21G
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
IV. LOCAL HEROES.
Apteras, IX. 11
Cecrops, X. 1
Ceplialus, VIII. 2
Cephalus, Head of, VIII. 9
Procris, Head of, VIII. 12
Leucaspis, VI. 5, 35
Meleager, XII. 38
Miletus suckled by wolf, IX. 25
HISTORICAL PERSONS.
I. PRE- ALEXANDRINE.
Harmodius and Aristogeiton, X. 4 ; XV. 30
Homer, XIII. 22
King of Persia, X. 32
King of Persia, Head of, X. 14
King in chariot, XIV. 4
King slaying lion, XIV. 5
II. POST- ALEXANDRINE PORTRAITS.
Alexander, Plead of, XII. 16
Amastris, Queen, XIII. 1
Antimachus, Head of, XIV. 32
Antiochus I., Head of, XIV. 29
Antiochus II., Head of, XIV. 28
Apollonias, Head of, XIII. 32
Arsinoe, Head of, XIII. 12
Demetrius Poliorcetes, Head of, XII. 19
Eucratides, Head of, XIV. 34
Euthydemus II., Head of, XIV. 33
Iliero II., Head of, XI. 43
Lamia, Head of, XII. 20
Mitkradates IV., Head of, XIII. 34
Mithradates of Partliia, Head of, XIV. 31
Orophernes, Head of, XIII. 33
Perseus, King, Head of, XII. 45, 46
Pkilistis, Head of, XI. 44
Prusias I., Head of, XIII. 35
Ptolemy II. and Arsinoe, Heads of, XIV. 30
Seleucus I., Head of, XIV. 8
Sophytes, Head of, XIV. 9
EVENTS OF LIFE.
I. AGONISTIC TYPES.
Eoxers, IV. 31
Discobolus, III. 30; IV. 28
Wrestlers, X. 11
Horseman, unarmed, II. 11, 38; IV. 2, 32; V. 34, 35;
VII. 39; IX. 36; X. 12
Horseman crowning horse, XI. 3, 4
Chariot, II. 9; XI. 30
Chariot crowned by Nike, II. 10, 32, 33, 34, 35; VI. 25,
26, 27, 28, 29
Chariot driven by Nike, VI. 28; IX. 35; XI. 45, 46
Riga, VII. 38
Apene of mules crowned by Nike, II. 37 ; VI. 30
Arms (ad\a), VI. 25
II. WAR.
Warrior, IV. 29; X. 26
Warrior, Head of, IV. 34
Archer, IX. 10 ; X. 5
Slinger, X. 10; XIII. 5
Horseman, armed, II. 12; III. 5; IV. 26; V. 8, 9, 36;
VII. 3, 4, 5, 6
III. PEACE.
Hunter, Cretan, XII. 49
Hero taming bull, 111. 32, 33
Hero driving oxen, III. 4
Women holding amphora, III. 6
Woodmen felling tree, XV. 6
IV. ANIMALS.
Lee, XVI. 7
Bull, I. 11, 34; IV. 12; V. 24; IX. 24; X. 19; XI. 20;
XVI. 1, 2, 16, 17, 18, 19
Bull, Head of, XVI. 13, 14, 15
Chamaeleon, IX. 30
Cock, II. 13; XIV. 10; XVI. 3, 23
Cow suckling calf, XVI. 23, 24, 25
Crab, VI. 32, 34; XVI. 3
Crab, in form of human face, VI. 34
Crane, II. 16; VIII. 12
Eagle, I. 12, 36; II. 41; III. 52; IV. 11 ; VIII. 30
Eagle on branch, V. 25
Eagle tearing hare, VI. 33; XI. 17
Eagles, Two, tearing hare, VI. 31
Eagle devouring ram, VIII. 21
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
2 \
Eagle tearing serpent, VIII. 22
Eagle, Head of, VIII. 23
Fish, VI. 32
Goat, III. 12, 40
Hare, II. 42; VI. 31, 33
Horse, VII. 40; XI. 33
Jerboa, IX. 30
Lion, I. 33 ; IV. 15, 39, 43 ; XVI. 5
Lion slaying bull, III. 13; VII. 20
Lion tearing stag, XI. 18
Lion tearing prey, XVI. 1 1
Lion, Head of, III. 27; IV. 16, 17; V. 26; VII. 41;
X. 20; XVI. 6, 13, 14, 15
Locust, XVI. 10
Owl, III. 53
Pig on torch, VII. 48
Prawn, VI. 16, 34
Earn, IX. 34 ; XV. 24
Raven, X. 6
Seal, IV. 7
Sow, IV. 10
Stag, I. 1, 13; IV. 8, 18
Swan, X. 50
V. MONSTERS.
Boar, Winged, IV. 44
Bull, Man-headed, I. 10, 35; II. 8, 39, 40
Man-headed bull crowned by Nike, XI. 1!)
Chimaera, IV. 9; VIII. 20
Griffin, VII. 42; XVI. 9, 10
Horned horse’s head, XIV. 12
Sea-horse, XI. 2; XVI. 8
Sphinx, IV. 6, 40; X. 13, 21, 34
Monstrous combination, IV. 13, 14, 41
VI. NATURAL OBJECTS, &c.
Acorn, I. 35
Corn, Ear of, V. 27
Rose, X. 21
Silphium, III. 27 ; IX. 29, 30
Floral pattern, XVI. 24, 25
Amphora, VII. 27
Helmet and mask, IV. 3
Lyre, VII. 21
Cista mystica, XII. 48
Syrinx, 1 1. 42
Temple, XV. 1, 3, 24, 25, 26
Sacred car, XV. 2 ,
Thunderbolt, VIII. 24; XVI. 4
Tripod, XVI. 1
Acropolis of Corinth, XV. 25
Harbour of Zancle, II. 14
VII. ASTRONOMICAL SYMBOLS.
Lion and star, XVI. 5
Lion and triquetra of legs, IV. 39
Triquetra of cock’s heads, IV. 42
G.
CLASSIFICATION OF GREEK COINS.
Period
Date B.C.
Political Character
North
Italy
South
Italy
Sicily
North
Greece
Central
Greece
Pelopon-
nesus
Crete &
Islands
North
Africa
Asia
Minor
The
East
Art Character
Typical
Sculptors
i.
600—479
Age of the Despots . . .
i
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Early Archaic
( Selinuntine
( Sculptors
ii.
479—431
Rise of Athens
ii
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
Late Archaic
( Aeginetan
l School
hi.
431—371
Peloponnesian War — \
Spartan Hegemony)
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
Early Fine ...
Polycleitus
IV.
371—335
Theban Hegemony — )
Philip of Macedon )
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
Late Fine ...
Praxiteles
V.
335—280
Alexander and the Dia-/
dochi j
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
Early Decline
Lysippus i
VI.
280—146
The Epigoni — )
Federal Systems ...)
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
Late Decline
(Pergamene
j School
INDEX OF CLASSES. Plates I.— XIV.
Class
Plate
Lines
Text Pages
Class
Plate
Lines
1
Text Pages
Class
Plate
Lines
Text Pages
1
l
i.
1,2
85—89
21
41
2 )
22
V.
1—4
119—123
42
XI.
1—3
181—184
O
ii.
1,2
89—90
23
VI.
1—6
124—132
43
XI.
4,5
184—186
1 4
hi.
1,2
84, 90—95
24
VII.
1—3
1 132—135
44’
XII.
1—3
186—193
5 1
25
VII.
4
J
45
hi.
3,4
84, 90—95
26
VIII.
1—5
135—141
46'
7
27
IX.
1—5
160—167
47
XII.
4,5
186—193
8 J
28
IX.
6
167—168
48.
9
IV.
1—3
83, 96—97
29
X.
1—3
142—145
49
XIII.
1, 2
193—195
10
30
50
XIV.
1,2
195—197
11
31
51
12
i.
3—6
100—103
32
V.
5—7
148—150
52
XI.
6
198—200
13
ii.
3—7
104—109
33
VI.
7
151—152
53
XI.
7
200—201
14
hi.
5 — 6
109—111
34
VII.
5, 6 |
152—155
54
XII.
6, 71
15 1
35
VII.
7 1
55
16
36
VIII.
6, 7
156—159
561
201—204
in.
7, 8
111—113
17
37
IX.
1—5
160—167
57
y
XII.
8 j
18 J
38
IX.
7
167—168
58 _
19
IV.
4—7
113—117
39
X.
4—7
169—176
59
XIII.
3—6
204—208
20
40
60
XIV.
3—6
208—211
Caution. The surface of the Plates must not be touched ; more especially
with any metallic substance, as the touch of metal leaves on them permanent
marks.
©amtmtigc :
PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, SI. A. AND SON,
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
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15
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20
21
22
23
24
25
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28
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PLATE I.
[ Obv. KAYAO retrograde. Apollo striking with bough, a small figure on his outstretched arm. Stag in field.
{ Rev. Back of the same figures, incuse.
Obv. Poseidon, clad in chlamys, striking with trident. [Rev. TTOX retrogr. Back of same figure, incuse.']
Obv. T A PAS retrogr. Apollo kneeling, holds flower and lyre. [Rev. The other side of the same figure, incuse.]
[Obv. T A PAS retrogr. Taras riding on dolphin through sea indicated by a shell : cable border.
[{Rev. The other side of the same devices, incuse.]
Obv. XEP. Dionysus holding wine-cup and branch of vine. [Rev. Branch of vine.]
Obv. Gorgon running, clad in long chiton ; holds snake in each hand. [Rev. OEXI- Archaic wheel.]
Obv. Head of nymph. [Rev. Lion’s head.]
Obv. As last. [Rev. KYA\E. Muscle and sea-plant.]
Obv. Head of Taras. [Rev. Taras riding on dolphin, below, shell.]
Obv. Man-headed bull (river-god?). [Rev. Back of the same type.]
Obv. XY retrogr. Bull. [Rev. Back of bull.]
[Obv. VPO retrogr. Tripod.] Rev. Eagle flying, incuse.
Obv. KAYAONIATAX. Apollo striking with bough. Stag in field. [Rev. KAYAO N IA[ Stag ; in field, crab.]
Obv. TTOXEIAANIATAX. Poseidon, clad in chlamys, striking with trident. [Rev. TTOXEIAA[ Bull.]
Obv. TTOX El retrogr. Type as last. [Rev. TTOXEI. Bull.]
[Obv. AAETA. Ear of corn.] Rev. Apollo holding lustral bough and bow.
Obv. No. 29. Rev. KPAOIX. River Crathis holding patera and lustral bough ; at his feet fish leaping.
[Obv. Lion’s scalp.] Rev. PE TIN OX. The Demos of Rliegium seated : type in wreath.
[Obv. The Demos of Tarentum seated, holding distaff ; type in wreath.
[[Rev. TAPAX. Taras riding on dolphin ; beneath, shell.]
Obv. TAPAX retrogr. The Demos of Tarentum holding staff and wine-cup. [Rev. Similar to last.]
Obv. TAPAX retrogr. The Demos of Tarentum holding distaff and staff. [Rev. Similar to last.]
[Obv. Head of Taras.] Rev. TAPAX. Taras riding on dolphin through sea indicated by a shell.
