^ / 1 / "V/-/ i:> S& THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI eg o ft a S3 i 6 I m a c3 ft I i o e3 w u o CO -i THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI •ffUustratcD BY ADOLPH F. 3ANDELIER t-^. NEW YORK 1910 Copyright, 1910, by The Hispanic Society OF America CONTENTS PAGE The Basin op Lake Titicaca 1 Notes 23 The Islands of Titicaca and Koati 39 Notes 55 The Indians of the Island of Titicaca 59 Notes 129 The Ancient Ruins on the Island of Titicaca 163 Notes 241 The Ruins on the Island of Koati 257 Notes 285 Aboriginal Myths and Traditions Concerning the Island OF Titicaca 291 Notes 331 List of Indigenous Plants 341 Index 343 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS The peaks of Sorata (Hanko-uma or Illampu and Hanko-Kunix or Hilampi) from the port of Chililaya Frontispiece Plate I facing page Map of Lake Titicaca 3 Plate II Map of the Island of Titicaca 6 Plate III The Isthmus of Challa, Kca-Kollu and Koati 8 Plate IV Pucai'a 10 Plate V Hacienda of Challa, etc 14 Plate VI Uajran-Kala 18 Plate VII Kenua tree, etc 20 Plate VIII Western Lake and Peruvian coast 41 Plate IX Island of Koati 42 Plate X Indian Authorities of Challa 46 Plate XI Indian Pictograph 48 viii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Plate XII facing park Indian Medicine-man 52 Plate XIII Indian Dancers, Chayllpa 61 Plate XIV Indian Dancers, Kena-Kena 62 Plate XV Indian Dancers, Pusipiani, etc 66 Plate XVI Chirihnanos 72 Plate XVII Indian Skulls 78 Plate XVIII Kea-Kollu Chico 84 Plate XIX Kea-Kollu, Ground-jjlans 88 Plate XX Kea-Kollu Chico, Ground-plans 90 Plate XXI Indian Pottery 94 Plate XXII Trephined Skulls 98 Plate XXIII Primitive Agricultural Implements 102 Plate XXIV Collca-Pata, Ground-plan 110 Plate XXV Ciria-Pata, Ground-plan 112 Plate XXVI Graves at Ciria-Pata 118 Plate XXVII Pottery from Ciria-Pata 122 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ix Plate XXVIII facing page Drinking Cups 124 Plate XXIX Sculptured Stone 165 Plate XXX Weapons 168 Plate XXXI Drinking Cups 172 Plate XXXII Decorative Objects 174 Plate XXXIII Pilco-Kayma, Ground-plans 176 Plate XXXIV Pilco-Kayma, Architectural Details 178 Plate XXXV Pilco-Kayma, Architectural Details 180 Plate XXXVI Pilco-Kayma, Architectural Details 182 Plate XXXVII Pilco-Kayma, Architectural Details 184 Plate XXXVIII Fountain of the Inca, Ground-plan 186 Plate XXXIX Fountain of the Inca, Details 188 Plate XL Fountain of the Inca 192 Plate XLI Metallic Implements, Pucara , 196 Plate XLII Kuins at Pucara 198 Plate XLIII Ground-plan, Pucara and Ahijadero 200 X LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Plate XLIV facing page Pucara, Ground-plan 202 Plate XLV Inca Pottery 204 Plate XL VI View of Kasapata 206 Plate XLVII Kasapata, Ground-plans 208 Plate XLVIII Inca Pottery from Kasapata 210 Plate XLIX Ornaments, Beads, etc 212 Plate L Inca Jar with Stand of Clay 214 Plate LI Potsherds from Kasapata 216 Plate LII Kasapata, Ground-plans 218 Plate LIII Kasapata and Sicuyu, Graves 220 Plate LIV Potsherds, Kasapata 222 Plate LV Ground-plan of Sacred Rock and Surroundings 226 Plate LVI Details from Incan-Taqui and Chincana 228 Plate LVII Objects in Silver 232 Plate LVIII Objects in Silver 238 Plate LIX Titi-Kala or Sacred Rock 240 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xi Plate LX facing page Ground-plans, Chincana and Sacred Rock 257 Plate LXI Stone-chest with Cover 259 Plate LXII Ancient Poncho 260 Plate LXIII Chincana, Details 262 Plate LXIV Chincana, General View 26-i Plate LXV Chincana, Part of Ruins 266 Plate LXVI Objects in Copper and Bronze 268 Plate LXVII Inca Vase 270 Plate LXVIII Chucaripu, Ground-plan 272 Plate LXIX Ancient Poncho 274 Plate LXX Kona, Ground-plan 276 Plate LXXI Island of Koati, Map, etc 278 Plate LXXII Ruins on eastern slope of Koati 280 Plate LXXIII Ruins of Iuak-U>T.i on Koati 282 Plate LXXIV Details of Inak-Uyu 291 Plate LXXV Graves on Koati 293 xii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Plate LXXVI ^^^ing page Painted Bowl, Koati 294 Plate LXXVII Stone Objects, Koati 296 Plate LXXVIII Objects in Gold, Koati and Titicaea 298 Plate LXXIX Pottery, Koati and Titicaea 300 Plate LXXX Chieheria, Ground-plan 302 Plate LXXXI Stone Objects, Koati and Copaeavana 306 Plate LXXXII Village of Copaeavana 310 Plate LXXXIII Stone Seats, Copaeavana 314 Plate LXXXIV Copaeavana, Church 318 Plate LXXXV Manuscript Map of Lake Titicaea from 1573 358 PREFACE The explorations which I began under the auspices of the late Mr. Henry Villard of the city of New York in July, 1892, were continued until April 1, 1894, when Mr. Villard gave the collections I had gathered for him to the American Museum of Natural History at New York. After that date my work was entirely for the Museum. In July, 1894, I started for Bolivia accompanied by my wife— Fanny Bitter Bandelier. Arriving at La Paz on August 11th, we visited first the ruins of Tiahuanaco, on the 29th, remaining nineteen days on the site, securing speci- mens, and surveying the ruins for the purpose of making a general plan of them. We also took notes on architectural details. Soon after our return to La Paz we made another excur- sion, this time to the slopes of the well known Illimani. There, at an altitude of 13,000 feet, we explored remains of terraced garden beds, small dwellings of stone, and burial cysts, above the hacienda of Llujo. It was not until the 26th of December that we could carry out our plan to visit the Island of Titicaca. The Prefect of La Paz, Don Genaro Sanjinez, gave permission to the steamer plying between Puno and Chililaya to touch at that Island for us. But we had, first, to obtain from the owner of Challa (the principal hacienda on the Island), authoriza- tion to reside on his property and to investigate and ex- cavate on the premises. Not only was our request granted at once, but Don Miguel Garces, the owner, accompanied us on the steamer to Challa, installed us there and imparted strict orders to the several hundred of Aymara Indians liv- xiii xiv PREFACE ing on his property to treat us with the same respect as him- self or any other member of his family. This injunction was observed as long as our friend remained with us. After his departure, it was only by dint of lavish expenditure of money, and sometimes by assuming an austere attitude, that we held our own among the aborigines. We landed at Challa on January 1, 1895, and remained on the Island of Titicaca until April 15th, with the intermission of one week (early in February) which we spent at the village of Copacavana on the Bolivian mainland, where we witnessed the Indian fes- tivities on the occasion of a church celebration, at the fa- mous shrine of Copacavana. With this sole exception, we remained three months and a half on Titicaca Island, completely isolated from the outer world. Civil war in Peru attained its climax during that time and all communication between Puno and Bolivia was cut off. Our supplies gave out ; not even coffee could be had at the ill-provided pueblo of Copacavana. Furthermore, an Indian insurrection broke out at Yunguyu (on Peruvian soil, six miles from Copacavana) and spread with great rapidity along the Bolivian frontier, threatening to involve the Boli- vian Aymara and endanger life and property of the inhabi- tants of Copacavana. So, having completed our surveys and excavations on the Island, we retreated to Copacavana and thence, as the situa- tion grew more and more untenable, to Puno. Don Miguel Garces accompanied us, for in the meantime Lima had fallen into the hands of the Opposition and peace was being re- stored in Peru. At Puno we prepared for a return to the Island with means for navigating the Lake, distinct from those of the natives which kept us at the mercy of Indian ill- will. The house of Cazorla Brothers at Puno secured for lis the use of a flat-bottomed scow propelled by wheels driven by hand. We also improved our stay at Puno for surveying and photographing (there was an itinerant photographer at Puno at the time) the ruins at Sillustani on Lake Umayo. PREFACE XV On May 26th we again landed at Challa, with our hand- wheeler and ample provisions. On the 18th of June we had completed our investigations there with the exception of the photographic work, which had yet to be postponed, since the apparatus was still in the hands of the Bolivian custom- house officers at La Paz. We next moved to the Island of Koati, where the owner, Dr. Venceslao del Carpio, had given us permission to survey and excavate. There we remained until the 2d of July, when we returned to Copacavana. Our collections had been carried to Chililaya, thanks to the Very Reverend Father Francisco Martinez, Commissary-General of the Franciscan order, whose authority prevailed in our favor, upon the re- luctant and hostile Indians. Another week spent on the Island of Titicaca, with the photograiDhic apparatus received at last, one more day on Koati, and our seven months' work on and about these Islands came to an end. Only those who have resided for some time in that section of Bolivia can appreciate the ob- stacles it presents to scientific investigation. Climate, na- ture and man conspire to impede, annoy and obstruct. On August 2d we landed at Chililaya and remained till the 29th of the month, carefully packing our cumbrous col- lections and excavating some of the ancient burial sites near by. Mr. Louis Ernst of Chililaya had been, and was, our financial mainstay during the time, and we have been the recipient of many courtesies from him, as well as from the late Dr. Rosquellas, Captain of the Port of Chililaya. On the 29th of August, 1895, we were once more at La Paz, thence to direct our steps to the Illimani a second time, and later on to Peru, where we remained during part of the year 1896, preparing the substance of this report. In the following pages I cannot pretend to more than a picture of our work on the Islands of Titicaca and Koati, with such results as appear to me worthy of presentation. In my documentary researches, I have met with the most xvi PREFACE friendly support : in Peru, Bolivia, and in the United States since our return. At the national Archives and Library of Lima the Director, Don Ricardo Palma, and his able assist- ant, Carlos Alberto Romero, have literally showered upon me favors of the greatest value. At La Paz my intimate friend Don Manuel Vicente Ballivian has opened every door that was supposed to give access to material; and at New York, the friendship of Mr. Wilberforce Eames, the Super- intendent of the Lenox branch of the New York Public / Library, of his assistant, ¥i^©*^^aUs4sts, and, at the Astor, the liberality shown by the General Director, Drr <3h~©itt-- 1_ ings, have been invaluable. In conclusion, I gladly pay a tribute of sincere gratitude to our special friend at La Paz, Mr. Theodore Boettiger, head of the firm of Harrison & Boettiger of that city. To him we owe countless attentions and especially assistance of the most effective nature. Among the many others, at La Paz also, to whom we remain indebted in an analogous manner, I would yet specially mention Mr. Frederick G. Eulert. To name all, would furnish too long a list, however much we should like to express, to each one in particular, our feelings of respect and esteem. Ad. F. Bandeliee. New York City, January 11th, 1905, NOTICE TO READERS The Spanish and Indian names used in this volume are to be pronounced, not according to the English, but according to the Continental manner of pronunciation, the j having the guttural sound of the Spanish. The scale of plans and diagrams is reduced from the orig- inal in every instance, as well as the size of the illustrations of objects, in comparison with the original. The flag on plans and diagrams indicates, in every case, the magnetic and not the true North. The magnetic decli- nation not having been accurately determined at the time I made my surveys, I preferred not to assume the responsi- bility of adopting an approximate deviation of the needle, which at the time wa§ supposed to be about 12 degrees to the east of north. The colored plates are due to the skilful hand of my friend and countryman Mr. Rudolph Weber, who has also made and retouched the photographs of objects and reproduced the frequently defective landscapes and scenes of Indian life. Ad. F. Bandelier. THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA ERRATA P. xvi, 1. 10. For Victor Paltsists read Victor H. Paltsits. P. xvi, 11. 11, 12. For Dr. G. Billings read Dr. John S. Billings. r . li „ 11 \ I. \ r ! \ r A \ ■' '-\ ■'-" rff <(i?^ '• ' §:, ..■ %.'•':/, JV,. ...... ■;^^ -ft:s*w ^ ,.,„., i ''*«t1VL A C O"*" t\ I T I r A <• .\ "-»*"'\>^^' M^ Plate I Map of Lake Titieaca aud surroundings Reduced copy from atlas of Peru, hy A. Kaimondi Paet I THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA IN the heart of the western part of South America, be- tween the 15th and 17th degrees of latitude, south of the equator, and between the 68th and 70th degrees of longi- tude, west of the meridian of Greenwich, lies the extensive water sheet of Lake Titicaca at an aver- age altitude of 12,500 feet above the level of the sea,^ and distant in a straight line about 300 miles from the Pacific Coast and at least 2000 miles from the Atlantic shores of Brazil. The Republic of Peru claims two-thirds of its area,- and the Republic of Bolivia the re- maining southeastern third ; but the boundary line is rather indefinite between the two countries, across Lake Titicaca as well as on the mainland. The great chain of the Bolivian Andes, or Cordillera Real, skirts the Lake on its eastern side. This mountain chain, from the towering peak of Hanko-Uma or Illampu (the tallest of the Sorata group) to the imposing mass of the Illimani southeast of the city of La Paz, runs from northwest to southeast, and the Lake in the same direction forms a deep trough west, or rather southwest, of that snowy range. The irregular shape of this elevated inland basin of water is best understood by glancing at the accompanying map. Its length from northwest to southeast is about 130 miles, and its greatest width is about 41 miles between the Peru- vian coast at Have and the Bolivian shores at Carabuco. Such figures, at the present stage of geographical knowledge of 4 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI Bolivia, can only be approximations.^ Minute indications of geographical position, altitude and dimensions are not always essential in an anthropological monograph; but whenever they could be secured they will be given, if only as a respectful tribute to the labors of others. Landscape and scenery, the nature of vegetation, the appearance, rela- tive distance of high mountains and their relation to the cardinal points, hence to prevailing atmospheric currents, the indentations of the shores and the distribution of afflu- ents, are more important to archaeology and ethnology than geographical data of mathematical accuracy. An undulating level, gradually slanting from the height of the Crucero Alto (14,666) to Puno on the Lake-shore (12,544),^ skirts the Lake in the northwest and north. The elevated ranges of Santa Rosa and Vilcanota, which over- shadow the true source of the Amazon River ,^ are not visible from Puno. North of that port the Lake makes an inroad forming its most northerly lagune, on the banks of which are the approaches to the settlements of Taraco and Huan- cane. Navigation on Lake Titicaca does not touch these points;^ steamers ply directly between Puno and the Bo- livian shore at Huaqui. The extreme northwestern shore of the Lake is not visible from the Island of Titicaca nor from the mainland of Copacavana, so great is the expanse of the water sheet in that direction. Puno, a Spanish settlement founded in the seventeenth century'^ and now the capital of a Peruvian department, nestles at the upper end of a large bay called the Lagune of Chucuito. Its surroundings are typical of the bleak and chilly Puna of these regions. Trees are scarce, the slopes overgrown with a scrubby vegetation, rocks protrude boldly here and there, and the sheet of blue water expanding in ad- vance of the port is encircled by dreary shores and reddish cliffs. The Lagune of Chucuito terminates between two nar- row projections— the Peninsula of Capachica in the north and that of Chucuito in the south. On its southern banks THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 5 lie villages known since the earliest times of Spanish coloni- zation— Chncuito, formerly an important seat of provincial government, and Acora,^ in the vicinity of which are many aboriginal monuments partly described by E. G. Squier.^ The shores are bleak, but, as everywhere on the Puna, their appearance is deceptive. While destitute of arboriferous vegetation, they are not unproductive. Such culture-plants as withstand the cold climate find sufficient soil for growth. The scarcity of level ground has compelled, and still compels, people to go to the slopes for cultivation. Hence ' ' andenes, ' ' or terraced garden-beds ('Hakanas," also ''patas," in Aymara), are visible everywhere from the Lake, presenting an appearance of symmetry not held out upon closer inspec- tion. With the time-honored system of rotation observed by the Indians, the great number of these terraced patches is no indication of a former dense population.^*^ Neither are they exclusively ancient, many belonging to Colonial or to modern times. Beyond the narrows at Chucuito the large Islands of Taquili and Amantani stand out in plain relief. The former lies nearly in front of the straits, the latter north of it. Taquili, sometimes used as a place of captivity for political offenders, was explored to some extent, more than a decade ago, by the very unfortunates condemned to pine on its un- prepossessing shores.^ ^ Their desultory diggings yielded human bodies, cloth, pottery, copper and silver trinkets ; in short, usual remains of the "Chullpa" kind; as popular ter- minology improperly designates vestiges, that do not bear either the stamp of Cuzco influence/^ or that of the ancient coast-people. Amantani is said to be covered with similar remains. Puno itself is surrounded by ruins. Many are scattered over the heights around Lake Umayo, the shores of which bear the famous constructions of Sillustani;^^ and much of archaeological interest is yet buried at Mallqui- Amaya, the hacienda of my friend Don Agustin Tovar. Beyond the narrows, the main Lake spreads out before us. 6 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI In the rainy season it presents a vast expanse of grayisli water under a darkened sky, and it is not unusual to witness one or several waterspouts at a time.^^ Thunderstorms are of daily and nightly occurrence during summer months, from November to April. When we crossed the Lake, on the night of December 31st, 1894, our steamer, the "Yapura,'^ was struck by lightning. There was no peal, only a quiver- ing of the craft. We were then yet inside of the Lagune of Chucuito. Saint Elmo fires appear on the masts of the ship during such stormy nights. If the voyage is made in winter, when calm and clear days prevail, then the view is different. The placid watersheet spreads out in dazzling blue, traversed here and there by streaks of emerald green. A sky of incomparable beauty spans the heavens. Not a breeze ruffles the mirror-like waters. On the gently sloping shores of Peru, the principal villages are barely discernible; Have, in the vicinity of which a large human statue of stone and many sacrificial offerings were discovered in the early part of the seven- teenth century,^^ and Pomata, whither the Dominicans (the first missionaries of these sections) withdrew after the mis- sions from Chucuito to Copacavana had been unjustly taken away from them; Juli,^® concealed by its promontory of gray and pale green. ^'^ In the dim distance appear some of the ^'Nevados" that separate the Lake region from the vol- canic ranges above Moquegua— the Cavalluni, the Uilca- conga, and others. They appear as patches of perpetual snow rising between arid ranges. That part of Peru has a considerable population of Aymara- speaking Indians, and under Spanish rule was very thrifty, ^^ but it lacks, abso- lutely, the picturesque element in nature. That same region, however, abounds in ancient ruins which yet await explora- tion.19 Facing the prow of the steamer, in the southeast, there advances into the Lake what seems to be a long promontory capped by rugged mountains of moderate elevation. The .ilM ^■rv # m <^ PALLAYA LONGITUDINAL SECTION OFTITICACA ISL. KOA CHUYU Map of the Islanil of Titicaca and surrounding redrawn from the original made by the author, by Rudolph Weber SummiU <-Tuital 5. CJall. Pala 9, 12. Saot. Barbara H. Knudur-o-oaua-ehSul Bni 6. Ifla-Koliu 10. Eiiru-Patft "" "" "' ro-Eato 7. Kea-RoUu 11. Pallft-Kft8& vmo 8. Lique-Liquo 13. Kefluini ie, Mkr^i^ 15. Chtillmi-K&yu 1 (also bay) Pnmonloriet Bays or Inletn MuctUaneouM 17. Y^iachi 19. I'ftjnSn-Kala 27. Eaualluvu 28. Puncu 16. Arcu-pancn 24. Ysni)m-PaU 20. Chimp»-Uava 28. Coyani 29. K^opi-ptym N.B. Santa Barban ia also ca 21. KSa aettlement 22. tJacnvTi 23. Garden 26. Tic*ni-Pamp» lied Llalli-siui-Patu a. Titi-Kal»,f b. Chinoana e. Chuoaripti- d. Cliucaripu n. Sicuyn 29. Titin-Un; 30. yuivini. THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 7 northern end of this projection is the Island of Titieaca, and its southern continuation with the rugged peaks above it, the Peninsula of Copacavana. Through the narrow Straits of Yampupata, which separate the Island from the Penin- sula, steamers take their course. Beyond, dusky ranges skirt the farthest horizon to the southeast and east, apparently sweeping around in a semi-circle, forming the eastern shores of the Lake and its southeastern termination. High above this unprepossessing belt of bleak slopes, rocky humps, and scattered islets, bristles a chain of gigantic peaks clad in eternal snow. Draped with formidable glaciers that descend far below the snow line, the twin peaks of Sorata, two colos- sal monuments, connected by an icy crest, constitute its northern pillars. Thence, declining to the southward, it sweeps away, until a glistening pyramidj^*^ bold and steep, the Huayna Potosi or ^'Karka-Jaque" (Ka-Ka-a-Ka) termi- nates the chain as visible from this part of the Lake. North of the Sorata group, a more distant range extends along the whole of the northeastern horizon. It is as heavily snow- clad as the other, but i^robably not as elevated. The first chain is the Andes of Bolivia. The other range— belong- ing partly to Bolivia, partly to Peru— comprises the Andes of Carabaya, the great Ananea, and the high ranges of Suchez, Altarani, Lavanderani, Sunchuli, and Akkamani, west of Pelechuco and north of Charassani.^^ Utter monotony, gray, brown and black in winter, of a greenish hue in summer, would be the characteristic of land- scape on Lake Titieaca, when at its best in brilliant sunlight, were it not for the long ranges of snowy peaks that bristle along fully one half of the horizon like a silver diadem. Bold and rugged, every peak sharply individualized like those of the Central Alps in Switzerland, with an abundance of glaciers, the Andes of Bolivia well deserve the appellative of Cordillera Real (royal range), by which they are sometimes designated. When, in the last moments of sun- set, the lofty peaks and bold crests assume a vivid golden 8 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI hue, while the glaciers at their base turn purple and violet, the Andes fairly glisten. Then a ghastly veil falls over them and they turn livid. Newcomers may turn away think- ing that night has set in; but in a few minutes light floods the snowfields again. It turns red, while the summits be- come living flames of a rosy hue as intense and dazzling as any Alpine glow in Switzerland or Tyrol. Such a spectacle is not unfrequent on the Lake, and it is usually accompanied by the presence of long delicate cirro-strati above the southern horizon, which turn fiery red, before the rosy dis- play begins on the Cordillera. Yet we saw the Alpine glow in wondrous beauty, when there was not even a cloudlet in the sky. 2 2 The educated traveller cannot fail to be deeply impressed by the majestic beauty of these mountains, so colossal in height that a picture of the Sorata range is clearly reflected in the waters of the Lake.^^ The Indian, however, is not moved by sights of nature; accustomed to depend upon it, he estimates everything from the utilitarian standpoint of his wants, hopes and fears. The Aymara Indian calls each * * Nevado, ' ' or snowy peak, ' ' Achachila ' ' ; that is, ' ' grandfather. ' ' They apply this term to every prominent feature ; still the importance of the Acha- chila is not always in proportion to its size. While on the slopes of Illimani, I also heard the Indians of Llujo call the mountain ' ' Uyu-iri, ' ' feeder or fosterer of their homes. The word '' Illimani" itself is a corruption of ''Hila-umani"— "he who has much water," derived from the fact, that the water courses useful to them descend from that mountain, and that precipitation is most abundant along its slopes. On the Island of Titicaca, the great Illampu or ''Hauko- Uma" (white water) is the most prominent, as it almost di- rectly faces the Island, and therefore is more particularly known to the Islanders. Nevertheless, my inquiries touching the name of it (inquiries made for the purpose of eliciting some information about tales or legends, possibly extant). w ■73 M O W 03 o ^ H THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 9 were quite as often answered by "Illimani" also; while to tlieotherpeakSj the term "Kunu-Kollu" (snow-height) was indiscriminately applied. The Indian of the Island consid- ers such conspicuous landmarks as fetishes, chiefly origi- nators of cold and angry blasts. Lake Titicaca does not derive its principal water supply from the great Bolivian chain. Only one of its main tributaries, the Rio de Achacache, descends directly from the Cordillera Real. The Suchez has its headwaters in Peru (among the Andes of Carabaya) ; also the Ramis, in the narrow defile at the foot of the Cordillera of Vil- canota, near the line dividing the Department of Puno from that of Cuzco;^^ and the other streams rise either in the range dividing the basin of Titicaca from the Pacific slope, or south of the Lake. The drain of the Cordillera of Bolivia is chiefly toward the Atlantic, and not toward the Pacific slope. Lake Titi- caca lies at the foot of that range like a trough, filled with slightly brackish water,^^ and fed only to an extent that maintains an equilibrium between the suj^ply and the out- flow through the Desaguadero.^^ The trough formed by Lake Titicaca is mostly very deep. Soundings of more than six hundred feet, and as many as a thousand or more, are not uncommon. The Bolivian or northern shore is lined by greater depths than the Peruvian side.^'^ Bays like the Lagune of Chucuito near Puno, the in- land basin between Tiquina and Chililaya, and probably the basin of Uinamarca, are comparatively shallow, but the main Lake is a cleft, sinking abruptly at the foot of the Andes and rising gradually to the western shore. A discussion of the numerous theories, that have been advanced, from time to time, regarding the origin of this singular inland sea, would prove useless. There are indica- tions of a former connection between opposite shores of the Lake. The Peninsula of Copacavana seems to have been connected, at one time, with the Peninsula of Santiago 10 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI Huata. The channel of Tiquina has an average depth of only 140 feet.^^ The southeastern lagunes or bays in which the Lake terminates, show a greatest depth of about sixty feet; whereas to the northward along the Bolivian shore, depths of from 600 to 800 feet have been recorded. The Strait of Tiquina, that narrow channel through which steamers pass after leaving the Islands of Titicaca and Koati, may there- fore have opened at a time when the watery basins about Chililaya existed independent of the main Lake; and the outflow at the Desaguadero may have been a result of the breaking of a barrier that formerly united the Peninsula of Huata with that of Copacavana. Such problems can be solved only by a close study of the region in general, and this study has not as yet been under- taken. It may be said that Lake Titicaca, in most of its features, is as unknown as the least visited of the inner African lakes. The shores are so indented and their topo- graphy is so complicated, that a coasting voyage of a year at least would be needed to achieve a complete investigation. We have as yet found but faint traces of geological myths among the folk-lore and traditions of the Aymara Indians inhabiting the shores. This negative result, however, is not final, since it was only from the Island of Titicaca, and to some extent from the Peninsula of Copacavana that, previ- ous to 1897, we had been able to secure scraps of what may be called folk-lore. At Tiahuanaco, stories are told con- cerning a time when the sun had not yet risen into the heavens, but none of them bear any relation to the condition of the Lake or to any modifications in its contours. We were told by an old Indian that the builders of the edifices of stone (now in ruins) were "Gentiles," and were de- stroyed by a flood. The appearance of the sun in the heav- ens is said to have occurred after this supposed destruction. It is not an uncommon belief that the waters of the Gulf of Taraco once reached as far inland as Tiahuanaco, now about five miles distant from the shore. Some of the explanations o Oh THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 11 of the name are even based on this hypothesis, giving it the meaning of : ' ' dry beach. ' ' ^^ Among the traditions recorded by early Spanish chron- iclers, that of the appearance of a white man on the shores of Lake Titicaca appears to be connected with a dim recol- lection of geological phenomena. Ticiviracocha (also called Tuapaca and Arnauan) is represented by Cieza ^^ as having come from the south and as having been endowed with such power that, "he converted heights into plains and plains into tall heights, and caused springs to flow out of bare rocks." ^^ A century after Cieza had writ- ten his chronicle, an Augustine Monk, Fray Antonio de la Calancha, referred to a tradition in regard to a disciple of Tonapa, called Taapac, stating that the Indians of the Lake-shore killed him, placed his body on a raft, or balsa: ^^ and thrust that craft on the great lagune aforesaid; and so, propelled by the waves and breezes ... it navi- gated with great swiftness, causing admiration to the very ones who had killed him ; their fright being increased by the fact that the Lake, which at present has very little current, at that time had none at all. . . . When the balsa with its treasure reached the beach at Cachamarca where the Des- aguadero now is (this tradition is well established among the Indians), this same balsa, breaking through the land, opened a channel that previously did not exist, but which since that time has continued to flow. On its waters the holy body went as far as the pueblo of the AuUagas.^- . . ." According to this legend (provided the tale is genuine native folk-lore, as the author asserts, and not from after the con- quest) it would appear that the opening of the Desaguadero occurred ivithin the scope of dim recollection of man.^^ The story that sun and moon were created after the inhabi- tants of Tiahuanaco had been visited by a disastrous flood, is told by several authors from the early times of Spanish colonization; as well as the myth that both orbs rose pri- marily from the Lake, or from some point of its surface.^^ 12 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI The fact that nearly all the traditions, so far as we know, about the earliest times, and the natural phenomena sup- posed to have occurred at those times, centre in Tiahuanaco, may be not without significance. The tale preserved to us by Calancha points to a time within range of ancient folk- lore in Bolivia and Peru, when the waters of the Lake had no outlet. It may, however, be only a myth of observation. According to Agassiz there are indications of a slow grad- ual sinking of the level of the Lake.^^ This has been denied by others ; and I beg to suggest that such a change may not have been general. Thus the Lagune of Uinamarca and the Gulf of Taraco could have slowly receded from their shores without affecting the level of the main Lake. Storms on Lake Titicaca are violent, and the waves, though short, dangerous. The indigenous balsa is a clumsy, slow, exceedingly primitive craft, but it cannot sink. If cut in twain, each piece floats for itself and can afford refuge to human beings.^® Swimming is out of the question, since the temperature of the water is so low that the swimmer soon gets numbed and sinks.^^ Animal life on the Lake is seldom seen away from the shores. Gulls {Larus serranus) now and then follow the steamer, and an occasional diver {Podiceps, Tachyohaptus, and CentropelmaY^ furrows the water in that lively, dash- ing way which recalls the motion of a diminutive tug-boat. On expanses covered with lake-reed or ''totora" {Malaco- cJiaete totora) swarms of these agile swimmers bustle about the handsome ''choka" {Fulica gigantea), a stately bird of black metallic plumage with bright colored head and crest. A dark green stork-like bird, possibly a Tantalidae,^^ stalks through marshy approaches to deeper water. In the main Lake, animal life appears almost extinct; of the six kinds of fishes, officially known,'*" not one appears on the surface. The natives claim that there are at least a dozen species of fishes in Lake Titicaca. As we approach the long promontory of the Peninsula THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 13 of Copacavana, Titicaca appears in its insular shape. Be- yond its northwestern outline small islets,— the steep and grass-covered dome of Koa, flat Payaya, tiny Chuju, —elongated Lauassani, rise above the waters. ^^ They seem like scattered remains of a causeway formerly uniting Copacavana with the Bolivian mainland at Huaicho, of which there remains, on the south, the Island of Titicaca and its surroundings and in the north the islands of Apin- giiila, Pampiti and Campanario.^^ The Straits of Yampupata, which divide Titicaca from the Copacavana Peninsula have a width of about two-thirds of an English mile ; ^^ and on both sides of the Straits, around the Island of Titicaca, and between that of Koati and the main- land at Sampaya, the Lake has a depth of from 580 to 600 and more feet. It is when issuing from that short and pic- turesque channel that the two peaks of Sorata are seen to greatest advantage. The steep and bold slopes of the Island, with countless andenes traversing them horizontally, and the precipitous sides of the mainland, form what appears like a rustic portal, above and beyond which the truncated pyra- mid of Hilampi and the dome of Hanko-Uma stand out in in- comparable grandeur.^^ The Island of Koati, in the midst of the placid waters of the Lake, breaks the sombre monot- ony of the Bolivian shore between Ancoraymes and the Peninsula of Huata. At Yampupata, the work of man begins to appear on every side. The bold promontory of Chaiii hides from view the celebrated sanctuary of Copacavana, but the hamlet of Yampupata, with its houses of stone and its humble chapel, nestles close to the rocky point terminating the Peninsula. Traces of cultivation, in the shape of andenes, are every- where seen. We pass the two balsas plying between Yam- pupata and Puncu, the extreme southerly point of the Island of Titicaca. The Aymarii Indians, who manage these clumsy ferries, either gloat stolidly at the steamer as it sweeps by, or if they are in numbers and in festive mood, they 14 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI break out in rude and sometimes very uncivil demonstra- tions. Even on the little Island of Chilleca near the end of the Straits, traces of cultivation, such as potato patches, are vis- ible. On the main Island we see, at one glance, the ruin called ' ' Pilcokayma " (an ancient structure attributed to the Peruvian Incas), the modern hacienda of Yumani with its tile-roofed buildings; cultivated as well as abandoned an- denes on the indented slopes; a grove of mostly modern trees surrounding the so-called ''Fountain of the Inca," near the shore ; and, higher up, Indian houses scattered here and there, some with red roofing of tiles, others with the us- ual covering of thatch. As we glide along, hugging the Pe- ninsula of Copacavana, we see that almost every fold of that steep and rugged shore bears a small hacienda. High up on the slope of one of these folds, the village of Sampaya clus- ters picturesquely between terraced garden-beds. Opposite, the entire length of the Island of Koati is striated with an- denes. The eastern Bolivian shore is so distant that none of its villages, situated near but not on the shore, are visible. The northeastern side of the Strait of Tiquina is rocky and almost uninhabited ; the southwestern side, although nearly as steep, is extensively cultivated. The reason of this is that slopes exposed to the north, in this hemisphere, are those which receive directly the warmth of the sun. The two villages of San Pablo and San Pedro Tiquina ^^ occupy respectively the southern and northern shores of the nar- rows near their southeastern extremity. From here the most southerly pillar of the snowy range, the ' ' Nevado ' ' of Illimani,^^ hitherto invisible, seems to rise suddenly and di- rectly out of the water, at the other end of the shallow lagune which we now enter. To the right opens the basin of Uinamarca dotted with islands mostly inhabited. The larger ones, Patapatani and Coana, also Cumana, divide that lagune from the bays of Huarina and Chililaya. On the left, the shore bears extensive haciendas like Compi and -a O ce i=l *S .a EH THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 15 Chua, also the hamlet of Huatajata. On the main Lake, and as far as the passage of Tiquina, scarcely a craft is met, but now the water becomes enlivened by flotillas of small balsas, each raft with a sail of reeds and managed by one man or sometimes by two men. These are fishing craft, that do not go into the Lake where their labor would hardly prove remunerative. The coast of these interior basins is rich in totora, ^^ whereas the depth of the Lake along the shores of Koati and Copacavana does not permit the growth of this aquatic reed except in small patches. The Indians of Huatajata and of the islands near by, are to a great extent fishermen. A balsa does not last long, but a new one is easily constructed. Many of the Lake Indians are rather fearless navigators and undertake comparatively long voyages, trusting to the winds to direct their course. It is not uncommon to see Indians, from Huaicho and Ezcoma, drift across the widest part of the Lake to Have, Juli or Pomata. From the Island of Titicaca a three days ' voyage to Puno is by no means a rarity ; and trips to Anco- raymes are of frequent occurrence. As the balsa is pro- pelled much more by sail than by the imperfect oars, the direction of atmospheric currents is watched and used so far as possible. Happily these currents blow with considerable regularity. Thus the southeast wind usually prevails until midday. Afterward the wind veers to the northwest and blows from that quarter until after or about midnight. Thunderstorms and tempests occur very often. During the summer months they are of daily occurrence. The vio- lence of the wind depends upon localities, upon the degree of shelter, and the existence of a funnel through which the moving air must rush at greater speed and with increased power. The Straits, both of Yampupata and of Tiquina, are exposed to violent blasts, and so is the vicinity of Copaca- vana. The middle of the Lake, which the people call the ''Pampa de Have," is also feared on account of the power which the wind, coming from the snow-capped Andes, 16 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI wields over this shelterless expanse. Tempests almost in- variably come from the northwest and we have known them to last several days, the maximum violence reoccurring daily about 4 p.m. Such storms are mostly dry in winter, or with a slight fall of snow or hail, chiefly on the heights. But snow falls every year on the shore also. In February we have many times seen the ground at Copacavana white with snow, also on the Island and the Peninsula of Santiago Huata. In June we had light snow-falls, accompanied by thunder and lightning and soft hail, on the Island of Koati. Lightning strokes are locally frequent, they descend with much greater frequency at certain places than at others. Copacavana is one of these dangerous spots. On the Island of Titicaca, on the narrow isthmus where the hacienda of Challa stands, we counted as many as twenty lightning strokes in little more than half an hour. All of them struck either the water, or the rocky heights of Challa Pata and Inak-Uyu near by. To give the results of meteorological observations at one point only, and then draw conclusions from them as to the climate of the Lake in general, would be misleading. A glance at the map accompanying, however faulty it may be, will show that the indented form of the shore-line, the distri- bution of the Cordilleras in regard to the northern and southern portions, and the greater or less distance of the heights bordering on the Lake, create a number of local cli- mates. Thus, while the shores exposed to the north are warmer than those exposed to the south, and northern ex- posures those in which more delicate culture plants (like maize) can alone be raised, yet some sites along the south- eastern Bolivian shore enjoy a milder climate than others, near by or on the opposite side. Huarina, for example, is warmer and milder than Chililaya, six miles distant from it to the southwest. The reason for it is that some villages on that side are built against the coast-hills, and the cold blasts from the Cordillera blow over these hills and di- THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 17 rectly on to the shore opposite, making it chilly and dis- agreeable in the afternoons. Thermometrical observations made but at one or two points have only a local value and for the specified period of time ; but it may still be of interest to note the results of such observations, made by my wife, chiefly on the Island of Titicaca, during several months of the year 1895. For the month of January the mean of 37 obser- vations was 54^10 degrees. For the month of February, the mean of 120 observations was 557io degrees. For March, the average of 107 observations was 54%o degrees. The mean for these three months, embracing the height of sum- mer and the autumnal equinox, is therefore 55 degrees. Far. ; and the variation in the mean, from one month to the other, amounts to barely one half a degree. The maxima were, in January, 631/2; in February, 65; and in March, G4. The minima were, in January, 47; in February, 45; and in March, 43. In the month of April the observa- tions could only be conducted during the first half of the month, and at three distinct localities, according as we moved our domicil in the interest of excavations. Hence averages for that month possess no value. At Yumani, a point several hundred feet above the Lake, the thermom- eter reached its maximum between the 1st and 15th of April at 59 degrees, and its minimum at 45. During the interval between the 26th of May, when we returned to Titicaca after a protracted stay at Puno, and the 18th of June, the extremes were respectively 60 and 39 degrees. On the Island of Koati the extremes, from the 18th of June to the 1st of July inclusive, were 50 and 33 degrees. "While the above figures probably represent the maxima of the whole year, I have doubts about the minima. The lowest point reached by the thermometer falls below freezing point. I infer this from the fact that, on the morning of August 18th, we found the Bay of Huarina covered with ice a quarter of an inch thick. Should, however, the figures 18 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI given represent the extremes for that year (the difference will be very small), the annual range of temperature of about 32 degrees shows an unusually equable climate. But that climate is also constantly humid, hence always chilling. It rains nearly every month. In January, 1895, we had 19 days of rain (always with thunderstorms) ; in February, 22 ; in March, 16 ; in April, 14 ; in May, 6 ; in June, 10 ; in July, 1 ; and in August, 2. All these months, as well as the last third of December, 1894, were spent on some point of the Lake- shore. The constantly low temperature, together with frequent precipitation, renders the climate disagree- able, although by no means unhealthy. Vegetation exists wherever there is room for it, but it is seldom handsome. The ''kenua" {Polylepsis racemosa), the wild olive tree {Buddleya coriacea), and the Samhucus Peruvianus are about the only indigenous trees. These grow only on favored sites and are stunted and low. The beautiful and richly flowering shrub called ''cantuta,"— the large carmine, yellow or white flowers ^^ of which are so abundantly represented on ancient textiles and on pottery, —thrives in sunny localities. The potato takes the lead among indigenous culture plants, next comes the oca {Oxa- lis tuherosa), the ''quinua" {Chenopodium quinua), and in sheltered places only, maize of the small bushy kind. Since the sixteenth century, barley and the common large bean^^ have been added to this modest list. Kitchen vegetables would grow well in many places if they were cultivated ; but the Aymara Indian is such an inveterate enemy of innova- tion that all attempts at introducing new plants which might bring about a wholesome reform in his monotonous diet, have failed. Thus on the islands there is cabbage growing wild; on Koati we have seen almost arboriferous cabbage plants. The garden near Challa on Titicaca (er- roneously designated as "Garden of the Incas,") is filled with trees, shrubs, and with an abundance of flowers. It has beds of strawberries that ripen annually; but every- 03 M a »o3 > a ^ P-i THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 19 thing is sadly neglected, now that the owners no longer reside on the estate. The Indian uses the dahlias, the for- get-me-nots, the beautiful roses; he scrupulously plucks and devours all the fruit; but not a single effort would he make for preserving the plants. Only the strict orders im- parted by the owners have saved that beautiful site from utter, wanton destruction. The useful seeds that were dis- tributed among the Indians of Titicaca for their benefit were sown, because it was so ordered, and they germed, grew and prospered. The Indians made use of the proceeds during the first year; afterward no more attention was paid to the plants. I might state tha,t one of the causes for this lies in the fact that few people on the face of the earth are so possessed by greed for money as the Aymara In- dian of the Lake region. Only what can procure coin at once, is prized by him. Hence plants and trees, however productive in the course of time, are of no consequence to him, as they do not immediately yield the coveted cash. At present, vegetables and fruits could hardly be made profitable on the Islands, for there is no market. Naviga- tion on Lake Titicaca is restricted by the laws of Bolivia to Puno, Huaqui, and Chililaya, and no intermediate point can be touched without special permission from the gov- ernment. The Islands of Titicaca and Koati, belonging to Bolivian waters, are therefore cut off from communication with the outer world, Copacavana excepted, which is too small a village to offer any inducement. Hence culture plants other than the potato, oca, quinua, maize, bean and barley are of no immediate advantage to the Aymara In- dian of the Lake. Cupidity, low cunning, and savage cruelty are unfortunate traits of these Indians' character. These traits are not, as sentimentalism would have it, a re- sult of ill-treatment by the Spaniards, but peculiar to the stock, and were yet more pronounced in the beginning of the Colonial period than at the present time.^*^ The Aymara Indian is not at all stupid, but the degree of intelligence he 20 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI possesses seems to be used mostly for evil. Such traits do not necessarily strike the traveler, but if one has to live with the Indians they become woefully apparent.^ ^ In the course of the pages to be devoted to the Islands of Titicaca and Koati, many other points relating to nature and to the inhabitants of the shores and Islands will be mentioned. The picture that I have attempted to present of the Lake and its immediate surroundings is only a super- ficial sketch. It is not a gay picture. Nature is mostly cheerless in that region. Dismal monotony reigns all around, in topography, and in color of landscape ; a stunted vegetation, animal life distributed by local groups and with few prominent forms. The climate is as monotonous as the landscape, in the slight variations of temperature which it exhibits throughout the year ; cold, moist, and abounding in threatening phenomena, dangerous to man directly and indirectly.^2 There are no means for rendering comfort- able the shelter which one builds, for the Puna has scarcely any combustible material within reach of the native except llama dung: ''taquia."^^ The only redeeming features are: The sight of the glorious Andes, and the magnificent sky, when it condescends to exhibit itself in full splendor. These redeeming features, however, have no influence on the Indian ;^^ his heart is untouched by beauties of nature. That nature, so uninviting on the whole, must have, for ages, exercised a steady pressure on the mind of the Indian who was, and is yet, wholly dependent upon it. Three methods of subsistence were open to him,— hunting, agricul- ture and fishery. Hunting was limited to quadrupeds of great fleetness and to water-fowl. Although the guanaco and the vicuna were formerly abundant, they are shy and swift, and it was only in communal hunts that the Indians could secure such game.^^ The same may be said of the in- digenous deer, or ''taruca." ^^ Birds were not so difficult to obtain, and an abundance of edible water-fowl is still seen in many places on the shores. Agriculture enjoyed the ad- > fL, CS M o e3 S3 0) 55D ei THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 21 vantage of a moist climate, and, in the dry season, of irriga- tion. But the plants that could grow were of but few species and all of the coarsest kind of food. The cold rendered im- possible the storing of the potato, in its natural condition. There is not enough combustible wherewith to dry the bulb in quantities, hence the Indian resorted to the expedient of freezing the potato and then squeezing all the liquid out of it, thus preparing the insipid "chunu," one of the meanest articles of vegetable diet.^^ Maize was rarely cultivated. To the dweller on the beach, fishing was possible. Yet it does not seem to have been extensively practised. Thus the primitive inhabitant of the Titicaca basin was, as his neighbor and congener of the Puna and Cordillera, weighed down by a hard climate and scanty resources. It is true that the Indian, having the llama at his disposal, had the resource of commerce; but that commerce also was checked by division into tribes resulting from Indian social organization.'^^ The configuration of the shores fa- vored segregation into small groups, at war with each other. This condition of affairs survives to-day, in the regular hostilities between the Indians of neighboring villages as well as between those of neighboring haciendas. Blood- shed is inseparable from Indian festivals and from certain days in the year. Besides, in the northwest of the Lake, the Aymara are contiguous to another linguistic group, the Quichuas, and historical folk-lore is filled with instances of warfare between tribes of the two powerful and numerous stocks.^^ In the east and southeast, the Aymara spread as far as the hot regions on the eastern slopes of the Andes and, there, came in contact with savages of the Amazonian basin, all of which were, and still are, cannibals. The char- acter of the Aymara Indians could not, therefore, develop under favorable conditions. On the whole the Indian of the Titicaca basin is a being well fitting the nature of that basin. Even the Quichua, although generally of a milder disposition than the Ay- 22 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI mara, is more taciturn and far less approachable than his congeners near Cuzco. These Quichuas show characteristics as unprepossessing as may be found anywhere among the American Indians. The accompanying map of Lake Titicaca, although in- complete, is the best now extant. It is interesting to com- pare it with the one made in 1573 by order of the Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo, a copy of which has been given to me by Don Enrique Gamero of Puno. To this modest but exceedingly well informed gentleman, whose data on the Lake and its environs will be, when published, the most reliable ones concerning the region, I herewith express sincere thanks for many an act of kindness, among which the gift of the ancient map herewith presented is by no means the least. NOTES THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA PART I ^ The altitude of Lake Titicaca is variously given. On the adjoining map it is stated as 3835 meters, or 12,578 feet. James Orton gives it as 12,493 feet (The Andes and the Amazon, p. 427), according to the railroad surveys. The correct alti- tude, however, is 12,466. ^ The (very indefinite) line passes through the northwestern point of the Island of Titicaca, leaving that Island, Koati, and the parts southeast of these islands, as well as the Peninsula of Copacavana and all that lies east of the channel of the Desaguadero, within Bolivian territory. '"It spreads over 2500 geograph- ical square miles, being 100 miles long, with an average breadth of twenty-five miles "( Orton : The A n des and the Amazon, p. 427). It is evi- dent that the author speaks only of the main Lake and does not take in the basins at each extremity, north- west and southeast. Ignacio la Puente gives the following figures: "Su mayor diametro desde la desem- bocadura del rio Eamis hasta una ensenada no lejos de Aygache mide 194,460 metros; el ancho en su ma- ximo, tomado en una direccion per- pendicular a la longitud, desde Cara- bueo, hasta la desembocadura del rio Juli es de 68,524 metros" (Estudio Monogrdfico del Lago Titicaca; ha jo su aspecto fisico e histdrico, in Boletin de la Sociedad Geogrdfica de Lima, Tomo I, p. 365). These figures corre- spond to 122 and 44 miles. But the mouth of the Eamis is not the extreme northwestern, nor is the bay near Aygachi the extreme southeastern, terminus of the Lake. * These figures are taken from the railroad surveys and are therefore reliable. ' That source is at La Raya, 159 miles, by rail, northwest of Puno, and 14,150 feet above the level of the sea. The altitudes of the Santa Rosa, or "Kunurona, " and of the Vilcanota are not yet known. Modesto Basadre assigns to Vilcanota 17,825 feet, and to the other 17,590 feet {Los Lagos de Titicaca, in Boletin de la Sociedad Geogrdfica de Lima, Tomo III, pp. 44- 45). Paz-Soldan gives the height of Vilcanota according to Pentland at 5362 meters, or 17,586 feet {Atlas Geogrdfico del Peril, p. 14). Orton, in a foot-note, says of Pentland 's measurements of the Bolivian Andes that * ' they must have come down 300 feet, " as he determined the altitude of Titicaca at 12,785 feet, instead of 12,466 {The Andes and the Amazon, p. 428). Pentland 's figures for the summits of the Cordillera are below reality. It is much to be desired that the elevation of the most prominent 23 24 THE ISLANDS OP TITICACA AND KOATI peaks of the western or coast range of Peru be accurately determined. It is likely (unless some higher peak be found yet in northern Peru) that Koro- puna, in the Peruvian coast range of the Department Arequipa, is the culminating point of the conti- nent. It exceeds 23,000 feet in height, whereas Aconcagua, in Chili, is but 6940 meters (22,763 feet) above sea level. Pentland also determined the altitude of Misti, the slumbering volcano of Arequipa, at 6600 meters, or 21,648 feet, whereas it is now fully ascertained, through the careful baro- metric observations of Professors Pick- ering and Bailey, that Misti is only 19,250 feet in height. Its neighbor, Charchani, is 1000 feet higher. •Points on the Peruvian shore can be reached without difficulty, if the steamers are ordered to touch there, but in Bolivian waters they are not even allowed to stop in the Lake or off from the shore. These stringent reg- ulations have their cause in the active contraband going on aU along the frontier. ^ Manuel de Mendiburu leaves it in doubt whether 1668 or the year fol- lowing (Diccionario Eistorico-Biogrd- fico del Peru, Tomo III, p. 226). The date is that of the establishment of Puno as capital of a department. The village (puehlo) of Puno existed prior to 1548 (Parecer de Don Fray Matias de San Martin, Obispo de Charcas, sobre el Escrupulo de si son hien ganados los Bienes adquiridos por los Conquistadores, in Documentos ineditos para la Eistoria de Espana, Vol. LXXI, p. 451). Pedro Gutierrez de Santa Clara (^Eistoria de las gue- rras civiles del Peru, 1544 to 1548, Madrid, 1905, Vol. Ill, pp. 44 and 493) mentions Puno as a village (pueblo) extant in 1546. There is no doubt about the identity of Puno with Puno, as the former is described as on the Lake, before reaching Chu- cuito (then the most important set- tlement) on the Cuzco trail. * Chucuito is to-day a village of about 800 inhabitants. It was the cap- ital of the province and is mentioned as such at an early date in Spanish documents. The Indian insurrection of 1780-1781, injured it seriously. Acora has, at the present time, about 500 in- habitants. I do not vouch for the accuracy of these figures; they are taken from Modesto Basadre {Puno, in Boletin de la Sociedad Geogrdfica de Lima, Tomo III, pp. 215-216). * Peru, Incidents of Travel and Ex- ploration in the Land of the Incas, pp. 350-354. " Further on, when treating of the islands, I shall have occasion to refer to the ancient system of rotation in tilled tracts. That system was gen- eral and by no means an introduction by the Incas. The length of time allowed each tract for rest and re- cuperation differs according to local- ities, conditions of the soil, etc. " The objects secured were, as usual, scattered, so that I have not as yet been able to see any of them. " I make this statement provision- ally. The pottery from Cuzco is of a well-defined type and one easily recog- nized. Whether that type originated in the Cuzco valley or elsewhere in the scope of territory occupied by In- dians speaking the Quichua language is a question I do not venture to con- sider. " Besides Sillustani, there are other remains at Hatun-KoUa near by, at Mallqui-amaya, and a number of other sites; also on the Peninsula of Capa- chica. None of these have ever been studied. The best account of Sillustani that has yet been written is that of Squier {Peru, pp. 376-384). In the same work (p. 385) there is a very good picture of the sculptured stones at Hatun-Kolla. The picture contained in the work of Charles Wiener (Perou et Bolivie, 1880, p. 387), as well as his descrip- tion of the ruins of Sillustani, shows THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 25 that the author has never visited the site. It suffices to quote his text on page 386: "Trois tours en granit noir dont deux encore completement debout s'elevent sur le bord de 1 'eau, ' ' There is not a single one of the numerous (not merely three) towers ' ' on the edge of the waters ' * of Lake Umayo. They all stand high above it and at some distance. Wiener's picture of the Chullpas is as inaccurate as his description. The same can be said of the picture of Sillustani in the Atlas of Kivero and Tschudi (Antigiiedades Perua- nas), and of their remarks upon the ruins; with the difference, however, that no pretense to ocular inspection is made by these authors. "We witnessed one of these phenomena, from the port of Puno, in the month of May of last year. Don Enrique Gamero, whose intimate ac- quaintance with the Lake has no equal, assured us that he had seen as many as five at one time. " The report on the large monolith, sculptured, discovered at a distance of two leguas, from the village of Have, is taken from the work of Father Pablo Josef Arriaga, S.J. — Extirpacion de la Tdolatria del Pirv, Lima, 1621, Cap. ix, p. 53: "Avi- sado tengo a vuestra Senoria la dili- gencia, que tengo haciendo contra Yndios hechizeros, y principalmente en razon de vn Idolo de piedra de tres estados en alto muy abominable, que descubri, dos leguas de este pueblo de Hilavi, estava en vn cerro el mas alto, que ay en toda esta comarca en vn repecho que mira hazia donde nace el sol, al pie del cerro ay mueha arbo- leda, y en ella algunas cho(jas de Yndios que la guardan, ay tambien muchas sepulturas antiguas muy grandes, de entierros de Yndios muy sumptuosamente labradas de piedras de encaxe, que dizen ser de las cabe^as principales de los Yndios del pueblo de Hilavi. Estava vna pla^uela hecha a mano, y en ella vna estatua de pie- dra labrada con dos figuras monstruo- sas, la vna de varon, que mirava al nacimiento del sol, y la otra con otro rostro de muger en la misma piedra. — Las quales figuras tienen vnas cule- bras gruessas, que suben del pie a la cabe^a a la mano derecha, y izquierda, y assi mismo tienen otras figuras como de papas. Estava esta Huaca del pecho a la cabe§a descubierta, y todo lo demas debaxo de tierra. Tres dias tardaron mas de treinta perso- nas en descubrir todo el sitio al derre- dor deste Ydolo, y se hallaron de la vna parte, y otra adelante de los dos rostros, a cada parte vna piedra qua- drada delante de la Estatua, de palmo y medio de alto, que al parecer serian de aras, o altares muy bien puestos, y arrancadas de su assiento con mucha dificultad, se hallo donde estava asentada la ara de la estatua, con vnas hogiUas de oro muy delica- das, esparcidas vnas de otras, que re- lucian con el Sol. — Mucho trabaxo e pasado en arrancar este Ydolo, y des- hacello, y mas en desenganar a los Yndios." I regard this statement, which Arriaga copies from a letter, addressed by one of the official ' ' visit- ors ' ' of the rites and idolatries of the Indians, to the Bishop of La Paz in 1621, as fully reliable in the main. There may be some exaggeration in the dimensions of the statue, although three fathoms, or approximately eigh- teen feet, is the length of the tallest monolith (lying on the ground) at Tiahuanaco also. It would seem as if the stone had been placed so as to overlook Lake Titicaca, for the range of hills behind Have (Hilavi) domi- nates the view in that direction. The interpretation of the figures is of course subject to doubt. It is not impossible that fragments of the carved stones might yet be found at or near the site. The ' ' burials ' ' may have been those of former shamans, around the idol or, they may have been houses with house-burials, as on the Puna near by. 26 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI The Augustine F. Alonzo Eamos (Historia de Copacdbana, edition 1860, edited by Sans, p. 49) men- tions the same idol, but gives it only a length of three and a half varas (ten feet, about). He also quotes the visitor Garcia Cuadrado, and adds: "Estaba en el cerro Uamado Tucumu fronterizo a Titicaca, lo adoraban so- bre una losa grande, como al dios de las comidas. " The difference in size, between Arriaga 's statement and that of Eamos, is noteworthy. " The first missionary of the Prov- ince of Chucuito (which then extended as far as Copacavana, Zepita, and the Desaguadero) was Fray Tom4s de San Martin of the order of St. Dominic. It is stated that he entered the prov- ince in 1534, which is an error in date. That date is from Mendiburu (Diccionario, Tomo VII, p. 187). That Fray San Martin was the first missionary is asserted by Fray Juan Melendez (Tesoros Verdaderos de las Yndias, Historia de la Provincia de san Ivan del Perv del Orden de Predicadores, 1681, Tomo I, p. 619) : "El Conueto de Santiago de Pomata esta fundado en un pueblo de Yndios deste nombre, que es de los mas prin- cipales de la grade Provincia de Chu- cuytu a las oriUas de la laguna de Titicaca. Reduxole a la Fe con todos los demas de su distrito el Ylustrisimo Don Fray Tomas de San Martin, co- menzando la labor de su Evangelica sementera, e introduciendo en este, y los demas lugares de aquella nombra- dissima Provincia, muchos Frayles de su Orden, que acabando de sembrar, el grano limpio de la Divina palabra, cogieron para la Yglesia una cosecha de almas inumerables. Tuuimos (como hemes dicho) Conuentos en esta Pro- vincia en Chucuytu, en Juli, en Copa- cauana, y en los demas de sus pueblos Vicarias, hasta el ano de 1569, en que despojados nuestros Frayles de toda la Provincia, sucedio todo aquel quento que ya dexamos esorito del Virrey Don Francisco de Toledo, y el modo, y los motivos, que tuuimos para boluer al pueblo de Pomata" (p. 399). In the year 1565, the Convent of San Pedro Martir de Juli contained twelve Dominican friars, and at the chapter celebrated in the same year, the order received the "houses" (monasteries) of Acora, Have, Zepita, Yunguyu, and Copacavana (p. 411). In regard to the causes that led to the separation of the Dominicans from Chucuito, I refer to the same volume (pp. 444 and 446). That the removal of the Do- minicans was an act of injustice is admitted by the authors of the order of Augustines, which order subse- quently profited by it, in receiving the mission of Copacavana. (See Fray Antonio de la Calancha: Coronica Moralisada del Orden de San Augustin en el Peru, 1653, Tomo II, Cap. vii, p. 35 ; also. Fray Andres de San Nicolas : Imogen de N.S. de Copacavana Por- tento del Nuevo Mundo Ya Conocida en Eurova, 1663, Cap. vi, fol. 33.) " Juli is known as being the place where the Jesuits established their first printing press in Peru. " The Province of Chucuito em- braced, under Spanish rule, all the territory between Pun.o and the Desa- guadero. See map of 1573, published herewith. Diego de Robles says of the Indian population of the province : "Los frailes Dominicos de Chicuito ban tenido tales formas, que pu- diendo aquella provincia dar mas de otro tanto de lo que da, han susten- tado que Chicuito este tasado en muy poco : siendo en aquella provincia doze 6 treze mil indios tributaries, y casi cinquenta mil de todos edades" {Me- morial soire el Asiento del Peru, in Documentos ineditos del Archivo de Indias, Tomo II, p. 36; no date given, but certaiiily about 1570). According to Luis de Morales Figueroa, the num- ber of tributary Indians of Chucuito was 17,779. The proportion being 1 to 3% for the aggregate population, the latter would have been at that date about 62,000 (Eelacion de los THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 27 Indios Tributarios que hay al presente en estos reinos y Provincias del Peru; Fecha por Mandado del Senor Marques de Canete, between the years 1591 and 1596; contained in Volume II of the Pelaciones de los Fireyes del Peru, Madrid, 1871, p. 333). If we compare with these figures the more or less ex- act ones given by Modesto Basadre in his article entitled, Pmjio, in Volume III of the Boletin de la Sociedad Geogrdfica de Lima, we get the following data: District of Chucuito, 7000 (p. 215); Accra, 7500 (p. 216) ; Juli, 6500 (p. 365); Have, 10,000 (p. 366); Po- mata, 3500 (p. 367) ; Yunguyu, 8000 (p. 368); Zepita, 9000; Desagua- dero, 1000 (p. 369) ; HuacuUani, 2000 (p. 370); Pisacoma, 1200; and Santa Rosa about 1600. Total for these eleven districts, nearly 57,300, all of which are Aymara Indians, the whites being in almost insignificant minority. To this number we would have to add, for a fair comparison, the Indian inhabitants of the Penin- sula of Copacavana and of the Is- lands of Titicaca and Koati, which amount to at least five thousand, if not more. The conclusion is reached that the Indian population, of that district at least, has not at all diminished since the early times of Spanish col- onization, but has rather increased. While this is no surprise to me, it shows how unjustified is the hue and cry about extermination of the natives of Peru by the Spaniards. I covdd easily furnish more examples of the kind from all over Peru and Bolivia. " Euins exist near Pomata, at Yunguyu, at Tanca-tanca, etc. Basa- dre mentions some of these (Puno, p. 218). We saw pottery from Pomata which was almost identical with that of the so-called Chullpas in Bo- livia. The pottery of Yunguyu, how- ever, is of the type called Inca or Cuzco. The Miguel Garces collection contains a number of Yunguyu speci- mens. This gives color to the state- ments that Yunguyu was a village or station of the Incas; a sort of en- trance to the Peninsula of Copaca- vana. See Calancha, Coronica Morali- zada, Tomo II, Cap. II, fol. 5: " En el asiento de Yunguyu vienen a estar tan vezinas las costas de la Laguna, que bana al promomtorio de una parte i otra i afirman los Yndios naturales, que estiio el Ynga muy puesto en pla- tica ronper la tierra, i azer lugar por donde las aguas se comunicasen, i aqui tuvo echada una cerca que to- mava de costa a costa, i en ella sus puertas, porteros, i guardas. ..." Calancha mostly copies from the book of Fray Alonso Ramos, of which two perfect copies exist in Bolivia. Fray Rafael Sans, the aged Recollect mis- sionary of Bolivia, has given what he calls a partial reprint of Ramos from an incomplete copy now in Spain. This book bears the title, Historia de Copacabana, y de la Milagrosa Imdgen de su Firgen. Third edi- tion, 1886. He says (Cap. vii, p. 14) : "EI haber sacado el Inca d los na- turales de la Isla trasladandolos a Yunguyo, fue por que quiso poner de custodies del f amoso adoratorio del sol a gentes de su confianza. ..." In the same work he speaks of store- houses (graneros) established near Locca, midway between Copacavana and Yunguyu (Cap. xviii, p. 47). *" The name Huayna Potosi (young Potosi), a Quichua word, is not prop- erly given to the splendid pyramid of the " Ka-Ka-a-Ka. " The latter name is found as early as 1638, in the first volume of Calancha: "En lo que gas- tavan mas sacrificios, i estremavan el culto era en el cerro Illimani Cull- cachata, i en el mas frontero del pueblo llamado Cacaaca, este por ser muy eminente i estar siempre nevado, fue muy venerado de todos los desta Provincia de Omasuyo, en estos eerros les dava respuestas el Demonio, i eran continuos sus oraculos. ' ' But the word "Ka-Ka-a-Ka" itself is a cor- ruption of ' ' Karka- "— (or " Kaka- ' ') 28 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI "Jaque, " (rock man). The altitude of the Ka-Ka-a-Ka is, as near as can be ascertained, 20,320 feet; the ex- tremes being: Minehin, 20,170; and Conway, 20,560 (Sir Martin Conway: Notes on a Map of Part of the Cor- dillera Beal of Bolivia, in Geograph- ical Journal, May, 1900). "■ I have no reliable data in regard to the altitudes of these ranges, but they are certainly very high, judg- ing from the masses of perpetual snow that covers them. They are on the Peruvian side, known as "Neva- dos de Carabaya" and pertain to the Department of Puno. " We noticed that the alpine glow occurred of tener on the Illimani alone than on the whole chain. Most beau- tifully this splendid phenomenon is witnessed from La Paz, either from the bridge spanning the river, or the Alameda or Prado. ^ This has been denied, but we saw the reflection too often and too dis- tinctly from the Island of Titicaca to entertain any doubt. ^ The Rio de Pucara that rises at the base of La Raya is a branch of the Rio Ramis and possibly the prin- cipal one. Hence I consider La Raya as the true source of the Ramis. ^° The water of Lake Titicaca is brackish, but not enough so as to be unpalatable. We drank it during our stay on the Island of Koati for two weeks and found it wholesome and not disagreeable. ^'According to La Puente, the Lake receives much more water than is ex- pelled through the channel of the Des- aguadero, and he accounts for the uniform level of the Lake by evapora- tion, which according to Octavio Pardo is fifty millions of cubic meters in twenty-four hours. In regard to the outflow at the Desaguadero, Puente adds: "El caudal de sus aguas puede estimarse a la salida del lago en 4822 metros ciibicos por minuto" (Estudio Monogrdfico del Lago Titicaca, in Boletin de la Socie- dad Geogrdfica de Lima, Tomo I, p. 382). " Measured depths along the Boliv- ian shore, immediate proximity of is- lands and beach excepted, are mostly in excess of 600 feet. The western or Peruvian half shows as greatest depth, 185.69 meters, or 609 feet; whereas due east of it, near the prom- ontory at Huaicho, depths of 252.5 meters and 256.5 meters, or 828 and 841 feet, are recorded. Wiener states : "J'eus la satisfaction de pouvoir faire une serie de Bondages qui me donnerent en beaucoup d'endroits la profondeur de 530 metres" (Perou et Bolivie, p. 390). How far this writer is capable of stretching the truth can be judged by the following passage on the same page: "La Cor- dillere neigeuse de Sorata se trouve & plus de 30 Ueues du rivage. " Now Hanko-Uma is, in a direct line, not twenty-five English miles from the shore ! Near the little Island of Koa (see map) a depth is recorded of 400 me- ters, or 1312 feet. I do not know on what basis that statement may be resting. We visited Koa and it is certain that the water is very deep there, but we had no means for sound- ings. -* Wiener affirms that the straits of Tiquina have a depth of not less than 70 meters, or 230 feet {Perou et Boli- vie, p. 390). ^ " La mas reputada y admitida in- terpretacion es la que ha dado el Sr. Jose Rosendo Gutierrez: Thia sus- tantivo que se traduce por borde 6 ribera; y Huanaco, participio pasado del verbo desecar. El enigma queda asi decifrado: Borde desecado. Esta interpretacion, justo es confesarlo, esta en consonancia con la naturaleza del terreno y aspecto fisico de la loca- hdad" (Puente: Estudio Monogrd- fico, p. 381). I remain perfectly neutral in regard to the many inter- pretations, leaving it for linguists to solve the problem. But I would re- THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 29 mark here that the name Tiahuanaco does not seem to have been the original one of the ruins. In the work of the Jesuit Father Bernabe Cobo, entitled, Eistoria del Nuevo Mundo, concluded in 1653 and published at Sevilla in 1890, there is the following passage: "El nombre que tuvo este pueblo an- tes que fuese sefioreado por los Incas, era Taypicala, tornado de la lengua aymara, que es la materna de sus na- turales, y quiere decir 'la piedra de enmedio ; ' porque tenian por opinion los indios del Collao, que este pueblo estaba enmedio del mundo, y que del salieron despues del Diluvio los que tornaron a poblar. " Another writer of the same order and a contempo- rary. Father Anello Oliva, asserts: ' ' Passo a las partes de Tyyay Vanacu por ver sus edificios que antiguamente Uamaban Chucara, cuya antiguedad nadie supo determinalla " (Eistoria del Peru y Varones Insignes en Santi- dad de la Campania de Jesus, 1631, Lib. I, Cap. 11, p. 39; at present pub- lished by subscription at Lima), In Aymara, Taypicala signifies "stone between " or "in midst of. ' ' ^ Segunda Parte de la Cronica del Peru, Que trata del Senorio de los In- cas Yupanquis y de sus Grandes Eechos y Gohernacion, published in Madrid in 1880, in Biblioteca Eis- pano-Ultramarina, by Marcos Jimenez de la Espada. Cieza is one of the first authors who wrote about traditions of the Collao, as the regions northwest, west, and south of Lake Titicaca were called. It is worthy of notice, however, that Cieza in his Primera Parte de la Cronica del Peru (in Vol. II of the Eistoriadores primitivos de Indios, published by Enrique de Ve- dia) does not refer to the extraordi- nary power attributed to the white men, in his second part. He simply says: "Antes que los ingas reinasen cuentan muchos indios destos coUas que hubo en su provincia dos grandes senores, el uno tenia por nombre Za- pana y el otro Cari, y que estos con- quistaron muchos pucares, que son sus fortalezas: y que el uno dellos ent.ro en la laguna de TITICACA, y que hallo en la isla mayor que tiene aquel palude gentes blaneas y que tenian barbas, con los cuales peleo de tal manera, que los pudo matar a todos" (Cap. c, p. 443; see also Cap. cv, p. 446). When quoting Cieza I shall al- ways refer to Vedia 's publication of the first part of his writings. '^ This was after the sun had risen out of the Lake and Island of Titi- caca. "Antes que los Incas reinasen en estos reinos ni en ellos fuessen co- nocidos, cuentan estos indios otra cosa muy mayor que todas las que ellos dicen, porque afirman questuvieron mucho tiempo sin ver el sol, y que padeciendo gran trabajo eon esta falta, hacian grandes votes 6 plegariaa a los que ellos tenian por dioses, pi- diendoles la lubre de que carecian; y questando desta suerte, salio de la isla de Titicaca, questa dentro de la gran laguna del Collao, el sol muy re- splandeciente, con que todos se ale- graron. Y luego questo paso, dicen que de hacia las partes del Mediodia vino y remanescio un hombre bianco de crecido cuerpo, el cual en su as- pect© y persona mostraba gran autori- dad y veneracion, y queste varon, que asi vieron, tenia tan gran poder, que de los cerros hacia llanuras y de las llanuras hacia cerros grandes, ha- ciendo fuentes en piedras vivas; . . . Y este tal, cuentan los indios que a mi me le dixeron, que oyeron a sua pasados, que ellos tambien oyeron en los cantares que ellos de muy antiguo tenian, que fue de largo hacia el Norte, haciendo y obrando estas ma- ravillas, por el camino de la serrania, y que nunca jamas lo volvieron a ver . . . Generalmente le nombran en la mayor parte Ticiviracocha, aunque en la provincia del Collao le Uaman Tuapaca, y en otros lugares della Ar- nauan" (Segunda Parte de la Cronica del Peru, Cap. v, p. 5). The Tuapaca may be the same as the Taapac of 30 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI Calancha, of which more anon. It is noteworthy that this tale hints at a temporary darkening, not at a primi- tive appearance of the sun. A con- temporary of Cieza de Leon, and one who had still better opportunity for gathering original information relat- ing to the Indians was Juan de Be- tanzos. He spoke Quiehua fluently and resided long in the country, whither he had come with the con- quest and where he married an Indian girl from Cuzco. Betanzos relates: "Y en estos tiempos que esta tierra era toda noche, dicen que salio de una laguna que es en esta tierra del peru on la provineia que dicen de coUasuyo un Senor que Uamaron Con Tici Vira- cocha, el cual dicen haber sacado con- sigo cierto numero de gentes, del cual numero no se acuerdan. Y Como este hubiese salido desta laguna, fuese de alii a un sitio ques junto a esta la- guna, questa donde hoy dia es un pue- blo que llaman Tiaguanaco, en esta dicha provineia ya dicha del CoUao; y como aUi fuese el y los suyos, luego alii en esta dicha provineia ya dicha del CoUao; y como alii fuese el y los suyos, luego alii en improvise dicen que hizo el sol y el dia, y que al sol mando que anduviese por el curso que anda; y luego dicen que hizo las es- treUas y la luna. El cual Con Tici Viracocha, dicen haber salido otra vez antes de aquella, y que en esta vez primera que salio, hizo el cielo y la tierra, y que todo lo dejo oscuro; y que entonces hizo aquella gente que habia en el tiempo de la escuridad ya dicha; ..." (Suma y Narracion de los Incas que los Indies Llamaron Capaccuna; que fueron senor es en la ciudad del Cuzco, y de todo lo a ella subjecto . . . Agora nuevamente Traducido e Becopilado de la Lengua India de los Naturales del Peru, por Juan de Betanzos; Vecino de la Gran Ciudad del Cuzco, Cap. i. Parte I, p. i ; in the same volume as the Segunda Parte de la Crdniea del Peru, of Cieza). The book of Betanzos is dedicated to the Viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza, and was finished in 1550. At that time, and when Cieza was in Peru, the traditions of the Indians could not yet have suffered much al- teration through Christian influence, and hence the purity of these tales as genuine folk-lore is very probable. The well known author, Garcilaso de la Vega, a mestizo of Inca descent on his mother's side, asserts that he gives, in Chapter xviii of Book I of the first volume of his Comentarios Beales (original edition, Lisbon 1609, folio 16), the true traditions of the Indians of the CoUao: "Dizen pues que cessadas las aguas se aparescio vn hombre en Tiahuanacu, que esta al mediodia del Cozco, q fue tan pode- roso que repartio el mundo en quatro partes, y las dio a quatro hombres que llamo Eeyes, ..." '^ This is not a literal translation ; hence I give the original text also: ' * Echaron el cuerpo bendito en una balsa de eno, 6 totora, i lo arrojaron en la gran laguna dicha *' serviendole las aguas mansas de remeros, i los blandos vientos de pilotos . . . na- vego con tan gran velocidad que dejo con admiracion espantosa los mismos que le mataron sin piedad; i crecioles el espanto, porque no tiene casi cor- riente la laguna i entonces ninguna . . . Llego la balsa con el rico tesoro en la playa de Cachamarca, donde agora es el desaguadero. I es muy asentada en la tradicion de los Indies, que la mesma balsa ropiendo la tierra abrio el desaguadero, porque antes nuca le tuvo i desde entonces corre, i sobre las aguas que por alii encamino se fue el santo cuerpo hasta el pueblo de loa Aullagas muchas leguas distantes de Chucuito i Titicaca azia la costa de Arica i Chile ..." (Coronica Moralizada, Vol. I, pp. 337-338). Ca- lancha extensively describes the actions of two mythical persons, whom he calls saints, and their travels across the South American continent from Brazil to Tarija in southern Bolivia THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 31 and thence as far as the Titicaca ba- sin: "Al uno llamar5 Tunupa, que quiere decir gra sabio, senor i criador, i al otro Taapac, que significa el ijo del Criador, asi lo testifica el Padre Fr. Alonso Eamos, en su Copacavana: i este nonbrado asi, fue de quien que- daron mas memorias de echos en su vida, i de portentos en su muerte en las Provincias del CaUao [Collao], Chuquito i los Charcas" (Ibid., p. 320). Hence we are again referred to the book of Eamos as the source of the information imparted to Calancha. Indeed in the Historia de Copacdbana of Sans, already mentioned, which purports to be (at least in its first part) a reprint of the work of Bamos, we find that the body of Taapac, after he had been killed by Indians on the Island of Titicaca, was placed on a balsa and set adrift on the Lake. ' ' Y refieren los antiguos: que un recio viento lo Uevo hasta tocar en tierra de Chacamarca ; que la abrio con la proa, haciendo correr las aguas hacia el sud, formando asi el Desaguadero, que antes, dicen que, no lo habia, y por ese nuevo rio fue fiotando hasta los Aullagas ..." (Cap. xvii, p. 96). Title and date of the book of Eamos are: Historia del celebre y milagroso Santuario de la Ynsigne Ymdgen de NfaSfa de Copacabana, Lima, 1621. The traditions referred to seem to be folk-lore of the Indians of Copacavana and perhaps of the Island of Titicaca. ^ It is strange, however, that an au- thor of the same period as Calancha, and an Indian at that, Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamay- hua, while speaking of Tonapa and his miraculous deeds, makes no mention of his death, still less of his portentous opening of the Desaguadero. He limits himself to saying: "Dizen quel dicho Tunapa paso siguiendo al rrio de Chacamarca, hasta topar en la mar" (Belacion de Antigiiedades deste Beyno del Piru. Published in 1879 by the Ministerio de Fomento at Madrid, in the volume entitled: Tres Belaciones de Antigiiedades peruanas, p. 240). However, he agrees with Eamos in that the route taken by Tonapa from Tiahuanaco was toward the Desaguadero. Salcamayhua was an Indian from the southern part of the actual Department of Cuzco, and the traditions which he relates are Quichua as well as Aymara, while those referred to by Eamos and Ca- lancha are exclusively Aymara folk- lore. This may explain the differ- ence. '* It would be superfluous to quote extensively in support of a statement that is so abundantly repeated by al- most every Spanish author. The be- lief in the rising of the sun out of Lake Titicaca was perhaps the result of daily observation, for it may ap- pear to the Quichua inhabitants of the northwestern extremity of the Lake that the sun does actually rise out of the water. Later on I shall again refer to this tale of the origin of the sun and moon from the Island of Titicaca. *" ' El profesor Alejandro Agassiz examinando atentamente las terrazas de las costas del lago, se ha persua- dido que el nivel de las aguas ha ba- jado de 121 metros 92" a 91 metres 44"" (Puente: Estudio Monogrdfico, p. 367). My friend Agustin Tovar, in his short but very interesting study entitled: Lago Titicaca; observa- ciones sobre la disminucion progresiva de sus Aguas, in Boletin de la Socie- dad Geogrdfica de Lima (Tomo I, pp. 163-167) records a number of indica- tions of the gradual diminution or shrinking of the great watersheet. Thus he states that, thirty-three years ago, the Lake reached as far as the suburbs of Puno, where to-day culti- vated plots are scattered all along, the water having receded at least five ciui- dras. He also refers to a tradition current among old Indians to the effect, that the Lagune of Umayo, where the 32 THE ISLANDS OP TITICACA AND KOATI famous ruins of Sillustani stand, was formerly connected with Titicaca by an intermediate lagune called Illpa. Umayo is five leguas from the shore of the great Lake. ^^A case of a balsa being cut in twain by one of the Lake steamers during a dark night, in the Straits of Yampupata, was related to us by the survivors. They simply held on to the pieces and were saved. ^ A table of temperatures of the water, at depths from 8.36 meters to 256.49 (26 to 841 feet), has been given by Agassiz, and I refer to it from Puente (Estudio, p. 368). The extremes are 15 centigrade at 30 meters 10" (99 feet), and 10.6 centi- grade at 137 meters 10" (450 feet). The greatest difference between the temperature at the surface of the wa- ter and the bottom temperature was at 46 meters 88" (154 feet). °^ I give these technical names from Puente (Estudio). '*I never saw the bird, however common, near enough to note details. It is most likely a bandiirria, which Puente calls Falcinellus Bidgwayi and Theristicus caudatus (Estudio, p. 376). Tschudi mentions two kinds of ibis, the bandurria, Theristicus meJanopsis ; and the yanaruico, Ihis ordo (Peru, 1846, Vol. II, p. 100). *" ' ' En el lago existen seis especies de pescados pertenecientes a las fa- milias de los Cyprinoides y Siluroi- des" (Puente: Estudio, p. 376). Probably taken from A. Agassiz and S. W. Garman: Exploration of Lake Titicaca. The species eaten to-day are: the suchez, Trichomycterus dis- par; the umanto, Orestias cuvieri, and especially the boga, 0. Pentlandii. " I refer to a belief, current among all the Indians on the Islands of Titi- caca and Koati and on the Peninsulas of Copacavana and Tiquina, of the ex- istence, in the Lake, of a large aqua- tic animal described as resembling either a seal or a sea cow. "When treating of these islands I shall give further details. We never saw this mysterious beast, but the Garces col- lection contains a tooth said to have been taken from a specimen. It may be, as Professor W. Nation suggested to me, that it is a gigantic Silurus ; but the fact that it has been seen sev- eral times, according to the Indians, "asleep on the beach," would indi- cate a seal-like animal. *^ A grave objection to the former existence of a ridge in the direction indicated lies in the fact, that the Lake has an enormous depth along that line. " In No. 10 of the Revista of La Paz, Vol. I, No. 10, there is an article entitled: Piano del Lago Titicaca by J. L. M. The author gives the width of the Strait of Tiquina at 860 meters, or 2820 feet, a little over half an English mile. Puente (in Estudio, p. 378) gives it at 629 meters. ■" The altitude of lUampu is, accord- ing to Conway (Notes on a Map of Part of the Cordillera Eeal), 21,- 490 feet (taking the mean of three de- terminations). The extremes are: Pentland, 21,286; Conway, 21,710, The extinct volcano Sajama, in the western Cordillera of Bolivia, is probably higher, but not as high as the Sapo and Koropuna in the Depart- ment of Arequipa in southern Peru. The proper name of Illampu is Han- ko-Uma (white water). Illampu is a corruption of " Hila-llampu " (lit- erally, much fine snow). I owe this suggestion to Dr. Macario Escobari, of La Paz, Bolivia. The name Hila-Uampu, or, by contraction, Illampu, is given to the mountain at some distance from it, on the Puna. The northern summit, about 200 feet lower, is called Hilampi (brother with); also "Hanko-Kunu" (white snow). *^ The church of San Pedro Tiquina is quite old. Sans notices a chapel at San Pedro Tiquina as early as 1582. The mention is from a written statement by the Indian Francisco THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 33 Tito Yupanqui who carved and fin- ished the celebrated image of the Virgin so much venerated at Copa- cavana: "E estubo en Tiquena la Vergen en la capilla de San Pedro un poco de tiempo" (Historia de Copa- cabana, p. 136). San Pablo was an annex to the Augustine convent of Co- pacavana in the seventeenth century. During the great Indian uprising of 1781 it was (like most of the settle- ments in that region) the scene of a horrible Indian butchery. ^ lUimani is a corruption of ' ' Hila- Uma-ni" (much water possesses, liter- ally). At Liu jo, on the northwest- ern slopes of the mountain, or rather cluster of peaks, the Indians assured us that it was properly called "Jilli- mani ' ' (Spanish j) , but they also called it Achachila and Uyuiri. The latter was interpreted to us as signifying: feeder of the crops; because the wa- ters of the niimani irrigate the fields of the natives of that section. But this etymology appears quite doubt- ful. In Descripcion y relacion de la Ciudad de La Paz, from 1586 (con- tained in the second volume of the Belaciones geogrdficas), is the fol- lowing: "Hay otra adoracion que se llama Hillemana (Illimani), ques una sierra alta cubierta de nieves que per- petuamente se le hacen, y asi Hille- mana quiere decir; 'cosa para siem- pre, ' y desta causa los naturales la tienen en adoracion" (p. 71). "En esta Cordillera se van continuando muchas sierras unas de otras y cada una tiene su nombre; y la ques mas notable cerca desta ciudad se llama Hillemana, ques una sierra que per- petuamente esta nevada, y asi el nom- bre quiere decir: 'eosa perpetua' " (p. 75). I never heard this definition in Bolivia. The altitude of Illimani is 21,190 feet, according to the mean of six de- terminations, the difference between the extremes being 340 feet (Conway: Notes, etc.). Sir Martin Conway was the first and thus far the only one who reached the summit, in Septem- ber, 1898. A number of years ago, some Indians from the hacienda of Tanimpata attempted the ascent. One reached the upper snowfields, but never returned. Wiener claims to have ascended as high as 20,112 feet, to the second peak, which he called "Pic de Paris" (Perou et Bolivie, p. 408). Few explorers (if any) have resided so long in close proximity to the glaciers of Illimani as we did in 1894, 1895 and 1898. We were very anxious to ascertain everything relat- ing to ascensions of the mountain, and have been assured that the only known attempt to ascend lUimani (the one by Indians excepted) was made by Professor Eod. Falb and President Pando of Bolivia (then a youth), who reached an elevation of about 20,000 feet and were still at a considerable distance from the summit. Of an as- cension by Wiener, nobody had any knowledge, and his claim was derided as pure invention, both here and at La Paz. In 1877, when Wiener states he made his ascension, Falb had al- ready made his, but not a word is said about it in Wiener's book! Without positively asserting that Wie- ner 's ascent is a myth, I am forced to state that we were unable to find any- one who knew anything about it or believed in it, in Bolivia and all along the Illimani. On the 10th of October of 1895 we made a reconnoissance from the hacienda of Cotana. Cotana lies at 8150 feet, according to our baromet- ric observations, compared and re- duced by Professor S. J. Bailey of the Harvard Observatory of Arequipa. Wiener has, on page 405, only 8006. We followed the route taken by Falb, but having been delayed until 6.30 A.M. by our guide, it was noon when we arrived at Chua-chua-ni (altitude 13,670), where the mules had to re- main. Thence we climbed to 16,050 and found ourselves above one of the small glaciers issuing directly from 34 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI the upper snowfields. It was already 3 P.M. and we were not prepared to spend the night on that spot. Now, it is evident from Wiener's description that he took the same route, but his measurements give figures as much as 2,000 feet in excess of ours, which as stated were carefully reduced after long comparison of the instrument with the barometers of the Arequipa Observatory. The description of the ascent is also completely at variance with the truth. Furthermore it is impossible, even if starting at 2 a.m. as Wiener claims to have done, to reach the altitude he mentions at 4.30 P.M., and return to Quichu-uaya, which he calls the "residence of the Ilacata" (p. 412), at 9 p.m. of the same day. A descent from lUimani at night is fraught with such dangers as to be practically impossible, espe- cially when we consider that there are no guides to be obtained, and that one has to grope his way even in the day- time. To give an idea of the marvel- ous rapidity of Mr. Wiener's ascent, in regions where the rarification of the air is a powerful obstacle, I give his own figures (page 413) : Starting from an elevation of 15,092 feet at 11 a.m., he ascended, in two hours and thirty-five minutes, 1770 feet; thence in 69 minutes, 1450 feet; thence again in 36 minutes, 1200 feet; and finally the last 600 feet in an hour and a half. The time noted includes that used for observing and recording the hypsometer! " The main use of the totora is for constructing balsas. Even the largest of such craft are made of long bun- dles of reeds; they form the hull and bulwarks. But the totora is also a nutritive plant, as the tender points are often eaten by the Indians, and even by Creoles, in the shape of a salad, with red peppers. It is said to be of fair taste. The totora grows only in shallow bays and inlets. It is found in abundance in the bay of Hua- rina, hence the great number of fish- ing balsas cruising between Chililaya and Tiquina. All along the shores of the Peninsula of Copacavana the wa- ter is deep and descent from the beach abrupt; hence but very few bal- sas are seen, because of the scarcity of totora wherewith to construct them. ** Of the genus Cantuta. The most prominent is the red variety, C. buxi- folia, the yellow is rare and the white rarest (see A. Eaimondi: Elementos de Botdnica ApUcada a la Medicina y la Industria, 1857, p. 285; also Pu- ente: Estudio, p. 387). " The bean is of the kind called Tidbas, a large and coarse variety. The Indians eat it toasted. That this kind of bean is not indigenous is shown by the following statement of Father Bernabe Cobo, S.J. : "Las ha- bas, Garbanzos, Lentejas y Frijoles pequenos, llamados en Espana Judi- huelos, se han traido a esta tierra y se dan donde quiera copiosamente. — En algunas partes, como en la diocesls del Cuzco y en la de Chuquiabo, han entrado mucho los Indios en el uso de las Habas, y hacen sementeras dellas, particularmente en las tierras mas frias que templadas, donde suelen helarse los maizales, porque las Ha- bas sufren mas los hielos que el Maiz y que otras muchas legumbres ' ' {His- toria del Nuevo Mundo, Tomo II, p. 417). "" Even Cieza says of the CoUaos in general : " Y que eran viciosos en otras eostumbres malas" (Primera Parte de la Cronica del Peru, Cap. c, p. 443). Pedro Pizarro says: " Estos indios destas provincias del CoUao es gente sucia, tocan en muchos pecados abominables ..." (Belacion del Bescubrimiento y Conquista de los Ecinos del Peru, 1571, in Vol. V of Coleccion de Documentos ineditos para la Historia de Espana, p. 280). Such statements could be easily multi- plied. " The stranger, who remains but a short time among the Aymards, is THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 35 easily misled by their submissive manners, their cringing ways, and especially by their humble mode of greeting the whites. Upon closer ac- quaintance, however, the innate fe- rocity of character cannot remain concealed. That they are, at this day, occasional cannibals is well known throughout Bolivia. Further on I may refer to several very recent cases of cannibalism, not in one district only, but in various parts of the territory occupied by the Aymara stock. " Hailstorms are not only frequent but often destructive. The quantity of hail that falls now and then on certain spots of the shore is astound- ing. We have seen it remain for two days after the storm, completely whitening the ground as if covered with heavy snow. The Aymara name for hail is: "chij-chi. " "^ The combustible most in use is dried animal dung. Where stunted shrubbery is within reach, as on the Island and on some parts of the Penin- sula of Copacavana, it is used in pref- erence to the repulsive taquia, as the other combustible is called. But at most places this relief is not at hand. " Among the Aymara I have found the same utter lack of sense or taste for the beautiful or picturesque in nature that had struck me among northern Indians. The phenomena of nature that fill man with awe and cause him to tremble for his chattels or his person, are the only ones that affect the mind of the Indian. '^ The vicuna and the guanaco were both common, in ancient times, on the shores of the Lake or rather in the districts near these shores. Among the animal bones collected and sent to the Museum by us, there are remnants of both of these species of Aucheiiia. In addition to the communal hunt or "chacu, " single hunters pursued the fleet quadrupeds, using the bolas. or "Uiui. " Cieza says of the Collao: ' ' Desde Ayavire comienzan los Collas, y lleganhastaCaracoUo. Al oriente tienen las montanas de los Andes, al poniente las cabezadas de las sierras nevadas y las vertientes dellas, que van a parar en la mar del Sur Sin la tierra que ocupan con sus pueblos y labores, hay grandes despobiados, y que estan bien llenos de ganado silvestre" (Primera Farte de la Cronica del Peru, Cap. xcix, p. 442). Garcilaso de la Vega, like Cieza and others, asserts that the chacu was especially an Inca custom or institution and that the promiscuous hunt of the auchenias was prohibited; but, as usual, he contradicts himself. I refer to the following passage: "La gente plebeya en general era pobre de ganado (sino eran los Collas que tenian mucho) y por tanto padecian necessi- dad de carne, que no la comian sino de merced de los Curacas, 6 de algun conejo que por mucha fiesta matauan, . . . Para socorrer esta general ne- cessidad mandaua el Inca hazer aque- llas cacerias, y repartir la carne en toda la gente Comun, ..." (Comen- tarios Eeales, Tomo I, f ol. 135) . Hence he confesses that in the Collao the hunt of these quadrupeds was free. Later on I shall refer to the society called ' ' Chayllpa, ' ' which seems to cor- respond to the esoteric order of hunt- ers among the New Mexican pueblos. One of their dances is called the ' ' chacu-ayllu, " or " chokela ' ' and is a ceremony recalling their ancient communal hunts. Pedro Pizarro ex- plicitly says: "Cada aiio hacian cer- cos en que tomaban destas vicunas y guanacos y las tresquilaban para la lana para hacer ropa para los senores, y las reses que morian hacianlas ce- cina muy delgada secandola al Sol sin . . . En estos despobiados habia grandes ganados como digo: y haci- anse estos cercos por mandado de los senores, hallandose ellos presentes al- gunas veces y recreandose en ellos" (Eelacion del Descubrimiento, p. 280). By "senores," he certainly does not mean the chiefs of Cuzco ex- clusively. ^ Cervus antisiensis. 36 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI " The preparation of this insipid article in ancient times was not dif- ferent from the process now used. Fray Diego de Mendoza writes as follows: "Las papas que en esta Ee- gion se dan, son de las que se haze el Chuno, amargas, que llaman Luque [' ' choque, ' ' probably] . Sacanlas de la tierra, y sobre una camada de paja, las tienden a que les de el yelo, quando mas riguroso cae de noche; y de dia las ponen al Sol, por termino senalado, despues las cubren de paja, y pisan reciamente, estrujandolas, luego las ponen al Sol a que los en- jugue sin dexarlas humor algun, y quedan de tres partes la vna El Chuno bianco, 6 moray, de regalo, lo benefician a las corrientes de el agua, y despues lo enjugan, y sazonan como el otro" (Chronica de la Pro- vincia de S. Antonio de Los Charcas del orden de nfo seraphico P. S. Francisco, en las Indias Occidentales, Eeyno del Peru, 1664, Lib. I, Cap. v, p. 37). The same, or very nearly the same, process is used to-day. For the common or black chunu, small and in- different-looking potatoes are selected ; for the white or "tunta, " white po- tatoes with thin skins are set apart. In case of the common chunu, the po- tatoes are crushed; but in making the tunta the potatoes remain entire. Both kinds are first thoroughly soaked and the black chunu remains in pools of standing water for a long time, un- til it emits an almost pestilential odor. They are next spread out to freeze, and when thoroughly frozen, crushed to express every drop of liquid, and then dried. The white tunta, as stated, is not crushed, and further- more it is washed in running water. The process has remained substan- tially the same since pre-Spanish times. ^ ' ' Concuerdan unos y otros que sua antecesores vivia con poco orden antes que los ingas los senoreasen; y que por lo alto de los cerros tenian sus pueblos fuertes, de donde se daban guerra, y que eran viciosos en otras costumbres malas" (Cieza: Cronica, Part I, Cap. iii, p. 443). I limit myself to this quotation, as it ex- presses more or less what all other sources state. " I purposely omit mentioning in the text the Uros, a small group of Indians who were found living at and along the Desaguadero and still live in that vicinity. The language of the Uros has been studied, and again quite recently by Dr. M. Uhle of Ber- lin. Until such linguistic researches appear in print we should withhold any opinion in regard to this singular group of Indians, living as they do completely surrounded by people of another linguistic stock. The condi- tion of the Uros seems to have been the same in the sixteenth century as now, although they are considerably intermingled with Aymara blood through intermarriage. In the church books of Tiahuanaco, kindly loaned to us by the parish priest, Father Eseo- bari, we found a number of marriages with Uro Indians (Libra de Cassados que pertenese a este pueblo de Tia- guanaco comienza a ocho de henero de 1694. As MSS. . . The book ends 1728). Church records are very im- portant, since they contain the names of a number of ayllus, or clans. In three instances the names of Uros are given, together vdth the name of the clan to which they belong, and the name of the village in which they lived. Thus, from Huarina, Uros are mentioned as belonging to the ayllu Pocona; from the Desaguadero, the clan Camana; and from ChallacoUo, the clan Cuchisa. Whether these clans were of the Uro tribe or Aymara I am not able to say. The best descrip- tion of the Uros at my command is by Calancha : * * Estos son Indies Uros barbaros sin policia, renegridos, sin linpiega, enemigos de la comunica- cion, i nada afectos al culto de nues- tra Fe; tienen por sustento i gran- geria pescar en la laguna de Paria THE BASIN OF LAKE TITICACA 37 quien tiene treynta leguas cle cireun- ferencia procedida de la gran laguna de Chuquito llamada Titicaca .... los que abitan en tierra, es en aepul- turas debajo de tierra por el frio, i quando viven en la laguna, son sus casas sobre barbacoas i enea; vease el eneuentro, que siendo tierra donde nieva i graniqa, duerman en sotanos i viven en el agua; los Indios Vros na- cen, se crian, viven, en esta laguna sobre el agua en la enea, que aca Ua- man totorales, son muy espesos, i deste genero de junco livianos, aqui abitan sin mas ropa ni cubierta (con ser tierra muy fria) que unas esteras desta enea. Andan alii desnudos 6 casi en carnes, comen muchas vezes la carne cruda, i el pescado casi vivo, i las raizes desta totora 6 enea. No sienbran, ni tienen labran^as . . . Su lengua es la mas escura, corta i baruara de quantas tiene el Peru toda gutural, i asi no se puede escrivir sin gran confusion . . . Sus idolatrias son adorar al Sol i a esta laguna, k quien azen adoraciones de sumision, i le ofrecen comidas de Maiz, pero ellos ensuzian el mismo Dios que adoran . . . son lobos porque se comen una oveja cruda, i traen la una del dedo pulgar de la mano derecha tan larga i tan afilada, que desuellan sin necesitar de cuchillo ..." (Coronica Morali- zada, Tomo I, p. 350). The feuds be- tween the Quichuas and the Aymaras and the tales of warfare between Za- paua and Cari, the former from the Peruvian Collao and the latter from Chucuito, are too often reported in older sources to need special quota- tions here. THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI Part II THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI THEIR PHYSICAL ASPECT AND GENERAL CONDITION THE shape of the Island of Titicaca, the largest of the many that dot the surface of the great Lake, has been compared to that of an elongated toad; and Koati has been said to resemble a whale. In both instances the com- parison is fair. The longitudinal axes of both Islands run from southeast to northwest; and Titicaca appears, as al- ready stated, like a continuation of the Bolivian mainland of Copacavana in the direction of the northwestern end of the Lake, near Huancane. I refer to the accompanying maps of these Islands, exe- cuted on the scale of 2560 feet to the inch, for an idea of size and form. Although made with care, I cannot guarantee their absolute exactness. The theodolite which I used was not a first-class instrument, and had suifered at Llujo from constant use among large deposits of iron ore.^ While sub- sequent surveys will doubtless correct many defects, I still believe my maps to be sufficient for the purpose for which they were made, namely, to illustrate shape and size, and especially the topography in connection with the location of ancient ruins. Koati, where its extreme northwestern headland of Uila Peki (f, of the adjoining map) approaches the nearest point on Titicaca, lies about four miles east-southeast of the latter. Koati is separated from the Peninsula of Copacavana at Sampaya by nearly two miles; but Titicaca, as stated, is 41 42 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI only two-thirds of a mile from Yampupata on the same Peninsula. The greatest length of Titicaca, counting from the Puncu (28) to Sicuyu (s), is seven miles. Its greatest width, from the beach below the steep ridge of Kakayo-Kena at Chullun-Kayani (15) to the eastern foot of Kea-Kollu (7), is not quite three miles. Koati measures one and three fourths miles in length and not over one half of a mile at its greatest width. The highest points on Titicaca— Chullun-Kayani and Palla-Kasa (11)— rise slightly over eight hundred feet above the level of the Lake, whereas Uila-Ke on Koati is not over four hundred feet high. The highest points of the two Islands are, respectively, 13,300 feet and 12,900 feet above the level of the Pacific Ocean. The surface of Titicaca is so broken, and its contour so indented, that a trip across the whole length of the Island is indispensable for obtaining a clear idea of its topography. The '' Puncu" is the landing-place for visitors reaching the Island by the way of Copacavana.^ Set ashore there, they find themselves at the foot of steep slopes covered with a stunted vegetation, and traversed laterally by innumerable terraced garden-beds, or andenes. A trail, rather steep and rocky, leads upward to a denuded crest. Along this trail a magnificent panorama gradually unfolds. First of all, one finds himself looking down on an ancient ruin, the structure called Pilco-Kayma, flanked by smaller buildings and by terraces that sweep around folds descending to the beach. The waters of the Lake bathe that beach in long, dark-blue ripples ; and in the distance rests the Island of Koati with its reddish headland. Above the Promontory of Santiago Huata bristles Illampu, "the crown of the Andes. "^ Beaching the crest, the panorama becomes more extensive and more varied. To the right, the buildings of the hacienda of Yumani (B) nestle close to the rounded top of a bold promontory. Far below the hacienda rise groves of trees surrounding the garden of Yumani and the so-called ' * Foun- tain of the Incas" near the water's edge. Indian houses N X 02 O .a THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 43 dot undulating slopes in the north, slopes that descend ab- ruptly toward the Lake and rise abruptly to the top of Palla-Kasa (11), one of the two highest summits of the Island. We cross the crest, and a view spreads out as dif- ferent from the one described as shadow from sunlight. The side from which the trail rises is the sunny side ; beyond the crest the view opens to the southwest and south, away from the sun. The distant horizon is encompassed by the monotonous shore-line of Peru. The main Lake expands like a sheet of silver beyond the crest of Kakayo-kena, and the red hump of Condor-o-ua-ua-cha-ue (14). At the foot of this long and narrow promontory, that forms the south- western wall of the Island, lies the southern Bay of Kona, scarcely ever ruffled by tempests. From the trail the slope descends toward this bay in steep grades, terminating in narrow strips of green and divided by grajdsh ledges of rock down to the water's edge. The trail runs on to the northwest, hugging the base of higher points : first, Kuru- Pata (10), at the foot of which opens a little valley affording a glimpse of the northeastern shore, where, at the Bay of Pucara, the conical height of Kea-Kollu (7) rises; further on, the twin heights of "Llalli-Sivi-Pata," or Santa Bar- bara (12 and 9), again hide the sunny side from view, and the Bay of Kona and the long ridge of Kakayo-kena with its dark green bottom appear on the left. After leaving the cluster of huts at Apachinanca (q) the landscape becomes desolate for a while ; but from the corner of Llalli-Sivi-Pata on, the somber western portions of the Island disappear and the eye rests with delight on the graceful summit of Kea- Kollu, the bays of Kea and Challa, and the inlets of Cliampu- Uaya (20) and Coyani (25). The slopes are dotted with Indian houses, and green in summer with cultivated jDatches and terraces and long lines of shrubbery growing out of the decaying walls of abandoned andenes. Illampu stands out beyond the Lake, and the snowy ranges of Charassani loom up in the north. To the left rise the heights of Challa-Pata, 44 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI Inak-Uyn, and the Calvario (6, 5, 4). After we have turned the slope of Inak-Uyu, the sandy isthmus of Challa lies at our feet, with the house of the hacienda (the hospitality of which we enjoyed for so many months), its chapel, and some straw-roofed Indian dwellings. That isthmus leads to the Peninsula of Uajran-Kala (18, 19). We look over the handsome Bay of Challa, the peninsula beyond, the Bay of Maynuani, the projections of Llaq'-aylli and Ye-ja-chi (f and 17), and the little Islands of Lauassani, Kenata and Chuju. It is not a view ; it is a relief-chart spread out at our feet. To reach, from Challa, the extreme northwestern point of the Island at Sicuyu, the trail must be followed along the beach by the once beautiful and, with all its decay, attractive garden (23), to the Isthmus of Kasapata (e) and its ruins. Directly north of it rises the Peninsula of Llaq'-aylli. This short stretch is one of the most lovely on the Island, and the view from Kasapata, across the Bay of Maynuani, the Isthmus of Challa, and beyond the northern promontory of Kea, is enchanting. Koati lies in full view, and the great Bolivian Cordillera closes the horizon. Kasapata is the last inhabited spot in that direction. Beyond it, and as far as the crest of Muro-Kato (3), bare rock predominates on the slopes descending from the Calvario. The basin at the foot of what is called the ' ' Sacred Rock, " or ' ' Rock of the Cat," Titi-Kala (a), is covered with shrubbery. West of the Sacred Rock a green slope descends to the northern Bay of Kona, and here the view changes again to the shadowy side. The ridge of Kakayo-kena terminates in a point in the north as well as in the south. The waters of the bay are always placid, for the Island of Kochi protects them. Northwest of the Sacred Rock, the Promontory of Ticani (2) terminates the Island. Its rapid slopes bear scrubby vegetation, except on the south, where the rocks of Turi-turini (41) stand out in vertical cliffs. The extreme northwestern projection, Sicuyu, is low and partly covered by thickets, and the view from it extends far to the north- THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 45 west, where the surface of the Lake meets the horizon. Sicuyu is a forlorn spot, well fitted for an abode of the dead. Titicaca is perhaps one of the most picturesque Islands on the globe, from the number of bays, inlets, promontories, and bold summits. Besides the two large bays of Kona and the one of Challa, the Island counts along its shores twenty larger or smaller coves and inlets. An equal number of sharply defined mountain-tops, rising from 400 to 800 feet above the Lake, give to its surface a peculiarly varied as- pect. Hence the scenery abounds in contrasts. Surrounded by the magnificent water-sheet of the Lake, in full view of the Andes,^ Titicaca lacks but arborescent vegetation and the presence of civilized man with his resources for com- fort, to make it a spot worthy of being counted among the precious sites on the earth's surface. The rocks of the Island, as well as those of that part of the Peninsula of Copacavana that lies immediately in front of it, belong to the carboniferous series. Seams of coal crop out at various points, and a coal mine has been worked at Yampupata for a number of years.^ At Kea I saw a handsome specimen of fossil plants of the carboniferous age. The strata on the Island are much tilted, and lifted up toward the northwest, as far as I could notice. Only the long ridge of Kakayo-kena is formed almost exclusively of limonite, and that mineral crops out at its base even, in the bottom of southern Kona. But I should not be surprised if other minerals were found also, for instance, at Kea-Kollu. The geological structure of the Island has not, to my know- ledge, been closely studied, although D'Orbigny devoted some attention to it.^ It may be said that the greater portion of the Island is covered with scanty vegetation, scant in forms and scrubby in size. No part of it appears completely denuded except the northern slopes, from the vicinity of Challa to Sicuyu, and even there only in places, as on the rocky slides between 46 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI Kea and the foot of Ifiak-Uyu, to the summit of that height and its neighbors of Challa-pata and Calvario, and thence to Ticani. Vertical cliffs rise in a number of places; but even at the foot of rocky slides, in cavities at the water's edge, lovely groups of ferns are seen. The only indigenous tree-form is the kenua {Polylepsis racemosa), found in small groves and in few places. This tree does not grow to any considerable height, but its trunk assumes a great bulk in the course of many years of growth. At the garden of Challa there is a very ancient kenua tree, the diameter of which is quite five feet. The abundance of fresh water with which the Island is supplied fosters the growth of vegetation to a degree not common at that altitude. Springs are numerous and the water of excellent quality. In summer, when rains are most abundant, lively brooks and even small cascades rush down the steep declivities. Hence, wherever the sun can strike disintegrated rock, thus moistened, vegeta- ble germs may thrive and tiny groups of plants will arise. Wherever, on steep slopes, a thin crust of soil impinges on bare rock, the ''kara," a tall Yucca or Dasylirion-like plant with fleshy, dentated leaves and sharp spines, grows in pro- fusion. The popular Spanish name for this singular and quite abundant vegetable type is comida de oso (literally, bear food). It is especially abundant on the northern slopes of the Calvario and of Ticani. A number of plants grow upon the Island, which are used by the Indians for medicinal purposes, or are known to them as having medicinal proper- ties. Mrs. Bandelier collected and sent to the Museum a number of plants, gathered under the direction of an Indian medicine-man on the Island. The list appended contains about twenty species used for healing and for sorcery, two practices which are inseparable among the Indians. Be- sides, there are some which the Indians do not care to indi- cate to the stranger. One of the most common and most generally used of these medicinal plants is the verbena. Plate X The Indian authorities (Ilacata and Alcalde) of Challa on Titicaca Island THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 47 Shrubbery grows mostly along the lines of abandoned andenes, and in and among the ruins. It forms the dark- green lines that striate the steep slopes of the Island and gives them a peculiar aspect from a distance. The hand- some shrub of the country, the red cantuta, is found at Pucara (m) and at several other places on declivities facing the north. It is possible that this beautiful shrub was trans- planted thither from the mainland during colonial times. In shallow bays like that of Challa, and in the inlets form- ing the shores of southern Kona, the useful totora grows in a belt of varying width. It is only at Challa that its growth is sufficient to permit the construction of balsas. The sup- ply at Kona is too small, hence the Indians of the hacienda of Yumani are dependent upon those of Challa for the mate- rial for the ferry on which they cross the Yampupata channel. Animal life is by no means scarce, but mostly aquatic. Of quadrupeds we have seen only a field rat. But it is well known that a species of wildcat, called ''titi" (and '*mulu- mulu" on the flanks of the Illimani), occasionally comes across from the mainland.'^ On the Island, raids by the titi are rare, and I doubt very much if it can be rightly called an ''aquatic feline," as the people of the country sometimes describe it.^ Birds are abundant. The beautiful ''alka- mari," known in the Peruvian Sierra under the name of ' ' chinalinda, ' ' a tall buzzard of handsome chestnut plumage, white breast, and bright yellow feet, stalks about, and al- ways in pairs. It allows the stranger to approach quite near and only rises to fly away a short distance. A gray eagle soars along the shore. Stately gray-and-black night- herons stand on rocks in secluded inlets. The Bay of Challa, especially, is enlivened by flocks of divers, and by handsome chokas. We have seen, between the belt of totora and the beach, as many as thirty divers chasing each other, together with a number of chokas tranquilly swimming among the bustling crowd. From time to time the beach was visited by 48 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI a pair of ' ' huallatas, " the stately goose of the Puna,'* white, with dark wings— a beautiful bird, and capable of domestication.^** What is commonly called the "cuervo," a species of cormorant, is most abundant on the small Islands near the northern extremity of Titicaca, where it has its nests, and where hundreds are usually seen to roost. The ' ' leke-leke, " or ''lliclli" {Charadrius resplendens, Tschudi),^^ often visits the sandy beach of Challa or the marshy bottom of Pucara. Lastly, swarms of small green parrots {Bolhorhynchus andicola^^) occasionally ap- pear (to the detriment of crops) and fill the air with dis- cordant screams. To see such a flock suddenly arise from a thicket recalls a handful of emeralds thrown into the air. Reptiles are represented by toads, and by small lizards seen on dry and rocky spots and among ruins. The Indians say that a large water-snake, over twelve feet in length and of proportionate thickness, which they call ''yaurinka," fre- quents the rocky shores of the southern Bay of Kona. We have no positive evidence of the existence of this reptile,^^ nor of that of the large aquatic animal resembling a seal,^^ which, according to the belief of the Indians and many of the white and mestizo population, exists in the waters of the Lake. It is interesting to note the tenacity of this belief, which can be traced to several generations and to a number of different sources having no possible connection. We are reminded by it of certain fantastic animal types carved on metallic objects from the Island of Koati, as well as of pottery from the village of Ancoraymes, on the eastern Bolivian mainland,^^ also of the ancient wooden goblet, found at Santa Maria, representing an Indian spearing a huge fish. Fish are seen often in the clear waters of the Lake. The Indians of Titicaca are not much addicted to fishing, but we were told that as many as twelve different kinds of fish are found in the Lake. The two most common are the boga (Orestias) and the suchis. >a. Plate XI Reduced copy of Indian pictograph (church ritual), from "Boletin de la Sociedad Geografica de Lima. Vol. V." Original presented to that Society by Don Abel Mendez of Puno, Peru ■n!i!l >^ rf^ iff j lilflfrj^ fill {fill -vrVvf^^^ i-f -^'^f-^o •n^:t^^^ THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 49 Insects are not numerous. A small spider, with steel- colored abdomen and red legs, is abundant about rocky sites and ruins. I saw at Sicuyu, when opening burial cysts, a small scorpion. Hymenoptera are more numerous, Lepi- doptera scarce, and limited, so far as we saw, to Diurnidae of the Argyymis, Vanessa, and smaller genera. I would recall here the remarkable specimen of pottery sent to the Museum from our excavations at Kasapata, on which is a very good representation of a crepuscular moth and of a diurnal but- terfly common to warmer climates. The execution of the painting of these butterflies is so true that it could have been done only from nature ; that is, by capturing the speci- men and spreading it out after the manner of modern collectors. Of Coleoptera we have seen only very few speci- mens. Insects which are disagreeably prominent through their intrusion upon man, like Pediculus capitis and espe- cially Pediculus vestimenti, also Pulex irritans, are, to the disgust of him who must associate with the Indians, pain- fully abundant on Titicaca Island. Having already referred, in the preceding chapter, to the climate in general, I would beg to add only a few statements relative to the physical appearance of the Island of Koati. Although the air-line distance from the eastern end of Koati to its western termination is but one and three fourths miles, the Island is more than two miles long, if the sinuosi- ties of the crest are followed. The shape is that of a gable- roof. The western termination is a butte of red rock, nearly two hundred feet high, and the eastern end is formed by similar rocks abruptly terminating over a low sandy projec- tion. With the exception of that point and the triangular low projection of Uito-pampa (e), the beach all along is narrow and mostly covered with drift and boulders. The slopes are steep, slightly folded, and, on the north side, covered with a bushy vegetation and rather tall grass. Along the crest, single keiiua trees, and even clusters, are not uncommon. Wild olive trees also occur. On the 50 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI whole, Koati has, on its northern slope, a better flora than Titicaca. The southern, in many places, never receives direct sunlight, and therefore is much colder. In June we noticed thin ice, for whole days, in shady recesses along the southern shore. The only source of fresh water on the Island is a small spring at the western end of Uito- pampa, and its supply is insufficient even for half a dozen persons. Hence the inhabitants must drink the water of the Lake, which is, as stated before, slightly briny. Animal life on Koati is similar to that on Titicaca, but less abundant. While treating of Koati, I will briefly describe its actual condition (1895) in regard to population and products. The permanent population of Koati is, in reality, reduced to about twelve or fifteen Aymara Indians of both sexes. Their dwellings, with one exception, all lie on the southern or shadowy side of the Island. At times, however, the Indian population increases to thirty and forty through accessions from the village of Sampaya on the mainland, to which pueblo the Indians of Koati belong. The Island is owned by Dr. W. del Carpio of La Paz, who visits his prop- erty once or twice a year, leaving, at the time we visited it— 1895— its management mainly in the hands of the Indian authorities of Sampaya. Intercourse between Koati and the mainland is therefore irregular. When the Indians have to go to the village or to Copacavana, a balsa or two will cross and recross ; but if they have no cause for making the trip, the visitor on Koati may remain cut off from all the world for several weeks. Sometimes even money, unless offered in excessive quantities, cannot induce the Aymara Indian to confer a legitimate favor. ^^ Culture plants on Koati are limited to potatoes, oca, quinua, and maize. The northern part of the Island is espe- cially adapted to the cultivation of Indian corn. In 1895 the Indians had on the Island some domestic animals, among them one llama. Since then conditions are somewhat im- proved. An attempt by the owner to plant eucalyptus trees THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 51 on the southern side, and in front of the buildings of the hacienda, gives hope for a favorable result. The construc- tion of the building at a point as chilly as the slope above Uito-pampa appears at first incomprehensible; but the proximity of the mainland and the convenient landing-place, owing to shallowness of the water (which elsewhere around Koati is of great depth), explain the selection. In the course of this study I shall again refer to Koati, but I now revert to the Island of Titicaca, where the population is much more numerous, the resources are more varied, and the relation to the Indian population of the mainland of greater importance. The Island of Titicaca belongs to the jurisdiction of Copacavana, hence to Bolivia, in administering judicial and ecclesiastical matters. Originally the whole Island was the property of the Garces family of Puno, in Peru. The resi- dence of the owners was Challa. A number of years ago the southern extremity became property of the Bolivian family of Guarachi, so that the Island is now divided into two hacien- das, the much larger one of Challa belonging to Peruvians, and the smaller southern portion owned by Bolivians. The Island is permanently inhabited only by Indians, for the owners reside there but a short time in the year. The local authorities are Indians, namely, an alcalde and an ilacata at Challa, and another alcalde and another ilacata at Yumani. The Indians are estimated at 800, all told, of which by far the greater number belong to the northern hacienda. It cannot be said that there is a village on the Island. There is a group of houses at Challa, another cluster at Kea and on surrounding eminences, a scattered group at Pucara, houses here and there on the slopes, and hamlets at Yumani and Uacuyu (22). A considerable portion of the soil is, not- withstanding the steepness of the slopes, cultivated or at least tillable, thanks to the system of terraced garden-beds adopted by the Indians since time immemorial, or rather forced upon them by the nature of the ground. There are 52 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI also pasturages, like the bottom of Pucara, the grassy swell- ings of Ciriapata and Marcuni (g and 19). The western portion of the Island, especially the long and elevated ridge of Kakayo-kena, is uninhabited, although patches of ground are occasionally cultivated even there. The crops raised are : Potatoes, oca, quinua, beans of the large and coarse kind called Jiahas, and a little maize. Of the now neglected gardens I have already spoken. Potatoes being the main staple, the manufacture of chunu is also the chief industry. The products are carried on donkeys and by carriers as far as the Puncu, thence by balsa to Yampu- pata on the mainland, and to Copacavana on the backs of donkeys or on the backs of men. What the hacienda of Challa gives to its owners is sometimes carried to Puno by balsas in a three days' voyage; and what the Guarachi family needs at La Paz is taken to that city on pack animals from Yampupata. Domestic animals abound on the Island. The Indians have, as usual, a good supply of ugly mongrel dogs, which they feed as little as possible. There are some domestic fowl, many donkeys, and occasionally a diminutive mule. A horse is sometimes seen. Sheep exist in large flocks. Vicious and powerful bulls are used for ploughing with the preadamite plough, and even the master, much more the stranger, is not safe from these savage and treacherous brutes. The cows are ill fed and uncared for ; but still they give milk, which is converted into a very fair cheese and sent to Puno. A sporadic cat, few rats and mice, some very familiar swine, a few ducks and geese, and a very ill-natured turkey, together with the guinea-pig (called in Bolivia ''rabbit"— co^ejo, and in Peru "cuy"), constituted, during our stay on the Island, the remainder of domesticated animals. As Pediculus vestimenti to the Indian's garb, and capitis to his hair, so is the guinea-pig to the Indian's kitchen. These extremely reproductive animals render ex- istence in a cooking-place desperately lively for the unac- Plate XII Manuel Mamani, one of the leading medicine-men (Lay'ka) on Titicaca Island THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 53 customed visitor. Sleep in such a place, with the many- hued, rat-footed, and tailless rodents bustling about and chattering with their teeth, is impossible, unless one is extra- ordinarily tired. Although there is an abundance of water-fowl, ducks in- cluded, on and about the Island of Titicaca, the Indian does not take advantage of it as a supply of meat; but he fre- quently hunts for the eggs. The yolk is green and the taste decidedly fishy and unpalatable; but the Indian relishes such food. It is chiefly on the small islands near the north- western extremity of Titicaca that thousands of birds roost, and thither the Indian goes in his balsa, returning some- times with a full load of eggs and also of young birds. These Islands (see map) are six in number, the smallest of which is Chuju, and the largest Kochi, or ' ' Kuji-huata. " Lauassani, which is the most eastern, is low and flat and has at its eastern extremity a still lower extension, which fea- ture has given rise to the belief that an ancient dyke for- merly connected it with the main Island. We could not find anything to support this belief ; but noticed some faint ves- tiges of walls and terraces on the island indicating that in ancient times it may have been, at least temporarily, inhab- ited. West-northwest of Lauassani lies Kenata. It has the shape of a triangular pyramid, and on its steep slopes are traces of ancient terraces. We did not land on Chuju, but passed near enough to be able to scan its sides. No vestiges of ancient remains could be seen. Payaya, which is farthest from Titicaca to the north, is low and flat, like Lauassani, and we saw what appeared like remnants of walls. Koa is by far the tallest. It has the shape of a cupola ; slopes are very steep, in many places vertical. On its eastern side grottoes have been washed out by the water, and one of them has a handsome portal with two openings. Graceful ferns drape them. One of these entrances is the doorway to a long winding passage, the floor of which is covered with 54 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI water for some distance. This passage has not yet been explored, as the fear that it might be the home of some aquatic animal has deterred every one from penetrating to more than a hundred feet.^^ It is believed this natural gal- lery traverses the whole island and has an exit on the oppo- site western side. We were shown the almost inaccessible cleft where that exit is supposed to be. Kochi is by far the largest of the cluster. We did not visit it, owing to the late hour of the day,^^ but we saw it very near and from all sides. It appeared bleak and denuded, and Don Miguel Garces informed us that it contained no vestiges of antiquity and that its slopes were exceedingly slippery. It is near Koa that, according to Baluarte, the extraordinary depth of 400 meters (1312 feet) is said to have been noted. I do not know on what authority this statement is made, but Koa has the reputation of being surrounded by the deepest waters of the Lake. The lower islets, Lauassani and Payaya, are covered with dense shrubbery and abound in handsome flowering plants. These islands struck us as bearing more abundant and vigorous vegetation than most sites on Titicaca. The grass especially is rank and tall. Hence small flocks of sheep are sometimes carried to them and left to pasture for months. They need no herder and no care whatever, feed and water being both abundant, and some shelter being afforded either by the shrubbery or by the rocks and cliffs. These islets are, as stated, the home of thousands of aquatic birds. Koa especially, with its numerous rocky shelves, is inhabited by countless families of black, slender- necked cormorants. When we approached the island, on the eastern side, every ledge and projection was occupied by nests filled with eggs or with young birds. Six Indians had attached themselves to our crew for the purpose of robbing the nests. On our homeward voyage to Challa we met a balsa, the only occupant of which was paddling his craft toward the Island of Kenata on a similar errand. NOTES THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI THEIR PHYSICAL ASPECT AND GENERAL CONDITION PART II * The group of ruins called, re- spectively, Condor-konona, Kupanita, and Torno Kupana, above the hacienda of Llujo, and 12,900 feet above the sea, are built on ferruginous rock with an abundance of limonite, in nodules and otherwise. The compass of my theodolite became so much affected thereby that I had to have it remagnetized at La Paz. It was done as well as possible, but not with the accuracy that would have been ob- tained elsewhere. * Squier gives the plan of an an- cient edifice through the remains of which the trail from the Puncu passed at this time (Peru, p. 333). There are faint vestiges left, but it would not be possible now to recog- nize the plan still obtainable in Squier 's time. I fear that my gifted predecessor occasionally looked at things on Titicaca with rather im- aginative eyes; for instance, the ' ' line of an ancient road supported by terraces of large stones" (p. 335) cannot be found any more, and I doubt very much if it ever existed. With these exceptions, his description of the trail across the Island is very good. ^ I borrow this beautiful and ap- propriate term from Squier (Peru). The plate which faces page 268 of his book gives a fair idea of the ap- pearance of the mountain as well as of the scenery in general. * From the northern half of the Is- land Illimani is not visible, but from the knoll in front of the hacienda of Yumani. I consider the panorama from that spot to be one of the most magnificent mountain views in America or Europe. The eye em- braces, in almost a semicircle, the Cordillera of Charassani as well as the whole of the Bolivian range, from Illampu to Illimani. " The mine was opened and worked by a Scotchman, Mr. Alexander Dun, but the conditions of trade and com- merce were such that it had to be closed. David Forbes (Report on the Geology of South America, 1861, pp. 48, 49) mentions carboniferous for- mations on both sides of the Lake. Since his time it has become a well- known fact. • I have not at my command the works of D 'Orbigny and Gabb and hence quote them from the essay of Puente so often referred to (E studio Monogrdfico del Lago Titicaca, pp. 384, 387). In regard to the quality of the coal we heard various opinions. Many claim that it is excellent, and 56 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI others declare the reverse. It has not as yet been fairly tested. ' The existence of this wildcat has been denied, but we have abundant proof of it. Among others, it is men- tioned by Puente: "En los cerros que rodean la laguna se halla el gato montes, Titi, mas grande que el do- mestico, de color pardo, alistado como la piel del tigre real, que vive de la caza de aves que le proporciona el lago" (Estudio, p. 387). Further on I shall refer to the connection of that animal with some traditions re- garding the Island. * If, as Puente states (see note 7), the titi feeds also on water- fowl, it would account for the belief that it is amphibious, a statement which was gravely repeated in the La Paz newspapers in 1895. " Chloephaga melanoptera, or Ber- nicla melanoptera. In the Peruvian Sierra it is called "huaehua. " We found this beautiful bird also at the foot of the glaciers of lUimani, in altitudes exceeding 13,000 feet. " There are two domesticated hua- llatas at Uacuyu, a group of buildings above the hacienda of Yumani. "Pera, Vol. II, p. 100. ^^ Professor W. Nation. See Puente, Estudio, p. 374. " Fray Andres de S. Nicolas (Imogen de N:S: de Copacabana) mentions a belief, that the shrine on Titieaca was guarded by large snakes. Cobo (Historia del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 62) states: "Contaban los indios viejos que era guardado ese santuario por una sierpe 6 culebra grande; y pudo ser haberles hecho el Demonio ese engano para cebarlos mas en el que les hacia en lo principal; mas, lo que yo entiendo, es que el decir que cercaba toda la isla una culebra entendieron, y se debe entender, por el agua de la laguna que cine la isla, la cual en los dias claros retocada con los rayos del Sol, hace que en la playa las olas parezcan culebras pin- tadas de varios y diversos colores. " This effect of light is often seen on the Lake and from the Island. " The usual description recalls a sea-cow. Don Miguel Garces has in his collection a tooth supposed to have been taken from the dead body of such a creature, found in some re- mote corner of the beach near Copa- cavana. There lives at Challa an In- dian who lost his mind upon seeing the animal on the beach. Very large Siluridae are known to exist else- where. I refer among others to the enormous specimen caught years ago in the Lake of Neuchatel, in Switzer- land. It is very curious that nearly all those who have seen the myste- rious beast have noticed it on the beach, asleep. Upon being aroused it plunged into the water and disap- peared. Those that were seen at Tiquina in the month of May of 1895 were described to us as follows: Length about twelve feet, head like that of a bear with a tuft of hair of moderate length (not a mane, as has been stated), body covered with short and smooth hair of a coffee-brown color. The animal approached the shore toward evening, and was neither shy nor savage. At Huarina I was told by the principal inhabitants that whole families of these animals have been seen in sheltered coves, sunning themselves, and that it was well known to the Indians and older in- habitants. Several apparitions of the mysterious creature on the beach, at diverse places, but always about the peninsulas of Copacavana and Santi- ago Huata, have been related to us by parties having no connection with each other. ^ I allude to the heads forming handles of goblets or pitchers, mostly painted, which we obtained chiefly from the singular site of Kea-Kollu Chico (1), and more particularly to the three pieces of gold-leaf in the shape of two-legged animals, obtained at Koati. The latter may be anything from a hippopotamus to a condor. THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI 57 ^^ Years ago Koati was inhabited by two parties who exposed them- selves to the grave suspicion of mak- ing counterfeit money. When, how- ever, Bolivian troops were sent to search the Island for proof, nothing could be found. The craft that landed the detachment, returned to some remote point on the mainland; and the little band of soldiers with their officers found themselves in the worst of plights. There was no food on Koati and no way of getting out of the Island. At last it became pos- sible to communicate with the shore and to secure relief. " It was at Koa that, about sixty years ago, an Indian saw, asleep on rocks in the grotto, a beast resem- bling a cow. The sight so frightened him that he did not venture to awaken the creature, but he saw it near enough to describe its shape and color; and both agree with the de- scription by parties who claim to have seen the animal at Tiquina and within six feet of the beach. " It was in June that we were finally enabled to visit the smaller islands. The positive orders of Miguel Garces to have a balsa ready for us at any time were utterly dis- obeyed, by his own manager of the property as well as by the Indians. It was only when, through the kind- ness of Garces and of Don Abel Men- dez, we obtained a handwheel-boat at Puno, that we were able to make the voyage. THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 03 o o PI Pi Part III THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA FEW, if any, of the present inhabitants of the Island of Titicaca are direct descendants of the Indians who occupied it at the time of the conquest. After Pizarro had established himself at Cuzco in the latter part of 1533, he sent, early in December of that year, two Spaniards to recon- noiter the Lake region, of which he had already heard. ^ The two scouts remained absent forty days and returned with the following information : ' * The two Christians that were sent to see the province of the Collao delayed forty days on their journey, from which they returned to the city of Cuzco, where the Governor was. They gave him an account and report of everything they had learned and seen, as will be related below. The country of the Collao is distant, and far away from the ocean, so much so, that the natives inhabiting it have no knowledge of it (the sea). The land is very high, somewhat level and, besides, unusually cold. There are no trees, nor is there any firewood, and what of the latter they may use, is gotten by them in exchange of goods with those who dwell near the sea called Ingri, and reside also along the rivers in the low- land, where the country is warm; and tliey have firewood. From these they obtain it against sheep and other animals and vegetables ; for the rest of the country is sterile, so that all sustain themselves on roots of plants, on herbs, maize, and some little meat. There are in this province of the Collao many sheep, but the people are so submissive to the 61 62 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI lord to whom they owe obedience that, without his permis- sion or that of the principals or governors that are in the country by his command, none are killed, and not even the lords and caciques venture to slaughter and eat any, unless it be with his license. The country is well settled because it is not destroyed through war as are the other provinces. Their settlements are of moderate size and the houses small, with walls of stone coated with earth (clay), and thatched with straw. The grass that grows in that coun- try is sparse and short. There are a few streams, but small ones. ' ' In the middle of the province is a big lake about a hun- dred leagues in size nearly, and around this lake is the most peopled country. In the center of the lake are two small islands, in one of which is a mosque temple and house of the sun, which is held in great veneration, and in it they go to present their offerings and perform their sacrifices on a large stone that is on the island, called Thichicasa, which, either because the devil conceals himself there and speaks to them, or because it is an ancient custom as it is, or for some other reason that has never been found out, they of the whole province hold in great esteem and offer to it gold and silver. There are [on this Island] more than six hundred Indian attendants of this place, and more than a thousand women, who manufacture Chicca [chicha] to throw it on this rock. ' ' ^ After this first hasty visit by the Spaniards (either late in December, 1533, or in the first days of January, 1534), it is not impossible that Titicaca as well as Koati were aban- doned by the Indians of Inca descent.^ Cieza states : ' * On large islands that are in the lake they (the Indians living on the shore) plant their crops and keep their valuables, holding them to be safer there than in the villages along the road. ' ' This was in 1549, fifteen years after the first visit.* "What transpired during these fifteen years is vaguely in- dicated by various sources. Thus the name of the first •73 c6 M w PI '3 THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 63 Spaniard who visited the Island is given as Illescas, an officer of Pizarro.^ It is not clear, however, if Illescas was one of the first two explorers or whether he commanded a larger party sent afterward to seize the gold and silver sup- posed to have accumulated on the Island/ A modern source, claiming to base on the earliest manuscript informa- tion, asserts that a visit to Copacavana was made by Gon- zalo Pizarro in 1536, and that, on that occasion, the Indians were apportioned according to the system of *'Enco- miendas.""^ If any reliance could be placed on the source alluded to, Diego de Illescas would have been at Copacavana in 1536, in company with Belalcazar and Pedro Anzurez de Campo-redondo, but it is well known that Belalcazar was in Ecuador at the time, and that Anzurez returned to South America in 1538!^ In 1536 the Spaniards were blockaded at Cuzco by the Indians for ten months. Hence, while it might be barely possible that a small detachment had stayed on the Lake, cut off from communication with Gonzalo and Hernando Pizarro, but on friendly terms with the Aymara Indians, it is very doubtful. No mention is made of it in any contempo- raneous document at my command.^ A work of considerable importance on Peruvian antiqui- ties, but written more than a century after the conquest, by the Jesuit Father Bernabe Cobo, contains the statement that Francisco Pizarro sent three Spaniards to the Lake to visit the Island and take from it a statue, half gold and half silver, which they are said to have brought to Cuzco. ^^ If this is true, it must have happened subsequent to the first visit, else it would have been alluded to in the report from 1534. Nevertlieless, Cobo favors the (then general) belief that the main ceremonial objects were, upon the coming of the Spaniards, concealed or thrown into the Lake. The Augustine Fray Alonzo Ramos, who was a resident of Copa- cavana at the same time as Cobo, but wrote fully thirty years before him, states : " To what we have already said 64 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI about [the temple of] Titicaca we shall add that it was the most frequented one in the realm and with great riches, which, according to common belief, the Indians threw into the Lake when the first Spaniards entered the Island with the captain Illescas."^^ Vizcarra affirms in regard to the Island of Koati: ''And when the Captains Alzures [An- zures] and the Illescas, with the Franciscan Fathers, came to the peninsula [Copacavana], although they attempted it in 1536, they could not reach it [Koati] from lack of time, and because they thought it was, as well as that of the sun [Titicaca], deserted and waste. "^^ After the blockade of Cuzco had been raised and the bloody dissensions between Almagro and Pizarro terminated through the death of the former, Francisco Pizarro himself came to Cuzco in 1538,^^ while his brothers Hernando and Gonzalo invaded the CoUao with the avowed intention, says the treasurer Manuel de Es- pinall, of going to an island called "Titicacao," said to con- tain much gold and silver.^^ Their attempt seems to have failed, for the younger Almagro, in his accusation against Pi- zarro (1541) accuses Hernando Pizarro of an attempt to hunt for the treasure in the Lake, in which attempt ten Spaniards were drowned ! ^^ It shows that five years after the first visit the gold and silver believed to have existed at the shrines of Titicaca and Koati were already looked for in the waters of the lagune and not any more on the Islands. I am loath to admit as yet that any visit was made to the Islands between 1534 and 1538, and incline to the belief (until otherwise in- formed) that the Quichua attendants of the shrines, after secreting the principal fetishes, abandoned both isles, the Aymara Indians alone remaining. What the first Spanish explorers of Titicaca reported on the numbers of its Indian occupants (1600) must be taken with due reserve.^^ It appears, therefore, that the Islands were occupied, as a place of worship mainly, at the time of the conquest, and long previous, but that a part of the population abandoned it very soon after the first visit by the Spaniards. Informa- THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 65 tion concerning the Island from times anterior to 1533 rests, of course, exclusively on tradition. In 1550 Pedro de Cieza finished the first part of his valu- able Cronica del Peru, in which he mentions folklore to the effect that "white men" with long and flowing beards had "once upon a time" inhabited Titicaca and were ex- terminated by (Aymara) Indians from the CoUao,^'^ A contemporary of Cieza, and, like him, a soldier— Pedro Gu- tierrez de Santa Clara— has preserved what he claims to be genuine Indian lore, according to which the inhabitants of the Island, many centuries prior to the sixteenth, invaded the mainland and established themselves at Hatun-Colla, near Puno. According to the same source, the Inca tribe were originally Islanders and made war on the people of Cuzco, which warfare began about in the fourteenth cen- tury.^ ^ I merely allude here to these very uncertain tales, having to treat of them in another chapter of this mono- graph and with greater detail. The same is the case with the (much better founded) statements concerning the occu- pation of the Island by the Inca, in the latter half of the fifteenth ^^ century, which will be discussed in the archaeo- logical sections. Suffice it to mention here that at the time when the Inca first visited the Island they found it inhabited by Aymara of the Lupaca branch, or rather, who spoke the Lupaca dialect of the Aymara idiom. It seems that these were partly driven to the mainland, while some Quichua and a number of women established themselves, or were estab- lished, around the shrine and at other sites, chiefly for cere- monial purposes.2^ After the Spaniards had become complete masters of northern Bolivia, in 1538, it becomes difficult to trace the condition of the Island until the end of the century. On the map made by order of the Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo in 1573 (herewith published) the "Embarcadero," or place where people from the Peninsula of Copacavana were wont to embark in order to cross over to Titicaca Island, is indi- 66 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI cated ; hence it may be the Island was inhabited at the time. From the same time (1571-1574) Juan Lopez de Velasco, cosmographer royal, conveys the information (obtained at second or third hand) that in the "great lagune of Chucuito, in the language of the Indians Titicaca," there are "many islands peopled by natives, who navigate it in their canoes and plant their crops on the islands, and keep in them, guarded as in a stronghold, the most precious things they have ; and so, anciently, in the time of the Incas, there was a temple of the sun, great and very rich. ' ' While the Count de la Gomera was Governor of Chucuito (end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth century) he caused "all the uncultured Indians to be removed from the islands. "^^ Whether this measure was limited to the islands in the vicinity of Chucuito or whether it was also extended to Titi- caca and Koati is not certain. At the close of the sixteenth century the Dominican Fray Gregorio Garcia, a resident of Peru and Bolivia for a number of years, describes the islands as deserted, which might indicate that they were de- populated under pressure of official measures.^^ On the other hand, the Augustine Antonio de la Calancha, about thirty years later, published: "On the islands which its archipelago embraces, and especially on the largest one of Titicaca, there are great numbers of Indians, either as fugi- tives from the Doctrine, or on account of being troubled by the Corregidores and Caciques, or as fishermen for their own sustenance, and not a few of them in order to continue in their idolatrous practices. "^^ Thus, although the Island may have been abandoned for a number of years, at the close of the sixteenth and in the beginning of the seven- teenth century, it was reoccupied afterward by Indians, but there seem not to have been any white settlers on it until the eighteenth century, or perhaps later. I have as yet been unable to find out if the Island was inhabited at the time of the great uprising of 1780. The historical notices presented above are meager, but 03 ai PI 'T3 THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 67 they indicate that few, if any, direct descendants of the Indians who occupied Titicaca in the early part of the six- teenth century can be looked for on the Island to-day. While the great majority of the Islanders are to-day Aymara by language, and regard themselves as such, it is not un- likely that Quichua, even Uro, and perhaps Chachapoyas elements ^^ are mixed with them, and the statement of the actual owners of Titicaca, that its present Indian popula- tion is of comparatively modern origin and has settled on it from various places, should not be lost sight of. While the women on the Island are usually of the low stature of other female Indians, there are among them some of middle height and more slender than, for instance, the Pueblo Indian women of New Mexico. Among the men there are some tall and well formed figures, with pleasant faces; many are of low stature and have sinister counte- nances. It is not unusual to meet an Indian with a remarkably low forehead and abnormally elongated skull. It is known that flattening of the forehead was carried on for at least half a century after the Spanish authorities had perempto- rily forbidden the practice.^^ The Indians, not only of this Island but of the Puna in general, are rather a hardy race. Nevertheless, diseases are as frequent among them as among ourselves. With us, care is taken to keep the upper extremities of the body cool and the feet especially warm. The Aymara Indian goes bare- footed, trudges for hours, nay for whole days, in the ice-cold waters of the Lake up to the knees, while on the head he carries a pointed woolen cap with ear-laps drawn down, and a hat over that cap. Over his shirt or jacket he wears a poncho, more or less thick and more or less ragged and dirty, that reaches, when very long, as far as the knees. Thus only the upper part of the body is protected and the feet are bare. It is true that their feet gradually obtain a natural protection through the skin being thickened and hardened by constant exposure. Usually, the Indian wears 68 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI a sandal of leather.^*^ Shoes or gaiters are worn only on festive occasions and are quite clumsy. The soles are about an inch in thickness, the heels three inches high, the uppers thick, often decorated with painted rivets and strings, and in the soles are ponderous nails with rounded heads. This festive foot-gear of the Aymara presents a striking but not graceful appearance. The Aymara of Titicaca, and probably the whole tribe, suffer from colds, coughs and lung diseases.^'^ Protracted exposure to the cold waters, such as a long voyage on the Lake during stormy weather in an unprotected balsa, pro- duces sometimes an ailment which we successfully cured with nitrate of potash.^^ Skin diseases we found to be common on the Island. During our stay Mrs. Bandelier was besieged by men, women, and children begging for re- lief from what they erroneously call itch. All our supply of Peruvian balsam became exhausted, for, if applied together with sulphur, the treatment was invariably successful. This contagious disease began to show itself at the end of Janu- ary, and by the middle of March over thirty of both sexes and all ages had been cured. It is certain that smallpox and measles occur, although we had no cases during our stay there. It is equally true that the former, especially, makes the same havoc among the Indians of Titicaca as among northern tribes. A number of less dangerous diseases have come under our observation and have usually yielded to the contents of our medicine chest, specially prepared at Lima. From consumption down to toothache, nearly the entire scale has been represented.^^ A very common ailment is indigestion, produced by a happy combination of coarse food and excess of alcoholic liquids. Beside exposure to cold and moisture, the mode of living is the chief cause of the ailments to which these people are subjected. Their houses are mostly of stone, the more or less shaped blocks being laid in common adobe mud.^** They are usually of one room only, and I noticed the same distribution of the THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 69 home into three buildings or more, which I had previously- noted among the Indians of central and southern Mexico.^ ^ A residence usually consists of at least three small rectan- gular and thatch-roofed buildings, each with its door and without any windows. One of these buildings is the kitchen, another is officially regarded as the dormitory, and there are one or more storehouses. This arrangement prevails in the Bolivian as well as in the Peruvian Puna. Around Juliaca and up the valley toward Ayaviri the numerous dwellings of the aborigines, each surrounded with several outhouses of almost the same size and shape, are scattered over the level expanse like so many tiny hamlets.^^ Living in close, low, and usually very filthy abodes is not hygienic. Furniture is limited to the most primitive. In- stead of a bedstead, there is a so-called "gallo," or bench, made of adobe. On this bench the ponchos of the inmates are spread, and there they sleep, sometimes with a straw mat under the poncho. Not unfrequently the dormitory is united with the cooking-place,^^ and then the family shares the room with numerous guinea-pigs, domestic fowl, or dogs, and even with swine of tender age.^^ In the kitchen of the hacienda buildings at Challa there dwelt the ' '■ Unya-siri, ' ' or Indian warden of the house, with his consort, a number of guinea-pigs, two white rabbits, and an occasional chicken. Chairs are not common, but still they are found and are invariably, as well as the tables, of the low kind so common ten years ago among the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico.^^ In the house of our ' ' compadre ' ' at Kea-koUu, where we spent a number of ''picturesque" days, a table had been built with two ponderous stone slabs supporting a heavy stone plate. Such a home is not without some attempts at decoration. The walls have niches, and these niches some- times contain a carved image and a few modest flowers. A saucer containing fat stands before the object of worship, and a burning wick timidly protrudes from the vessel. 70 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI Crucifixes are not rare, although not generally displayed. Painted images we do not remember to have seen in Indian homes on the Island.^^ It lies so utterly ^ ' out of the world ! ' ' The valuables of the Indian are stored, or hidden away rather, in the store-rooms, and it is more than indiscreet to attempt to enter one of these. Hence a store-room is only known to us from the outside, or as far as the casually opened door permitted, in which case one or more of the family would surely block the way as thoroughly as possi- ble. Mistrust is one of the leading traits of Aymara char- acter, a mistrust which is partly the consequence of frequent abuses committed by political and ecclesiastical authorities. It is also due in part to the possible concealment, in such places, of objects of ancient worship and especially of sorcery. I would say here that the Aymara Indian is as mistrustful of his own people as he is of a stranger.^'^ The kitchen furniture reduces itself to a hearth of clay, called ''kere," provided with a firehole, and one or more holes on which to place cooking vessels. There are no chim- neys or flues in Indian houses.^^ As the brushwood is often green, or the substitute of taquia^'^ is used, the dingy place becomes filled with a pungent smoke injurious to the eyes. The cooking vessels are of clay mostly ;^^ an iron kettle or pan is regarded as a first-class treasure and stolen from the unsophisticated stranger as often as possible. The pottery is not made on the Island but at various places of the Puna, as, for instance, at Ancoraymes, on the northern shore of the Lake ; and it is bought either at the Copacavana fairs or on an occasional voyage by balsa to that village or to Acha- cache. It may be said that the kitchen and household fur- niture of the Islanders, and inhabitants of the Puna in general, display the same combination of ancient and modern as that of the sedentary Indians of the southwestern United States and of Mexico,^ ^ the preponderance being slightly in favor of modern implements. Ancient vessels are occa- sionally met with, but they are seldom well cared for. It is THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 71 chiefly the larger jars that are preserved for the storing of grain and for the preservation of chicha.^^ The most important household utensil, from ancient times, is the grinding slab with its grinder, both of stone, called in common parlance, and in Peru and Bolivia, the batdn. Father Cobo says of this indispensable utensil: "For grinding their corn and bread they have in their houses smooth and broad slabs on which they pour out a small quantity only, and when that is ground, as much again. They grind it by placing on this slab a stone made in the shape of a half-moon, about two palms in length and one in width, not round, but somewhat elongated, with three or four inches of edge. They take hold of the horns with their hands and, lowering and lifting alternately the arms, move it edgewise from one side to the other over the maize, and by means of this labor and difficulty grind it, as well as anything else, although now most of them use our mills. This instrument we have called batan . . . but the Indians call it 'maray,' naming the lower stone 'callacha' and the upper Hanay.' "^^ The batan, whether ancient or modern, has nothing of the elaborateness of the ''metate" used in Mexico and adjacent countries. It is simply a ponderous slab, unadorned and seldom even roughly shaped. Any suitable flat rock is selected for the purpose, but by preference an ancient batan is taken from some neighboring ruin. The crusher is usually a small oval boulder, picked up among the drift. Whereas the metate is worked on the incline, the batan is used in a horizontal position and indiscriminately for grinding red pepper, maize, dried meat, and quinua, or coffee when the latter can be procured. Mortars, ancient as well as modern (the latter manufactured at Viacha out of white stone), some with pestles and others with simply a rounded pebble, are frequently met with, and are used for grinding herbs and other condiments.^^ An Indian kitchen containing the hearth, several ''ga- 72 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI los," pots and pans, brushwood or taquia, and the batan, and occupied by a number of human beings, a colony of guinea-pigs, a dog or two, and the like, is one of the most crowded places on the globe. Indian architecture in the Sierra, hence on the Island also, displays a marked tendency to exclusion of fresh air. The doors are not only low but even the sill is raised. Windows there are none,^^ hence light is excluded as well as air, unless the door be open. I must say, however, that the same is the case in most of the hacienda buildings on the Puna. The rooms are much more spacious than those in Indian abodes and the ceilings higher, but the windows have no panes; they are closed with rude shutters, and he who must work during the day in these apartments has to open the door and sit in the humid cold, muffled in vicuna blankets and overshoes (if he has any), in order to be able to write or draw. The constant cold prevailing in these regions^® is the main reason for excluding air, from the houses of the abo- rigines as well as from those of the better classes. Against this chilly air there is no way of protection, since there is no timber, hence no clean combustible, in the land. Both the Indian and the white are driven out of the house into sunshine, if there is any, and as long as it lasts. Should it be a rainy day, or at night, crowding is the only way for the Indian to obtain warmth, and if to that crowding the addi- tional heat of a close kitchen can be added, life is rendered at least supportable. Leaving the door open, to let out the smoke or from force of habit, the Indian family agglomer- ates, either in the dark or by the dim light of a rare tallow dip until one after the other falls asleep. Usually the door of the dormitory is closed at night but rarely locked, al- though the doors of store-rooms are fastened.^^ Then everybody slumbers, men, women, girls and children, on ' ' gallos, ' ' on ponchos, covered or uncovered, but never un- dressed. The Indian sleeps to-day very much as Cobo de- i c8 I o o O ,£1 O !=I ,i3 o THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 73 scribes it from early times : * ' Everywhere they sleep in the same clothes in which they go about in the daytime, except that the males take off the Yacolla and the women the Lliclla; and when they rise in the morning all the dressing they have to do is to shake and arrange their hair . . . "^* The dress of to-day still preserves some primitive features with the addition of breeches and sometimes a jacket as well as a shirt for the men, and of a chemise and skirts for the women. The ancient costumes are described as follows: Cieza de Leon mentions the pointed caps of the men, called by him ''chucos,"^^ whereas "lluchu" is the name now given to them on the Island and on the Peninsula of Copa- cavana as well as at La Paz. Cobo, who gives the most de- tailed description, but who wrote nearly a century after Cieza, says of the costume: "Their dress was simple and limited itself to only two pieces, also plain and without lin- ing or folds (plaiting) ; the men wear below, in place of breeches or underwear, a scarf a little wider than the hand and thin, and so tied around the loins as to give an appear- ance of decency . . . this they call guara, and only use it after they are fourteen and fifteen years of age. Over the guaras they put a vestment without sleeves or collar, which they call uncu, and we call it undershirt, as it has the cut of our shirts ; and each one is woven separate, since they do not, as we do, weave large pieces and then cut off from these for their garments. The texture is like a piece of thick, coarse stuff, its width is three and a half palms, and its length two ells. The opening for the head and neck is left so that there be no need of cutting it open, and, once taken from the loom, all that is required is to fold it and sew the sides with the same thread with which it was woven, just as one sews a bag, leaving in the upper part of each side opening enough to stick through the arms. This garb commonly reaches as low as the knee or three or four fingers (inches) above it. "The cape is less intricate. They make it of two pieces, 74 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI with a seam in the middle, two and a quarter ells long, and one and three quarter ells broad. It has four corners or ends like a mantle or blanket, and for this reason we call it mantle, but the name which the Indian gives it is yacolla. They throw this over the shoulders, and when they dance, work, or do anything in which it might be an obstacle, they tie it with two ends over the left shoulder, leaving the right arm free. Beneath this mantle and above the underwear, they carry a bag or wallet hanging from the neck, named chuspa, one palm in length, more or less, and proportionately wide. This hangs down to the girdle below the right arm, and the strap to which it is hung passes over the left shoulder. This bag replaces to them our pockets. This is the common and usual costume of the males, arms and legs being bare, and this costume they make of wool in the moun- tains and of cotton in the hot lands. "^'^ Of the female dress the same author speaks as follows: ''It consists of two mantles: one of these they wear like a tunic without sleeves, as wide above as below, and covering them from the neck to the feet. There is no slit in it for putting through the head, and they wrap themselves up in it in the following manner : they wrap the body in it from under the arms downwards, and pulling up the edges over the shoulders, they join and fasten them with their pins. From the girdle down they tie and cinch the body with a scarf, broad, thick and handsome, called chumpi. This tunic or wrapper is called anacu; it leaves the arms free and naked and it remains open on one side so that, although the edges overlap a little, when they walk they flutter and open from the chumpi or scarf down, showing part of the leg and thigh. . . . The other mantle is called lliclla; this is thrown over the shoulders and, gathering the edges over the breast, they fasten them by means of a pin. These are their man- tles or mantillas, which come down as far as half the limb, and they take them off when they work or when they are at home. THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 75 ** Their pins with which they fasten the dresses are called tupus, and they are very queer and as long as a third of an ell and less, and the smallest of half a span and as thick as small bones. At the top they have a thin and round plate of the same metal, as large as a real of eight (half a quarter or twelve and a half cents), more or less according to the size of the tupu, with the edges so thin and so sharp, that they cut many things with them. Most of these tupus or topos have many trinkets of gold and silver dangling from the heads. In these pins they place their greatest pride. An- ciently they were made of gold, of silver and copper ; to-day the most of them are of silver with some carvings and paint- ings on the heads, made with special curiosity. ' * To adorn their heads consists in carrying the hair very long, washed and combed; some wear it loose and others plaited. They tie it with a ribbon, more or less as wide as a finger, of many colors and striking, which they call vincha, that crosses the forehead. On the head they put a piece of very fine cumhi, called pampacona, and this piece of cloth they do not wear its full width, but folded, so as to be only one sixth of an ell wide. One edge comes down over the forehead and the other, twisting it around the head so as to leave the hair free on the sides, falls down over the back of the neck. ' ' On the chest, from one shoulder to the other, they used to wear necklaces of certain beads called chaquiras, which were made of bones and sea shells of various colors. They neither wore ear-pendants nor perforated their ear-laps. "^^ Of the ancient costumes of the males, the pointed cap, poncho and breech-clout have remained. The pins and needles are also used.^- The men have adopted, besides shirt and jacket, a wide kind of breeches, open behind from the knee down— the so-called calzon,^^ known in Peru also as characteristic of the Aymara dress. A bright colored scarf, sometimes with striking designs, fastens this species of breeches about the waist, and the trousers are turned in- 76 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI side out when they are at work or in a specially bellicose mood. Scanty protection of the lower extremities, careless and unclean dress, and the pointed cap with the small, nar- row-brimmed and round-topped felt hat, are, for the men, the essential components of an every-day Aymara costume on the Islands as well as along the shores of the Lake and on the Puna. This costume is not very hygienic, in the climate in which it is worn. The houses are certainly not hygienic, nor is the manner of living. Custom and habit keep the Indian in the old road he still travels ; although improvements have been made since the conquest, not only in dress but chiefly in household utensils and in implements. Thus the houses have doors, often of rawhide only, but still doors made to close and with wooden hinges, some also with hinges of iron. Lumber being an unknown quantity in the Puna, the Indian seizes upon every empty box in which the alcohol which fur- nishes him with most of his spiritual nourishment is trans- ported, and with the aid of the few iron tools he has either bought or stolen, and a stone as hammer, he manufactures a door. Of the same material he occasionally makes a low table and perhaps an equally low stool with high square back, called by courtesy a chair. All these are advances ; and for their scantiness we must not blame too severely the Spanish colonist nor the former colonial government. I cannot sufficiently insist upon the extraordinary situation of the Spanish colonies. Importa- tion was difficult, and transportation still more, to the inte- rior of as secluded a region as Bolivia and the environs of its great Lake. Hence advances could be made but very, very slowly. If the Creole met with great obstacles, how much greater were they for the Indian who, besides, looked upon every innovation, every unknown and uncomprehended implement or source of comfort, with suspicion and super- stitious aversion. During primitive times, the Aymara Indians needed no THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 77 other instrument in order to manufacture garments and dresses, or to mend them, than a needle which they called ^^ciracuna," made of a spine (thorn) as long as half a **geme" (five and a half inches), as thick as one of our darning needles, perforated at one end and very pointed.