[Obv. TEPINA. Head of nymph.] Rev. N I KA retrogr. Victory holding olive-bough ; type in wreath.
Obv. No. 30. Rev. TEPI NAION. Victory seated on vase, holds wreath.
Obv. Head of nymph. [Rev. KYAAAION. Pistrix and muscle.]
Obv. YEAH. Head of nymph, wearing stephane. [Rev. Lion at bay.]
Obv. YEAH. Head of nymph. Rev. No. 33.
Obv. Head of nymph ; around, wreath. [Rev. A\E. Ear of corn.]
Obv. TTANAOXIA. Head of nymph, bound with taenia. Rev. No. 17.
Obv. Head of nymph, wearing spliendone, within wreath. Rev. No. 24.
Obv. Head of Pallas, helmet bound with olive. Rev. No. 34.
j Obv. Head of Pallas, helmet bound with ivy ; behind, the letter E.
[[Rev. OOYPinN. Bull walking; below, helmet.]
Obv. No. 27. Rev. Lion at bay ; below, an owl.
Obv. No. 31. Rev. XYBAPI. Bull, looking back.
Obv. AAI retrogr. Man-headed bull ; below, an acorn. [Rev. AAI retrogr. Man-headed bull.]
Obv. Eagle standing on cornice of temple ; in field, head of ibex. [Rev. ?PO. Tripod ; in field, olive-spray.]
From Mionnet’s casts.
PI. I.
B.C. 550-431. ITALY.
PLATE II.
Cl. 3
1
9
Galaria
Sicily
Camarina
3
e. c. 550 —
4
479
5
Naxus
6
Syracuse
r-
7
77
8
Gela
9
Syracuse
10
7 7
11
77
12
Gela
13
Himera
14
Zancle
Cl. 13
15
Selinus
Sicily
B.c. 479 —
16
431
17
>7
18
Himera
19
Catana
20
Naxus
21
Himera
22
Naxus
23
Catana
24
Leontini
25
77
26
Syracuse
27
77
28
77
29
77
30
Leontini
31
Segesta
32
Syracuse
33
Leontini
34
Gela
35
Himera
36
Selinus
37
Messana
38
1 f imera
39
Catana
40
Gela
41
Agrigentiu:
42
Messana
(Obv. ZOTEP retrogr. Zeus Soter seated ; holds eagle.
\llev. T AAA. Dionysus clad in long chiton ; holds wine-cup and grapes.
Rev. Victory flying ; at her feet, swan ; type in wreath.
Obv. KAA/\API N AION. Pallas standing, leaning on spear.
Obv. Head of Dionysus ivy-crowned. [Rev. NAEION. Bunch of grapes ; in field, A.]
Obv. ZY PA90Z ION. Head of Arethusa ; around, dolphins to represent the sea. Rev. No. 10.
Obv. As last. Rev. No. 11.
Obv. I~EAAZ retrogr. Forepart of man-headed bull (river-god). Rev. Quadriga ; above, Victory.
Obv. ZY PA. Quadriga. [Rev. Female head in the midst of incuse.]
Obv. No. 6. Rev. Quadriga crowned by Victory.
Obv. No. 7. Rev. Horseman leading second horse.
[Obv. FEAAZ retrogr. Forepart of man-headed bull.] Rev. Armed horseman thrusting with spear.
Obv. Cock. [Rev. Incuse device.]
Obv. AAN K. The harbour of Zancle ; within it, dolphin. [Rev. Incuse device ; in the midst, shell.]
j Obv. ZEAI NOS- River Selinus sacrificing at altar, by which stands a cock ; in the field, a bull on a base and
I a parsley-leaf. Rev. No. 36.
[Obv. HYYAZ. River Hypsas sacrificing at altar, round which twines a snake ; in the field, a marsh-bird and a
] parsley-leaf.
Rev. ZEAINONTION. Heracles struggling with bull, and striking it with his club.
Obv. Nymph Himera sacrificing at altar ; behind, satyr taking a warm bath. Rev. No. 35.
Obv. No. 39. Rev. KATA N AION. Victory running, holding wreath.
Obv. No. 22. Rev. NAEION. Satyr seated, holding wine-cup.
[Obv. H[IAAEPA]ION retrogr. Hermes riding on goat.] Rev. NIKA. Victory holding aplustre bound with fillet.
Obv. Head of bearded Dionysus ivy-wreathed. Rev. No. 20.
Obv. KATANAION. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. Quadriga.]
Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. AEONTINON. Lion’s head and four barleycorns.]
Obv. As last. [Rev. As last.]
(Obv. ZYPAKOZION. Head of Arethusa in net ; around, dolphins.
][ALr. Quadriga driven by aged man ; above, Victory.]
Obv. Same inscription. Head of Arethusa ; around, dolphins. [ Rev. Quadriga ; above, Victory ; below, pistrix.]
Obv. As last. [Rev. Quadriga ; above, Victory.]
Obv. Same inscription retrogr. Head of Nike ? ; around, dolphins. Rev. No. 32.
Obv. AEONTINON. Head of Apollo ; below, lion ; around, leaves. Rev. No. 33.
Obv. ZETEZTAIIB retrogr. Head of nymph. [Rev. Hound; above, mures:.]
Obv. No. 29. Rev. Quadriga crowned by Victory ; below, lion.
Obv. No. 30. Rev. As last.
Obv. No. 40. Rev. Quadriga crowned by Victory.
Obv. No. 18. Rev. IAAEPAION retrogr. Type as last.
Obv. No. 15. Rev. ZEAI NONTION retrogr. Apollo and Artemis in chariot ; she holds the reins, ne shoots arrow.
[[Obv. AA EZZA N 1 0 N. Hare running ; below, dolphin.]
| Rev. Apene of mules crowned by Victory ; below, olive-spray.
[Obv. Nymph Himera sacrificing at altar ; behind, caduceus.] Rev. Horseman alighting.
Obv. Man-headed bull ; above, water-fowl ; below, fish. Rev. No. 19.
Obv. Forepart of man-headed bull. Rev. No. 34.
Obv. A K PA TAN TOE. Eagle. [Rev. Crab ; below, flower.]
( 'Obv. AAEZZANION. Hare ; below, head of Pan and syrinx.
I [Rev. Apene crowned by Victory ; below, two dolphins.]
P1.1I
B.C. 550-431. SICILY.
PLATE III.
Cl. 4
1
Lete
Obv. Satyr and nymph. [Rev. Incuse square.]
N. Greece
2
>>
Obv. As last. \Rev. Incuse square.]
3
Potidaea
Obv. TT. Poseidon on horseback, holds trident ; below, star. [Rev. Incuse square.]
b.c. 600 —
4
Orrescii
Obv. OPPHXKION. Man armed with two spears, leading two oxen. [Rev. Incuse square.]
479
5
Bisalti
Obv. BIZAATI KLIN. Man armed with two spears, beside horse. [Rev. Incuse square.]
6
Uncertain city
Obv. Two women lifting an amphora ; rose in field. [Rev. Incuse square.]
i
J J
Obv. Hermes running ; holds caduceus. [Rev. Incuse square.]
8
1J
Obv. Winged figure running, holding solar symbol ; in field, rose. [Rev. Incuse square.]
9
Thrace
Obv. Centaur carrying off nymph. [Rev. Incuse square.]
10
Dicaea
Obv. Head of bearded Heracles in lion’s skin. [Rev. Incuse square.]
11
Aeneia
Obv. Head of Aeneas, lielmeted. [Rev. Incuse square.]
12
Edessa
Obv. EA in monogram. Goat kneeling. [Rev. Incuse square.]
13
Abdera
Obv. Lion seizing bull. [R.ev. Incuse square.]
Cl. 5. 6. 7. 8
14
Elis
[Obv. FAAEION retrogr. Eagle flying, in talons a serpent.] Rev. Yk retrogr. Victory holding wreath, running.
Central
Greece,
15
Arcadia
Obv. Zeus Aetophorus seated. [Rev. APKAAI KON retrogr. Head of nymph ]
16
Obv. As last. [Rev. APKA. Head of nymph.]
Pelopon-
17
Gortyna
Obv. Europa on bull. [Rev. Lion’s scalp.]
nese,
18*
Cnossus
Obv. Minotaur holding stone. [Rev. Labyrinthine pattern enclosing star.]
Crete,
19
Naxos ?
Obv. Head of satyr. [Rev. Incuse square.]
Cyrene
20
Athens
Obv. Head of Pallas. [Rev. AGE. Owl and olive-spray.]
b.c. 600 —
21
Obv. As last. [Rev. AQE retrogr. Owl.]
479
22
Corinth
Obv. Head of armed goddess. [Rev. ?. Pegasus flying.]
23
>>
Obv. As last. [Rev. As last.]
24
Cranium
Obv. Bust of nymph or Aphrodite. [Rev. Head of ram.]
25
Heraea
Obv. Head of Hera. [Rev. EPA retrogr. within pattern.]
26
Corinth
Obv. ?. Pegasus walking. [Rev. Incuse.]
27
Cyrene
Obv. Silphium, seed of silphium and head of lion. [Rev. Eagle’s head with serpent in beak.]
Cl. 14
28
Thasos
Obv. 0]A. Satyr surprising nymph. [Rev. Incuse square.]
N. Greece
29
Abdera
[Obv. Griffin rearing.] Rev. ANAEIHOAIX. Dionysus clad in himation, holding wine-cup.
30
[Obv. A BAH. Griffin rearing.] Rev. E IT 1 M Y P X O . Athlete holding discus.
B.c. 479 —
431
31
\[0bv. ABAHPI. Griffin recumbent.]
(Rev. HOAYKPATHX. Artemis clad in long chiton, holding bow and branch, beside her, stag.
32
Larissa
Obv. Hero struggling with bull. [Rev. A A P 1 X A ! O N . Horse galloping.]
33
>5
Obv. As last. [Rev. AAPIXAIA. Horse galloping.]
34
Terone
Obv. Satyr drinking from oenochoe. [Rev. TE. Goat.]
35
Aenus
Obv. Head of Hermes. Rev. No. 40.
1
36
Dicaea
Obv. Head of Apollo, or Goddess. [Rev. AIKAIA. Bull’s head.]
37
Pharsalus
Obv. Head of Pallas. [Rev. TAP. Horse’s head.]
38
Corcyra
Obv. KOP. Head of Hera. [Rev. K. Star.]
39
Aeneia
Obv. Head of Aeneas. [Rev. AINEAX. Incuse square.]
40
Aenus
Obv. No. 35. Rev. AIN. Goat; in front, bipennis.
Cl. 15. 16.
41
Elis
Obv. Zeus Aetophorus seated. [Rev. FAAE. Eagle flying, serpent in beak.]
17. 18
42
Obv. No. 52. Rev. FA. Nike holding untied wreath.
43
Arcadia
Obv. Zeus Aetophorus seated. [Rev. APKA. Head of nymph.]
Greece,
44
Thebes
[Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. 0EBA. Pallas? seated, clad in long chiton and holding helmet.
Pelopon-
45
U
[Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. OEB. Heracles holding club and bow.
nese,
Crete,
Cyrene
46
V
[Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. OEBAIOX. Heracles stringing bow.