^"* Copper and bronze needles ("yauri") were used also.^^ To- day they have, on the Island and elsewhere, sewing needles, pack needles, metallic pins, and, at Sampaya on the main- land, as well as at Copacavana, the sewing machine. The maul of stone used for breaking clods of the often very hard soil is still in use; but the ''chonta," a first cousin to the Mexican ''coa,"^*^ with a heavy blade of steel, has long ago supplanted the hoe of stone, copper or bronze. The wooden plough, drawn by treacherous bulls (not by cows), is in general use. Knives, forks, spoons, and ladles are of metal in many Indian abodes. Iron axes and hatchets, iron shovels, and occasionally planes, saws, bits and augers, are found in possession of the Indians and they know how to use them. Still the aborigine yet grasps a stone in preference to a hammer, and he ties in preference to nailing. ^"^ He steals modern tools as diligently as he can, and no nail is safe from him, no end of rope or leather strap, even if they belong to a parcel or to a saddle, and if the removal en- dangers the safety of parcel or rider. But after he acquires such civilized implements and auxiliaries he does not take any care of them. The owners of Challa have repeatedly given tools to their Indians. The latter used them rather deftly, but after a year or so the saw was blunt and rusty, and the hatchet had lain in the mud so long that when a neighbor's offspring dug it out of the mire it became trans- formed into a harmless toy. Then they will beg or steal from a stranger's scanty supply of tools, to neglect these in turn, as soon as they have no immediate use for them.^^ This carelessness is exhibited toward everything. The Indian puts on a new shirt and wears it day and night until it is a disgusting rag; then he tries to get another one. 78 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI Every article of clothing he serves in the same way. He likes animals, but does not give them any care. With very few exceptions, perhaps not a single one, the Indian houses are dilapidated. Sweeping with a very unhandy wisp of ichhu-grass is done mostly on the day previous to a feast, that is, only a few times each year. The accumulation of rubbish, it seems, propagates heat. Personal cleanliness is on the same level.^^ In addition to the improvements already enumerated, I have to mention, as an advance made since the Spanish occu- pation in articles of household use and furniture, the so- called gallo or sleeping platform of adobe. In olden times the family slept on the floor.^*^ The tile roof, not rare on the Island, is another improvement. The Indians on the Island are not serfs. It would be more appropriate to call them ' ' renters. ' ' In case of a sale they are not obliged to remain on the land. Those of the men who have lands in charge for cultivation cannot hire themselves out to others without permission of the proprie- tor ; such as have no lands in charge may work for others, and it is not rare to find young men and boys, from the Island, at La Paz as servants or hired hands. The Indians have no real estate of their own, but occupy sites where their houses stand, and work little plots and fields for which they pay no direct rental. The compensation given the owners consists in : (1) Cultivation of certain arable lands exclusively for the benefit of the owners, or, as it is called, for the "hacienda." (2) Personal attendance, without compensation, at the houses of the owner, either when they dwell on the Island or at Puno, La Paz, or elsewhere. The men while per- forming such a service are called, ''pongo"; the women, *'mit^ani."«i (3) Other special services, such as selling of the produce C'Aljiri") at Copacavana, guarding the house (''unya- siri"), herding of sheep and cheese-making. These services HUilrti J^OJJDiJl J ■fR Kfl/f^ Plate XVII Male and female Aymara skulls from Titicaca Island. The male skull artificially flattened THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 79 are not entirely gratuitous, but compensated to a certain extent in products, that is, in sheep, cheese, milk, and the like. Money is neither received nor paid except when some of the products of the hacienda are sold, in which case the proceeds are received by the ilacata who keeps the accounts for the owners and settles with them and their "mayor- domo," or overseer, who is the agent of the proprietors on the Island, although in the case of Challa he remains most of the time at Copacavana. Yumani has no mayordomo, as one of the owners resides there during fully one half of the year. The Indians are also obliged to transport the crops or products belonging to the hacienda to where the owners reside, or to Copacavana, which is the nearest market. Of these four kinds of servitude only one, that of pongo or mit '-ani, may become vexatious. The pongos alternate every fortnight. Every fortnight a new set goes from the Island either to Puno, or to Copacavana if one of the family re- sides there, or to La Paz, or Sapahaqui, to attend at the houses of their landlords. This may become annoying at times, since it may fall upon one whose duties would lie nearer to home. But on the whole the proprietors of Titi- caca treat their renters with a consideration akin to sacrifice of their own interests. This is especially the case in the working of the lands of the haciendas and in the gathering of crops. We had ample opportunity to convince ourselves of how much the Indians abuse the negligence of the owners, or rather their careless good nature; how little they did for the lands of the hacienda, and how the crops raised on them were stolen under the very eyes of the overseer. As for transportation of products from the Island, it is usually done by Indians who are called to Puno or other places of residence of the owners, hence it is not an extra duty, prop- erly speaking. According to Bolivian and Peruvian laws the Indian is, at least in theory, a citizen.'^^ Hence he might vote. Such an exercise of the "rights of a free and enlightened citizen'* 80 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI we have not had the pleasure of witnessing; but from de- scriptions it would be about as imposing an affair as voting in many parts of the interior of Mexico, where the Indian receives for his patriotic action a compensation that inevita- bly culminates in alcohol. The Indians from Titicaca would have to vote at Copacavana ; but whether they exercise this right or not, and under what pressure, we have not yet been able to ascertain. Communal tenure of lands was abolished in Bolivia, but the laws remained so far a dead letter.*^^ In the case of the Island, it is private property, and the Indians are only renters ; there is no communal tenure, though some features of it remain. Thus every year in autumn (southern hemi- sphere) a distribution of plots for cultivation is made. On Titicaca, the ilacata proceeded to make this distribution, on the ninth of March, 1895, among the Indians pertaining to the hacienda of Challa. Every one who has a family, or re- quires land, is allotted a tract of tillable soil proportionate to his wants. This tract he cultivates for one year only. Then it is left to rest for a term of four years, while he receives in exchange a new plot that has been recuperating about that length of time. The rule is not the same in all localities. There are districts or valleys where lands rest three, seven or ten years. It results from this that, while the surface of the Island (wherever rocks do not protrude) appears to have been "anciently cultivated," that cultiva- tion has been far from simultaneous. Only a small pro- portion was tilled at any given time, the other portions lying idle to recuperate. This system of rotation is a very ancient one, and there is no doubt it was general all over the Sierra long before the Cuzco Indians overpowered the mountain tribes.^^ The lands on the Island may be classified as follows, starting from the basis that the entire real estate is vested in owners of originally Spanish extrac- tion: CI) Vacant expanses and pasturage,*'^ the latter used by THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 81 the flocks of the hacienda, but the animals of the Indians obtaining their share of them with the knowledge and con- sent of the owners. (2) Lands cultivated, for the exclusive benefit of the proprietors, by the Indians in common and without com- pensation. (3) Individual plots distributed among the Indians an- nually and improved by them for their own benefit without payment of rent. (4) The sites of the homes of the Indians which they occupy, without rent, as long as they please, or as long as they have no reason for abandoning their dwellings. Should they make a change, they can move to another site without being molested or compelled to ask for permission, as long as they do not inconvenience a neighbor or impinge on cultivated expanses or pasturages. Thus the Indian has on the Island no real estate of his own, but he may exchange the plot annually allotted to him for cultivation for that of another Indian.^^ Political jurisdiction is vested in the Corregidor of Copa- cavana ; and the courts of Bolivia rule in matters of serious crimes. The curacy of Copacavana is the ecclesiastical authority ; but the Indians still maintain, as everywhere on the Puna and in the Sierra, an organization of their own, one handed down to them from pre-colonial times, and which is based upon the clan as a unit. The clan in Quichua as well as in Aymara, in Peru as well as in Bolivia, bears the name of ''ayllu." It is the well-known consanguine cluster, all the members of which acknowledge an official and traditional relationship, governing themselves inde- pendently of other clans, while the tribe is but a shell, pro- tecting and holding together a number of clans through common consent.^'^ The rapid but irregular expansion of the sway of the Inca tribe of Cuzco did not modify these primitive organizations wherever conquered inhabitants were suffered to remain. 82 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI The ayllus remained as before, as well as two larger groups, each of which embraced several clans. These groups existed at Cuzco as geographical divisions, called, respectively. Upper and Lower Cuzco— "Hanan" and "Hurin-Cuzco."^^ Under the names of ''Aran-Saya" and "Ma-Saya," analo- gous divisions are met with among the Aymara everywhere, and were found among them, together with the ayllu, by the Spaniards. At the present day the village of Tiahuanaco is divided into Aran-saya and Ma-saya, the former embracing what lies north, the latter what lies south, of the central square. In the older church books of Tiahuanaco the two ^'sayas" are noticed occasionally/, the ayllu always. ^^ At present the ayllus are much scattered, not in consequence of depopulation, but of wider dispersion through inter- course. A number of Indian families settling in another village became there an ayllu named after the place they came from, a custom also observed in former times ;'^'' thus there is an "Ayllu Tiahuanaco" at Coni, at the foot of Ulimani. The Indians of Titicaca, at least those of Challa, belong (according to their own statement) to the cluster of Aransaya of Copacavana. They are divided into two local- ized clans : the ayllu of Challa and the ayllu of Kea. About the organization of the Indians of Yumani I could not ascer- tain anything beyond that they have their own officers. They were even more reticent than the Indians of Challa. Agglomeration on haciendas has been a disturbing factor in original grouping and government. To-day the owners of haciendas believe that they appoint the Indian functionaries without consulting the wishes of their Indians. These officers are : An ilacata, an alcalde, and at least two campos. The ilacata represents the administrative power. He dis- tributes the lands for cultivation. He receives the products of tracts cultivated for the benefit of the owners and over- sees certain labors done in common. The alcalde is the executive officer. All cases of strife, conflict, acts of vio- lence come under his jurisdiction. He also heads the men in THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 83 case of warfare. So the former corresponds to the gov- ernor, the latter to the war-captain, of the New Mexico pueblos. On the Island these two principal officers are ac- cepted rather than appointed by the proprietor on or about the first of January of each year;'^^ also the campos, who are subalterns and assistants, watching the fields and the manner in which they are attended, the housing of the crops, their transport, the dispatching of pongos, and the like. All these officers have their staffs of office, with silver heads if possible, but no distinctive costume. I have said that the owners accept the officers proposed. The natives of Challa told me emphatically that there ex- isted a council of old men, and that this council proposed the ilacata, alcalde and campos to be appointed each year. The existence of such a body was denied by the owners. Probably both sides were right, each from their own stand- point. A council certainly exists, but it does not propose the men of its choice directly ; it elects them ! We had proof of this while on the Island, in the fact that the Indians, among themselves, were quietly speaking of somebody as next ilacata, whereas the owner himself had not yet thought of any one. In cases of great importance a pub- lic meeting may be called, at which even women have vote and voice. The term ilacata is an Aymara word, whereas alcalde is Spanish. We endeavored to find out how the alcalde was called in Aymara, but without result.'^^ In the docu- ments concerning the great Indian uprising of 1780 and fol- lowing years, of which Jose Gabriel Condorcanqui, or Tupac Amaru, was a conspicuous figure in the beginning, both the Indian alcaldes and the ilacatas are mentioned.'^'^ Among northern Peruvian Indians, the gohernadores seem to repre- sent the Bolivian ilacata. The alcalde was and is the police- magistrate of his tribe, or comunidad,'^^ hence he seems to be the counterpart of the capitan a guerra of the pueblos of New Mexico and northern Mexico; whereas the campos 84 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI are alguaziles or constables, similar to the tenientes of northern village-Indians. That the alcalde is a leader in warfare was plainly shown on the 16th of March, 1895, when the Indians along the Peruvian shores had risen and were threatening Copacavana. It was the alcalde to whom the Corregidor of Copacavana gave orders to come to the relief with armed men, and similar orders were imparted to all the Indian alcaldes within the jurisdiction. The ilacatas re- mained quietly at home, and we were assured that they had nothing to do with the warlike preparations. With the intermingling and shifting of clans, the changes wrought thereby and the formation of new ones, it is not easy now to detect primitive customs in regard to marriage, naming of children and interment. It seems certain, how- ever, that marriage originally was exogamous, with descent in the female line.'^^ On the Island, regular marriage through the Church is officially required, but the Indians do not follow the precept. Baptism is more rigidly observed, and one reason for this may be the greater cheapness of the ceremony. Marriages are, according to the character of the parish priest, often expensive. The complaint raised against the clergy on that score is unhappily too well justi- fied. It is true that with the advent of the Franciscans at the convent of Copacavana, a laudable change has taken place ; still the Indians have remained rather loose in their marital relations, and little punishment is meted out to the unfaithful husband or wife. As to chastity, the natives are like Indians everywhere else, and like the population of these countries in general.'^^ Not a single marriage hav- ing been performed while we were on the Islands, we cannot give any details from personal knowledge. We, however, took part as god-father and god-mother in an Indian bap- tism, which was carried out strictly according to the rules of the Church. As presents, we had to give the mother (not to the father) chocolate, rice, sugar, two skirts — one for herself and another for the baby— and two chemises for the pi Ah O M o M THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 85 child. The father being the sheep herder of the Island, we were excused from adding fresh meat to the gifts, but made up for it in the number of chemises. We diligently inquired about aboriginal personal names, but were invariably told there were none, many personal names in Aymara having turned into family names since the conquest.'^^ That primitive ceremonies are yet secretly performed, both at marriage and at the birth of a child, is beyond all doubt, for we have seen too many evidences of the power sorcery and ancient ceremonials still exert over the Indian in every phase of life. But it is not possible, in a single year's contact, to gain the confidence of so reticent a tribe as the Aymara. In regard to burials we were more fortunate. In the first place, we witnessed at least a part of the burial of an adult at Challa ; but saw only what can be seen, with slight modifications, among the New Mexico pue- blos, in church. The body was wrapped in ponchos; but what transpired in the churchyard while the body was being interred, we were not allowed to witness. At Tiahuanaco, however, we were reliably informed that when a child dies, a vessel containing water, some food, and a small wisp or broom, are put into the grave with the body. The belief is that it takes the soul several days' travel to reach heaven, and that the broom is required for sweeping the road in order to reach the last resting place.*^^ While on the Island we were assured that on the death of an Indian peculiar ceremonies are performed around the body, and that when that body has been removed from the house, ashes are strewn on the floor inside the door-sill, and the house is locked from the outside. After burial the people examine the floor carefully. This is done by "old men," and seldom do they fail to discover foot-prints of men, women and roosters. The former are looked upon as prognosticating further deaths in the family, and the latter as indicating the presence of evil spirits whom they call ^'devils/' It is inter- esting to compare these practices with those in use among 86 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI the pueblos as well as with ancient Peruvian customs men- tioned by early chroniclers."^^ So far as our observation goes, organization, marriage and other customs, on the Island, seem to be like those we saw and heard of at other places in Bolivia. There are local variations, but the main features are the same. In another work I shall record data obtained elsewhere in Bolivia, and that throw much more light on all these ques- tions. For the present I confine myself to what we observed and learned on the Island and in its neighborhood. If we resume the foregoing, we find (1) the same disposi- tion of buildings constituting the Indian home as in central and southern Mexico; (2) a degree of development in art and industry about on a level with that of the New Mexico pueblos half a century ago;^" (3) communal tenure of lands; (4) a system of clanship ante-dating Spanish occu- pation, with indications that the original gentes may have partly disappeared, whereas new clans have sprung up, tak- ing their names mainly from localities; (5) officers, elective in the clan, but under ostensible control of the government, and of the landowners where the Indians live on large estates, as on the Island ; these officers corresponding to the governor, war-captain, and assistants of the New Mexico village; (6) marriage customs, officially regulated by the Church. Here I should add that in the seventeenth century the ayllu may have already lost control of marital rules,^* marriages becoming indiscriminately indogamous and ex- ogamous. The distribution of estates depends upon the will of the parents, and there is not, as among the pueblos, as strict a division between what belongs to the mother and what pertains to the father ; and yet it is asserted that the wife controls whatever is housed, or contained in the house ! We noticed that we never obtained articles of the household, such as ancient pottery used in a kitchen, except with consent of the women. (7) Burial rites resembling those of the Mexi- can and New Mexico sedentary Indians at the present time. THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 87 The life of the Indian on the Island is seemingly monoto- nous. Agriculture is his chief occupation. He plants maize in October and harvests it in May. Barley is sown in Janu- ary and February, and matures in May also. Potatoes, which are the important staple, are planted in August and September, so are the oca, and the quinua, but early pota- toes are already harvested in January and February, whereas oca and quinua can only be gathered in May. This cycle of crops recurs with unvarying regularity year in and year out, and this is the narrow circle within which the lead- ing occupations of the Islanders, and of the Indians in gen- eral, are kept alive. Personal service to the owners bears the same character of monotonous periodicity. But as these duties require absence from home, and at places where there is more to be seen and heard (as, for instance. La Paz and Puno), the Indian of Titicaca has become more wide-awake and crafty, more malicious, than many of the Indians of other localities of the Puna ; his wits are sharper, and he is by no means the clumsy being as which he may appear at first glance. While at home, little sociability can be noticed. They hardly gather except on feast-days. Life is much the same as in a pueblo of New Mexico. The young men associate more, and chiefly at night. Many of them, or of such as are married but still young, go on trading expeditions to Yungas, to the hot regions beyond the snowy Illimani.^^ They take with them mules and don- keys laden with products, mostly chuiiu and oca, also barley, and trade them off for coca, coffee, and sweet tropical fruit. These they sell either at Copacavana or on the Island, keeping a respectable lot for themselves. Such trips furnish food for discussion at home. An occasional voyage to the eastern Bolivian shore, to buy pottery and peaches, the former at Ancoraymes, the latter from the vicinity of Sorata, is another source of talk outside of the every-day treadmill. Gossip is as rank and rife among them as in any civilized community, and as the Aymara Indian is naturally 88 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI of a quarrelsome and rancorous disposition, squabbles in words and deeds are not uncommon. For such dissensions there is always ample pretext. When crops are being gath- ered, stealing is diligently practiced. They are as dishonest towards each other as towards the owners of the Island, and we know of an instance of an old man, who had to sit up night after night in the bitterest cold and in the open field, to guard his potato crop. During our stay we had occasion to heal a group of Indians, all of the cluster of Kea, who had ill-treated each other on the most futile pretexts. But the great occasion for displaying prowess is with their neighbors, the Indians of the hacienda of Yumani. The latter are as pugnacious as those of Challa and, although much less numerous, provoke hostilities now and then by trespassing upon their neigh- bors' lands. The results are regular engagements with slings and stones, women supplying the men with projec- tiles, which they carry in their skirts. A number are badly wounded and now and then some are killed, for the Indian is dangerously expert with the sling. Such engagements end invariably in the rout of the Yumani warriors, but still they are renewed annually. Among the Aymara, hostilities be- tween villages are common occurrences, and a number of persons are killed every year in fights between pueblos or haciendas, or on festive occasions. There is no school on the Island. An old man, who speaks Quichua as well as Aymara, teaches some of the children church hymns and Catechism in their own language. There is, as far as we could ascertain, one Indian, an old man, who is able to read and write. He does this lying on the floor, with his face down. His chirography is as original as his orthography is picturesque. Some of the Indians still pre- serve a kind of picture-writing, of which the annexed plate is a specimen. It is very difficult to obtain such pictographs. The Indians refuse even to exhibit them, and our tenders of money could not induce them to show us one of these curious § w a, M c ^ -t^ o THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 89 pictographs. Their import is wholly religious ; they are the Catechism, and church-prayers, pictorially represented. The one herewith presented belonged to Don Abel Mendoz of Puno, who sent it to the Geographical Society at Lima, and the copy is a photolithograjDhic publication in that society's Bulletin.^^ Nobody has, as yet, been able to secure a literal translation, but it seems certain that they all relate to church ritual and are of post-Columbian ori- gin,^"* For keeping their accounts with the hacienda, the Indians, on the Island as well as on the flanks of Illimani and elsewhere in the Sierra, still use a simple "quippu" or knotted string, also sticks with notches. We have seen the former in use at Llujo.^^ Councils are held on matters of interest to the whole community, but where and when we could not ascertain. The affairs of the little commonwealths on the Island are discussed, and Indians are by no means indifferent to the outside world either. We noticed, during our stay among them while the civil war in Peru was going on, with what interest the Indians followed the course of events and how surprisingly well informed they were of military move- ments. When Chilian troops once trespassed on Bolivian territory and an invasion of Bolivia by them was feared, we obtained the news through our Indians at Challa and at once noticed that the occurrence was not by any means a matter of indifference to them. While the Indian uprising along the Peruvian border continued and negotiations were being carried on secretly between the insurgents and the Indians on the Peninsula of Copacavana, we now and then noticed fire-signals on the mainland both west and east, and it was not very reassuring to see a response flaring up on the summit of Kea-Kollu, the most convenient height for that purpose on the Island. Of sign-language we have, as yet, not seen any trace. The condition of the Indian of the Puna appears to be poverty, nay, indigence. One who arrives on the great 90 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI central plateau and sees the Indian trundling along with bare feet or at best only with sandals, his body protected by a ragged poncho, following his donkey, as shaggy and un- couth as the master, or a llama; sees him devouring an unappetizing meal of chunu and oca or roasted beans on the road, and sees the dingy, close, unclean home where the same kind of meal is taken, is led to deplore the fate of the aborigine.^^ And yet, the Indians own more wealth in money than many of the landholders in Bolivia, but this money they hide most anxiously. Frequent spoliations, especially since the separation of South America from Spain, is one reason why the Indian hides his wealth. He keeps it for certain festive occasions, on which he lavishly spends for display in dances and in orgies. He hoards also for another purpose. The Indian is slowly accumulating even firearms. On the Island, revolvers are by no means rare, neither is ammunition. The disconnected state of Indian society, their segregation, maintained also after the Spanish occupation, render an uprising very improbable; but should they ever be able to coalesce, the situation of Bolivia and of the Peruvian Sierra might become exceed- ingly critical. These are the main reasons why the Indian is so ex- tremely anxious, as I have previously stated, to secure money. He uses it also as currency in his daily transac- tions. But there is a substance which he prizes even more, for certain reasons, than gold or silver, and this is coca. The dried leaves of Erythroxilon Coca, a product of the hot lands, are in many cases a greater incentive for the Indian to sell or to work than money.^'^ Such has been our experience elsewhere. Coca is, to the older men among them, more indispensable than food or drink. I need not treat here of the qualities attributed to this plant, whether real or imaginary; but its leaves are, if not another cur- rency, like shell-beads among northern Indians, often a much surer resource than silver or gold. The use of coca ,a X ew X O to la ^ M < ft! M M o THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 91 is more common and more widely distributed among the male Indians than it was before the time of Pizarro, because the coca-plant was then cultivated to a limited ex- tent only,^^ and the coca-producing regions have become more accessible. What has been published about planta- tions of coca on Titicaca Island for the benefit of the Incas is, at best, very doubtful.^^ Both money and coca are indispensable to the Indians for religious purposes. As religious performances constitute an important part of their exterior life, and as their modes of thinking and the motives of their actions are dependent upon religious beliefs, I shall have to approach, though timidly, this important field as far as we were able to scrutinize it while on the Island of Titicaca and at Copa- cavana. The Indian of Bolivia is a Catholic; at least nominally. He clings with utmost tenacity to his local church and cer- tain sanctuaries, to the images they contain, and to every vestment and ornament. This attachment is manifested in the presence of the stranger and to any one who would en- deavor to deride or profanate such objects. But, in case of a general uprising, I doubt very much (and in this I am confirmed by the opinion of reliable parish priests) whether the Indians would not return openly to a paganism which at heart they still profess and in secret actually practise. The great Indian rebellion of 1781 would have culminated in such a return.^*^ The Aymani Indian, especially the younger generation and the sorcerers, are fetish-worship- ers to-day, while they follow the rites of the church also. The latter is done sincerely, inasmuch as the Indian at- tributes to these rites and ceremonies power in cases when the ceremonials of his primitive creed are powerless; in other words : he sincerely believes Catholic rites and pray- ers to be ''big medicine" for certain things, whereas he still clings to the other, and with still greater tenacity per- haps. I can but repeat, on this point, what I have already 92 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI published in regard to the tribes of the southwestern United States and of northern Mexico : " It is vain to deny that the southwestern Indian is not an idolater at heart, but it is equally preposterous to assume that he is not a sincere Catholic. Only he assigns to each belief a certain field of action, and has minutely circumscribed each one. He liter- ally gives to God what, in his judgment, belongs to God, and to the devil what he thinks the devil is entitled to, for the Indian's own benefit. Woe unto him who touches his an- cient idols, but thrice woe to him who derides his church or desecrates its ornaments. "^^ Substituting ''Aymara of Bolivia and Peru" for ''southwestern Indian," and this statement stands as well for South America as for those parts of the northern hemisphere about which it was written. The Indian, so far as we could observe, firmly believes in a spiritual being— spiritual in the sense that it is invisible to his eyes — which being is the Christian God, ''Dios" or "Dius," and for which he has, at least on the Island, no other name.^^ The Indian professes great devotion to the patron saint of his chapel, and on the Island ' ' Our Lady of the Light," the miraculous image of Copacavana, certainly stands higher in his estimation than the invisible *'Dius." He attends church nearly every Sunday. The balsas that cross to Yampupata and recross, are filled with men, women and children on Saturdays, who go to pray at the sanctuary of ' ' Nuestra Senora de Copacavana, ' ' and at the same time to sell their products at the Sunday fairs. They make vows, and discharge the obligations thereby incurred ; they are anxious to have their children baptized; they sob and howl and sigh at church in a heartrending manner, and if they can steal a piece of the hostia, it will invariably be used for some medicinal, that is, witchcraft, purpose. At Tiahuanaco we were told that the Indians believe that when a child dies unbaptized it returns to the body of the mother, causing it to swell, a process which they call THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 93 ''limbo," and to prevent this they use the Jiostia. They confess themselves regularly for some years, then again drop the ' ' habit. ' ' They regard God and the saints usually as beneficent or rather as useful. Certain diseases, how- ever, are attributed to an ill wind produced by God, and others to an ill wind due to some saint ; hence the ' ' pacha ayre" and the "santo ayre."^^ In some districts or vil- lages, no image of a saint is tolerated in their houses, out of dread of that "ill wind" of the saints. Of retribution after death they have, as far as we could ascertain, no idea. Of the existence of evil spirits they are firmly convinced. On the Island, it is ''Supay" who sweeps over the land in the hail-storm, and when their crops are destroyed by hail they say that Supay has preyed on them with his hordes of other fiends. How often were we, at night, startled by the lugubrious sound of the ' ' Pu-tu-tu, ' ' a cow-horn, which the Indians blew on the approach of clouds threatening hail, in order to oblige Supay and his associates to take another course in their devastating career.^* At Tiahuanaco and vicinity it is * * Anchancho " ^^ who plays the part of the spirits of evil, and when they fear his approach in a threat- ening storm, they also blow their pu-tu-tus and shout at the top of their voices: ''Pass on, pass on!" On the Island, there seems to be greater indifference than on the mainland toward some church practices, as, for instance, they care very little for an official blessing of the crops. Mass, how- ever, is exacted by them on the feast day of their pa- tron saint. When the agents of the owners of Challa, through a very ill-timed measure, attempted to prevent the usual celebration on the twenty-fifth of July of 1895, our intervention alone prevented a serious outbreak. We noticed, however, that it was more the opportunity of cele- brating the day with dances of old and immoderate drink- ing that would have been missed than the religious cere- mony. We could not detect, in the midst of the host of witchcraft 94 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI practices and reminiscences of ancient beliefs, any prefer- ence to a worship of either sun or moon. The definition of Indian fetishism given by Mr. Gushing applies also to the Aymara : ' ' The A-shi-wi, or Zunis, suppose the sun, moon, and stars, the sky, earth, and sea, in all their phenomena and elements, and all inanimate objects, as well as plants, animals, and men, to belong to one great system of all- conscious and interrelated life."^^ One thing struck us, namely, the belief that both sun and moon were created beings, and this is primitive belief, anterior to influences of a Christian origin.^'^ What, however, the Aymara of the Island pays particular attention to are the ''Acha- chilas," literally ''grandfathers," spirits, dwelling at all conspicuous places, in all striking objects, and who are supposed to exert a constant influence upon man,^^ This belief in the "Achachilas" is nothing else but the fetishism so well characterized by Mr. Gushing, and which I have traced among every Indian tribe with which I came in con- tact. Every conspicuous object in nature is believed, by the Aymara, to harbor its own spiritual nucleus or essence, that plays an active part in the life of its surroundings, man included. This Indian conception may be illustrated by ex- amples that came under our observation. While we were at Ghalla, the Indians received orders to tear down some walls forming the southern side of a court, and to erect on the site a store-house of adobe. The first part of this work was performed without any ceremony, and this greatly incensed the warden or "unya-siri" who happens to be one of the leading medicine-men on the Island. He chided the work- men and insisted that, in order to prevent disaster to the new edifice, they should, before proceeding to demolish the walls, have burnt incense in each of the four corners ; should have prayed (begging forgiveness) in each corner, and finally, in the centre, prostrating themselves, kissing the earth and looking up to the sky, with both hands raised in ■,-.1V^''4.-->.-i-.<>^ -.,•*•' ■, f. IZZ arAdI >fl} io sfiBq RuoiTfiV ai nr§rfo (sqliudO) h'l id- r\ o THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OP TITICACA 119 say), and that every band of dancers is divided into two groups, each with its director j^^^ one group representing Aran-saya and the other Ma-saya. At Tiahuanaco it was asserted that each of these clusters danced on its own side of the square, the Aran-sayas on the north, the Ma-sayas on the south, and that if one section trespassed upon the ground of the other, bloody conflicts would ensue. We noticed such a division in church, but at the dances the con- fusion became so great, at Tiahuanaco as well as at Copa- cavana, that it was impossible to ascertain anything. The Indians of Titicaca belonging to the cluster of Aran-saya of the Peninsula of Copacavana, there could be no division on the Island. The irpas are not remunerated for their work. It is an honorary office, as well as that of ' ' alf erez ' ' banner-bearer, or godfather to the festival, an introduction from colonial times. The dances of the Aymara being a part of their primitive religious ceremonies, and but superficially connected with the church,^^^ any association directing and conducting them must be a part of their primitive religious organiza- tion. I need not allude here to church-officials among the Indians, like the fiscales, but there is one office, at least, con- nected with the church, and little noticed, that possibly recalls certain functionaries among northern Indians who are more particularly keepers of ancient beliefs and rituals. We first heard of this office on Titicaca. It is called Preste,^*^ and its incumbent was an old man, acknowledged to be a potent wizard. It was whispered that he was a lineal descendant of the ancient ''gentiles," or "Chullpas." This preste is appointed, by the Ilacata and the old men, or mayores, for five years. His duties consist ostensibly in caring for the church, and overseeing preparations for feasts and the like ; hence our aged friend Mariano Muchu, the preste of Challa, wandered to Copacavana as frequently as it was indispensable on account of these duties, but not oftener, and not out of devotion. We were assured by one 120 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI of the other shamans that this preste had also the obligation of doing penance for his people! I give these statements as we received them, and do not guarantee their veracity, although the same office was mentioned to us at other places. The existence of wizards, sorcerers, and medicine-men among the Aymara Indians, has been frequently mentioned in the preceding pages. It was natural that, once informed of their existence, we should endeavor to obtain as much information as possible in regard to them; and it is easy to believe that this was a very delicate and difficult task. On general principles, and from what I had seen among the Peruvian Indians, we were prepared to find the shamans in Bolivia also, and the first somewhat detailed statements in regard to them were obtained at Tiahuanaco, though not from Indians. There, the term hrujo (sorcerer) appeared to be a household word applied to all Indian medicine-men. There also we were told of the belief among the Indians that bones of dead *' gentiles" could be introduced into the bodies of persons through evil witchcraft and taken out by some hrujo through sucking! Later on, in the course of conversation with people of the country who spoke Aymara and appeared well versed in the customs of the Indians, we were informed that the titles of those who officiated as di- viners were "Lay-ka" and *'Yatiri."^^^ Some become "Yatiri" because they have been struck by lightning and survived, therefore looked upon as endowed with supernat- ural gifts ; a belief mentioned by older chroniclers and pre- vailing all over the mountainous districts of Peru.^^^ We were assured that the layka consulted the coca, throwing its leaves like cards or dice when they wanted to discover hidden, lost, or stolen property, and that they also used playing cards. One of their performances was described to us as follows : The layka gather at night in some house and begin to drink. At midnight the light is put out, after pre- viously consulting the cards, and then the owl ('' jur-cu," or THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 121 "urcu") is called. The bird answers at once, and its cry is interpreted by the wizards as confirming the conclusion at which they arrived by means of the cards. ^^'^ On the Island of Titicaca, compelled to live for months with the Indians, we obtained more precise data. The in- cantation to which we consented in order to obtain an idea of such ceremonies, led us to know that Manuel Mamani, warden of the hacienda buildings (unya-siri), was one of the chief layka on the Island. Toward the end of our last stay at Challa he acknowledged it. But direct questioning in regard to his art and rank among the wizards proved use- less. It made him offish and caused him to avoid, for a time, the familiar evening talks at our room. Neither gifts of coca nor of money could prevail upon him to speak. With other Indians the result was still worse. The preste, who had been pointed out to us, and by Manuel Mamani himself, as a very powerful shaman, shunned us from the moment he suspected we might interrogate him. Hence it was only through very indirect methods, and by comparing indications thus secured with statements freely made by whites and mestizos, that we were finally able to learn some- thing. We found out that there were at least three principal wizards on Titicaca, and that (this from their own confes- sion) they were subordinate to medicine-men of higher au- thority residing at Sampaya on the Peninsula of Copaca- vana. But it was also stated, and by Indians, that at Huaicho there resided some powerful magicians whom they obeyed. This would indicate that the religious organization of the Aymara of that region is independent of the two par- tialities of Aran-saya and Ma-saya. Among some of the whites and mestizos, a certain Indian family [and particu- larly one man] , residing at Tiquina, was in very bad repute, as mighty sorcerers dreaded on the Peninsula, the Islands, and on Peruvian territory adjacent to Copacavana. But we found out, through the Indians themselves, that although that personage was indeed a noted shaman who frequently 122 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI abused the credulity of mestizos and even of whites, his influence was not so great with the Indians. Casual obser- vations, hints caught here and there, the testimony of resi- dents at Copacavana and Puno satisfied us that the influ- ence of the shamans is as great among the Aymara as among northern Indians, and that it amounts to nearly absolute control of their actions and thoughts. We became convinced that among these wizards there is a proper organization, that there are degrees of rank, that some limit their performances to a certain sphere, others to an- other. On the evening of our last day at Challa we obtained, at last, some positive information. The Indians had been celebrating, and at our expense, which we readily allowed for obvious reasons. On the day before, two of the highest medicine-men from Sampaya, as it was afterward acknow- ledged to us, came to Challa under pretext of a friendly visit, and in the forenoon (while the aborigines were still undecided whether they would rejoice or do mischief) the Indians gathered around these wizards to see them consult the coca. We were not allowed to look on. The response must have been favorable, for our offers to defray the ex- pense of the celebration were accepted, and the dances took place in the afternoon. At night the house-warden, being moderately intoxicated, called at our room to receive his gift of coca, and we found him inclined to intimate talk. We approached him first on the subject of the dances and elicited the following information, which I consider mostly reliable; but while it is probably true in regard to the Island and Copacavana, there may exist variations else- where. Manuel Mamani of Challa, our informant, stated that among the inhabitants of Titicaca the following dances and groups of dancers exist : The Mimula, which is seldom per- formed ; the Pusipiani, the Chacanani, the Chayllpa. These four groups he distinctly and emphatically de- clared to be ancient and primitive. The Mimula and Pusi- w '.''??yi' -. lJMjg*« Uad been CS a .23 f-i (— 1 3 1— 1 > l>d o rS X q-l m &H S -< J ■^ P^ Ph tS a 9 ^ u THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 123 piani, he further asserted, were branches of the highest of all,— the Chirihuanos,— which were not on the Island, but had their headquarters at Sampaya, their leaders and high- est shamans being layka from the Mamani family. Besides these five ancient groups, there were the following more modern ones : The Kenacho, or Kena-kena ; the Sicuri, the Inca-sicuri. The latter three clusters he represented as being less important. His statement as to the Chirihuanos being the oldest and the last three named the most recent and least important, was repeated to us, spontaneously, by Dr. del Carpio, the owner of Koati, who has good oppor- tunity of securing information, since the headquarters of the Chirihuanos are in the near neighborhood of his prop- erty.1^8 We could not elicit from our Indian other information in regard to the "Chirihuanos, Mimula and Pusipiani. As he himself belonged to the last-named, hence to a branch of the Chirihuanos, it is evident that he did not wish to talk ' ' out of school." But in regard to others he was more commu- nicative, as the Indian always is about matters that do not directly concern him. He told us that it was the duty of the Chacanani *'to fight, ' ' and that the Kenacho, or Kena-kena, have the same office, but as a recent and ''younger" branch of the Cha- canani. The Chayllpa he represented as being hunters, hence they dance the chacu-ayllu. But he also stated that the Chayllpa are charged with the duty of "making," or procuring, rain, by using frogs and toads as intercessors, and by collecting little stones on the rocky summit of the Calvario and throwing them into the Lake. In addition to these duties, the Chayllpa are expected to "make peace when the Chacanani and Kenacho begin to fight. ' ' Assuming the above statements to be true (and from our present knowledge I must regard them as true in the main, at least so far as concerns the Island), these different groups of dancers form as many esoteric societies. Upon 124 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI being closely interrogated on their origin, our informant gave evasive answers, repeating, however, that the layka of Sampaya were the heads of the Chirihuanos; that he himself, as Pusipiani, was the leader of the latter on the Island (there may have been some exaggeration in this) ; and that initiation in any of the clusters depended upon the pleasure of the ''old men" exclusively. We asked several times whether the parents of a child might, through some vow, or pledge, destine that child to become a member of any society of dancers. He either did not understand the query, or was wary enough to suspect the true import of it : at all events he emphatically asserted, that neither the par- ents nor the party himself could decide or choose."^ But he also made the somewhat strange statement that the ' ' old men" had power to transfer from one group to another! There is much in this that recalls the esoteric societies discovered by Mr. Gushing among the pueblo Indians of New Mexico, which certainly existed among the ancient Mexicans and other tribes. Thus the Chacanani and Ke- nacho appear to be the warriors, the Chayllpa the hunters. I mention such analogies only as hints, and as problems for further careful investigation. At all events, the existence of these groups, their organi- zation and duties, are kept very secret. That their functions are connected with beliefs and rites antedating Spanish times, appears manifest. Not only the perfor- mances of the Chayllpa as procurers of rain, but other features indicate this. While the manufacture of costumes and toggery is partly carried on in broad daylight, the days and nights preceding a big dance are marked by doings to which outsiders are not admitted; the layka are, at such times, often absent from their homes or at least are not accessible to strangers. The dance itself seems to be but the display, not the object, of the performance. Its con- nection with festivals of the Catholic church is a veil under cover of which the Indian performs ancient ceremonies.^ ^"^ A 1 _ •^-^ ^~ fe] <: s ? s S' r^ c; ^ ^ > 'T3 - s n5i ^g tried to ascertain whether the medicine-men, the healers and curers proper, or doctors, so-called, were distinct from the diviners or prophets. It struck us that our medicine chest and the household remedies of my wife were so frequently put in requisition, and that even the layka Manuel Mamani preferred to ask for our medicaments rather than, at least openly, use remedies of his own. It seemed as if he had no knowledge of aboriginal medicine. Still this same man, who usually accompanied us and par- ticularly assisted Mrs. Bandelier in her gathering of medicinal plants, displayed on such occasions a very inti- mate acquaintance with herbs and their application in sundry cases. His knowledge was indicated by ivhat he refused to tell or avoided to acknowledge, as well as by what he freely told. Thus we learned, from other sources, of plants which we saw and of which he refused to give even the names. On the other hand he revealed to us, uncon- sciously, many strange beliefs and customs, relating to medicine. Whenever one of us accidentally hurt himself by falling against a stone, he would enjoin us to take a small piece of the rock, reduce it to powder, dilute it with water, and drink it, lest the same rock might hurt us again. He it was who told us about the ailment called "larpata," a child's disease, caused by the sight of a corpse. In the list of medicinal plants sent in by my wife, a number of species 126 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI used in witchcraft are noted. Whatever remains of the aboriginal practice of medicine among the Aymara is kept secret, and this is doubly strange, since the more suspicious '*art'* of foretelling by means of the coca is practised by Indian sorcerers, not for Indians, alone, but frequently for the benefit of mestizos as well as of whites. Singular coincidences of prophecy with fact have been related to us. These oracles and the manner in which they are obtained further illustrate belief in the * * Achachilas, ' ' so often men- tioned here. The conjurer takes certain coca leaves, perfect in form, which, when thrown, fall with the lustrous side upward. Such leaves are to represent the '* Achachilas, " of the localities where the object or subject of the consulta- tion is at the time, or where a certain action takes place directly connected with the matter at issue. We know of an instance where the object of the performance was to obtain information in regard to military movements con- nected with political disturbances in Peru and Bolivia. The consultation of the coca took place at Copacavana, and the shaman was an Indian of that Peninsula. He selected three coca leaves as representing, respectively. La Paz, Arequipa and Puno, the first through the "Achachila" of Illimani,^^^ the second that of the Misti,^^^ and the third of some height near Puno. That most of the diviners or layka are impostors cannot be affirmed. They to a great extent are sincere, but at the same time there are some who abuse credulity, especially of those who are not Indians. Upon the Indian mind these predictions, or oracles, exercise an astounding influence, much greater than a wonderful cure. Hence the diviners, among the Aymara, assume a position superior to that of the medicine-men. Our later investiga- tions have fully established that the shamans are, among the Aymara, organized into several main esoteric clusters. But it is not the place to enter into details of researches carried on after our work on the Islands, in other sections of Bolivia. THE INDIANS OP THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 127 That the Indian punishes evil sorcery as cruelly as he bows slavishly to what he considers legitimate magic art, applies in full force to the Aymara. When the Indians of Yunguyu broke out on the Peruvian frontier, they sacked the house of the Governor, a white man. On that occasion they discovered two innocent dolls, but they had been hidden beneath the floor. It satisfied the natives that they were objects of black sorcery and raised their fury to such a pitch, that the house was actually torn to shreds. "We saw the wreck soon after, and I never saw such complete anni- hilation through the hand of man. In 1893 an Indian on the Island, well known to us, took it into his head that a certain woman was a dangerous witch. He seized the unfortunate on a favorable opportunity, thrust her into a burning brush pile until she was completely roasted and then— a^e her up! Acts of cannibalism, by the way, are not uncommon among the Aymara of Bolivia, and many of them are well known to the authorities who, however, either deny or confess they are impotent against such customs. Where an Indian stock has preserved so many of its ancient customs and beliefs, it is natural to suppose that authentic traditions, mythical and historical lore, are still to be gathered. Since the Aymara possess an esoteric organization like that found among the aborigines of the North American southwest, it is chiefly among their esoteric clusters that we must look for ancient historical lore. NOTES THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA PART m * The earliest printed notice of Titicaca Island thus far known is from the year 1534. Still it is possi- ble that rumors about the Island and its sacred site had gone beyond the limits of actual Peru. The report made by Juan de Samano, Secretary of Charles V, to the Emperor (1526) on the explorations along the South American west coast as far as Ta- camez, in 1525, mentions a story told the Spaniards, by people from fur- ther south, about the country inland and a certain island near the coast with the effigy of a woman (Relacion de los primeros descubrimientos de Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, from Codex CXX of the Imperial Li- brary of Vienna, in Coleccion de Documentos ineditos para la Historia de Espaiia, Vol. V, p. 200): "Hay una isla en la mar junto d los pueblos donde tienen una casa de oracion hecha a manera de tienda de campo, toldada de muy ricas mantas labra- das, 4donde tienen una imajen de una muger con un niiio en los brazos que tiene por nombre Maria Meseia: cuando alguno tiene alguna enfer- medad en alguno miembro, hacele un miembro de plata 6 de oro, y ofre- cesela, y le sacrifican delante de la imagen ciertas ovejas en ciertos tiempos. " The "sheep" here men- tioned were the llama, and the offer- ings of these animals took place in the Sierra, not on the coast, where the llama cannot live for any length of time. The offering of parts of the human body imitated in gold recalls the little gold and silver fetishes so numerously found in the soil of the Island. The Spaniards could hardly be expected to have understood the natives at that time. Even an Indian interpreter could not impart to Euro- peans then already a correct idea of what he was told in his own language. No Indian had had time to become sufficiently familiar with Spanish, at least on the coast of South America. Hence the confusion in description and location. The notice printed in 1534 is, geographically, more definite, though still muddled, and the de- scriptive part bristles with exaggera- tions, by means of which the Indians sometimes hoped to get rid of the strangers by sending them on an ad- venturous journey far away. The document is the (exceedingly rare) folio. La Conquista del Peru, llamada la nueua Castilla, Sevilla, 1534 (with- out paging). The author is not known, but he must have been a companion of Pizarro. He says, on the last page: "Se q dixo el Cacique q ay otros muchos indios de aquella tierra de CaoUo [Collao] y q ay vn rio muy grande en el ql ay vna ysla 130 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI dode ay ciertas casas: y que entre ellas esta vna muy grande toda cu- bierta de oro y las pajas hechas de oro: porq los indios nos truxeron vn manojo dellas y q las vigas y cuanto en la casa ay todo es oro : y q tiene el suelo empedrado eon granos de oro per fundir: y q tiene dentro de ella mucho oro per fundir. Y esto oy dezir al cacique y a sus indios q son de aquella tierra estado presente el gouernador. Dixo mas el cacique q el oro q saca de aql rio no lo coge en bateas: antes lo cogen en vnas acequias q hacen salir de aql rio que laua la tierra q tienen cauada: y assi mesmo quitan el agua de aqUa acequia como esta lauada y cogen el oro y los granos q hallan q son nauchos: y esto yo lo oy muchas vezes: porq a todos los indios de la tierra de CoUao q lo pregun- tauan dezia que esto era assi ver- dad. ' ' This information was obtained previous to September, 1533, as the cacique mentioned was Atauhuallpa. The river vnth which Lake Titicaca is confounded was probably the Cara- baya, southeast of Cuzco, in Peru. The gold-bearing district of that name was known, and the Spaniards began to work its * ' placers ' ' before 1544. Cieza: Tercer Libro de las guerras civiles del Peru, MSS. at Lenox Library, Cap. cxl, fol. 199: *'y en el inter que fue aquel viaje Diego Centeno despacho cartas al rico y muy nombrado rio de Caravia para que los Espanoles que en sus riveras sacaban metal de oro dexasen por entonces aquel oficio y viniesen a ser- vir al Eey usando el militar. " Oviedo who wrote from hearsay of conquerors returned to Spain, is more sober and positive than the two an- terior ones (Eistoria general y natural de Indios, Vol. IV, Lib. XLVii, Cap. 11, p. 261). "Aquella tierra de CoUao tiene buena dispusicion e sitio: hay en ella una laguna que tiene qua- renta leguas de cireunferen^ia, y es dul^ie e fondable e de mucho pescado: y en una isleta que dentro se hage, tiene aquella gente la principal casa de sus ydolatrias y sacrificios, y es de mucha veneracion entrellos, e van alii como en romeria desde muy lexos tierra." I place his testimony here, as he obtained the information previous to 1540. ' The first visit by Spaniards to the shores of Titicaca Lake took place, as stated, late in December of 1533, but the date of their visit to the Island is not known. It must have been in the last days of that year or early in January, 1534. The information concerning this recon- noissance of the Lake, its shores, and the Islands is official, and embodied in the report which the secretary of Pizarro, Pedro Sancho, wrote at Jauja July 15, 1534, addressing it, in the name of Pizarro and the royal functionaries with him, to the Em- peror. The original of this invalu- able document may be lost, but an Italian translation of it was pub- lished by Eamusio (Terzo volume Belle. Navigationi et Viaggi), was printed in 1556, and incorporated verhatim, in the second and third edi- tions of 1565 and 1606. The trans- lation was made directly from the original — "Questa translatione e cauata dall 'originale " (fol. 414). It states (fol. 413): "Nel paese di CoUao non si ha notitia del mare. — & e paese piano, per quel che s'e conos- ciuto, & grande, & molto fredde, & vi sono molti fiume, de quali se caua oro. Dicono gl'Indiani esser in esso vn lagune grande d'acqua dolce in mezzo della quale sono due Isole, per saper 1 'esser di questo paese, & al gouerno suo, mando il Gouernatore duo Christian! accio gli rapportas- seron d'esso lunga informatione, che si partiron da lui nel principio di Decembre. ' ' The brief notice in Oviedo seems to be taken from this text. A retranslation from Italian into Spanish was made by the late Don Joaquin Garcia Ycazbalceta and printed in the appendix to his Eng- THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 131 lish version of Prescott's Conquest of Peru. Historia de la Conquista del Peru, escrita en Ingles par W. R. Prescott. Traducida al Castellano por Joaquin Garcia Ycazbalceta, Mexico, 1850. I owe the data con- cerning this very rare work to my friend Mr. Charles Paul McKie of Englewood, to whom I am, besides, indebted for other valuable informa- tion. The title of the report of Sancho (above quoted) is: Relatione per Sua Maesta di qvel che nel conquisto Sf pacificatio7ie di queste prouincie della nuoua Castiglia e successo, 4" della qualitd del paese dope che el Capitano Fernando Pizarro si parti 4" fitorno a sua Maesta. II rapporto del con- quistamento di Caxamalca 4" '" V"^ gione del Cacique Atabalipa, etc. (Ramusio, 1565, III). The report is signed: Francesco Pizarro, Aluaro Kicchelme Antonio Nauarro, Garzia di Salzedo and Pero Sancho, and bears date as stated, Xauxa, July 15, 1534. The part of it translated in the text is on f ol. 413 : "I duo Christiani che furono mandati a vedere la prouincia di Collao tarda- rono 40 giorni nel lor viaggio, doppo ritornati alia eitta del Cusco, doue staua il Gouernatore, gli dierono nuoua & relationa di tutto quel che haueuan inteso & veduto, che e questa che qui disotto si dichiara. II paese di Collao e lontano & appartato molto dal mare, tanto che le genti natiue che habitano non hanno notitia d'esso: e paese molto alto, & medio cremente piano, & con tutto cio, e fuor di modo freddo. — Non v'e in esBo selua ne legna d 'abrucciare, & quella che percio vsa, han in baratto di mercantia con quelli che habitano vicino al mare, chiamati Ingri, & che habitano anco al basso presso le fiu- mane, doue e paese caldo che questi hanno legna, et si baratta con pecore & altro bestiame, & legumi, perche nel resto il paese e sterile, ehe tutti con radice d'herbe, et herbe, Maiz, & qualche poca carne si sostentano, non perche in quella prouincia di Collao non sia buona quantita di pe- core, ma perche la gente e tanta soggetta al Signore a chi deue prestare obedienza, che senza sua licenza, 6 del principale, 6 Gouernatore che per suo comandamento sta nella terre, non n'vccide, posto que ancora i Signori: & Caciqui non ardizcano ammazzare ne mangiare niuna se non e con tal licenza. — II paese e ben popolato, perche non e distrutto daUa guerra, come sono I'altre proulcie, le sue terre sono di mediocre grandezza, & le case uicciole, le mura di pietra & terra insieme, coperte di paglia. — L'herba che nasce in queste paese, 6 rara & corta. Vi sono alcuni fiumi pero piccioU: nel mezzo della pro- uincia e m gran lago di grandezza di presso cento leghe, & all ' intorno di queste lago e il piu popolato paese, in mezzo d'esso sono due picciolel Isolette, nell'vna delle quali e vna moschea & casa del Sole, laquale 6 tenuta in gran veneratione, & in essa vanno a fare le loro offerte & sacrifi- cij in vna gran pietra che e nell 'Isola che la chiamano Thichicasa, doue 6 perche il Diauolo vi si nasconde, & gli parla 6 per costume antico, como glie, 6 per altro che non s'e mai chiarito, la tengono tutti quelli della prouincia in grande stime, & gli offe- riscono ore & argento, & altre cose. Vi sono meglio di secento Indian! al seruitio di questo luogo, & piu di mille donne, che fanno Chicca per gettarla sopra queUa pietra. ' ' • See note 10. * Primera Parte de la Cronica del Peru, Vedia, II. Cap. cm, p. 445. ' Fray Alonzo Ramos Gavilan : His- toria de Copacahana, edited by Father Rafael Sans; the original, to which I shall refer with greater detail in the last part of this monograph, is from 1621. Part I, Cap. xv, p. 21 : "A lo dicho ya sobre el de Titicaca anadiremoB que era el mas visitado del reino y de tamanas riquezas, las 132 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI que es fama comun echaron los indios a la laguna cuando entraron a la isla los primeros espanolea con el capitan Illescas. ' ' ' From the above it seems that niescas had with him more than one soldier, whereas the first visit was by only two men. About the supposed visit of Illescas to Copacavana in 1536 see note 8. ^ The source here mentioned is a doubtful one in so far as the author, an expelled monk by the name of J. Vizcarra F., from La Paz, Bolivia, pretends to give a synopsis of a work written and published in 1628 by Fray Baltasar de Salas (an Augus- tine), under the following title: Excertas Aymdru — Aymdra sobre de los Origenes de las Gentes deste Nuev- Orve Me Mrl. dirixido a la C: M : de Don Felipe Qvarto, N: Portntsmo Bey de las Espanas, y Monarcha ynvictissimo deste Nuevo Orve: par su hvmilde siervo Bon Fray Baltasar de Solas, fixo augustiniano : Quien fiso empremir esta parte desde los folios 141 fasta los 255 conlas liceneias mvy eon formes a Decreto del 13 de Marzo de 1625, Expetito en Eoma por N:S:S:P: VEBANO OCT A VO, etc. The remainder of the so-called facsimile is manifestly from the pen of Vizcarra. At the bottom of this title- page stands: Antverpiae Exofficina Plantiniana, ApudBalthasarem et lodn- nem Moretos.—M. DC. XX. VIII. The title given by Vizcarra to his produc- tion is: W : T : Copacabana de los Incas Docuvientos Auto-linguisticos e isografiados del Aymdru-Aymdra Pro- togonos de los Pre-americanos, La Paz, 1901. The whole is such an incongruous mass of more or less disjointed ab- stracts from Salas, pretended fac- similes, ridiculous and badly executed wood-cuts, and notes and discussions by Vizcarra which create the impres- sion of being the work of an utterly disordered brain, that at first sight one throws away the book in disgust. Still there can hardly be any doubt of the existence of the work of Salaa or at least of a fragment, in the hands of Vizcarra. The latter is be- lieved (at La Paz) to have obtained (how is not definitely known) a num- ber of ancient documents touching Copacavana, which he carefully con- ceals. The book of Salas had to be shown to the vicarial chapter of La Paz, and in consequence of it that ecclesiastic authority issued the fol- lowing : Permiso. ' * Obtuvimos para copiar y reimprimir el Memorial historico-linguistico del Padre Salas, impreso en 110 fojas el ano mil, seicientos y veintiocho. Dicho fascicule se lee de pag. 141 a 255, in- clusive; y, el mismo que, adjunto a cuatro legajos manuscritos, y es- tampados con el presente en conjunto, han merecido el siguiente auto. . . . "Vicaria Capitular de la diocesis de La Paz, a veintiseis de Enero de mil novecientos y uno. "No conteniendo nada opuesto k la doctrina Catolica, segun la precedente censura de S:S: el Canonigo Doc- toral, el libro 'Copacabana de los Incas' PARTE PRIMER — Que se pro- pone reimprimir el Presbitero occur- rente, concedeae la licencia que para el efecto se solicita. ' ' Machicado. ' ' Larrea-Secretario. ' ' Hence the work of Salas exists, al- though probably not intact. If the abstracts that Vizcarra claims to give are genuine, then Salas must have been as insane as his modern editor. But no reliance can be placed upon quotations even. I limit myself to referring to pages iv-vii, where he states that Bartolome Las Casas came to Peru in 1525(!), six years before Pisarro, and that he held a long par- ley— m Spanish— with an Indian girl in the vicinity of Cuzco! For other evidences of an utterly deranged mind, the book bristles with them, and, what is worst, it is next to im- THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OP TITICACA 133 possible to discriminate between what is from Salas and what from the other. Nevertheless I cannot discard absolutely some of the material pub- lished by Vizcarra and shall have to refer to it occasionally, always with due reserve. There is no doubt that he has incorporated in the hopelessly confused text of his work some state- ments based upon documentary evi- dence, but manipulated and altered them in such a manner as to throw a cloud on their authenticity. How- ever, the core may, in some cases, be separated from the rubbish under which Vizcarra (and, perhaps, Salas himself?) has buried it. One of these cases is the following: On pages 324 and 525 he cites a document attrib- uted to Fray Francisco de Gamboa, Augustine, dated Copacavana, July, 1620, in which that ecclesiastic is made to state: "Doy ffe Yo Fray Francisco de Gamboa, religioso Er- mitano de S: Augustin, que hube recogido cuarentidos Expedientes en- tre procesados absueltos, y entre cur- santes, de las * Fundaciones de En- comiendas ' para Doctrinas de Indios Cullawas. ' ' Thus far probably Gam- boa. What follows recalls Vizcarra, although there may be some original passages. ' ' Entre los mas antiguos y principales de ellos, existen varios de mucha importancia para los ANALES de CCOPAKAWANA — cuyos tra- sumptos los ffice escrebir segun el presente— iNVEXTARio de encomien- DAS. — "eK.) Comarcas del.Inca Ccopa- kawa, eran siete el ano mill y qui- nientos y treinta y seis. En el cual ano 1536, fueron reducidas a una sola Doetrina de las Sacras Cruces, por Cedula firmada y sellada de mano propia de Don Pedro Anzurez y Hen- riquez de Campo-redondo ; Don Diego Illescas, con sesenta arcabuceros; Don Sebastian Belalcazar, eon sesenta arca- buceros. Con los Padres del Orden de S: Francisco tres Sacerdotes, y dos Laicos, es de saber: Fray Francisco de los Angeles Morales, y Fr. Fran- cisco de la Cruz Alcozer, y Fray Franco, de STa Ana La Koca, y Fr. Matteo de Xumilla, y Fr. Alonso de Alcanices. Con otros cuarenta vecinoa de Espana, venidos en dos armadas. La una de Quito por el Ccosscco y el Aricaxa. La otra de Lima por Are- kypa y el Lupaka ..." There are six more of these " Kepartimientos " mentioned, all, however, on the Peru- vian and Bolivian mainland. One is from the year 1557, three from 1538 and two from 1539. At the end stands the following: ^'De todo lo que certifico en Copacavana y Julio de 1620: && Fray Francisco de Gam- boa. ' ' The mention of the presence of Franciscans at Copacavana in 1536 is somewhat surprising. One of the chroniclers of the Franciscan order in Peru, Fray Diego de Mendoza, in Chronica de la Provincia de S. Anto- nio de los Charcas del Orden de NBo seraphico P. S. Francisco, en las In- dius Occidentales, Eeyno del Peru, Madrid, 1664, Lib. I, Cap. ii, p. 10, states that Fray Marcos of Nizza came to Peru in 1532 and was present at the affair of Caxamarca with his six companions of the order: "Vino con seis Eeligiosos nuestros por su Comissario al Peru, ano, de mil y quinientos y treinta y dos, y se hallo con sus companeros, y los Eeligiosos de Nuestro Padre S: Domingo en la prision, y muerte de Athahualpa, 6 Atabalipa Eey Inga, segun el mesmo da testimonio, y lo refiere el Obispo de Chiapa. ' ' This reference is to the notorious book of Las Casas: Breuis- sima relacion dela destruycion delas ¥ndias. I quote from the Italian and Spanish version published in 1643, at Venice, by Giacomo Castel- lani under the title of Istoria 6 Breuissima Belatione della Distrut- tione dell ' Indie Occidentali, p. 114: "Yo fray Marcos de Nica de la orden de Sant Francisco, comissario sobre meros Christianos entraron en las prouincias del Peru, que fue de los primeros religiosos, que con los pri- 134 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI meros Christianos entraron en las dichas prouincias, digo dando testimo- nio verdadero de algunas cosas, que yo con mis ojos vi en aqlla tierra. ..." Among the occurrences Fray Marcos saw, no mention is made by him of the Caxamarca episode, -but (p. 115) he claims (par. 14): "Item soy tes- tigo, & doy testimonio, que sin dar causa, ni occasion aquellos Yndios alos Espanoles, luego, que entraron en sus tierras, despues de auer dado el mayor Cacique Atabalipa, que era Senor de toda la tierra mas de dos millones de oro alos Espanoles, y auiendoles dado toda la tierra en su poder sin resistencia, luego quemaron al dicho Atabalipa. ..." The as- sumption that Fray Marcos was in Peru with his six companions already in 1532 is therefore gratuitous. It is also very doubtful if any Franciscan monks could have been in Bolivia in 1536. The coast was then blockaded by the Indians, and there was no communication with the interior. Fray Francisco de la Cruz was at Lima in 1535, according to Father Bernabe Cobo, S.J. : Historia de la Fundacion de Lima, from 1639, Lima, 1882. "El principio que tuvo en esta cuidad la orden del serafico padre San Francisco paso de esta manera: al mismo tiempo que se fundo la ciudad, en el repartimiento de solares que el Marques Pizarro hizo entre los pobla- dores, senalo sitio para convento de San Francisco en la cuadra en que ahora esta fundado el de Santo Do- mingo, . . . Y como entonces se hallase presente un fraile Francisco de la Cruz, levanto en el una pequena capilla 6 ramada, y en ella dijo misa y predico algunas veces al pueblo; ausentose este Eeligioso dentro de breve tiempo, y no quedando otro de su orden dejo yermo y desamparado aquel lugar 6 solar. ..." Further on it is stated: "Tom6 [Francisco Pizarro] posesion de este sitio y dio principio al edificio del Monasterio el ano de mil quinientos cuarenta y seis [should be 1536], y fue su primer Guardian el padre fray Francisco de Santa Ana, el cual hubo de sacar este sitio de poder de ciertos vecinos poderosos que se habian entrado en el y edificado casas y huertas, y los primeros que en el edificaron fueron Cristobal Burgos, Francisco de Godoy y Antonio Picado secretario del Marques Pizarro." Two of the Franciscans mentioned in the book of Vizcarra could, therefore, hardly have been at Copacavana in the year 1536. (I do not reject the possibility of their having been there a few years later.) It is not to be over- looked, also, that the first missionary on the Lake-shore was the Dominican Fray Tomas de San Martin, accord- ing to Melendez. (See note relative to it in Part I.) While there is, proba- bly, considerable truth in the state- ments of Father Francisco de Gam- boa, it is evident, as I shall show further on, that the dates are not reliable or have been tampered with by Vizcarra, either from incompe- tency or intentionally. Whatever may be the date of the "Enco- mienda" of Copacavana, it estab- lishes the fact that there were, proba- bly about 1538 or 1539, seven ayllos at Copacavana and on the Islands. According to Diego Garcia de Villalon (Soire restitucion de indios, in Docu- mentos ineditos sohre la Historia de Chile, Vol XII, p. 204), Francisco de la Camara was, if not the first, at least one of the fiLrst ' ' Encomenderos ' * of Copacavana. •Vizcarra: Copacavana de los In- cas, p. 324:— Inventario de Encomien- das: "En el cual ano 1536, fueron reducidas a una sola Doctrina de las Sacras Cruces, por Cedula firmada y sellada de mano propia de Don Pedro Anzures y Henriquez de Campo-redondo ; Don Diego lUescas, con sesenta arcabueeros; Don Sebas- tian de Belalcazar, con sesenta arca- bueeros. Con los Padres [see ut supra]. Con otros cuarenta vecinos THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 135 de Espaiia, venidos en dos armadas. La una de Quito por el Ccossco y el Aricaxa. La otra de Lima por Are- kypa y el Lupaka. ..." On p. 59 he gives an abstract (?) from a docu- ment dated Koati, June, 1618, and signed by Fray Baltasar de Salas and others, in which it is asserted that in 1536 the Franciscans aforementioned planted seventy-five crosses along the Lake-shore from Copacavana to Po- mata. The crosses were of wood brought from Aricaxa (now Lare- caja). This is accompanied by a note: "Kenovamos las Cruces de cin- cuenta anos atras. " If the quota- tion is from an authentic text it throws an unfavorable light upon the reliability of Father Salas 's state- ments. Had there been one hundred and sixty Spaniards at Copacavana in 1536, they would have been compelled by duty and honor to go to the reUef of Cuzco, where Hernando and Gon- zalo Pizarro were then in the worst of plights. The proof that neither Anzures nor Belalcazar were anywhere near Peru in 1536 is easily furnishedl About Belalcazar no documentary evi- dence need be quoted, for it is well established and known that he was north of Peru, in Ecuador, at the time. As to A.nzures, he returned to Peru in 15'' j! (Exposicion de Eer- nanjimen acerca de las desavenencias de Pizarro y Almagro, in Documentos ineditos para 2a Historia de Chile, Vol. VII, p. 256.) He had been sent to Spain by Pizarro, whence he re- turned early in the above year (Anto- nio de Herrera: Historia general de las Eechos de los Castellanos, etc., edition of 1729, Decada vi, p. 61). Hence he could not be at Copacavana with an armed force in 1536. • The only place whence a Spanish troop could have reached the Lake in 1536 would have been Arequipa, but the date of the foundation of the first Spanish establishment in that valley is yet in doubt, 1535 and 1537 being variously mentioned. The Spanish town was officiaUy founded in 1540. ^"Historia del Nuevo Mundo, Vol. IV, p. 59: "Sea lo uno 6 lo otro, la estatua fue llevada a la ciudad del Cuzco por el Marques D: Francisco Pizarro, que envio a tres espanoles por ella. " I find, as yet, no confirma- tion of this statement. ^Historia de Copacabana, edition Sans, 1860, Cap. xv, p. 21. (See note 5.) " Copacavana de los Incas, 33 : " Y cuando llegaron a la Peninsula los Capitanes Alzures y los Illescas, con los Padres franciscanos, aunque in- tentaron en 1536, no pudieron llegar a esta, por falta de tiempo, y porque la creyeron como a la del Sol estar yerma y desierta. " He gives no au- thorities for this statement, and it is probably one of his usual surmises. " Manuel de Espinall : Relacion hecha al Emperador de lo sucedido entre Pizarro y Almagro, in Boc. de Indias, Vol. Ill, p. 192, June 15, 1539 : "En este medio tiempo, vino a la dicha ciudad del Cuzco el goberna- dor D: Francisco Pizarro. ..." He further states: "En este medio tiempo, vino a la ciudad del Cuzco el dicho Obispo." The Bishop men- tioned was Fray Vicente de Val- verde. In his letter to the Emperor, dated March 20, 1539, Valverde says: "Yo Uegue a esta ciudad Del Cuzco un lunes, 28 de Noviembre 1538, donde halle al gobernador D: Fran- cisco Pizarro. ..." It is not un- likely, therefore, that it was in 1538 Pizarro sent the three men alluded to by Cobo (see note 10) to get a statue, half silver, half gold, from the Island of Koati. " Relacion hecha al Emperador, p. 192. (See note preceding.) "Almagro the Younger: Acusacion contra Bon Francisco Pizarro a S :M :, in Boc. de Indias, Vol. XX, p. 330: "Queriendo entrar en la dicha laguna 136 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI de Titica ahogo ciertos espafioles por los hacer entrar en la dicha laguna" (p. 455). Declaration hy Joan Eodri- gues Barragan: "Lo otro, quel dicho Hernando Pizarro por ir a robar el oro y plata questaba en la laguna de Titiaca, se aogaron en la dicha laguna diez ombres de los que llebo consigo a buscar la dicha plata per su culpa e causa por el dicho robo, e por les man- dar acometer a cosas peligrosas en la dicha agua. " Cobo: Eistoria del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 64. (See note following.) " That the principal sacred objects were secreted before the time the Spaniards appeared in any number at Copacavana, is variously stated, from hearsay. Garcilasso de la Vega {Comentarios reales, 1609, Vol. I, Lib. Ill, Cap. XXV, fol. 80), however, quotes F. Bias Valera: "y q luego que los Yndios supieron la entrada de los Espanoles en aquella tierra, y q yuan tomando para si quanta riqueza hallauan; la echaron toda en aquel gran lago. ' ' On what authority Father Valera (born in Peru, 1551, according to Saldamando) made this statement, is not said. Cobo, His- toria del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 64: "Porque, estando un dia en gran fiesta y regocijo, cuentan que oyeron unas tristas voces, y de ahi a un rato se metio por entre ellos un ciervo a todo correr, de lo cual los agoreros pronosticaron la noticia que los es- panoles tenian de su santuario y tesoros que en el habia y la breve venida que habian de hacer a el, como en efecto paso; se dieron tan buena mano en esconderlos, que nunca han parecido. — Presumese que los trasla- daron a otras islas; aunque otros dicen que los ministros que a la sazon aqui estaban, 6 los enterraron 6 echa- ron a la laguna, porque no les goza- sen los espanoles. ' ' Also Eamos : Eistoria de Copacabana, edition of 1860, p. 21. I do not quote Calancha, since he copies mostly from Kamos. " Primera Parte de la Cronica del Peru, Vedia, II, p. 443, Cap. C: "Antes que los Ingas reinasen, cuentan muchos indios destos collas que hubo en su provincia dos grandea senores el uno tenia por nombre Zapana y el otro Cari, y que estos conquistaron muchos pucares, que son sus fortalezas; y que el uno entro en la laguna de Titicaca, y que hallo en la isla mayor que tiene aquel palude gentea blancas y que tenian barbas, con los cuales peleo de tal manera, que los pudo matar a todos, " In Se- gunda Parte de la Cronica, also called Del Seiiorio de los Incas, Madrid, 1880, Cap. IV, p. 4, he not only con- firms his previous statement but gives the source whence it was obtained by him. ' ' Chirihuana, gobernador de aquellos pueblos que son del Empera- dor, me conto lo que tengo escripto. ..." Hence the tale might be un- contaminated Indian lore. " Eistoria de las guerras civiles del Peru, Vol. Ill, Cap. xlix, p. 421, et seq. Analogous tales are contained in the anonymous Conquista y Pobla- cion del Peru, in Documentos ineditos de Chile, to which I shall also refer in detail in the last chapter of this monograph. " The approximate date of the oc- cupation of Titicaca by the Cuzco peo- ple is about 1475. (See the two chap- ters following.) ^^ This is concurrently stated by the Augustine monks who wrote on Titi- caca in the first half of the seven- teenth century. Ramos, Eistoria, etc., p. 5, speaking of Tupac Yupanqui, to whom the occupation of the Island is attributed : ' ' Luego se declare so- berano absoluto de la isla, y mando salir de ella a sus habitantes natu- rales, y sin darles audiencia los tras- lado al pueblo de Yunguyo, pues no eran los mas morales ni los mas apa- rentes a sus intentos" (p. 14). "El haber saeado el Inca a los naturales de la isla trasladandolos a Yunguyo fue porque quiso poner de custodies del famoso adoratorio del sol a gentes THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 137 de su confianza. " Fray Antonio de la Calancha (Coronica Moralisada, Vol. II, Lib. I, Cap. ii) merely copies Eamos, and so does Fray Andres de San Nicolas: Imdgen de N. S. de Co- pacavana, etc., Madrid, 1663. The Je- suit Cobo, who wrote at length on the Island (which he visited from Copaca- vana), also states: "La gente que habitaba la isla de Titicaca era natu- ral de Yunguyo, a la cual envio el Inca a su pueblo, reservando algunos viejos que diesen razon y enterasen en los secretos de la isla a los que de nuevo hizo la habitasen. Porque, en lugar de aquella gente desposeida, metio otra traida del Cuzco, de quien tenia la satisfaccion y credito que la gravedad del caso requiria. ' ' That the original inhabitants of Titicaca were CoUas, that is, Aymara, is as- serted by both Augustines and Je- suits. I merely refer to Eamos, His- toria, p. 4, and to Cobo, Hist, del N. Mundo, IV, p. 55. Father Ludovico Bertonio, S.J., asserts that the Lupa- cas occupied the western Lake-shore (Arte y Grammatica mvy copiosa dela Lengva Aymara, 1603, reprint by Platzmann, 1879, p. 11), and the same is intimated by Eamos (pp. 11 and 27). The fact of the establishment of women who had to devote at least part of their existence to ceremonial purposes is variously stated. Eamos: Hist., p. 5, et seq.; Anello Oliva, Eis- toria del Perv, etc., 1631, published at Lima, without date, about 1893. " If the statements of Calancha are reliable, the islands were inhabited in 1589. Coronica Moralizada, Vol. II, Cap. XIV, fol. 78: "A otros Eeligiosos cometieron el entrar a dotrinar en las islas, de que tanto dejamos dicho, que estan en la gran laguna Titicaca, donde avia gran multitud de Indios; algunos con titulo de sus labrancjas, 6 comercios, muchos por huir de la doc- trina, i de el trabajo, otros por asistir en sus guacas, i adoratorios acopanando a sus idolos, i todos, 6 los mas, tenian de cristianos sola- mente ser bautizados. " The Augus- tines took possession of the mission of Copacavana in 1589, and the above passage relates to their actions imme- diately after they had established themselves there. See also Lopez de Velazco : Geografia y Descripcion universal de las Indias (written in the years 1571 to 1574, published by Justo Zaragoza, Madrid, 1894). In regard to the decree of the Conde de la Gomera, reference to it is found in Eamos: Historia, p. 20: "Siendo Gobernador de Chucuito el Conde de la Gomera hizo sacar todos los indios incultos de las islas. ..." The province of Chucuito did not em- brace Copacavana, nor the Islands of Titicaca and Koati, which pertained to Omasuyos; it is therefore unlikely that the decree of the Corregidor of Chucuito should have affected the In- dians of that district. ^Origen de los Indios de el Nuevo Mundo, edition of 1729, p. 75: The lagune of Titicaca "tiene Islas, que antiguamente se habitaron, i labraron, aora estan desiertas. ' ' This passage is also in the first edition, published in 1607, so that the information is from the end of the sixteenth or the beginning of the seventeenth century. ^ Coronica Moralisada, Vol. II, fol. 31: "En las Yslas q contiene su archipelago, i como mayor en la de Titicaca, ay gran cantidad de Yndios, 6 fugitivos de la dotrina, 6 agravia- dos de los Corregidores, i Caziques, 6 Pescadores para grangerias, i no avra pocos para asistir a la supersticion de sus idolatrias. ' ' The second volume of Calancha 's work was published in 16.53. -* There is to-day on the shores of the Copacavana Peninsula a site bear- ing the name Chachapoyas. That some Indians from that remote north- ern part of Peru may have been car- ried along with the Inca war-parties to the Lake-basin is not impossible. Eamos : Historia, p. 9 : " Pero, a pesar 138 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI de esa orden imperial, las mas estan perdidas que ni los apellidos se hallan, aunque existen todavia las estanciaa de los Chaehapoyas, Canares, Canas y alguna otra. ' ' He asserts that the Indians from Chaehapoyas were among Tupac Yupanqui's followers. '^ Tomo Primero de las Ordenansas del Peru, 1752; Ordenansas de To- ledo, November 6, 1573, Lib. II, Tit. IX, Ord. VIII, fol. 145: "Iten, mando, que ningun Indio, ni India apriete laa cabezas de las criaturas recien nacidas, como lo suelen hazar para hazerlas mas largas, porque de averlo hecho se les a recrecido, y recrece dano, y vienen a morir dello ..." Thirteen years later, the Corregidor of the province of CoUaguas (Department of Arequipa, Peru), Joan de UUoa Mo- gollon, in his report dated January 20, 1586: Belacion de la Provincia de los CoUaguas, etc., in Eelaciones geo- grdficas de Indias, Vol. II, p. 40: "Estos CoUaguas, antes de la visita general que se hizo por mandamiento del excelentisimo virey don Francisco de Toledo, traian en la cabeza unos que llamaban en su lengua Chucos, a manera de sombreros muy altos sin falda ninguna, y para que se pudiesen tener en la cabeza, se la apretaban a los ninos recien nacidos tan recia- mente, que se la ahusaban y adelgaza- ban alta y prolongada lo mas que podian, para memoria que habian las cabezas de tener la forma alta del volcan de donde salieron. Esto les est4 ya prohebido por ordenanza. ' ' Of the Indians of ' * Cavana ' ' he says : "Estos son muy diferentes en la cabeza a los CoUaguas, porque, recien nacidos los ninos e ninas, se la atan y la haeen chata y aneha, muy fea y desproporcionada ; la cual se atan con Unas cuerdas blancas k manera de mechas, y dando muchas vueltas alre- dedor, quedan las cabezas ensancha- das. Estales prohibido ya esto por ordenanza. Conocense bien en la hechura de las cabezas el ques natural de Cavana y el ques CoUagua, que, como esta dicho, los CoUaguas se ahusan la cabeza larga y estos Cava- nas ancha y chata." The Indians of Cavana are Quiehuas, those of CoUa- gua spoke the Aymara language (p. 43). The Indian Salcamayhua, in his Belacion de Antigiiedades deste Beyno del Piru, written probably about 1613, but published in the orig- inal text at Madrid in 1879, in Tres Belaciones de Antigiiedades peruanas, attributes the custom to the commands of the Inca war-chief Lloque Yupan- qui (p. 253). This is purely an imag- inary statement and explanation of the origin. Says Cobo {Historia del Nuevo Mundo, IV, 176): "Unas na- ciones las hacian anchas de frente, apretandolas, para darles esta forma, con Unas tablUlas fuertemente liadas. Los CoUas formaban la cabeza larga y puntiaguda . . . y para dar esta figura k las cabezas de los ninos, las liaban y apretaban con vendas, y las traian asi hasta edad de cuatro 6 cinco anos, que ya quedaban endure- cidas y amoldadas a su tocado, largas, ahusadas y sin colodrillo. " He af- firms to have yet seen some old men with deformed skulls. '''That the sandal ("ayanque" on the coast of Peru, and "ojota" in Aymara of Bolivia) was the primitive foot-gear of the Indians needs no references to early information. It is well known and established. " Pulmonary affections were also noticed by us. We know of two cases, one of which a boy about sixteen years old, the other a young married woman. '* The disease is looked upon as venereal by the Indians, but our cure does not support the belief. Of vene- real affections we saw some traces, although the Indian conceals such ail- ments as much as possible. They certainly exist among them, but I be- lieve them to be less frequent and less violent in the Sierra than on the coast. '* It may not be devoid of interest to note what Father Cobo, from the THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 139 standpoint of knowledge of the seven- teenth century, says about the physical properties of the Indian (Historia del Nuevo Mundo, III, p, 23 et seq.) : "Son todos naturalmente flematicos de complexion; y como la flema natu- ral hace blanda y humeda la sustancia de los miembros del cuerpo, tienen muy blandas y delicadas carnes, y asi, se cansan presto y no son para tanto trabajo como los hombres de Europa; hace mas labor en el campo un hombre en Espana que euatro indios aca . . . Junto eon ser flematicos son en ex- treme grado sanguinos de donde les nace ser excesivamente calidos, como se prueba en que en el tiempo de mayores frios y hielos, si se les toca la mano, se les hallara siempre calor notable; y en la poea ropa que visten, que no les sirve de ningun abrigo, mas que de cubrir sus cuerpos. Cuando van camino, duermen, aunque sea en muy frios paramos, donde les toma la noche, al cielo deseubierto; y acontece caer sobre ellos un palmo de nieve y dormir entre ella con tanto reposo como si estuvieran en blandas y regaladas camas. Echase tambien de ver su excesivo calor, en que tienen unos estomagos mas recios que de Avestruz, segun la cantidad y calidad de los manjares que gastan. Porque, dejado aparte que son muy groseros y recios sus mantenimientos, los comen ordiuariamente casi crudos y sin sazon, y con todo eso los digieren muy presto: y si bien cuando comen a su costa son muy parcos en la comida, con todo eso, comiendo a costa ajena, son unos lobos. ' ' Concerning the diseases most com- mon among the Indians of the Bolivian table-land, the Belacion de la Pro- vincia de los Pacajes, in Eel. geo- grdficas de Indias, Vol. II, p. 59, from about 1586, has the following: "Las enfermedades que tenian anti- guamente eran viruelas, sarampion, ca- maras de sangre, y que al presente tienen las mismas y tienen mas otras enfermedades, que son bubas, que llaman Guanti, y mal de corazon, y algunas tercianas y cuartanas que les procede de entrar en los Yungas por Coca, ques tierra caliente. Y para el remedio destas enfermedades no tenian medicos, solo usaban de la sangria con un pedernal y de una yerba que hay en esta provincia que se dice Arato, a manera de yerba-buena, la cual comian verde, y molida la bebian; y de otra yerba que se dice Chuquicaylla quea a manera de aulagas, con que se sahu- maban para las calenturas; y despuea que entraron los espanoles tuvieron conocimiento de una resina que se dice Yareta, a manera de trementina, ques para sacar frios y dolores. ' ' '" This is already recorded in the report of July, 1534: Relatione per Sva Maesta, etc. Bamusio, III, fol. 413: "Le sue terre sono di mediocre grandezza, & le case picciole, le mura di pietra & terra insieme, coperte di paglia. ' ' Cieza : Primera Parte de la Cronica, etc.. Cap. XCLX, p. 442: "Los pueblos tienen los naturales jun- tos, pegadas las casas unas con otras, no muy grandes, todas hechas de piedra, y por cobertura paja, de la que todos en lugar de teja suelen usar. " Cobo: Hist, del N. Mundo, IV, p. 166: "En la Sierra hacen las casas de piedra y barro y las eubren de paja. La piedra es tosca y puesta sin orden y concierto, mas que la van asentando y juntando con pelladas de barro. ' ' These de- scriptions, from 1534, 1550, and 1653, respectively, agree fairly well with the present appearance of Indian dwellings, less the few modern im- provements mentioned in my text. '^^Archaeological Beconnoissance into Mexico, second edition, p. 129. '^ Cobo, in Historia, etc., IV, p. 163, describes the villages of the Sierras very well, also on pp. 166 and 167, but does not mention store-houses. ** Cobo : Historia, etc., IV, p. 171 : ' ' La cama que usan los de la sierra y tierra fria, es una manta gruesa de lana, llamada Chusi, tendida en el suelo; la mitad les sirre de colchon y 140 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI otra mitad, que doblan por los pies, de cobertor 6 frezada, y suelen dormir metidos en un Chusi todos los de una casa, padres e hijos, aunque los que van entrando en policia, por la honesti- dad, apartan ya camas . . . En todas partes duermen con el mismo vestido que traen de dia, excepto que los varones se quitan la Yacolla y las mujeres la LlicUa. " This custom of sleeping together on one Poncho, so to say, is already mentioned in the sixteenth century. The Licenciado Joan de Matienzo, one of the most distinguished, and at the same time most studious in matters of the In- dian, of the members of the royal Audiencia of La Plata (now Sucre, Bolivia), vpho came to Peru in 1559, states in Gobierno del Peru con todas las cosas pertenecientes a el y a su historia, MSS. at Lenox Branch of N. Y. Pub. Library, fol. 40: "Y porque de dormir en el suelo les uienen enfermedades que se mande que ten- gan barbacoas en que duerman y porque el Padre y la Madre y hijos y hijas estan en vn boijo todos juntos y duermen juntos que ae haga en cada casa o boijo un apartamTO en que esten las hijas y no como bestias. " Like many salutary measures of the Spanish government, this one re- mained a dead letter in the inte- rior. We saw many families on the Islands living and sleeping together in one room and partly on the floor, so to say, " in a heap. ' ' "The guinea-pig ("cuy" in Peru, "conejo"— the Spanish for rabbit- in Bolivia) is indigenous; the hog is imported from Europe. Occasionally a cross of the domestic pig with the javali of the forest is met with. There was such a specimen on the Island. It recalled the European wild boar in appearance and its meat was far supe- rior to that of the common hog. ** Compare Final Beport of Investi- gations among the Indians of the Southwestern United States, Vol. I, p. 269, and Archaeological Beconnois- sance, p. 142, "We saw, at Challa, on the Island, in the dwelling of the Alcalde Mariano Mamani, a four- legged stool of stone, well made. It was imbedded in the wall and said to have been found in the Inca ruins of Kasapata. Pedro Pizarro describes as follows the seat used by Atahuallpa (Belacion del Bescuhrimiento y Con- quista de los Beinos del Peru, etc., in Documentos para la Historia de Es- pana. Vol. V, p. 249): " Estaba sen- tado este senor en un duo de madera de altor de poco mas de un palmo: este duo era de madera colorada muy linda, y tenianle siempre tapado con una manta muy delgada, aunque estu- viese el sentado en el. ' ' Francisco de Xerez: Verdadera Belacion de la Con- quista del Perv y Provincia del Cusco, 1534, reprint of 1891, Madrid, p. 82: " Y el tirano estaba a la puerta de su aposento sentado en un asiento bajo. " Cobo: Historia del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 272: "No tenian en sus casas sillas escanos ni genero de asientos, porque todos, hombres y mujeres, se sentaban en el suelo, sacando los Caciques y grandes senores, que por merced y privilegio del Inea usaban de asiento dentro y fuera de sus casas, al cual llamaban Duho, y era un banquillo de madera labrado de una pieza, largo dos palmas y alto uno, seme j ante en la hechura a un animal que tuviese las piernas cortas, la cabeza baja y la cola alta, porque eomunmente le daban figura de animal. Tenia la superficie alta concava, para que ajustase con la parte por donde se asienta el hombre. " With the exception of the statement that the right to use such stools was vested in the "Inca" and delegated by him to minor chiefs, the statement by Cobo is valuable. The words "duho" or "duo" are neither Aymara nor Quichua. In the private collection of Mr. George G. Heye at New York City is a good specimen of a wooden seat from Puerto Eico, and there are two specimens at the American Museum THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 141 of Natural History, both from Turks Island. It seems therefore that these stools, or low chairs, were in use among a number of tribes, both in North and South America. Among many other sections I only mention here Nicaragua. Oviedo: Eistoria general y natural, edition of 1855, Vol. IV, pp. 109 and 111, et seq. ^'We were assured, at Tiahuanaco, that the Aymara would not tolerate images of saints in their houses, from fear of the "Santo Ayre" or ill-wind from the saints, a species of disease. "Although, in appearance, the Indian trusts his home and chattels by not locking the door of the former, this is not the result of confidence in his own people. In the first place, there are hardly locks to be seen in the villages of the aborigines, and, besides, he trusts to the magic power of primitive ceremonials that accom- panied the construction of the build- ings, and to the "Achachila" or "Paccarina" (see later, text and notes). Burglary, therefore, is as good as unknown. What he owns outside of the home and is not in care of special fetishes he guards carefully against robbery, from his own people even more than from whites or mestizos. '»Cobo: Eistoria, etc., IV, p. 170: "En todas las casas, por pequeiias que scan, hay su fogon detras de la puerta, el cual ea de hechura de un hornillo pequeno, no mas alto que un palmo, cerrado por todas partes, con pequena boca por donde atizan el fuego, y por la parte alta, dos 6 tres agujeros redondos, donde asientan las ollas. " This is the kere of to-day, which is usually built by the women, and done quite rapidly, too. Whether the kere, in its present form, is still of the primitive type, is another ques- tion. '* Taquia is llama dung, the chief combustible in those timberless ex- panses. *«Cobo: Eistoria, etc., IV, p. 170: ' * Las piezas que usan en este menester son no mas que de dos 6 tres maneras ; ollas de barro sin vidriar, en que an- tiguamente pintaban diversas figuras, como tambien en los c4ntaros y demas vasijas; platos de calabazas secas, del tamano de pequenas poreelanas, barro y de madera ; los de palo se dicen Meca, y los de barro Pucu; y cazuelas medianas de barro que Uaman Chuas. " The chua is a bowl or a saucer. ^ Final Report, I, p. 269; Archae- ological Beconnoissance, p. 138. " Cobo, Eist. del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 168 : ' ' Los mantenimientos que en- cierran son Maiz, Chuno y Quinua, que todas estas tres cosas les sirven de pan, aunque no todas siempre a todos. Suelen las guardar, 6 dentro de sus casas en tinajas grandes, 6 en algun apartadijo que para esto hacen, 6 fuera dellas en unas pequenas trojes que hacen, bien def endidas del agua. ' ' Formerly they kept their better cloth- ing also in vessels of clay. (P. 171.) "Todo esto guardaban en tinajas, que no tuvieron otras areas, baules ni es- caparates. " Hence clothing found in large clay vessels is not always an in- dication of ceremonial usage. *" Eistoria del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 170. ** Ibid. : ' ' Para moler cosas pe- quenas tienen otra piedra al modo de mortero, algo concava, y muelen en ella con otra pequena y larguilla de la suerte que los pintores muelen los colores. ' ' Specimens of these imple- ments are contained in the collections sent by us from the Islands and other parts of Bolivia. See plates, etc. ^Cobo, IV, p. 168: "No tuvieron curiosidad en haeer portadas grandes y labradas: todas eran puertas pe- quenas y lianas, y las mas tan bajas y estrechas, que parescen bocas de homos. Por donde, cuando vamos a eonfessar sus enfermos, no podemos entrar sino doblando el cuerpo y a casi gatas. ' ' ** Cieza, Primera Parte, etc.. Cap. 142 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI xcx, p. 442: "Los dias y noehes son casi iguales, y en esta comarca hace mas frio que en ninguna otra de las del Peru. ' ' "Cobo, IV, p. 167: "Lo tercero, que ni casas de nobles ni de plebeyos tenian puertas fijas y asentadas para abrir y cerrar: solo usaban de unos canizos 6 zarzos con que tapa- ban la puerta cuando cerraban; y si iban fuera y no quedaba nadie, arri- maban al canizo algunas piedras, y no usaban de mas cerraduras, Have ni de- fensa. " This (aside from other tes- timony) shows that the door is a European introduction. *» Eistoria, IV, p. 171. ** The word ' ' chueo ' ' is Quichua. Fray Torres Eubio: Arte y Vocabula- rio de la Lengua Quichua, edition of 1754, fol. 155— "Chhuccu, Birrete, 6 Capacete de Indios. ' ' Cieza : Pri- mera Parte, Cap. iii. Cobo: Eistoria, IV, p. 176. Pedro Pizarro: Belacio7i, p. 261. Ulloa Mogollon: Relacion de la Provincia de los Collaguas, p. 40. ^"Eistoria del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 159 et seq. YacoUa and chuspa are both Quichua words. Torres Eubio: Arte y Vocahulario, fol. 106, Part I, for YacoUa, p. 85 for Huaras, and p. 82 for Chuspa or Chhuspa. " The lliclla, or llicUe, is also called ' ' aguayo ' ' and is, at the present time, a small piece of handsomely woven cloth, like a handkerchief, or what in French is named foulard. The cumbi or pampacona is yet seen in Bolivia on the heads of women from south of La Paz and elsewhere. The vincha, or uincha, is worn as a head- band by the women around Charas- sani; it is from one to two inches wide and beautiful in color and design. Finger-rings are not unfrequently found in ruins; compare the speci- mens from the Island figured in this monograph. The latter are of copper and of bronze. A handsome ring, of enameled bronze, was found by us on the upper slopes of lUimani in a ruined village. " The ancient needle of copper or bronze is called "yauri." It is not in use at present. The large pins— topo, or tumi— are now mostly made in the shape of spoons, and are some- times of silver or gold. The mestizo women ("cholas") of Bolivia wear ear-rings, sometimes very long and costly ones. *" The word calzon is, as well known, Spanish. ^*Cobo, Eistoria, IV, p. 163: "Para obrar estos vestidos y ropas, y aun para remendarlas, no tienen necesidad de mas instrumentos que de una aguja, que ellos Uaman ciracuna, hecha de una espina larga medio jeme, gruesa como las nuestras colchoneras, horadada al eabo y muy puntiaguda; porque con ella y hilo de lo mismo que son los vestidos, las cosen y remiendan, porque no usan para remendar anadir parte de su pano sobre la rotura, como nosotros, sino que van zarciendo con un hilo de la misma lana lo que de la urdiembre se ha gastado. ' ' A num- ber of such needles made of thorns or spines were sent by us to the Ameri- can Museum of Natural History at this city. "* Yauri is also the Aymara name for copper. Bertonio, Vocahulario, I, p. 124. "Cobo (Eistoria, IV, p. 190) does not mention agricultural implements of stone, but our numerous finds of stone hoes and clod-breakers, on the Islands, in the Cordillera, etc., prove their existence and use. He speaks only of copper and wooden tools. "Los instrumentos de sus labranzas eran pocos, y esos de palo 6 cobre y de ningun artificio. El arado 6 azadon era un instrumento Uamado TacUa, de un palo tan grueso como la muneca y largo poco mas de dos codos, & manera de zanco. Por donde lo asian estaba toreido como cayado, y en la punta ataban otro palo de cuatro dedos de ancho y uno de canto de otra madera mas recia; y como un palmo antes del remate della tenian asido un gancho THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 143 del larger de un jeme, donde hacian Fuerza con el pie izquierdo. Fuera desta suerte de arados tenian otro in- strumento de un palo corvo, que hacia forma de hazuela de carpintero 6 de almocafre, con que quebrantavan los terrones, escardaban y mulian la tierra; j estos dos instrumentos eran los principales con que labraban los campos. Para eseardar los sembrados y hacer los hoyos en que enterraban el Maiz al sembrarlo, usaban de Lam- pas, que los Mexicanos llaman Coas, y es un instrumento como azada, salvo que el hierro era de cobre, sino llano como pala corta de homo." "Cobo, Historia, IV, p. 208: "El techo y cubierta de todos estos edifi- cios era de vigas grandes sin elavazon, mas que atadas con sogas, y por tejas HiCHO largo muy bien asentado. " "* We found much ancient rope, made of ichhu-grass, in ruined houses of the Puna. Thongs of Llama-hide and woolen ropes were also used. To- day they still use rawhide in prefer- ence to hemp. What I say of the Islands concerning modern tools we subsequently noticed on the mainland also. ** The complaint over the uncleanli- ness of the Aymara is general in early sources. No quotations are required. «° See note 33. "' The pougo (from puncu: door, or doorway, since the ancient houses had no doors) is in reality not so much a doorkeeper (except at night) as a gen- eral drudge. There are two kinds of * ' pongos ' ' in most houses of whites or mestizos: the "sala-pongo, " who is doorkeeper and waiter, and the "cocina-pongo, " who carries water, cleans up, washes dishes and helps the cook. The "mit'-ani" is usually a female cook, also a maid of all work. *- Simon Bolivar, Decreto, Cuzco, July 4, 1825, in Coleccion oficial de Leyes, Decretos, Eesoluciones, 4'CC; ^^ la Eepublica Boliviano, Vol. I, p. 34: "Que la Constitucion de la Eepublica no eonoce desigualdad entre los ciu- dadanos. " This is an indirect recog- nition of the citizenship of the In- dians, confirmed in the second decree, of same date. On December 22d of the same year Bolivar decreed (p. 101): "Que proclamadas por la Asamblea de estas provincias su abso- luta independencia, libertad, e igual- dad civil, dejaron de ecsistir las clases privilegiadas. ' ' President Andres Santa Cruz of Bolivia (Decreto, Vol. II, p. 22), speaking of the Indians, calls them * ' Siendo estos ciudadanos empleados en el cultivo de las tierras, ' ' etc. "•■' Changes in policy in regard to Indian lands have been frequent, and I withhold from quoting authorities. "* The terracing of slopes for pur- poses of tillage, and especially the rotation in cultivated patches for the sake of letting the land recuperate, are customs that were common to the land-tilling tribes of Peru and Bolivia long previous to the conquest. Says Garcilasso de la Vega, in Comentarios reales, I, fol. 100: "Y porq eran tan esteriles por falta de riego, no las sebrauan mas de vn ano o dos, y luego repartia otras, porque descansassen las primeras. " Like Cieza, he attrib- utes every kind of improvement, also in agriculture, to the Inca. This is not the case. The custom of rotation antedates the time of Inca raids, as well as the construction of terraces on slopes. The latter needs no further proof than the existence of such an- denes in sections whither the Incas never penetrated, where they are as abundant as elsewhere, and the exist- ence, on the Islands, of terraces at- tributed to the ' ' Chullpa ' ' or Aymara, and positively stated to be from times long anterior to the first visit of Incas to Titicaca. Inca terraces on the Islands can be easily recognized from their superior workmanship. In re- gard to periodical redistribution of lands, the Licenciado Falcon, in his Bepresentacion hecha en Concilio Provincial, sobre los daiios y molestias 144 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI que se hacen a los Indios, Doc. de Indias, VII, p. 465, says: "Tambien es necesario advertir que se enganan Jos que dicen que el Inga daba, y qui- taba las tierras a quien queria, y aun los caciques, lo cual no pasa asi, sino fue en la entrada y conquista . . . y no hace al caso que en algunas tierras hasta hoy se reparian las tierras por el curaca a los indios, porque esto es por costumbre que habia en aquellas provincias de antes del tiempo del Inga y dexolos el Inga en ella. ' ' This alludes to rotation and redistribution as a custom anterior to the estab- lishment of Inea sway. The well- known Licenciado Polo de Ondogardo, in Eelacion de los fundamentos acerca del notable dano que resulta de no guardar a los Indios sus fueros, Doc. de Indias, XVII, p. 32, June 25, 1571, states: "Y estas tierras dividian en cada vn ano e dividen hoy dia en la mayor parte del rreyno, e yo me e ha- Uado presente a la diuision en munch os e principalmente en la provincia del CoUao y en la del Chucuyto, y en este quinto presupuesto pudo entrar por regla general ynfalible que nynguno poseyo por merced del inga, la qual como esta dicho, tampoco diuidian los herederos ny podian disponer della en nynguna manera. ' ' "' The principal pasturages on the Island are the low grounds at Pucara (m.) and the grassy swellings of Ciri- apata. The cattle of the Indians run loose all over the Island. '* The same system prevails nearly all over Bolivia, as I shall have occa- sion to show in my other work on the country. " What to-day is designated by the Spanish name of " comunidades " and "estancias" are tribes, each com- posed of a number of ayllu. The word ayllu is both Aymara and Quichua. ** This division, about which I hope to give more data in a subsequent work, is so frequently mentioned in the early sources that no doubt can remain concerning its existence at Cuzco. At the present time it exists in Bolivia under the respective names of Aran-saya and Ma-saya. Although it is stated the Incas introduced it among the Aymara, it is far from certain. A singular statement is found in Ramos' Eistoria de Copacabana, 1860, p. 55, in connection with the finding of the cross of Carabuco (see my paper in the American Anthro- pologist, Vol. VI, No. 5) : " Entre los Urinsayas, que son los naturales de un lugar, solia mandar el Inca indios de su confianza para amalgamarlos mejor en las costumbres del imperio y para velar sobre la fidelidad de los nuevo^ conquistados; a estos foraste- ros les llamaban Anansayas: dos par- cialidades que se mifaban con recelo y muchas veces venian a las manos, como judios y samaritanos. . . . Los Urin- sayas dijeron a los Anansayas, que eran unos pobres advenedizos sin tierra ni patria propia, ' ' etc. This would indicate that the division antedated the appearance of the Inca on the eastern shores of Titicaca. ""Also: Libro de Cassados que Per- tenece a este Pueblo de Tiaguanaco, 1694 to 1728, MSS. . ™ Ibidem. An ' * Inca-ayllu ' ' is mentioned, as from several distinct localities. Even among the Inca at Cuzco there was at least one ayllu with the name of a locality, the "Ayllu Tome-Bamba" (from Tumi- pampa, in Ecuador), and said to have descended from Huayna Capae (Diego Fernandez: Primera y Segunda Parte de la Eistoria del Peru, 1571, reprint of 1876, at Lima, p. 358). Garcilasso de la Vega, in Comentarios, I, fol. 263, confirms. In the Descripcion de la tierra del Eepartimiento de los Buca- nas Anvamarcas, of 1586 {Hel. geo- grdficas, etc., II, p. 198), it is stated: ' ' Primeramente, se responde al primer capitulo, que esta provincia 6 reparti- miento tiene por nombre Eucanas Antamarcas, de un pueblo llamado asi, a donde estaban poblados en tiempo de su gentilidad un ayllo 6 THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 145 pareialidad que ahora se dice asimismo Antamarcas, y estan reducidos en otro pueblo que se dice La Vera Cruz de Cauana; y Puesto que en este nombre de Antamarcas Eucanas se comprehenden todos los indios deste repartimiento y provincia, hay en ella cuatro ayllos 6 parcialidades, que se nombran asi : Antamarca, Apcara, Omapacha, Huchucayllo. Antamarca quiere decir pueblo de cobre, y no tienen los indios noticia por que se haya llamado asi; Rucana quiere decir dedo; Apcara quiere decir fortaleza, y por ser el pueblo cercado de pared y f oso se quedo con este nombre . . . ; Omapacha, que es otra pareialidad, quiere decir, en lengua antigua de los propios indios particular, tierra de aguas, ' ' etc. We have in this in- stance indications of three changes among the ayllus of the district of the Antamarcas— change in locality since the conquest; change of name, from the original Aymara to the Quichua, probably in three cases. Omapacha is half Aymara, half Quichua. The in- terpretation by Espada in note (a) has no basis; hence a combination of two languages in one and the same word. At some future day I hope to be able to present more concrete data relative to the ayllu in Peru and Bo- livia. SuflSce it to say here, that the ayllu is 'the clan, modified in its fea- tures by time and contact vrith Euro- pean elements. But I cannot refrain from quoting, on the subject of origin, a high authority. Father Pablo Joseph Arriaga, S.J. : Extirpacion de la Ydolatria del Pirv, Lima, 1621, Cap. VII, p. 40 : " No saben, que procedemos todos de nuestros primeros padres, y assi estan persuadidos no solo que los Espanoles proceden de vn principio, y los negros de otro, sino que cada Ayllo, y pareialidad de los Yndios tiene su principio, y Pacarina, que ellos llaman particular, y la nombran, y la adoran, y ofrecen sacrificios; llamandola Ca- mac, que es criador, y cada vno dize que tiene su Criador, vnos dizen, que tal Cerro, otros que tal fuente, otros quentan de sus Pacarinas muchas f abulas, y patranas. ' ' The Quichua Pacarina is, in substance, the same as the Maehula; and the Achachila of the Aymara. (Cap. ii, p. 12.) "Alas Pacarinas, que es de donde ellos dicen que descienden, reverencian tambien. Que como no tienen fe, ni conoci- miento de su primer origen de nues- tros primeros padres Adan y Eva, tienen en este punto muchos errores, y todos especialmente las cabezas de Ayllos saben, y nombran sus Paca- rinas. " At an early day this belief in descent of the clans from localities is mentioned. I quote, for example, Juan de Betanzos: Suma y Narracion de los Incas, 1551, Madrid, 1880, p. 5 : Cristobal de Molina (translation by Markham in Haclcluyt Society Publi- cations, original at Lima) : An account of the Fables and Eites of the Incas, pp. 4 to 9. While descent or origin of the Ayllu is placed at specific locali- ties, it is clear that it is attributed to certain objects, animate or inani- mate, situated at the places men- tioned. '^ The election of alcaldes about the first of January was instituted in the vice-royalty of Peru by Don Fran- cisco de Toledo in 1575. Ordenansas del Peru, Vol. I, Lib. ii, fol. 125: ' ' Que el dia de ano nuevo se junten para la eleccion. ' ' '- Properly ' ' hilacata. ' ' The word alcalde is, of course, Spanish. The office is not, as represented in some sources, an ' ' Inca ' ' institution. '^ Carta de los principales de Sica- sica a la Comunidad de Callapa, May, 1781, Archivo boliviano, Bocumentos, p. 205; also Informe of Fray Matias Borda, p. 220. '* The alcalde is not a survival of the ' ' cacique. ' ' The latter office was abolished by decree of Bolivar, July 4, 1825. In early times, when the office of alcalde was first established among the Indians, he was in fact the chief 146 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI police commissioner of the pueblo. Ordenansas para los Indios, by the viceroy Toledo (Ordenanzas del Peru, Lib. II, Tit. I and ii, fol. 125 to 134). This implies the military command in case of war, among the Indians, so that the alcalde is in reality the war- chief of his tribe. " It is hardly the place to enter into a discussion of the customs of succession and inheritance which are so decisive in regard to the question of endogamous and exogamous mar- riage. Evidences in favor of exogamy are numerous among older sources. Even the Cuzco Indians (the Inca) seem, as I shall establish elsewhere, to have had descent in the female line. I limit myself to quoting from the Ordinances of Toledo (Ordenansas del Peru, Lib. ll. Tit. ix, fol. 144) : " Primeramente, porq entre los indios se acostumbra que cuando la India de vn Ayllo, 6 repartimiento se casa con Indio de otro repartimiento, 6 Ayllo, y el marido se muere dexando hijos 6 hijas, los Caciques Principales cuya era la India antes que se casase la compelen a bolver al repartimiento, y Ayllo adonde era antes, y llevar consigo los hijos que huvo del marido. Ordeno, y mando, que a India de vn repartimiento, parcialidad, y Ayllo que se casare con Indio de otro, dexen los hijos que en ella huviere havido su marido en el repartimiento, parciali- dad, y Ayllo donde su padre era tribu- tario, porque alii le han de ser ellos, y ella se passe a su repartimiento, 6 Ayllo, si sus Caziques, 6 Principales la pidieren dexandola estar algun tiempo con sus hijos hasta que el menor dellos sea de edad de ocho aiios para arriba, porque no les haga falta su ausencia al tiempo antes." The title of this section is still more conclusive: "Que los hijos sigan y reeonozcan el Ayllo, y Parcialidad de su Padre y no el de la Madre. " It proves that marriage was exogamous, and also, that succession in the male line was a change introduced by Spanish legislation at the end of the sixteenth century. Whenever a con- quering people, by laws or decrees, explicitly either sanctions or abro- gates customs of the conquered, such sanction or abrogation is the best evi- dence of the existence of such customs, at the time when the change was or- dained. " At an early day the Aymara were accused of unnatural vices. Cristoval Vaca de Castro: Carta al Emperador, November 24, 1542 (Cartas de Indias, p. 491): "En la prouincia que he dicho . . . que se llama del Collao . . . sauido como ay yndies que tienen por costunbre de vsar el pecado abomina- ble entrellos, y andan vestidos de abito de yndias: tengo aqui presos muchos; hazerse ha justicia e ponerse ha remedio en esto. Algunos dizen, en sus dichos, questan diputados para este abominable pecado, para los pasa- jeros yndios que van por aquella pro- uincia, porque no entiendan con las yndias. ' ' There are several confirma- tions of this statement. Even Cieza, who is so decidedly partial to the In- dians (especially the Inca) says (Primera Parte de la Cronica, Cap. ci, p. 442): "Destos se tiene que abor- recian el pecado nefando, puesto que dicen que algunos de los rusticos que andaban guardando ganado lo usaban secretamente, y los que ponian en los temples por inducimiento del demonio, como ya tengo contado. " The latter refers to the coast people (Cap. LXiv, p. 416). Pizarro: Eelacion del Descu- hrimiento, p, 280: "Estos indios destas provincias del Collao es gente sucia, tocan en muchos pecados abo- minables, andaban muchos varones en habitos de mugeres y en muchas idola- trias. ' My inquiries on this point were always answered in the negative, and I never observed anything that led me to suspect that such a habit might exist at the present time. It certainly existed, thirteen years ago, among the New Mexican pueblos and was openly practised, in isolated THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 147 cases, in the sixteenth century. Com- pare Gaspar Perez de Villagran: His- ioria de la Nueva Mexico, 1610. To-day there exists among the AjTnara the custom of what might be named a "trial year" before mar- riage. That this is an ancient habit is proven by it being mentioned ante- rior to its prohibition by Spanish de- crees. Pedro Pizarro, who wrote about 1570, asserts that, previous to marriage, indiscriminate intercourse was permitted with the girls (Eela- cion, pp. 347 and 379). The decree promulgated by Toledo is conclusive {Ordenanzas del Peru, fol. 128, et seq.) : * ' Iten, por quanto ay costumbre entre los Indios casi generalmente, no casarse sin primero averse conocido, tratado, 6 conversado algun tiempo, y hecho vida maridable entre si, como si verdaderamente lo fuessen, y les parece, que si el marido no conoce primero a la muger, y por el contrario, que despues de casados no pueden tener pas, contento y amistad entresi. ' ' It might be, that this trial-year is preceded by some provisional ceremony, but the marriage after primitive custom takes place at the expiration of the twelve months. That the trial year is what I have called it, remains proven by the fact that, at its close, the parties may yet separate and the fact of temporary union is not binding upon either party. If they continue, however, to live to- gether as man and wife, without hav- ing their primitive and the church ceremonials performed, they are looked upon as transgressors. The Constitu- ciones synodales del Ar^obispado de los Reyes, en el Perv, 1613, reprint of 1722, p. 79, Lib. IIII, Cap. vi, fol. 79, ordain : ' ' Porque el Demonio ha intro- ducido entre los Yndios, q quando tratan de casarse con alguna India se amanceban primero con ella, viviendo en ofensa, . • . ; Mandamos: que los Curas, muy de ordinario en sus ser- mones, les exorten y amonesten ser abuso y grave pecado lo que hazen y que averiguen quienes son culpados en ello, y la tal averiguacion la remitan al Uicario para que los castigue. ' ' Arriaga: Extirpacion de la Ydolatria, etc., p. 34 : " Otro abuso es muy comun entre todos los Yndios oy en dia, que antes de casarse, se an de conocer primero, y juntarse algunas vezes, y assi es caso muy raro, el casarse, sino es, primero, Tincunacuspa, como ellos dizen, y estar tan assentados en este engano, que pidiendome en vn pueblo, por donde passava, vn Yndio, que le casase con vna Yndia con quien estava concertado de casarse, vn hermano de ella lo contradecia grandemente, y no dava otra causa, sino que nunca se auian conocido, ni juntadose, y de otro Yndio se yo que aviendose casado no podia ver a su muger, y le dava mala vida, por que dixo que era de mala condieion, pues nadie la avia querido ni conocido antes que se casase. " " Arriaga : Extirpacion, Cap. vi, p. 32. " The description of mortuary cus- toms by Cieza (Primera Parte, Cap. c, p. 443) presents a distorted picture, from insufficient observation, the writer merely passing through the Collao, in 1549. The Eelacion de los Pacajes, 1586, {Eel. geogrdf. II, p. 61) : "Y al difunto le enterraban con los mejores vestidos y ofrecian mucha comida y AzuA ..." Arriaga, Ex- tirpacion, Cap. VT, p. 34: "Hechanles muy disimuladamente chicha en la sepultura, porque bevan, y muy al descubierto cuando les hazen las hon- ras, comidas cocidas, y assadas sobre la sepultura, para que coman. ..." The Licenciado Fernando de Santillan {Eelacion del Origen, Descendencia, Politica y Gobierno de los Incas, date about 1565, Madrid, 1879, in Tres Ee- laciones de Antigiiedades peruanas, p. 35) affirms it to have been a gen- eral custom : ' ' Tenian y ereian tam- bien que los muertos han de resucitar con sus euerpos y volver a poseer lo que dejaron, y por esc lo mandaban 148 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI echar consigo en laa huacas, y los ponian a los muertos todo lo mejor que tenian, ' ' etc. The broom may be a modern substitute for a weapon. " Arriaga, Extirpacion, p. 34 : " Es- parcen en algunas partes harina de Maiz, de Quinua por la casa, para ver como ellos dizen si buelve el di- funto, por las pisadas, que a de dexar seiialadas en la harina. ' ' »" Final Beport, 1, p. 208 et seq. " This is clearly shown in the Libro de Cassados, of Tiaguanaco (MSS.). ^^ Belacion de la Provincia de los Pacajes, p. 59: "Y el dia de hoy van a Potosi y a otras partes, como son las Yungas, donde se coge la Coca y hacen otros muchos servicios que no hacian entonces. " (P. 61.) "Las casas de lot caciques y tambos usaron largas y cuadradas, y la madera traian de los Yungas. ' ' Description y Eelacion de la Ciudad de La Pas, 1586 (Bel. geo- grdf. II, p. 78): "Entran en los valles calientes, asi donde se da maiz como coca, trigo y demas cosas que tengo referidas, y traen del ganado que tienen, que son los carneros desta tierra, y lana dellos y vestidos que desta lana hacen y la sal que hay en 8u tierra, y con esta compran haciendo trueque del maiz y la coca y demas cosas que en su tierra f altan. ' ' " Vol. V, 1895, first quarter, p. 120. " We offered quite a reasonable amount of money at Sampaya for the privilege of seeing and copying one of these pictographs drawn on sheepskin, but in vain. I. I. von Tschudi {Bei- sen durcJi Siid-AmeriJca, 1869, Vol. V, p. 314) gives a facsimile of one of these Catechisms, which he found at Copacavana, adding an explanation, ^ And also sent two to the Museum. For the use of a knotted string (in an analogous manner as the New Mexican Indians used it in 1680 in order to in- form all the pueblos of the date fixed for 'the uprising against the Spaniards) by the Aymara at Copoeavana in 1781, see Fray Matias Borda: Informe (Ar- chivo boliviano, p. 206). The Indian messenger from Tiquina carried a cord or string with a knot in it — "y el citado nudo, desatado que fuese, tam- bien significaria una especie de carta 6 auto cerrado, que el solo tenia la f acultad de abrir, 6 desatar ..." As soon as the knot was untied, the In- dians attacked the Sanctuary (p. 211). *' In primitive times the two meals were quite regular. Cobo : Historia del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 174: "Co- mian dos vezes al dia, a las ocho 6 nueve de la manana, y 4 la tarde, con una 6 dos horas del sol. ' ' *^ The use of coca as medium of exchange is already mentioned in the sixteenth century. Garcilasso de la Vega : Comentarios, I, f ol. 213 : * ' Ade- lante diremos como la lleuan a Potosi, y tratan y contratan con ella. ' ' Also Belacion de los Pacajes, p. 63: "Y asi el trato principal que hay en esta provincia entre los indios y espanoles, es rescatar Coca por carneros y comida que les llevan. " ^ Bishop Vicente de Valverde : Carta al Emperador sobre asuntos de su iglesia y otros de la gobernacion general de aquel pais, in Doc. de In- dias. III, p. 98 : " Coca . . . , y vale en esta tierra a peso de oro y es la prin- cipal renta de loa diezmos. " The date of this letter is, Cuzeo, March 20, 1539. The use of coca (mastication of the leaves, especially) was much more general in South and Central America than is usually believed. It extended from Nicaragua southward. Oviedo : Eistoria, Vol. I, p. 206 : " De la hierva que los indios de Nicaragua Uaman yaat, e en la gobernacion de Venezuela se dice hado, y en el Peru la Uaman coca, e en otras partes la nombran por otros nombres diversos, porque son las lenguas diferentes. " In Colombia its use was common (Ibidem, II, p. 390). Lucas Fernan- dez de Piedrahita: Eistoria general de las Conquistas del Nvevo Beyno de Granada, 1688, p. 20. "Porque lo mas de la noche gastaban en mascar Hayo, que es la yerva, que en el Peru THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 149 llaman Coca, y son ciertas hojas come las del Zumaque. ' ' Antonio Julian : La Perla de la America, Madrid, 1787, p. 25 et seq. Cieza (Primera Parte, p. 440), while inclining to the belief that the coca was specially reserved for the high chiefs and the worship of the Inca tribe at Cuzco, says nevertheless: "En el Peru en todo se uso y usa traer esta coca en la boca, y desde la manana hasta que se van & dormir la traen, sin la echar della. ' ' Pedro Pizarro: Belacion, p. 270: "4 otros hacer coger coca, que era una yerba quellos traian en la boca muy preseiada y con que hacian todos sus sacrifieios e idolatrias . . . Tenianla en mucho porque usaban della los Senores y a quien ellos la daban, y no comun- mente ..." This would indicate that coca and its use were a privilege of a certain class. Its character as an ob- ject for sacrifice and its rarity at Cvzco may have given it that appear- ance, its use (as the above quotations show) was free and general. Santi- Uan: Belacion, p. 116: "En tiempo del inga eran muy pocas las chacaras [of coca]." " I shaU refer to that tradition further on. '" In 1781, the horrible massacres perpetrated inside of the churches, and repeated at Ayo-ayo and Mohoza in 1899, show how little, at heart, the Aymara cares for the Christian re- ligion. " Fi7ial Report, 1, p. 222. '^ The term Pachacamae we heard at Tiahuanaco. It is a Quichua im- portation and rarely used by the Aymara. "^ These terms are post-conquistorial, but they show the Indian's ideas on these points. Arriaga (Extirpacion, Cap. VI, p. 33) gives an illustration of how they made use of the Apostle Santiago to incorporate him in their own circle of spiritual beings: "En el nombre de Santiago tienen tambien supersticion y suelen dar este nombre al vno de los Chuchus [twins] como S, hijos del rayo que suelen Uamar San- tiago. No entiendo que sera por el nombre Boanerges, que les pusso al Apostol Santiago, y a su hermano S:Juan Christo nuestro Senor, llaman- doles Eayos, que esto quiere dezir hijos del trueno, segun la frase Hebrea, sino 6 porque se avra estendido por aca la frasse, o conseja de los muchachos de Espana, que quando truena, dizen que corre cavallo de Santiago, 6 porque veran, que en las guerras que tenian los Espanoles, quando querian disparar los Arcabuzes, que los Yndios llaman YUapa, o Eayo, apellidavan primero Santiago, Santiago. ' ' A very instruc- tive incident is related by the same authority (Cap. xiii, p. 79): "El octavo, de la intercession de los San- tos, y adoracion de las imagenes, porque ellos dizen que son nuestras Huacas, y tienen acerca de esto algu- nas vezes, como en otras cosas, muchas ignorancias. — Como sucedio en vn pueblo, donde avia quatro imagenes de Santos, y muy buenas de la vocacion de quatro Cofradias, y se averiguo, que algunos no se encomendavan a aquellos Santos, ni les hazian oracion, porque dezian, que aquellos Santos, ya eran suyos, y ellos los avian comprado, y assi ivan a otro pueblo a visitar otros Santos, por las razones contra- rias. ' ' '* The * ' Pu-tu-tu ' ' is also used dur- ing a lunar eclipse and, in general, as a signal of warning in any occurrence or phenomenon that inspires awe or fear to the Indian of Bolivia. We had no almanac at Challa and none could be procured far or near, so we were not aware beforehand of the lunar eclipse of March 10, 1895, and could not witness the ceremonials which the Indians may have per- formed, but the sound of the pututu disturbed us. Shouting and beating of drums, conch-sh^Us and trumpets of clay and copper, etc., took the place of the cow-horn in primitive times. So in the case of eclipses. Ar- riaga: Extirpacion, Cap. vi, p. 38: 150 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI "Lo que vsavan antiguamente en los Elipses de la Luna, que llaman Qui- LLAMHUANUUN la Luna se muere, o QuiLLA TuTAYAN, la Luna se escurece vsan tambien aora, a^otando los per- ros, tocando tambores, y dando gritos por todo el pueblo, para que resucite la luna . . . toeauaa trompetas, cor- Comentarios, fol. 48: "Al eclypse de la luna . . . tocauan trompetas, cor- netas, caracoles, atabales, y atambores, y quantos instrumentos podian auer que hiziessen ruydo; atauan los perros grandes y chicos, dauanles muchos palos para que aullassen, y llamassen la luna." Supay is a Quichua term for evil spirits collectively, but any demon or fiend is Supay also. As little as the Indians had any conception of a su- preme God, as little did they have a notion of a supreme devil. " I cannot find this word in Ber- tonio. " Zuni Fetiches, p. 9. " It would carry me entirely too far, were I to enter into a discussion of this question. That both sun and moon were looked upon as created be- ings results from every tradition or so-called creation myth as reported in the sixteenth century. Compare, for instance, Cieza : Segunda Parte de la Cronica del Peru, Cap. v, pp. a and 6, and Cap. xxx, p. 119; Betanzos: Suma y Narracion, Cap. i, pp. 1 and 2; Santillan : Eelacion, p. 13 ; Relacion de las costumbres antiguas de los Natu- rales del Piru, of about 1615, and anonymous; Tres Belaciones de An- tigiicdades peruanas, p. 138; Garci- lasso de la Vega: Comentarios, I, Lib. II, fol. 25. It was not the orbs to which a certain worship was offered, but to the spiritual beings that dwelt in them, to the Achachilas, Machulas or Pacarinas believed to reside both in the sun and the moon. Sun-wor- ship, so-called, was by no means gen- eral, but limited to the Inca of Cuzco. Neither did these look upon the sun as the supreme God. It was one of the fetishes most applied to, but not for everything. In this respect the list of places of worship or shrines, at Cuzco and surroundings, given by Cobo {Historia, IV, pp. 7 to 47) is very instructive. Arriaga (Extirpa- cion. Cap. ii, p. 11) states: "En muchas partes (especialmente de la sierra) adoran al Sol, con nombre de Punchao, que significa el dia, y tam- bien debajo de su propio nombre Ynti.— Y tabien a la Luna, que es Quilla ... El adorar estas cosas no es todos los dias, sino el tiempo sefia- lado para hacerlas fiestas, y cuando se ven en alguna necesidad 6 enfermedad, 6 han de hacer algun camiuo, levantan las manos, y se tiran las cejas, y las soplan hacia arriba, hablando con el Sol 6 con Libiac, llamandole su Hace- dor, y su criador y pidiendo que le ayude. ' ' Pedro Pizarro was eye-wit- ness of the ceremonials at Cuzco, and states that they were performed daily in the square, not only to the sun, but to the bodies of their dead chiefs (Eelacion, p. 264). It may not be inappropriate to add here that Pedro Gutierrez de Santa Clara (Historia de las Guerras ciuiles del Peru, III, Cap. hvi, p. 486) states: ' ' En toda esta tierra, tamano como es, que los Ingas senores auian, y todos los yndios que en ella habitauan, ado- rauan dos dioses, que el vno se dezia Cons y el otro Pachacama, como a dioses principales; y por acessores tenian al Sol y a la Luna (diciendo) que eran marido y muger y que estos eran multiplicadores de toda la tierra ; bien es verdad que Cons y Pachacama hazian estas operaciones, mas que no los vian, y a estos dos si, cada dia y cada noche. " This might (if true) recall the ' ' sun-father ' ' and ' * moon- mother" of the New Mexico pueblos! °' While both sun and moon are ' ' Achachilas, ' ' among the Aymara, the fetishes chiefly applied to were (and are) the tall peaks of the An- des. This was also the case in those sections of Peru where the snowy THE INDIANS OP THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 151 mountains are of great height and striking appearance. Also in Ecuador. Belacion hecha por mi, Fray Geronimo de Aguilar, de la Dotrina y Pueblo de Caguasqui y Quilca, etc., 1582, in Bel. geogrdficas, III, p. 126: "Los ritos y ceremonias que tenian estos naturales y los de Quilca en el tiempo de su infidelidad, adoraban al cielo y a los cerros mas altos y nevosos; hacian sacrificio de maiz bianco, ' ' etc. Fray Juan de Paz Maldonado : Belacion del Pueblo de Sant- Andres Xunxi (no date, but from the latter part of the sixteenth century). Ibidem, p. 151: "El dicho volcan del Chimborazo esta deste pueblo una legua y media; salen del tres 6 cuatro arroyos de agua que Uevan diferentes vias. Y alrededor del, al pie de la nieve, hay hoy dia algunos edificios caidos, donde acudia toda la tierra alrededor a ofrecer . . . Dicen los indios que el volcan del Chimborazo, es el varon, y el de Tun- guragua es la hembra, y que se comu- nican yendo Chimborazo a ver a su muger y la muger al marido, y que tienen sus ayuntamientos . . . En lo que adoran es en el Sol y en la Luna y en estos dichos dos volcanes. ' ' An- tonio Bello Gayoso : Belacion que enbio a mandar su Magestad se hiziese desta Ciudad de Cuenca y de toda su Pro- vincia, 1581, Ibidem, p. 179: "Adora- ban al sol y la luna, y en particular algunos adoraban en las lagunas y en cerros seiialados. " Similar testimony could be adduced from almost every part of Peru, but it would be too voluminous. The ques- tion is as to the Inca of Cuzco, and in this respect the writings of Cristo- val de Molina (Fables and Bites of the Incas) are very interesting. Like Pedro Pizarro (note 96), he states that the fetishes of the sun, of thunder and lightning, were always worshiped together (pp. 16, 20, 21, 24, etc.), at least in the public square. Cieza (Segunda Parte, p. 40) professes to give the approximate text of an invo- cation, in which the head-chief was addressed as follows: "Oh Inca grande y poderoso, el Sol y la Luna, la Tierra, los montes y los arboles, las piedras y tus padres te guarden de inf ortunio y hagan prospero, ' ' etc. The Belacion de las costumbres an- tiguas de los naturales del Piru, pp. 137 to 140, although not very reliable, should also be considered. Even Gar- cilasso de la Vega involuntarily admits that the Inca worshiped innumerable fetishes. Comentarios I, fol. 75: ' ' Vno de los principales idolos q los Reyes Incas y sus vasallos tuuieron, fue la Imperial ciudad el Cozco, q la adorauan los Yndios como cosa sa- grada. " Besides the sun (to which he of course assigns the first place), he mentions (fol. 76 et seq.) the fetishes of the moon and of several stars, of thunder and lightning, and of the rainbow. Finally he gives an explanation of the term "huaca" that is exactly the Achachila cult as we found it among the Aymara (fols. 29 and 30). He says: "las muchas, y diuersas significaciones que tiene este nombre Huaca: el qual . . . quiere dezir ydolo, como Jupiter, Marte, Venus." It would be too long to quote the remainder of Chapter iv, Book II, in which he enumerates the manifold objects to which the name was given. The clearest and most positive statement, however, is found in Arriaga: Extirpacion, Cap. Ii, but it is also too lengthy to be incorpo- rated here. The fact that the Aymara of the Bolivian Puna and Lake basin re- garded as their principal fetishes the summits (strongly individualized) of the Andes, repeatedly mentioned (Des- cripcion y Belacion de la Ciudad de La Paz, p. 71) : "Hay otra adoracion que se llama Hillemanna [Illimani, properly Hilaumani], ques una sierra alta cubierta de nieves que perpetua- mente se hacen, " etc. Speaking of the Indians of Pucarani, a village situated south of the Lake and be- tween it and La Paz, Fray Antonio 152 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI de la Calancha (Coronica Moralizada, I, Lib. nil, Cap. xni, p. 867) says: ' ' Los Idolos que adorauan estos Indies eran los fronterizos cerros nevados, dando mas adoracion al que tenia mas alteza. En los que gastavan mas sa- crificios, i estremavan el culto era en el cerro Illimani Cullcachata, i en el mas frontero del pueblo llamado Cacaaca, este por ser muy eminente i estar siempre nevado, fue muy venerado de todos los desta provincia de Omasuyo, en estos cerros les dava respuestas el Demonio, i eran continuos sus oracu- los. " Omasuyos is the district to which Copacavana pertained and per- tains to-day, hence the statements of Calancha apply directly to the Indians of the Islands. I would also observe that on the Island we heard the name Illimani applied to the peaks of So- rata! They are certainly the most prominent points of the Cordillera as seen from Titicaca and especially from Koati, whereas Illimani is only visible at a few points and at a great dis- tance. The Karka-Jaque (Ka-Ka- a-Ka, or Huayna Potosi) is quite prominent also, though not as much as the Hanko-Uma (Illampu) and Hilampi (Hanko-Kunu), the twin peaks of the Sorata chain. From statements by Miguel Cabello de Bal- boa (Misceldnea anthartica, 1586, MSS., at the Lenox Branch, New York Public Library) and F. Eamos Gavilan (Historia del celehre y milagroso San- tuario de la Ynsigne Ymagen de Nfii Sfii de Copacavana, Lima, 1621, Cap. II), it might be inferred that the adoption, by the Inca, of the sun- father as a superior fetish, occurred about four or five centuries previous to the conquest. I hope to treat this matter in a special paper. " Called ' ' sullu ' ' in current speech. The proper signification is the fetus of an abortion. Bertonio: Voca})ula- rio, II, p. 327: "Abortino, mal pa- rido. ' ' In Quichua it is clearer yet. Torres Eubio: Arte y Vocdbulario, fol. 100: "Cosa abortada." The use of the sullu of a pig is, of course, post-conquistorial. ^"^ Called ' ' untu. ' ' A common offer- ing in primitive times. Arriaga: Ex- tirpacion, Cap. iv, p. 26; "Bira, que es sebo de los Carneros de la tierra es tambien of renda. " " Bira, ' ' or ' ' vira, ' ' is the Quichua term. ^" They use the term ' ' ahuilita, ' ' from the Spanish "abuelita. " Also sometimes ' ' ahuichu. ' ' ^"^ The translation of these invoca- tions is not literal. "' Eamos : Historia, p. 72, edition of 1860 : ' ' Era costumbre muy comun entre estas gentes el juntar a los ago- reros, para que despues de tomar su chicha, coca y otras necedades, desig- nasen el lugar y la figura de la casa 6 choza que pensaban hacer. Miraban al aire, escuchaban pajaros, como arus- pices, invocaban a sus lares 6 al de- monic, con cantares tristes, al son de tamboriles destemplados : y pronosti- cando el buen 6 mal suceso empezaban la construccion, poniendo a veces coca mascada en el cimiento y sus asperjeos de chicha . . . Aun ahora no han aca- bado de perder esas abusiones al fabri- car sus casitas; pues siempre auguran a su modo, echan su chicha 6 aguar- diente por los rincones, festejan su conclusion con regular borrachera y sus consecuencias. ' ' Arriaga, Extir- pacion, p. 37: "En hazer sus Casas tienen como en todas las demas cosaa muchas supersticiones, combidando de ordinario a los de su Ayllo, rocian con chicha los cimientos como ofreciendola, y sacrifieandola para que no se caigan las paredes, y despues de hecha la casa tambien la asperjan con la misma chicha. ' ' See also : Villagomez : Carta pastoral de Exortacion e instruccion contra las Idolatrias de los indios del Argoiispado de Lima, 1641, fol. 47. He copies Arriaga textually. ^'** Arriaga, Extirpacion, Cap. ii, p. 11: "A Mamapacha, que es la tierra tambien reverencian especialmente las mujeres, al tiempo, que han de sem- brar, y hablan con ella diciendo que THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 153 lea d^ buena cosecha, y derraman por eso chicha, y maiz molido, 6 por su mano, 6 por medio de los hechizeros. " Villagomez: Exortacion, p. 39. Fer- nando de Santillan: Belacion del Ori- gen Descendencia, etc., p. 31: "El eacrificio que hacian a la tierra no era tan ordinario ni en tanta eantidad. Cuando caian malos, en aquel lugar decian que la tierra estaba enojada, y derramaban chicha y quemaban ropa para aplaearla. Tenian a la tierra por especial abogada de las mujeres que estan de parto, y cuando habian de parir, le hacian sacrificios. ' ' Polo de Ondegardo: Belacion de los funda- mentos acerca del notable dafio que resulta de no guardar a los indios sus fueros, June 26, 1571 (Doc. de Indias, XVII, p. 83) : "e otros que la hiciesen al Pachamama para que justifiease la tierra al tiempo que se sembrava. ' ' '""Chiefly the bear. The present shape of the fetish in Bolivia— a cow or bull — is, of course, modern. '"• This squatting posture of the In- dians is well described by Cobo: His- toria del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 174. '<" Quintal is of course a Spanish word. The Indians use it, in their incantations, to designate any very large quantity, undetermined. 108 rpjjg incantation took place on the night of January 27, 1895, after ten o 'clock. In times anterior to the arrival of the Spaniards it was also the custom, when the food offered to the idols was burned, for those present to remain motionless, with heads bowed, so as not to see the process believed to go on— that of eating, by the spirits. Pedro Pizarro {Belacion del Descu- hrimiento, p. 265) describes as follows the ceremonial attending the offering to a fetish which he calls that of the sun: "un bulto pequeno tapado que decian que era et Sol." — "Al Sol tenian puesto en mitad de la plaza un escano pequeno, todo guarnecido de mantas de pluma muy pintadas y muy delicadas, y aqui ponian este bulto, y el un hachazo de una parte y el otro de la otra. Teniendo las hachas derechas pues, daban de comer a este Sol por la orden que tengo dicha la daban a los muertos, y de beber. Pues cuando quemaban la comida al Sol levantabase un indio y daba una voz que todos le oian ; y oida la voz todos cuantos habia en la plaza y fuera de ella que la oian, se senta- ban y sin hablar ni toser ni menearse estaban callados hasta que se consumia la comida, que echaban en el fuego que tenian hecho, que no tardaba mucho por ser la leiia muy seca. ' ' This was a daily function in the square of Cuzco. Pizarro witnessed it himself, and a number of times. It is fundamentally the same as the command given to us by the shaman to retire while the Achachilas were ' ' eating. ' ' '"'The apachitas or apachetas (also written apachectas) are very common in the mountains, especially on moun- tain passes. Garcilasso says of them {Comentarios, I, fol. 29): "y assi luego que auian subido la cuesta, se descargauan, y al^ando los ojos al eielo, y baxandolos al suelo, y ha- ziendo las mismas ostentaciones de ado- racion, que atras diximos para nobrar al Pachacamac, repetian dos tres vezes el datiuo Apachecta, y en ofrenda se tirauan de las cejas, y que arancassen algun pelo, 6 no, lo soplauan hazia el cielo, y echauan la yerua llamada Cuca que lleuauan en la boca, que eUos tanto prescian, como diziendo que le ofrescian lo mas presciado que lleuauan, y a mas no poder, ni tener otra cosa mayor, ofrescian algun palillo, 6 algunas pajuelas, si las ha- llauan por alii cecca, y no las ha- llando, ofrescian algun guijarro, y donde no lo aula, echauan vn punado de tierra, y destas ofrendas auia grandes montones en las cumbres de las cuestas. " Arriaga: Extirpacion, p. 37: "Cosa muy vsada era antigua- mente, y aora no lo es menos, quando suben algunas cuestas o Cerros, o se 154 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI cansan en el camino, llegando a alguna piedra grande, que tienen ya senalada para este efecto, escupir sobre ella (y por esso llaman a esta piedra, y a esta ceremonia Tocanca) Coca, 6 maiz mascado otras vezes dexan alii las vjutas, 6 calgado viejo, o la Huaraca 6 vnas soguillas, o manoxillos do hicho, o paxa, o ponen otras piedras pequenas encima, y con esto dizen, que se les quita el cansancio. A estos montoncillos de piedra suelen Uamar, corrompiendo el vocable, Apachitas, y dizen algunos, que los adoran, y no son sino las piedras que an ido amon- tonando con esta supersticion, ofre- ciendoles a quien les quita el can- sancio y le ayuda a llevar la carga que esso es Apacheta . . ," The apachetas, therefore, are accumula- tions of prayer offerings made to a spirit supposed to reside at the place where they are raised. 110 jf J frequently allude to such analogies, it is without the slightest idea of tracing relationships. Similar- ity or even identity of customs is not sufficient to prove original connection. "' This belief, common to the Aymara of Bolivia, also existed, and probably exists to-day, among the Quichua. Garcilasso: Comentarios (I, fol. 77): "Llaman al arco CuYCHU, y con tenerlo en esta veneracion, quando le veyan en el ayre, cerrauan la boca, y ponian la mano delante, porque dezian, que si le descubrian los dientes, los gastauan y empodre- cian." Cobo: Eistoria (IV, p. 149): * ' Tambien tenian por mal agiiero y que era para morir 6 para algun otro dano grave, cuando vian el Arco del Cielo, y a veces por buen pronostico. Eeverenciabanlo mucho y no le osaban mirar, 6 ya que le miraban, no lo osaban apuntar con el dedo, enten- diendo que se moriran; y a aquella parte donde les parecia que caia el pie del arco, la tenian por lugar hor- rendo y temeroso, entendiendo que habia alia alguna Guaca 6 otra cosa digna de temor y reverencia. ' ' "^ The Achachilas are also the ' ' pac- carinas" or ancestors of ayllu and tribes. In regard to the New Mexico pueblos, compare Final Report, I, p. 312. "^ The baptismal name ' ' Santiago ' ' so common in Mexico and New Mexico, is seldom met in Bolivia among Indians, whereas Diego is heard very frequently. See Arriaga: Extirpacion, p. 33; Idem: Constitu- clones que dexa el visitador en los pueblos, p. 130. "* This is a very ancient belief and connected with some of the earliest myths. "" Zuni Fetiches, p. 9. ""Cobo: Eistoria, IV, p. 149: ' ' Cuando oian cantar Lechuzas, Buhos u otras aves extranas, le tenian por mal agiiero y presagio de su muerte 6 de la de sus hijos 6 vecinos y particular- mente de la de aquel en cuya casa 6 lugar cantaban 6 auUaban. " About the use made of the owl to-day for cer- tain Indian witchcraft practices, in- formation will be imparted in a subse- quent work. "'Cobo: Eistoria, IV, p. 149: ' ' Item, cuando oian cantar al Euise- iior 6 al Sirguero, lo tenian por pro- nostico de que habian de renir con algunos. ' ' "* Sacrifices of guinea-pigs were common in Peru before the conquest, as is generally stated by earlier au- thors. Cieza: Segunda Parte, pp. 116, 119; Belacion de la Religion y Ritas del Feru, hecha por los prime- ros Religiosos Agustinos que alii pasaron para la conversion de los naturales, in Boc. de Indias, III, pp. 21, 29, 30, 34, et seq.; Garcilasso: Comentarios, I, fol. 34, Arriaga: Extirpacion, Cap. IV, p. 24: "El Sa- crificio ordinario es de Cuyes, de los quales se sirven mal, no solo para sacrificios, sino para adivinar por ellos, y para curar eon ellos con mil embustes. " Cap. in, p. 19: "Haca- ricuc, o Cuyricuc, es el que mira cuyes, y abriendoles con la vna adi- THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 155 vina por ellos, mirando de que parte sale sangre, o que parte se menea de las entranas. " I refrain from further quotations. "° The story of the ' ' carbuncle-cat ' ' on the Island is told by several au- thors, Augustine monks, from the be- ginning of the seventeenth century. Eamos: Historia de Copacabana, p. 10: "Porque dicen los indios que en tiempos pasados se vio en la pena un gato con gran resplendor, pasandose en ella ordinariamente . . . pudiera ser que el tal gato fuese el animal llamado Carbunco, que los de Guamico dicen haber visto algunos de ellos por el resplendor que despiden de noche con la pledra carbunco 6 Rubi, ' ' etc. Calancha (Cord?itca Moralizada, II, Lib. I, Cap. II) copies textually. Fr. Andres de S. Nicolas {Imogen de N:S: de Copacavana, fol. 26) varies somewhat from Eamos by stating: " se boluio a dexar ver en figura de gato motez, corriendo por el, y despidiendo f uego. ' ' Whether a titi or wildcat of western and northern Bolivia, such as occasionally infest the Peninsula of Copacavana, could cross the straits of Yamputata swimming I do not attempt to discuss. While the idea of a " carbuncle ' ' is certainly a Euro- pean modification, the story of a wild- cat appearing on the Sacred Rock appears to be primitive and might have, together with the cavities on the rock resembling cats ' heads, contrib- uted to the name of the Island. *™ This custom appears to be an- cient. Arriaga: Extirpacion, Cap. Ill, p. 196: "Pacharicuc, o Pachacatie, Pachacuc, es otro adivino por los pies de vnas aranas, que llaman Pae- cha, y tambien Oroso, y son muy grandes y peludas. Quando le con- sultan para alguna cosa, va a buscar en los agugeros de las paredes, o de- baxo de algunas piedras, vna de estas aranas, cuya especie es conocida, y poniendola sobre una manta, o en el suelo, la persigue con vn palillo, hasta que se quiebran los pies, y luego mira que pies 6 manos le faltan, y por alii adiuina. " See also Cobo: Historia, IV, p. 134. We saw no large spiders on the Islands, but at Atauallani, close to the upper base of Illimani, a small Mygale was, together with cen- tipedes, not unfrequently taken out of ancient graves by my wife. '-^ In regard to rain-making it is evident that the ceremonials accom- panying it are primitive, that is, pre- Columbian, with some modifications brought about by contact (and pro- hibition also) since the conquest. The tenacity with which the Indian clung and clings to his original rites and ceremonies induces him, when these are to be superseded by strange ones, to adapt them, within limits, to the latter. About original practices of rain-making I find so far hardly any detailed statements except in Calan- cha {Coronica Moralizada, I, p. 867), and the directions contained in Ar- riaga: Extirpacion, p. 86, for ques- tioning sorcerers: "Decimosexto: Que Huaca adoran para que el maiz crezca bien, y no se coma de gusano, de que lagunas traen cantaros de agua para rociar la chacara, y pedir lluvia, a que lagunas tiran piedras para que no se secan, y vengan lluvias. ' ' Com- pare also, for the practices when drouth had set in, and any Indian, male or female, was suspected of having prevented rain by committing some offense— probably evil witch- craft, as among the pueblos — San- tillan: EeJacion, etc., p. 36. "^And one of their own, thus far unstudied. It may prove to be some dialect. *^ I treat more in detail of the Callahuaya in a subsequent volume on Bolivia. ^'* Munecas is inhabited, in its southern parts, by Aymara, in the north by Quichuas. The Callahuaya live in the village of Curva near Cha- rassani. '-* Tschudi says it is Felis pardalis (the ocelot). Die Eechua Sprache, 156 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI WorteriueJi, p. 108. Bertonio {Voca- bulario 1612, II, p. 383) has "Vtu- RUNCCA, 1: Vturuncco.— Tigre. " Hence the word has, from the Quichua of southern Peru, penetrated into the northwestern Aymara. Cobo (Histo- ria, II, p. 339) calls the tigre (jaguar) uturuncu. Acosta (Historia natural y moral de Indias, edition of 1608, p. 279) calls the ant-eater "oto- ronco. ' ' The use of the ' ' uturuncu ' ' in aboriginal medicine is ancient. 128 Villagomez (Exortacion, fol. 41) says: "Aunque son raros los que matan con hechizos. ' ' But Arriaga {Extirpacion, p. 21) describes a class of sorcerers who killed by sucking the blood of the person, at night (vampires), and says they were nu- merous at his time and did a great deal of harm: "Dize el Cura de vn pueblo que pocos anos antes avian muerto dentro de quatro meses, mas de setenta muchachos de doze a diez y echo anos, y de estos a vna muger en vna semana quatro hijos, y q aora que se avian descubierto estos male- ficios sospechava, que ellos los avian muerto, por que no sabia de que en- fermedad morian. " Cobo (Historia, IV, p. 151) describes an act of mal- feasance through witchcraft recalling to a certain extent the one described in the text: "Para que viniese a mal 6 muriese el que aborrecian, vestian con su ropa y vestidos alguna estatua que hacian en nombre de aquella per- sona, y la maldecian colgandola de alto y escupiendola ; y asimismo ha- cian estatuas pequenas de cera 6 de barro 6 de masa y las ponian en el fuego, para que alii se derritiese la cera, 6 se endureciese el barro y masa 6 hiciese otros efeetos que ellos pre- tendian, ereyendo que por este modo quedaban vengados y hacian mal a sus enemigos. ' ' "^ Compare sketch annexed with the one given by Salcamayhua : Anti- giiedades deste Beyno del Firu, p. 257, plate. ^^Intemperance was, and is, one of the worst vices of the Indians of the Peruvian and Bolivian mountains. It is almost superfluous to quote on the subject. I limit myself to govern- mental and ecclesiastic edicts issued against the abuse of intoxicating drinks (chicha especially) by the abo- rigines. Ordenanzas del Peru, Vice- roy Toledo, 1575, fol. 129, Lib. II, Tit. II, Ord. xviii. Cons-tituciones synodales de Lima, 1613, p. 85. Among the cases which are not to be absolved in confession by priests but are reserved for the prelate is : " De los Espanoles que vendieren chicha de sora sola, 6 mezclada con yuca, 6 guarapo de miel de purga del primer barro 6 mosto. ' ' Constituciones syno- dales, 1636, p. 15, Cap. v. In primi- tive times every one of the numerous festivals was a protracted orgie (as it is to-day). Arriaga: Extirpacion, p. 100: "Pues quitalles las borache- ras, que son las que crian, fomentan, y conservan las Ydolatrias. " Idem, Constituciones, etc., p. 131. "* The primitive dances were, so to say, weeded out in consequence of the strict investigation into idolatry in Peru, that began at an early day and culminated in the . methodical work partly directed by Arriaga in the early part of the seventeenth century. One of the results was, to eliminate from public displays what seemed of- fensive to Christian ideas and to gen- eral propriety. This reduced some of these dances, at least, to harmless diversions in appearance. Whether, in primitive times, there were dances that were not ritualistic, is doubtful. I incline to the belief that every choreographic performance was a ceremonial. Arriaga (Extirpacion p. 45) is of the same opinion: "Quando les avian hazer estas fiestas todos en- tendian, que no avia malicia en ellas, sino que eran sus regocijos, y dangas antiguas y quando mucho, que era vna vana supersticion, en que no avia mucho que reparar. ' ' That all the dances were accompanied by excessive THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 157 libations, which were also religious acts, is stated (p. 46): "Pero en lo que an tenido muchos mayor descuido, y remission es en consentir, y dissimu- lar sus boracheras, y las juntas que hazen para ellas, especialmente en las mingas, que Uaman para hazer sus chacaras, o casas. Porque es cosa muy vsada hazer todo lo que hazen por via de comunidad. Y la vnion de estas juntas es siempre el bever hasta caer, y de tal madre, de mas de los in- cestos, estrupos, y otras muchas tor- pecas, a procedido siempre la Ydola- tria en los siglos pasados. ' ' We have not seen a single dance that was not symbolic, although probably only the medicine-men (who are always pres- ent, though not noticed by the simple spectator, since there are no exterior tokens by which they might be kjiown) know their original signifi- cation. ^^ The use of plumage in dances is primitive; only the shape of the head- ornaments has changed. The hat, for instance, is modern. The color of the plumage is that of the Bolivian tri- color, but this is brought about also by the prevalence of the colors in the larger parrot plumes in use. "^Cobo (Historia, IV, pp. 228 and 229) gives the most detailed descrip- tion of ancient musical instruments in Peru and Bolivia : ' ' Tenian para ello muchos instrumentos musicos, los cuales nunca tocaban sino en los bailes y borracheras, y todos hacian el son poco suave, y menos artificioso, pues qualquiera que se pone 4 tocar- los, a la primera leccion queda maes- tro. El instrumento mas general es el atambor, que ellos Uaman Huancar; hacianlos, grandes y pequenos, de un palo hueco tapado por ambos cabos con cuero de Llama, como pergamino delgado y seco. Los mayores son como nuestras cajas de guerra, pero mas largos y no tan bien hechos; los menores son como una cajeta pequena de conserva, y las medianas como nuestros tamborines. " ' * Tocanlo con un solo palo, el cual a vecas por gala esta cubierto de hilo de lana de diferentes colores y tam- bien suelen pintar y engalanar los atambores. Tocanlo asl hombres como mujeres; y hay bailes al son de uno solo y otros en que cada uno Ueva su atambor pequeno, bailando y to- cando juntamente. Tambien usan cierta suerte de adufes, nombradas Huancartinya ; pifano, Uamado Pin- collo. Antara es otro genero de flauta corta y ancha. Quenaquena es una cana sola como flauta, para cantar endechas. Quepa es una suerte de trompetUla que hazen de un calabazo largo. Usan tambien en sus bailes tocar un instrumento compuesto de siete flautillas, poco mas 6 menos, puestas como caiiones de organos, juntas y desiguales, que la mayor sera larga de un palmo y las demas van descreciendo por su orden: Ua- man a este instrumento Ayarichic, y tocanlo puesto sobre el labio el labio bajo y soplando en las dichas flauti- llas, con que hacen un sordo y poco dulce sonido. Tocan asimismo cara- coles y otros instrumentos de menos cuenta. ' ' He further mentions rat- tles, of beans ("zacapa"), of copper and of silver ("chanrara"), and snails ("churu"). This list of mu- sical instruments is confirmed by the archaeological finds as well as by several other earlier authors. "^ The models for these modern "Inca" costumes are indirectly those that served to Herrera: Historia ge- neral, etc. (title-page to fifth decade). Herrera copied them from the four aboriginal paintings made by order of Don Francisco de Toledo and sent to the King in 1572. Hence the cos- tumes were painted nearly forty years after the conquest! Informaciones acerca del Senorio y Gobierno de los Incas, published Madrid, 1882. This interesting document contains: La Fe y Testimonio que va puesta en los cuatro pan OS ; de la verificacion que se hiso con los Indios, de la pintura 158 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI e historia Dellos, p. 250. "Por lo cual, todos y cada uno dellos dijeron que todo lo que esta escripto y pintado en los dichos cuatro panos, asi en los bultos de los Ingas como en las me- dallas de sus mujeres e ayllos e histo- rias de las cenefas, ecepto lo que no se les leyo. ' ' The pictures of Inca chiefs are, of course, largely imagi- nary, as well as the costumes. But they have survived and, from the fact that they were made to be verified by the Indians, undue importance is often attached to them. Silk, velvet, gold and silver lace were known to the Indians in 1572, through what they saw of Spanish dress, and it is natural that the natives should clothe the supposed portraits of their ancient chieftains in the best of — European — finery. Hence it is well to be cautious and not accept the pictures for more than what they can be. The same with the "insignia." This naturally applies to the costume as seen in the performance described in the text. "' Judging from the descriptions of eye-witnesses, primitive dances at the time of the Spaniards' first arrival must have been more disgusting yet. Compare, for instance, Betanzos: Suvia y Narracion, Cap. Xll, pp. 83 and 84. Cieza: Segunda Parte, Cap. XXX, p. 122: "Y estaban en esta fiesta de Hatun Kaimi quince 6 viente dias, en los cuales se hacian grandes taquis y borracheras y otras fiestas a su usanza; lo cual pasado, daban fin al sacrificio, metiendo los bultos de los idolos en los templos, y los de los Incas muertos en sus casas. ' ' Pedro Pizarro: Eelacion del Descuhrimiento, p. 277: "Pues dire de los vicios ques- tos ore Jones tenian y maldades: eran muy dados a la lujuria y al beber: tenian acceso carnal con las hermanas y con las mugeres de sus padres, como no fuesen sus mismas madres, y aun algunos habia que con ellas mismas. . . . Emborrachabanse muy a menudo, y estando borrachos todo lo que el demonio les traia a la voluntad ha- cian." Also p. 347. All that oc- curred among the Inca. Of the In- dians in the district of La Paz, the Description, 1586, p. 72, states: "Las costumbres de la gente deste asiento y provincia es casi como las demas deste reino, porque todos de ordinario se emborrachan con una bebida que hacen del maiz ... el cual, aunque parece simple, beben tanta cantidad, que los emborracha. . . . Eedunda destas borracheras que cometen muchos estupros I incestos con madres, hijas, hermanas, sobrinas y cuuadas, y vuelven a sus ritos y adoraciones. ' ' ^^ Compare note 129. "" We saw the Mimula again at La Paz, in the street,- but also after dark, about ten o'clock. It was sung and danced by men. "' The ' ' morenos, " as I shall estab- lish elsewhere, are a survival of theat- rical plays and outdoor performances introduced by the Church with the view of gradually substituting them for objectionable Indian dances. ^^'' Ehea americana. »^» Peru, p. 306. "•From "pusi," "four" in Ay- mara, and ' ' ppiana, ' ' to perforate, with the possessive aflBxum "ni. " The flute in question has, indeed, four holes. ^*" The custom is common all over the higher portions of Bolivia. If the Indians have too much rain, they ex- pose a skull (of the Chullpas) to the air, and sometimes place between its teeth a cigarette. "^ But they still were loath to touch the skulls themselves. "^ Further information about the "Irpa" will be given in a subsequent work. "^ A good example of how the In- dians used, and perhaps to-day still use, church functions to shroud their ancient rites is given by Arriaga: Extirpacion, Cap. viii, p. 45: "Y es cosa cierta, y averiguada, que en muchas partes con achaque de la fiesta del Corpus, hazen la fiesta de Oncoy- THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 159 mita que diximos arriba, que es por entoces. Y en la Provincia de Chin- chacoha, quando se visito, se averiguo, que llevavan en la procession del Cor- pus dos Corderos de la tierra vivos cada vno en sus andas, por via de fiesta y de dan^a, y se supo, que real- mente eran ofrendas, y sacrificios ofre- cidos a dos lagunas, que son Vrcoco- cha, y Choclocoha, de donde dizen, que salieron, y tuvieron origen las Lla- mas. ' ' — * ' Como tambien se averiguo en Huarochiri, por el doctor Fran- cisco de Avila, que para adorar vn Ydolo en figura de muger llamado Chupixamor, y Mamayoc, hazian fiesta a vn imagen de nuestra Sefiora de la Asuncion, y para adorar vn Ydolo varon llamado Huay-Huay, hazian fiesta a vn Ecce Homo." That such primitive ceremonials may be connected with the dances performed at church festivals to-day is not un- likely. At any rate, there is little direct relation between the dances and the church ritual with which it is made to coincide. ^** Also Prioste : Sodalitii oeconomus. "° The Lay-ka are variously alluded to by Arriaga: Extirpacion, p. 17: ' ' Estos que comunmente llamamos Hechizeros . . . con nombre general se llaman Vmu, y Laicca ..." Also by Villagomez: Exortacion contra la Idolatria, fols. 41 and 58: Belacion anoiiirna, etc., p. 171, calls them "lai- cas. ' ' The word "Yatiri" is found in Eamos : Historia de Copacabana, p. 75, and is said to have been the name of an idol invented by Huayna Capac and worshiped by him chiefly on the Island of Apinguila, near the north- western shores of Titicaca Lake: "Llevado de cierto espiritu innova- dor determine ofrecer todos aquellos sacrificios k un solo idolo, que llaman Yatiri, como si dijere, al que todo lo sabe, mandando que solo a ese se le invocase ..." '" This is so frequently mentioned in older sources that I refrain from quoting, the more so, as it will be treated at greater length elsewhere. "' This has been stated to us at various places in Bolivia. It is al- luded to by Cobo: Historia del Nuevo Mundo, IV, 149. "' I cannot etymologize more than a few of the names of the dances: The word ' ' Pusipiani ' ' means, as already stated, perforated four times. Kena- kena is the name of the flute played by the dancers of that name. Sicuri comes from "Sico, " the pan-flute of reeds — Bertonlo: Vocabulario, II, p. 315: "Sico — Vnas flautillas atadas como ala de organo. " Chirihuanoa derives from ' ' chiriri, ' ' or from ' ' chiri. ' ' The former, according to Bertonio, p. 84, II, signifies a talker; the latter is a word used sometimes to express darkness. As a personal name — therefore, possibly, "Huayna," ' ' youth " ( ? ) — it appears already in Cieza: Segunda Parte, Cap. iv, p. 4. After relating some ancient stories about Titicaca Island, he says : ' ' Chiri- huana, gobernador de aquellos pueblos, que son del Emperador, me conto lo que tengo escripto. ' ' "" About the manner of succession to the various "degrees" (if such a term is permitted) of medicine-men, the statements of older Spanish writers vary. What we learned con- cerning it later on will be recorded elsewhere. The Selacion anonima, p. 172, says: "Los ministros mayores siempre venian por via de eleccion y suficiencia ; los de la segunda y tercera diferencia alcanzaban los oficios por una de tres vias; 6 por via de heren- cia, 6 por via de eleccion, 6 por haber nacido con alguna seiial singular y rara, no usada en los demas hombres. como es tener seis dedos en las manos, brazos mas largos de lo ordinario, 6 haber nacido en el mismo tiempo en que cayo cerca de aquel lugar algun rayo, 6 haber nacido de pies, 6 otros senales; aunque lo de la herencia quitole la misma republica con su rey. " Arriaga, Extirpacion, Cap. iii. 160 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI p. 20: "De vna de tres maneras en- tran en estos oficios de sacerdotes de Huaeas. La primera es por sucesion, que el hijo lo hereda del padre, y si el heredero no (tiene) vso de razon, entra en su lugar el pariente mas cercano, hasta que el ligitimo heredero sea suficiente para el oficio. La se- gunda manera es por eleccion, quando falta el primer modo por via de heren- cia, o quando les parece, los otros ministros eligen el que juzgan, que sera mas a proposito, con parecer de los Curacas y Caciques. Y quando acontece, que alguno herido del rayo quede vivo, aunque q quede lastimado esta ya como divinamente elegido para el ministerio de las Huaeas. El ter- cero modo es, que ellos mismos se toman el oficio, y se introducen en el, specialmente de los oficios menores de adivinos, curanderos, por sola su vo- luntad, y autoridad, y esto es ordinario en los viejos, y viejas, que por ganar de comer, y comer ellos dizen Vi^qa- raycu, que es ventris causa, se hazen oficiales en estos ministerios. ' ' Lastly I will add the testimony of Cobo: Historia, IV, p. 130: "Los diputados para este oficio se elegian desta ma- nera; si nacia en el campo algun varon en tiempo de tempestad y true- nos, tenian cuenta con el, y despues que era ya vie jo, le mandaban que entendiese en esto . . . Item, los que nacian de mujeres que afirmaban haber concebido y parido del Trueno, y los que nacian dos 6 tres juntos de un vientre, y finalmente, aquellos en quienes la Naturaleza ponia mas de lo comun, diciendo que acaso y sin misterio los senalaba, todos estos eran consagrados por sacerdotes cuando viejos; porque todos 6 los mds que tenian este oficio, lo eran y no se admitian a el sino cuando llegaban 4 edad, que no podian ejer- citar otros trabajos . . . Tambien ha- bia otros muchos que trataban en echar suertes, k los cuales andaba el oficio de confesores y de curar super- sticiosamente. Muchas veces se con- fundian estos oficios con el primer linaje de sacerdote, usandolos todoa juntos Unas mismas personas, y otros andaban divididos, atendiendo cada uno al suyo; si bien lo mas comun era lo primero, que los sacerdotes eran juntamente confesores, medicos y hechieeros" (p. 132). "El oficio de sortilegos tuvieron estos indios no solo por licito y permitido, mas tambien por util y necesario en la republiea. . . . Todos cuantos entendian en esto eran gente inutil, pobre y de baja suerte, como los demas hechieeros, a los cuales elegia el Cacique de cada pueblo, despues que les faltaban las fuerzas para trabajar, precediendo a esta eleccion diversas ceremonias y ritos, que les mandaban hacer los dichos Caciques. ' ' The statement, that the offices were sometimes hereditary means, not an obligatory succession from father to son, but, as among the New Mexico pueblos, adoption of a prospective suc- cessor, who may be the child of the incumbent if the latter sees in him special aptitude for the office. It is also interesting to note, that some of the medicine-men (shamans) embodied in their circle of knowledge that of all the other special branches, whereas the majority were limited to a lesser sphere of action. This indicates eso- teric societies, as the knowledge of each group was, of necessity, kept secret, from the people as well as from other clusters, the principal shamans excepted, who, as it is said to-day in Bolivia of the Hacha Tata, "know it all. ' ' 150 Villagomez : Exortacion, f ol. 15 : "Si en las fiestas del Corpus Christi, 6 en otras fiestas de la Iglesia fingi- endo los Indios que hace fiestas de los Christianos, an adorado, 6 adoran ocvltamente, 4 sus idoles, 6 an hecho 6 hacen otros ritos. ' ' This is one of the queries ordered to be made in offi- cial examinations of sorcerers and other Indians supposed to know about witchcraft and primitive ceremonials. THE INDIANS OF THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 161 "* Information about the ' ' Chama- kani" (he who owns darkness) will be given elsewhere. "^ That lUimani is a powerful "Achachila" has already been stated (note 98). "' Misti and all the volcanoes in general were regarded (and are to-day in secret) as fetishes of high rank. In regard to Misti it was plainly shown during the terrible eruption of the Ornate, near Moquegua (southern Peru), in 1600. When the eruption was at its height, the city of Are- quipa plunged in darkness, volcanic ashes falling steadily, the earth shak- ing, and tremendous thunder bellow- ing, while a lurid light faintly illu- minated the southeastern skies, the Indians, dressed in red, killed their sheep, fowl, and guinea-pigs, and be- gan to dance, sing, and drink immod- erately. Some of their wizards, after sacrificing llamas to the volcano, were said to have claimed ' ' that they spoke to the devil, who informed them of the catastrophes that were to take place, and how the volcano of Ornate had attempted to confederate with that of Arequipa to destroy the Span- iards, and that, as the one of Are- quipa (Misti) replied he could not enter into the agreement since he was a Christian and named Saint Francis, the volcano of Omate undertook it alone." Historia del Colegio de la Compania de Jesus de Arequipa y Eeventazon del Volcan de Omate, MSS. at National Archives at Lima, 1600, Vol. XXI, fol. 24: "Mataron los carneros gallinas y conejos de la tierra que tenian y hizieron grandes vanquetes vailes y vorracheras vistien- dose para esto de Colorado y aun se dijo que algunos hechiceros sacrifica- ron carneros al Volcan porque no los hundiese y que hablaron con el de- monio que les dezia las tempestades que aula de auer y como el volcan de omate se aula querido concertar con el de areqa para destruir 4 los espano- les y que como el de areqa respondiesse quel no podia venir en ello por ser xpano y Uamarse S: Franco quel de Omate solo se esfor^aua por salir con este yntento. ' ' THE ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA o k -4-> ■73 M ^ h-1 ^ M "3 M c^ -i Paet IV THE ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA THE Indians who inhabit the Island divide the ruins into two classes, one of which they call Chullpa, and the other Inca. They assign to each class a different origin. As stated in the preceding chapter, traditions preserved by writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries men- tion two distinct stocks as occupants previous to advent of the Spaniards. Hence the classification by the Indians of to-day is not an imaginary one. Geographical distribution of the ruins on Titicaca is best understood by means of the annexed map. The survey was made by me for the purpose of illustrating this distribution. I do not pretend, however, to have indicated all the ancient remains extant. There must be more, especially of the class called Chullpa, but their reduced size and utter decay render it difficult to trace them. Again the artificial ter- races, or andenes (in Aymara, ''pata"), are so extensively worked at present that in a great number of cases it is not possible to tell which of them are ancient. According to the Indians, small and scattered houses, of one or only a few rooms and rude workmanship, are Chullpa ; the larger build- ings, with fairly constructed walls, good-sized doorways and niches are, as well as the better built andenes, Inca. A safer criterion is the character of the artefacts associated with each class of ruins. It cannot be denied that there are two distinct types in pottery. One type seems to be modeled 1S5 166 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI after the well-known earthenware of ancient Cuzco. It shows chaste form, a good quality of clay, solid burning, and especially a striking and often beautiful decoration in paint. This is the Inca type, as the Indians on Titicaea claim. The other corresponds to the ceramics found in all the so-called Chullpas of Bolivia. It is much ruder in shape and design, the clay is not as well burnt, and the decoration more primitive. Other artefacts, such as those in metal and stone, are no longer abundant enough to per- mit of a strict classification, but the objects of silver and gold are regarded as belonging to the Inca type. We were unable to find textile fabrics, but through purchase of the magnificent "ponchos" contained in the collection of Don Miguel Garces of Puno, the Museum has come in possession of five specimens that are clearly of Inca origin.