47
[Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. OEBAION. Heracles carrying off' the Delphic tripod.
48
[Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. 0EBAI[OX. Infant Heracles strangling serpents.
b.c. 479—
49
Cyrene
Obv. KYPA. Head of Zeus Ammon. [Rev. Silphium plant.]
431
50
Arcadia
[Obv. Zeus Aetophorus seated.] Rev. APKAAI KON retrogr. Head of Despoena.
51
Athens
Obv. Head of Pallas. Rev. No. 53.
52
Elis
Obv. F AAEIO. Eagle flying. Rev. No. 42.
53
Athens
1
Obv. No. 51. Rev. A0E. Owl and olive-twig.
From Mionnet’s casts.
pi. m.
B.C. 600-431. HELLAS.
PLATE IV.
Cl. 9
1
Phaselis
Obv. T ? Heracles wrestling with Acheloiis. [Rev. Prow of galley ; below, fish.]
Asia Minor
2
o
Erytkrae ?
Calymna
Obv. Horseman galloping. [Rev. Incuse square.]
Obv. Head of Ares, or helmet and mask. [Rev. Lyre in incuse.]
B.c. 650—
4
Methymna
[Obv. Boar.] Rev. MA0YMNAION. Head of Pallas.
4/ y
5
Parium l
Obv. Head of male deity. [Rev. Pattern in incuse.]
6
Chios
Obv. Sphinx and amphora. [Rev. Incuse square.]
7*
Pkocaea
Obv. ? Seal. [R,ev. Incuse squares.]
8
Halicarnassus
Obv. TAN OS EMI SHMA retrogr. Stag. Rev. Incuse pattern.
9
Zeleia
Obv. Chimaera. Rev. Incuse squares.
10
Uncertain city
Obv. Sow. [Rev. Incuse square.]
11*
Abydos l
Obv. Eagle and dolphin. [Rev. Incuse square.]
12
Samos
Obv. Pore-part of bull. [Rev. Incuse square.]
13*
Uncertain city
Obv. Fore-parts of lion and bull joined. [Rev. Incuse pattern.]
14
15
11
11
Obv. Fore-parts of winged lion and winged horse joined. [Rev. Incuse square.]
Obv. Fore-part of lion. [Rev. Incuse device.]
16
11
Obv. Lion’s head. [Rev. Incuse device.]
17
11
Obv. Lion’s head. [Rev. Incuse square.]
18
Ephesus 1
Obv. Fore-part of stag. [Rev. Incuse square.]
Cl. 19
19
Cyzicus
Obv. Heracles kneeling, holding club and bow ; in field, tunny. [Rev. Incuse square.]
Asia Minor
20
21
11
Citium
Obv. Winged goddess running, holding tunny by the tail. [Rev. Incuse square.]
Obv. Tyrian Heracles holding club and bow. Rev. No. 43.
b.c. 479 —
22
11
Obv. As last. [Rev. Le Azbaal in Phoenician letters. Lion tearing stag.]
431
23
Lycia
Obv. Heracles holding club. [Rev. Lycian inscription and symbol.]
24
Pamphylia
Obv. Hermes winged, holding caduceus. [Rev. Pamphylian inscription. Lion ; alx>ve, caduceus.]
25
Nagidus
Obv. NAfl Al KON. Dionysus holding grapes and thyrsus. [Rev. Aphrodite seated, crowned by Eros.]
26
Celenderis
Obv. Horseman armed with spear, alighting. [Rev. Goat kneeling.]
27
Cyprus
Obv. Cyprian legend. Hermes clad in chiton, holding caduceus. [Rev. Like No. 33.]
28
Cos
Obv. KON. Discobolus preparing to hurl discus ; beside him tripod. [Rev. Crab in incuse.]
29
Aspendus
Obv. Warrior charging. Rev. No. 39.
30
Mallus in Cilicia
Obv. Victory running holding caduceus and wreath. [Rev. A 1”. Conical stone.]
31
Uncertain city
Obv. Two boxers, each holding oil-flask. [Rev. Cuttle-fish.]
32
Erythrae
Obv. Horseman leading horse. [Rev. EPYO. Flower.]
OO
oo
Cyprus
[Obv. Like No. 27.] Rev. Head of Zeus Ammon.
34
Lycia
[Obv. Boar.] Rev. Helmeted head of warrior.
35
Colophon
Obv. KOAOT1TN IflN retrogr. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. Lyre.]
36
Chalcedon
Obv. Head of Ares. [Rev. KAAX. Radiate wheel.]
37
Colophon
Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. KOAOTHN ION. Lyre.]
38
Lycia
[Obv. Head of Pallas.] Rev. Lycian inscription. Head of bearded Heracles.
39
Aspendus
Obv. No. 29. Rev. ENTT. Lion and triquetra of legs.
40
Cyprus
Obv. Cyprian inscription. Sphinx seated on lotus. [Rev. Lotus and astragalus.]
41
Lycia
Obv. Winged lion-like monster. [Rev. Lycian legend and symbol.]
42
11
[Obv. Boar.] Rev. Lycian letters. Triquetra of cock’s heads.
43
Citium
Obv. No. 21. Rev. Le Baal Melek in Phoenician letters. Lion seated ; in front, ram’s head.
44
Ialysus
Obv. IAAYNION. Fore-part of winged boar ; below, helmet. [Rev. IAAYNION Eagle’s head.
In the Museum at Munich.
PI. IV
B. C. 650 - 43 ! . ASIA M I N O R.
.
PLATE Y.
I
01.22
1
Rhegium
2
Croton
S. Italy
3
Tarentum
b. c. 431 —
4
„
371
5
Poseidonia
6
Heraclea
7
Croton
8
Tarentum
9
V
10
Croton
11
Locri
12
Terina
13
14
Locri
15
Rhegium
16
Croton
17
Thurium
18
19
Heraclea
20
Terina
21
Nola
22
Heraclea
23
Terina
24
Thurium
25
Croton
26
Rhegium
27
Metapontum
Cl. 32
28*
Tarentum
29
Croton
S. Italy
30
Tarentum
b.c. 371 —
31
335
32
Heraclea
33
Terina
34
Tarentum
35
V
36
Tarentum (Alex-
3 1
38
ander of Epirus)
J S. Italy )
( (Alexander) ]
39
»
40
Metapontum
41
Velia
42
Pandosia
43
Croton
44
Heraclea
45
Tarentum
[■ Obv . Lion’s scalp and olive-spray.] Rev. PH Tl NOS retrogr. Demos seated leaning on staff, type in wreath.
Obv. O I K I STAS. Heracles seated holding lustral branch and leaning on club. [Rev. Like No. 7.]
Obv. Taras or Demos seated playing with panther’s cub.
Rev. TAPANTI NflN. Taras armed, riding on dolphin.
Obv. Poseidon striking with trident ; in field, branch, and head of pistrix. [Rev. TT O S E I A A N I A . Bull.]
Obv. No. 19. Rev. H PAKAEIHN. Heracles strangling Nemean lion ; in field, bow and club ; below .
[Obv. Like No. 2.] Rev. Apollo shooting the Python ; between the two, tripod.
Obv. Horseman thrusting with spear. [Rev. TAP retrogr. Taras on dolphin amid waves.]
Obv. Horseman crowning horse ; carries shield. [Rev. T A PAS retrogr. Taras on dolphin, thrusting with spear.
Obv. No. 1 0. Rev. Infant Heracles on couch strangling serpents.
Obv. No. 14. Rev. EIPHNH AO K PI t N. Eirene seated on altar, holds caduceus.
Obv. No. 23. Rev. Nike seated on cippus, holds bird.
[Obv. TEPI NAION. Head of nymph Terina.] Rev. Nike seated, holding wreath ; beside her, vase.
Obv. IEYS. Head of Zeus laureate. Rev. No. 11.
Obv. PH PI NOS- Head of Apollo laureate. Rev. No. 26.
Obv. KPOTflNIATAS- Head of Apollo laureate. Rev. No. 10.
Obv. Head of Pallas, Seylla on helmet. Rev. No. 24.
Obv. As last. [Rev. 00 Y P 1 11 N. Bull butting.]
Obv. Head of Pallas, sea-horse on helmet. Rev. No. 6.
(Obv. Head of nymph Terina within wreath ; behind 4>.
([Rev. TEPI NAION. Nike seated on hydria ; holding caduceus and bird.]
Obv. Head of nymph. [Rev. NflAAIOS. Man-headed bull, crowned by Victory.]
Obv. Head of Victory (?) on aegis. [Rev. HPAKAEIflN. Heracles reclining ; holds wine-cup.]
Obv. TEPI NAIflN. Head of nymph. Rev. No. 12.
Obv. No. 17. Rev. QOYPIflN. Bull butting ; below, fish.
Obv. KPOTflN I. Eagle carrying olive-bough. [Rev. Tripod between ear of corn and Python coiled.]
Obv. No. 15. Rev. Lion’s scalp.
§0bv. AEYKITTTTOZ. Head of Leucippus ; behind, dog: below, N.]
(Rev. META. Ear of corn, on leaf, bird ; below which, AMI.
[Obv. Head of Hera.] Rev. Poseidon receiving Taras ; behind, star. •
Obv. No. 43. Rev. K POTflN I. Heracles reclining, holding wine-cup and club.
Obv. No. 34. Rev. T A PAS. Taras riding on dolphin ; holds wine-cup.
Obv. No. 35. Rev. As last ; Taras holds plant.
Obv. No. 44. Rev. hHPAKAHIflN. Heracles strangling lion ; in field, club, KAA, below, owl.
[Obv. Head of nymph.] Rev. TEPI]NAI. Victory standing, holding caduceus.
Obv. Horseman crowning horse. Rev. No. 33.
Obv. Horseman galloping. Rev. No. 31.
Obv. No. 45. Rev. Armed horseman thrusting with spear ; below, ATT, 0.
i Obv. Head of Dodonaean Zeus, oak-crowned.
'([Rev. AAEEANAPOY TOY N EOTTTOAEMOY. Thunderbolt and spear-head.]
Obv. As last. . [Rev. Same legend. Thunderbolt and eagle.]
Obv. As last. [Rev. Same legend. Thunderbolt.]
lObv. Head of Zeus laureate; behind, fulmen.
([Rev. ME]TATTON. Ear of corn; in field, KAA, and poppy-head.]
Obv. Head of Pallas ; signed on helmet by the artist Cleodorus. [Rev. YEAHTflN. Lion tearing prey.]
Obv. Head of Hera Lacinia. [Rev. HAN] AOS I N. Pan Agreus seated by Term.]
Obv. As last. Rev. No. 29.
Obv. Head of Pallas, Seylla on helmet. Rev. No. 32.
Obv. Head of Hera. Rev. No. 36.
I
From Mionnet’s casts.
PLY.
B.C. 431-335. ITALY.
PLATE VI.
Cl. 23
1
1
Seli aus
Sicily
B.C. 431—
2
Himera
371
3*
Eryx
4
Segesta
5
Syracuse
6
Naxus
i
Camarina
8
Syracuse
9
Leontini
10
Catana
11
Gela
12
Camarina
13
»
14
Naxus
15
Camarina
16
Catana
17
Syracuse
18
”
19
„
20
21
,»
22
23
24
Selinus
25
Syracuse
26
27
Camarina
28
Agrigentum
29
Catana
30
Messana
31
Agrigentum
32
33
34
»
Cl. 33
' |
35
Syracuse
Sicily
36
Thermae
37
Syracuse
ij.c. 371-
38
Gela
39
Thermae
40
Syracuse
[Obv. NEAI NONTION. River-god Selinus sacrificing at altar, beside which is a cock ; behind, bull on pedestal
( and parsley-leaf. Rev. No. 24.
[Obv. Nymph Himera sacrificing at altar ; behind her, satyr enjoying a warm bath ; above, barleycorn
\[R ev. IMEPAION retrogr. Quadriga crowned by Nike.]
Obv. EPYKI NON. Aphrodite holding a dove ; before her, Eros. [Rev. Quadriga crowned by Nike.]
[[Obv. NETENTATIA. Head of nymph wearing sphendone ; below, ear of corn.]
(Rev. E TEN]TAI AN. River-god standing, holding hunting-spears ; beside him two dogs, and in front Term.
Obv. No. 18. Rev. AEYKANHIN. Leucaspis charging.
Obv. No. 14. Rev. NAEION. Satyr sitting by vine, holding wine-cup and thyrsus.
Obv. No. 13. Rev. KAAAA. Nymph Camarina riding on swan over waves, amid which are fishes.
Obv. No. 17. Rev. NY PA. Heracles strangling lion ; in field, club and ivy-leaf.
Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. AEONTINON. Lion’s head, and barleycorns ; below, fish.]
Obv. KATANA I ON. Head of Apollo laureate ; behind, olive-leaf. [Rev. Quadrig a crowned lay Nike.]
Obv. Head of river-god Gelas amid fishes. [Rev. rE Aft ION. Quadriga driven by Nike ; above, olive-wreath.]
[Obv. K A AA A P I N A i 0 N retrogr. Head of bearded Heracles in lion’s skin.
\[Rev. Quadriga crowned by Nike ; below, swan.]
Obv. Head of river-god emerging from waves, amid fishes ; signed on neck by artist Euae[netus. Rev. No. 7.
Obv. Head of bearded Dionysus, ivy-crowned. Rev. No. 6.
Obv. KAAAAPI NAIflN. Head of young Heracles ; in front, olive-twig. Rev. No. 27.
Obv. KATA NAIflN. Head of Apollo laureate ; in front bell, behind cray-fish. Rev. No. 29.
Obv. NYPAKONION. Head of Arethusa ; behind, barleycorn, Kl. Rev. No. 8.
Obv. NYPAKONION. Head of Arethusa amid dolphins. Signed by the artist Eumenus. Rev. No. 5.
[Obv. NYPAKONI AN. Head of Persephone surrounded by dolphins.
([Rev. Quadriga crowned by Nike ; in exergue, ear of corn.]
] i Obv. NYPAKONION. Head of Arethusa amid dolphins. Signed by the artist Eumenus, on ampyx.
([Rev. Quadriga crowned by Nike, horses galloping in step.]
Obv. NYPAKONI AN. Head of Arethusa amid dolphins. Signed by Cimon, on dolphin. Rev. No. 25.
[Obv. APEOONA. Head of Arethusa facing, amid dolphins. Signed by Cimon, on ampyx.
! ([Rev. NYPAKONI AN. Quadriga crowned by Nike ; below, ear of corn.]
j [Obv. NY PA KON I A N. Head of Arethusa amid dolphins. Signed by Eucleides.
j/[A ev. Quadriga crowned by Nike ; below, dolphin.]
’ Obv. No. 1. Rev. Apollo and Artemis in quadriga ; she holds the reins, he shoots arrow ; below, barleycorn.
! Obv. No. 21. Rev. Quadriga crowned by Victory ; below, arms as prizes and inscription A0AA.
^ [[Obv. NYPAKQNION. Head of Arethusa amid dolphins. Signed by Eucleides.]
i (Rev. Quadriga crowned by Victory ; in exergue, wheel. Signed by Euaenetus on line of exergue.
J Obv. No. 15. Rev. Quadriga driven by Pallas, who is crowned by Victory ; below, barley-corn,
j Obv. No. 31. Rev. AKPATANTINON. Quadriga driven by Victory; above, vine-branch,
j [Obv. No. 16. Rev. Quadriga passing meta ; above, Victory holding tablet ; below, crab. Signed by the artist
I Euaenetus, on tablet.
[[Obv. AAENNAN IAN. Hare ; below, eagle tearing serpent.] Rev. Apene of mules ; over it, Victory, who holds
\ caduceus and wreath ; below, fish. Signed by Cimon (?) on line of exergue.
Obv. NTPATAN. Two eagles on hare which lies on rocks ; behind, head of Pan or river-god. Rev. No. 28.
[Rev. Crab, sea-perch, and shell.
(Obv. AKPATANTINAN. Eagle tearing hare which lies on the sea-shore, symbolized by shell.
[[Obv. Two eagles tearing hare.]
(Rev. A K PA TAN. Crab, made to resemble a human head, cray-fish, barleycorn, and locust.
Obv. No. 40. Rev. NYPAKONIAN AEYKANTT[IN. Leucaspis charging beside altar ; in front of him, dead ram.
Obv. N o. 39. Rev. Heracles seated on rock ; behind him, bow and cpiiver.
[Obv. IEYN EAEY0EPION. Head of Zeus Eleutherius laureate.
([Rev. NY PA KON I Id N. Thunderbolt and barleycorn.]
Obv. TEAAN- Head of bearded river-god. [Rev. Free horse.]
Obv. 0EPAAITAN. Head of Hera Lacinia ; behind, dolphin. Rev. No. 36.
! Obv. NYPAKONIflN. Head of Pallas, amid dolphins. Like work of the artist Eucleides. Rev. No. 35.
* From the Collection of Rev. W. Greenwell.
PI. VI.
B.C. 431-335. SICILY
PLATE VII.
Cl. 24
1
Thasos
N. Greece
o*
Iialiartus
3
Larissa
B.c. 431 —
Macedon [
371
4
Archelaus I. j
5
Amyntas III.
6
Pharsalus
(
Mende
8
Thasos
9
Aenus
10
Archelaus I.
11
Amphipolis
12
Chalcidice
13
11
14
Thebes
15
Euboea
16
Neapolis
17
Larissa
18
Pharsalus
19
Neapolis
20
Abdera
21
Chalcis
Cl. 25
22
Locri Opuntii
Central
23
Thebes
Greece
24
55
25
55
b.c. 431 —
26
Megara
371
27
Thebes
Cl. 34
28
Chalcidice
N. Greece
29
Philip II.
30
11
b.c. 371 —
31
Phalanna
335
Macedon )
32
Perdiccas III. (
33
Cierium
34
Panticapaeum
35
Larissa
Pherae /
36
Alexander S
37
Orthagoria
38
QQ
Philip II.
40
11
Larissa
Pherae )
41
Alexander j
42
Panticapaeum
Cl. 35
43
Locri Opuntii
Central
44
Amphictiones
( Jreece
45
Eleusis
B.c. 371 —
46
Locri
335
47
Amphictiones
48
Eleusis
[ Obv . No. 8.] Rev. OANION. Heracles as an archer ; in field, buckler.
[ Obv . Boeotian shield, on it, trident.] Rev. APIAPTIOX. Poseidon thrusting with trident.
Obv. No. 17. Rev. AA PINA I A. Horseman standing beside horse.
Obv. Horseman carrying two spears. [Rev. APXEAAO. Fore-part of goat.]
Obv. Horseman striking with lance. [Rev. AAA Y N TA. Lion breaking spear in his mouth.]
Obv. No. 18. Rev. APN. Horseman, whip over shoulder; in exergue, TEAE4>ANTO retrogr.
Obv. Silenus riding on ass ; in field, astragalus and barleycorn. \_Rev. AA E N AA I H. Amphora.]
Obv. Head of Dionsyus ivy-crowned. Rev. No. 1.
Obv. Head of Hermes, wearing pileus. [Rev. A I N ION. Goat ; in field, eagle.]
Obv. Head of Ares, or Apollo, bound with taenia. [Rev. APXEAAO. Horse walking.]
Obv. Head of Apollo laureate ; beside, small dog. [Rev. AA\4>ITTOAITEflN. Torch ; beside it, A.]
Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. Rev. No. 21.
Obv. As last. [Rev. As last, tripod above lyre.]
[Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. OE. Head of bearded Heracles.
Obv. Head of nymph. [Rev. EYB. Head of bull.]
Obv. No. 19. Rev. NEOTT. Head of Nike, wearing olive- wreath.
Obv. Head of nymph. Rev. No. 3.
Obv. Head of Pallas. Rev. No. 6.
Obv. Head of Gorgon. Rev. No. 16.
Obv. Lion devouring bull. [Rev. A KANO I ON. Linear square.]
Obv. No. 12. Rev. Lyre bound with fillet.
[Obv. Head of Persephone.] Rev. OTTONTIflN. Ajax charging ; below, shield.
[Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. OE. Infant Heracles strangling serpents.
[Obv. Boeotian shield. | Rev. Head of Dionysus, ivy-crowned.
[Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. Q E . As last.
Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. ME TA. Five crescents.]
[Obv. Boeotian shield.] Rev. OE. Amphora in ivy- wreath.
Ob v. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. XAAKIAEHN. Lyre.]
Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. Rev. No. 39.
Obv. Head of Ares laureate. Rev. No. 38.
Obv. Head of Ares 1 [Rev. A A A N N A I fl N. Bridled horse.]
Obv. Head of young Heracles. [Rev. 17EPAIKKA. He >rse ; below, club.]
Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. [Rev. K I E P I E I fl N . Nymph Arne playing with astragali.]
Obv. Head of Pan. Rev. No. 42.
Obv. Head of nymph. Rev. No. 40.
Obv. Head of Hecate, with arm holding torch. Rev. No. 41.
Obv. Head of Artemis. [Rev. OPOAfOPEflN. Helmet, surmounted by star.]
Obv. No. 30. Rev. d>l AITTTTOY. Two-horse chariot ; below, trident.
Obv. No. 29. Rev. 4>IAITTTTOY. Victorious horse and jockey ; below, thunderbolt.
Obv. No. 35. Rev. AAPINAIflN. Horse feeding.
Obv. No. 36. Rev. AAErAN. Head of lion.
Obv. No. 34. Rev. TTAN. Griffin holding spear in jaws, treading on ear of corn.
[Obv. Head of Persephone crowned with corn.] Rev. OTTQNTIflN. Ajax charging ; below, spear.
[Obv. No. 47.
{Rev. AAA'M KTIONflN. Apollo clad in long chiton, seated on omphalos and leaning on lyre ; in field, tripod.
Obv. Triptolemus in winged chariot drawn by serpents. Rev. No. 48.
Obv. Head of Persephone, crowned with corn. [Rev. OTTONTII1N. Ajax charging.]
Obv. Head of Demeter, veiled and crowned with corn. Rev. No. 44.
Obv. No. 45. Rev. EAEYFI. Pig standing on torch ; below, pig’s head and ivy-leaf.