^ Thus it seems that the classification suggested by the aborigines of the Island is borne out by : the appearance of the ruins, the testimony of tradition, and the character of some of the artefacts, hence we may adopt it in our de- scriptions. The Island has many burial sites, and the majority of these belong to what the Indians call Chullpa. There are also graves which they declare to be Inca, and which are somewhat different from the former. I regret to say that we have not been fortunate enough to secure skulls from so-called Inca graves, except at the place called Kasapata, where we obtained, from seven stone cysts, fragments of children's bones, including broken skulls. At Sicuyu we hoped to have secured one skull of an adult woman, but it was only the cast, or lump of earth left after the skull had decayed. This lump fell to powder as soon as exposed to the air, and we did not even have time to take a mould of it. In regard to the distribution of the so-called Chullpa remains I may state that artificial terraces and burials are found nearly everywhere, where the nature of the ground permitted. But in regard to the terraces, "andenes," or ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 167 "patas," it is mostly impossible to affirm that any par- ticular group of them is exclusively Chullpa. In such cases I limit myself to repeat the statements of the Indians with- out endorsement. The southeastern extremity of the Island —that part of it belonging to the hacienda of Yumani— is thickly striated with andenes, principally on the eastern side. In and about these, burial cysts of the type called Chullpa are scattered in numbers ; hence, probably, the In- dian assumed that the terraces belonged to the same class. We found few vestiges of small houses, though the cause of this may be their destruction in modern times for pur- poses of cultivation. The Indian is not piously inclined toward the remains of his forefathers. The ruins of clearly defined Inca origin between the landing at the Puncu (28) and the foot of the promontory on which stands the hacienda edifice of Yumani (b), the numerous andenes ac- companying them, and present cultivation according to ancient methods, make it impossible to assert anything more than that the so-called Chullpa remains occur in many places ; chiefly in the form of burials. Between Yumani and Pucara it is uncertain whether Inca vestiges exist; hence the supposition that the terraces on Palla-kasa (11), on the little plateau of Apachinaca (q), and the northern flanks of Kurupata (r and 10) are Chullpa, is not unlikely. We made excavations at (q) and at (r) and opened stone cysts, of the type designated as Chullpa, that contained skulls (male) artificially flattened, and pottery of the coarser class. Of buildings there are but few traces, and these so damaged by the Indians that only their site can be detected. Heaps of rudely broken stones indicate small edifices, square or round, hence Chullpa pattern.^ The bottom of Pucara bears traces that appear of Inca origin; still, there are also vestiges of Chullpa burials. On the slope descending from the south into the grassy bottom that bears the name of el Ahijadero (place for raising or propagating animals, cattle or sheep, in reality a pastur- 168 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI age), are found, with Chullpa tombs, andenes of Inca type and Chullpa terraces. North of the bottom, and to the west, rise steep heights, on the tops and slopes of which the Chullpa andenes predominate, if not exclusively repre- sented. These heights, which require special mention, are the prominent peak of Kea-Kollu (hill or mountain of Kea (7), and its lower companion of Little Kea-Kollu, Kea- Kollu Chico.^ The abrupt rocky point of Like-Like (8) bears vestiges of terraced garden-beds, but it is not possible to determine to which class they belong. Kea-Kollu (see accompanying photograph) is a dome- shaped height rising about six hundred feet above the Lake. Its lower slopes are steep and, in places toward the north and northeast, terminate in low cliffs. Andenes on the middle and upper slopes are so numerous as to make the mountain appear girded by numberless concentric belts. As will be seen by the plat of the top of Kea-Kollu, they are neither regular nor symmetric. The andenes are of varying widths and heights. Some are only two or three feet tall, others nearly twenty. They follow the sinuosities of the slope. Frequently there are short and narrow projections, like bastions ; either in front of longer andenes, or connect- ing one terrace with another. The survey of the upper part of Kea-Kollu was therefore a very tedious work, and very much like that of the ruins near Llujo, at the foot of Illimani. The stonework on the andenes is rude. The merely broken stones are laid in mud and with little care. Some of the walls are smooth, others rough, and none have the finish of terraces attributed to the Incas, although the purpose was the same, that of making a steep slope available for cultivation. We were unable to find traces of irrigation, nor would irrigation be necessary. Shrubbery and ichhu-grass now cover slopes and terraces wherever rocks do not protrude. The irregularly elliptic summit is rocky, yet the ''kara," or Dasylirion-like plant called in Spanish comida de oso (bear's food), grows ZZZ aTAjq ■.•■•■■■^r,^>'''°"^'*^'*^\?>''^ Plate XXX Objects from various parts of Titicaca Island 1. Bola-stone (Lliui) of hematite. 2. Bola-stone (Lliui), unusual shape. 3. Head of warclub of stone. 4. Bronze head of warclub with hatchet ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 169 abundantly among the rocks. On the northern slope the andenes gradually disappear; but on the other sides they continue down in many places as far as the base. Cultiva- tion having taken hold of the lower slopes lately, there may be many recent patas among those near the base, toward the pass of Kea and on swellings in the west and northwest. The upper half of the mountain is one irregularly terraced height, and as bushes grow on the edge of each anden, these hundreds of terraces appear from a distance like horizontal stripes of darker green. Beside andenes, Kea-Kollu has buildings and graves. The buildings (see plans) are small and quadrangular, with walls varying in thickness from one to two feet. The stones are laid in mud, but not in regular courses. The rooms were, to all appearance, not communicating. In those build- ings that are not built against the rock there are from three to five rooms and probably more. Shrubbery has played great havoc with the structures, so that details are mostly undistinguishable. The rubbish shows that the houses were all one-storied. The larger ones stand on the rim of plat- forms, affording good lookouts. Excavations proved use- less, as they have long ago been rifled of everything by the Indians. The sites of these buildings are indicated on the general plan. Other structures are small houses, built against the slope, with seldom more than three rooms. We examined closely whether it was indeed the rock that formed the rear wall, and not the walled front of a higher anden, and invariably found it to be the former. Not even its sinuosities had been corrected, as will be seen on the plans. The rooms in this class of buildings are usually somewhat smaller than in the others, and the walls thinner. The longest of these rock- houses measures thirty-three feet, whereas the longest of the others, built on a projecting point, is as long as forty- nine. The width was probably between seven and ten feet. At the places marked on the plan of the top of Kea-Kollu 170 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI are buried houses that seem to contain but a single room each. One of these, of which the entrance had been made accessible, showed very good workmanship. It was made of approximate parallelopipeds of andesite laid in courses, and superior in appearance to the walls of neighboring edifices. The Indians declared it to be Inca. Shrubbery had so completely overgrown the place that it would have required several days to clear it. We had made arrange- ments to explore the site thoroughly, when my wife was attacked by severe influenza. For several weeks previous, our own supply of provisions had almost given out; tea, without sugar, and potatoes were our only food. The In- dian dwelling which we occupied on the middle flanks of Kea-Kollu afforded slight shelter against the nightly recur- ring rain. To return to the hacienda of Challa was im- practicable, since the family of the owners was expected to take refuge there from political persecution in Peru. Still I could not expose my wife 's health and life in the cold and moist hut afforded to us by the Indians, and so we removed to Yumani, breaking off work at Kea-Kollu. It was not even possible to obtain laborers. Influenza had also broken out among our hands, and they attributed it to the bones of the dead which we were removing. So we had to abandon the interesting relic to later visitors. To all appearances, this little building is like the one still standing on the slopes of Ciriapata, also declared by the Indians to be Inca, and of which I shall treat hereafter. Graves are very irregularly distributed over the upper parts of Kea-Kollu. There are some on the summit, in soft ground between bare rock, also on the artificial terraces, or andenes. They are like those in other parts of the Island. The stone covering them is usually one to two feet below the surface; the cysts are lined with rude masonry, and they were mostly empty! What we found in a few of them were skulls, the male ones with flattened forehead, the females with much less or no deformity at all. Sometimes we found ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 171 but one skull and skeleton, again two, in the same cyst. The bodies had all been folded, but lay mostly on the side, and it was easy to notice that the hands had been joined across the chest. Of artefacts, only a little pottery of the coarser kind was found. The Indians have rifled all these sites, first only in view of obtaining precious metal; lately, with the advent of foreign visitors, also for the sake of finding pottery, for which they have sometimes received exorbitant prices. Hence we obtained only leavings, and abandoned Kea-Kollu after completing its survey, in order to begin at Kea-Kollu Chico, or Little Kea-Kollu, where, according to the Indians, a richer yield might be expected. As I stated before, it was our intention to return and open up the small building mentioned, in order to study its architectural features. Upon our subsequent return to the Island ex- cavations became impossible through the behavior of our Bolivian servant. Judging from existing remains, and from what we were told of similar ones formerly extant on its slopes, but now completely obliterated, the colony on Kea-Kollu may have contained about two hundred inhabitants. They dwelt in scattered houses and cultivated the terraces. These ter- races recall to some extent the hanqiiitos of Sonora and of northwestern Chihuahua,^ with the difference that in Mexico the ground was mostly redeemed from the beds of mountain torrents, as the slopes are either rocky or covered with high timber, whereas on the Island there is no growth of vegetation strong enough to impede Indians from clear- ing; and the cherty deposits so common in Sonora do not occur. In none of the older sources at my command have I found any reference to Kea-Kollu and surroundings, hence no evidence that it was ever occupied by the Incas. The more singular, therefore, is the accumulation of ancient artefacts and human remains which we found on the low eminence called Little Kea-Kollu, west of south of the main height, 172 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI and south of the pass leading from the settlement of Kea to Pucara. It is much lower than Kea-Kollu proper (see photograph) and forms part of an arc encompassing the bottom of Pucara on the west and north. On the slopes of this pass, toward Pucara, stand andenes, some of them so well made that the Indians say they are Inca ; and there are remains designated as Chullpa (andenes and burials) about the heights of Santa Barbara (12) and at Titin-Uayani, near Kea (29). At the latter place we excavated a number of graves, obtaining skulls, pottery of the coarser kind, and one skull trephined on the forehead. The hill of Little Kea-Kollu bears some low shrubbery along the rim of its summit. This summit is a triangular level, sixty-four feet in its greatest width, and seventy-four in greatest length. A few rocks crop out on the surface, and the soil is thin. In its southwest corner the remains of a wall, about ten feet long, were dug up by us. Near it, a disturbed cyst appeared. On the southern slope, another, partly rifled, cyst was opened. It is nearly round, and its diameter twenty-one inches. The sod over it was fifteen inches thick, beneath was clumsy masonry in three courses of large blocks, rudely broken and superposed, forming a pit thirty- four inches in depth, so that the bottom of the cyst lay forty-nine inches below the surface. In this cyst was found a flattened male skull, with decaying bones, and frag- ments of coarse pottery. On the opposite corner and on the northern slope two more cysts were discovered, one of which is represented on plate XX. Its form was trape- zoidal, and the casing consisted of five rough slabs set vertically into the ground. It was sixteen inches below the surface and the bottom eighteen inches lower. The greatest length was thirty-six inches, greatest width twenty-one inches, least ten inches. In this grave we found a deformed skull and a golden bangle. Thus there were, in all, five graves and part of a wall, on or near the top of Kea-Kollu Chico. The upper slopes of this hill, however, are covered Oh PI o3 e o o pi ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 173 with from one to three feet of loam, and in it there was an accumulation of human remains, especially in the south- eastern corner. The skeletons were so near each other that it was not possible to determine what belonged to each skull. They had been packed as closely as possible, all bent and lying mostly on the side, with hands folded across the chest. There were male and female skeletons, but no bones of children. Among these remains and a short distance from them, always inside of the zone indicated on the plan, were found artefacts of almost every description, weapons and textures excepted. We obtained pottery, copper imple- ments, stone hammers for breaking clods, pins ("tumis,'* or *'topos"), a few tiny specimens of gold, among them a bangle, fragments of sculptured slabs, hoes (''chonta") of stone, etc. Beside perfect specimens of earthenware, many sherds were exhumed. The pottery was mostly of the coarser type, but we obtained several gaudily painted speci- mens with plastic decoration recalling some previously secured at Tiahuanaco. Here also was dug up a spoon of bone, beautifully carved, used for taking lime or chalk with coca. What, however, appeared to us most valuable were a number of male skulls with circular trephining. One of these had two orifices close to each other, and the bone was scraped so as to form a common basin for both. We were unable to secure the slightest information, from the In- dians, in regard to this locality. Nobody remembered any ruins on it except those we had discovered, there was no name for the place other than the current one of Kea-Kollu Chico, and nobody recalled, or wanted to recall, any tradi- tion, legend, or lore connected with the site. Our first im- pression was that the bodies had been thrown together after some massacre, but we could not discover any marks of lesions, with the exception of one skull that had an incision near the occiput, as if the party had been struck from behind with the sharp end of a topo. In short, no clue to the cause or purpose of this strange gathering of human skeletons 174 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI and artefacts could be obtained. As to the "trephined** skulls, not one of our men professed to know how or for what purpose the operation had been performed. What they insisted upon was, that the place and its contents were Chullpa. The golden bangles, however, seem to be Inca. I merely add, that the male skulls are deformed like those taken from the stone cysts, said to be Chullpa. Among the stone objects were mortars, grinders and crushers. Whorls were found and bone implements for weaving, but not a single weapon! Turquoise beads came out of cyst No. 1. Other cylindrical beads were dug up in the loose earth, as well as a natural concretion, resembling a crouch- ing llama, which the Indians eyed so longingly that we sus- pected it to be * ' MuUu, ' ' that is, a fetish of some kind. I may be permitted here to state what we succeeded in learning about trephining among the Indians of the Sierra in Peru and Bolivia. My researches among printed or manuscript sources of early times have been fruitless up to date. But we have been assured, by parties not unworthy of credit, that the practice of trephining, and afterward closing the orifices with a piece of gourd, is still in vigor among the Indians of high Peru. We were told that the operation is and was performed by persons without any instruction in surgery, and in order to remove splinters from broken skulls. In regard to the instruments used, our informants knew nothing, but they declared to have seen individuals who survived the operation for many years, with a piece of mate (gourd or squash) in their skulls, over which the skin had been stitched together. A friend of mine, Don Antonio de Ocampo, told me that in one of his rambles at Ancon, on the Peruvian coast, he stumbled over something that proved to be a skull which protruded from the soil. Picking it up, he saw that a foreign substance was inserted into the bone. It turned out to be a thin disk of mate closing an orifice.^ The skulls we found at Kea- Kollu Chico differ from many other trephined ones in that •rralgl jsojioitj'! Hioe'ido oilkisM Plate XXXII Metallic objects of personal decoration from Titicaea Island 1, 2. Wrist bands. 3 Gorget. 4. Breast-pendant ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 175 the opening is circular and surrounded by a depression. This depression seems to indicate the insertion of a thin plate, as mentioned in the account given us of the operation, as well as in Senor Ocampo's description of the specimen from Ancon. It might be objected that the skulls of Kea- Kollu are perhaps not ancient. The misshaping of skulls was rigidly prohibited by the Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo in ISTS.** Later decrees, and a stringent search for idolatrous practices in the first half of the seventeenth cen- tury, finally abolished the custom. Hence the crania from Kea-Kollu Chico must be, if not of the period before the conquest, at least quite old. Trephining is a very ancient practice, and the artefacts that accompany skulls are, nearly all, of the type which the Indians declared to be pre- Incaic. The process of artificial deformation of skulls so gen- erally found all over the Puna and on the Island, among the so-called Chullpa remains, is described by older authors. It was noticed, at the very earliest times of Spanish occupa- tion, among the Indians of the so-called Collao, to which region the islands of the Lake belonged. Cieza writes of the ''long heads and without occiput," of the ''Collas," as produced by artificial shaping from "child- hood on.'"^ A detailed description of the process we find in the work of Cobo : ' ' The Collas shaped the head long and pointed, to such an extreme as to cause astonishment at seeing the old people whom I yet saw with this custom from the days of paganism. They did this because they wore woolen bonnets called Chucos, like mortars or hats without brims, very high and pointed, and in order that these should fit better they shaped the head after the mold of the head- gear and not the latter after the head ; and in order to give this shape to the heads of children they tied and bound them tight with bands, keeping them thus tied until they were four or five years of age, after which the heads had become hard and had taken the form required for the head-dress, 176 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI that is, long, flat, and without occiput. They said that they formed the heads in this way in order to make them healthier and better adapted to work, and the first bonnet was manufactured with many ceremonies and superstitions, as well at the spinning of the wool as at the weaving."^ The shores between Kea and the sandy Peninsula of Challa (a), and the slopes descending to that shore from the backbone of the Island, contain ChuUpa vestiges. But this slope is broken; the little bays of Coyani (25) and Chumpa- Uaya (20) are bordered by strips of tillable ground, divided by steep rocks, so that the vestiges, of which many have disappeared through cultivation, are few and limited, as far as we could see, to terraces and scattered graves. The main crest of the Island, between Santa Barbara (12) in the southeast, and Muro-Kato (3), show but few traces of an- cient remains. The range of bald heights extending north- west of Challa, from Inak-Uyu to Challa-Pata and the Calvario (6, 5, and 4), is said to have supported ruins that are no longer visible. ''Challa" means sand,^ and the isthmus fully deserves the name. It is a narrow strip of white sand. On the north, it abuts against a low rocky butte called "Collca- Pata," beyond which a long peninsula, shaped like a foot, extends eastward. Collcapata (h) is the gateway to the grassy and fertile swellings of Ciriapata (g) and Marcuni (19), which run out in the point of Uajran-Kala (18). It is at Ciriapata and Collcapata, that we found the greatest number of burial sites declared by the Indians to be ChuUpa. On Collcapata are a number of stone cysts of which we opened twenty-three, finding only four Intact ones. "With little difference, a few inches in extension and depth, they are like those described from Kea-Kollu Chico. Most of them had been rifled by the Indians long ago, and the posi- tions of such skulls as are left leads to the suspicion of reburial. Artefacts were limited to pottery of the coarser kind and some stone implements. Large snails, called irr-r ■>,[} In nr.'q lB-i9naO A Plate XXXIII 1. General plan of the ruins of Pilco-Kayma. 2. Plan of ground floor of building. 3. Plan of upper story. 4. Side view of northern front. 5. Outhouses with platform. 6, 7. Plans of outhouses ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 177 *'churi," were also found in some.^*^ The four well-pre- served cysts had no covers, and the grave proper— the pit walled in with rude blocks and slabs— began at a depth varying between sixteen and eighteen inches, whereas the depth of the cysts ranged from eighteen to thirty-two. Three shapeless stone heaps indicated as many "Chullpa" buildings, and the declivities toward the Lake are naturally graded, but supported by artificial walls transforming them into andenes. A wall of stone, nearly three feet in thick- ness, crossing the summit of the hill, was uncovered. We followed it for a length of fifty-eight feet. It showed better workmanship than that of the walls at Kea-Kollu, still the Indians insisted upon it being ' ' Chullpa. ' ' Aside from the three stone-heaps, the long wall, the andenes and graves, Collcapata presented nothing of interest. A narrow neck, nearly at the level of the Lake, connects Collcapata with Ciriapata. This peninsula has some of the best pasturages and most fertile lands on the Island. Hence the Indians have cultivated it and cultivate it to-day. Its gentle slopes to the south and east are striated by ancient andenes as tortuous as any on Kea-Kollu. Their height varies so much that no average can be given. Only one of the face walls exceeds ten feet in elevation and the majority of the rest are lower than six feet. On one of the first steps ascending from the direction of Collcapata stands a ruined edifice, small and rude. Beneath slabs left of the floor we found a quantity of human bones. Higher up on the slope is a well-made building which the Indians say is ^'Inca." Its workmanship would confirm their statements. The higher plane of Ciriapata formerly supported a cluster of stone buildings. Twenty can still be traced, of which eigh- teen are almost obliterated. Two of the buildings appear to have been dome-shaped. They also were broken into and rifled, years ago, but enough is left to establish their form. The interior having been disturbed, it is filled with rubbish to such an extent as to render it impossible to measure the 178 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI inside elevation. From the top of the opening of ''a" to the rubbish below is an interval of three feet; at ^'b" it is thirty- four inches only. Interior diameters are: ''a," five feet nine inches ; ' ' b, " twelve and a half feet. The mound formed by each being from six and a half to eight feet in height, it is presumable that the room inside was about six feet high. The dome shape of both results from successive overlapping of stones. Each structure has its doorway with a rude lintel ; in " a " the lintel is twenty-six inches long and eight inches thick ; in ' ' b " thirty-one inches by six. The entrance to "a" is tapering, measuring eighteen inches below and sixteen above, its present height twenty inches. In "b" the opening is quadrangular, twenty-one inches in width and seventeen inches in height. We excavated these Chullpas to a depth of several feet, without result. They had been thoroughly cleaned out, but the Indians denied any knowledge of ** finds" made in them. Remains of walls connecting rubbish heaps are visible besides. But since the Indians have torn up andenes, de- stroyed buildings, and built enclosures and new andenes, it is impossible to form an idea of how the cluster appeared when it was intact. In many instances we could not even distinguish the new from the old. Nevertheless I believe that the plan indicates nearly, if not all, the ancient remains yet extant. It is possible that I have included walls and andenes that are recent or at least not pre-Spanish. I be- lieve it safe to state, in regard to this settlement, that it consisted of dispersed small houses, of one room each, con- nected with stone enclosures and terraces. Ciriapata was the largest Chullpa settlement on Titicaca, and I would, under my present impression, place the maximum of its former population at five hundred souls. There is a spring on the plateau, but it is hardly used at present. There are much more abundant sources of water of a superior quality on the Isthmus of Challa, at the foot of Challapata. The advantages afforded at Ciriapata to agri- O t 5? O OJ 03 '3 1 '3 o CO > o CO g X ::3 (1h '3 X O 'B H CO &^ !=| rg >o < ■g '$ a5 S a ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 179 cultural Indians are sufficient fertile soil, eastern exposition, hence sunshine and warmth, and good lookouts. On the south shores of Ciriapata the totora grows large enough for the construction of balsas, and here indeed is the only point on the Island where balsas can be manufactured. Also, if the ancient dwellers on Ciriapata had llamas, there could be no better grazing ground for these animals, and to-day the sheep of Challa are mostly herded on this peninsula. With the exception of north and northwest, the range of view is extensive. It would not be surprising, therefore, if the most populous settlement, on Titicaca, of Indians who were not Inca, had been established on this peninsula. The condition of the remains just described led to expect that undisturbed graves might yet be found. We were strengthened in our hopes by the Indians, although they invariably added that the site had been overhauled "long ago." We made excavations at four places. The result of our work was the opening, emptying, and measuring of eighty-five stone cysts: seventeen in one place; six in an- other; two in another; and a fourth group, of sixty. It is needless to describe each grave. The accompanying plates give an idea of their size, appearance and distribution. Some of the cysts had covers, consisting of a large slab al- ways covered by sod. There were seldom any surface in- dications, we had to test the ground everywhere, in order to find graves. Their distribution is irregular; they lie at unequal distances from each other, and children 's tombs are scattered among those of adults. Their depths vary be- tween fifteen inches (child) and fifty (adult), including a layer of soil from six to fourteen inches in thickness. The cluster is in an open quadrangle formed by a ruined wall, which is mostly modern, though its foundations appeared to be ancient. Many of the graves were empty, still we obtained pieces of coarse pottery and one Llivi, Ayllu, or grooved stone, for bolas.^^ The yield on the whole was unimportant, only two of the cysts containing tall red and 180 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI black clay cups, which the Indians call kero. The cluster of six graves lay close to a bench of rocks overgrown with bushes, and forming the face of an anden. This rock over- lapped the rear wall of three cysts. The soil under the rock was about nine inches deep, and the side of the cyst descended two feet more. It will be seen that some of these graves are approximately round or oval, and that their sides are encased sometimes by vertical plates, mostly, how- ever, by from two to four courses of uncut blocks, with or without a thin seam of mud between them. The covers were gone, and the yield was broken and decayed skulls, a little coarse pottery, and a bit of gray obsidian. In one, three skeletons with skulls were disinterred at a depth of eight inches, and still lower three more skeletons so com- pletely decayed that hardly anything could be saved. Enough was left, however, to show that the bodies had been folded and the arms pressed against the chest. Near these graves, a hoe (chonta) of stone and a fragment of another stone implement were taken out of loose earth. On a narrow terrace, two very small cysts were opened that contained nothing. Their depth below the surface was only six and eight inches respectively. At site 2, on an ancient anden facing the south, and within an area bounded north and west by old stone walls, fifty-eight graves were found ; and two more close by. Of these fifty-eight graves, forty-seven clustered on a space covering not quite thirty- seven hundred square feet, near to a small ruined structure on the edge of the anden. Of these sixty cysts, five were of children. The cysts had been partly opened and disturbed ; hence, while it is likely that they all originally had stone covers, not all of these were in place, and a number of the cysts were empty or partly rifled. The depth of the covers below the surface varied between nine and fifteen inches. The stone-work on the cysts is mostly like that of the others, but there are in this group some well-laid and fairly rectangular casings. Here the yield was better, consisting ^ 05 w o > ^ X s X o fA •/2 i^ d < * r^ r:^ p '-' ^i _ ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 181 of skulls (the skeletons had disintegrated), earthenware and other objects. In some we found only ceramics, in others a skeleton, with from one to seven pieces of pottery, all of the ruder kind. From one cyst, a skull, a stone- mortar, and a pot were taken out at a depth of twenty inches. In a cyst ten inches beneath the surface, and twenty- four inches deep, a vessel of clay in the shape of a duck lay three feet under the surface. There was rarely a grave without something in it. The best constructed one, a rectangle twenty-four by seventeen inches, its wall laid in courses, was empty to a depth of forty inches, then only a few. bones and the bottom of a vessel, charred, came to light. A polygonal cyst, twenty-four by twenty-one inches, inside measures, twelve inches below the ground and twenty-four inches deep, yielded a painted pitcher, a painted bowl, the bottom of a larger bowl filled with charcoal and blackened by fire, but no human remains. Another contained frag- ments of one male and one female skeleton, at a depth of thirty-two inches ; and twelve inches lower, seven pieces of coarse reddish toy-pottery, a tiny piece of silver, one tur- quoise bead, two copper rattles, and four topos, or tumis, two of which were of silver. On the top of all this, and ivith the decayed skulls, lay a well-made circular grinding slab. Charcoal was found in nearly all the cysts, and fragments of pottery blackened by fire. The greatest number of skulls in one grave was three. The male skulls are artificially flattened, female skulls showing no, or hardly any, deform- ity. I must note also that flint flakes were found in one cyst, and in another the upper part of the skull of some animal, which, however, was lost through carelessness of our servant. In one pit there were five skulls, but it after- ward turned out that these had been taken out elsewhere and reburied. There is a ruined ''Chullpa" in close proximity to this cluster of graves. We could only make out its approximate size and probably circular shape. At or near the surface 182 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI we obtained in loose earth, a few implements or fragments of implements of stone, mostly agricultural; also the half of a handsome stone-mortar that may have been dropped by accident. Here also the Indians' ruthless ransacking has made research difficult and conclusions doubtful. Re-burial has certainly taken place, and as careless as could be, when done by barbarians who upturned the ground only in search of metal and striking pieces of pottery. Destruction of ruins on Titicaca is mostly due to the cupidity of its Indian inhabitants. There are more burial sites at Ciriapata, and we in- vestigated several other points but only to find that they had been rifled long ago, just as the Indians told us. The same is probably the case with the remainder of the penin- sula. On the eminence called Marcuni (19) traces of an- denes exist, but there, as well as further to the east, toward the point of Uajran-Kala (18), the ground was either cultivated or used as pasturage and we could not think of disturbing it. It seems that this peninsula was more or less covered with scattered habitations of the Chullpa type, making it probable that Collcapata, Ciriapata, Marcuni, and Uajran-Kala, together, harbored the largest "Chullpa" population of any part of the Island. One small building consists of two (approximate) rectangles, one larger and one smaller. It is not the size of the building that attracts attention but the neatness of the stone work. The total length of its front is nine feet four inches ; its greatest width, six feet nine, and its height above the ground (it is partly buried) five feet. The door- way is eighteen inches wide, and only one foot of the eleva- tion is open. The lintel (of well cut stone) measures five inches in thickness and thirty inches in length. The walls, eighteen inches thick, are well built, the corners sharp, though not squared, and the facing quite smooth. It recalls the best specimens of Inca work on the Island. Its presence in a cluster of much ruder buildings attracts attention. Un- cS t) w ^ O ® HH -2 '^ > S 9 o X M-l w X o , ■Jl (M iA fl EH 'i < _^ >J ^ ^ fM «M _o o fli^HLi : M [. . f VI^/tH' ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 183 fortunately, the Indians penetrated into it from above, causing the roof to fall in, as well as through the door. It is probably rifled of everything, and ravaged, through caving- in as well as by vegetation, which has converted the neat little structure into a blooming bush with ugly thorns. We saw that it would be unprofitable to excavate there, and limited ourselves to measurements. The Indians, as al- ready stated, affirm that the building is ' ' Inca. ' ' We could not learn of any other structure of the kind in that vicinity. Returning to Challa and proceeding northwestward along the Lake to the garden of Challa with its terraces of Inca origin, thence to Kasapata past the ruined andenes of Santa Maria, we find no clear vestiges of the ChuUpa on our path. In continuation of the isthmus on which the Inca ruins of Kasapata stand, rises, as its northerly prolonga- tion, the height of Llaq'-aylli (f) which terminates in the sharp point of Ye-Jachi (17). The top of Llaq'-aylli is about four hundred feet above the Lake, and its northern point is somewhat lower. Both bear considerable shrubbery, and on them also lines of bushes indicate numerous ancient andenes. We were unable to determine to what class these andenes belong. We found no structures, although the top of Llaq'-aylli recalls some features of Ciriapata. We were repeatedly told there was nothing on Yejachi, and indeed saw no traces. Hence I am inclined to believe that the Chullpa remains do not extend further than Kasapata. Beyond that point the fertile soil thins out, slopes are rocky, and the graves on the extreme northwestern point of the Island, the low promontory of Sicuyu (3), differ from those described as Chullpa. The southwestern wing of the Island, the bottoms of Kona and the long ridges of Kakayo-Kena (19) are covered with ancient terraced garden-beds, but we have seen no traces of other structures, notwithstanding that in those sections the modern Indian did less damage. The andenes may be partly Chullpa, but there is a wide and fair trail or road— Quivini (3a)— lead- 184 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI ing up to the Kakayo-kena from the bottom of Kona. Hence I believe that, while Chullpa remains may yet be found, in the shape of burials, in these sections, they were not inhabited to any extent comparable with sites above described. We find the distribution of Chullpa remains on Titicaca to be as follows : They occupy chiefly, if not exclusively, the southern three-fourths of the Island, and the principal settlements seem to have been Ciriapata, the upper slopes of Kea-Kollu, the crest at Apachinaca and along Kurupata and, possibly, the southern parts of the present hacienda of Yumani. The latter I infer from what we saw of an- tiquities and what could be observed in spite of modern cultivation. The settlements were not compact. They consisted of scattered houses of small size, and mostly of one room only. On Kea-Kollu the dwellings are partly built against the rock, and have more than one apartment, sometimes as many as six. We found no trace of fortifications, but the fact that the clusters occupy points of observation might indicate that the inhabitants did not always feel secure. The smaller houses, with one room only, recall the Chullpas on the Bolivian mainland near Chililaya,^^ and the many- roomed buildings resemble the dwellings on the slopes of Illimani near the perpetual snow-line.^^ The great number of andenes with which the dwellings are connected, and the implements found at Kea-Kollu Chico and elsewhere show that the people were land-tillers ; but the presence, in graves even, of the stones called ''llivi," or ''ayllu," which were used after the manner of the Argentine bolas, indicates that they hunted, not only water-fowl, but probably also quadrupeds on the main- land. The llivi were also their main implements of war- fare. Their pottery is ruder and coarser, in material as well as in decoration, than that of the so-called Inca type. Rorfoin ^0 efrerni)'iqp4 Plate XXXYII Details of ruins of Pilco-Kayma Specimeus of niches ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 185 Plastic decoration, often crudely painted, prevails. Among the most striking vessels are certainly the black and red cups or goblets called kero, found abundantly in the stone cysts of Chullpa burials. Of these we know that they were drinking cups, and used in ceremonials. It is even stated that they served, under Inca sway, as accessories to human sacrifice, and were buried with the bodies of victims." The same was the case with the keros of wood, of which at least three were found in rents of rocks above Santa Maria (i). Whether these wooden goblets are to be classed as Chullpa I am not able to decide. I know, however, that they are met with at Tiahuanaco and other places on the Bolivian main land, both north and south of the Lake, and that their shape is distinct from that of the usual drinking vessels from Cuzco.^^ If the black wooden kero from Santa Maria, sent by us to the Museum, is Chullpa, then, since the carving on it represents a man spearing a large fish, it would indicate that the Chullpa also engaged in fishing, and that they used a harpoon-like instrument, beside others, perhaps, of which we may have no knowledge as yet.^® The keros of clay are often decorated with human faces in relief, but these are, with rare exceptions, angular and rude, and can- not compare with the beautiful heads from the Peruvian coast. Otherwise plastic art, judging from what we were able to collect, limited itself to fairly made vessels in the shape of ducks and to a few carvings in stone. While excavating at Kea-Kollu Chico, an Indian from the small settlement of Kea brought us a slab of black stone, which he had found on the slopes of Ticani (2), one of the faces of which was covered with carvings. These carvings represent intricate figures. The origin of the stone we could not ascertain, beyond what I have stated. It may be ancient, or it may be of more recent date and belong to the class of pictographs now used by the Indians to represent church rituals graphically. Of textile fabrics from the Chullpa we were unable to 186 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI secure any. Moisture lias destroyed everything of that kind. But the Indians claimed to be able to assure us that the ChuUpa dressed in clothes made of llama wool. As we obtained, at Kea-Kollu Chico, instruments for weaving made of bone, there is nothing improbable in this state- ment.^'^ That the people called Chullpa on the Island worked metal, is shown by the pins found in one of the graves at Ciriapata. These pins were of copper and of silver. The scarcity of metallic objects in the burials is no evidence that they were originally rare, since the eagerness of the modern Indian to obtain ancient objects of metal is very great, and, as I have repeatedly stated, the majority of the graves have been, if not completely rifled, at least searched long previous to our coming. Of household articles, we found the grinding slab or hatdn at various places, and its crusher or grinder. Mor- tars were also found, and they are of the same type as those of Cuzco, though not as elaborately carved. It is also wortliy of note that the artefacts in general ascribed to the Chullpa on the Island are identical with those of the Chullpa on the Bolivian mainland as far as we know. I refer to the vicinity of Chililaya and Huarina, and the sections of Llujo, Coana and Coni, near the snows of Illimani.^^ The word Chullpa is often applied, on the shores of the Lake and in the Puna in general, to tower-like structures, some of the handsomest of which are those of Sillustani, of Acora*'' and of the Peninsula of Huata. Elsewhere I have shown that the Sillustani edifices were not burial tow- ers, which is also likely in the case of Huata.^*^ The mode of burial which Cieza de Leon describes as general in the CoUao and on the southern shores of Lake Titicaca^^ is not found on the Island. All the graves seen by us— and we saw upward of three hundred— are in the ground, and stone cysts mostly, with a rude slab or block as cover. This B =■ ce .S -s o 'o > O ■ X X ■J IS g o o 03 IE 03 ►:! CO n (-M Ti * a ® 1=1 . O a > p 6 03 p^ !>i a o ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 187 mode of burial is like that observed by us at Cliililaya, on the Island of Cojata and on the lUimani slopes. The num- ber of graves on Titicaca is large, but does not indicate a so-called Chullpa population in excess of the number of present inhabitants.^^ The artificial deformity of the heads being the same as was found in practice among all Aymara-speaking tribes at the time of the conquest, it also supports the assertions of «arly chroniclers, that the Island of Titicaca was originally inhabited by a branch of the Aymard tribe. Prom the size and disposition of structures that were ])robably dwellings we may conclude that the homes of these people were dingy and calculated for shelter and warmth almost exclusively. In the absence of combust- ibles, crowding and exclusion of air had to protect from the prevailing cold. Not enough is left of these structures to enable us to decide whether their inmates used chimneys, but there is at least no trace of them, nor of flues. The Indians emphatically stated that in none of the Chullpas had they ever seen contrivances of the kind. This agrees with what we noticed on the mainland, among the ruins scattered over the Puna. But the Island of Titicaca contains ruins of a different character, which the Indians ascribe to the Inca. By this word, only the Inca tribe of Cuzco, in Peru, can be meant. The distribution of these so-called Inca ruins differs from that of the former class in that they are limited to fewer localities. They may be said to constitute four groups: The southeastern, composed of, first, almost obliterated structures near the landing of Puncu (26), the buildings and terraces at Pilco-Kayma (a), and the so-called foun- tain of the Inca, with andenes, at the foot of the promontory on which the hacienda buildings of Yumani have been erected; together, probably, with andenes on that promon- tory; second, the ruins at Pucara and the ' ' Ahijadero " ; third, the cluster of ruins at Kasapata and at the foot of 188 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI Llaq'-aylli; and fourth, the ruins on the northwestern end of the Island, embracing Muro-Kato (3), the Sacred Rock and annexes (a), the ruin called Chincana (b), the almost obliterated vestiges at Chucaripu-pata (c), the andenes of Chucaripu (d), and the promontory of Sicuyu (3), with whatever faint traces may exist between that point and the Sacred Rock, and on the flanks of the conical height of Ticani. There are also Inca remains in the southern bottom of Kona (p), but these, together with the andenes in the grassy basins north and south, and those on the slopes of Kakayo-kena, also the road called Qui-vini (30), attract less attention from the fact that no buildings have as yet been found among them. All the other groups show traces of edifices. The first three are mostly built on or surrounded by fertile soil ; the fourth group lies on partly sterile ground. All are provided with good water, and in connection with each we find sys- tems of terraced garden-beds, superior in construction to the Chullpa patas. The first group affords a good view of the eastern shore of Copacavana, the straits of Tiquina, and the Island of Koati. The second lies in a well-shel- tered bottom. The third embraces a magnificent range of view toward the east, north, and northwest. The fourth commands the north, part of the northwest, southwest, and portions of the south. It may be said that the first group commanded the eastern shore of the Peninsula of Copa- cavana and the Peninsula of Huata; the third the line of the eastern Bolivian mainland and the main Lake ; and the fourth the Peruvian coast from Puno to Yunguyu ; so that, from these sites, the shores of Jjake Titicaca could be watched in sections. Nothing indicates, however, that the possibility of sur- prise or ambush was dreaded by the Inca. Landings might be effected, under cover of darkness, at points out of sight of any of these Inca settlements. Either the people who selected the sites had no grounds for fear, or nocturnal at- ^ •A S If m A '^ X 0) "x ^ X -*-' « ^. Q-^ ,J2 K — ' r^ CL w ri ^ ^ H ^ cS J > fcl A. e ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 203 direct relation to the northwestern clusters of Inca build- ings, and was probably occupied at the same time. On the way to the Inca ruins at Kasapata, the garden of Challa (23) attracts attention. It is, on a smaller scale, a second Fountain of the Inca. The few andenes, traversed by a channel filled with limpid water as at Yumani, are even better built than those of the Fountain. There is at the Challa garden a greater number of kenua trees ; and above the garden, on the slope, stands quite a grove of these bulky plants. Most of them must be quite old, especially the one in the garden of which a photograph is appended. In the grove are remains similar to those at Yumani. Ex- cept a channel and most of the andenes, all improvements were made since the conquest and probably during the eighteenth century. Of buildings there are no traces. The same is true of the site called Santa Maria (i), where ruined terraces yielded to us potsherds of the so-called Inca type. Still higher up, on the northern declivities of the Calvario (4), black goblets of wood were found in crevices of the rock. Kasapata (e) stands near an isthmus, at the foot of the promontory of Llaq'-aylli. Mr. Squier made a plan of part of these ruins,^^ the importance of which plan consists in giving lines of structures south of what is called "Temple of the Sun. ' ' To-day no traces of them remain beyond one well preserved anden and vestiges of others. I am not sure, however, that these terraces are ancient, as the whole is under cultivation, hence I have not indicated them on the general plan of Kasapata. The most prominent building is the one to which the Indians give the name of ''Temple of the Sun." It appears to have contained but a single large hall. Its outside length is 166 feet, its width on the west thirty-six, on the east forty. The walls, which are fairly built and laid in mud, are three feet thick, and rise not over six feet above the ground in their present condition. Three doorways, slightly tapering, stand close to each other in 204 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI the western half of the northern front. They are of unequal size. Inside, the western and eastern walls have each four small niches, and the southern side has two. Otherwise the interior, as well as the exterior, is plain. It may be that there was a doorway to the south, as indicated on Mr. Squier's plan, but we could not find the two eastern door- ways on the northern front marked in his diagram. We found five window-like openings elevated from the ground four and one half feet and of about the width of those at Pucara, but not as tall, possibly because the upper part of the wall is destroyed. The northern front has stepping- stones for scaling the walls. Whether this indicates the former existence of an upper story we could not ascertain. There is no trace of a superstructure, still less of the roof. Why this building should be called a "temple" I cannot imagine. Some of the historians of the seventeenth cen- tury, who saw the edifice in a better state of preservation, assign to it an entirely different purpose. It stands on a plateau, or esplanade, 250 feet wide, oc- cupying the highest place close to the isthmus on the west, and terminating abruptly both east and west. Farther down, the declivity on each side shows traces of ancient andenes. One hundred and sixty feet to the north of the ** temple" an ancient wall, partly rebuilt of late, traverses the isthmus from east to west. North of it the plateau extends in slightly varying width for another 160 feet to the base of Llaq'-aylli; so that this ancient wall divides the neck into two equal sections. The base of Llaq'-aylli is formed by a handsome anden 224 feet long, part of which shows traces of former buildings which the Indians boast of having destroyed for the sake of treasure-hunt- ing. Of these buildings there remain part of the founda- tions—two sides only, so that no accurate idea can be gathered of size— and an interesting doorway, very well made. The details of this doorway, which opens on andenes of the slope of Llaq'-aylli, are given on this plan. S o 0) ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 205 The masonry is far handsomer than any at Pilco-Kayma or Pucara, and the lintel, consisting of a single thin slab, is particularly well cut. It is a gateway rather than a door, its walls measuring at least five feet in thickness. In Mr. Squier's time, already, the northern part of the esplanade was a greensward, nearly in the midst of which lies a huge block, rudely chipped.^ ^ The Indians call it a block of sacrifice, and say that its lower side is elaborately carved. We did our utmost to induce them to overturn the stone, but in vain. So that, while the upper surface indeed shows traces of artificial changes, we cannot affirm the same of the lower. At the base of Llaq'-aylli is another large stone resembling a seat, the back of which has a groove. This is believed to have been a sacrificial block also. The groove is artificial, and there is no doubt about human sacrifices on Titicaca. The description which Ramos gives of them may lead to the surmise that the block first described served such a purpose. He states : ' ' They placed them on a large slab, the face turned up to heaven, and pulling them by the neck placed over it a slab (!) or smooth stone somewhat broad, and with another stone they pounded on it so hard, that within a short time they took their life away from them."^^ Elsewhere he remarks that the victims were sometimes smothered, by stuffing their mouths with ground coca; and again that they were killed by cutting their throats.^^ The fact of human sacrifices seems established by nearly all the older sources,^^ yet it is not safe so far to assert that the blocks at Kasapata were sacrificial stones. Of the andenes covering the slopes of Llaq'-aylli I have already spoken. I have also mentioned that at Kasapata we initiated our excavations on the Island. These excava- tions having revealed interesting features, I shall devote some space to an account of them. The first work was done at a spot determined by the indications of Manuel Mamani the wizard, and in order to humor him; but we soon found that he either had little 206 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI knowledge of the ruins, or that he desired us to waste our time, profitably for himself and other Indians, but with little result for ourselves. We found that we had struck only a ruined anden that yielded broken pottery, whorls, and especially animal bones partly boiled and gnawed. Some copper also was found. We abandoned the place, after making a trench eighteen feet long, five feet wide, and eight deep at the upper side, and probing the sod all around, without result. We then moved on to the opposite slope of the isthmus and there very soon brought to light the founda- tions of some building. The eastern end of it was gone, the stones having been removed to make room for cultivation, but the end abutting against the eastern edge of the plateau was intact. Here we discovered three rooms, the middle one being forty feet long and at least eighteen feet wide. The rooms to the right and left of it had been so disturbed that no idea could be obtained of their size. The northern one was separated from the middle by an alley about twenty inches wide, and the thickness of the walls was three and four feet, respectively. On the south of the central apart- ment were two parallel alleys not over eighteen inches in width, the wall separating them being four and a half feet thick, while the side of the southern room, or remainder of a room, was only three feet thick. Of these two alleys one runs clear through to the base of the plateau, the other makes an angle, so as to encompass the central hall on two sides, without communicating with the alley that separates the northern apartment from the esplanade. The founda- tions were set in the ground, not over four feet and mostly only two. The masonry was fairly done, and though the angles are not absolutely correct, yet they are approxi- mately so. No floor of any kind could be detected. Inside of the rooms thus uncovered the amount of arte- facts was comparatively small, but the narrow alleys and the space south, where all traces of walls had been ob- literated, were densely packed with potsherds. This pot- cS Pk a m >— 1 cS > M o a J^ H .S < CM rS o ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 207 tery is mostly decorated with intricate designs in vivid colors, far superior to those on the so-called Chullpa pot- tery. Wherever shapes could be recognized they showed more attractive forms. The clay and burning find their equals only in red and black goblets taken out of Chullpa cysts, whereas the decoration is much more artistic. It was clear that we had before us a higher development of ceramic art, completely distinct from that on the coast, and corresponding in every way to what may be called the Cuzco or Inca type of pottery. Ruder specimens were also found alongside of necks of jars and fragments of huge urns painted in brilliant hues with very elaborate, mostly geo- metrical designs. Of plastic ornaments, the cat's head placed on urns and pitchers as knobs, heads of water-fowl as handles to flat saucers, were quite common. Some of the plain vessels or sherds were covered with soot, and char- coal was taken out here and there. Bones of animals, among which the Indians at once recognized the indigenous deer, the vicuna and the llama, were found with the sherds, also copper implements, mostly topos, and one of silver. Such pieces were usually buried at a level lower than the founda- tions. The majority of objects came from the alleys which were packed with what appeared to be refuse from the buildings. It might be that when the ground at Kasapata was first tilled again, broken pottery and rubbish were heaped up in the narrow alleys ; but this is scarcely prob- able, as, if the cultivators wished to get rid of such obstacles, they had the easier way of throwing them into the Lake, instead of reburying them where they would remain in the way of the hoe or plow. Hence we concluded that, while we had brought to light at least three rooms of an ancient structure, or perhaps three ancient houses, we had also uncovered the place whither refuse was thrown. Among the animal bones many had been boiled or cooked. Of stone implements few were taken out, and, while the presence of charred and smoked pottery as well as of animal remains 208 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI indicates cooking, not a household article of stone, like the grinding slab or mortar, was met with. This may be due to the Indian custom of securing such articles for present use. Of human remains there was not a trace. After probing, without result, the whole length of the slightly inclined plane on which the excavation had been made, and thus confirming the statements of the Indians that this locality had been thoroughly ransacked a long time ago, we moved on to the Esplanade. The part of it fronting the "temple" did not seem promising, as it ap- peared either to have been excavated long before or to contain nothing. The latter proved to be the case. An old Indian living on the site told us that faint traces of walls were seen formerly on the part of the plateau adjoining the transverse wall in front of the ''temple." We accord- ingly began there, and soon had the pleasure of bringing to light vestiges of three buildings not indicated on the plan of Mr. Squier. Hence they must have been destroyed, their foundations covered up, and forgotten long ago. Even these foundations are partly obliterated. Contiguous to the transverse wall we found a building of four compartments. The two middle ones are narrower than the eastern (a), and the western seems to have been a court. The western wall of the latter is almost destroyed. The length of the first three, which probably formed the building proper, is sixty-four feet, that of the annex, thirty. Width on the eastern end is eighteen, on the western six- teen, and there is a trace of a continuation of the former along the edge of the terrace. The second or middle room has a recess. We excavated this quadrangle thoroughly to a depth of four feet at least, so as to reach the hard yel- lowish marl with chert and pebbles, called "chillu," that forms the usual substratum. No human vestiges of any kind may be expected in this very compact formation. We found handsome fragments, among them necks of very large jars, but there was, on the whole, less pottery than in ibT .'J. .illvK »l»ii«T U£ tc^riij'ijjir* lyqqu -jo Plate XLVII 1. Ground-plan of Kasapata and Llaq'-aylli. 2. Tambo or so-called temple of Kasapata. 3. Niches in wall of Tambo. 4, 5. Stepping- stones in wall of Tambo. 6. Doorway in Tambo. 7. Window or npper entrance in Tambo '±sm^^s^ '\'^. ' 'ti\^:^M?M swHipinK ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 209 the previous excavation. In the two western rooms five hollow cylinders, quite thick, of clay, of different sizes, were found. The perforation is like a funnel, flaring at the top and with a comparatively small orifice at the bottom. Their original position is indicated on the plan. Our first im- pression was that they were hearths, but we soon recognized them as bases, or stands, for large jugs and jars, the bot- toms of which are conical, in which the Indians preserved chicha, and underneath which a fire was sometimes kindled in order to accelerate fermentation.^^ Necks of such jars were found close by. These bases, or stands, were all placed against the walls, either main or transverse. In room 2 of the same building were two grinding slabs with their grinders. A part of the room was paved with slabs ; the first artificial floor we met in the ruins. A copper knife and some beads of azurite were also obtained here. No human remains of any kind were found in the first three apartments, but in the last eight stone cysts came to light. One was that of an adult, while the other seven were of children. This feature, and the fact that hardly any artefacts occurred in this compartment, led us to infer, that it was probably an annex, or enclosure, and not a room proper. The depth of the children's graves beneath the surface varied between seven and eighteen inches. The larger cyst, manifestly the grave of an adult, was a foot under ground; counting, in every case, to the cover of the cyst. The six small graves were different from any of those called Chullpa. They were chests made of stone plates set on edge, rather neatly fitted, and from six to ten inches high. The covers were thin slabs. In each of these graves was the skeleton of a child unaccompanied by artefacts. We could preserve very few of the vestiges and these only in a broken state. Skulls lay invariably on the west side, the feet on the east, and the hands had been folded across the breast. From the dimensions of the cysts it is apparent that the seven bodies were about of the same size, hence the 210 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI children more or less of the same age. Within the same court or annex we found, in loose earth, but blackened by fire, a handsome spoon or ladle of clay, a handsomely painted sherd, and a spinning- whorl. The larger cyst contained the remains of at least one adult. Fragments of human bones and one molar was all we found, and these at nineteen inches below the cover. The cyst, while nearly circular and resembling many of the Chullpa burials, was constructed with greater care. The existence of this grave so close to those of the children might lead to the inference that a family had been buried there; but the nearly equal size of the seven smaller skel- etons and the proximity of the stones represented as *' sacrificial" by the Indians, together with the statements of chroniclers that for human sacrifices children were taken in preference, favor a supposition that the seven little graves were those of as many victims. Possibly an examination of the few fragments of bones and skulls which we could transmit to the Museum may lead to some clue. These eight graves the Indians emphatically declared to be Inca.^'^ We continued examining the plateau, and found the foundations of another group. Two rooms or halls came to light, one of which may have been originally connected with the western annex, and the other is an approximate rectangle measuring forty-seven by twenty feet, with walls of un- equal thickness. This apartment, or building, stands on the western rim of the esplanade and is connected with the terrace north of it by a wall forty-eight feet long and about two feet thick. Here we found two more grinding slabs and potsherds with handsome designs, but not as many as in the previous excavations. The most diligent probing and digging on the esplanade did not reveal more until we came to the northeastern cor- ner. There a wall was uncovered which may have originally run along the whole eastern border of the plateau. Pot- sherds, some with beautiful designs, were scattered through Bf .^ & ■ ^ 3" 5 «< o •^ -^ p. §- 3 c6 « W -(J 1— 1 s & (— 1 p >> > «G 1^ a -^""^ e^ X i^j ^ a> CO i; < eS e -»S ft ^ !B «H CO C« o tSl cc ^ o tic O ffl c3 '? 3 S CO a a c3 03 M o , S o ;h .fH ^n OQ uju c3 tJ o a a c3 t— 1 c5 t>^ <§ c« ce cc c3 cS W c3 =4-1 O M w PI o 'p c» O ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 221 the southern slope of Muro-kato, near " Chucaripu-pata. " A few inches below the surface was found a stone chest, now at the Museum, which contained a most remarkably beautiful poncho. Somewhere in that neighborhood another chest was exhumed that still remains on the Island, and also contained a poncho. In fact, five of the six handsome tissues of the Garces collection were obtained from this end of Titicaca, but three of them were dug up so long ago that the exact locality cannot be ascertained. I do not place great reliance on local names given by the Indians of the Island. Hence I simply record, without any guarantee, the name of Tican-aychi stated to us as that of the ruins connected with the Sacred Eock, and of T'ana for those lying north of Muro-kato in general. The latter name would thus apply collectively to Titi-kala, to the bot- tom of Mama-ojlia, and to the promontory of Sicuyu. About four hundred and fifty feet northwest of the Sacred Eock, on the upper western declivity, lies the complicated structure which already in the beginning of the seven- teenth century was known as Chincana, or ** place where people lose themselves." To-day it is called the "palace"; whereas Eamos and Cobo declare it was a dispensa, or store-house.^''^ It consists of two wings built on a rapid slope descending to the Lake, from the shores of which its lowest walls are about three hundred and fifty feet distant. It will be seen that its southern wing stands on higher ground than the northern, that that wing has at least two, and probably three, open courts, and that several of the passages are still covered, whereas one at least was origi- nally without roof. The thickness of the walls of this wing varies greatly, the extremes being two and six feet, and similar variations occur from one room to another, in places. The walls are still of an average height of six to eight feet, showing that comparatively little deterioration has taken place, although there is shrubbery around it and in nearly every corner. 222 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI At first sight it seems as if this wing had been two- storied, but on closer examination we notice that the west- ern rooms, south of the uncovered passage way, simply stand on lower ground than the eastern. The western rooms have an elevation of more than twelve feet (see accompany- ing plans), and what remains of the roof shows that it was, like that of the tallest apartments of the Pilco-kayma, made of successively projecting slabs so as to form a primi- tive vault. Other roofs show the same kind of ceilings. In long covered gangways and narrow chambers the ceilings are flat, as in the inner rooms of the Pilco-kayma. The irregular angles of the edifice result from the inability of its builders to accommodate the ground to the structure. This also explains the variations in thickness of walls. It looks as if the building had been erected at different periods, additions being made as required. The stone- work is like that of the Pilco-kayma, of Pucara, and of Kasapata ; that is, superior to the Chullpa type, but inferior to that of handsomely built andenes. Lintels are formed by a single slab. One of these is six feet long and one foot thick. Some lintels are rough, others but slightly chipped on the edges. The doorways vary in width between two and (in a single instance— the entrance to an open court) eight feet. Some taper, others have vertical sides. One doorway terminates in a primitive arch. The true arch is nowhere found. Niches are plentiful but neither as tall nor as elaborate as at the Kayma or at Pucara. The whole complex structure has but one small air-hole, to which the name of window cannot in justice be given. The Chincana must, therefore, have been a very uncomfortable abode. Among the niches there is one quite tall, which terminates in a primitive arch. In this niche are still traces of a clay coating painted red and yellow, like the ruins of Tambo Colorado, near Pisco, on the coast. In general, the Chincana reminds one of that ruin in size and arrangement. A wall runs from the northwestern comer of the southern CO o o 'd ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 223 wing in a northerly direction, making an angle to the west. This wall is the highest part of the ruin ; it is four feet thick and has a succession of niches on both sides. Its length is seventy- two feet. From the northwestern corner it descends to the west fifteen feet, to meet the northeastern corner of the northern wing. The latter is smaller than the southern, but wherever its walls are not reduced to rubbish heaps they appear more substantial. The rooms are more regular in shape, their angles being truer. It stands lower than the other wing, and the second tier of rooms is about eight feet lower than the first. It is built on a rather steep incline, and at the lower end reduced to shapeless heaps of debris. Clearly defined, however, is a long alley leading from the western end of the ruin to the two upper exits, one of which is into the sunken part of the edifice, and the other into a space between both wings. This passage has on one side a well- built wall eight feet high and four feet thick. The ascent is partly on an inclined plane, partly on short steps of stone. The peculiarity of this passage consists in that it presents the same features as many gangways found in ruins on the Peruvian coast, namely, at irregular distances short walls project alternately from one side and the other, as if for interception and protection in case of assault from the side of the Lake. It is one of the few traces of defensive contrivances noticed by us on the Island. There are two lower exits from this lane. One is an open sally upon the edge of a terrace, the other a graded way, now in ruins, turning to the south and passing between the lowest com- partments and a tall rectangular structure on the extreme comer of the wing. This structure is, unfortunately, in ruins, but it suggests a watchtower or guardhouse over- looking approach from the Lake. The only air-hole or window, in the northern wing, opens toward the Lake-side. The area between the two wings is sloping and consider- ably broken. Immediately below the niched wall connecting 224 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI them are a few ruined andenes. Then follows an open space containing a spring enclosed by walls that, appar- ently, have never been much higher than three or four feet. Close by this spring is a seat of stone. Further down, traces of walls extend northward, from the southern wing, toward the middle of the slope. A sluice has formed at the base of the northern wing, which may be recent, but it is also possible that its formation is ancient. This is sug- gested by a low wall running out some distance from the southeastern corner of the southern wing, and by two slabs of rock, one of which is still in place, while the other has been moved. The one still in place is four feet tall, its length five feet two inches, thickness fif- teen inches. The other measures four feet seven inches, by four feet, and is twelve inches thick. They appear like parts of a gateway. There is also, east of these slabs, a piece of wall indicating that the ravine was originally lined with stones. Of the space between the two wings of the Chincana Ramos says: '^In its center it had an orchard of rows of alisos {Alnus acuminata), the constant freshness of which maintained a perpetual spring issuing there. In the shade of these trees the Inca constructed curious baths for the sun and its worship. "^^ Cobo expresses himself in nearly the same terms.^^ It may be, therefore, that the ra- vine was a drainage-channel from the spring to the Lake. At present, the surroundings of the spring are wet, but not enough to moisten more than the small enclosure around the basin. Beyond the southern wing are vestiges of an- denes. North of the Chincana the rock crops out, and the flanks of Ticani are but scantily overgrown. That height descends to the Lake in steep declivities, on which ex- cavations by the owners have disclosed well-built andenes. To-day the Chincana is called ''Palace of the Inca." It looks like a communal dwelling of moderate size. One hun- dred and fifty Indians might have found room in it for shelter. But only for shelter! The apartments are so dark, ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OP TITICACA 225 so ill-ventilated, that they offered not as much comfort as an agglomeration of Indian huts to-day. The plan shows how much space is occupied by courts, passages and gang- ways, in proportion to rooms or cells. About eight hundred feet southeast of the Chincana, separated from it by undulations of the ground on a steep incline, with a few scattered andenes of small extent, lies the plateau called Chucaripu-pata, an irregular quadrangle, originally level, now completely overturned through ex- cavations. This quadrangle appears to have been a plat- form lined by walls and surrounded by lower terraces on three sides, whereas in the northeast it abuts against a higher plane on the flanks of Muro-kato. The northeastern side of this platform measures at present 182 feet, the north- western 258, the southwestern 192, and the southeastern only 188 ; but these are not original dimensions. Very few traces of buildings remain on this plateau, which overlooks the Lake and the Peruvian coast, dominating, so to speak, the whole northern Bay of Kona. On the east corner is an entrance twenty feet wide, and there are traces of an alley along the northwestern side of the platform. But its actual con- dition is such that I do not venture to state more than that it is a terrace or esplanade said to have been occupied by buildings of which I could not obtain any description. It is the more to be regretted that so little is left on this site, as most, if not all, the pottery contained in the Garces collection, some of the silver figurines, and most of the ob- jects in gold, were found at Chucaripu-pata or between it and the Sacred Rock, and always, according to the Indians, quite near the surface. I have mentioned the magnificent poncho found near Chucaripu-pata in a stone chest. A silver mask was disinterred higher up, on the slope of Muro-kato and on the same side. With it was found a human jaw, which hints at the possibility of it having been a mortuary mask. The pottery is, like the fragments ex- humed at Kasapata, of Cuzco type, very handsome in colors 226 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI and in design. From the same place we obtained, through purchase, a golden topo, or tumi, and several small articles of copper or bronze.^*^ More than an approximate plan would be not only useless but perhaps misleading, as the wreck of ancient walls is complete and their material has been used for modem en- closures, so mixed with old ones that it is impossible to distinguish the ancient from the new. The distance of Chucaripu-pata from the Sacred Rock is a little over five hundred feet. In order to find a mention of the former in Spanish sources, we must therefore search for references to some structure, or cluster of structures, distant about five hundred feet southwest of the latter. I have so far failed to find any such references. From this point, the view on the dark green bottom of northern Kona, overshadowed partly by the ridge of Ka- kayo-kena, has a somber cast. The waters of the bay are quiet, because sheltered, and of a dark blue tint. The Island of Kochi has nothing soft in its contours. It is a sharp ridge, like Kakayo-kena, of which it seems to be a northwestern continuation. From the margin of the prom- ontory of Chucaripu-pata we see the reentering curve described by the slope of Muro-kato and descry on that slope the handsome andenes of Chucaripu, 800 feet south of east of Chucaripu-pata. They are the most regular sys- tem of terraces on the Island. The facing of these andenes, the elevation of which varies between two and thirteen feet, is exceedingly well done. The stones are so carefully broken that they might pass for a modern wall, laid in adobe mud in place of mortar. Ascent from one anden to the other is effected in places by stone steps built along the fronts of terraces, or by stepping- stones, or on inclined planes. The stepping-stones are like those at Kasapata. The terraces are level, and shrubbery grows along edges and sides, so that from a distance its ap- pearance is striking, from the regularity of dark green lines. bs fc K S; 65 65 "T W S *-!• H I^ l-i cv ^ Hj ^ 13 X S5 M> 0) H I.X O X fc, cS cS H ^ a a c3 cS z> a 1— 1 I— 1 ^ ^ ;:l n^ o -tJ 'p cS cS ft 'C !« 0) t> Si a 3 i! o3 r-^ cS c3 Is ^ 9 cs" cS d c3 a »H O cS .s ^ ^. 2 :: o CO r— I M OS tc V ^ -CI O Q o e o o3 r/2 "^ 'ft:: ® C. Pi c3 03 S O M ft H -^ -s ira :: S ". ^ ft --^ ?:3 ft c6 X: o .2 * * rs CC' ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 227 On many of these terraces a layer of black soil, from three to six inches thick, and entirely different from the soil of its surroundings or of the Island in general, is noticed. It is a rich loam. The story goes that the Incas had it brought from the transandine regions of Yungas in order to grow coca on Titicaca. As Cobo remarks, the at- tempt failed on account of the climate. But his description of the site where that trial is said to have been made does not agree with Chucaripu, so that there is little foundation for the story, whether told in the seventeenth century ^^ or in the nineteenth. It may be that an attempt was made to raise coca on the Island, previous to the conquest, but it would only show that those who made it had not the least idea of the influence of climate and altitude upon vege- tation. Artificial objects, such as topos and tumis, some of precious metal, have been found on these andenes, but we heard neither of buildings nor burials. In the northwest corner is a ruined enclosure with a spring, and the ground in the northwest and southwest is constantly moist. Of channels for irrigation we saw no trace, atmospheric humidity and natural drainage from the rocks above sup- plying ample moisture. This group of terraced garden- beds, connected with the ruined wall that crosses the crest of Muro-kato as already described, are the last ancient remains in this part of the Island. But the northern ex- tremity of Titicaca, the low promontory of Sicuyu (s), bears some vestiges which, though disturbed by treasure- hunters, deserve a passing notice. On that promontory some of the golden figurines in the Garces collection are said to have been found. The northern slopes of the conical height of Ticani are rather bare, there is low shrubbery and grass, but rocks, ledges, and steps appear everywhere. The little Bay of Arcu-puncu (16) is encased by low cliffs. Cultivation has been possible on these slopes by forming andenes, and while 228 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI some of these seem to be modern, others are undoubtedly ancient. Sicuyu is a low promontory, covered with shrub- bery and the rubbish of structures of some kind. We spent there a whole afternoon and later on two days, excavating, but could not discover anything capable of giving an idea of the edifices, so thoroughly had they been torn down by the Indians. These Indians assured us that they had torn down walls of buildings, which they believed were reared by the Incas, among them one that seemed to be a store- house. What our investigations revealed was that nearly the entire promontory, on its upper plane, which stands twenty feet above the Lake, contains stone cysts, mostly in parallel rows and differing from the cysts of Chullpa type, whereas they closely resembled the seven graves of children discovered at Kasapata! In the first place, they are all quadrangular; then they are encased by thin slabs set up- right in the ground, and most of them had covers. They are much more regular in size, form and arrangement, than ^ ' Chullpa" burials. But our search for human remains was fruitless. Only from one grave the mould of a skull was obtained, the bones having completely disappeared with the exception of the right temporal, and even that crumbled very soon. As to the cranial mould, as soon as the earth of which it consisted began to dry it fell to pieces. We do not know how many individuals were buried together in a cyst, and as to artefacts, not even a potsherd was found in or about the graves. But the resemblance of the cysts to those at Kasapata gives color to the statement that they were Inca burials. It is a lonely site. The view on the Bolivian shore is extensive and dismal. The Island of Apingiiila, on which Inca remains are said to exist, and its neighbor, Pampiti, where, it is alleged, Huayna Capac, the last of the Inca head chiefs, previous to Atahualpa and Huascar, per- formed fearful human sacrifices,®^ are seen from Sicuyu in a line with the longitudinal axis of Titicaca; and some- body told us that here Huayna Capac had taken the balsas Vr.T :fTA.i^ ■ '—inhn orf+ rjrl-TitrffM-!. ii)-.irr>^ .\- .-.-Ti;-. ({JBOf son I Plate LVI Architectural details from the Chiucana 1. Stoue steps on Incan-Taqui, or Inca path. 1, 2, 3. Doorways. 4, Small •window. 5, 6. Stone ceilings over room and passageway (see text) ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 229 to carry him over to Apingiiila and Pampiti.