* From the Collection of Dr Imhoof-Blumer.
PI. VII.
4-0
. ^r-f' -*
26
A*m>
££*£
B.C. 431-335. NORTHERN GREECE.
I
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14'
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31 *
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
PLATE VIII.
Obv. No. 8. Rev. I A K Y N 0 1 II N . Infant Heracles strangling serpents.
Obv. No. 9. Rev. KETA. Cephalus seated, holding hunting-spear.
[Obv. Eagle holding serpent in claws.] Rev. FA A. Victory running, holding wreath.
[Obv. Eagle tearing hare.] Rev. FA. Victory seated, holding palm ; below, olive-twig.
Obv. ?. Bellerophon on Pegasus, striking with spear. [Rev. Chimaera ; below, Al, amphora.]
Obv. Head of Olympian Zeus crowned with olive. [Rev. FA. Thunderbolt ; type in olive-wreath.]
Obv. Head of Asclepius laureate. [Rev. En in monogram, within wreath.]
Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. Rev. No. 1.
Obv. TTA. Head of Cephalus. Rev. No. 2.
Obv. Head of Apollo radiate. [Rev. KAH. Butting bull ; above, Centaur.]
Obv. Head of armed goddess ; behind, trident. [Rev. 9. Pegasus flying.]
[Obv. KE4>. Head of Cephalus ; in field, dog’s head and spear- head.] Rev. Head of Procris ; behind, stork.
Obv. Head of Hera, wearing stephanos. [Rev. APFEI AN. Two dolphins ; between them, wolf.]
Obv. As last. [Rev. A PTE I AN. Two dolphins ; between them, swan.]
Obv. As last. [Rev. F A. Thunderbolt ; type in olive- wreath.]
Obv. A- Head of Aphrodite. [Rev. 9. Pegasus flying.]
Obv. A. As last. [Rev. As last.]
Obv. A. As last. [Rev. As last.]
[Obv. Head of armed goddess.] Rev. 9. Pegasus fastened by halter to nail.
Obv. Chimaera ; below, head of Pan. [Rev. A, T. Dove flying ; in olive-wreath.]
Obo. Eagle tearing ram, on round shield. [Rev. FA. Thunderbolt.]
Obv. Eagle tearing serpent. Signed by the artist Da(edalus ?). [Rev. As last.]
Obv. Head of Eagle ; below, leaf. Signed as last. [Rev. FA. Thunderbolt; within wreath.]
[Obv. Eagle tearing hare.] Rev. FAAEION. Winged thunderbolt.
Obv. No. 28. Rev. A\EXXANIAN. Zeus holding thunderbolt and eagle.
Obv. FAAEION. Head of Zeus laureate. [Rev. Eagle on Ionic capital.]
Obv. FA. Head of Olympia. Rev. No. 30.
Obv. Head of Demeter crowned with corn. Rev. No. 25. f
Obv. FA. Head of Hera. [Rev. Eagle standing, in wreath of olive.]
Obv. No. 27. Rev. Eagle, within olive-wreath.
[These coins appear from historical ground's to belong to the period after B.c. 371 ; but their style
is rather of an earlier period.]
Obv. No 41. Rev. 4>ENEAN APKAX. Hermes carrying the infant Areas.
Obv. No. 37. Rev. APK in monogram. Pan seated on mountain (which is inscribed OAY) ; below, liis syrinx.
[Obv. Head of Apollo laureate.] Rev. IAKYNOOY. Apollo? seated, caressing snake.
Obv. No. 38. Rev. XTYAATAAI AN. Heracles striking with club; below, X0.
Obv. No. 40. Rev. A PTE I AN. Diomedes carrying off Palladium.
[Obv. Head of Persephone.] Rev. TEN E AN. Hermes seated on rocks.
Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. Rev. No. 32.
Obv. Head of Artemis laureate. Rev. No. 34.
Obv. FA. Head of Hera, wearing stephanos. [Rev. Eagle standing, in wreath of olive.]
Obv. As last. Rev. No. 35.
Obv. Head of Demeter crowned with corn. Rev. No. 31.
Obv. Head of armed goddess ; behind, Zeus hurling thunderbolt. [Rev. A. Pegasus flying.]
Obv. A. Same head ; behind, Hermes seated ; in front, magistrate’s name, APAOOOX. [Rev. Pegasus flying.]
\[0bv. Head of young Heracles in lion’s skin.]
(Rev. XTYAATAAION. Head of a Stymphalian bird emerging from amid plants.
Prom Mionnet’s casts.
PL VIII.
B.C. 431-335. PELOPONNESE.
PLATE IX.
1
Itanus
01. 27/37
Crete
2
3
Priansus
Rhaucus
b.c. 431 —
4*
Sybritia
300
5
Priansus
6
Sybritia
7
Phaestus
8
>7
9
10
Cydonia
11
Apt era
12
Eleuthernae
13
Sybritia
14*
15*
Uncertain city
16*
17
Phaestus
18*
Gortyna
19
V
20
21
Polyrhenium
22*
Cydonia
23
Cnossus
24
Gortyna
25*
Cydonia
Cl. 28
26
Cyrene
27
Barce
Cyrene
28
Cyrene
b.c. 431—
29
371
.30
Barce
Cl. 38
31
32
Cyrene
Cyrene
33
b.c. 371 —
300
34
>>
35
5?
36
Obv. Triton striking with trident. [ Rev. IT A. Two sea monsters.]
Obv. HPIANXIEflN. Poseidon holding dolphin and trident. Rev. No. 5.
Obv. AN. Poseidon Hippius holding trident and the bridle of a horse. [Rev. PAYKION. Trident.]
Obv. Bearded Dionysus seated, holding wine-cup and thyrsus. Rev. No. 14.
Obv. No. 2. Rev. Draped female figure sitting under palm, and caressing serpent.
Obv. Young Dionysus galloping on panther. Rev. No. 13.
Obv. Heracles slaying the Lernaean hydra ; at his feet, crab. [Rev. TAIXTION. Bull.]
jObv. TAIXTI. Heracles resting ; bow and quiver hung to tree by his side ; behind him, large vase.
| [Rev. Bull walking.]
Obv. TAA1TN. The winged daemon Talos or Talon hurling stones. [ Rev. 4>AIXTI1TN. Bull butting.]
[Obv. Female head.] Rev. KYAHN. Athlete stringing bow.
([Obv. AnT E PA If! N. Head of goddess wearing stephane.] Rev. HTOAIOIKOX. Apteras, called in the
( inscription Ptolioecus, armed, plucking branch from tree ; in field, A TT in monogram.
[Obv. Head of Apollo laureate.] Rev. EAEY. Apollo holding stone and bow.
Obv. No. 6. Rev. XYBP]ITIflN. Hermes tying his sandal, caduceus in field.
Obv. No. 4. Rev. XYBPITION. Hermes standing, holding patera and caduceus.
Obv. Apollo seated in tree, holding wreath.
Rev. Apollo seated in tree, playing on lyre.
(Obv. FEAXANOX retrogr. Young Zeus (called in inscription Velchanus), seated in tree, holding cock.
\[Rev. 4>A I XT retrogr. Bull.]
( Obv. Europa seated in tree, holding sceptre surmounted by cuckoo, and wearing stephanos, caresses eagle.
I [Rev. Bull.]
Obv. Europa seated in tree in attitude of grief; beside her, eagle. [Rev. TOPTYNION retrogr. Bull]
Obv. Europa seated in tree. [Rev. As last.]
Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. [Rev. TTOAYPHNION. Ox-head bound with fillet, and spear-head.]
Obv. Head of Dionysus, ivy-crowned. Rev. No. 25.
Obv. Head of Argive Hera. [Rev. KNflXIflN AP- Labyrinth ; in field, spear-head.]
[Obv. Europa seated in tree.] Rev. TOPTYNION retrogr. Bull cleaning himself.
Obv. No. 22. Rev. KYAHN. Miletus suckled by she-wolf or hound.
Obv. Head of Zeus Ammon in wreath. Rev. No. 29.
Obv. Head of Zeus Ammon ; below, A K EX I OX. [Rev. BAPKAI. Silphium.]
Obv. Head of Zeus Ammon ; behind, olive-spray. [Rev. AIBYXTPATO. Silphium.]
Obv. No. 26. Rev. KYPANA. Silphium.
[Obv. Like No. 27.] Rev. B A P KA 1 0 N retrogr. Three silphium-plants, between them owl, jerboa and chamacleon.
Obv. KYAIOXO. Zeus seated, holding eagle. [Rev. KY. Quadriga; above, sun.]
Obv. IAXHN. Zeus Ammon seated, holding sceptre. [Rev. KYPANA ION. Quadriga.]
I Obv. nOAIANOEYX. Zeus Ammon standing, holding patera and sceptre ; beside him, lamp-stand or incense-
I altar. Rev. No. 35.
Obv. KYPANAION. Zeus Ammon standing, holding sceptre ; beside him, ram. [Rev. APIXTATOPA. Quadriga.]
Obv. No. 33. Rev. KYPANAION. Quadriga driven by Victory.
Obv. KYPANAION. Horseman. [Rev. Silphium.]
4, 14, 18 from Mionnet’s casts; 15, 16, 22, 25 from the Hunter collection.
PI. IX.
B.C 431-300. CRETE, CY RENE.
PLATE X.
Cl. 29
1
Cyzicus
Obv. Cecrops, serpent-footed, grasping tree, on tunny. [Rev. Incuse square.]
Asia Minoi
2
99
Obv. Victory kneeling, on tunny. [Rev. As last.]
3
99
Obv. Helios holding two horses, kneeling, on tunny. [Rev. As last.]
b.c. 431—
4
M
Obv. Harmodius and Aristogeiton charging, on tunny. [Rev. As last.]
371
5
99
Obv. Warrior about to discharge arrow ; behind, tunny. [Rev. As last.]
6
Side
Rev. Pamphylian inscription. Apollo at altar, holds laurel-branch and bow ; behind him, raven.
7
99
Obv. Pallas armed, holding owl and shield.
8
Cilicia. Tiribazus
Obv. Hormuzd flying ; holds wreath and flower.
9
99
Rev. Name of Tiribazus in Aramaic letters. Zeus holding eagle and sceptre.
10
Aspendus
[Obv. Similar to No. 11.] Rev. Pamphylian inscription. Slinger ; in field, triquetra.
11
99
Obv. Wrestlers. [Rev. Similar to No. 10.]
12
Celenderis
Obv. Horseman alighting. [Rev. KEAE. Goat kneeling.]
13
Chios
Obv. Sphinx seated ; in front, grapes and amphora. [Rev. Incuse square.]
14
Colophon
Obv. Head of a King or Satrap in Persian cap. [Rev. BAS 1 A. Lyre.]
15
Rhodes
Obv. Head of Apollo. Rev. No. 21.
16
Megiste
Obv. Head of Helios on radiate disk. [Rev. AAE. Rose with buds.]
17
Trapezus
Obv. Bearded male head. [Rev. TPA. Table ; on it bunch of grapes.]
18
Cnidus
Obv. Head of Aphrodite. Rev. No. 20.