^^ '^Se non e vero/' etc. If now we cast a retrospective glance at the cluster which the wall of Muro-kato and the andenes of Chucaripu divide from the remainder of the Island, we observe that it con- tained a greater number of single buildings than any of the others attributed to the Inca, and also, probably, the most extensive ones. I may be permitted to recapitulate the principal points contained in the foregoing description. From some point on the eastern side of Muro-kato a well- made road, or wide path, with steps, descended into a bot- tom at the southern base of the Sacred Rock, passing close by a group of small buildings, each of one apartment only. The road then ascends to a level, on the eastern margin of which the Sacred Rock stands. This level seems to have been surrounded by a wall outlining a terrace. Many an- cient votive offerings were disinterred here, and in front of the Sacred Rock are vestiges of foundations. The rock has a natural concavity and other marks that must have forcibly struck the Indian mind. These marks bear resemblance to the head of the indigenous cat, and the name of the rock is derived from the Aymara name of this animal. In close proximity are traces of former edifices. A few blocks of andesite of good workmanship are lying near by. Andesite is not on the Island, but on the Peninsula of Copacavana ! The Sacred Rock is so situated as to afford an excellent view of both shores, east and west. On this site the Indian to-day is still impressed with superstitious awe. This was noticed by Mr. Squier.^^ It is asserted that no bird of any kind passes beyond the wall of Muro-kato ; the reason for it lies probably in the scantiness of vegeta- tion.^'* On the western slope, and not far from the Sacred Rock, is a fairly preserved edifice, which tradition describes as a residence and again as a storehouse. This edifice is so built as to surround a copious spring of water, and the slope on that side is covered with vegetation. On the same 230 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI side a quadrangular platform, commanding an extensive view, bears faint traces of ancient buildings. Excavations have brought to light, besides pottery similar to that of Cuzco, figures of gold and silver such as the older authors assert were used as offerings in pre-Columbian times. Near by, tissues of exceptional beauty in texture, design, and color have been found; and at least two of these were buried in well made chests of andesite. On the last prom- ontory of the Island are graves different from Chullpa graves. Shapeless ruins of buildings are also found there. Add to these features the andenes of Chucaripu, and the whole northwestern group of ruins on Titicaca Island presents every condition essential to Indian residence, while at the same time tradition designates it as having been a place of aboriginal worship. The wall of Muro-kato does not seem to have been erected for defense. Neither are there any traces of other purely military constructions. The only building showing some defensive features is the Chincana. I have already stated that some authors from the early part of the seventeenth century mention the Chincana as a ''storehouse," whereas to-day it is called a "palace." It is certainly^o^ a palatial building. On the contrary, with its dingy cells, narrow and tortuous passages, it is more unfit for abode than the Pilco- kayma, and has, furthermore, the notable disadvantage of fronting away from the sun. Still there is one feature that might suggest an abode or, perhaps, that portions of it were used as a place of worship. One of the smaller cells, to which, when intact, light and air had access only through the doorway, had the floor paved with rough mosaic-work made of small and bright pebbles. Such pebbles are found on the beach below Ciriapata, on the east side. The mosaic was, of course, torn up by the Indians, who kept some of the pebbles and left the rest. We sent a number of them to the Museum. It is doubtful if the Indian would take the trouble of decorating the floor of a store-room ! An indica- ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OP TITICACA 231 tion that the Chincana was also used, partly at least, as a residence is the proximity of a spring. Chroniclers state that a bath for the sun had been constructed there. But the spring is simply an enclosed pool, too narrow for bath- ing purposes, and there are no vestiges of tanks or sinks. I again call attention to the precautions taken against hostile approach from the Lake-side. Such precautions would not have been used unless the building contained something valuable or sacred. For the alimentation of the inmates of all the buildings around the Sacred Rock, a storehouse of more modest proportions was ample. Never- theless, it is possible that the Chincana may have been a magazine as well as a dwelling. There is still another pos- sibility: Statements in regard to the location of special places of worship are too positive to admit of much doubt that they stood in the immediate proximity of the Sacred Bock ; but the same is not the case with another structure, inhabited by female attendants of the shrine,^^ women who lived in seclusion, like nuns, with the difference that chastity was not obligatory upon them, sexual intercourse being allowed under special conditions and only with men from the Inca tribe.^'^ Hence such places were kept under vigilance to avoid intrusion. The occupations of these women consisted in the manufacture of objects used in worship, such as ceremonial dresses, and in brewing chicha.^^ Such a house existed on Titicaca, and of all the ancient structures still discernible on the Island, the Chin- cana is the only one suggesting it.^^ In that case, it served for residence, as well as for storing valuable objects des- tined as offerings, and this justified some precautionary measures against eventual attempts at spoliation. It is true that the Indians state that the house occupied by these women was the one which they call Mama-ojlia ; but neither its size nor its arrangement, which shows no divisions into apartments, favor that opinion, whereas the Chincana con- tained at least twenty rooms. It has a number of courts, 232 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI large and small, that afforded room for spinning, weaving, cooking, and other work for which the dingy cells were inadequate; and shows features suggestive of protection against illicit access. I regret to be unable to offer more data than those presented. The report on the first visit to the Island men- tions the secluded women on the Island, giving their num- ber at the much exaggerated figure of more than a thousand, whereas there is not, in all the Inca structures on the Island put together, room for such a number of people of both sexes. They state that the occupation of these women was to brew chicha and asperge with it the Sacred Eock."^*^ But no mention is made of the abodes wherein the women dwelt. Other Spanish authors who give accounts of the ancient structures from actual observation are of the seven- teenth century. Hence these writers obtained their in- formation about the original condition and purpose of the edifices at second or third hand. Some old Indian may have been able to give them data from direct recollections, but it is doubtful whether, after three quarters of a century, such recollections were sufficiently clear. At the same time it is evident that Ramos, Calancha, Father Andres de San Nicolas, as well as the Jesuits Cobo and Oliva, visited Titi- caca but occasionally and saw only certain portions of it. Else how could they be silent in regard to such ruins as the Pilco-kayma and Pucara 1 I beg to return once more to the suggestion that the Chincana may have been an abode for women living in compulsory retirement. Of the six beautiful ponchos acquired by the Museum with the Garces collection, five were found buried in the vicinity of Chucaripu-pata and Titikala. The tissues are of extraordinary beauty and solidity, patterns as well as colors are exceptionally fine. Concurrent testimony of the Spanish chroniclers is to the effect that such work was mostly performed by women liv- ing in seclusion and that it was part of their duties.'''* ilVJ aTA>iT rr'jfi8 lo viiaiaiv ni bautyi isvlia xii R«[tii^9lo SB 1)981/ ,-i9vIia -So eeiiJ^ft oIuM .0 ,^ :<1 Plate LVIl Objects in silver found in vicinity of Sacred Rock 1, 2. Topos or Tumis of silver. 3, 4, 5. Silver pins. 6, 7. Female figures. 8, 9. Male figures of silver, used as offerings ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 233 Hence it is not improbable that the five ponchos in question were woven on the Island of Titicaca unless one or the other was brought thither from Cuzco. It is also likely that their age is not much greater than four centuries.*^^ The loom actually in use among the Aymara is primitive and consists of four stakes planted in the ground, and at this the woman, kneeling and squatting, weaves with im- plements like those found in ChuUpa ruins."^^ In the case of the large ancient ponchos, it is distinctly stated that each required a larger frame placed upright, and great length of time. The colors were given to the wool before it was spun, and the thread twirled by hand, men sometimes assisting the women in this workJ^ I still have to allude to several large stones, all of ande- site, one of which is to-day at the hacienda of Challa, in the courtyard of its buildings, and the others are found at the garden of the same hacienda. The former measures five feet in length by two in width. Its least thickness is eight, its greatest thirteen inches. The shape is best understood from the sketch. Top view 5 feet Transverse section 4" 4" 8" ^•' The other three are prismatic slabs of various length, ranging from five to eight feet. These slabs were brought from Kasapata by the Indians, with the aid of only a few ropes and rollers of wood, over narrow and sometimes quite steep and rocky paths, distances of a quarter and half a mile respectively. This is instructive for the manner in which, at other places, much larger blocks may have been moved in ancient times. Authors from the seventeenth 234 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI century state that admission to the particularly sacred sections on Titicaca Island was obtained through three gateways called, respectively: Pumapuncu, Kentipuncu, and Pillcopuncu, or "door of the puma," "door of the humming-bird, ' ' and ' ' door of hope. ' ' Such is the informa- tion given by Eamos. Cobo speaks of a single gate, which he calls Intipuncu, or "gate of the sun." The former says that the three gates were twenty paces distant from each other. Cobo places the gateway of Intipuncu somewhere on the crest of Muro-kato.'^^ It has been suggested that the large block and slabs above alluded to are from some such gateway ; but their being found at Kasapata does not favor the assumption. It remains to cast a glance at the vestiges in the south- western portion of the Island, in the two bottoms of Kona, north and south, and on the flanks of the tall ridge of Ka- kayo-kena. These remains consist, so far as we could observe, of terraces, or andenes, and of the road, called Quivini (30), that leads to the summit of ChuUun-kayani. Of the andenes little is to be said. The Indians affirm that they are all Inca, and well may it be. Of the road, I have already spoken. At the foot of the eastern declivity of the trough (as which the bottoms of Kona appear), in its south- eastern corner, there is a fairly leveled terrace with niches. On the platform not the slightest trace of buildings can be detected, and not a potsherd nor other artefact of any kind is to be found. Excavations proved fruitless. Never- theless, the impression becomes strong that this artificially encased rise, with the remains of a descent on the eastern side, may have been leveled for the purpose of erecting on it some edifice. The outline of the terrace is not regular and shows the customary adaptation to natural features, but the walls are well constructed and the two niches (of unequal size) very fairly made. Each of these niches has a ceiling composed of slabs, like some at the Chincana and Pilco-kayma. From the corners on the west project walls ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 235 that appear like continuations of the northern and southern sides of the platform. In some of the ravines that run parallel with those between which the platform stands are similar facings, but much damaged. West of the ruin, the slopes of Kakayo-kena are covered with terraces, and the marshy bottom is traversed by causeways similar to those at Pucara. The niches so common on the Island in ruins of Inca type, inside of buildings as well as in outer walls, deserve some attention. In the interior of buildings the small niche evi- dently served the same purpose as in Indian houses of to- day, being a substitute for our closets, cupboards, and wardrobes. In them articles of household use were kept,"^^ and in many of the large niches also. But at the Pilco- kayma, for instance, the niches of the eastern apartments are so tall and ornamental that it seems probable they were either seats or destined to contain objects of worship. We know from descriptions that taller idols were sometimes kept in such recesses.'^^ None of them are long or deep enough to suggest they might have served as sleeping plat- forms. The large niches in facings of terraces or walls of enclosures (as at Kona and Pucara) are more difficult to account for. The Indian is too utilitarian to manufacture anything without some practical purpose. In the case of Kona, for instance, recesses do not seem to have been merely ornamental. I suggest that niches tall enough for a human being to stand in might have been made for shelter from the showers which are most frequent in the months when the Indian is engaged in his field-work. They may have not only served as shelter for human beings, but also for harvested crops, against drenching rains. This does not exclude the possibility of fetishes having been kept in such niches also, fetishes destined to protect and foster the crops, although, so far as we know, such Huacas were of small size.^^ How many of the andenes on the slopes of Kakayo-kena 236 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI are due to the Incas is impossible to determine. We saw, when on the summit of the great ridge of that name (Chu- llun-Kayani in particular) traces of what might have been remains of small edifices similar to watch-towers, but our Indians pretended not to know anything about them, hence we are unable to say if these vestiges are ancient or recent. The existence of watch-towers, on so excellent a lookout as this crest, would not seem improbable. The watch-tower is common in ancient architecture of the North American southwest, and it served for military purposes as well as for simply guarding the crops. It is superfluous to enter into more detail about Inca ruins on Titicaca Island. They indicate a degree of culture so superior to what we have become acquainted with under the name of Chullpa, and the artefacts accompanying them show a type so closely corresponding to that from the valley of Cuzco, that the belief expressed by the Indians of to-day, ascribing them to the Incas, amounts to a certainty. I beg to observe, however, that while the buildings were erected for and under the direction of Incas, they do not show the nice work displayed in remains at and around Cuzco, Cacha, Cajamarca and other places of the Peruvian Sierra. Some blocks which were brought over from the Peninsula of Copacavana indicate that in some instances the same perfection was reached, but the majority of walls are of a ruder make. It may be, therefore, that while the nicer work was done by men of the Inca tribe of Cuzco, the main labor was performed by hands who were not as skilful, and this is partly corroborated by tradition. The earliest descriptions of Titicaca Island, subsequent to the report of 1534, the one by Cieza of Leon, and the other -by Oviedo, the latter from the testimony of con- querors, are short and vague. The former says : ' * The great lagune of the Collao bears the name of Titicaca, from the temple that was constructed in the same lagune, about which the natives held a very vain opinion. These Indians ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 237 say that their ancestors affirmed as certain, as they also did of other fables of which they speak, that light failed them for many days, and that, while all were in darkness and obscurity, the sun came out (rose) from this Island of Titicaca with great splendor, for which reason they held the island to be sacred and the Ingas made in it the temple of which I have spoken, that was much esteemed and vene- rated among them, in honor of their sun, placing in it virgin women and priests with great treasures; of which, although the Spaniards at various times have obtained a great deal, it is still believed that the most is there yet.""^^ I note that, as this was written in 1550, it indicates that previous to that year the Island had been repeatedly visited by Spaniards. Oviedo tells us : * ' That country of Collao is very well situated and has a good disposition. In it there is a lagune that has forty leagues of circumference and is sweet and . . . and in an islet within, the people have their principal house of worship and idolatry, and it is held in great veneration among them, and from distant lands they go thither in pilgrimage." This was written previous to 1547.80 The concurrent testimony of all the sources from the six- teenth century, at my command, is to the effect that Titi- caca was a shrine, sacred to the Incas of Cuzco as well as to the Indians on the shores of the Lake. This is also clearly expressed by authors from the century following, hence more remote from the time of the conquest. The object of particular worship on the Island is stated as having been Titikala, or the Sacred Rock, and that wor- ship is said to have been due to some connection of the rock with the sun, nay, that the sun was the deity to which the main adoration was directed. Hence to-day Titicaca is often called ''Island of the Sun," and Koati, its smaller neighbor, the ''Island of the Moon." The Temple of the Sun, as we have seen, stood close by the Sacred Rock, and with it other chapels, dedicated to thunder and lightning. 238 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI Nevertheless that rock, and not the sun, was the principal fetish of the Island. It is stated that "pilgrims" were not allowed to touch the face of the cliff, but only to gaze at it from the margin of the little plane in front of Titikala. Inca chieftains and those officiating as attendants to the shrine alone could approach closer. It is also asserted that the face of the rock was decorated with plates of precious metals and rich tissues, and that an altar was placed inside of its main natural recess. It is further stated that the "pilgrims" were subject to penance and con- fession, repeatedly even, before they were admitted to the margin of the sacred enclosure. The elaborateness of this cult is so far enhanced as to claim that the Peninsula of Copacavana was occupied by the Incas for the sole purpose of sanctifying and controlling access to the Island, checking those who would attempt to tread its soil unprepared or in an unworthy condition.^^ To deny a priori the truth of such reports would not be critical research, but to accept them unconditionally is an- other question. All these reports suffer from the failings of their time, that is, from lack of means of comparison with other peoples and countries, and an inclination to ac- cept without reserve all that was told. I believe we may safely apply to these descriptions the testimony of the ruins themselves. The terms "gorgeous," "splendid," "sumptuous," so lavishly bestowed upon the monuments on Titicaca, appear as great exaggerations. The same was the case with ceremonials. Barbaric display, dazzling in color, and striking through the weirdness peculiar to Indian performances, cannot have but powerfully impressed Eu- ropean spectators.^2 The central object of this worship was, as stated, not the sun, but the Sacred Rock. Hence it was Achachila cult of the Aymara, with notable Inca display, introduced not a century before the conquest. As accessories to the principal shrine, there existed chapels dedicated to other fetishes. Mv; I'.Tii-, !(■• iininiii .L: .V /ii« io BojsqiA ,1 Plate LVIII Size reduced 1. Alpaca of silver. 2. Llama of silver with caparison and nails of gold ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 239 Eanios mentions three statues on Titicaca called, respec- tively, Apu-jmti, Chusip-ynti, and Yntipgnanqui, which words he translates as the Sun-chieftain, Sun-son, and the Brother-sun. Of this Trinity he states that it was * ' only one God."^^ Cobo describes a statue, half gold, half silver, of the size of a woman, of which he was told that it repre- sented the moon and stood on the Island of Koati. But he adds: '' Although others will have it that this figure and statue was called Titicaca, and they say it represented the mother of the Incas."^^ In regard to such ceremonial ob- jects the most complete disagreement exists between the chroniclers, whereas they agree in that the Sacred Rock was the center of attraction and at the same time the seat of oracular utterances.^^ This worship at the ''Eock of the Cat" and the consequent fame of the Island of Titicaca among the Indians, was of great antiquity in Bolivia, Titi- caca being a noted shrine of the Aymard long before the Incas took possession of it. In this connection I have to add a word of caution. It seems certain that when the Incas took possession of the Island, in the latter part of the fifteenth century, they found it inhabited by ^^mara-speaking aborigines, to which the name ' ' Chullpa ' ' is given by .the present genera- tion. It is furthermore asserted, that these Aymara Indians were mostly removed by the Incas to the mainland. But upon the arrival of the Spaniards in the basin of Lake Titicaca the shrine was abandoned by the Inca and the Island gradually reoccupied by Indians of Aymara stock, who lived there for at least a century after the manner of their forefathers. Hence not all of what is included under the head of "Chullpa" is pre-conquistorial. Even the artificial deformation of the head, so frequently alluded to in these pages, was practised as late as the seventeenth century. A number of antiquities from Titicaca may be of later date than the time of the conquest, and more recent than the Inca remains. Nevertheless, even when posterior 240 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI to the sixteenth century, they are of an ancient type, and fair representatives of the art and industry of the people in their primitive condition, prior, not only to the advent of the Spaniards, but also to that of the Incas and their occupation of Titicaca Island. I now turn to the Island of Koati, Titicaca 's smaller neighbor, and to its ruins. Whereas there is good evidence that Titicaca enjoyed a certain reputation as a shrine previous to the time when the Incas established themselves on its soil, Koati rose into prominence only through tha establishments which the Incas founded there. ,i< o p^ ■ »■> 'OJ K< ^ 1— 1 o >^ c« CC w tH Sh ■< o (^ -3 NOTES THE ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA PAET IV * The word ' ' Chullpa ' ' signifies the bag, or sack, made of ichhu grass of the mountain-regions, in which the dead were placed. See Bertonio: Vocdbulario, II, p. 92: "Chullpa: — Entierro o serron donde metian sua difuntos." I, p. 430: "Sepultura,— o seron como isanga donde ponian el difunto: ChuUpa, vel Asanco. " From the bag, or sack, the name was gradually transferred, popularly, to the buildings in which they were found and finally to the people who once occupied them. The Indian wiz- ard on Titicaca, to whose statements I referred so freely in Part III, told us the "Chullpa" dressed in textures of llama wool. Pedro Pizarro (Relacion, p. 281) says the inhabitants of the Collao "visten de ropa de lana basta. ' ' ^Eelatione per Sva Maesta, 1534, (Ramusio, II, Ramusio III: 1565, fol. 418): "le sue terre sono di mediocre grandezza, & le case picciole, le mure di pietra & terra insieme, coperte di pag- lia. ' ' Belacion de la Provincia de los Pacajes, p. 62 : "La forma y manera de las casas son redondas, de quince pies de redondo, pequenas . . . y una puerta pequena hacia la parte de donde sale el sol, sin tener ninguna casa con aposento doblado. ' ' "Meaning "Little (the Spanish chico) Kea-Kollu." "Kea" is the name of a plant, but I would not venture to assert it to be related to the name of the height. * See the interesting and valuable work of my friend Dr. Charles Lum- holtz, Unlcnown Mexico, and my Final Report, II, Part xiii, pp. 502, 504 et seq.; Part xiv, p. 564. ' In the book of S. S. Hill : Travels in Peru and Mexico, 1860, on page 241, he mentions a collection of Peruvian antiquities at Cuzco in which were "innumerable weapons of war. . . . One of them consisted of a piece of metal with prominent knobs around it, and a hole in the middle which seemed designed for the handle. The Doctor [Bennett] had examined many skulls of embalmed bodies which seemed to have been broken by this instrument, and were actually repaired with calabash." (Italics are mine.) If the statement is reliable, it recalls closing of the trephined orifice with a piece of gourd or mate. • Ordenanzas del Peru, Lib. II, Tit. IX, Ord. VIII, fol. 145. ' Primera Parte de la Cronica del Peru, Cap. c, p. 443 : " En las cabezas traen puestos unos bonetes a manera de morteros, hechos de su lana, que 241 242 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI nombran Chucos; y tienenlos todos muy largas y sin colodrillo, porque desde niuos se las quebrantan y ponen como quieren. ' ' Villagomez : Exorta- cion contra la Idolatria, etc., fol. 58, Edicto : "Si algunos an amoldado 6 amoldan las cabeg.as de sus mucha- chos a la forma que los Indies Uaman Cantuma, 6 Palta Vmu ? ' ' ^ Historia del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 175; also, Belacion de la Provincia de los Collaguas, p. 40; and Salca- mayhua: Belacion de Antigiiedades deste Beyno del Piru, p. 253. ° Properly Cchalla (see Bertonio : Vocabulario, I, p. 67), modernized to Challa. Vocabulario de las voces usuales de Aymara al Castellano y Quechua, La Paz, 1894, p. 4: "Challa — Arena. ' ' '" One of the numerous species of hulima, found on trees in the eastern sections (Amazonian basin and eastern slopes of the Andes) of South Amer- ica, where they live on trees. " The bola was in general use among the Indians of the Peruvian mountains, although more in the sec- tions which now constitute Bolivia. Francisco de Xerez (Verdadera Bela- cion de la conquista del Perv, p. 99) gives an interesting list of the weapons used by the people of Atau- huallpa at Cajamarca, but he only mentions stones shaped like eggs and hurled by slings. The anonymous document, Sucesos ocurridos en la conquista del Peru antes de la llegada del Lycenciado La Gasca, Doc. de Indias, XLII, p. 381, has an excellent description of the bolas, as used by the Indians at Cuzeo in 1536: "que le echaban los yndios peleando unas sogas de Niervos de ovejas echas tres ramales que sola la soga en cada ramal una piedra atada y con aquella manera los mas de los caballos que no abia quien pelease e a los caballeros les ansi mismo los liaban con aquellaa sogas quellos Uaman aillos, que no eran senores de riendas ni espadas ni lanza ni senores de si aquel dia fyzie- ron niucho fruto los peones que con las espadas cortaban de aquellas sogas con gran trabaxo, que apenas podian por ser de veruxos i muy oliadas. " This statement is by an eye-witness and participant in the so-called siege of Cuzco by the Indians in 1536, and as good a description as could be de- sired. The bolas themselves were, then, attached or connected by tendons of llamas. Also: Pohlacion y con- quista del Piru, Doctimentos ineditos de Chile. The name "ayllo" is Quichua. Torres Eubio: Arte y Voca- bulario, fol. 150: "Ayllu 6 livi,— Cierto instrumento para trabar los pies, y cazar animales. " Among the Aymara "lliui" is in use. In the short vocabulary appended to the work of Arriaga, Extirpacion de la Idolatria, etc., fol. 134, he defines Aillo, o Libis, as follows: "Vn cordel con tres ramales, y al cabo de cada vno vna bolilla de plomo sirve para cagar pajaros, o animales enredan- doles. ' ' After these descriptions I merely refer, for confirmation and minor details, to Calancha: Coronica Moralizada, II, fol. 2 ; and Cobo : Eis- toria del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 196. " And on the Puna in general, also on the eastern slopes, about Pelechuco and Charassani. "Also on the Peninsula of Huata, and in the broken country. "Ramos (Eistoria de Copocabana, edition of 1860, p. 45), in connection with sacrifices of children, states: "Muchas veces solian sacrificar estas tiernas victimas ahogandolas, despues de haberles dado bien de comer y beber, llenandolas la boca de coca molida y deteniendoles el resuello; despues las enterraban con ciertos visajes y ceremonias. Otras veces las degollaban, y con su sangre se tenian el rostro : enterraban con ellos los vasos en que antes les hacian beber, y por eso en las sepulturas se suelen hallar muchos, que cuando son de ma- dera Uaman Quero, y a !os de plata Aquillas. " Torres Eubio has (Arte, ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 243 fol. 98): "Quheru— Vaso de madera en que veviaa la Chieha"; fol. 75: "Aquilla — Vaso de plata. " Ber- tonio: Vocabulario, II, p. 24: "Aquilla — Vaso de plata para beuer, que tam- bien llaman Quero, y si es a manera de taqa, Vichu. ' ' Idem, p, 290. " There are, at the American Mu- seum of Natural History (New York) two wooden keros, purported to have come from Cuzco, with inlaid figures, painted, and partly very well dec- orated. In regard to these drinking goblets it is stated by Cobo, Historia del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 169: "Los mas comunes son de madera, de hechura de nuestros cubiletes de vidrio, mas anchos de arriba que de aba jo, que hacen un cuartillo de vino. Pin- tanlos por de fuera con cierto barniz muy reluciente de varios colores, con diferentes labores y pinturas; y k estos vasos de palo llaman Queros. ' ' The two specimens mentioned recall the above description. They also have bits of tin incrustated with the fig- ures. Bertonio, in Vocabulario, II, p. 290, gives various names in Aymara for varieties of keros, among them: "Chaantacata Quero— Vaso que en los estremos tiene encaxado estano. ' ' "Cobo, in Historia, IV, p. 227, describes a way of fishing with a "fisga, " which is a (three-pronged) harpoon or a fishing spear. He says: "Indios hay que en los rios mansos y hondos se echan k nada con una fisga en la mano derecha, nadando solo con la izquierda con gran ligereza, y za- buUendo tras el pescado, lo siguen hasta alcanzarlo, y clavandolo con la fisga, lo sacan atravesado a la orilla. ' ' He fails to indicate the region where this was practised. Swimming in Lake Titicaca is by no means safe and could hardly be sustained for longer than ten or at most twenty minutes. " The so-called ChuUpa people, being nothing else than the primitive Aymara, and it being well established that the latter wore clothing — a fact also established by our own finds elsewhere in Bolivia — there is no need of special reference to authorities. " And to various other sections of Bolivia which we explored. "Squier: Peru, pp. 352 and 353, picture of Chullpas at Acora. ^^ See the American Anthropologist, January-March, 1905 : The aboriginal Ruins at Sillustani, Peru. The towers at Kalaki, on the shores of Huata, fronting the Peninsula of Copacavana were, like those of Sillustani, prob- ably store-houses. '^ Primera Parte de la Cronica, Cap. c, p. 443. ^^ Furthermore, not all of these graves are pre-Spanish. As shown in Part III, the Island continued to be inhabited by Aymara, who, for a cen- tury after the conquest, at least, lived on it after the fashion of primitive times. '^ Most of the engagements between the first Spaniards in Peru and the In- dians were fought in the daytime, even when the latter were the aggressors. ■* Final Report, II, pp. 566 and 568. -"Peru, p. 335: "The path skirts the flanks of the abrupt hills forming the island, apparently on the line of an ancient road supported by terraces of large stones, at an elevation of between two and three hundred feet above the lake, the shores of which are precipitous. ' ' There is no trace of such terraces, but there are ledges of natural rock cropping out here and there. Andenes are plentiful, but they are low and bear no relation to the path, whether ancient or modern. The Inca remains at the Puncu are not mentioned by any of the early authors at my command. ^Arriaga: Extirpacion, p. 11: "A los Puquios, que son los manantiales, y fuentes hemos hallado que adoran de la misma manera, espeeialmente donde tienen falta de agua, pidien- doles que no se sequen. ' ' =' Peru, p. 333. ^^ Archaeological Reconnoissance into Mexico, chapter on Mitla. 244 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI ^ None of the descriptions of the Island of the seventeenth century at my command mentions the Pilco- Kayma. ' ' Pilco ' ' seems to be a cor- ruption of ' ' Pirca ' ' — wall, in Quichua as well as in Aymara. Bertonio, in Vocabulario, II, p. 49, says of "Kayma" that it means "cor- rompido, " decayed — and is applied to food and drink. The silence of the Augustines and Jesuits who vis- ited the Island in the second decade of the seventeenth century, about the Pilco-Kayma, is a matter of surprise to me, since it is one of the best pre- served and most striking ruins on Titicaca. '" See note above. " Peru, p. 368. In assigning to the promontory of Llaq'-aylli an ele- vation of 2000 feet, the distinguished explorer has been mistaken. No point of the Island rises more than 800 feet above the Lake. '"Squier: Peru, p. 368. Eock (a) on the diagram on the page quoted is manifestly the one designated to us as a sacrificial stone. Of other blocks alluded to by Mr, Squier and which he calls ' ' Inti-Huatana ' ' there is only the one that looks like an arm-chair. ^ Historia de Co-pacahana, p. 44 : "El orden que guardaban los sacer- dotes en sacrificarlos era este. Poni- anlos sobre una gran losa, echados los rostros al cielo, vueltos al sol, y tiran- doles del cuello ponianles sobre el una teja 6 piedra lisa algo ancha y con otra les daban encima tales golpes que en breve les quitaban la vida; y asi muertos los dejaban dentro de la misma guaca ..." ** Ibidem, p. 45. It seems also, that human sacrifices continued to be made after the conquest, in secret. On page 26 he mentions that, in 1598, and between Sicasica and Oruro, a girl, ten years old, had been rescued from a tomb where she had been buried by the Curaeaa of Sicasica. This manner of sacrifice is still in vigor to-day, and it is made at places where "treasure" has been unearthed. Cobo: Historia, etc., IV, p. 64: "Los sacrificios que en este adoratorio se hacian eran muy fre- quentes y costosos, derramando tanta sangre de inocentes y ofreciendo tan grandes tesoros. ' ' He mentions four modes of sacrificing people: Strangu- lation, cutting of the throat, burying alive, and tearing out the heart. The latter statement is suspicious, as Cobo was for a number of years in Mexico. Pray Andres de S. Nicolas, in Imdgen de N:S: de Copacavana, fol. 30, states that the victims were mostly adults, and describes the sacrifices as follows: "Ponian a los muchachos sobre una losa grande, alii dispuesta; y auiendoles dado a beber su breuaje hecho de maiz, que llaman chicha, los priuauan de sentido, y luego les Uenauan la boca de yerba, que por nombre de la Coca es conocido (cuyo vso vn Concilio Limense justamente ha condenado) y poniendoles mirando al Sol, apretauan sus gargantas con vna piedra lisa, y algo ancha, y eon otra les dauan tales golpes, que dentro de poco los priuauan de la vida. ' ' Calancha, in Coronica, II, fol. 18 et seq., repeats Eamos in the main, but he is positive that adult girls were sacrificed on the Island, though he insists that the majority of victims were children. When Hernando and Gonzalo Pi- zarro made their raid into Bolivia in 1538 or 1539, they lost one of their men who, as they afterward learned, had been sacrificed in a shrine on the Desaguadero. Belacion del sitio del Cuzco, p. 179: "Y de los que prendie- ron se supo como el Cristiano tomado a manos le habian sacrificado en un adoratorio que tenian en pasando el desaguadero. ' ' ^' It is not true, as Garcilasso de la Vega and the author of the anony- mous Eelacion assert, that the Inca did not practice human sacrifices. Even Cieza admits it: Segunda Parte, Cap. XXV, p. 100 : * ' No digo yo que no ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 245 sacrificaban y que no mataban hombres y niiios en los tales sacrificios; pero no era lo que se dice ni con mucho. ' ' (Also Cap. XXVIII, pp. 113, 169, et seq.) Juan de Betanzos: Suma y Narracion, Cap. XI, p. 66: "Y esto hecho, mando Inca Yupanqui a los senores del Cuzco que, para de alii a diez dias, tuviesen aparejado mucho proveimiento de maiz, ovejas y corderos, y ansimismo mucha ropa fina, y cierta suma de ninos y ninas, que ellos Ilaman Capa- coha, todo lo cual era para hacer sacrificio al sol. Y siendo los diez dias cumplidos y esto ya todo junto, Inca Yupanqui mando hacer un gran fuego, en el cual fuego mando, despues de haber hecho degollar las ovejas y corderos, que fuesen echados en el, y las demas ropas y maiz, of re- ciendolo todo al sol; y los ninos y ninas que ansi habian juntado, es- tando bien vestidos y aderezados, mandoles enterrar vivos en aquella casa ..." Cristoval de Molina: Fables and Bites of the Incas, p. 54: "The Ccapaccocha was instituted by Pachacutec Ynca Yupanqui, and was as follows: The provinces of Colla- suyu, Chincha-suyu, Anti-suyu, and Cunti-suyu brought to this city from each lineage or tribe one or two male and female children aged about ten years. . . . The children and the other sacrifices walked around the statues of the Creator, the Sun, the Thunder, and the Moon, which were placed in the square, taking two turns. ... So the children were strangled and buried with the silver figures of sheep," etc. (p. 55). "After this prayer they strangled the children, first giving them to eat and drink, that they might not enter the presence of the Creator discontented and hungry. From others they took out the hearts while yet alive, and offered them to the Huacas while yet palpitating," etc. The Indian Salcamayhua, in Belacion de Antigiiedades, etc., p. 359, attributes the introduction of the sacrifices of children above described to one of the earliest head-chiefs men- tioned by him: "Dizen que en tiempo deste (Mayta Capac) los imbentaron el sacrificio de Capac Hucha Cocuy, enterrandoles a los muchachos sin mancha y conoro y plata, y lo mismo an embentado el Arpar con sangre humana como con corderos blancos, " etc. ^' That there was constant manu- facturing of chicha going on on Titi- caca is already asserted by the first two Spaniards who visited it in De- cember, 1533: Relatione per Sva Maesta, 1534, Ramusio, II, fol. 413: "Vi sono megli di secento Indiani al seruitio di questo luogo, & piu di mille donne, che fanno Chicca per gettarla sopra queUa pietra Thichi- casa. ' ' "Victims sacrificed together were also buried close to each other. ^* The Belatione per Sva Maesta, fol. 413, states : * ' due picciole Iso- lette, nell ' vna delle quali e vna mos- chea, & casa del Sole, la quale e tenuta in gran veneratione, & in essa vanno a fare le loro offerte & sacrificij in vJia gran pietra che e nell ' Isola che la chiamano Thichicasa. ' ' ( Italics mine. ) This statement by persons who saw the ceremonials on the Island in primitive condition indicates, as I shall still further develop, that the "mosque, and house of the sun" in- cluded what is called the Sacred Rock to-day, hence the ' * temple of the sun ' ' cannot have been at Kasapata. ^ Eistoria del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 58: "De los Mitimaes, que la mayor parte eran de la sangre y linaje de los Incas, formo un moderado pueblo media legua antes del templo, y en el mando labrar casa de su habi- tacion. ' ' *" Eistoria de Copacabana, 1860, p. 16: "Arreglado ya Copacabana, el mismo monarca formo otro pueblo moderado en la isla, como a media legua de la pena sagrada; y alii labro su real palacio. " So far Ramos, but his editor, Father Sans, adds: "cuyas 246 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI ruinas son probablemente las que se ven frente del Templo del Sol en una Colina al lado de Oriente. ' ' Sans shares the impression that the edifice at Kasa- pata was the ' ' temple of the sun. ' ' " Coronica Moralizada, II, f ol. 6 : "Tupac ynga fundo un moderado pueblo casi media legua antes de llegar a la pena, i en el labro su real palacio, pobre en la arquitectura de su edificio, pero riquisimo en el tesoro de su erario. ' ' ^ This is corroborated by Cobo : Historia, etc., IV, p. 55: "Y un cuarto de legua antes de llegar al tem- plo, un grandioso Tambo 6 meson para hospedaje de peregrines ..." Al- though Cobo places that tambo at only a quarter of a league from the Sacred Eock, it is plain that the site of Kasapata is meant by him. "Muro Kato, ' ' where the cluster of edifices connected with the shrine begins in the south or southeast, is only a short distance away, and shows no traces of an edifice large enough for accom- modating any number of lodgers, even transient ones as "pilgrims" would be. " That Tupac Yupanqui was the Inca chief who first visited the Island is stated by the majority of authors. Cieza: Segunda Parte, p. 199: "Pa- sando adelante Inca Yupanqui cuen- tan que visito los mas pueblos que confinan con la gran laguna de Titi- caca . . . Entro en la gran laguna de Titicaca y niiro las islas que en ella se hacen, mandando hacer en la mayor de ellas templo del sol y palacios para el y sus descendientes. ' ' Eelacion de la Provincia de los Pacajes, p. 58. Eamos: Historia, Cap. in, iv, vii, etc. Cobo : Historia, IV, Lib. xiii. Andres de S. Nicolas, Imdgen, etc., f. 25. Anello Oliva: Historia del Perv, etc., 1631, p. 51, attributes the first visit to the Island to Topa or Viracocha Inca, but he is himself in doubt as to the au- thenticity of the information, and it looks as if he had interpolated two supposed war-chiefs in his catalogue. To my knowledge, Mr. Squier has been the first and, thus far, only one to allude to the comparatively modern origin of the Inca buildings on Titi- caca and Koati. Peru, p. 371: "As- suming the truth of these traditions, most, if not all, the edifices on the island were built some time between 1425 and 1470, which was the period when Tupac Yupanqui reigned. ' ' Tupac Yupanqui was — and nearly all the early sources agree in this — the third last Inca war-chief, taking Huascar as the last one previous to the conquest; Atauhuallpa was the latter 's contemporary and an intruder from the North. Hence Tupac Yu- panqui must have been in ofiiee be- tween 1450 and 1500, and the visit to Titicaca took place within these limits of time. The extraordinary longevity attributed to some of these chiefs cannot be accepted as a basis for de- termining the length of a term. Even allowing for a generation as much as forty years, the beginning of the term of Tupac Yupanqui would be about the middle of the fifteenth century only. With him traditions of the Inca assume a more positive shape. " The rock, unfortunately for these statements, is so situated that it re- ceives no light at sunrise and very little direct sunlight during the re- mainder of the day. *^ Relatione per Sva Maesta, fol. 413. *" Cobo, in Historia del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 62, calls that entrance ' ' Kenti puncu, ' ' says it was ' ' dos- cientos pasos distante de la pena, ' ' and adds: "A un lado de la puerta sobredicha se ven ciertos edificios viejos, que, segun los indios cuentan, eran aposentos de los ministros y sir- vientes del templo; y al otro lado hay senales de un gran edificio, que era el recogimiento de las Mamaconas, mu- jeres consagradas al Sol, las cuales Servian de hacer los brevajes y telas de curiosidad que en aquel ministerio ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 247 del adoratorio se gastaban. " Kamos, in Historia de Copacabana, pp. 10 and 11, mentions three gateways, the near- est of which he places 200 steps from the rock, and calls the first or most distant of these entrances "Puma- puncu, ' ' the middle one ' ' Kenti- puncu, ' ' and the last ' ' Pillcopuncu. ' ' He says the three were at twenty paces from each other. Fray San Nicolas (Imdgen, etc., fol. 23) agrees with Cobo. Admission to the cluster of buildings surrounding the rock was to be preceded by a "confession." That a certain confession was in prac- tice among the Peruvian aborigines seems certain, also that it resulted in expurgation and absolution. On this point Arriaga (Extirpacion, Cap. iii, p. 18) is positive and detailed: "Au- cachie, que en el Cuzco Ilaman Ichuris, es el Confesor, este oficio no anda solo sino que siempre es annexe, al Villac, o al Macsa sobre dicho. Con- fiesa a todos los de su Ayllo, aunque sea su muger, y hi jo. Estas con- fesiones son siempre en las fiestas de sus Huacas, y quando an de yr camino largo. Y son tan cuidadosos en su oficio, que e topado yo algunos mu- chaehos que nunca se avian confesado con Sacerdote alguno de Dios nuestro Sefior, y se avian confesado ya tres 6 quatro vezes con estos ministros del Demonio ..." (P. 28, Cap. v.) * ' Durante el ayuno se confiessan todos Yndios y Yndias con los que tienen este oficio, sentados en el suelo el que oye, y el que se confiessa en lugares que suelen tener en el campo diputa- dos para este efecto. — No confiessan pecados interiores, sino de haver hur- tado, de aver mal tratado a otros, y de tener mas que vna muger (porque tener vna aunque sea estando amance- bado, no lo tienen por pecado) acu- sanse tambien de los adulterios, pero la simple fornicacion de ninguna manera la tienen por pecado, acusanse de auer acudido a reverenciar el Dios de los Espanoles, y de no auer acudido a las Huacas el Hechizero les dize que se emiende, " etc. — "Y ponen sobre vna piedra liana de los polvos de of rendas, y haze que los sople, y con vna piedre- §uela que Ilaman Pasea, que quiere dezir perdon, que la lleva el Yndio, o la tiene el que confiessa le refriega la cabecja, con maiz bianco molido, y con agua le lavan la cabe^a en algun arroyo 6 donde se juntan los rios, que Ilaman Tincuna. — Tiene por gran pecado el esconder los pecados, quando se confiessan, y haze grandes dili- gencias, para averiguallo el Con- fessor. — Y para esto en diversas par- tes tienen diversas ceremonias. En vnas en llegando el Yndio al confessor dize oydme los Cerros de al derredor, las llanadas, los Condores que bolays, los Buhos y Lechugas, que quiero con- fessar mis pecados. Y todo esto dize teniendo vna quentecilla de muUu metida en vna espina con dos dedos de la mano derecha, levantando la es- pina hazia arriba, dize sus pecados, y en acabando la da al confessor, y el la toma y hincando la espina en la manta la aprieta hasta que se quiebre la quenta, y mira en quantas partes se quebro, y si se quebro en tres a sido buena la confesion y si se quiebra en dos, no a sido buena la confession, y dize que torne a con- f essar sus pecados. ' ' * ' En otras partes para verificar esto mismo toman vn manojillo de hicho de a donde se derivo el nombre de Ichuri, que es el que coje pajas, y lo divide el confessor en dos partes, y va sa- cando vna paja de vna parte, y otra de otra, hasta ver si quedan pares, que entonces es buena la confession, y si no es mala. — En otras lo devinan por la sangre de los cuyes, y en vn pueblo cerca de aqui atandole las manos atras al penitente, quando acaba de confes- sar, y apretandoselas con vn cordel le hazia el confesor dezir la verdad. — Oy dixo delante de mi vn Yndio al Visita- dor, que dandole el confessor con vn palo le apretava a que confessase to- dos sus pecados, y otro que dandole con vna soga. Dales por penitencia 248 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI los ayunos sobredichos de no comer sal, ni agi, ni dormir eon sus mugeres, y vno dixo que le avian dado este ayuno per seys meses. ' ' "Fuera de las fiestas, vsan tambien el confessarse, quando estan enfer- mos, " etc. I have been thus prolix in quoting Arriaga because he is more detailed on the subject than any other author, and because he made it a mat- ter of minute investigation. This custom of "confession" among the Peruvian Indians was not "discovered" in consequence of the official search into the rites and cere- monials of that people instituted in the beginning of the seventeenth cen- tury. Fully sixty years previous, about 1560, the Augustine monks who established missions in the region of Huamachuco, noticed the rites of con- fession. Says the Belacion de la Ee- ligion y ritos del Peru, Doc. de Indias, III, p. 44: "Cosa es de espanto, que estos indios tambien tenian confesion vocal y se confesaban, la cual se descubrio desta manera: andando un padre por una xalca 6 tierra de mucha nieve, vido que entre la nieve estaba un indio asentado, y Uamo 4 sus yanaconas y criados y mandoles que truxesen aquel indio, y comenzole a suadir que le dijese que que hacia en aquella sierra 6 xalca, que asi la llaman en la lengua del Peru . . . y dixo que algun idolo 6 guaca habia por alii, pues que estaba asi, que debia de adorar 6 mochar, y atrayendole con algunas amenazas, dixo que el diria por que estaba alii, y que era por penitencia que le habia dado el alco, ques el hechicero; y preguntole que por que era aquella penitencia, y dixo que conf esandose, y asi dixo quien era el alco 6 sacerdote, y Uamolo, que era un indio vie jo, y de aqui se descu- brieron muchos. Y la manera de su confesion era que decian sus ochas, que en la lengua quieren decir culpas, y confesaban si habian hurtado algo 6 renido, sino habian servido bien a su principal 6 cacique, sino tenido acata- miento al Zupai y demonio y a la guaca 6 idolo, cumplido con lo que le mandaba el demonio." — Father Cris- tobal Molina: Fables and Rites of the Yncas, p. 15: "According to the ac- counts they give, all the people of the land confessed to the sorcerers who had charge of the huacas. " Molina obtained his information at Cuzco, about fifty years prior to Arriaga. " Eistoria del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 62: "Entre esta puerta y los edifi- cios dichos estaba una pena viva, por la cual pasa el camino que va al santuario, y en ella estan ciertas senales que parecen del calzado de los indios, grandisimas, las cuales creian los indios viejos ser pisadas milagrosas que alii quedaron de aquellos mas que tenebrosos tiempos de su gentilidad, siendo como son aguajes de la misma pena." Squier: Peru, p. 339: "They are formed in outline, by hard, ferruginous veins, around which the rock has been worn away, leaving them in relief." *^ Historia de Copacabana, p. 8: "Al lado de una planicie, como a treinta pasos de la pena," etc. Cobo: Historia, TV, p. 61: "La pena tan venerada estaba descubierta, y junto a ella el templo, con tal dispo- sicion, que venia a caer la dicha pena como en su cimenterio, 6 por mejor decir, en la capilla mayor del, aunque descubierta, pues era el lugar de mas veneracion. " This is already stated in the Belatione per Sva Maesta, 1534, fol. 413, which statement I re- gard as conclusive. *• Compare the description by Cobo : Historia, IV, p. 61: "El convexo es de pena viva, cuyas vertientes llegan a comunicarse con el agua en una ensenada que la laguna haee. " But Cobo makes the mistake of placing the face {f rente) of the rock to the north instead of to the west. That face, or cliff, looks to the Peruvian or western shore of the Lake. ^ Belacion anonima, p. 164. In regard to a derivation from the Qui- ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 249 chua "Titi"— tin, I would remark that the name is Aymara, and not Quichua; (2) that there is neither tin nor lead nor antimony on the Island, and (3) that the rock is red- dish-brown and has not the slightest resemblance in color with any of these metals. "' Eamos : Eistoria de Copacabana, p. 8: "Al lado de una planicie, como 4 treinta pasos de la pena, estan las calas(\) del sol, del trueno y del re- lampago, a quienes los indios respeta- ban mucho. " I italicize the word ' ' calas. ' ' It may be a misprint from "casas. " Should it, however, be "calas," it may indicate excava- tions, or diggings. " See above. Cobo, while otherwise careful in his descriptions, confounds the directions of the compass. On the side toward Bolivia (the north and east) the Sacred Kock presents an al- most uninterrupted slope on which ab- solutely no trace of ruins is seen. Neither is there any appropriate site for a building. *' Historia, p. 8. " See plans. ^ Eelatione per Sva Maesta, fol. 413. ''^ Eamos: Historia, p. 8: "En la Uanada de esta isla se han hallado muchos idolillos de oro, y curiosos vasos de barro; vense aun las catas o rastros de excavaciones que se han hecho para buscar los tesoros que en sus sepulcros enterraban los antiguos. Ahora todo esta cubierto de pajonal y maleza. " There is no ichhu grass on the level immediately in front of the rock and the description would rather apply to the site called Chucaripu- pata, contiguous almost to the level in question. Calancha: Coroniea, etc., II, fol. 4 : " Tiene de tierra una gran panpa, 6 Uanada que sirvio de cemen- terio es de tierra facil . . . En aquesta panpa, 6 Uanada, se an al- lado muchos idolos de oro y vasos curiosos de barro con otras menuden- cias del tiempo antiguo. Vense las catas que se an dado por buscar los tesoros, que en sus sepulcros enter- ravan los Yndios, " etc. Calancha manifestly copied from Eamos. Cobo (Historia, etc., IV, p. 61) is one of those who state that the Sacred Eock was covered with handsome pieces of cloth, and adds: "Delante de la dicha pena y altar se ve una piedra redonda al modo de bacin, ad- mirablemente labrada, del tamano de una piedra de molino mediana, con su orificio, que ahora sirve al pie de una cruz, en que echaban la chicha para que el Sol bebiese. ' ' Of this stone, circular in form, we did not hear. The sacrifice or offering of chicha is mentioned already in 1534 (Relatione per Sva Maesta, fol. 413) : "che fanno Chicca per gettarla sopra quella pietra Thichicasa. ' ' Cobo (Historia, etc., p. 61) says the rock was "cubierta con una cortina de cumbi, el mas sutil y delicado que jamas se vio, y todo el concave della cubierto de laminas de oro." About the word "cumbi" Torres Eubio (Arte, etc., fol. 78) has "Ccompi o cumpi — ropa preciosa. " That such handsome textures were used for sac- rifice is frequently stated. (Garci- lasso: Comentarios, I, fol. 34.) Treat- ing of the objects offered to the sun, he asserts: "y ropa de vestir de la muy fina, todo lo cual quemaua en lugar de encienso, y lo ofrecian en hazimiento de gracias. " Betanzos: Suma y Narracion, Cap. xv, p. 103: "La cual fiesta mando que se hiciese en la plaza do agora es el espital, en la ciudad del Cuzeo ... en la cual fiesta mando que se hiciesen grandes sacrificios a los Idolos, do se les quemase e sacrifiease muchos ganados e comidas e ropa, y en las tales guacas fuesen ofrecidos muchas joyas de oro y plata. " This was in the month of May, according to the au- thor. (Also p. 105.) Molina: Fables and Rites, etc., p. 34: "They burn in sacrifice a sheep, and a vast quantity of clothes of many colours." Also 250 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI pp. 45, 46, et seq. Informacion de las Idolatrias de los Incas e Indios y de como se enterrdban, 1571, Boc. de Indias, XXIV, pp. 133, 140, 154. Ar- riaga: Extirpacion de la Ydolatria, Cap. VIII, p. 44: "Tambien no se a reparado hasta aora, en que tuviessen las camisetas antiguas de cumbi, que ofrecian a sus Huacas, o vestian a sus Malquis, o que se ponian, para solas fiestas y sacrificios de las Huacas. ' ' Eamos: Copacabana, p. 16. Cobo: Eistoria del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 84. As to the gold and silver figurines of men, women, and llamas that were (and still are, though in a lesser quantity) dug up on the level of Tican-aychi in front of the Sacred Eock and at Chucaripu-pata, they were votive offerings, and what the Aymara to-day call, if it represents a man, "KoUke-jaque " (silver man); if a woman, " Kollke-huarmi " (silver woman). When the figurines are of gold, "Kuri" or "Curi" (gold) is substituted for "Kollke" (silver). Enough is contained in quotations preceding to establish that they were found at an early day on the Island and on the sites above mentioned. Already the Relatione per Sva Maesta, fol. 413, states: "& gli offeriscono oro & argento, & altre cose." These offerings were made to the Rock — ' ' in vna gran pietra che e nell ' Isola che la chiamano Thichieasa. ' ' Gar- cilasso: Covientarios, 1, fol. 80: "Of- recian cada ano mucho oro, y plata. " Eamos: Historia de Copacabana, p. 11. The same author mentions that Huayna Capac, who died when the first Spaniards reached the coast of Ecuador, went to the island of Apin- giiila to make offerings to a new fetish called "Yatiri" (this is proba- bly a misunderstanding, since "Ya- tiri" is the title of a class of sha- mans) ; he was dissuaded from it and went to the neighboring island of Pampiti: "Obstinado sin embargo, en su capricho creyo oir un oraculo de BUS idolos que le mandaban llevase a otra parte los sacrificios de oro y plata, llamas, cosas preciosas, y aun de ninos; pero no alii sino en Paapiti, otra isla inmediata. " It is rumored that figures like those dug up on Titi- caca exist buried either on Apingiiila or its smaller neighbor Pampiti, or Paapiti. The figures were not idols or fetishes, but substitutes for live beings, men or animals, that should have been sacrificed. Since the In- dians continued to perform primitive ceremonials on the Islands for about a century after the conquest, it is not impossible that a part of these offer- ings are post-conquistorial, although. after primitive models. ^''Eistoria de Copacabana, p. 12: ' ' En la barranca que esta al f rente del camino entre Juli y Pomata, es- tuvo la despensa del sol . . . Uamada vulgarmente Chingana, que quiere de- zir lugar donde se pierden. ' ' Cobo : Eistoria, etc., IV, p. 62: "Y cerca del templo se ven ruinas de la despensa del Sol, cuyos retretes imitan al labe- rinto de Creta. ' ' ^^ Eamos : Eistoria, etc., p. 6 : " Lo que se tiene por cierto es, que el mismo hizo plantar unas estacas de molles y alisos. ' ' Tree-planting by the Indians in primitive times is very doubtful. As often as I have been shown such groves I found them to be of natural growth. The Spaniards, however, had trees (for shade and fruit) planted in Peru at an early date. Cutting down of indigenous fruit-trees was prohibited at Lima by ordinance of the first town-council, January 30, 1535, under heavy penal- ties; also February 6, 1535 (Libra primero de cahildos de Lima, Lima, 1888, pp. 18 and 19) . On October 29th of the same year it was ordained that every resident of Lima who owned land should plant at once from fifty to three hundred trees on his prop- erty {Idem, p. 44) ; the penalty for not doing so was one mark in gold. Among the Ordinances of Toledo from 1574 there are two, in one of which it ANCIENT KUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 251 is ordained that the alcaldes of Indian communities have trees planted: "Iten, tendran los Alcaldes cuydado de mandar, que en las partes, y lugares que huviere temple para ello en las quebradas, y rayces de las ezequias, 6 Rios, se planten arboles alisos, y sauzes, 6 frutales de castilla, pues es negocio de que se les sigue, y recrece tanto provecho a los naturales deste Reyno. ' ' And in the ordinance following, the cutting of trees at the foot is prohibited to the Indians (Or- denansas del Perit, Lib. II, Titulo ix, fol. 146, Ord. xiy and xv). Also, for Cuzco: TestimYO de los Autos hechos For el Juez de Nles sobre la Planta de las Arboledas en el Tfno de la Par- roquia de San SebastN por comision del Ysigne Cauildo de la Dhd Ciudad, 1590, MSS. in possession of Don Car- los A. Romero at Lima, f oL 34. ^'Eistoria, etc., IV, p. 62. *" It might be (this is merely a sug- gestion of mine) that Chucaripu-pata was a burial site for those who died in attendance of worship on the Island. This might explain the ab- sence of vestiges of buildings. Some- thing like it is insinuated by Ra- mos Eistoria, etc., p. 11: "Vense auii las catas 6 rastros de excava- ciones que se an hecho para buscar los tesoros que en sus sepulcros enter- raban los antiguos. ' ' Calancha : Coro- nica, II, fol. 4: "Vense las catas que se an dado por buscar los tesoros, que en sus sepulcroa enterravan los Yn- dios. ' ' " Cobo : Eistoria, etc., IV, p. 58. Ramos : Copacabana, p. 6. ®- Apingiiila is to-day sometimes called the "island of the devil." From Titicaca it is plainly visible, as a low truncated cone surmounted by a column or pillar. Pampiti (or Paapiti) is close to it on the south, and is low and flat. As far as I know, the episode of the voyage of Huayna Capac to Apingiiila is only mentioned by three authors, all Au- gustines: Ramos: Cap. xxiii; Calan- cha: Coronica, II, Cap. in, and Fray S. Nicolas: Imogen, Cap. iv, fol. 27. While the latter has been guided, in writing his book, by Ramos and Ca- lancha, he has enhanced on both in the following passage relative to Apingiiila : * ' Multiplico Guaina Capac otro Templo en Apinguela, Isla no menos bien cercana a la dicha Titi- caca, y dedicole al Idolo latiri, qui- tando en impuros sacrificios tantas vidas a los suyos, que perdiendo por esso el primer nombre, se hallo con aquel de Vilacota, que significa Lago, 6 mar de sangre, en la lengua natural de aquella tierra. " " Uilacota ' ' means "lake of blood," or bloody lake, in Aymara. Neither Ramos nor Calancha mention the erection of a * ' temple ' ' on Apingiiila, and the lat- ter only applies the name "Vilacota" to portions of the Lake around the two islands. The whole story appears to me suspicious. '^^ The voyage, although long and tedious, could be performed in balsas. The Indians sometimes make longer ones, though involuntarily, when east- erly or northerly storm's prevail on the Lake. ^Peru, p. 336: "At almost the very northern end of the Island, at its most repulsive and unpromising part, where there is neither inhab- itant nor trace of culture, where the soil is rocky and bare, and the cliffs ragged and broken ... is the spot most celebrated and most sacred in Peru. ' ' "* The only bird we saw, during the time of our investigations about the Sacred Rock was the alkamari (called in Peru "chinalinda "), a handsome buzzard, always stalking and flying about in pairs. ^Relatione per Sva Maefsta, fol. 413: "& piu di mille donne, che fanno Chicca per gettarla sopra queUa pietra Thichlcasa. ' ' The number is, of course, either exaggerated, or it may be that the Spaniards were fol- lowed to the Island by a large con- 252 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI course from the mainland, which waa often the case, elsewhere, when white men appeared for the first time and in small numbers. " The title of * ' virgins of the sun," frequently given to these clois- tered, or rather recluse, females is not appropriate, and it may not be amiss to enter here into a preliminary discussion of the nature of the cus- tom. When, in 1532, the Spaniards moved upon Cajamarca, they met the first one of the houses occupied by women in the Sierra at Caxas. The anonymous folio printed at Sevilla in 1534, and entitled. La Conquista del Peru llamada la Nueua Castilla, has the following: "Llegaron al pueblo q era grade: y en unas casas muy altas hallaro mucho mayz: y cal- qado, otras estaua Uenas de lana y mas de quinientas mugeres q no hazia otra cosa sine ropas y vino de mayz para la gente de guerra: en aquellas casas hauia mucho de aquel vino. ' ' Francisco Xerez (Verdadera Belacion de la Conquista del Perv, pp. 52 et seq.) is more detailed: "y que se hallo en aquel pueblo de Caxas una casa grande, fuerte y cercada de tapias, con sus puertas, en la cual estaban muchas mujeres hilando y tejiendo ropas para la hueste de Ata- balipa, sin tener varones, mas de los porteros que las guardaban, y que a la entrada del pueblo habia ciertos indios ahorcados de los pies; y supo deste principal que Atabalipa los mando matar porque uno dellos entro en la casa de las mujeres a dormir con una ; al cual, y a todos los porteros que consintieron, ahorco. " Of Caja- marca, the Conquista (fol. 2) says: "En el pueblo auia muy poca gete/ q seria quatrocetos o quinietos indios, q guardauan las puertas de las casas del cacique Atabalipa /q estaua Uenas de mugeres q hazian chicha para el real de Atabalipa." Xerez: Verda- dera Belacion, p. 79: "Entre la sierra y esta plaza grande esta otra plaza mas pequena; cercada toda de apo- sentos; y en ellos habia muchaa mujeres para el servicio de aqueste Atabalipa." In his report on the journey to Pachacamac, written No- vember, 1533, Hernando Pizarro speaks as follows of the recluse women (Carta a la Audiencia de Santo Domingo, Biblioteca de Autores espanoles. Vol. XIX, Obras de Quin- tana, p. 497): "En todos estos pue- blos hay casas de mujeres encerradas, tienen guardas a las puertas, guardan castidad; si algun indio tiene parte en alguna de ellas, muere por ello; estas casas son unas para el sacrificio del sol, otras del Cuzco viejo, padre de Atabaliva: el sacrificio que hacen es de ovejas, e hacen chicha para verter por el suelo: hay otras casas de mujeres en cada pueblo de estos principales, asimismo guardadas, que estan recogidas de los caciques co- marcanos, para cuando pasa el senor de la tierra sacan de alii las me j ores para presentarselas, e sacadas aquellas, meten otras tantas: tartbien tienen cargo de hacer chicha para cuando pasa la gente de guerra: de estas casas sacaban indias que nos pre- eentaban. " Of the coast Pizarro states (p. 497): "Asimismo tienen casas de mujeres." Miguel de Estete (La Belacion del Viaje que hizo el Senor Capitan Hernando Pizarro, etc., in Xerez, pp. 121-149) makes no mention of the women, but Oviedo (Historia general, IV, p. 213) records a criticism on the statements of Pizarro by Diego de Molina, who came to Santo Domingo in 1533, hav- ing been a participant in the con- quest. Molina told him: "Decia que aquellas mugeres castas que dice la carta es burla, que no son castas; pero ques verdad que las guardan hombres castrados. " To these state- ments from the earliest days of the conquest, that of Pedro Pizarro must be added. He also was one of the first conquerors, although he wrote in 1571. He states (Belacion, p. 266) : "En este buhio donde digo estaba el ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 253 Sol, dormlan cotidiano mas de docien- tas mugeres hijas de indios princi- pales: dormian en el suelo, y al bulto del Sol tenian puesto un escano alto muy rico de mucha plumeria de tor- nasol, y fingian ellas dormir alii y que el Sol se ayuntaba con ellas. ' ' "Tratare ahora de lo que son estas mamaconas, y este nombre que tienen de mamaconas era costumbre entre este linage destos ore j ones que eran mucha gente y tenidos entre ellos por caballeros, en especial los que anda- ban trasquilados, porque otros habia que traian el cabello largo corriente sin cortarlo jamas, aunque decian que eran parientes los unos de los otros, eiendo. el principio de ellos dos her- manos y que el uno habia tomado traje de andar trasquilado y el otro con el cabello largo: de la generacion de los que se trasquilaban eran los senores de este reino y en mas tenidos los hijos e hijas de estos. — Tenian li- bertad desque eran de edad, de escoger 4 quien era su voluntad a llegarse para lo servir y nombrarse a su ape- lUdo, y dende chicos sus padres los Benalaban y dedicaban 6 para el Sol 6 al Senor que a la sazon reinaba, 6 para alguno de los muertos que tengo dicho, senalabanlos a su servicio ; y los que eran para el Sol, estaban en sus casas, que eran muy grandes y muy cercadas, ocupandose las mugeres en hacer chicha, que era una manera de brebaje que hacian del maiz que be- bian como nosotros el vino, y en guisar de comer ansi para el Sol como para los que le Servian: habian de estar recogidas de noche todas sin salir fuera destos cercados y casas, que tenian muchos porteros que las guar- daban y una sola puerta que en estas casas y cercado vi yo: no habia de dormir ni quedar de noche ningun varon so pena de la vida porque si ee supiera (vi la orden que era como tengo dicho) el que todo lo dispensaba y mandaba en sus ritos los hiciera matar, porque a este obedescian y temian en sus ceremonias y ritos. De dia podian salir estas mugeres, y estas se llamaban mamaconas: las que eran para el servicio estaban ansi como tengo dicho, en otros lugares muy cercados teniendo puertas y porteros que las guardaban: ocupabanse ansi- mesmo en lo mesmo que tengo dicho hacian las del Sol, y en servir a las hermanas de los Ingas. Las que esta- ban con los muertos tenian mas li- bertad, porque aunque estaban encer- radas en sus casas no estaban tan opremidas como las demas ya dichas. En todo este reino del Pirti habia esta orden de mamaconas en pro- vincias, juntandose en la mayor pro- vincia y cabeza que ellos tenian senalada, trayendo alii todas las hijas de los indios principales; y en sus mismos pueblos, aunque fuesen peque- nos tenian casas de recogimiento para recoger las hijas que nacian de "todos los indios: en siendo de edad de diez anos estas se ocupaban en ayudar k hacer las sementeras del Sol y del Inga y en hacer ropa delgada para los senores, digo en hilar lana porque el tejella varones no querian. Asi mismo estas se ocupaban en hacer chicha para los indios que cultivaban las tierras del Sol y del Inga, y para si pasaban guarniciones de gente de guerra por su tierra dalles de comer y desta chicha. La orden que tenian para dar mugeres a los indios y re- novar estas mamaconas, era que de ano a ano el gobernador que gober- naba las provincias que el Inga tenia puestos, que eran orejones . . . este cada ano juntaba todas estas mama- conas en la plaza y las que eran ya mayores para casar les decia escogie- sen los maridos que querian de su pueblo, y llamados a los indios les preguntaban que con que indias se querian casar de aquellas, y por esta orden cada ano iba casando, sacando las mayores y metiendo otras de edad de diez anos como tengo dicho. Si acaso habia alguna India destas que fuese muy hermosa^ la enviaban al Senor. Estas se llamaban mama- 254 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI conas: esto era miiy comun en todo este reino del Piru. ' ' Thus far statements of parties who saw Indian society in Peru while in its primitive condition. It shows that the mamaconas (literally, mothers, from "mama" — mother — and the plural "cuna") were in fact a tribute in women exacted by the Cuzco tribe, and, secondly, that chastity on their part was only relative, not absolute. The buildings in which such women were kept under guard were neither more nor less than storehouses shel- tering a tribute in women. Juan de Betanzos may have come to Peru with Pizarro, but it is more prudent to suppose that he came to Peru at an early day, and certainly prior to 1542. In his Suma y Narra- cion, Cap. xiil, p. 85, he mentions that women and men of the settle- ments around Cuzco in the fifteenth century were required to manufacture clothing for the Cuzco tribe: "Man- daron que luego en sus tierras fuesen juntas muchas mujeres, e puestas en casas y corrales les fuese repartida mucha lana fina e de diversos colores, y que ansimesmo fuesen puestos y armados muchos telares, e que ansi hombres como mujeres, con toda la mas brevedad que fuese posible, hicie- sen la ropa que les habia cabido . . . Y esta ropa ansi hecha e acabada, f ue traida a la ciudad del Cuzco. ' ' While (p. 127) he uses the term "mamaconas" to designate women destined to attend certain idols or fetishes, he does not mention any forcible or voluntary reelusion on their part. But what we possess thus far of the work of Betanzos is un- fortunately a fragment. Cieza, who came to Peru at least eight years later than Betanzos, is perhaps the most uncritical panegyrist of so-called Inca "civilization" of the sixteenth century. In Segunda Parte de la Cronica, p. 106, he treats of the recluse women in the following manner: "A las puertas destas casas estaban puestos porteros que tenian cargo de mirar por las virgenes, que eran muchas hijas de senores prin- cipales, las mas hermosas y apuestas que se podian hallar; y estaban en el templo hasta ser vie j as; y si alguna tenia conocimiento con varon, la mata- ban 6 la enterraban viva, y lo mismo hacian a el. Estas mujeres erau llamadas mamaconas; no entendian en mas de tejer y pintar ropa de lana para servicio del templo y en hacer chicha, " etc. Previously (p. 68), among the tribute exacted by the Inca, he enumerates: "y de mugeres y muchachos ; los cuales se sacaban del pueblo sin ninguna pesadumbre, porque si un hombre tenia un solo hijo 6 hija, este tal no le tomaban, pero si tenia tres 6 cuatro, tomabales para pagar el servicio." Still previous (p. 33) we find the following state- ment: "No habia ninguno dellos que no tuviese mas de setecientas mugeres para servicio de su casa y para su pasatiempo; y asi, todos ellos tuvie- ron muchos hijos que habian en estaa que tenian por mugeres 6 mancebas, y eran bien tratadas por el y estima- das de los indios naturales; y aposen- tado el rey en su palacio, 6 por donde quier que iba, eran miradas y guarda- das todas por los porteros y camayos, ques nombre de guardianes; j si al- guna usaba con varon, era castigada con pena de muerte, dandole a el la misma pena. ' ' It should not be over- looked that Cieza, out of ignorance of the rules of Indian relationship in Peru, also asserts that the chiefs inva- riably married their sisters; also that in one of the foregoing paragraphs he uses the term "virgins" quite a priori. Garcilasso de la Vega (Co- mentarios, I, fol. 78) denies there were any women inside of the houses of worship at Cuzco, thus contradict- ing Cieza. While his work is much posterior to that of Cieza, he was at Cuzco when the latter made a com- paratively short visit to that (then already Spanish) town. He asserts ANCIENT RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF TITICACA 255 (Comentarios, I, fol. 78): "Tampoco entraua mugeres en ella, aunq fuessen las hijas 7 mugeres del mismo Eey." Further on: "saluo q en la casa del Sol no aula seruicio de mugeres. ' ' In Book IV, Cap. I and 11, fol. 81 and 82, he treats at length of the "vir- gins, ' ' making the significant remark : "Porque auiendo de tener hijos el Sol como ellos imaginauan, no era razo q fueran bastardos, mezclados de sagre diuina y humana. Por tato auian de ser legitimas de la sangre Eeal q era la misma del Sol." When Garcilasso states the ' ' virgins ' ' had to have children, it is not meant figuratively. Pedro Pizarro, while stating: "Eneste buhio donde digo estaba el Sol, dormian cotidiano mas de docientas mugeres hijas de indios prineipales, ' ' adds : "j fingian ellas dormir alii y que el Sol se ayuntaba con ellas. ' ' For the present I limit myself to these indications gathered from earliest sources. They seem to establish, as already observed, that the mamaconas, including those on Titicaca Island, were not vestals, and that the institution was a part of the Inca system of tribute. It may be that, as some of the recluse women were occasionally sacrificed, they were kept virgins for that purpose, as is indicated by Kamos: Eistoria, etc., p. 12 et seq. : ' ' Sabido es que a seme- janza de las Vestales de Eoma, tuvo el Peru virjenes dedicadas al sol, habiendo muchas casas de ellas en el imperio, y por lo menos una en cada provincia; en que habia dos clases de doncellas, unas llamadas asi, y otros Mamaconas, que eran las maes- tras de novicias : estas eran admitidas a los ocho anos y se criaban en reco- jimiento hasta los quince o diez y seis. En esa edad las sacaban para desposarlas con el Inca o con sus capitanes favoritos, aunque esto se hacia rara vez en las fiestas mui prin- eipales y con orden espreso del sobe- rano. Cuando despues se ensangrento el culto, algunas tambien las sacri- ficaban al sol." — "Cuando despues en las fiestas prineipales sacaban al- gunas para ofrecerlas en sacrificio al sol, esas mas infelices Ifijenias eran degolladas. " (P. 15.) "Cuando es- tas ninas dedicadas al sol llegaban a edad florida deblan guardar per- petua virjinidad, viientras el Inca no las escojese, pues era el interprete soberano y el representante vivo del sol." (Italics mine.) "' In addition to the testimony pre- sented, I refer to Ramos, p. 13. * The Chincana is the only build- ing, of Inca origin, on the Island capable of accommodating a larger number of people; the ruin at Kasa- pata excepted, which, as shown, was a "tambo. " The house of the women had to be close to the places of wor- ship or shrines, and there is no vestige of any edifice in that vicinity that could have been suitable for the pur- pose. '''Relatione per Sva Maesta, fol. 413. " See foregoing notes. '- 1 believe to have shown that the first occupation of the Island by Incas occurred between 1450 and 1500, hence the constructions date from that period, if it is true they were made during the term of office of Tupac Yupanqui. '^ See annexed photograph. "Cobo: Eistoria, etc., IV, p. 202: ' * La tinta dan a la lana y algodon en pelo, antes de hilarlo, y despues de sacada del Telar la pieza no usan darle ninguna. ' ' ''^Eistoria, etc., IV, pp. 57 and 62. Eamos, p. 10. "Cobo: Eistoria, etc., IV, p. 169. " Pedro Pizarro : Eelacion del Bes- cubrimiento, p. 266; Garcilasso: Co- mentarios, I, fol. 76; and others. '^ Arriaga : Extirpacion, Cap. 11. ™ Primera Parte de la Cronica del Peru, Cap. cm, p. 443. ^"Eistoria general, IV, p. 261. *" The Relatione, etc., of 1534, fol. 413, already states the sacrifices 256 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI were made ' ' in vna gran pietra. ' ' Cieza: Primera Parte, p. 445; Garci- lasso: Comentarios, I, fol. 80; Ramos: Eistoria, p. 4 et seq.; Cobo: Eistoria, IV, p. 56. The latter states : * ' Como quiera que haya sido el Principio y origen deste santuario, el tenia muy grande antigiiedad y siempre fue muy venerado de las gentes del Collao, antes que fueran sujetados por los Reyes Incas. ' ' Also, p. 57. ^ Aside from the descriptions of the ceremonials by authors who saw them after the conquest, like Cieza (Segunda Parte, Cap. xxix and xxx), eye-witnesses like Pedro Pizarro (Re- lacion, p. 276) give a fair picture of the impressions made upon them by the ceremonials when seen for the first time. ^^ Eistoria, p. 63. This statement should be taken with reserve. ** Ibidem, p. 59. ^ Relatione per Sva Maesta, fol. 413 ; Pedro Pizarro : Relacion, p. 260. Later authorities concur. Already Cieza mentions a number of places where oracles were expected and be- lieved in, by the Indians — Primera Parte, p. 421, Pachacamac; p. 426, Cajamarca; p. 432, Jauja, and others; Segunda Parte, p. 109, near Cuzco; p. 110, Vilcanota; p. Ill, Ancocagua; p. 112, Koropuna. Relacion y declara- cion del modo que este valle de Chin- cha y sus comarcanos se gobernaban, etc., Doc. de Espana, Vol. L, p. 221: "Los Yungas no adoraban al Sol sino a Guacas, y no a todas sino aquellaa que daban respuesta, y no siempre, sino cuando las habian menester. " This report, which bears date Febru- ary 22, 1558, is by the Dominican Fray Cristobal de Castro; the Rela- cion de la Religion y Ritos del Peru, about 1560, by Augustine monks: (Doc. de Indias, III, pp. 16, 18, 19, 21, 25, 27, 28, et seq. This document treats, as already stated, of Huama- chuco; also, about Pachacamac, Xerez: Verdadera Relacion, and Hernando Pizarro: Carta. It is not necessary to quote authors of a later date. * It ' mv\\ '0"|jpr -.^,4_i^r^. i J > « •"-" X ■~ .5 9 k < C a 1 ►J « ii c3 THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OP KOATI 265 Kayma. Lozenge-shaped recesses are in all three fagades of Inak-Uyu, and they increase the ornamental effect. Un- less there were openings in the npper story, of which there is now no trace, the rooms of Inak-Uyn (except the two front ones) must have been as dark as any on Titicaca. We found no communication of any kind from the lower story to the upper. Adjoining a corner of the central part, there is a small structure on a lower level, descent to which is by a flight of four steps three and a half feet deep. West of it are walls indicating either rooms or small enclosures. The former seems more probable, and it is also possible that a portion of the space between the rear wall and the anden was built over. At least we noticed a row of slabs set in the wall at five and one half feet above the ground, and at one end of them a beam protruded. The slabs project about six inches, and between every two of them is inserted a smaller stone or pebble. Whether this indicates a ceiling or some contrivance for ascent it is not possible to decide. Only on the narrow and almost underground passages are roofs still extant. These consist of flat stones laid along- side of each other ; as at the Kayma and at the Chincana. I would call special attention to the passage ways of Inak- Uyu. They are lower than the floor of adjacent apartments and yet not really subterraneous. They are surprisingly narrow. One of them is only two feet wide, the others nowhere exceed four feet. They seem long recesses rather than corridors. There are at least four diagonally opposite each other.^ I also call attention to a curious niche in one of the rooms, which has the form of a crescent-shaped an- cient knife with a short handle. Of the W-shaped windows mentioned by Mr. Squier there is as little left as of pointed gables.'^ We cannot affirm, still less deny, their former existence. Although the southeastern corner is considerably ruined, it is clear that the three wings of the edifice were connected. 266 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI The dimensions are, therefore, on the side towards the terrace: southern wing, seventy-seven feet, central part, 178 feet, northern wing, retreating part, fifty-six feet, to which succeeds a room advancing twenty feet to the east and with a fagade twenty-two feet in width, so that the northern side of the structure is nearly symmetrical with the south- ern. The distance between the corners of outhouses along the edge of the platform is 134 feet. Adding to these twenty-two feet for the length of the northern, and twenty- eight for that of the southern projection, we find that the southern and northern wings are six feet wider apart on the eastern end of the terrace than on the western. Hence, while there is a certain symmetry, the building still shows the usual imperfections of "rule of thumb." Koati has been, as well as Titicaca, the seat of desultory excavations. It does not appear that the Island was visited in 1533, although alluded to in the report of July, 1534.^ Statements concerning a possible visit to Koati in 1538, by order of Francisco Pizarro, are vague and contradicted by documents that purport to be from the time. Father Cobo states. He says: *'He [the Inca chieftain Tupac Yupan- qui] found a good occasion [place] to carry out his inten- tion, which was the Island of Coati or Coyata, thus called from Coya which is the same as queen. And he erected (worked) in it a sumptuous temple where he placed the statue of a woman, of gold from the waist up and from the waist down of silver, which (statue) was of the size of a woman and represented the image of the moon. . . . Some say that this figure and statue was called Titicaca, and also that it represented the mother of the Incas. Whichever may be, the statue was carried to the city of Cuzco by the Marquis D. Francisco Pizarro, who sent three Spaniards for it."® Eamos says the idol at Koati was ''after the shape of a Coya ' ' and of gold, but he makes no mention of its translation to Cuzco by the conquerors. In the volumi- nous set of documents embodying the accusation of Almagro •^Jh:U(r.-idb^.'#ift':<(ftr.^.'~'.- ?fii..'' ^ a ^ zj _c 3 o > -3 X ^ "o w a! H g 3 ■3 3; Oh THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 267 the younger against Pizarro, Hernando Pizarro is accused of attempting to "rob the gold and silver that was in the lagune of Titaca [Titicaca]," and that in consequence of it ten Spaniards were drowned. No mention is made of the metallic treasure being on an island}^ That an attempt of some sort was made, is as good as proven by other sources from the time, also that it occurred in 1539.^^ If the documents collected and published in abstracts by J. M. Vizcarra in 1900 are not spurious, we may conclude that no attempt was made by the Spaniards to reach Koati in the year 1539 even. The reason why is given as follows : "And when there came to the peninsula the captains Al- zures and the Illescas with the Franciscan Fathers, although they intended it in 1536, they could not get to it by reason of lack of time and because they thought it was, like that of the sun, deserted and abandoned. "^^ The date of 1536 is, as I have already shown, doubtful, to say the least. I hold (until otherwise informed) the year to be 1539.^^ As far as the sources at my command go,^^ an official search of the Island, or rather of the Peninsula of Copa- cavana and insular dependencies, took place in 1617. The object seems to have been the gathering of buried metallic wealth, to be employed in the construction of a basilica at the sanctuary of Our Lady of Copacavana. It is not devoid of interest to note the results of this search. According to inventory, Titicaca Island yielded thirty- three "plates" in gold weighing nine pounds and ten ounces, Koati 180 ob- jects representing a total weight of eleven pounds fifteen ounces three grains, and the Peninsula of Copacavana eighty-four objects weighing eleven pounds fifteen ounces. To these were added 367 in silver, weighing 419 marks and seven ounces. The silver was, in part, obtained from other islands also. The total value of these objects in gold and silver did not exceed 12,000 pesos and 70 maravedis.^^ The report on the visit to Koati is stated as bearing the date of June 3, 1618, and having been executed and signed 268 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI on the Island.^ ^ It is certified to by Fray Baltasar de Salas, author of the strange chronicle of Copacavana men- tioned in the third part of this monograph. It contains a fanciful description of the main ruins on Koati (rendered worse by changes and additions from the pen of Vizcarra) and the report on some few diggings made by direction of the ecclesiastic visitors. The first indication of some value which we meet is that in 1610 Koati was inhabited by ''three or four families of from ten to twelve younger souls." Hence the Island was occupied in the first decade of the seventeenth century. The dwellings of these Indians stood on one of the terraces below Inak-Uyu. The description of the ruins alludes to three doorways "antemural of the temple," and says that the "castle of the virgins" was to accommodate "two hun- dred souls consecrated to the sun; (and had) fourteen compartments of lower and upper stories, with as many turrets of house idols, on a platform 300 ells long by 200 in width." A temple of "the moon" is also mentioned. There are a few vague indications of features visible at the pres- ent day.