19
Cyprus
Obv. Cyprian inscription. Bull ; above, winged symbol ; in front, crux ansata. [Rev. Eagle flying.]
20
Cnidus
Obv. No. 18. Rev. EOBflAO. Head and paw of lion.
21
Rhodes
Obv. No. 15. Rev. POAION. Rose with bud ; in field, Sphinx, seated.
Cl. 39
22
Caria. Mausolus
Obv. No. 36. Rev. AAAYmflAAO. Zeus Labrandeus armed with bipennis ; in field, wreath.
Asia Minor
23
Cyzicus
[Obv. No. 45. Rev. KYII. Apollo seated on omphalos, holding patera and leaning on lyre ; in front, cock ;
\ behind, A P in monogram.
B.c. 371 —
24
Lampsacus
Obv. Victory erecting trophy. [Rev. Half-winged horse.]
335
25
99
Obv. Persephone rising from the ground amid corn and vines. [Rev. Half-winged horse.]
26
Clazomenae f
Orontas \
Obv. Warrior in attitude of defence ; below, T. [Rev. OPONTA. Half-winged boar.]
Cyprus
[ [Obv. Cyprian inscription. Zeus seated.]
£ i
(Rev. Cyprian inscription. Female figure pouring incense on altar and holding branch.
28
Lycia
Obv. Pallas Nikephoros ; her right hand rests on trunk of tree. Rev. No. 34.
29
30
Tarsus
[Obv. Name of Satrap in Aramaic letters. Two deities standing ; between them, incense-altar.
\[Rev. Baal Tars in Aramaic letters. Baal Tars seated, holds eagle-topped sceptre and grapes.]
[Obv. No. 32. Rev. Baal Tars in Aramaic letters. Baal Tars seated, holding grapes and corn ; beside him,
99
( incense-altar ; under throne, forepart of bull ; around, the walls of Tarsus.
31
Mallus
Obv. AAAA. Hermes ; beside him, Aphrodite, who rests on pillar and lays a hand on his shoulder. Rev. No. 33.
32
Tarsus
[Obv. Name of Satrap in Aramaic letters. King or Hero shooting in seated attitude ; in the field, winged
( symbol and bow. Rev. No. 30.
3.3
Mallus
Obv. No. 31. Rev. Pallas seated, holding spear and shield ; behind her, tree.
34
Lycia
Obv. No. 28. Rev. Female deity seated between sphinxes, and smelling flower.
35
Cilicia
[Obv. Young Dionysus seated in vine ; over shoulder, ear of corn.
\[Rev. Car drawn by oxen ; above, winged symbol.]
36
Caria. Mausolus
Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. Rev. No. 22.
37
Clazomenae
Obv. As last. [Rev. KAAXO A0H NATOPAX Swan; below, winged boar.]
38
Lampsacus
Obv. Head of a Cabeirus ? wearing laureate pileus. [Rev. Half- winged horse .]
39
99
Obv. Head of a Maenad wearing ivy- wreath. [Rev. As last.]
40
„
Obv. Head of a Maenad with pointed ear. [Rev. As last.]
41
42*
Cyzicus
Obv. Head of Demeter, corn-crowned ; below, tunny. [Rev. Incuse square.]
Obv. Laureate male head, bald ; below, tunny. [Rev. As last.]
43
Tenedos
Obv. Head of dimorphous Dionysus. [Rev. T E N E A 1 0 N • Bipennis ; in field, grapes and lyre.]
44
Mytilene
Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. AAYT1. Lyre ; amphora in field.]
45
Cyzicus
Obv. Head of Demeter, corn-crowned ; below, tunny. Rev. No. 23.
46
Cilicia i
Pharnabazus ]
[Obv. Helmeted head of Deity ; name of Pharnabazus in Aramaic letters.] Rev. Head of nymph.
47
Paphos
Obv. Head of Aphrodite, wearing stephanos. [Rev. IT ATI. Dove ; above, astragalus.]
48
Cyprus
Obv. As last. [Rev. Cypriote letters. Head of Pallas.]
49
99
Obv. BA. As last. [Rev. TTN. Turreted head of goddess.]
50
Clazomenae
[Obv. Head of Apollo. Signed by the artist Theodotus.] Rev. KAAIO AAANAPflNAE. Swan.
* From the collection of Rev. W. Greenwell.
Pl.X
40
US
B.C. 431-335. ASIA MINOR.
PLATE XT.
Cl. 42
1
Heraclea
S. Italy
2
S. Italy, Pyrrhus
3
Tarentum
B. c. 335 —
280
4
11
5
11
6
Locri
7
S. Italy, Pyrrhus i
8
Croton
9
Tarentum
10
S. Italy, Pyrrhus
11
Neapolis
12
Thurium
13
Heraclea
14
Neapolis
15
Metapontum
16
,,
17
Locri
18
Velia
19
Neapolis
20
Thurium
Cl. 43
21
Syracuse )
Agathocles i
Sicily
22
Syracuse {
Pyrrhus )
11
B. c. 335—
280
23
24
Syracuse
25
11
26
11
27
Pyrrhus
28
Syracuse
29
11
30
,,
31
Carthage
32
„
33
a
Cl. 52
34
Locri
S. Italy
35
Bruttii
b.c. 280—
36
11
146
37
11
38
11
39
„
40
Locri
Cl. 53
41
Syracuse
Sicily
42
B.c. 280 —
43
Syracuse, Hiero IT.
Syracuse
146
44
45
46
11
11
Obv. No. 13. Rev. I- H PAKAH IftN. Heracles holding club and bow ; in field, wine-cup.
Obv. No. 10. Rev. BAZIAEflZ T7YPPOY. Thetis on hippocamp, bearing the armour of Achilles.
{Oho. KPA. N I K in monogram. Horseman crowning horse.
{[Rev. TAPAZ. APIZTO. Taras on dolphin ; holds Victory and trident.]
Obv. As last, magistrates’ names, ZA 4>IAIAPXOZ.
Rev. TAPAZ. Taras riding on dolphin, holds grapes ; below, ATA.
Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. Rev. No. 17.
[Obv. Head of Zeus Dodonaeus crowned with oak ; below, letters.
([Rev. BAZIAEflZ TTYPPOY. Dione seated on throne ; below, A.]
Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. [Acr. KPO. Tripod ; in field, laurel-branch.]
Obv. As last. [Rev. TAPANTI NflN. Eagle on thunderbolt ; in field, letters.]
Obv. Head of Achilles ; below, A. Rev. No. 2.
Obv. Head of Nymph ; behind, bunch of grapes ; beneath, AIOTANOYZ. [Rev. Like No. 19.]
Obv. Head of Pallas, on helmet, Scylla. Rev. No. 20.
Obv. Head of Pallas, Scylla on helmet. Rev. No. 1.
Obv. Head of Nymph ; behind, oenochoe. [Rev. Like No. 19, legend N EOTTOAI TflN, Bl.]
Obv. Head of Persephone, crowned with corn. [Rev. META. Ear of corn, plough and letters in field.]
Obv. As last. [Rev. META. Ear of corn.]
Obv. No. 6. Rev. Eagle tearing hare ; in field, thunderbolt.
[Obv. Head of Pallas ; in field, IE, A.] Rev. YEAHTflN. Lion devouring stag.
[Obv. Like No. 11.] Rev. NEOnOAITHZ. Man-headed bull crowned by Victory.
Obv. No. 12. Rev. OOYPIflN. Bull butting; below, thunderbolt, above OE.
[Obv. KOPAZ. Head of Persephone crowned with corn.] Rev. Victory erecting trophy ; in field, triquetra.
Ob v. Like No. 28. Rev. TTYPPOY BAZIAEflZ. Athene Alkis fighting ; in field, thunderbolt and cornucopiae.
\[0bv. Head of Artemis, with torch and quiver.]
{Rev. TTYPPOY BAZIAEflZ. Victory carrying wreath and trophy ; in field, star and thunderbolt.
Obv. Head of Ares laureate. [Rev. ZYPAKOZIflN. Biga ; below, triquetra.]
\0bv. AIOZ EAAANIOY. Head of Zeus Hellenius laureate ; behind, bucranium.
\[Rev. ZYPAKOZIflN. Eagle on thunderbolt.]
Obv. Head of young Heracles in lion’s skin. [Rev. ZYPAKOZIflN. Athene Alkis.]
Obv. 4>OIAZ. Head of Phthia veiled ; behind, thyrsus. [Rev. BAZIAEflZ TTYPPOY. Thunderbolt.]
Obv. Head of Persephone crowned with corn ; behind, star. [Rev. Like No. 22.]
Obv. Head of Persephone ; around, three dolphins.
Rev. ZYPAKOZIflN. Quadriga; above, triquetra ; below, monogram.
Obv. Head of Persephone crowned with corn. [Rev. Horse ; above, sacred symbol.]
Obv. As last.
Rev. Horse.
Obv. No. 40. Rev. AOKPflN. Good faith (Pistis) crowning Roma ; the names of Pistis and Roma behind them.
I [Obv. Head of Poseidon, trident over shoulder.]
{Rev. BPETTIflN. Aphrodite riding on hippocamp in company with Eros, who shoots arrow ; in field, shell.
Obv. No. 38. Rev. BPETTIflN. The Dioscuri on horseback, club below.
Obv. No. 39. Rev. BPETTIflN. Poseidon leaning on sceptre ; in field, crab.
Obv. Heads of the Dioscuri ; behind, cornucopiae. Rev. No. 36.
Obv. Head of Amphitrite ; behind, dolphin. Rev. No. 37.
Obv. Head of Zeus laureate ; below, monogram. Rev. No. 34.
[[Obv. Head of Pallas ; in field, monogram.]
{Rev. ZYPAKOZIflN . Zfl- Artemis discharging arrow ; beside her, dog.
[Obv. Head of Persephone crowned with corn ; behind, owl.
KR ev. ZYPAKOZIflN. Quadriga driven by Victory ; letters in field.
Obv. Head of Hiero ; behind, star. Rev. No. 46.
Obv. Head of Philistis, veiled.
Rev. BAZIAIZZAZ >
Hermione
30
Cyrene
31
Tenos
32
Paros
33
Achaia
34
Byzantium
Macedon. Anti-)
35
gonus Doson 1 J
36
Thessaly
37
Boeotia
38
Aetolia
39
40
”
41
Macedon. Anti-)
gonus Doson 1 (
42
Aetolia
43
Athens
44
Epirus
45
Macedon
Philip V.
46
Perseus
47
Messene
48
Paros
49
50
Gortyna
Cydonia
51
Elis
52
Messene
53
Polyrhenium
Obv. No. 15. Rev. AAE-ANAPOY. Zeus Aetophorus seated; in field, prow of galley.
Obv. No. 19. Rev. BAYIAEflY AHAAHTPIOY. Poseidon standing leaning on trident; monograms in field.
[Rev. BA Y I AEflY AHAAHTPIOY. Poseidon striking with trident; in field, bipennis and monogram.
{Obv. Victory on prow of galley, blowing trumpet, and holding standard.
Obv. No. 14. Rev. BOIflT flN. Poseidon seated, holding dolphin and trident ; shield on side of throne.
Obv. No. 20. Rev. AAAAI El IN. Heracles seated, holding bow and quiver.