^^ The diggings brought to light a stone chest apparently similar to the chests found on Titicaca and which contained human remains supposed to be those of a female. It was accompanied by "various amulets, kippos and coins of gold and silver." The latter were manifestly bangles.^^ There is no doubt that the official investigation of 1618 really occurred, but statements about details are so involved in fanciful rhetoric and modern addition and interpretation that little rdore than the fact of the visit can be relied upon. It should not be overlooked, that Father Cobo was at and near Copacavana in 1617, but makes no allusion to the pre- tended visit of 1618, although it was already being organ- ized. Also that neither Ramos nor Calancha nor S. Nicolas have a word to say concerning Fray Baltasar de Salas.^® This does not, however, justify denial of the visit.^^ m •isqqoD fli a:fo9i,cfO •yft-g!:, ^;''yv''?yiM--:y-^^ Plate LXVI Objects in copper or bronze from Titicaca Island 1, 2,3. Copper bangles. -1, 5, 6, 7, 8. Beads. 9, 10, 11. Battles. 12. Finger-ring of bronze. 13, 14. Pendants. 15. Bronze implement, possibly awl THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 269 Yet, Cobo alludes to an attempt to search Koati for treasure made in 1617 : * ' The report I heard while being in this province in the year one thousand and six hundred and seventeen is, that there are great riches (wealth) on the island of Coatd, whither at the time certain Spaniards went in a bark (boat) and could not find anything. "^^ In modern times, Koati and its ruins have been and are overturned and ravaged at intervals. The Indians from the village of Sampaya on the mainland and two former occupants of the isle,^^ have done much damage to the ruins and we were advised not to excavate the interior of liiak- Uyu, or of any other building in general, since they were completely ransacked, a statement supported by appear- ances. The terraces in front of the buildings were said to have suffered less, but of these jDlatforms only one was available— Kalich-pata. The others were covered with ripening maize and could not be disturbed. After probing the soil on the flanks of the ravine at various places we moved on to that terrace. The first diggings disclosed two stone cysts both of which were very well made. Only one of them contained some- thing, the other was empty. The first was rectangular, measuring thirty-six inches by twenty-one, inside. It had no cover and was found forty inches below the surface. Its depth being twenty-seven inches, the bottom lay more than five and a half feet beneath the surface. The sides consisted each of five regularly laid courses of prismatic stones, breaking joints, and the best work we have seen in any cyst with the exception of the grave Ciriapata, on Titicaca, con- spicuous for its rectangular shape. From the cyst on Koati five clay vessels of Chullpa type were obtained. The other was forty-two inches below the ground and thirty-two inches deep, polygonal, and measured thirty-three and thirty inches across. The Indians declare that these cysts are Chullpa ; and their great depth beneath the sod indicates that they were made at an earlier date than the platforms. 270 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI These were the only burials on Kalich-Pata. Excavations were then continued on the uppermost terrace. The ground was opened to a depth of two feet, on an area of about 200 square feet. Lower down nothing was found. But in that space of 200 feet square a surprising number of objects were brought to light. They had been thrown together without order, as at Kea-KoUu-Chico on Titicaca, but there were no human remains among them, and the objects were all declared by the Indians to be Inca. Prominent among them were two bowls, most beautifully decorated in paint, and with handles representing each a puma with open mouth and the body of a snake. The heads of the animals with teeth, tongue, and palate, are very well executed. These bowls are the handsomest specimens of Inca ceramics which we have seen so far, and they are alike in size and decoration. Several other fine specimens of pottery were exhumed, together with six hollow silver figurines, repre- senting women, which the Indians call ' ' CoUque-Huarmi, ' * or silver women; and three figures of a non-descript animal, of thick beaten gold (not gold-leaf) with finely executed incisions bearing a remote resemblance to some of the carvings on the great gateway of Tiahuanaco.^^ A large number of stones and stone implements, fetishes, etc., of all shapes and sizes, were taken out, among which the following deserve particular mention : A human head of andesite, which rock is found only on the Peninsula, and not on the Islands ; this head appears to have been without body.^^ Several toads of stone. Of such toads Ramos states: "Also they placed on the rocks some small idols of toads and other filthy animals, believing that by this they would obtain water. "^^ The quotation shows that they were ''intercessors for rain," like similar figures used for that purpose by the pueblo Indians of New Mexico.^^ Two objects that appear at first sight to be smoking- pipes. "What these pipe-like articles were used for, except eS P^ i .^ > § X ^ J O H ;:i < ►J 1 cu (B cc (S t» eS THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 271 for smoking, I am unable to surmise. In regard to smoking among the aborigines before the conquest, I find the follow- ing in the edition of the work of Ramos arranged by Father Sans : * ' It is true that the Incas were very fond of agricul- ture, and at Airaguanca, a village of Omasuyos, an old Indian showed me a plant called Topasaire, the leaves of which the Indians use like tobacco, assuring me that the Incas had caused it to be brought from a great distance. ' ' This passage, however, may be from the pen of the editor, hence modern,^'^ as Calancha has no reference to it. The topasaire is a species of wild tobacco, for tobacco in Qui- chua is "sayri," and was known in Peru before the con- quest as a medicinal plant.^^ Sayri was taken in the form of powder (snuff) "to free the head."^^ Peru has at least three varieties of indigenous tobacco, according to Rai- mondi,^° but all three grow in warmer climates. Of smok- ing I find no trace as yet, and still the stone objects found in this "cache" on Koati can hardly have been anything else but pipes. A great number of minerals, fossils, probably used as fetishes. Among the minerals are beautiful pieces of mamillary chalcedony, among the fossils, trilobites, etc. Coiled snakes of stone, that is, concretions which seem to have been, with a few slight artificial touches, converted into shapes recalling the coiled snakes of stone from Mexico. Fragments of silver leaf were found in considerable abundance. As stated, these objects were heaped together in the soil, without order or regularity, just as the deposits of human remains and artefacts at Kea-Kollu-Chico. Of many of them it may safely be assumed that they were votive offerings. In regard to others it is not easy to sur- mise why they were buried there.^^ Hardly had we made these discoveries when the Indians of the Island gathered on the spot and began to dig at random all around, with a greed that beggars description. We had found silver, gold, 272 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI and handsome pottery, and that was sufficient for them to take hold of the premises and oust us if possible. They forthwith sent runners to Copacavana informing the owner of our find, at the same time exaggerating its importance. He prohibited further diggings by them, but we saw that there was nothing more to do, as the cupidity of the aborig- ines and their jealousy would leave us no peace, and eventually provoke a conflict with the owner himself. So we abandoned further work, with the deepest regret. The Indians confessed afterward to Dr. del Carpio, the pro- prietor of Koati, that they found more gold and silver, among it a number of what they called rayos or thunder- bolts. These, according to description, must be slices of metallic leaf cut in the form of snakes.^^ j recall here the snake-like additions to crosses on housetops, described in Part III. Dr. Carpio writes to me from Copacavana, that he caused further excavations to be made on Kalich-Pata, and that a few articles of gold and silver were found similar to those which we obtained, also pottery and stones, but in no considerable quantities. The finds on this platform of Kalich-Pata seem to indi- cate that Inak-Uyu was a shrine where sacrifices took place like those performed before the Sacred Rock on Titicaca. Of textures no considerable piece was found on Koati,^^ for the same reason as on Titicaca, namely, excessive moisture. On the crest, a female figurine of massive silver was found by us in a stone cyst, and a few shreds of rather coarse cloth were attached to the feet of that figurine. It hints at the probability that this ''silver woman" had originally been wrapped in cloth. This recalls the custom, mentioned by Cobo, of dressing or clothing fetishes or idols, at certain times and on certain occasions.^^ The other ruin of importance on Koati stands, as already mentioned, on the neck immediately in the rear of the ex- treme northwestern point of the Island; the bold prom- ontory of Uila-Peki, or Red Head. The neck is a plateau, uriBOX/riO Plate LXVIII Inca andenes and details of Chucaripu THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 273 not quite three hundred feet long, from south to north, and not over seventy feet across. The declivity on the west is very steep, and even sheer toward the end. On the eastern side the slope is not as rapid, and terraces go down to almost the water's edge. These terraces sweep around to the northward, abutting against precipitous cliffs. Seen from the height of Chicheria Pata (a), the tall and well built andenes present a striking appearance. The big wall along the whole length of the crest of the Island terminates against the southern end of these ruins. The Red Head itself bears some andenes, but its top is quite small, and we saw no traces of buildings on it. What this northwestern extremity of Koati had in the shape of buildings, seems to be confined to the remains now called ''La Chicheria," a Spanish term of the country, used to designate a place for raising and enclosing goats and sheep. Father Sans, the editor of Ramos, regards these ruins as those of a house for secluded women, calling it ''Accla- guasi," or ''house of the selected. "^^ Neither Calancha nor Cobo makes any mention of the place, hence the designa- tion may or may not be appropriate. The ruins are partly obliterated, much more so than the cluster at Inak-Uyu, the Pilco-Kayma, and the Chincana. If I were to compare them with any ruins on Titicaca I would select the Kasapata cluster, to which they bear considerable resemblance. The analogy in location between these two ruins, the Chicheria of Koati and Kasapata on Titicaca, is note^ worthy. A glance at the general plans must satisfy any one of the truth of this remark. Both occupy the highest plane of a neck of land, both are divided into two groups sepa- rated by a level, and even the size and arrangement of what is left of the buildings display much similarity. The northern group of the Chicheria recalls the eastern of Kasapata, and the southern the western, with the so-called "temple." The long rectangular edifice adjoining the court called to-day ^^Canchon de los Bailes de los Incas"^^ 274 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI (enclosed area of the dances of the Incas), on the west is, on a smaller scale, a copy of the ''temple," or, as we should call it, the tambo, of Kasapata. The proportions of length to width are nearly the same (about one to five). They are, unlike all the other edifices, long, narrow, and devoid of ornamental niches. If we compare the plan of the buildings uncovered by excavation at Kasapata with the northern group of the Chicheria, we find more analogies yet. In short it seems as if the two clusters had been con- structed for the same purpose. In that case the Chicheria would have been, on Koati, a small Inca settlement and this seems very likely. Its situation is such as to command an extensive view and it is the spot on that Island that lies nearest to Titicaca. It is probable that it was the original landing-place, where visitors to Koati found quarters dur- ing their stay. Excavations at the Chicheria yielded as good as nothing. The Indians had cleaned it out completely. On the western slope were a few graves with pottery and skulls of Chullpa type. The walls of the ruin have been sadly wrecked, and the southern part especially transformed as much as pos- sible into lots for goats and sheep. Hence it may be that I have left out on the plan vestiges which are ancient, because I regarded them as modern on account of transformation. Of ornamentation nothing remains, if it ever existed. There is one small niche, perhaps two, and two doorways, both in the same building. At the edge of the middle level stands a small rectangular structure recalling the well-made small houses of Ciriapata, Kea-Kollu, and the one in the bottom of Mama-Ojlia, close to the Sacred Kock. The masonry of the Chicheria, as far as seen, is like that of Kasapata, and the walls have about the same thickness. From what precedes it becomes apparent that on Koati we find the same architectural features of Inca origin as on Titicaca. But at liiak-Uyu, not only are details better pre- served, but there is greater elaborateness and decoration.^'^ a- 5 o o o eg 'T3 O o i ^::"0- <» m^<^ ^ * ^ -p ^ . <^ ^ ;,T£jr:^;:-»i^3H^*.\ THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OP KOATI 277 chila cult of the Sacred Rock, still further yielded in regard to those mountains, by establishing shrines where they are seen to greatest advantage.^ ^ These points are certainly Pilco-Kayma and liiak-Uyu! This suggestion by no means conflicts with the statements that at Inak-Uyu a colony of female attendants to worship had been established. On the contrary, the situation of Koati and its comparative inaccessibility render it very probable. Such females were, as we have seen, not exclu- sively dedicated to the sun, neither were they consecrated to the moon. Every place of worship of importance, every prominent settlement, had a house of such women. Thus, for example, they were established at Irma (known as Pachacamac), on the coast, where the principal shrine was not dedicated to the sun, but to some particular oracle of that valley.^* The Incas did not, as often alleged, ''en- force" sun-worship wherever they extended their sway, they merely added to already existing shrines of great importance places of worship dedicated to their own tribal cult.^^ In the preceding chapter I have stated that Titicaca is frequently called "Island of the Sun," and Koati "Island of the Moon." It is abundantly proved that the Incas did not worship the sun as sun, nor the moon as moon. They considered both to be material and created objects. But it appears also that they conceived each orb to be the resi- dence or ahode of some spiritual being, and there are indications that the sun was looked upon as Father and the moon as Mother, one being the husband and the other the wife.'*^ This is exactly the primitive belief of the pueblo Indians of New Mexico. Hence we find, in descriptions of Inca idols, a certain contradiction. Sometimes it is stated that the figure of the sun was a circular or elliptical plate, again that it was a human figure, just according as the sun or the sun-father is meant. It is very likely that on Titicaca a chapel existed, in 278 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI which stood an effigy of the sun-father, and on Koati one containing a statue of the moon-mother. The circumspect remark of Cobo that some say the latter was the '* mother of the Incas"'*'^ is significant. The reverence paid to both was, on Titicaca and on Koati, a specific Inca ceremonial. Hence Sans states that on the Island the "great temple of six doorways ' ' was closed to all Indians that were not Incas, and to the Collas especially.^^ But there are indications that to the Sacred Rock on Titicaca, even the idols of the Incas were made to give special tokens of respect. Father Sans, the editor of Ramos, describes a ceremony performed on Titicaca which, if his statements are accurate, is a very good illustration of what I have suggested in regard to the worship paid to the spirits inhabiting sun and moon. He says, ' ' when celebrating the solar feasts, particularly those of Caparaime (Capac-Raymi) and of the Intipraime (Yn- tip-Raymi), which months we shall explain when treating of the calendar, those of the partiality of the Incas placed all their idols on litters, called 'rampas,' decorating them with many flowers, plumage, and plates of gold and silver ; and with great and many dances carried them to the Island in procession ; there they put them in a large square called 'Aucaypata,' where the festival was celebrated. There was the great temple of six doors, where no Colla Indian was allowed to enter or assist at the feast. "After having placed the idols they took off their foot- gear, their mantles, and prostrating themselves before them they worshiped, the principal one beginning and the others following, all taking off their 'Llautos' or diadems. First they worshiped the statue of the sun, then that of the moon, afterward that of thunder and the other idols; since each one had its particular effigy. The sun they represented in the form of an Inca of gold, of so much jewelry and bril- liancy as to cause awe; the moon as a queen of silver; thunder as an Indian of silver, also very brilliant. When the prostrations and adorations were over they raised their lA/^J. dlV.J"! Plate LXXI 1. Map of the Island of Koati. 2. Longitudinal and transverse profile of Koati THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 279 hands, making with the lips as if kissing them, just as chil- dren do when they wave a kiss to some beloved person. Thereupon followed the dances, banquets, and amusements, which were the end and aim of all their efforts ; and to-day even they have not improved much."^^ The square called "Aucaypata" must have been in the immediate vicinity of the Sacred Rock, and the word is a Quichua name, for, very probably, the level at the foot of the cliff, or the square called by the Aymara "Tican- Aychi." The procession started from Copacavana, hence there was, at Copacavana also, a statue of the sun-father and one of the moon-mother ; aside from that of the princi- pal idol called Copacavana and described as a head like that of a sphinx without hands or feet.^*' The two effigies were regarded as those of man and wife, and superior to other Inca idols, but their peregrination to the Island was a tribute of respect to the shrine established there, hence to the rock which constituted that shrine! This proves that the supreme oracle on Titicaca was believed to reside in that rock.^i A similar visit, but from the Island of Koati to that of Titicaca, is described by Cobo : ' ' The priests and ministers of this adoratory and of that of Coata had a great deal of intercourse, and there were many and frequent missions from one Island to the other, with great reciprocity, feign- ing the ministers of one and the other sanctuary that the wife of the sun, as according to their opinion the moon might do it, sent her respects, which the sun returned with demonstrations of attachment and mutual love; and in this they employed much time, and a great number of balsas that went back and forth between the two Islands ; and in order to represent this naturally, the principal minister in one of the adoratories dressed himself like the sun, and in the other an Indian woman played the part of the moon. They saluted each other, and she who represented the moon caressed him who represented the sun, asking of him with 280 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI many flatteries to appear every day clear and benign and to never conceal its rays, so that he might fertilize the planta- tions until the time when rains would become necessary. Besides this, she asked that he might preserve the Inca, his life and health, and that of those who with such faith and devotion occupied themselves in his service and wor- ship. He of the sun responded with loving words and in a satisfactory manner ; and in such vanities and crazy doings the wretches spent the time of their blind and idle existence, and all terminated in drinking, which was their greatest bliss." Ramos alludes with less detail to the same cus- tom.^2 It appears, therefore, that Koati was in constant inter- course with the religious establishments on Titicaca. The pilgrims who visited the latter Island went from it to Koati and the crossing was effected not from the Peninsula of Copacavana (Sampaya), as to-day, but from some point on Titicaca. As the pilgrims had to go first to the Sacred Rock, their journey to Koati started necessarily from there or from Kasapata. But, from either place, a voyage by balsa is almost twice as long as from Titicaca 's eastern shores! The most convenient point for embarking would have been the little Bay of Pucara. It is hence possible that in view of these frequent voyages the buildings at Pucara were erected, for Pucara is as well the natural port for Koati on Titicaca as the foot of the crest on which the buildings now called ' ' Chicheria ' ' stand is the landing-place nearest to Titicaca on the Island of Koati. This frequent intercourse formerly carried on between Koati and Titicaca may enable us to form some idea of the probable object of those buildings on the latter Island, to which their present condition affords no clue. The re- semblance between Inak-Uyu and Pilco-Kayma in position and arrangement, not in size, leads to the inference that both may have been shrines dedicated to the ''Achachila" worship of the peaks of Sorata.^^ The Chicheria, while Plate LXXII Ruins on eastern slope of Koati -n. It THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 281 resembling architectural vestiges at Kasapata and prob- ably destined to the same end, hints at the possible purpose of the buildings at Pucara. The latter stood near a land- ing-place on Titicaca, for the frequent communications from one to the other Island. The number of residents on Koati during the time the Incas maintained their establishments there was certainly greater than it is to-day. The buildings, admitting that Inak-Uyu had two stories, may have contained as many as two hundred permanent occupants.^^ If, as is stated by some, most of these attendants were females, the number may have been even somewhat greater. For an abode of secluded women, Koati, especially the site of Inak-Uyu, was very well chosen. The long wall that ran along the crest barred access, and the little ruin {d, on map) served as a lookout; the Chicheria, and especially the Red Head, cov- ered a vast extent of horizon. Distance from the mainland at Sampaya is more than three times that from Yampupata to the Island of Titicaca, and whereas there are said to exist Inca ruins not far from the village of Sampaya on the heights, I find no evidence that there was any settlement or landing in front of Koati, on the Peninsula of Copacavana. The settlements on Titicaca and on Koati made by the Incas for the purpose of worship, are intimately connected. But they do not stand alone. To them pertained also what- ever establishments the Incas had on the Peninsula of Copacavana. Unfortunately, circumstances did not permit us to investigate the ruins on that Peninsula as it should be done. We know, by ocular inspection, that ruins of Inca type exist at Cusijata, about a mile to the east of Copaca- vana.^^ From sources which seem to us worthy of cre- dence we ascertained that Locca, on the Peruvian boundary, three miles from Copacavana, bears traces of ancient Inca occupation.^*' At Yunguyu the abundance of handsome pottery of Cuzco type corroborates the statements that on certain sites, now occupied by dwellings and church struc- 282 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI tures, Inca ruins were formerly extant.^'^ At Yampupata blocks of cut stone, (andesite), like those near the Sacred Eock, were taken out of nondescript ruins. Lastly the site of Copacavana itself was partly occupied by Inca build- ings.^* From all these places the Museum has received, through us, antiquities of Inca type. There are, on the Peninsula of Copacavana, seats cut in the rock. A large cluster of these lies at the very doors of the village. The Aymara Indians of to-day call them "Inti-Kala," stone of the sun. Among the Spanish-speaking inhabitants, the term ''Tribunal of the Inca" is current, and to the curious lookout on the rocky summit west of the place the name "Gallows of the Inca" is given.^^ In short, there is no doubt that Copacavana was an ancient settlement, with possibly more inhabitants than the two Islands together, and not of as exclusively Cuzco or Inca character. Tradi- tion has it that "colonists" from various Peruvian tribes had been settled there,^^ and what gives some color to this assertion is, among others, the name of Chachapoyas, ap- plied to a site on the western shore of the Peninsula.®^ Several family names of Indians about Copacavana are clearly Quichua, and may even be called specifically "Inca," like " Inca-Mayta, " " Sinchi-Roca, " and "Sucso." Of the latter there is conclusive evidence that they are of Inca descent, the original personal names, as was very often the case among Indians in Spanish America, having been converted into family appellatives.'^^ Hence the existence of an Inca settlement on that Peninsula cannot be doubted. If subsequent researches should confirm the truth of the statement, made by Cobo and contemporaries, that the very narrow neck of land, separating at Yunguyu the northwestern body of the Lake from the Lagune of Uina-Marca, was traversed by a wall constructed by the Inca (and this is not impossible), ^^ that wall barred ac- cess to the Peninsula from the mainland and made of it and of the two Islands a completely secluded cluster in s I •^ '3 a a o THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OP KOATI 283 the midst of vast regions inhabited by Indians speaking the Aymara language. Very little is known as yet of the archaeology of Bolivia and southeastern Peru. But of Inca settlements, beyond that on Copacavana and the Islands, there are few archi- tectural remnants. Hence we may regard the clusters at Copacavana, on Titicaca, and on Koati as possibly the last outposts of permanent Inca occupation in the direction of the southeast. Inca sway, overawing tribes into tribute and occasional military assistance, may have gone farther ; and through inroads, barter, or exchange, articles of Inca manufacture have penetrated beyond the territory swayed over. It must be remembered that independent Quichua tribes occupied southern Bolivia.^^ It is also worthy of note that between Copacavana and Cacha near Sicuani, where Inca structures appear, there are comparatively few traces of permanent occupation by the conquering Cuzco tribe. It is asserted that the Islands of Apingiiila and Pampiti, on the Peruvian side of the Lake, near Huan- cane, contain Inca ruins, but these remains are, according to Spanish chroniclers after local traditions, those of places of worship also, established by the Incas on the two rather inaccessible islands, in the beginning of the sixteenth cen- tury.*'^ Inca establishments on the Lake bore chiefly a religious character, and were maintained, on Titicaca and vicinity, alongside of a worship of much older date, which the Incas not only suffered to exist, but actually adopted, even subordinating their tribal worship, on certain occa- sions, to a cult extant previous to their coming. This is still further exemplified on the Peninsula of Copacavana. The worship of the Sun-father and Moon-mother is stated as having been established at that place, also; but the fetishes "Copacavana," '^Copacati," and others, remained for the Aymara the principal idols,^® just as the Sacred Rock was the main shrine on Titicaca. This concession, made by conquerors to the religious be- 284 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI liefs of the conquered, appears, on the part of the former, as an act of unusual wisdom. It consolidated the supremacy of the Incas far more than any military establishment. It is also stated that the Incas were induced to worship, on Titicaca, by very ancient traditions which made that Island, and especially the rock of Titi-Kala, as sacred to them as to any Aymara tribe. An investigation of this entails the treading of very unsafe ground, the field of aboriginal lore, of traditions and myths. NOTES THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI AND A GLANCE AT ANTIQUITIES OF COPACAVANA PARTY ^ The vertical height of the cliff is 170 feet. By rounding the "head," a balsa or boat from Titicaca Island very soon reaches a point on the east shore where ascent to the ruins is quite gradual. From the west, ascent is more abrupt. The view, especially of Titicaca, is magnificent. * The spot on which this , ruin stands is, within a few feet, the highest on Koati. The Aymara call it: "Uila-Ke," from "uila"— red. The view is even more extensive than that from the "Red Head" and in the daytime approach to the Island can be observed in every direction. Uila-Ke is also one of the "Acha- chUas" of Koati. The others are Inak-Uyu, Inca Parqui, Taj -Save, Uito Pampa (the beach in front of the hacienda), Lambamani, Cheje-Puju, Vincalla, Choju Uintu, Cantutani, Acha Cunde, Isca Cunde, Tara-Ke, Uichin Pata, Tunas Pata, Uirta Kochu, Uaytir Pata, Hacha Putuncu, Inca Pampa, Anut 'hem Pata, Areu Puncu, Calvario Pata. I give these names as they were told us, without guaranteeing their exactness, and be- cause every one of these "Achachi- las" had to be addressed during the incantations ("tinka") that pre- ceded our excavations. 'Peru, p. 336: "The principal monument of antiquity on the Island, and which lends to it its chief inter- est, is the edifice called the Palace of the Virgins of the Sun, but which might probably better be called the temple of the Moon. ' ' Rivero and Tschudi (Antigiiedades peruanas, 1851, text, p. 297) treat of these ruins without having seen them, else they could not have stated : " Su arquitee- tura [that of ruins on Titicaca] es inferior a la de las ruinas del edificio mas destruido de la isla de Coati, en la misma laguna, sin que se pueda descubrir si fue un palacio, 6 un templo. ' ' What remains of Inak-Uyu is better preserved in part than most of the ruins on Titicaca, the outer coating of clay still being visible in places. * Perou et Bolivie, p. 441. ° Historia de Copacahana, p. 56, et seq., edition of 1880, La Paz. His- toria del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 59. '^ Peru, p. 362. He describes a single one of these narrow passages, the one with a tiny airhole. It is not ' ' vaulted, ' ' but covered with flat stones or slabs. ^Peru, pp. 361 and 362. "Relatione Per Sva Maesta, fol. 413 : "in mezzo d 'esso sono due 285 286 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI picciole Isolette, nell ' vna delle quali e vna moschea, & casa del Sole. ' ' Also, fol. 410. The Spaniards had already heard of the "due Isole" at Cuzco, but, it appears, visited only Titieaca. ° I have quoted this passage re- peatedly, but refer to it again here, on account of the word ' ' Coyata. ' ' The etymology of the name Koati is not unfrequently derived from ' ' Coya ' ' which is said to be " queen. ' ' That this name was applied to the wife of the head war-chief is posi- tively stated by Garcilasso (Comen- tarios, I, fol. 86), together with the notice that the wife had to be the sister of her husband: "con su her- mana mayor, legitima de padre y madre, y esta era su legitima muger llamauanle Coya, que es tanto como Eeyna, o Emperatriz. " Juan de Betanzos, however, who lived at Cuzco already twenty years previous to the birth of Garcilasso and was married to an Inca woman, positively states (Suma y Narracion, p. 113): "4 la cual mujer llaman ellos Pi ui uarmi y por otro nombre Mamanguarmi ; y la gente comun, como k tal mujer princi- pal del Senor, llaman, cuando ansi la entran 4 saludar, Pocaxa Intichuri Capac Coya Guaco-Chacuyac que dice 'Hija del Sol e sola reyna amigable a los pobres. ' ' ' He repeats the word " Pihuihuarmi " on page 115, calling her "mujer principal." The deriva- tion of * ' Koati " I do not venture to investigate as yet. It seems probable that Coya was only an endearing title and not an official one. It appears first in Cieza: Segunda Parte, Cap. X, p. 33, and thence has passed into many older and modern books. Cieza is, however, by no means as reliable an authority as Betanzos. He was at Cuzco but a short time, and was not in any manner proficient in the Qui- chua language. The Indians of Sampaya pronounced "Koiti, " not Koati. The word is (like Titieaca) Aymara, and not Quichua. ^'^ Acusacio7i contra Don Francisco Pizarro a S. M. por Don Diego de Almagro, Doc. de Indias, XX, pp. 331 and 455. " Ulan Suarez de Carvajal, Carta al Emperador, November 3, 1539, Doc. de Indias, III, pp. 200 and 201. " Copacahana de los Incas, p. 33. See Parts III and IV of this mono- graph. " Everything points to 1539 as the year when the Peninsula of Copaca- vana was visited by Gonzalo Pizarro and his officers, with an armed force. " There exist certainly, in Spanish archives, papers relative to the prov- ince of Omasuyos, from the second half of the sixteenth century, but I am unable to consult them. Copaca- vana and the Islands pertained, as to-day, to that administrative district. " Vizcarra : Copacahana de los Incas, pp. 70 to 72. He claims this to be taken literally from the Inven- tario No. 1, signed by the "Justicias mayores" Santalla and Galvez. One of the "golden plates" was assayed. Its weight being nine ounces and one grain, it was found to contain four ounces eight grains in gold, three ounces six grains silver, and one ounce three grains copper (p. 44). " Copacahana de los Incas, p. 54. Vizcarra says the report is signed by twelve persons and that it bears three ecclesiastic seals. " Ibidem, pp. 30 to 55. " Ibidem, p. 51. " Andres de S. Nicolas, Imdgen, etc., Prologo: "no obstante el auer ya escrito desta Efigie soberana, los Padres Fray Alonso Eamos Gauilan; Maestro Fray Fernando de Valverde, Maestro Fray Antonio de la Calancha, Padre Hipolito Maraccio, y agora poco ha el Padre Fray Gabriel de Leon: fuera de los que en sus obras han hecho memoria de tan prodigioso Retrato. " Not only is Father Salas not mentioned, but there is not, either in Ramos, Calancha, or S. Nicolas, any allusion to the official search of 1618. THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 287 ""These chroniclers might (?) not have considered the results of the visit to be of sufi&cient importance for a mention. "^ Historia del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 64: "La fama que yo oi estando en esta provincia el ano de mil y seiseientos y diez y siete, es que hay gran riqueza en la isla de Coat a; a la cual fueron entonces ciertos espa- noles en un barco y no pudieron hallar cosa. ' ' "^ The latter even had parts of the walls scraped to ascertain whether the plaster contained pulverized precious metal. The parties were not Boliv- ians. ^ The resemblance is not very marked, still it recalls to a certain extent the Tiahuanaco carvings on both sides of the central figure on the gateway. There is the following curious passage in Vizcarra : Copaea- bana, p. 171: "Gran sorpresa hemos recibido al eneontrar cincelados en planchas de tumbaga los monstruos descriptos por el sancto Job . . . Cuyas formas eseulpidas en bajo re- lieve, son de las misteriosas bestias Behemoth y Leviathan. ' ' This is from Vizcarra himself. " Ramos : Copacabana, p. 47 : "Este idolo Copacabana estaba en el mismo pueblo, por el lado de Tiquina ... el era de una piedra azul vistosa, y no tenia mas que la figura de una cara, como una cabeza de esfinje, sin pies ni manos. Estaba como mirando a Titicaca, como dios inferior que miraba al principal. ' ' This fetish or idol seems to have been Aymara, not Quichua or Inca. The large head found by us on Koati does not fully agree with the description of Ramos. It is of trachyte or andesite, and not "azul vistosa." "^lUd., p. 71, edition of 1880: * ' Tambien ponian sobre las penas unos idolitos de sapos y de otros ani- males inmundos, creyendo que con eso ya alcanzaban agua. ' ' ^' Final Eeport, I, p. 312. '~ Historia de Copacabana 1880, p. 9. '^ In the note that follows I shall refer to what Garcilasso says about the use of tobacco in primitive times of Peru. Cobo : Historia, etc., I, p. 403 : "A la raiz del tabaco silvestre llaman los indios del Peru, Coro, de la cual usan para muchas enferme- dades. Contra la detencion de orina dar a beber en cantidad de dos gar- banzos de sus polvos, en un jarro de agua muy caliente, en ayunas, por tres 6 cuatro dias. Tomados estos polvos en moderada cantidad por las narices, quitan el dolor de cabeza y jaqueca y aclaran la vista: y el coci- miento desta raiz hecho con vino, echando en el un poco de Sal de compas y aziicar candi . . . Bebida de ordinario el agua desta raiz, vale contra los dolores de bubas, ' ' p. 405: "De otra yerba Uamada Topa- sayri hacen otros polvos en el Peru para estornudar, que son mas eficaces para esto que los del Tabaco. ' ' '•Garcilasso, Comentarios, I, fol. 51: "De la yerua 6 planta que los Espanoles llaman tabaco, y los Indios Sayri, vsaron mucho para muchas cosas; tomaua los polvos por las narices para descargar la cabeza." Also fol. 212. ^"Antonio Raimondi: Elementos de Botdnica, Parte ii, p. 158. ^^ Even the shreds of silver-leaf may have been offerings. Pedro Pi- zarro (Belacion, p. 273) mentions gold-leaf, but not as an object of sacrifice. At Chavin de Huantar, not far from Huanuco in eastern Peru an altar made of adobe was found by Mr. Beer, a French explorer, which altar was covered with silver-leaf torn to shreds. Silver-leaf is mentioned by Calancha as an offering of the coast Indians. Coronica moralizada, I, p. 413: "I cada ano ofrecian oja de plata, chicha i espinco. ' ' " It may be that by these the coarse imitations of plumes were meant, of which several were after- 288 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI wards produced at La Paz as coming from Koati. These ornaments are found in copper, silver and gold, and were worn on headdresses of the same material. ^' Nor have we heard of any find of that nature on Koati. ^* Eistoria del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 84. ^° From "acllani" — select, and ' ' huasi ' ' — house. Torres Eubio : Arte y Vocabulario, fols. 125 and 117, et seq. ^'"Enclosure of the dances of the Incas. ' ' The phrase may be of some significance. The space looks like a square where public dances could be performed. In connection we might ask: Was not the open plateau be- tween the tambo called now "temple of the sun" at Kasapata and the ruins at the base of Llaq'-aylli per- haps put to the same use on Titicaca? " Possibly, nay, probably, owing to more recent date of erection as well as to fewer visits to the Island. '' Ramos : Hist, de Copacdbana, 1880, p. 56: "Como los gentiles y poetas dieron mujeres a sus dioses, asi Topa Ynga Yupanque quiso darle Coya al Sol, y esa fue la luna: a la cual dedico un famoso templo, con ministros y doncellas a su servicio, en la pequena isla de Coati, en este mismo lago, dos leguas al Oriente de Titicaca; . . . Entre un bosque de esos frondosos arboles, en una que- bradita cerca de la playa, erigio Yupanque el adoratorio lunar, en cuj'a ara puso un bulto de oro, a la traza de una Coya, que representaba a la esposa del Sol. ' ' Fray Andres de S. Nicolas: Imdgen, fol. 27: ' ' Para complemento de las f alsedades del famoso adoratorio decreto el Tupac, que en otra isla, apartada vna legua de la primera, se fabricasse templo, consagrado a la Luna, con el nombre de Coata. " Gutierrez de Santa Clara: Eistoria de las guerras ciuiles del Peru, III, Cap. Lvi, p. 486: "y por acesores tenian al Sol y a la Luna (diciendo) que eran marido j muger y que estos eran multiplicado- res de toda la tierra. " ^' Inca chronology is far from trustworthy previous to the time of the chief Tupac Yupanqui, but from his time on a reasonable approxima- tion to dates becomes possible. '"Cobo (Eistoria, etc., IV, p. 62) makes no mention of any shrine dedicated to the moon on Titicaca, nor does he mention the Pilco-Kayma at all. Neither does Eamos. *'■ Bescripcion y Eelacion de la Ciu- dad de La Paz, p. 71. *^ Calancha : Coronica, I, p. 867 : ' ' En los que gastavan mas sacrificios, i estremavan el culto era en el cerro Illimani CuUcachata, i en el mas frontero del Pueblo Cacaaca, " etc. " Cieza : Segunda Parte, Cap. XXVIII : "Muehos fueron los templos que hobo en este reino del Peru, y algunos se tienen por muy antiguos, porque fueron fundados antes, con muchos tiempos, que los Incas reina- sen, asi en la serrania de los altos, como en la serrania de los llanos; y reinando los Incas, se edificaron de nuevo otros muchos en donde se hacian sus fiestas 6 sacrificios." ** This is already hinted at in Be- latione per Sva Maesta, fol. 413: "& in essa vanno a fare le loro offerte & sacrificij in vna gran pietra che e nell ' Isola che la chiamano Thichi- casa, done 6 perche il Diavolo vi si nasconde, & gli parla, 6 per costume antico, como glie, 6 per altro che non s 'e mai charito, la tengono tutti quelli della prouincia in grande stima, & gli offeriscono oro & argento, & altre cose." Cieza: Primera Parte, Cap. cm, p. 445 : * ' La gran laguna del CoUao tiene por nombre Titicaca, por el templo que estuvo edificado en la m'sma laguna; de donde los natu- rales tuvieron por opinion una vanidad muy grande, y es, que cuentan estos indios que sus antiguos lo afirmaron por cierto, como hicieron otras burle- rias que dicen, que carecieron de THE RUINS ON THE ISLAND OF KOATI 289 lumbre muchos dias, y que estando todos puestos en tinieblas y obscuri- dad, salio desta isla de Titicaca el sol muy resplandeciente, por lo cual la tuvieron por cosa sagrada. " In re- gard to Pachacamac, the fact is too well established to require additional testimony, ^'Cieza: Primera Parte (p. 445): "y los ingas hicieron en ella el templo que digo, que fue entre ellos muy estimado y venerado, S, honra de su eol. ' ' See note 43. <" See note 38. " IV, p. 59. *^ Hist, de Copacdbana, 1880, p. 31. *^ Ibidem. "^"Eamos: Copacabana, 1860, p. 48. ^^ Relatione Per Sva Maesta, fol. 413. The story told by Anello Oliva (Historia del Perv, etc., p. 33) may be of Indian origin, but it is hardly primitive. ^■Historia, etc., IV, p. 63: "Los sacerdotes y ministros deste adorato- rio y del de Coati tenian muy grande comunicacion, ^ habia muchas y muy frecuentes misiones de la una isla a la otra con grandes retornos, fingiendo los ministros del un santuario y del otro que la mujer del Sol, asi como lo pudiera a su parecer hacer la Luna, le enviaba sus recaudos; los cuales el Sol le retornaba con caricias de tierna aficion y reciproco amor; y en esto gastaban mucho tiempo, ocupando en su ministerio gran cantidad de balsas, que iban y tornaban de una isla d otra; y para representar esto al vivo, se componia en el un adoratorio el ministro mayor, que representaba la persona del Sol, y en el otro una India, que haeia el persona je de la Luna. Brindabanse el uno al otro, y la que representaba a la Luna acari- eiaba al que figuraba al Sol, pidien- dole con caricias se les mostrasse cada dia claro y apacible y que nunca ocultase sus rayos, para que fertili- zasen los sembrados hasta el tiempo en que fuesen necesarias las lluvias. Demas desto, le pedia que conservase en vida, salud y reposo al Inca y k los demas que con tanta f e y devocion se ocupaban en su servicio y culto; y el que en nombre del Sol se fingia, respondia con regaladas palabras, suficientes a satisfacer; y en este desvaneo y locura gastaban los mise- rables el tiempo de su ciega y ociosa vida, y todo paraba en beber, que era su mayor felicidad. " " This is, of course, a mere sug- gestion. " I base this estimate on the pres- ent condition of the ruins and on the situation of Inak-Uyu. It is not likely that there were any buildings except those now seen. °° This is especially indicated by some walls included in those of the present hacienda and by a tank made of one block of stone, circular in form, and in existence at Cusijata. This tank is a work of great patience, but not regularly shaped. See de- scription in Squier : Peru, p. 325, with illustration. The dimensions given by Mr. Squier fairly agree with our own measurements. '*" This is also stated by Eamos : Copacabana, 1860, p. 27: "Antes de llegar a Copacabana puso el Inca en el lugar de Locca unos graneros, que llamaban Colcas, donde se almacena- ban viveres para el sustento de los peregrines, de los ministros y del ejercito. ' ' The Colcas or Collcas were mostly circular. " Cobo : Historia, etc., IV, p. 58. ■^Kamos: Historia, etc., edition of 1860, pp. 47 and 52. '» Eamos: Historia, 1860, p. 31. I am in doubt as to whether the great slab lying across the gap in the rocks of Serocani has been placed there by hand of man or whether it is natural. ^° Eamos : Copacabana, pp. 9 and 10, et seq. Cobo: Historia, etc., IV, p. 58. *^ Eamos, p. 9. "^ Just as, in Peru, the names Hiia- man, Condorcanqui, Tupayachi, etc. ^ It is mentioned by Cobo : His- 290 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI toria, IV, p. 58: "j segun los indios cuentan, tuvo el Inca voluntad de abrir la tierra y que el agua de una parte y otra cercase 6 cerrase este promontorio, y que hiciese el efecto que la cerca. " Of the wall there are several mentions, by Cobo as well as by Eamos. "^ The allusions to ' ' Inca con- quests" are not very reliable. "•" Our information about these ruins is from hearsay. The state- ments about the visit of Huayna Capac to the Islands are in Eamos (1860, Cap. XXIII, pp. 42 to 44). Ca- lancha and S. Nicolas copied him. The Jesuit writers make no mention of it. Neither is there any allusion to buildings, in the works of the Augustines. The whole matter is rather vague and doubtful. "'Eamos: Copacabana, 1860, p. 48: ' ' Tambien era de piedra de una fi- gura malisima todo ensartijada de culebras . . . Lo imploraban para las Iluvias en tiempo seco. " 5 10 6 ':f^il^ Plate LXXIV Architectural details of ruius of the Ii5ak-Uyu 1, 2, 3. Stone steps. 4, 5. Ornamented niche and section. 6, 7. Ceiling and niche. 8, 9, 10, 11. Details of walls 7IXZJ aTAjq bxi^SailieO .ibra baJaamfimO .- i5 ,8 ,2 il tsQ .II ,01 ,e ,8 .ea-nu ' ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS CONCERNING THE ISLAND OF TITICACA Paet VI ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS CONCERNING THE ISLAND OF TITICACA THE most authentic sources for aboriginal Indian tradi- tions are songs, orations, and tales, known to the mem- bers of religious or other societies of which every tribe has at least rudiments. Such societies sometimes preserve records from very remote times, through oral transmission. The substance changes but little in the course of centuries, but form may suffer modifications which distort the origi- nal picture or even shroud it almost completely. On the Island of Titicaca the changes which its Indian population has undergone, and the promiscuous origin of the present inhabitants, made it very doubtful if any origi- nal folklore was still to be found. Esoteric clusters exist, but they are not originally from Titicaca. Their present members may have been born there, but the lore with which they are acquainted is not indigenous to the Island ; at least in all likelihood. Its original occupants, Inca as well as Aymara, forsook Titicaca soon after the Spanish conquest, and the Island was repeopled only after several decades. Therefore, at the very beginning of our residence on Titi- caca Island we were assured that there was no trace of ancient folklore in the recollections of its inhabitants. Not- withstanding these assertions, we obtained several tales which, while liable to objections, still refer to pre-Spanish times and conditions. In so far as their main secrets of magic and their most important dances are concerned, the 293 294 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI Indians of Titicaca confessed they were derived from two points on the shores of the Lake— Sampaya and Huaicho. It is, therefore, possible that the folktales which we gath- ered on the Island have come from one or both of these points. It is also possible that what the Indian of to-day gives as primitive traditions were related to his ancestors by Spaniards and especially by priests, and from data pre- served by writers of the sixteenth centuries. I shall record the few tales gathered by us, adverting that it was only little by little and with reluctance that the Indians became somewhat communicative on these topics. Their reticence might lead to suppose that what they told contains some authentic and primitive elements. The belief that, in times far beyond distinct recollection of man, the sun first rose from the Sacred Rock, or Titi- Kala, was mentioned to us by several Indians on the Island, one of whom, an aged blind man, also stated that the moon was created there. The large nodules of limonite, which are said to be tracks of the sun and moon, bear some rela- tion to this belief. One of our informants, an old wizard, told us that ''the sun rose into the heavens from the Sacred Rock, in the shape of a big flame. ' ' But he also added that **the sun was the child of a woman" whom he called "Mama-Ojllia, who was the mother of Manco Capac." About the origin of the moon he professed to be ignorant. ''In very ancient times," said he, "the Island was in- habited by gentlemen (caballeros) similar to the vira- cochas" (name given to whites by the Indians to-day). Whence these "gentlemen" came he knew not. "They had intercourse with the women of the people, and the children were deposited in caves, where they were kept alive by water dripping from the rock of the ceiling. After a certain time the mothers went to look after their offspring and found them alive and well. These children, who had thus been exposed, became the Inga-Re (Incas), and they drove out the gentlemen and held the Island thereafter. ' ' Whither o M a o Oh ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 295 tlie expelled "viracoelias" retreated, the tale sayetli not.^ The narrator mentioned the names of two women who ac- quired some note on the Island, one of whom he called ''Maria Ka," the other "Mama Chocuayllo." About the Inca he remembered the names of Manco Capac, Viracocha, Huayna Capac, Eoca, Huascar, and Atahuallpa, saying of Huascar that the Spaniards killed him near the Island.^ In a subsequent conversation the wizard stated that Atauhuallpa lived on the Island and Huascar at Cuzco, and that after the time of the '*Inga-Re" the Lake once dried up so completely that people from Huaicho came over on foot and killed the ''Chullpa" then living on Titicaca. From one or the other Indian we obtained at least partial con- firmation of this. All seemed to agree that the sun had made its first appearance on the Sacred Eock, and that the ' ' Inga-Ee ' ' originated on the Island. While we were at the pueblo of Tiquina, the parish priest. Father Nicanor Vizcarra, related to us the following tale which had been told him by an Indian from Copacavana : "The Peninsula of Copacavana was inhabited prior to the time of the Inca by a tribe of rude Indians who owned flocks of llamas. Every evening the herders returned the flocks to the care of the chief of the tribe, and among their number was a dumb girl. For several months this girl failed to put in an appearance. The fact of the matter was that she had given birth to a male child in some cave on the Peninsula, and that a female deer was nursing it. The fatherless boy grew up in that cave, his mother visiting him daily toward evening. This went on for a number of years, until at last somebody followed her stealthily. He saw her approach the cave. A boy rushed out of it to embrace her and she returned his caresses. When this boy reached the age of manhood he begged his mother to give him a club and to make him three slings. With the aid of these weapons he soon became powerful, and this was the origin of the Incas."^ 296 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI This tale has a slight resemblance to the Montezuma story as told in New Mexico.^ But the bringing up of the child in a cave, and with the assistance of a female deer, also recalls the legend of Saint Genoveva and, in a way, that of Romulus and Remus! Legends of the saints, also bits of classical history, were frequently told the Indians by priests of the Catholic Church.^ The tales from Titicaca and Tiquina agree, as we shall see further on, with Titicaca lore as represented by the majority of older sources in more than one respect, only the story of the hind is found nowhere else. Hence we may be permitted to ask, is it per- haps a post-conquistorial aggregate to primitive tales'? Turning now to the earliest mentions of Titicaca lore by Spanish writers, I must premise that the first report on the Island, the one so often quoted by me (of July 15, 1534), makes no mention of ancient lore.® Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes, who for many years carefully collected the data, written and oral, which his contemporaries brought back from the New World, and especially from such sections of it as were not known to him by personal inspec- tion, makes no mention of Titicaca lore, limiting himself to a brief statement of a Cuzco tradition, according to which the Incas had come to Cuzco from the outside and were not originally from that valley.'^ Pedro Pizarro was an eye-witness of the conquest and took an active part in it. His report on Peru was finished in 1571, but is the result of observation and experiences in that country since 1532. I therefore place him here, as one of those who held earliest communication with the natives and saw Peruvian society while it was yet in its primitive condition. He briefly remarks : ' ' These Indians say that an Inga was the first lord. Some say he came from the island of Titicaca, which is an island in a lagoon of the Collao. . . . Other Indians claim that this first chief came forth at Tambo. This Tambo is in Condesuios, six leagues, more or less, from Cuzco. "^ 117 ZZ J aTAj4 >n the Plate LXXVII Objects of stoue from Island of Koati, resembling tobacco-pipes, and excavated at Inak-Uyu jiiitin^ •onque: ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 297 In 1542 the Licentiate Cristoval Vaca de Castro, then de facto Governor of Peru, instituted the first official inquiry into ancient lore of the Cuzco Indians, the proceedings of which are given in a document entitled: Discurso sohre la Descendencia y Gobierno de los Ingas, and published by the late Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada. That investigation, carried on with a great deal of care and much sound dis- crimination, contains no allusion to lore about Titicaca, but places the origin of the Inca at Pacaritambo (Tambo) near Cuzco.^ Aside from the value this document has for specific ''Inca" history, it is important for mentioning the name of an author who is of great importance in connection with Peruvian Indian lore — Juan de Betanzos. He was one of the two Spaniards who controlled the examination of the Indian witnesses, being in 1542 already ''one of the persons who knew very well the general language of this kingdom, and who wrote down what was declared by means of the Quipos."^^ Betanzos is generally looked upon as one of the earlier companions of Pizarro.^^ He spent the rest of his life at Cuzco, having married an Indian girl from the Inca tribe. He wrote a Doctrina chripstiana accompanied by two vo- cabularies, previous to 1550, and which are still unpublished at the National Archives at Lima. While at work on the Doctrina, etc.,^^ he also composed a history of the Inca entitled : Suma y Narracion de los Incas, finishing it about 1551.^^ The manuscript was intact in the early part of the seventeenth century,^^ but was lost sight of afterward until, in 1875, the indefatigable and judicious student of Spanish- American history, Jimenez de la Espada, found the first eighteen chapters of it at the Library of the Escu- rial.^^ Of the rest of the book no trace has as yet ap- peared. Fortunately the fragment published contains what is of greatest importance here: the early traditions of the Indians of Cuzco and especially of the Collas or Aymara, gathered by Betanzos within ten, or at most fifteen, years 298 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI after 1532. At such an early date Indian folk-tales and myths could not have been much contaminated through con- tact with the whites and, while there are, in some of the traditions recorded by Betanzos, inklings of extra- American influence, the substance appears to be authentic and primi- tive. The connection of Betanzos with the Inca through marriage, while of great advantage in many respects, ex- posed him to a serious danger ; the same that lessened the value of works written half a century later by Indian writers in Mexico and, in a still higher degree, the value of the book of Garcilasso de la Vega. His informants, being Inca, told only their side of the story, with a tendency to extol to the conquerors (whose favor they were beginning to court) the importance of their tribe and of its culture. Even traditions and myths, when told by people thus inclined, lose some of their purity. But Betanzos has also preserved to us traditions that originated away from Inca influence. He tells us : *'In ancient time, they say, the country and province of Peru was in darkness, having neither light nor day. There were, at that time, certain people in it, which people had a certain chief who commanded them and to whom they were subjected. Of the name of the people and of the chief who commanded them they have no recollection. And in those times, when all was night in this land, they say that from a lagune in this country of Peru, in the province of CoUasuyo, there came a chief called Con Tici Viracocha who, they say, had with him a certain number of people, which number they do not recollect. And after he had sallied from this lagune, he went from there to a site that is close to this lagune, where to-day is a village called Tiaguanaco, in the aforesaid province of the Collao. And as he went thither, he and his own, forthwith there improvisedly, they say, that he made the sun and day, and ordered the sun to move in the course it now moves and afterward, they say, he made the stars and the moon. Of this Con Tici Viracocha they J .i\\ a1 Plate LXXVIII Objects in gold from the Islands of Titicaca and Koati Bangles of gold-leaf from the vicinity of the Sacred Rock. 3, 4, Golden pins from the level in front of the Sacred Rock. 5, 6. Llamas of gold from above site. 7. Human figure, of gold (offering) from same place. 8. Animal fig- ure of solid gold-leaf from the Island of Koati (see text). f ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 299 say he had appeared once before, on which occasion he made the sky and the earth, leaving everything in obscurity, and then he made the people who lived in darkness as afore- told, which people did some sort of wrong to this Viracocha, and being angered by it, he turned to come out again this last time and came forth as on the first occasion, and those first people and their chief he converted into stones, in pun- ishment for the anger they had caused him."^^ The substance of the above is that there was, at the time of first contact between the Spaniards and the Indians of southern Peru and adjacent parts of Bolivia, a tradition to the etfect that there had been two successive ''creations," and both by the same being, represented as a man endowed with supernatural faculties. After the first creation, that personage came out of Lake Titicaca and went to Tiahua- naco, where he dispelled the darkness (in which he had left the world after his first creative effort) by making the sun, moon, and stars, and regulating their course in the heavens. Thus far the tales connected with Titicaca Island.^ '^ It is well to note, that the manuscript of Betanzos has "Titi Viracocha," not '^Tici" as Espada changed it, in order to conform with later spellings. It would have been preferable to retain the spelling of the original. Contemporary with Betanzos, although not participants in the conquest, were two writers, whose role in South America was very similar— Pedro de Cieza (of Leon)^^ and Pedro Gutierrez de Santa Clara. Both were soldiers and made the campaigns of the civil wars among the Spaniards. Gutierrez arrived in Peru at least three years earlier than Cieza and remained in the country (probably) longer than the latter. But he finished his voluminous work only after 1603,^^ whereas Cieza completed the First Part of his Chronicle in 1550, and the remainder between that year and ISGO.^*^ Hence he deserves precedence, in that he wrote under more recent, hence more vivid, impressions. But Cieza is by no means an infallible guide. He was certainly 300 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI a close observer and a painstaking recorder, but, as is the case with many, he lacked time and knowledge of the Indian languages. He freely acknowledges the latter .^^ Hence his information on Indian traditions, compared with that of Betanzos, is in reality ''second-hand." But it agrees quite well with that furnished by the latter, thus corroborat- ing in a measure its authenticity. It is also possible that he obtained his information through Betanzos, or at least from Indian sources the latter consulted, although he mentions what may appear to be independent authority. In the First Part of his Chronicle he relates a myth to the effect that, after many years of darkness, the sun rose from the Island of Titicaca in great splendor; thenceforth that Island was regarded as sacred, and the Inca reared on it a temple dedicated to ' ' their ' ' sun. In another place he says that one of the principal chiefs of the Collao went to the ' ' lagune of Titicaca, and met on its principal Island white men with beards with whom he fought in such a manner as to succeed in killing them all."^^ Should this event prove true, then Cieza furnishes an approximate date for its occurrence by placing it during the term of office of the chief Viracocha, hence in the fourteenth century.^^ In the Second Part he is more definite and alludes to the source whence he got his information: "They also tell what I have written in the First Part: that on the Island of Titicaca, in the past centuries, were white people, with beards, and that, coming forth from the valley of Coquimbo a captain by the name of Cari, he reached where now is Chucuito from where, after having made some new settlements, he passed over to the Island with his people, and made such war upon that people of which I speak, that he killed them all. Chirihuana, gov- ernor of those pueblos (which pertain to the Emperor) told me what I have written. . . ."^^ Tlie name '' Chirihuana " recalls one of the older societies of dancers still extant among the Aymara, and if the traditions should be proven as coming from such a source, seventeen years after ■^::^m^: ^ ^ ^ ta £. Oi ^ 0) 1^ M- N E tK CO o fU ^73 M X H^ E <^ P^ &^ >> fi ^ ^ o p< c3 ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 301 the arrival of Pizarro and sixteen after his occupation of Cuzco, they might be primitive lore of considerable authen- ticity and purity. The first and second chapter, also the greatest portion of the third, of Cieza's Second Part of the "Chronicle of Peru, ' ' are unfortunately missing. In Chapter IV he states : ''Many times have I asked the inhabitants of these prov- inces what they knew about what there was in them before the Incas ruled over them . . ."^s Cieza had a compara- tively short time for his investigations, and was dependent upon interpreters, still what he ascertained in this manner concerning Titicaca lore corresponds in the main with what is stated by Betanzos. He says : "Before the Incas ruled in these kingdoms and were known in them, the Indians tell another much more important thing than all the rest, for they affirm that for a long time they were without seeing the sun, and that suffering a great deal on that account, they prayed and made vows to those on whom they looked as their gods, begging them for the light of which they were deprived. And while this was going on the sun rose in great splendor from the Island of Titicaca, which is within this great lagune of the Collao, so that all were delighted. And after this had happened, they say that from the part of midday there appeared and came a white man of large size who showed great authority and inspired veneration by his person and presence ; and that this man, of whom they say he had so much power that of heights he made levels and of plains great heights, creating springs in live rock. And as they recognized in him such power, they called him Maker of all Created Things, Beginning Thereof, Father of the Sun, for they say that besides these he performed other and greater deeds, because he gave to men and ani- mals their existence and that finally they derived from him great benefits. ' ' ^^ This Being the Indians, according to Cieza, call Ticivira- cocha, also Tupaca and Arnauan or Aranauan.^^ It is easy 302 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI to recognize in him the ''Con Tici Viracocha" of Betanzos. Only the latter makes him come from Titicaca Island, whereas Cieza states he came from the South. There might be, in the tales gathered by Cieza, a confusion with the first appearance of the ''Viracocha" mentioned by Betanzos, and of which Cieza does not seem to have been informed. Pedro Gutierrez de Santa Clara, as stated, is not as original a source as Cieza. The information he conveys is at variance with that of the preceding authors, but it recalls the remark of Pedro Pizarro : ' ' These Indians say that an Inga was their first lord. Some say he came from the Island of Titicaca. "^^ Gutierrez attributes Creation to two distinct beings, the first of which was called "Cons," the other "Pachacama," the second destroying what the first had done to remake it after his own pleasure. After these two deities : ' ' The first Indian lord who began to enter foreign lands was called Mango Ynga Zapalla and this Indian initiated the wars. He went forth with armed people from a large island called Titicaca, which is inmidst of a lagune that is very large and quite deep, in the great province of Atun Collao. This Mango Ynga Zapalla succeeded in becoming a very re- nowned and preferred lord, more than all the small chiefs, curacas, that were around of that lagune; on account of which he, by advice of the fiend and of the sorcerers, sought to occupy their lands in a thousand ways, modes and man- ners he could, and to place them under his lordship and com- mand. And with this intention he went forth with many people from the Island, in many rafts made of canes and dry wood. Forthwith, by flatteries and threats he drew unto him some curacas and small chiefs, and those who would not obey his bidding he made war upon until he put them under his dominion and command. When he found himself lord of this great province, and that all the curacas and principal Indians served him as their natural lord, he founded a settlement which he called Atuncollao which is to 45 (U se iU o _o 14 '+3 o o-i -. ^^ ?H h3 P rs o a> g 'cS o o ^ :fi e(-l ,^ O ;-i _o o c3 OJ .^ 00 •^ ® aj *? V cb > ■ji -pH O H >> fO o h d5 ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 303 say: the great Collao. In this settlement he established his seat and royal court in order that the Indians he had con- quered might not rebel, and after he had them well subjected and pacified, his days came to an end. . . ."^^ He further states that the seventh Inca war-chief, whom he calls Topa Ynga Yupangue, conquered the settlement of Cuzco and established there the tribe of the Inca.^*^ The list of Inca chiefs furnished by Gutierrez does not agree with that of Betanzos in some respects, neither does it with the list of Cieza, whereas it fully agrees with that of Garcilasso de la Vega.^^ But it does not seem possible that the book of the latter could already have been consulted by Gutierrez. The agreement in the names and the sequence of the war-chiefs points to a common source of information. On the other hand traditions about the conquest of the Collao from Titicaca Island, in the tenth century, about, recall the statements of Oviedo and Pedro Pizarro, in a general way. In other respects (for instance, in regard to the creation by Cons and re-creation by Pachacamac) there is an analogy between Betanzos and Gutierrez. Close agreement in Indian tradition gathered by distinct sources can never be expected, but the conquest of Cuzco by Indians of Aymara stock, part of whom originally came from Titi- caca Island, is not mentioned by the two elder Spanish chroniclers, Betanzos and Cieza. Agustin de Zarate, royal treasurer in Peru, whither he came in 1543,^^ earlier than both Cieza and Gutierrez, states in his History of the Discovery and Conquest of Peru, the first edition of which appeared at Antwerp in 1555: ''These lords kept their Indians at peace and were their captains in the wars they had with their neighbors, and there was no general lord of the whole land, until from the region of the Collao, from a great lagoon there is (in it), called Titicaca, which has eighty leagues in circumference, there came a very warlike people which they called ingas. These wore the hair short and had the ears perforated, with 304 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI pieces of gold in the holes which enlarge the apertures. These called themselves [are called] ringrim, signifying ear. And the principal among them they called Zapalla inga, (the) only chief, although some mean to say that he was called inga Viracocha, which is 'froth or grease of the sea, ' since, not knowing where the land lay whence he came, (they) believed him to have been formed out of that lagune. . , . These ingas began to settle the city of Cuzco, etc."^^ Substantially, this is what Gutierrez has stated, and it may have been recorded about the same time. Three years prior to the appearance of the book of Zarate, the first issue of the Chronicle of Francisco Lopez de Go- mara was published, but as the author never was in America and obtained his information at second hand, I place him after the former. Treating of the Inca Gomara states: * ' Their origin was from Tiquicaca, which is a lagune in the Collao, forty leagues from Cuzco, the name of which signi- fies Island of Lead. ... It is eighty leagues in circum- ference. The principal Inca who took away from Tiquicaca the first ones and led them, was called Zapalla, signifying only chief. Some aged Indians also say that he was called Viracocha, which is to say 'grease of the sea,' and that he brought his people by sea. They finally affirm that Zapalla peopled and settled Cuzco, whence the Incas began to make war upon the surroundings."-^^ The similarity of the above and the text of Zarate is striking, yet it is hardly possible that one copied the other, unless Gomara obtained access to the manuscript of Zarate. The latter had good opportunities of securing knowledge about Indian folk-lore at what we may consider first-hand ; hence, if there has been any plagiarism, it is more likely to have been committed by Gomara, after the return of Zarate to Spain. The author of the Chronicle, and chaplain of Hernando Cortes, however, lived in official disgrace and obscurity at the time, and his book was not well received at Court, whereas Zarate, who had no intention of publishing ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 305 his work himself, but intended it for posthumous issue, was compelled to have it printed by pressure from Court. There is still another and similar version, from the same period, apparently: An anonymous document, already mentioned by Prescott, but hardly noticed since, entitled Conquista y Pohlacion del Peru, states the following: "After this was done, these large-eared people (Orejones) say that the manner in which theygotachief among themselves was, that (from) a lagune which is thirty leagues from Cuzco, in the land of Collao, and (which) is called Titicacaea, the principal of them, who called himself Viracocha, came forth, who was very shrewd and wise and said he was a child of the sun. And of this one they say that he gave them polity in dress and in building houses of stone, and he it was that built the Cuzco and made stone-houses and the fortress and house of the sun. . . ," This document is not complete, hence no certainty exists as yet regarding its date, although there are indications that it was written during the period of early colonization in Peru.^^ Leaving aside the short notice which Oviedo has preserved to us, and in which Titicaca is not mentioned, we have thus far, in the first half of the sixteenth century what appear to be two distinct versions of traditions concerning the remote past of that Island. Betanzos and Cieza are silent on the subject of a "conquest" of Cuzco by people originally issued from Titicaca. Still even they hint at something akin to it. Betanzos states : "And from there (speaking of the journey of Viracocha from the country around the Lake northward) the Viracocha departed and came on, making people as you have heard, until he came to Cuzco where, upon arriving, they say, he made a chief, to whom he gave the name of Alcauiza, and also named the place of that chief (he) made, Cuzco, and, leaving directions how, after he would be gone, the 'large ears' should come forth, he went on performing his task." He goes on to relate how, while Alcauiza was 306 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI chief of the little hamlet of thirty houses that then con- stituted the settlement, four men came out of a cave at Pacaritambo, among them Ayar Mango who afterward be- came Manco Capac and the first Cuzco chieftain of the Inca.^*' Cieza also mentions the preponderance of the tribe at Hatun Colla of which Gutierrez treats, but without con- necting its origin with the people of the Island, and he describes the ''creation" of the Inca as independent from Viracocha or from any conquest by Colla Indians. I have alluded to the character of his information and manner in which he obtained it. In the second half of the sixteenth century the number of writers that gathered Indian lore is considerably greater than in the first, but they obtained it at a period more remote from first contact, and when Indian society was already disturbed and the teachings of the church had penetrated the mind of the natives, creating lasting im- pressions. Garcilasso de la Vega, who lays particular stress on his Inca descent from the Mother's side{ !) while pretending that succession was in the Male line, was born at Cuzco in 1540, and remained in his mother's care until 1560, when he went to Spain for the remainder of his life.^^ He spoke Quichua perfectly, being in constant contact with his Indian rela- tives. He also kept up connections with Inca descendants at Cuzco by correspondence, in his later years.^^ At least part of the object he had in writing his Comentarios was, to assist in the presentation of certain claims which his Indian relatives had or believed they had on the Spanish govern- ment.^^ In order to press these claims more effectively, Garcilasso de la Vega wrote a History of the Inca, with a description of their general degree of culture, society, and creed, very palatable to the notions of the times, especially in that it supplies primitive Peru with a monarchical and theocratic organization which Europe could understand, ^ N to X •IH X O X W ^ <:m a O t^ r^ . t:^ ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 307 and by means of which ancient birthrights and claims to succession based upon supposed heredity could be not merely insinuated, but introduced. His statements on the religion of the Inca are colored by the desire to eliminate from their creed and customs as much as possible facts clashing too harshly with Christian principles. Garcilasso is (and for interested motives) constantly endeavoring to push primitive Peruvian culture as near as possible to the European of his time. Much of his detailed information is of the highest value, but he has woven it into a picture (by using terminology of the so-called Old World and its social condition) that is misleading. While this may not be absolutely germane to the subject, it is necessary for a due appreciation of Garcilasso 's writings, which contain considerable material for ancient folk-lore, of the Quichua as well as of the Aymara Indians. Garcilasso conveys the following information concerning the manner in which he secured the traditions, which he gives as authentic : **It struck me that the best plan and way was to relate what, in my childhood, I heard many times from my mother, and from her sisters and uncles, and from other and elder people, about their origin and beginning. . . . My mother residing at Cuzco, her home, there came to visit her nearly every week the few relatives, male and female, who had sur- vived the cruelty of Atauhuallpa. During these visits their usual conversation was about the origin of their kings, of their supremacy, of the greatness of their empire, of their conquests and great deeds in governing, in war as well as in the laws they made, so beneficial to their vassals. * ' During these discourses I, who was a boy, often ran in and out, amusing myself with parts of the story as children do with the tales of nurses. In this manner days and years went by, until I had come to the age of sixteen or seventeen. Being one day present with my kindred, who were discours- ing of their kings and ancestors, it came to my mind to ask 308 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI the most elderly person amongst them, and so I interrupted his speech in this manner: 'Inca,' said I, 'and my uncle, how is it possible, since you have no writings, that you have been able to preserve the memory of things past, and of the origin of our kings?' "^^ The aged Indian whom he thus addressed and who afterward became his. chief informant, made the following statement in regard to the origin of the Inca: ''You must know, therefore, that in ages past all this region and country you see around us was nothing but mountains and wild forests, and the people in those times were like so many beasts, without religion or government; they neither sowed, nor ploughed, nor clothed themselves, etc., etc. Our Father the Sun, beholding men such as before related, took compassion on them, and sent a son and a daughter of his own from heaven to earth to instruct our people in the knowledge of Our Father the Sun, that they might worship and adore him and esteem him for their God, giving them laws and precepts whereunto they might con- form their lives, like men of reason and civility. . . . "With these commands and instructions. Our Father the Sun placed his two children in Lake Titicaca, which is about eighty leagues hence, giving them liberty to go and travel wherever they pleased ; and in whatsoever place they stayed to eat or sleep, they should strike into the ground a little wedge of gold which he had given them, being about half a yard long and two fingers thick, and where with one stroke this wedge would sink into the earth, there should be the place of their habitation and the court unto which all people should resort. . . . Thus Our Father the Sun, having de- clared his pleasure to these his two children, he dispatched them from him, and, taking their journey from Titicaca northward, at every place where they came to repose they tried to strike their wedge into the ground, but it took no place, nor would it enter. At length they came to a poor inn, or place wherein to rest, about seven or eight leagues south- ABOEIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 309 ward from this city, wliich to this day is called Pacarec Tampu, which is as much as to say, ' The Shining or Illumi- nated Dormitory.' This is one of those colonies which the Prince planted, the inhabitants whereof boast of this name and title which our Inca bestowed upon it; whence he and his queen descended to the valley of Cozco, which was then only a wild and barren mountain. " ' ' This was the relation made to me by this Inca, brother of my mother, concerning the origin of the kings of this country. I afterward tried to translate it faithfully from my mother-tongue, which is the Inca, into Spanish. "^^ Garcilasso then proceeds to tell other traditions, from other parts of Peru : ''Having to report the most current opinions touching the origin of the Inca kings, I will say that most of the people of Peru, that is, the Indians from south of Cozco, what they call Collasuyu, and those in the west, called CuntisujTi, tell about it a very pleasing fable. In order to make it more authoritative through time (antiquity), they say it happened after the deluge, of which they know noth- ing beyond that it really took place. . . . Thus they say that after the waters of the deluge had subsided, a certain man appeared in the country of Tiahuanacu, which is to the south of Cozco. This man was so powerful that he divided the world into four parts, and gave them to four men whom he honored each with the title of king, the first of which was called Manco Capac, the second Colla, the third Tocay, and the fourth Pinahua. To this they add that he gave the northern part to Manco CajDac, that of the south to Colla (after whom that great province has ever since been called), to Tocay that in the east, and to Pinahua that of the west. They further assert that, after having thus favored them, he sent each one to the land pertaining to him, to conquer and govern all the people there found. ''The Indians who live east and north of the town of Cozco report another origin of the Incas, similar to the 310 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI preceding. For they say that in the beginning of the world four men and four women, who were brothers and sisters, came out of the windows in certain rocks that are near the city, in a place called Paucartampu. . . . The first of these brothers is called by them Manco Capac, and his wife Mama Ocllo. They believe that this one was the founder of this town." All the tales except the first one (told him by his rela- tives) Garcilasso regards as silly fables, while acknowledg- ing that they are authentically Indian and primitive. It is easy to recognize in the tales recorded by Garcilasso the substance of those contained in the sources preceding him. But it is manifest that, since Garcilasso was told of them while he was yet a youth, his aged Indian relative adapted them to the age of his listener. An Indian of ex- perience, and really versed in ancient lore, will never dis- close such matters in their real aspect to younger men, except after their discretion has stood an exceptionally severe test. To such a test Garcilasso does not seem to have been subjected, hence the stories which he repeats have not the merit of the results of serious investigation like those of Betanzos and even of Cieza. Garcilasso acknowledges also other sources of informa- tion. The writings of Father Bias Valera, partly destroyed at the sacking of Cadiz by the English in 1596, are quoted by him repeatedly. Valera was a native of Chachapoyas in northeastern Peru and received in the Jesuit order at Lima in 1568, whence he went to Cuzco three years later, so that, the date of his birth being 1551, he must have begun, like Garcilasso, his investigations about the Indians at quite an early age.^^ This, the fewer opportunities he may have had for cultivating intimacy with the aborigines, and his early death in Spain, lessens the value of Father Valera 's data. Nevertheless it should not be overlooked that he ar- rived at Cuzco at a time when special investigations were being carried on there on the subject of Indian historical a > XI P4 X o M o (^ =1-1 o w a> < (In 7:3 > © -^ H ABORIGINAL MYTHb AND TRADITIONS 311 lore, both by order of the Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo and, separately, by instructions of the Bishop of Cuzco, then Sebastian de Artaun or Lartaun.^^ Through the former, no information relative to Titicaca Island was revealed as far as known. Neither is there any mention of the Island in the investigation reported upon by the Licentiate Polo de Ondegardo in the same year of 1571. The latter merely alludes, in terms very brief, to some stories according to which Cuzco had been originally settled from other parts, but he adds: "This is of small impor- tance, because they say it happened before the Deluge, and they connect it with certain fables that, being very old, it is not necessary to dwell upon."'^^ I would add, that the "Deluge" appears first almost simultaneously in the writ- ings of Cristoval de Molina, of which I am now to treat.^'^ The result of the clerical investigation was reported upon by a secular priest, Father Cristoval de Molina, who resided at Cuzco between the >ears 1570 and 1584 as priest of the hospital founded in 1557 for the exclusive benefit of Indians and afterward converted into a municipal infirmary.