[Obv. Head of Demeter.] Rev. OHBAIflN. Protesilaus leaping ashore from galley.
[Obv. Lion’s head, spear in mouth.] Rev. OITA1TN r trogr. Young Heracles holding club in both hands.
[Obv. Head of Hermes.] Rev. A I N ION. Archaic simulacrum of Dionysus raised on throne, beside it, cantharus.
[Obv. Head of Pallas.] Rev. AAEEANAPOY. Victory holding wreath and standard ; in field, helmet.
[[Obv. Head of Nymph crowned with vine.]
{Rev. I YTIAI EflN. Nymph seated on galley, holds trophy ; in field, bunch of grapes.
[Obv. Head of Alexander, horned.] Rev. BAYIAEflY AYYIAAAXOY. Pallas Nikephoros seated ; in field, star.
[Obv. Radiate disk (the sun).] Rev. OYPANIAflN. Aphrodite Urania holding sceptre; in field, solar symbol.
Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. Rev. No. 5.
Obv. Head of young Heracles in lion’s skin. Rev. No. 1.
[Obv. Head of Alexander diademed, with horn of Ammon.
)[Rev. BAYIAEflY AYZIAAAXOY. Pallas Nikephoros seated.]
Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. [Rev. A I N I A N ft N . Warrior throwing javelin.]
Obv. Head of Dione veiled. [Rev. AAA. Obelisk in wreath.]
Obv. Head of Demetrius diademed, with horn of bull. Rev. No. 2.
Obv. Head of Lamia diademed. Rev. No. 6.
Obv. Head of Apollo.] Rev. E. Asclepius seated, caressing serpent ; dog under seat.
Obv. Head of Zeus Ammon.] Rev. TH. Poseidon seated, holding dolphin and trident.
\[Obv. Head of young Heracles.] Rev. AAEEANAPOY. Zeus Aetophorus seated, Victories on back of throne ;
{ in field, trident ; below, monogram.
Obv. No. 31. Rev. THNIflN. Poseidon standing, holding dolphin and trident ; in field, grapes.
Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. [Rev. FA. Eagle.]
Obv. FAAEII1N. Head of Hera. [Rev. Eagle within wreath.]
Obv. Head of armed goddess ; behind, Eros riding on dolphin and A. [Rev. A. Pegasus flying.]
[Obv. Head of armed goddess, helmet bound with myrtle ; behind, plough ; in field, AP.
{[Rev. ?. Pegasus flying.]
Obv. Head of Persephone crowned with corn. [Rev. EP in monogram. Wreath of corn.]
Obv. Head of Dionysus Ammon with rain’s horn. [Rev. KYPA. Silphium ; in field, snake and monogram.]
Obv. Same head, laureate. Rev. No. 24.
Obv. Head of nymph. [Rev. A N AE I K. HA PI. Goat.]
Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. [Rev. AX in monogram, within wreath.]
t'
[[Obv. Head of Demeter.]
{Rev. B. EFT I AAEN I YKOY. Poseidon seated, holding aplustre and trident, in field, monogram.
Obv. No. 41. Rev. BAYIAEflY ANTITONOY. Apollo seated on galley, holds bow ; beneath, monogram.
[Obv. Head of Zeus crowned with oak.] Rev. OEYYAAflN nOAI. Pallas Itonia fighting.
\[Obv. Head of Zeus laureate.]
{Rev. BOIflT flN. Victory holding wreath and trident ; in field, grapes and monogram.
\[Obv. Male head wearing diaderna and oak-wreath, below, 4>l.]
{Rev. AIT flAflN. Aetolian warrior leaning on hunting-spear.
[[Obv. AKAPNANflN. Head of Achelous.]
{Rev. AAE N N E I AY- Artemis running holding torch ; in field, second torch.
Obv. No. 42. Rev. AITflAflN. Aetolia seated on shields, holding spear and sword ; infield, JH and monogram.
Obv. Head of Poseidon or River-god crowned with reeds. Rev. No. 35.
Obv. Head of Young Heracles. Rev. No. 40.
[Obv. Head of Pallas.
{[Rev. AOE. Owl on Amphora ; in field, names of magistrates and device ; all in olive-wreath.]
[Obv. Heads of Zeus Dodonaeus and Dione, behind, AAE.
{[Rev. AH E I PI 1TA N. Bull butting ; type in oak-wreath.]
[Obv. Head of Perseus on Macedonian shield.
{[Rev. BAYIAEflY 4> I A I FT HOY. Club in oak-wreath ; monograms and harpe in field.]
[Obv. Head of the king Perseus, diademed ; below, Till AO Y.
{[Rev. BAYIAEIIY HEPYEflY. Eagle on thunderbolt, in oak-wreath ; monograms and star in field.]
Obv. No. 52. Rev. AAEYYAN I1TN YflYI KPA. Zeus Aetophorus thundering ; in field, tripod.
[[Obv. Head of Dionysus.]
{Rev. APIYTOAH. TT A P I II N . Demeter holding ears of corn and sceptre, seated on cista mystica.
[Obv. Head of Zeus diademed.] Rev. TOPTYNIflN. Hunter seated, holding bow and arrows ; infield, B.
[[Obv. Head of Artemis, with magistrate’s name.]
{ Rev. KYAflNIATAN. Artemis holding long torch ; beside her, dog ; all in wreath.
Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. [Rev. FA. Al. Eagle and serpent.]
Obv. Head of Demeter crowned with corn. Rev. No. 47.
[Obv. Head of Apollo ; bow and quiver at shoulder.
{[Rev. HOAYPHNI11N. Female figure seated, holding Victory ; below, thunderbolt.]
PL XU
B.C. 335-146. HELLAS.
i
PLATE XIII.
Cl. 49
Asia Minor
B. C. 335 — !
280
Cl. 59
Asia Minor
b. c. 280 — !
146
1
Amastris
2
Nagidus
3
Pergamum
4
Heraclea
5
Aspendus
Heraclea. j
6
Timotheus and
Dionysius )
7
Colophon
8
Miletus
9
Heraclea
10
Berytus in the }
Troad S
11
Amastris
12
Ephesus
13
V
14
Bithynia
Prusias I.
15
Lampsacus
16
Ilium
17
Myrina
18
Pergamum
19
Chalcedon
20
Tarsus
Demetrius II.
21
Erythrae
22
Smyrna
23
Bithynia. Prusias
24
25
Ephesus
Smyrna
26
Chalcedon
27
Heraclea
28
Myrina
29
Magnesia
30
Lampsacus
31
Smyrna
32
Cyzicus
33
Cappadocia
Orophernes
34
Pontus
Mithradates IV.
35
Bithynia. Prusiasl.
Obv. No. 11. Rev. AAAAXTPIETIN. Seated Figure, holding Victory and sceptre ; in field, rose.
[Obv. N A T I A I K 0 N TTOAY. Dionysus standing, holding grapes and thyrsus ; in field, monogram.
<[/Zcr. Aphrodite seated on throne, wearing stephanos (cf. X. 34) ; above, winged Eros, crowning her ; beneath
( throne, shrew ; in field, rose.]
[Obv. Head of Pallas.] Rev. TTEPFAM. Simulacrum of Pallas.
\[Obv. Head of young Heracles in lion’s skin.]
(Rev. H PAKAEfL Young Dionysus seated, holding wine cup and thyrsus.
[Obv. Wrestlers ; letters in field.] Rev. Slinger ; in field, winged genius and triquetra ; also countermarks.
Ob v. No. 9. Rev. TIA\O0EOY AIONYXIOY. Heracles erecting trophy.
Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. [Rev. KOAOdMl IHNHX Lyre.]
Obv. As last. [Rev. AM KAAAAIXXPOX. Lion looking back at star.]
Obv. Head of Dionysus, thyrsus over shoulder. Rev. No. 6.
Obv. Head of Cabeirus? surrounded by star. [Rev. B! PY. Club in wreath.]
Obv. Head of Men ?. Rev. No. 1.
Obv. Head of Arsinoe, wife of Lysimachus. [Rev. APXI TONEYS. Bow and quiver.]
Obv. Head of Artemis. [Rev. E. Forepart of stag, palm tree and bee ; in held, name of magistrate.]
\Obv. No. 35. Rev. BAXIAEflX TTPOYXIOY. Zeus leaning on sceptre, crowning name of Prusias ; in field,
( thunderbolt and monograms.
\Obv. No. 30. Rev. AAA\YAKH NHN, XHKPATOY TOY EENOTANOY. Apollo Citharoedus ; in held,
I palm and monogram.
\[Obv. Head of Pallas.] Rev. AOHNAX IAIAAOX, A\ENETPONOI TOY A\E N ETPONOI. Athene
( Ilias holding spear and spindle ; in held, bee and monogram.
{Obv. No. 28. Rev. AAYPINAIflN. Apollo holding patera and lustral branch; at his feet, omphalos and
( amphora : all in wreath.
§0bv. Head of a king.] Rev. AIA\NAIOX. Forepart of stag ; bee in field.]
Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. Rev. No. 22.
Obv. Head of Demeter, veiled. [Rev. Similar to No. 19.]
Obv. Head of Pallas. [Rev. H PAKAEflT flN. Club ; in field, Victory and monograms ; all in wreath.]
Obv. Head of Apollo laureate. Rev. No. 17.
{Obv. Head of Artemis, quiver at shoulder. [Rev. AAATNHTflN. Apollo standing on Maeander and leaning on
l tripod ; magistrate’s name in field ; all in wreath.]
Obv. Head of bearded Dionysus, ivy-crowned. Rev. No. 15.
Obv. Head of deity, wearing turreted crown. [Rev. XAAYPNAI1TN and monogram ; all in wreath.]
Obv. Head of Queen Apollonius crowned with laurel. [Rev. KYUKHNflN. Torch and monograms; all in wreath.
i^Obv. Head of King Orophernes diademed. [Rev. BAXIAEHX 0 P 0 4> E P N O Y N I K H TO POY. Nike crowning
( name of king ; in field, owl on altar, and monogram.]
^Obv. Head of King Mithradates IV. diademed. [Rev. BAXIAEI1X AAIOPAAATOY. Zeus Aetophorus, seated ;
\ in field, crescent and star and monograms.]
Obv. Head of King Prusias diademed. Rev. No. 14.
Pi. XIII.
B.C. 335-146. ASIA MINOR
I
)
PLATE XIY.
Cl. 50
1
Syria. Seleucus 1.
Further
2
Parthia. (
Asia
Andragoras (
i. c. 335 —
3
Syria. Seleucus I.
280
4
Sidon
5
Tyre
6
Seleucus I.
7
Andragoras
8
Seleucus I.
9
India. Sophytes
10
11
Seleucus I.
12
Cl. 60
13
Marathus
Further
Syria.
Asia
14
15
.c. 280—
Antiochus IV.
Demetrius I.
100
16
Parthia.
Mithradates I.
17
Syria.
Antiochus IX.
18
Demetrius 11.
19
Bactria.
Agathocles
20
Autialcides
21
Antimachus
22
Euthydemus II.
23
Eucratides
24
'
Maues
25
>>
26
Syria. )
Antiochus IV. ]
27
Antiochus VII.
28
Antiochus II.
29
Antiochus I.
30
Egypt-
Ptolemy II.
31
Parthia. | |
Mithradates I. $
32
Bactria. )
Antimachus ]
33
Euthydemus II.
34
Eucratides
Obv. No. 8. Rev. BAZIAE11Z XEAEYKOY. Victory crowning trophy ; letters in field.
[Obv. Head of a city, turreted ; behind, monogram.] Rev. ANAPATOPOY. Pallas standing ; holds owl. '
([Obv. Head of Alexander in elephant’s skin.]
(Rev. Victory holding wreath and trophy-stand ; in field, horned head of horse, Al.
([Obv. Galley amid waves.]
(Rev. King in quadriga ; behind, an attendant carrying sceptre and vessel ; above, Phoenician letters.
[Obv. Galley in front of walled city ; below, two lions.] Rev. King slaying lion ; in field, Phoenician letters.
Obv. Head of Medusa. [Rev. BAIIAEHI IEAEYKOY. Bull butting ; below, J.]
Obv. Head of a bearded Deity ; behind, monogram. [Rev. ANA PA TO PO Y. King and Victory in quadriga.]
Obv. Head of Seleucus in helmet, lion’s skin tied round throat. Rev. No. 1.
Obv. Head of Sophytes in laureate helmet.
Rev. ZflTYTOY. Cook; above, caducous.
(Obv. Horned head of Dionysus.
([Rev. BAS! I AE (IS ZEAEYKOY. Horseman piercing prostrate foe ; in field, monograms.]
Obv. Horned head of horse, bridled. [Aer. BAZIAEflX XEAEYKOY. Anchor ; in field, bunch of grapes.]
([Obv. Head of city, turreted.] Rev. AAA PAG H N ft N. Apollo holding aplustre and sceptre, seated on shields;
l in field, date in Phoenician letters.
{Obv. No. 26. Rev. BAIIAEAS ANTIOXOY 0EOY ETTITANOYI NIKHTOPOY. The Olympian Zeus,
( holding Victory.
([Obv. Head of Demetrius in wreath.] Rev. BAXIAEflX AHAAHTPIOY XflTHPOX- Tyche (fortuna) seated,
] holding wand and cornucopiae ; her throne supported by winged figure ; in field, date, 161, and monograms.
(Obv. No. 31. Rev. BAZIAEflZ AAETAAOY APZAKOY l AEAAH NOX. Heracles holding wine-cup and
l club ; in field, date, 173, and monogram.
([Obv. Head of the king.] Rev. BAZIAEflZ ANTIOXOY 4>!AOTTATOPOZ. The Pyre of Sardanapalus, the
) Deity standing on a lion ; letters in field.
([Obv. Head of the king.] Rev. BAIIAEHZ AHAAHTPIOY TIAAAEA4>OY NIKATOPOI- Simulacrum
( of Pallas holding spear, star on either side her head ; in field, monogram.
{[Obv. Head of the king.] Rev. BAXIAEflX ATAOOKAEOYZ. Zeus holding in one hand sceptre, in the
( other, figure of Hecate, who carries two torches ; in field, monogram.
[Obv. BAZIAEHZ NIKH4>OPOY ANTIAAKIAOY. Head of the king.] Rev. Indian inscription. Zeus
\ holding Victory ; in front, elephant.
(Obv. No. 32.
(Rev. BAXIAEflX OEOY ANTIMAXOY. Poseidon holding trident and palm ; in field, monogram.
Obv. No. 33. Rev. BAXIAEHX EYOYAHAAOY. Heracles holding wreath and club ; in field, monogram.
(Obv. No. 34. Rev. BAZIAEHZ AAETAAOY EYKPATIAOY. The Dioscuri charging, each having palm ; in
\ field, monogram.
(Obv. BAZIAEIIZ BAZlAEflN MEFAAOY AAAYOY. Zeus, holding sceptre, and thunderbolt personified in
( female figure.
Rev. Indian inscription. Deity wearing turreted crown and holding long sceptre ; in field, monogram.
Obv. Head of Zeus laureate. Rev. No. 14.
(Obv. Bust of Eros, crowned with myrtle.
([Rev. BAXIAEflX ANTIOXOY EYEPTETOY. Head-dress of Isis ; in field, date.]
(Obv. Head of Anticchus as Hermes.
([Rev. BAXIAEflZ ANTIOXOY. Apollo seated on omphalos ; in field, symbol and letters.]
Obv. Head of Antiochus. [Rev. Similar to last.]
(Obv. AAEA4M1N. Heads of Ptolemy II. and Arsinoe ; behind, monogram.
([Rev. OEflN. Heads of Ptolemy I. and Berenice.]
Obv. Head of Mithradates, diademed. Rev. No. 16.
Obv. Head of the king in causia. Rev. No. 21.
Obv. Head of the king diademed. Rev. No. 22.
Obv. Head of the king helmeted. Rev. No. 23.
PI XIV
B.C. 335-1 00 FURTHER ASIA.
I
PLATE XY.
Copies of
Statues
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15*
16
17
18
19
20
21 *
22
23
24*
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
Emisa. Caracalla
Sidon. Elagabalus
Perga. L. Verus
Ephesus. ^
Claudius and Agrippina^
Samos. Commodus
Myra. Gordian III.
Dardanus. Geta
Erythrae. Sept. Severus
Euromus in Caria. j
Claudius and Agrippina
Aphrodisias. Hadrian
Mytilene. 3rd cent. A. D.
Antissa in Lesbos. }
3rd cent. B. C. 5
Ilium. 2nd cent. b. c.
Leucas.
2nd cent. b. c.
: Miletus. Faustina, Jun.
„ Nero
Syria. Seleucus I.
Elis. Hadrian
Cnidus. 3rd cent. A. d.
Cnidus. )
■ Caracalla and Plautillaf j
; Athens. 2nd cent. a.d.
Alexandria Troas | !
2nd cent. a.d. \
Corinth. Antoninus Pius
„ L. Verus
Delphi. Faustina, Jun.
Chalcis in Euboea. \
Septim. Severus (
Lacedaemon. ^
Antigonus Doson ]
Athens. 2nd cent. b. c.
Sicyon. (
Alexander the Great [
Antioch. j
Tigranes of Syria \
Eagle in front of conical stone in temple.
Simulacrum of Astarte in car.
Simulacrum of Artemis of Perga between Sphinxes in temple.
Artemis of Ephesus.
Nemesis beside the simulacrum of Hera.
Kybele protecting a tree against woodmen.
Aeneas carrying off seated deity and leading Ascanius.
Nemesis beside simulacrum of Heracles in temple.
The Carian Zeus Labrandeus ; beside him, eagle.
Simulacrum of Aphrodite between sun and moon ; in front of her, Eros shooting arrow.
[ Obv . Head of Zeus Ammon.] Rev. Figure of Dionysus on a prow ; beside it, Concordia.
[■ Oho . Head of Apollo.] Rev. A NT IX. Head of Dionysus ; below, thunderbolt.
[Ob v. Head of Pallas.] Rev. I A I - Athene Ilias holding spear and spindle ; in field, olive-twig.
i^Obv. Figure of Artemis holding aplustre ; beside her, stag ; behind, sceptre surmounted by bird : all in
( wreath. [Rev. Name of city, &c. Prow.]
Apollo ; the statue of Canachus.
As last.
[Obv. Head of Apollo.] Rev. BAXI AEflX XEAEYKOY. Early statue of Athene.
Head of the Zeus of Phidias.
Figure of the Zeus of Phidias.
Obv. Head of the Aphrodite of Praxiteles. [Rev. KNIAIflN. Fortune.]
Figure of the Aphrodite of Praxiteles.
[Obv. Head of Pallas.] Rev. AOHNAIAN. The Pallas of the Parthenon.
Apollo Smintheus ; statue by Scopas ? in front, tripod.
Hermes seated in temple ; beside him, ram.
Aphrodite holding shield, in temple on the Acropolis of Corinth.
Apollo in temple ; holds patera, and leans on column.
Hera seated on rock, holding patera and sceptre.
Armed figure holding lance and bow (the Apollo of Amyclae) ; beside him goat ; in field, wreath.
(Athenian types ; in field, Apollo holding the Graces in his hand (statue at Delos, by Tectaeus and
\ Angelion).
Athenian types. Harmodius and Aristogeiton, statues by Critius and Nesiotes.
Types of Alexander. Male figure (Apollo holding taenia ?).
Type of Tigranes. The Tyche of Antioch holding palm ; at her feet, Orontes (statue by Eutychides).
From Mionnet’s casts.
PI. XV.
COPIES OF STATUES.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
PLATE XYI.
Croton & Sybaris
Poseidonia and
Sybaris
Himera
Alaesa in Sicily
Miletus
Samos
Ephesus
Lampsacus
Teos
Abdera
( Phocaea, Velia ^
{. or Massilia j
Samos
Rhegium
Messana
Sybaris
Thulium
Corinth
Leucas
Syracuse
| Carystus in
Euboea
Obv. 9PO. Tripod. Rev. XY retrogr. Incuse bull.
Obv. XY retrogr. Poseidon striking with trident. Rev. IT 0 X retrogr. Bull.
Obv. HIMEPA. Cock. Rev. Crab.
Obv. Head of Apollo. Rev. XYAAAAAXIKON. Thunderbolt and bunch of grapes.
Obv. Head of Apollo. Rev. Ef AIAYAAHN IEPH. Lion looking back, and star.
Obo. XYN. Young Heracles strangling serpents. Rev. "Eh- Lion’s scalp.
Obv. Same type and inscription. Rev. E4>. Bee; below, TIE.
Obv. Same type, no inscription. Rev. Half of winged horse.
Obv. Griffin ; in field, part of winged horse. Rev. Incuse scpiare.
Obv. Griffin ; in field, grasshopper and magistrate's name HPAK- Rev. Incuse square.
Obv. Forepart of lion tearing prey. Rev. Incuse.
Obv. Head of Pallas. Rev. Incuse.
Obv. Lion’s scalp. Rev. XA. Head and neck of bull.
Obv. lion’s face. Rev. PE HON retrogr. Head of calf.
Obv. Lion’s face. Rev. AAEXXENION Head of calf.
Obv. XY retrogr. Bull. Rev. Bull, incuse.
Obv. Poseidon striking with trident. Rev. XY retrogr. Bull.
Obv. Head of Pallas, helmeted. Rev. XYBAP1. Bull looking back.
Obv. As last. Rev. 0OYPIITN. Bull walking; below 7 , fish and l~.
Obv. Head of Pallas or armed Aphrodite ; behind, lituus. Rev. ?. Pegasus.
Obv. Same type, behind wine-cup ; below, A. Rev. A. Pegasus.
Obv. XYPAKOXIHN. Same type. Rev. Pegasus.
Obv. Cow suckling calf. Rev. K- Cock.
Corcyra
Dyrrhachium
Obv. Cow suckling calf. Rev. KOP. Archaic floral pattern ; beside, bunch of grapes.
Obv. A- Same type. Rev. AYP. Similar type ; in field, club.
PI. XVI
COINS OF ALLIANCES &C
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GETTY CENTER LIBRARY
3 3125 00808 8185