^^ Father Molina, in his treatise entitled Relacion de las fdhu- las y ritos de los Yngas, of which only the translation by Sir Clement R. Markham is at my command, treats at length of ancient lore of the Cuzco tribe and adjacent clus- ters. He states: "And first with regard to their idolatries, it is so that those people had no knowledge of writing. But in a house of the Sun called Poquen-Cancha, which is near Cuzco, they had the life of each one of ^.he Yncas, with the land they conquered, painted with figmes on certain boards, and also their origin. Among these paintings the following fable was represented : In the life of Manco Ccapac, who was the first Inca, and from whom they began to be called Children of the Sun and to worship the Sun, they had a full account of the Deluge. They say that all people and all created things perished in it, in as far as the water rose above all the high- 312 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI est mountains in the world. No living things survived except a man and a woman, who remained in a box, and when the waters subsided, the wind carried them to Huanaco, which will be over seventy leagues from Cuzco, a little more or less. The Creator of all things commanded them to remain there as Mitimas, and there in Tiahuanaco the Creator began to raise up the people and nations that are in that region, etc. . . . They say that the Creator was in Tiahua- naco and that there was his chief abode. . . . They say that it was dark, and that there he made the sun, the moon, and stars, and that he ordered the sun, moon, and stars to go to the Island of Titicaca, which is near at hand, and thence to rise to heaven. They also declare that when the sun in the form of a man was ascending to heaven, very brilliant, it called to the Incas and to Manco Capac as their chief, and said : ' Thou and thy descendants are to be Lords and are to subject many nations. Look upon me as thy father and thou shalt be my children and thou shalt worship me as thy father. ' And with these words it gave to Manco Ccapac for his insignia and arms the Suntur Paucar and the Champi and the other insignia that are used by the Incas, like sceptres. And at that point the sun and moon and stars were commanded to ascend to heaven and to fix themselves in their place, and they did so. At the same instant Manco Ccapac and his brothers and sisters, by command of the Creator, descended under the earth and came out again at the cave of Paccari-Tambo, though they say that other na- tions also came out of the same cave, at the point where the sun rose on the first day, after the Creator had divided the night from the day. Thus it was that they were called Chil- dren of the Sun, and that the Sun was worshiped and revered as a father. "^^ In the first place, it is interesting to note that Molina refers to "figures on certain boards" as his principal source for the above tales. These boards he says were kept at a shrine called "Poquen-Cancha," near Cuzco. The proper ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 313 name for this shrine, which was one of the eighty ''Guacas" or ^^Huacas," that, according to Father Bernabe Cobo, S.J. (1653), existed near Cuzco, is given by him as "Puquin cancha." This is, very probably, a misprint (or misread- ing) for Puquiu Cancha, signifying "enclosure of the spring. ' ' Cobo says of it that it was a house of the Sun on the summit of ''Cayocache," where they sacrificed chil- dren.^^ Pedro de Sarmiento Gamboa, to whom the Viceroy Toledo committed the task of condensing the multifarious material gathered about that time into a "History" of the so-called "Inca Empire," spreads out the tale of the painted boards in the following manner: "There connects with this the great investigation which Pachacuti Inga Yupangui, ninth Inga, who issued a general call to all the old historians of all the provinces he subjected, and even of many others more from all those kingdoms, and he kept them in the city of Cuzco for a long time, examining them concerning the antiquities, origin and notable facts of their ancestors of those kingdoms. And after he had well ascertained the most notable of their ancient histories he had it all painted after its order on large boards, and he placed them in a big hall in the house of the sun, where the said boards, which were garnished with gold, would be like our libraries, and he appointed learned men who could understand and ex- plain them. And nobody could enter where those boards were, except the Inga, or the historians, without express license from the Inga."^^ At the same time and in consequence of the investigation instituted by the viceroy Toledo, four "cloths" were pro- duced, on which were painted "the figures of the Ingas as well as the medals of their women and Ayllos, and the history, on the edges, of what happened at the time of each one of the Ingas, and the fable and noteworthy things that go on the first cloth which they call of Tambotoco, and the fables of the creations of Viracocha that go on the edge of 314 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI the first cloth as foundation and beginning of the history; each thing by itself distinct, as it is written and rubricated by me the secretary present, ' ' etc. These four cloths were shown to a large number of Indian witnesses that had been interrogated at the time. The paintings had been made for the purpose of accompanying and illustrating the (lately published) work of Pedro de Sarmiento Gamboa, which was then read, in part, to the Indians by an interpreter, and the four pieces of cloth served to illustrate the talk. The In- dians, in their usual way, approved everything contained on the cloth and in the talk, which means very little, as the Indian approves {cum reservatione mentali) more or less everything that is shown and read to him, and declares it to be true. Whether these four pieces of painted cloth stood in any relation to the four panels of Molina is not possible to assert or deny, as yet. The former were sent to King Philip II of Spain.'^o The principal source, however, for the statements of Molina, seems to have been, according to Cobo, ** another general gathering of the old Indians who had yet seen the times of the chief Guayna Capac, which gathering was made in the very city of Cuzco by Cristobal de Molina, curate of the parish of Our Lady of Remedios of the hospital of the natives ; by. command of the Bishop D. Sebastian de Lar- taum.'"'^ Cobo claims that the results of that investigation agree with those of Polo de Ondegardo and the Viceroy Toledo, which he states to have had and consulted. What I have been able to see of them does not, as stated before, contain any direct allusions to Titicaca, but there are others which I do not know.^^ Gatherings of Indians with the view of ascertaining ancient lore are not always successful. The Indian dislikes to communicate on such subjects in the presence of witnesses from his own race. The deep and rapid impression made by biblical tales on the mind of the Indians, through teachings of the Catholic Church, is perceivable in some of the traditions reported > O rt 1— 1 • r-t -M t)0 1— 1 •r' X! o XI sS M o iJ 1— 1 H =»-! H o -< CM CO 0) cc o i=l o -t-1 03 OS 'c« bi ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 315 by Molina, as, for instance, in the story of the Deluge, which earlier chroniclers do not mention, but would surely have alluded to, had they heard of it. Otherwise the tales re- corded by Molina agree in substance with those preserved by his predecessors in that the heavenly bodies are repre- sented as having been created on or about the Island of Titi- caca, and the Inca to have gone from that Island to Cuzco. As stated before, no close agreement between the texts of traditions obtained by distinct parties, or at distinct localities, can be expected, hence divergence in details does not impair the value of substantial resemblance. Gamboa's work is, from its nature and origin, a second- hand compendium. It is, furthermore, not an impartial document. Its tendency is clearly shown in the beginning, where he declares his object to be **to disabuse all those in the world who think that the said Ingas were legitimate kings and the curacas natural lords of this land." This tendency pervades the whole book and makes of it a sus- picious source, considerably diminishing its value. In everything touching upon primitive tradition Sarmiento only follows his predecessors, partially divesting the origi- nal tales of their purely Indian character, and adding nothing that had not already been stated before. About the Island of Titicaca he says: ''After the deluge had passed, and when the land was drying, the Viracocha determined to people it a second time, and, in order to achieve it with greater perfection, he determined upon creating luminaries that might shed more light. And in order to do this, he went with his servants to a great lagune that lies in the Collao, and in which lagune there is an island called Titi- caca, ... To which island Viracocha repaired forthwith and commanded that the sun, moon, and stars should at once come forth and rise into the sky to illuminate the world; and thus it was done. And it is said that he made the moon brighter than the sun, and that therefore the sun, jealous at the time they were to rise into heaven, threw a 316 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI handful of ashes into the face (of the moon), from which time on it remained of the paler color in which it now ap- pears. "^^ Miguel Cabello Balboa came to Peru in 1566, and com- pleted his Misceldnea austral at Lima twenty years later. He places the origin of the Inca at Pacari Tampu, identify- ing the site with Tambo Tocco, and then adds : ' ' Many In- dians pretend that the brothers who appeared at Pacari Tambo . . . were natives of Titicaca, and that in that place were manufactured the garments in which they showed themselves for the first time. ' ' According to him, the little band (headed by Manco Capac) traveled at night and hid in the daytime, presenting themselves suddenly, arrayed in gorgeous vestments, a short distance from Cuzco.^^ The Jesuit Joseph de Acosta resided in Peru from 1569 to 1585.^^ His book, less prolix than usual for the time, is of great value. He mentions the investigations instituted by Toledo and by order of the King of Spain,^® and it is there- fore possible that what he attributes to Indian sources may have been derived from depositions then obtained. But he discriminates between traditions in general, current among Indians of Peru (and Bolivia) and specific Inca lore. Of the former he states : ' ' However it may be, the Indians say that with this their deluge people were all drowned, and they relate that from the great lagune of Titicaca there came out one Viracocha, who made his abode at Tiaguanaco, where to-day are seen ruins and parts of ancient and very strange edifices, and that from there they came to Cuzco, and so the human fam- ily began to multiply. They point out in that lagune an islet where they fable that the sun concealed and maintained itself, and for this reason they anciently made to it, there, many sacrifices, not only of sheep, but of men. Others say that out of a certain cave, through the window, there came six or I do not know how many men, and that these made the beginning of the propagation of mankind, and this was at ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 317 what (the place which), for that reason, they call Pacari Tambo. So they are of opinion that the Tambos are the oldest lineage of mankind. From there, they say, proceeded Mangocapa, whom they recognize as the founder and head of the Ingas. . . ."^'^ Elsewhere Acosta states: "The first man the Indians mention as the beginning of the Incas was Mangocapa, and of him they fable that, after the Deluge, he came out of a cave or window of Tambo, which is five or six leagues from Cuzco."^^ Acosta expresses himself nearly in the same terms as Pedro Pizarro regarding the two versions, one locating the origin of the Inca on Titicaca Island, the other near Cuzco. In reality they do not conflict ; only it seems that the latter was a tradition confined to the Inca tribe, which became separated from the former after the investigation, in 1542, by Vaca de Castro. Acosta, in the passage first quoted, has given but an abstract of what his predecessors recorded concerning Titicaca traditions. The chronicler Antonio de Herrera follows Cieza in his mention of Peruvian traditions ;^^ the Dominican Gregorio Garcia ^"^ copied Betanzos, and Fray Hieronymo Roman both.^i Passing over a number of works of the beginning of the seventeenth century that, while of ethnologic value for ancient Peru, contain nothing germane to the subject, the author next to be taken uj), in point of date as far as can be ascertained,*^ ^ would be the Indian Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamayhua. He claims to be ''native of the pueblos of Sanctiago of Hananguaygua and Huringuaiguacanchi of Orcasuyo, between Canas and Can- chis of Collasuyo [follows part of his genealogy], all princi- pal Caciques that were in the said province and professed Christians in the matters of our holy Catholic faith. . . . I say that we have heard, being a child, very ancient notices and the histories, barbarisms and fables from the time of the gentilisms, which is as follows, as among the natives of 318 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI the things of times past they always are accustomed to talk."^^ Salcamayhua writes as an Indian from the moun- tainous regions of Peru, speaks Spanish— i.e., literally translating from his native tongue. Hence a literal render- ing, however uncouth, is almost indispensable. Salcamayhua makes such ostentatious professions of Christianity that some of his statements appear suspicious. That perspicacious and sober scholar, Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, called attention to it.^^ He tells us that the peopling of what now is called Bolivia took place from the southeast, from "above Potosi."*'^ After the country had been settled, there came to the Collao (Aymara region) a bearded man whom he calls "Tonapa," also "Viracoha Pachayachachican, " perfornung miracles, and whom Salca- mayhua therefore identifies with Saint Thomas the Apostle. He describes the wanderings of that personage and his tribulations among the barbarous natives around Lake Titi- caca,^® and concludes by stating that "they say that the said Tonapa, after having liberated himself from the hands of those barbarians, remained some time on a rock called Titicaca,"^^ and that afterward he passed through Tiquina toward Chacamarca, and on his way came to a village called Tiahuanaco, where the people ridiculed his teachings. In punishment he changed them into stones. From Chaca- marca he followed the Desaguadero to the south, finally reaching the ocean, where he disappeared.®^ While in the Collao, Tonapa met a chief called Apotampo, who was the only one who lent an ear to his teachings, in consideration of which Tonapa gave him * * a piece of wood from his walk- ing-stick."®^ This Apotampo was father to Manco Capac, to whom Salcamayhua attributes the foundation of Cuzco, which place was then already occupied by Indians, so that by "foundation" the establishment of a formal village must be understood.'^*^ In regard to the teachings of Tonapa, the author states : ' ' The modern old men from the time of my father, don Diego Felipe, are wont to state that it was 41 318 rriT»- de la . peopli' SOTlt beer bear Pad may] le c cS a SS > O 55 r\ o > o 1— 1 C<-l X! o X X CS ^ _5 El < a ^ r- rS O ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 319 almost the commandments of God, especially the seven precepts, only the name of God our Lord was lacking and that of our Lord Jesus Christ, as it is public and notorious among the old men, and the penalties were severe for those who broke them.""^^ The analogy of these tales with those reported by Betan- zos and Cieza is unmistakable, as far as their substance is concerned. Details of course vary, and, furthermore, the effect of three quarters of a century of contact with the Spaniards and the clergy is plainly visible. The story of the walking-stick, of which Tonapa gave a piece to Apo- tampo, recalls the magic wand mentioned by Garcilasso de la Vega. Contemporary with Salcamayhua (although he is not known to have exerted any influence on their sources of in- formation) are what might be termed a *' school of writers" of the first half of the seventeenth century. There are even two ' ' schools, ' ' one of Jesuits, the other of Augustines. All of them resided for some time in northern Bolivia with the Indians, as missionaries and teachers ; their information is, therefore, in a certain way, first-hand. In the beginning of the seventeenth century the search for survivals of primitive ceremonials among the Peruvian Indians became not only more active, but more systemat- ized. The Jesuit Joseph Pablo Arriaga was one of the prin- cipal organizers of that investigation. His own work, the Extirpation of Idolatry in Peru,''^ appeared in print in 1621, and, while of the highest value for ethnologic know- ledge in general, it contains no allusion to folk-lore con- nected with the Island of Titicaca. What little is known about the two books written by his co-worker, Father Luis Terhuel, affords no material either for our present investi- gation.*^^ The silence of Arriaga on the traditions of the Titicaca basin need cause no surprise. Arriaga was, offi- cially, the spirit that moved the search for Indian rites and beliefs, in a methodical way, and his book is a manual of 320 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI that search rather than a treatise on ceremonials. Hence it contains many valuable descriptions of customs that were still in vigor, but as examples only. For the great mass of details he refers to special reports of local 'Visit- ors," some of which, if not all, still exist in manuscript. Thus it is likely that in the reports of the visitors Alonso Garcia Cuadrado on the Lake-shore near Copacavana, and of Bartolome de Duenas on Tiahuanaco, folk-lore on the Islands will be found ;'^^ also, possibly, in the letters of Father Hernando de Avendano.^^ Every visitor was, ac- cording to instructions framed by Arriaga, to keep a written account of the proceedings of his inquiry.'^® Leaving aside other works of the beginning of the seventeenth century that are but imperfectly known,'^^ I turn to a contemporary of Arriaga and Salcamayhua, the Jesuit Bemabe Cobo. Born at Lopera in Spain, 1582, he came to Peru at the age of seventeen years, and was re- ceived a novice in the ''Company of Jesus" in 1601, and ordained priest in 1612. From 1615 to 1618 he was on the Lake-shore at Juli and as far as Copacavana, then as a missionary farther south in Bolivia. He had good oppor- tunities to become acquainted with the country and its people, as his voluminous book on the "New World" abundantly proves.'^^ He gathered the traditions then cur- rent about the Islands and Copacavana, and in their dis- cussion displays much critical spirit. But he investigated and studied at a time remote from the period of first con- tact and does not always state the sources of his informa- tion. These, even in case they were Indians, were no longer untampered with, after eighty years of growing contact with whites and of church influence. Hence the following quotations from the book of Cobo are to be taken with the reserve which the above remarks imply. ' ' In many ways do the Peruvian Indians relate the origin and beginning of the Incas their kings, interweaving so much confusion and diversity of incongruities that from ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 321 their statement it is not possible to gather anything cer- tain. "^^ Then, ' ' leaving aside for the present and its proper place what they held about the Deluge and peopling of the earth," he proceeds to give some of the ''fables and fictions, most received by nearly all, about whence proceeded the Inca kings. ' ' ' ' The first is as follows : That from the lagune of Titicaca there came to Pacarictambo, a place distant from Cuzco seven leagues, certain Indians called Incas, men of prudence and valor, clad in a very different dress from that worn by those of the district of Cuzco, with their ears perforated and pieces of gold in the orifices ; and that the principal of them, called Manco-Capac, " etc., etc. He goes on to give an account of the manner in which Manco Capac made himself master of Cuzco.^^ Another account says that four brothers and four sisters came out of the cave of Pacarictampu, adding: ''About their origin they do not agree, some imagining they pro- ceeded (originated) out of themselves, and others, that from the lagune of Titicaca, where they escaped the Deluge, the Maker of the world led them through the caverns of the earth until they came out through that cave of Pacaric- tampu," etc.^^ Still another : " That when the Creator of the world (whom in their language they call by two names, to wit : Ticcivira- coha and Pachayachachic) shaped all things at Tiaguanaco, where they imagine he resided, he commanded the sun, moon and stars to go to the Island of Titicaca which is in the lagune of that name, and that from there they should rise into heaven, and that at the time the sun was leaving in the figure (form) of a resplendent man he called the Incas, and to Manco Capac, as the eldest brother, he spoke as follows: 'Thou and thy descendants have to subject many lands and be great lords ; always hold me to be your father, priding yourself on being my children and never 322 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI forgetting to venerate me as such'; and that, after he had said this, he gave to him (Manco Capac) the insignia of king . . . and that forthwith (after the orbs had taken their respective places in the heavens), by command of the Maker, the Inca brothers sank into the earth and went to come out at the said cave of Pacarictampu."^^ Finally another tale:^^ "This same fiction others relate in this manner : They say that the Sun, pitying the miser- able condition in which was the world, sent to it a son and a daughter of his, to instruct and teach men the knowledge of the Sun, persuading them to worship him as a god and yield him the adoration that was due to him as such, . . . and that they were placed by the Sun in the said lagune of Titicaca, commanding them to take the road and direction they pleased, provided that, wherever they would stay to eat and take rest, they would sink into the soil a rod of gold he gave them, one ell in length. ..." Then follows an al- most textual copy of the story told by Garcilasso de la Vega, although the source is not alluded to.^^ He mentions a version which, he says, is similar to the preceding, with the difference that the Inca were born on the Island from a woman called Titicaca.^^ In a chapter devoted to a description of the Islands of Titicaca and Koati (it is not clear whether he visited the former, and certain that he was not on Koati) he relates traditions that are partial repetitions of the preceding, but deserve to be quoted : ''The adoratory (shrine) of the sun that was on the Island of Titicaca was a large and solid rock, the venera- tion for which and motive why they dedicated it to the sun has for beginning and foundation a very ridiculous novel, which is that the ancients affirm that, having been without light from heaven many days in that province, and all its inhabitants being surprised, confused and frightened by such long and obscure darkness, those who dwelt on the aforesaid island of Titicaca saw one morning the sun come ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 323 out from that rock with extraordinary splendor, from which they believed this rock to be the house and true dwelling of the sun or the thing of all that was most acceptable to it. . . .«« "Others refer the fable differently, and say that the reason for having dedicated to the sun this rock was be- cause beneath it the sun was kept and guarded during all the time the waters of the Deluge lasted, after which it came forth from there and began to enlighten the world from that place, that rock being the first object that enjoyed its light, "s"^ The Jesuit Anello Oliva was a Neapolitan by birth. He came to Lima two years before Cobo and entered the order of Jesuits at that city. Like Cobo, he spent some time at Juli on Lake Titicaca. He concluded his History of Peru and of the Company of Jesus in that country in the year 1631, twenty-two years earlier than Cobo finished his more voluminous "History of the New World. "^^ But the sources which Oliva acknowledges, as having based upon them his tales of ancient lore, are not as satisfactory as those of Cobo. Oliva acknowledges having consulted chiefly : 1. Garcilasso de la Vega, laying particular stress on what the latter claims to have taken from the writings of Father Bias Valera.s'^ 2. Manuscripts of a certain doctor in theology of the Cathedral of Charcas (Sucre in Bolivia), called Bartolome Cervantes.^^ 3. The sayings of an Indian by the name of Catari, from Cochabamba (in the Quichua-speaking districts of Bolivia), who claimed to have been Quipucamayoc and chronicler of the Incas.®^ Of the writings of Father Valera we have already spoken, and Oliva rather discards the version given by 324 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI Garcilasso, of the origin of the Inca, for the reason that it implies a supernatural origin for Manco Capac and his female companion.^ ^ I have not yet been able to find any data of importance concerning Doctor Cervantes. His principal reliance seems to have been on what was given him as traditions jore- served by the keepers of quippus or knotted strings. Of the value of these strings for historical documentation, Garcilasso himself confesses the following: ' ' In a word, in these knots were expressed all things that could be computed by numbers, as far as to note the num- ber of battles and encounters, of the embassies on the part of the Inca and the declaration the king had given. But by these knots it was not possible to express the contents of the message, the express words of declarations, and such other historic events, for these things consisted of terms uttered in speech or in writing, and the knot marked indeed the number but not the word. To remedy this defect they had also certain signs by which they recognized memorable actions, embassies, and declarations made in times of peace or war : the Quipucamayos learned their substance by heart and taught them one to another by tradition. . . ."^^ Oliva cannot have obtained his information from Catari earlier than the first decade of the seventeenth century, or three quarters of a century after the conquest, when folk- lore had been exposed to steady and slowly modifying con- tact. Furthermore, if the name of his informant is any indication at all, it is an Ay mar a, not a QuicJiua, name. The primitiveness of stories told in southern central Boli- via, long after the Indians had been under Spanish rule and under the teachings of the church, and at a time when their ancient ceremonials were being subjected to a close and unsympathetic scrutiny, may appear questionable. Their reliability becomes more doubtful yet through the wide geographical range they embrace, about which the Indians of ancient Peru could have no information, and ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 325 tlirougli the positive manner in which details are given. Oliva tells ns: '■ ' After the Deluge, the first people came to South Amer- ica from parts unknown, landing somewhere on the coast of Venezuela. From there they gradually scattered over the whole continent, one band reaching the coast of Ecuador near Santa Elena. Several generations passed, many made voyages along the coast and some were shipwrecked. At last one branch took up its abode on an island called Guayau, near the shores of Ecuador. On that island Manco Capac was born, and after the death of his father Atau he resolved to leave his native place for a more favored clime. So he set out, in such craft as he had, with two hundred of his people, dividing them into three bands. Two of these were never heard from again, but he and his followers landed near lea, on the Peruvian coast, thence struggled up the mountains, reaching at last the shore of Lake Titicaca. There Manco separated from the others, leaving them with orders to divide after a certain time and to go in search of him, while he took the direction of Cuzco. He told his people, before leaving, that when any of the natives should ask them their purpose and destination, to reply that they were in quest of the son of the Sun. After this he departed, reaching at last a cave near the Cuzco valley, where he rested. ''When the time had elapsed, his companions started in several groups in search of him. One of these crossed over to the Island of Titicaca, where they were surprised to find a rock, and in this rock a cave lined with gold, silver, and precious stones. Thereupon they sunk the craft in which they had reached the island, and agreed among themselves, if anybody from the surrounding country should appear, to say that they had come out of the cave to look for the son of the Sun. ''A few days after,' on the day of full moon, they saw some canoes approaching, and they forthwith retreated to 326 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI the cavern. Those who came in the canoes, when they ap- proached the cliff and perceived the strangers viewing the cave apparently with the greatest unconcern, were sur- prised. The strangers gave them to understand that they had just come out of the rock and were in quest of the son of the Sun. This filled the others with profound respect for the newcomers; they worshiped them and made offer- ings to the rock, sacrificing children, llamas, and ducks. All together went back to the mainland, and shortly afterward learned that at Pacari Tampu the son of the Sun had come out of a cavern, called Capactocco, in great splendor, be- decked with gold, as brilliant in appearance as his father, and that with a sling he had hurled a stone with such force that the noise was heard for more than a league off, and the stone made in the rock a hole as large as a doorway.^^ **At these news all the people of those regions went to see the miraculous being. Manco Capac received them as sub- jects. On this artifice he began to base his authority and the subsequent sway of the Inca tribe. "®^ Oliva mentions also a tradition concerning Tiahuanaco, according to which that place would be the oldest settle- ment in the land. He says that the original name of Tiahua- naco is Chucara, and that nothing is known of its earliest history beyond that ''there lived the great chief Huyustus, who, they say, was lord of the world. ' ' This, he states, was long previous to the time of Manco Capac.®^ There is, in the tales related by Oliva, something that recalls those recorded by Cabello Balboa, and it would not be surprising if the writings of the latter could have been known to the former.^'' The details given by Oliva on the earliest periods, and about the manner in which Titicaca Island became connected with the Inca and their origin, are manifest explanation of traditions, related in much greater purity by Betanzos, Cieza, and others. At the time when Cobo and Oliva were gathering folk- lore on the past of the tribes of Cuzco and of the Collao, the ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 327 Augustine monks in charge of tlie sanctuary of Copacavana were not idle. Leaving aside the yet insufficiently known work attributed to Fray Baltazar de Salas, printed in 1628,^^ we must devote serious attention to the History of Copacabana by Fray Alonzo Ramos Gavilan, published at Lima in 1621.^^ That book is exceedingly rare, but the late Father Sans of La Paz has published it as far as the incom- plete copy at his command permitted. In that copy the first three chapters were lacking, and Sans replaced them by his own views of the early history of Titicaca, in part. The Right Reverend Bishop of La Paz, Don Fray Nicolas Ar- mentia, however, acquainted with the existence of two com- plete copies of the work of Ramos, took pains to collate the book of Sans with one of these copies, and was also kind enough to allow me to copy such passages as were not con- tained in the publications of the former. Hence it becomes possible to investigate the text of Ramos completely. In them, a popular belief is mentioned in the origin of Manco Capac from Titicaca Island.^"*' Ramos also speaks of a mysterious white man called Tunupa and Taapac, murdered by the Indians on the Island.^ "^^ Mention is also made of the belief that, after several days of obscurity, the sun came out of the Sacred Rock.^"^ There are, in these statements of Ramos, many points of resemblance with what Cobo preserved. The two were not only contemporaries, but resided on the shores of Titicaca at the same time; the Augustine in the immediate vicinity of Titicaca at Copacavana, the Jesuit at Juli between that sanctuary and Puno. There may have been communication between them, or each may have obtained his information independently of the other. Besides, the Tonapa tale as related by Ramos is almost identical with the statements on the same topics by Salcamayhua, another contemporary of his.^^^ It will be recollected that Tunapa was already alluded to by Cieza, but very few are the details he gives, in comparison with what is contained in the writings of Ramos 328 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI and Salcamayhua. Between 1550 and the beginning of the seventeenth century only a few fragments of stories re- sembling the Tonapa or Tunapa tradition are as yet known.i*^^ Hence it is possibly a Colla or Aymara tale, heard by Eamos and Salcamayhua from Aymara Indians or (in the case of the latter) from Quichuas confining with the Aymara stock. This is also supported by the first ap- pearance in detail of the legend of the cross of Carabuco. Anello Oliva makes an allusion to that singular tale, but he is posterior to Ramos. Withal elaborate details on one hand, and the brevity of notices on the other, all of which tends to shroud the sub- stance of original tradition, Ramos agrees with Betanzos and Cieza in the main, which is the more important, since it is not likely he consulted the works of either of these early writers.^*^^ He appears to base mainly on the lore he col- lected on the shores of the Lake and, possibly, on the Is- lands. It is no surprise, therefore, to find that those writers of his order that followed him in point of date, are hardly more than copyists, and acknowledge themselves as such. Father Antonio de la Calancha, a contemporary of Ramos and a punctual follower of his statements, ^"^^ alludes, as a source he consulted, also to the Licentiate Polo de Onde- gardo, of whom I have treated before. Calancha refers to the investigations Ondegardo carried on "in all the coun- try above Chuquiago (La, Paz), Chuquisaca (Sucre), Po- tosi, and their surroundings, where the Licentiate Polo made his inquiries, and in that of Chucuito."^*^^ As before stated, the known writings of Ondegardo contain no Titi- caca lore, so that Calancha must have had access to papers that are as yet unpublished. He says that, according to what Ondegardo gathered, the first men lived in obscurity and were nearly all destroyed by a flood, but multiplied again, and the builders of Tiahuanaco were turned into stone ; after which, at Tiahuanaco and on Lake Titicaca, the sun and moon appeared. ''The sun at once went to the ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 329 Indian Mango Capac, adopted him, made him king . . . and then rose into the heavens. "^^* Father Hippolyto Maracci,^°^ the Augustine Fray Fer- nando de Valverde, and finally the Augustine Fray Andres de San Nicolas ^^'^— all base their statements on the writings of Fray Alonzo Eamos Gavilan. San Nicolas, after repeat- ing in substance what Ramos said, admits: ''The founda- tion which the Indians had in worshiping the island and the rock . . . was because on it the family of the Incas had their fabulous origin. "^^^ While the traditions which we have compiled differ from each other considerably in detail, their substance agrees fairly well, in that they all assign to a remote period the time when Titicaca Island first came into prominence among the Indians. The occasion for it seems to have been some natural phenomenon. A period of darkness (whether long or short is not safe to affirm) seems to have been its principal feature. After it the heavenly orbs shone out in splendor. By what this obscurity was produced we cannot conjecture.^ ^^ Under any circumstances it appears certain that the tales about this occurrence, which fastened itself so firmly on the minds of the Indians, are local tales, not gen- eral myths. They belong essentially to the circle of Aymara folk-lore, whence they penetrated to a certain extent beyond their original home. To the same circle must be assigned the statements about the origin of the Inca from Titicaca Island, in connection with the natural phenomena alluded to. These also appear, in their primitive form, as traditions of the Aymara, sub- sequently, as shown in the writings of Garcilasso de la Vega, transferred to those of the Quichua of Cuzco. NOTES ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS CONCERNING THE ISLAND OF TITICACA PART VI *■ The * * Viracochas ' ' here mentioned recall the "white and bearded men" of Cieza. See further on. * This story is as truthful (it be- ing well established that Huascar was murdered by the order of Atauhuallpa near Antamarca, south of Caxamarca and north of Ayacucho) as that re- lated by Cieza (Primera Parte de la Cronica, Cap. cv, p. 447), that Manco, Inca, the one who led the Indians at the blockade of Cuzco in 1536, was born at Tiahuanaco. ' Something analogous is mentioned in that long and tiresome poem by Pedro de Peralta Barnuevo, Eocha y Benavides : Lima fundada o Conquista del Peru, 1732, edition of 1863, Canto segundo, p. 34. "Despues la astuta Huaco a infante hermoso, Criado en el seno de una gruta um- bria, Para darle por padre luminoso Del dia al claro autor, lo nego al dia : Luego en un monte al parto prodi- gioso, A quien oro calzaba, oro vestia. Lo expuso al vulgo infiel que lo juz- gaba No hijo ya, el mismo Sol que lo alumbraba." * Compare my article on ' ' The Montezuma of the Pueblo Indians, ' ' in American Anthropologist, October, 1892, p. 325. " Especially at the pueblo of Co- chiti, New Mexico, where my since deceased host, Juan Jose Montoya (Matyaya Tihua), was very fond of displaying a smattering of classical history, gathered at random in conver- sation with the priests. ' Belatione per Sva Maesta, Ea- musio, 1565, Vol. III. ' Historia general y natural, Vol. IV, Lib. XLVi, p. 235 : " A esta tierra vino antiguamente un grand senor con una gente que Uaman Inga e agora se llaman ore j ones, e solo al superior le Uaman Inga . . . Este senor que lla- man Inga poblo el Cuzco, e higo una cibdad muy f uerte para residir el ... " * Relacion del Descubrimiento, etc., p. 234: "Unos dicen que salio de la isla de Titicaca ques una isla questa en una laguna en el Collao, que tenia sesenta leguas en torno . . . Otros in- dios dicen queste primer senor salio de Tambo, este Tambo esta en Conde- suios seis leguas del Cuzco poco mas 6 menos. Este primer Inga dicen se llamaba Inga Viracocha. ' ' ' Discurso sobre la Descendencia y Gobierno de los Ingas, p. 5. This 332 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI document was published in 1892, by- Jimenez de la Espada, under the title of Una Antigualla peruana. " Discurso, p. 5 : " Dieron este cargo a personas de mucha curiosidad por interpretacion de Pedro Escalante indio ladino en lengua castellana, el cual servia a Vaca de Castro de inter- prete, con asistencia de Juan de Betan- zos y Francisco de Villacastin vecinos desta ciudad del Cuzco, personas que sabian muy bien la lengua general deste reino, los cuales iban escribiendo lo que por los Quipos iban decla- rando. " Villacastin is mentioned, now and then, as being very well versed in Indian language. Cieza: Segunda Parte de la Cronica, p. 4, and others. " On December 1, 1539, one Juan de Betanzos directed a letter to the Council of the Indies from Santo Do- mingo, concerning affairs of Cubagua: Carta al Consejo real de Indias, Docu- mentos ineditos de Indias, Vol. I, p. 564. It is hardly possible this was the same as the author under con- sideration, since the latter would scarcely have had time to acquaint himself vsdth the languages of Peru in the course of about three years. " The manuscript of the Doctrina cJiripstiana is at the National Archives of Lima. Betanzos says (Suma y Narracion de los Tncas, Dedicatoria) : ' ' Hame sido tambien muy penoso, por el poco tiempo que he tenido para ocuparme en ella, pues para el otro libro de la Doctrina era menester todo. ' ' This shows that he worked at the latter work simultaneously with the Doctrina. ^^ Suma y Narracion, p. 100: "hasta este ano en que estamos de mill y quinientos y cincuenta y un anos. ' ' " We may gather this from Grego- rio Garcia: Origen de los Indios, edition of 1729 (Proemio), p. 4: "Juan de Betancos, conquistador del Peru, a do entro con D: Francisco Pi- zarro, hi§o vna Historia por mandado de D: Antonio de Mendoqa, Virrei de aquel Reino, aunque no salio a luz . . . Esta Historia tengo en mi poder, la qual me ha aiudado harto para este mi Libro. ' ' " Suma y Narracion, Introduction, by Espada. " Suma y Narracion, Cap. i, pp. 1 and 2. "Ibidem. " Anello Oliva (Historia del Perv y Varones Insignes en Santidad de la Compaiiia de Jesus, 1631, published at Lima about 1892, Lib. I, Cap. viii, p. 168) calls him "Pedro de Cieza Congora. ' ' I have not yet been able to discover on what authority. " He did it in Mexico, according to appearances. ^^ Cieza himself states of the First Part of the Chronicle, Primera Parte, p. 458: "La cual se comenzo a es- crebir en la ciudad de Cartago, de la gobernacion de Popayan, ano de 1541, y se acabo de escrebir originalmente en la ciudad de los Reyes, del reino del Peru, a 8 dias del mes de Setiembre de 1550 anos, siendo el autor de edad de treinto y dos anos, ha- biendo gastado los diez y siete dellos en estas Indias." It is well estab- lished, also, that he died at Sevilla in 1560. ^ Segunda Parte, Cap. vi, p. 13 : "Y por hacerlo con mas verdad vine al Cuzco, siendo en ella corregidor Juan de Sayavedra, donde hice juntar a Cayu Tupac, que es el que hoy vive de los descendientes de Huaina Capac, porque Sairi Tupac, hi jo de Manco Inca, esta retirado en Viticos . . . y a otros de los ore j ones, que son los que entre ellos se tienen por mas no- bles; y con los me j ores interpretes y lenguas que se hallaron les pregunt6, estos senores Incas que gente era y de que nacion. ' ' '^Primera Parte, Cap. cm, p. 445: "que carecieron de lumbre muchos dias, y que estando todos puestos en tinieblas y obscuridad, salio desta isla de Titicaca el sol muy resplandeciente, ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 333 por lo cual la tuvieron por cosa sa- grada, y los ingas hicieron en ella el templo que digo, que fue entre ellos muy estimado y venerado, a honra de su sol, . . ." (Cap. c, p. 443), "y que el uno dellos entro en la laguna de Titieaca, y que hallo en la isla mayor que tiene aquel palude gentes blancas y que tenian barbas, con los cuales peleo de tal manera, que los pudo matar a todos. ' ' ^ If any reliance can be placed on the various lists of Inca war-chiefs given by the authors of the sixteenth century, Inca Viracocha must have lived about the end of the fourteenth century. "* Segunda Parte, Cap. iv, p. 4. ^ Ibidem, p. 2. ■" Ibidem, Cap. v, p. 5. " Ibidem, p. 6. ^ Belacion del Descubrimiento, p. 233. -'Historic, de las guerras civiles del Peru, III, p. 421: "Quanto a lo primero dizen los yndios muy viejos y antiguos y que lo oyeron dezir a sus mayores y lo tienen oy dia en sus memorias y cantares, que uvo seiscien- tos anos primeros que no tuvieron reyes, sino vnos seiioretes llamados curacas que los gouernauan cada vno en su prouincia y que despues vinieron los Yngas que reynaron en todas estas prouincias, que les auro mas de Seis- cientos anos. El primer senor que comenqo a entrar por tierras agenas fue llamado Mango-Ynga Capalla, " etc. There is a certain analogy between the tale about the Collao and Hatun- colla (now a village a short distance north of Puno near Lake Titieaca) told by Gutierrez, and the following statement of Cieza: Segunda Parte, Cap. IV, p. 3 : " Y estando estas gentes desta manera se levanto en la pro- vincia del Collao un senor valentisimo llamado Zapana, el cual pudo tanto, que metio debajo de su seiiorio muchas gentes de aquella provincia. ' ' This Zapana is also mentioned by Cieza in Primera Parte, Cap. c, p. 443, as one of the earliest and principal chiefs of the Collao. There is a resemblance between Zapalla and Zapana. Ac- cording to Torres Rubio (Arte y Vo- cabulario, fol. 82), (^apalla means ' ' solo, vno, ' ' in Quichua. In Aymara there is, among the words used to designate ' ' the only one, ' ' according to Bertonio {Focabulario, I, p. 436), "sapaktha, " and for "alone and un- accompanied, " " sapaqui. ' ' The term Zapalla, as part of a title of the prin- cipal Inca war-chief, is found in Cieza, Segunda Parte, Cap. lxi, p. 233 : "Y asi, a grandes voces decian: Guayna Capac Inca Zapalla tucuillacta uya, " que quiere decir: 'Guayna Ca- pac solo es rey, a el oyan todos los pueblos. ' The Cons and Pachacamac myth is found in Historia de las guerras civiles del Peru, III, Cap. Lvi, p. 486 et seq. : ' ' En toda esta tierra, tamana como es, que los Ingas senores auian, y todos los yndios que en ella habi- tauan, adorauan dos dioses, que el vno se dezia Cons y el otro Pachacama, como a dioses principales; y por aces- sores tenian al Sol y a la Luna (diciendo) que eran marido y muger y que estos eran multiplicadores de toda la tierra," etc. (P. 493): "Cuentan los yndios muy viejos que agora ay, que lo oyeron de sus passa- dos, que el primer Dios que uvo en la tierra fue llamado Cons, el cual formo el cielo, sol, la luna, estrellas y la tierra, con todos los animales y lo demas que ay en ella, que fue tan solamente con el pensamiento y con su resuello, y que pasando por estas tierras, que eran todavia despobladas, hizo y crio todas las cosas que se veen y parescen en ellas, y que formo con su resuello todos los yndios y los ani- males terrestres y aues celestes y muchos arboles y plantas de diuersas maneras. Y que despues desto se fue a la mar y que anduuo a pie enjuto sobre ella, y sobre los rios, y que crio todos los peces que ay, con sola su palabra, y que hizo otras cosas mara- 334 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI villosas, y que despues se fue desta tierra y se subio al cielo. Dezian mas estos yndios, que desde a mucho tiempo y a muchos anos y siglos vino a la tierra vn otro dios mas poderoso que Cons, llamado Pachacama, que quiere dezir Hazedor del Mundo, o Ee- formador, y que destruyo con fuego y agua todo lo hecho y criado por el dios Cons, y que los yndios que auia los conuirtio en simios y monos y los embio a biuir a los Andes y a los vaUes . . . Y que despues de de- struydas estas tierras, dizen los yndios que el dios Pachacama, como mas poderoso en todas las cosas y por otra parte misericordioso, las torno a reformar y a mundificar . . , y que despues de hechas estas cosas, con otras muchas, dizen que se torno al cielo. ' ' The analogy between the above and the myth consigned in Be- tanzos, of the two successive "crea- tors, ' * is manifest, but in the version of Gutierrez the utterly "un-Indian" notions of a creation performed by the breath of a creative element or individual, and especially the crea- tion by means of the "word," show that the lore is no longer in its primitive state. It is likely that Gutierrez, who finished his work nearly forty years after he had been in Peru, either explained while pre- tending to simply narrate the tales, or that he adopted adulterated ver- sions. *" The passages relating to the as- sumed "conquest of Cuzco" are found in his Eistoria de las guerras eiviles, III, p. 432 et seq. ^^ It would be too long to refer in detail to this subject. Interested stu- dents can easily compare the series, in each of the authors mentioned, with others, and draw their conclu- sions accordingly. ^'Eistoria del Descubrimieiito y Conquista de la Provincia del Peru, Vedia, Vol. II, p. 459. ^ Ihidem, p. 470 : " Y al principal dellos Uamaron Zapalla inga, que es solo senor, aunque algunos quieren de- cir que le Uamaron inga Vira- cocha ..." This recalls Pedro Pizarro : Belacion, p. 234. In Quichua, the ear is called "rine ri." Torres Eubio: Arte, fols. 99, 135. ^* The title of the second edition of Gomara's chronicle is: Primera y Segunda Parte de la historia general de las l7idias hasta el afio de 1551, Medina del Campo, 1553; I use the reprint by Vedia : Eistoriadores primi- tivos de Indias, Vol. I, p. 231. Levinus Apollonius {Be peruanae Be- gionis, inter Noui Orbis prouincias Celeberrimae, inuentione: 4' in eadem gestis, Libri V, Antwerp, 1567, fol. 36) merely copies, in a condensed form, either Gomara or Zarate. " Conquista y Pohlacion del Peru, Bocumentos para la Eistoria de Chile, Vol VII, p. 447: "Dicen estos ore- jones que la manera que tuvieron para tener senores entre si, fu6 de que una laguna questa treinta leguas de Cuzco en la tierra del Collao, que se llama Titucaca, salio dellos que se llamaba Inga-Viracocha, que era muy entendido y sabio, y decia que era hi jo del Sol, y este dicen ellos, que les dio policia de vestidos, y ha§er casas de piedra, y fue el que edifico el Cuzco, y hizo casas de piedra," etc. The document cited was already known to Prescott. There is a manuscript copy of it at the Lenox branch of the New York Public Library, and it has been pub- lished twice, both times in South America. Jimenez de la Espada (Tre* Eelaciones de Antigiiedades peruanas, Carta al Excmo Sr. B:Francisco de Borja Queipo de Llano, Conde de Toreno, p. xiii) gives a somewhat different title, and suggests, that the author might have been Father Cris- toval de Molina, who is known to have written a Bescripcion de todo lo descuhierto y andado por Bon Biego de Almagro, desde Tumbes al rio de Maule, in 1539. This document is still unpublished : Belaciones geogrdficas ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 335 de Indias, I, pp. xlii and cxlii, Ante- cedentes. ^^ Suma y Narracion, Cap. ii, p. 8. " Comentarios Eeales, editio prin- ceps, Lisbon, 1609, Vol. I, Proemio. »« Ibidem, I, f ol. 263. ^^ Ibidem. It would require copy of the whole chapter to present the details. The petition was handsomely attended to, the petitioners receiving: "Es assi que al principio deste ano de seys cientos y quatro salio la con- sulta en su negocio, de que se le hazia merced de siete mil y quinientos duca- dos de renta perpetuos, situados en la caxa Eeal de su Magestad en la ciudad de los Reyes, ' ' etc. *" Comentarios Eeales, I, Lib. i, Cap. XV, fol. 14. " Ibidem, fol. 15. *- Enrique Torres Saldamando : Los Antiguos Jesuitas del Peru, pp. 21 to 23, inclusive. *^ The name was probably Lartaum, or Lartaun. Mendiburu : Biccionario Historico Biogrdfico del Peru, Vol. IV, p. 388. Cobo (Historia del Nuevo Mundo, Vol. Ill, p. 118), after mentioning the investigation carried on under the auspices of the viceroy, adds: "Y poco despues, en otra junta general de los indios viejos que habian alcan- zado el reinado del Inca Guaina Capac, que hizo en la misma ciudad del Cuzco Cristobal de Molina, cura de la parroquia de Nuestra Senora de los Remedios del Hospital de los naturales, por mandado del obispo D: Sebastian de Lartaum, se averiguo lo mismo, resultando della una copiosa relacion de los ritos y fabulas que en su gentilidad tenian los indios perua- nos. La cual conforma en todo lo sustancial con la del licenciado Polo y con la que se hizo por orden de D: Francisco Toledo, que ambas vinie- ron a mi poder ..." ** The title given in the publication of that important document is utterly misleading, as Jimenez de la Espada has justly observed. It reads: Bela- cion de los fundamentos acerea del notable dano que resulta de no guardar a los Indios sus Fueros, Doc. de In- dias, Vol. XVII, p. 9. '^ Ondegardo : Belacion de los fundamentos, p. 10: "porque dado caso como es ansi quellos tuvieron noticia del Diluvio, afirman que se destruyo todo el Mundo por agua; desta generalidad dura la memoria en- trellos e muy generalmente como cosa muy notoria. ' ' It must be noted that Ondegardo made his search for folk- lore more than thirty years after the first contact of Peruvian Indians with whites, and when the church was al- ready Avell established in that part of South America. Also, that neither Betanzos nor Cieza allude to a tale of the deluge in the myths they have preserved. There are some stories of great inundations, but apparently local ones only, and the remark is very pertinent, by Joseph de Acosta: Historia natural y moral de las Indias, 1608, Lib. I, Cap. xxv, p. 82: "Ay entre ellos comunmente gran noticia, y mucha platica del diluvio, pero no se pnede bie determinar, si el diluuio que estos refieren, es el vniuersal, que cuenta la diuina Escritura, o si fue al- guno otro diluuio, o inundacion par- ticular, de las regiones en que ellos mora: mas de que en aquestas tierras, hombres expertos dizen, que se veen senales claros, de auer auido alguna grande inundacion. Yo mas me llego al parecer, de los que sienten, que los rastros y senales que ay de diluuie, no son del de Noe, sino de alguno otro particular, como el que cuenta Platon, o el que los Poetas cantan de Deucalion." *' The hospital for Indians was founded at Cuzco with the aid of vol- untary donations of the Spanish resi- dents (amounting to 17,314 pesos). The subscriptions were opened March 25, 1556, and in eleven days 14,500 pesos had been subscribed. See Bela- cion de las mandas y limosnas que los vezinos y abitantes hisieron en la 336 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI fundacion del dicho hospital. MSS. Original in Libro viejo de la funda- cion de la gran ciudad del Cuzco. " The Fables and Bites of the Yiicas, Hackluyt Society, 1873, pp. 4 to 6. *'*Historia del Nuevo Mundo, IV, p. 44: "La segunda se decia Puquin- cancha. Era una casa del Sol que estaba encima de Cayoeache. Sacrifi- cibanle nines. ' ' *^ Segunda parte de la Historia general llamada Indica, la cual por mandado del excelentisimo seiior Bon Francisco de Toledo, virrey, gober- nador, y capitdn general de los reinos del Piru y mayordomo de la casa real de Castilla, compuso el capitdn Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa. Finished 1572. (In Abhandl. der Konigl. Ge- sellschaft der Wissenschaften su Gottingen. Neue Folge, Band VI, 1902-1906.) ^^ Informaciones acerca del Senorio y Gobierno de los Ingas hechas por mandado de Don Francisco de Toledo, Virey del Peru, 1570 to 1572, pub- lished by Espada, at Madrid, in 1882, together with the Memories of Monte- Binos. Carta de Don Francisco de Toledo al Consejo de Indias, March 1, 1572, p. 249. A painted cloth contain- ing a "genealogy" of Inca Indians was also sent to Spain in 1603, in care of Garcilasso de la Vega, but it stood in no relation to the four men- tioned. Comentarios Beales, I, fol. 263: "Y para mayor verificacion, y demonstracion embiaron pintado en vara y media de tafetan bianco de la China el arbol Eeal, descendiendo desde Manco Capac hasta Huayna Capac, y su hi jo Paullu. Venian los Yncas pintados en su trage antiguo. En las cabeqas trayan la borla colo- rada, y en las ore j as sus oregeras: y en las manos sendas partesanas en lugar de cetro Eeal: venian pintados de los pechos arriba y no mas. ' ' This agrees fairly well with the so-called pictures of the Inca chiefs given by Herrera, and, as the date when the cloth was sent to Garcilasso was a few years previous to the publica- tion of the latter 's book, there is a possibility that this cloth, and not the four painted pieces sent by Toledo, served to Herrera as origi- nals. It is true, however, that Paullu Inca does not appear on Herrera 's medallions. " See note 43. "^ Informaciones acerca del Senorio y Gobierno de los Ingas, p. 267. Only one witness, originally from Chacha- poyas, but living on the coast at Huacho, testified that "Manco Capac habia salido de una Pena de Plomo. " This alludes to the Quichua interpre- tation of the word "Titicaca. " As already stated, the word is Aymara, and signifies ' ' rock of the wild cat. ' ' The Indians who dwelt on and near the Island long before the Inca ap- peared were Aymara, who gave the name to the Island in their native tongue. From the writings of Calancha (Coronica Moralizada, Vol. I, Lib. ll. Cap. X, p. 366) it seems the investi- gations of Ondegardo are also em- bodied in another report which is not accessible to me. ^^ Segunda Parte.de la Hist. gral. llamada Indica, p. 26. "I quote from the French transla- tion of the Misceldnea austral, by Ternaux Compans, published under the title of Histoire du Perou, pp. 11 and 144. " Acosta was born at Medina del Campo, in Spain, about the year 1540. Torres Saldamando: Los antiguos Jesuitas del Peru, p. 2. The data given in my text are found on pages 2 and 10. He died at Salamanca, February 15, 1600. '"' Historia natural y moral de las Indias, Lib. VI, Cap. xix, p. 429: "Por mandado de la Magestad Cato- lica del Eey don Felipe nuestro senor, se hizo aueriguacion con la dili- gencia que fue possible del origen, y ritos, y fueros de los Ingas, y por nO' ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 337 tener aquellos Indios escrituras, no se pudo apurar tanto como se desseara. ' ' "Hist, natural, etc., p. 82. =» Ibidem, p. 432. '" The first edition of Herrera is from 1601-1615. I use the one edited by Barcia, from 1726, 1728-1730. Historia general de los Eechos de los Castellanos en las Islas y Tierra firme del Mar Oceano, Vol. II, Dec. v, p. 60 et seq. ^ Origen de los Indios, edition 1729, pp. 333 and 334. He also quotes Cieza and Acosta. '^ Las Eepublicas del Mundo, Sala- manca, 1595, Vol. Ill, Lib. Ii, Cap. XI, fol. 163. ^^ I follow the indications of Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada: Tres Belaeiones, p. xliv : ' ' La circunstaneia de encontrarse junto con otros MSS. del Dr. Francisco de Avila, y anotado ademas por el sabio visitador, sobre abonar su interes, nos presta alguna luz acerca de la fecha en que debio escribirse, y que yo pongo no lejos de los anos de 1613." ^^ Eelacion de Antigiiedades deste Eeyno del Piru, Tres Eelaciones. p. 234. He says: "que entre los natu- rales 4 las cosas de los tiempos passados siempre los suelen parlar, " etc. The word ' ' parlar ' ' for ' ' to speak" is used to-day by the Ay- mara generally. In Vocahulario de las Voces usuales de Ay mar a al Cas- tellano y Quechua, 1895, p. 2, "Par- lai" is given as the Quichua term for hablar, and "arusina" for the Aymara. Hence it would seem to have been a Quichua word, although it is not found in Torres Kubio, Arte y Vocabulario, 1754, nor in Tschudi, WorterbucTi, 1853, or in Bertonio. '* Eelacion de Antigiiedades, p. 234, same volume, p. xliii: "Porque eso si, D:Juan de Santa Cruz quiere mos- trarse catolico cristiano a toda costa, convirtiendo, siempre que puede, en nuestros diablos los antiguos espiritus de los huacas, y sustituyendo la inter- vencion bondadosa 6 severa del incom- prensible Huiracocha en ciertos hechos materiales y externos, 6 en la coneiencia de los Incas, por la de Jesucristo 6 la de su eterno Padre. ' ' ^^ Ibidem, p. 234. "" Ibidem, p. 236. «' P. 239. *=' P. 240. «' Pp. 237 and 240. ™ Ibidem, p. 240 et seq. " P. 237. ''' Extirpacion de la Ydolatria del Pirv, Lima, 1621. Father Arriaga was born at Vergara, in Biscay, in 1564, went to Peru in 1585, returning to Spain (after having been admitted into the Society of Jesus and received ordination) in 1601. He came back to Peru three years after and was en- gaged in the systematic investigation of ancient Peruvian ceremonials. He became entrusted with the construc- tion of the College of Caciques at Lima, which was opened in 1619. Father Arriaga perished, 1622, near Havana in a tempest that wrecked a number of vessels. "He came to Peru in 1610, and died at Lima, December 3, 1670. Torres Saldamando : Los antiguos Jesiiitas, p. 122. Arriaga cites him frequently and Fray Antonio de la Calancha (Coronica Moralizada, Vol. I, p. 410) refers to his manuscript entitled Contra Idolatriam as a very valuable source on the ceremonials of the Indians of the coast. Espada, in his introduction (letter to the Conde de Toreno, Tres Eelaciones, p. xxxiv), mentions two works of Father Ter- huel: Tratado de las idolatrias de los indios del Peru, and the above cited Contra Idolatriam, of which he says: "en que se ocupa del origen de los indios yuncas 6 de los llanos coste- fios. ' ' ''* Extirpacion de la Ydolatria, Cap. IX, p. 53. '"^ Extirpacion, p. 6: "Despues de los dichos dos Visitadores, el primero que puso mas cuidado en esto fue el Doctor Fernando de Avendano, quo 338 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI tenia entonces la doetrina de San Pe- dro de Casta en la misma provincia de Huaroehiri. " Extracts of letters written by Avendano are given by Arriaga. Very valuable, principally for linguistics, are the sermons preached by Avendano in Quichua and published (with a Spanish transla- tion) in 1649 at Lima: Sermones de los Misterios de Nvestra Santa Fe catolica, en Lengua castellana, y la general del Inca. They contain noth- ing relative to Titicaca, '"^ Extirpacion, Cap. xv, p. 88: "Todo lo que dixeren a de yr escri- viendo brevemente, pero con claridad, y distincion para mejor entenderse en vn libro bianco, que tendra para este ef ecto ; poniendo su titulo. La Ydola- tria que se descubrio en tal pueblo, tal dia mes y ano. Y en el mismo libro a parte, o en otro distinto, yra escriviendo, lo q incidetemente descu- briere de Huacas, o Hechizeros, o cosas seme j antes de otros pueblos. Y lo mismo hara cada y quando, que supiere las cosas de otras partes, aunque no sean de su visita . . . De qual quiera manera que sea todo lo que se supiere, lo cierto como cierto, y lo dudoso, como dudoso, se a de escribir con claridad, puntualidad, y diligencia. ' ' "I refer, for such works, to the letter to the Conde Toreno, by Es- pada, in Tres Belaciones de AnUgiie- dades Peruanas. ''^Historia del Nuevo Mundo, com- pleted 1653, but published in Sevilla in 1900, in four volumes. It is one of the most important works on Span- ish America (the author also lived in Mexico for twenty years) for eth- nology, archaeology and natural his- tory for the seventeenth century. '"> Eistoria del Nuevo Mundo, Vol. Ill, p. 121. «" Ibidem. " P. 122. «= P. 123. " P. 124. " P. 125. ^ P. 125 : " Otra f abula del origen de los Incas es muy seme j ante a esta, salvo que afirma que los primeros nacieron en la sobredieha isla de una mujer Uamada Titicaca, de quien tomo el nombre que hoy tiene la isla y laguna. ' ' «^ Vol. IV, p. 55. " Ibidem. ^^ Eistoria del Perv y Varones in- signes en Santidad de la Compania de Jesus, p. xvi. s'' P. 5 et seq. ""Lib. I, Cap. II, p. 23: "Noticia sera esta que no se hallara tan facil- mente en las historias, por lo menos con auer visto, y leido muchas no la he aleanqado dellas, y en el tiempo que estoy escribiendo esta vinieron a mis manos unos papeles originales, que me dio el doctor Bartolome Cer- vantes, racionero de la Sancta yglesia de los Charcas en que halle con pun- tualidad lo que muchos anos a e de- seado saber." "1 Pp. 18, 19 and 20. °=Lib. I, Cap. II, p. 17. ^^ Comentarios Beales, I, f ol. 137. He claims: "Yo trate los Quipus y nudos con los Yndios de mi padre, y con otros Curacas quando por san Juan y Nauidad venian a la Ciudad, a pagar sus tributos. Los Curacas agenos rogauan a mi madre, que me mandasse les cotejasse sus cuentas por que, como gente sospechosa, no se fiauan de los Espanoles, que les tra- tassen verdad en aquel particular, hasta que yo les certificaua della, leyendoles los traslados, que de sus tributos me trayan, y cotejandolos con sus nudos, y desta manera supe dellos tanto como los Yndios." ^ Eistoria del Perv, Lib. I, Cap. ii, pp. 23-27. The story of the throw with the sling was repeated to us by an Indian from Azangaro north of the Lake, with slight variations. "^ Ibidem. ""P. 38: "Luego diuidio el Keino en quatro partes que son las mismas en que el gran Huyustus antes que ABORIGINAL MYTHS AND TRADITIONS 339 comen^ara a reinar su padre Manco Capac lo aula repartido ..." This refers to the Inca war-chief Sinchi Roca and alludes to a supposed ante- rior rule, the seat of which was Tia- huanaco. (P. 39.) "Y passo a las partes de Tyyay Vanacu por ver sus edificios que antiguamente Uamaban Chucara, cuya antigiiedad nadie supo determinalla. Mas solo que alii vivia el gran senor Huyustus que decian ser Senor de todo el mundo. ' ' The word ' ' Huyustus ' ' is suspicious. It is neither Quichua nor Aymara, and re- calls the manner in which the Indians of those parts would pronounce "Au- gustus" ! " Cabello Balboa was alive in 1603. Orden y Traza para descubrir y pohlar la tierra de los Chunchos y otras pro- vincias, Bel. geogrdficas, II, Apendice III, p. cxii. ®' Vizcarra : Copacdbana de los In- cas. About this rather suspicious book, and that of Salas upon which it claims to be based, see preceding chapters. "' The work of Father Ramos is exceedingly rare. I know of only four copies, one of which (and an incom- plete copy) was taken to Spain by Father Rafael Sans, while two intact ones are in Bolivia and the fourth one at the Hispanic Society of America. My friend, the Right Reverend Bishop of La Paz, Fray Nicolas Armentia, had the kind- ness to compare the text of one of these copies with the purported reprint of the book by the late Father Nicolas Sans, and to furnish me with the title of the original, which is: Eistoria del celehre y mila- groso Santuario de la YnsigneYmdgen de Nfa Sfa de Copacaiana, Lima, 1621. Of the partial reprints made by Father Sans there are two editions, also rare, the first one of which, dated 1860, contains a map of Lake Titicaca and an outline sketch of Copacavana. The second edition bears date 1886. I quote from the former. ^'^ Eistoria de Copacdbana, 1860, Cap. i-ii, p. 3: "y de la cual la tradicion vulgar hace salir a Manco Capac a la conquista del imperio. ' ' This is from Father Sans. "^ Cap, XXVII, p. 53 et seq. "' Cap. VIII, p. 12 : "El f undamento de la estimacion de esta isla fue ha- berse creido por los antiguos que, habiendo estado en tinieblas algunos dias, vieron despues salir al Sol de aquella peiia. " ^"^ With the difference that Ramos gives more detail concerning the mys- terious "Cross of Carabuco. " See my article in the American Antliro- pologist, Vol. VI, No. 5. ' ' The Cross of Carabuco. ' ' ^°*And even that resemblance is very faint. Compare Belacion de la BeUgion y Bitos del Peru, Jiecha por los primeros Eeligiosos Agustinos que alii pasaron para la Conversion de los naturales, Doc. de Indias, III, p. 24; also Cabello Balboa: Mis- celanea austral (MSS.). 105 rpjjg manuscript of Betanzos was, when Ramos wrote, in Spain, and possibly in the hands of Fray Gre- gorio Garcia. Of the writings of Cieza only the first part had been published. '"'According to Mendiburu (Dic- cionario, Vol. II, p. 117), Calancha was born at Sucre (now in Bolivia), in 1584, and died 1654. His pon- derous, but valuable work, Coronica Moralizada, was published, the first volume in 1638, the second (very rare), in 1653. ^"^ Coronica Moralizada, Vol. I, Lib. n. Cap. X, p. 366. "8 Ibidem., p. 367. ^"^ Be diva virgine, Copacavana, in peruana novi mvndi Begno celeber- lima. Liber vnvs, Quo eius Origo, et Miracula compendio descripta, Rome, 1656. ^'^'^ Imdgen de N : S : de Copacavana, mentioned previously. "^ Idem, f ol. 19. "-Ramos: Eistoria de Copacdbana, 340 THE ISLANDS OF TITICACA AND KOATI Cap. vm, p. 12, edition of 1860: "El fundamento de la estimacion de esta isla fue el haberse creido por los an- tiguos que, habiendo estado en tinie- blas algunos dias, vieron despuea salir al Sol de aquella pena." I call at- tention to the various versions con- cerning the duration of the obscurity in which the region is said to have been plunged. Some authors mention a long period, while others speak of merely a few days. Such a short period of darkness was at Copacavana produced by the eruption of the vol- cano of Omate in 1600. Eamos: Eistoria, p. 120. LIST OF INDIGENOUS PLANTS These plants were collected by Mrs. Ad. F. Bandelier on the Island of Titicaca, and use was made thereof according to state- ments of the Indians. Name in Aymsra Latin Name Use in Indian Medicine Belalaya Malvastrum "Against all kind of diseases" Chapi Relbunium mierophyllum (Gray) Hemsley Same Chaucha Not determined Against dog-bite. The plant is ground to a pulp, which is mixed with the ashes of the hairs of the dog and applied as a plaster on the wound Chiki Acicarpha procimibens Lass Taken as an infusion to re- fresh the blood after a dis- pute or quarrel Hanuca Not determined Not used on the Island Hanuk'ara Lepidium bonarensis DC . Against pneumonia and pleu- rosis. Taken as infusion Hanuk'ara irma . Not determined Not used on the Island Kachu-Kachu . . . Erodium cicutarium L'Her Against goitre. Toasted like coffee, ground and applied on the skin. Same use in the case of sores Kea-Kea Not determined Placed on wounds or cuts to stop bleeding Layu-Layu Oxalis, probably a new species Not used on the Island Marancela Sisyrinchium Sps,, near ^ S. pusilla H. B. K. . . > Both used as purgatives Marancela Lobelia nana H. B. K. . ) Misieu Not determined Against pain in the stomach Muni-Mimi Not determined Same use as Chik'i 341 342 LIST OF INDIGENOUS PLANTS Name in Aymara Latin Name Nunumaya Solanum aureifolium Rusby Panti-Panti Cosmos puleherrimus Sasaya blanea . . Cerastium arvense L. Tonouari Acicarpha Uairank'aya Ranunculus praBmorsus H. B. K Verbena Verbena , Use in Indian Medicine , The leaves, dried and moist- ened with native grape- brandy, are wrapped around the body of a child that has been frightened by the sight of a corpse. If the child falls into perspiration and its cheeks become red, it is looked upon as saved, other- wise it may die. See "Lar- pata" , The root and flowers are used for preparing a hot infu- sion which is an excellent remedy against severe colds , Taken as infusion against sudden affections of the lungs and some nervous dis- eases peculiar to the coun- try , Wliile admitting that the plant is used by them for medic- inal purposes, the Indians obstinately refused to give any information on the sub- ject ■ Not used on the Island , For all sorts of diseases The determination of botanical names in the above list is due to the kindness of Professor Nathaniel L. Britton, Director of the New York Botanical Gardens. INDEX INDEX TO PRINTED SOURCES IN THIS VOLUME (The page numbers following titles refer to this volume.) Acosta, P. Josef de: Historia natural y moral de Indias, 1608. 156, 336, 337 Agassiz, Alexandre, and Garman, S. W. : Exploration of Lake Titicaca. 32 Anonymous : Relacion del sitio del Cuzco. 244 Vocabulario de las voces usuales de Ay- mar& al Castellano y Quechua, 1894, 242, 337 Relacion de las costumbres antiguas de los naturales del Pirii, 1615 (in Tres Rela- ciones de Antigiiedades peruanas) 151, 159, 248 La Conquista del Peru, llamada la Nueua Castilla, Sevilla, 1534. 129, 252 Apollonius, Levinus: De peruanae Regionis, inter Noui Orbis prouincias, Celeberrimae, inuentione : 8 in eadem gestis, 1567. 334 Archive boliviano: Carta de los principales de Sica-sica & la Comunidad de Callapa (1781). 145 Borda, Frav Matias: Informe (1781). 145, 148 Arriaga, P. Pablo, Josef de: Extirpacion de la Ydolatria del Pirv, 1621. Cobo, P. Bernabe: 150, 158, 245, 249, 254, 286, 297, 332, 335 Cabello Balboa, Miguel de: Histoire du Perou (Ternaux Compans). 336 Calancha, Fray Antonio de la: Coronica Moralizada del Orden de San Agustin en el Peru, Vol. I, 1638. 27, 30, 36, 37, 287, 288, 336, 339 Vol. II, 1653. 26, 137, 155, 242, 244, 246, 249, 251 150, Casas, Fray Bartolome de las: Breuissima relacion dela destruycion delas Yndias (Venice, 1643). 133 Cieza de Leon, Pedro de: Segunda Parte de la Cr6nica del Peru, Que trata del Senorlo de los Incas Yupan- quis y de sus Grandes Hechos y Gobernacion (written previous to 1560, published Madrid, 1880). 29, 136, 150, 154, 158, 159, 244, 246, 254, 256, 286, 288, 332, 333 Primera Parte de la Cronica del Peru. 29, 34, 35, 36, 131, 136, 139, 141, 142, 146, 147, 149, 151, 241, 243, 255, 256, 288, 289, 331, 332, 333 25, 145, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 242, 243, 247, 248, 250, 255, 337, 338 Avendano, P. Fernando de : Sermones de los Misterios de Nuestra Santa Fe catolica, en Lengua castellana, y la general del Inca, 1649. 338 Bandelier, Ad. F. : The Aboriginal Ruins at Sillustani. Peru, 1905. 243 The Montezuma of the Pueblo Indians, 1892. 331 An Archaeological Reconnoissance into Mexico (second edition). 139, 140, 141, 243 Final Report of Investigations among the Indians of the Southwestern United States, Vol. I. 140, 141, 287 Cross of Carabuco (American Anthropolo- Historia del Nuevo Mundo, 1683 (Sevilla, 1890). 29, 34, 56, 135, 136, 137, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 148, 150, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159, 160, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 255, 256, 285, 287, 288, 289, 335, 336, 338 Historia de la Fundacion de Lima (1639). 134 Coleccion de Documentos ineditos sobre la Historia de Chile: Vol. VII. Exposicion de Hernan Jimenez acerca de las desavenencias de Pizarro y Almagro. 135 Anonymous : Conquista y Poblacion del Peru. 137, 242, 334 Vol. XII. Garcia de Villalon, Diego: Sobre restitucion de indios. 134 gist. Vol. VI). 144, 148, 149, 154, "339 Coleccion de Documentos ineditos para la Final Report, etc.. Vol. II. 241, 243 Basadre, Modesto : Los Lagos de Titicaca (in Boletin de la Sociedad Geografica de Lima, Tomo III). 23, 24, 27 Bertonio, P. Ludovico : Arte y Grammatica mvy copiosa de la Lengva Avmar& (1603, Platzmann fac- simile 1879). 136 Vocabulario en la Lengua Aymara (1612). 142, 156, 159, 241, 242, 243, 244, 333, 337 Betanzos, Juan de: Suma y Narracion de los Yncas que los Indios Llamaron Capaccuna (published Madrid, 1880, written 1550). 30, 145, Historia de Espana : Vol. I. Castro, Fray Cristobal de: Relacion y declaracion del modo que este valle de Chincha y sus comarcanos se gobernaban, etc., 1558. 256 Vol. V. Pizarro, Pedro : Relacion del Descubrimiento y Conquista de los Reinos del Peru, 1571. 34, 35, 140, 142, 146, 147, 149, 150, 153, 158, 241, 252, 255, 256, 287, 331, 333, 334 Saraano, Juan de: Relacion de los primeros descubrimientos de Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Alma- gro, 1526, 129 345 346 INDEX Vol. LXXI. San Martin, Fray Matias de: Parecer sobre el Escrtipulo de si son bien ganados los Bienes adquiridos por los Conquistadores. 24 Coleccion oficial de Leyes, Decretos, Resolu- ciones etc. de la Kepublica Boliviana : Vol. I. Bolivar, Simon : Decreto, Cuzco, July 4, 1825. 143 Vol. II. Santa Cruz, Andres de : Decreto. 143 Coleccion de Documentos ineditos del Archivo de Indias: Vol. I. Betanzos, Juan de: Carta al Consejo real de Indias, 1539. 332 Vol. II. Robles, Diego de: Memorial sobre el Asiento del Perl. 26 Vol. III. Espinall, Manuel de: Relacion hecha al Emperador de lo succe- dido entre Pizarro y Almagro (1539). 135 Valverde, Bishop Fray Vicente de: Carta al Emperador sobre asuntos de su iglesia y otros de la gobernacion general de aquel pais, 1539. 148 Relacion de la Religion y Ritos del Peru, hecha por los primeros Religiosos Agus- tinos que alli pasaron para la conversion de los naturales. 154, 248, 256, 339 Suarez de Carvajal, Ulan: Carta al Emperador, 1539. 286 Vol. VII. Falcon, Liceneiado: Representacion hecha en Ooncilio Pro- vincial sobre los danos y molestias que se hacen a los Indios. 144 Vol. XVII. Ondegardo, Polo de : Relacion de los fundamentos acerca del notable daiio que resulta de no guardar a los Indios sus fueros. June 25, 1571. 144, 153, 335 Vol. XX. Almagro, Diego (the younger) : Acusacion contra Don Francisco Pizarro a S. M. 135, 286 Vol. XXIV. Informacion de las Idolatrias de los Incas e Indios y de como se enterraban. 250 Vol. XLII. Anonymous : Sucesos ocurridos en la conquista del Peru antes de la llegada del Lycenciado La Gasca. 242 Constituciones synodales del Arcobispado de los Reves, en el Perv, 1613 (reprint of 1722). 147, 156 Constituciones synodales del Arcobispado de los Reyes, en el Perv, 1636. 156 Conway, Sir Martin : Notes on a Map of Part of the Cordillera Real of Bolivia, in Geographical Journal (1900). 28, 32, 33 Cushing, Frank H. : Zuni Fetiches. 150, 154 Espada, Marcos Jimenez de la : Tres Relaciones de Antigiiedades peruanas (Dedicatoria). 334, 337, 338 Estete, Miguel de: La Relacion del Viaje que hizo el Seiior Capitan Hernando Pizarro, etc. (see Xerez). 252 Fernandez, Diego: Primera y Segunda Parte de la Historia del Peru (1571, Lima 1876). 144 Forbes, David: Report on the Geology of South America, 1861. 55 Garcia, Fray Gregorio: Origen de los Indios de el Nuevo Mundo (1729). 137, 332, 337 Gomara, Francisco Lopez de: Primera y Segunda Parte de la historia general de las Indias hasta el ano de 1551 (reprint by Vedia). 334 Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Pedro : Historia de las guerras civiles del Perti, 1544 to 1548. 24, 137, 150, 288, 333, 334 Herrera, Antonio de: Historia general de los Hechos de los Cas- tellanos, en las Tolas v la Tierra firme del Mar Oceano (1729). 135, 157, 337 Hill, S. S.: Travels in Peru and Mexico (1860). 241 Informacion de las Idolatrias de los Incas e Indios y de como se enterraban, 1571. 250 Informaciones acerca del Senorio y Gobierno de los Incas (published Madrid, 1882). 157, 336 Julian, Antonio : La Perla de la America, 1787. 149 Libro primero de Cabildos de Lima, 1888. 250 Lopez de Velazco, Juan : Geografia y Descripcion universal de las Indias (1571-1574, Madrid 1894). 137 Lumholtz, Carl: Unknown Mexico. 241 Melendez, Fray Juan: Tesoros Verdaderos de las Yndias, Historia de la Provincia de san Ivan del Perv del Orden de Predicadores, 1681. 26, 134 Mendiburu, Manuel de : Diccionario Historico-Biogrfifico del Perl. 24, 26, 335, 339 Mendoza, Fray Diego de: Chr6nica de la Provincia de S. Antonio de Los Charcas del orden de uro seraphico P. S. Francisco, en las Indias Occidentales, Reyno del Peru, 1664. 36, 133 Molina, Cristobal de: Fables and Rites of the Inca (Hakluyt Society). 145, 151, 245, 248, 249, 336 Morales Figueroa, Luis de : Relacion de los Indios Tributarios que hay al presente en estos reinos y Provincias del Peru; Fecha por Mandado del Senor Marques de Canete, 1591-1596 (in Rela- ciones de los Vireyes del Peru). 26, 27 Oliva, P. Arello: Historia del Peru y Varones Insignes en Santidad de la Compania de Jesiis (1631). 29, 136, 246, 289, 332, 338 Orton, James: The Andes and the Amazon. 23 Oviedo y Valdes, Gonzalo Fernandez de: Historia general y natural de Indias. INDEX 347 Madrid, 1850. 130. Edicion 1855. 141, 148, 252, 255, 331 Paz-Soldan: Atlas Geografico del Peru. 23 Peralta Barnueva, Rocha y Benavides, Pedro de: Lima fundada o Conquista del Peru, 1732 (edition of 1863). 331 Piedrahita, Lucas Fernandez de: Historia general de las Conquistas del Nuevo Reyno de Granada. 1688. 148 Pizarro, Hernando: Carta a la Audiencia de Santo Domingo, 1533 (in Biblioteca de Autores espanoles. Vol. XIX). 252, 256 Puente, Ygnacio la : Estudio Monografico del Lago Titicaca; bajo su aspecto fisico e historico (in Bole- tin de la Sociedad Geografica de Lima, Tomo I). 23, 28, 31, 32, 34, 55, 56 Raimondi, A. : Elementos de Botanica Aplicada a la Medi- cina y la Industria, 1857. 34, 287 Ramos Gavilan, Fray Alonzo: Historia de Copacabana (edited by Fray Rafael Sans, 1860). 26, 31, 33, 131, 135, 136, 137, 144, 242, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 255, 256, 287, 289, 290, 339 Historia de Copacabana y de la Milagrosa Imagen de su Virgen (edited bv Sans, 1886). 27, 31, 33, 131, 136, 137, 155, 159, 285, 287, 288, 289, 339, 340 Historia del celebre y milagroso Santuario de la Ynsigne Ymagen de Nfa Sfa de Copacabana (original work, Lima, 1621). 31, 339 Relaciones Geograficas de Indias (edited by Marcos Jimenez de la Espada) : Vol. I. Antecedentes. 335 Vol. II. Cabello de Balboa, P. Miguel: Orden y Traza para descubrir y poblar la tierra de los Chunchos y otras provin- cias, 1603. 339 Description y relacion de la Ciudad de La Paz (1586). 33, 148, 151, 158, 288 Ulloa Mogollon, Joan de: Relacion de la Provincia de los Colla- guas, etc., 1586. 138, 142, 242 Relacion de la Provincia de los Pacajes, 1586. 139, 147, 148, 241, 246 Descripcion de la tierra del Reparti- miento de los Rucanas Antamarcas, 1586. 144 Vol. III. Bello Gayoso, Antonio: Relacion que enbio & mandar su Mages- tad se hiziese desta Ciudad de Cuenca y de toda su Provincia, 1581. 151 Maldonado, Pray Juan de Paz: Relacion del Pueblo de Sant-Andres Xunxi. 151 Relacion hecha por mi. Fray Geronimo de Aguilar, de la Dotrina y Pueblo de Caguas- qui y Qiiilca, etc., 1582. 151 Rivero and Tschudi : Antigiiedades peruanas (Atlas). 25 AntigiJedades peruanas, 1851 (Text). 285 Roman, Fray Hieronymo : Las Republicas del Mundo, 1595. 337 Salcamayhua, Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui: Relacion de Antigiiedades deste Reyno del Piru (published 1879) (in Tres Relaciones de Antigiiedades peruanas). 31, 138, 156, 242, 245, 337 Sancho, Pedro : Relatione per Sua Maesta di qvel che nel conquisto & pacificatione di queste pro- uincie della nuoua Castiglia 6 successo, & della quality del paese dopo che el Capitano Fernando Pizarro si parti & ritorno a sua Maesta: July 15, 1534 (in Ramusio, Vol. Ill, 1565). 130, 139, 241, 245, 246, 248, 249, 250, 251, 255, 256, 285, 288, 289, 331 San Nicolas, Fray Andres de: Imogen de N. S. de Copacavana Portento del Nuevo Mundo Ya Conocida en Europa, 1663. 26, 56, 136, 155, 244, 246, 247, 251, 286, 288, 339 Santillan, Fernando de: Relacion del Origen, Descendencia, Politica y Gobierno de los Incas (about 1565) (in Tres Relaciones de Antigiiedades perua- nas). 147, 149, 150, 155 Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro : Segunda parte de la Historia general 11a- mada Indica, la cual por mandado del excelentisimo senor Don Francisco de To- ledo, virrey, gobernador, y capitan general de los reinos del Piru y mayordomo de la casa real de Castilla, compuso el capitan Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, 1572. 336 Squier, E. G. : Peru, Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the Incas. 24, 55, 158, 243, 244, 246, 248, 251, 285, 288 Toledo, Francisco de : Carta al Consejo de Indias, 1572. 336 Ordenanzas 1573 (in Ordenanzas del Peru, 1752). 138, 145, 146, 147, 156, 241, 250, 251 Torres Rubio, P. Diego de: Arte y Vocabulario de la Lengua Quichua, edition 1754. 142, 242, 243, 249, 288, 333, 334, 337 Torres Saldamando, Enrique: Los Antiguos Jesuitas del Peru. 335, 336, 337 Tovar, Agustin : Lago Titicaca ; observaciones sobre la dis- minucion progresiva de sus Aguas (in Boletin de la Sociedad Geografica, Tomo I). 31 Tschudi, J. J. von : Peru, Reiseskizzen (1842). 32, 55 Reisen durch Siid-Amerika, 1869. 148 Die Kechua-Sprache, Worterbuch. 155, 337 Vaca de Castro, Cristoval : Carta al Emperador, 1542 (in Cartas de Indias). 146 Discurso sobre la Descendencia y Gobierno de los Ingas 1542 (published by Don Mar- cos Jimenez de la Espada). 297 Vega, Garcilaso de la : Comentarios Reales de los Incas (Vol. I, 1609). 30, 35, 136, 143, 144, 148, 150, 151, 153, 154, 249, 250, 254, 255, 256, 286, 287, 335, 336, 338 Villagomez, Archbishop Pedro de: Exortacion contra la Idolatria del Peru (Lima, 1649). 156, 159, 160, 241 Villagran, Gaspar Perez de : Historia de la Nueva Mexico, 1610. 147 348 INDEX Vizearra, J. F. P.: W. T. Copacabana de los Incas Documentos Auto-linguisticos e isografiados del Aym&ru- Aym4ra Protogonos de los Pre-americanos (La Paz, 1901). 132, 134, 185, 286, 287, 339 Wiener, Charles: P§rou et Bolivia, 1880. 24, 28, 33, 285 Xerez, Francisco de : Verdadera Relacion de la Conquista del Peru y Provincia del Cuzco, 1534 (reprint of 1891). 140, 242, 252, 256 Zarate, Agustin de: Historia del Descubrimiento y Conquista de la Provincia del Peru. 334 INDEX TO MANUSCRIPT SOURCES IN THIS VOLUME Cabello de Balboa, P. Miguel: Miscelanea antarctica (austral). 339 Cieza, Pedro de : Tercer Libro de las guerras civiles del Peru. 130 Historia del Colegio de la Compafiia de Jesus de Arequipa y Reventazon del Volcan de Ornate, 1600. 161 Libro de Cassados que perteneze a este pueblo de Tiagu_anaco comienza a ocho de henero de 1694 AS. 36, 144, 148. Matienzo, Joan de: Gobierno del Peru con todas las cosas per- tenecientes d el y a su historia (Lenox Library). 140 Relacion de las mandas y limosnas que los vezinos y abitantes hizieron en la fundacion del dicho hospital (in Libro viejo de la fundacion de la gran ciudad del Cuzco). 335 _ Testim YO de los Autos hechos Por el Juez de Nles_sobre la Planta de las Arboledas en el Trno de la Paroquia de San SebastN por comision del Ysigne Cauildo de la Dha Ciudad, 1590. 251 GENERAL INDEX Abuses by political and ecclesiastical authori- ties, 70, 84 Acclaguasi (Quichua, house of women), 273 Accusations, unjust, against the Spaniards, 27 Achacache, town, 70 Achacache, Rio de, 9 Achachila, 8, 33, 94, 98, 99, 100, 126, 141, 145, 150, 154 Aclla-huasi, definition of word, 288 Acocagua, oracle at, 256 Aconcagua, mountain in Chile, 24 Acora, village, 5, 24, 26, 186 Acosta, P. Joseph de, critical spirit displayed bv, 316; sources of information, 316; crea- tion myth, 316, 317 Agassiz, Alexandre, 31, 32 Agassiz, Louis, 12 Agricultural life on Island, 87 Aguavo (see Llik'Ua), 142 Ahijadero, 167, 199, 200; dikes at, 199 Airaguanca, village in province of Omasuyos, 271 Aji, red pepper, 95 Akkamani, range, 7 Alabaster at Charassani, 105 Alcalde, Indian, 51, 82; functions, 82, 146 Alcaldes, election of, 145 Alcamari (see Chinalinda), 47, 251 Alcauiza, first chief of Cuzco, according to Betanzos, 305 Alferez, church officer, 119 Aliso {Almus acuminata), 224 Aljiri (see Personal service), 78 Almagro, Diego de (the older), 64 Almagro, Diego de (the younger), 64, 266 Alpine glow on the Andes of Bolivia, 7, 8 Altar&ni, range, 7 Amantani, island, 5 Amazon River, 4 American Museum of Natural History, 140, 142 Ananea, mountain, 7 Anchancho, 93, 101 Ancient costume of Aymara, 75 Ancient pottery from Kasapata, 49 Ancon, trephined skull at, 174, 175 Ancoraymes, village, 13, 15, 46, 70, 87 Andenes, terraced garden-beds, 5, 13, 14, 42, 43, 47, 165, 224 Andes, chain of the, 3, 7, 20 Andesite, rock, in situ at Yampupata, etc., 218 Animal intercessors, 101 Animal life, on Lake Titicaca, 12; on Titicaca Island, 47; on Koati Island, 50 Anzurez de Campo-redondo, Pedro, 63, 135 Apachinanca, also Apachinaca, hamlet, 43, 167 Apachita, or Apacheta, ceremonials at, 99, 153, 154 Apingiiila, island, 13, 159, 228, 229, 250, 251 Apingiiila and Pampiti, Inca remains said to exist on, 283 Apotampo, father of Manco Capac, 318, 319 Aran-Saya, 82, 119, 144 Arcu-puncu, bay of, 227 Arequipa, city and department of, 24, 32; date of foundation of, 135 Aricaxa (see Larecaja), 135 Armentia, Bishop Fray Nicolas, 327, 339 Arnauan, 11 Arriaga, P. Pablo Josef de, 156, 319, 320; biographical sketch, 337 Artaun, or Lartaun, Sebastian de. Bishop of Cuzco, 311, 314 Artificial drainage (see Inca andenes), 190 Assay of golden plate (see Vizcarra), 286 Atahualpa, Inca war chief, 228, 295, 307 Atauhuallpa, 130 Atmospheric currents on Lake Titicaca, 15 Atun Collao, reported conquest of, by Mango Ynga Zapalla, 302 Aucaypata, square on Titicaca Island, 279 Augustine monks (see Copacavana Mission), 137, 327 Augustines, school of writers, 319 Aullaga, village, 11 Auqui-auqui dance at Llujo, 118 Avendano, P. Hernando de, letters of, 320 Ayanque (see Sandals), 138 Ayar Mango (see Manco Capac), 306 Ayaviri, Peru, 69 Aygachi, bay of, 23 Ayllos, seven, at Copacavana and Islands in 1538-39, 134 Ayllu, clans or gentes, 36, 81, 82, 86, 144, 145, 154 Ayllu Tiahuanaco at Coni, 82 Ayllus, changes in names of, 145 AjTuara, language, 5, 6 Armar4, primitive religious organization, 121 Aymara and Quichua dances, great variety of, 108 Aymara costume, men, 67 Aymara customs of marriage, 147 Aymara dancers, their devotion at sanctuary, 111 AjTnard dances, symbolical, 107; general de- scription. 109; noisier and less dignified than Pueblo dances, 109 ; originally primi- tive ceremonials, 119 Aymar4 fetishism, 94 Aymar4 Indians, 13, 18, 19, 63, 64, 65, 67, 94, 141; geological mvths, 8, 10; character of, 19, 34, 50, 70, 76, 77, 87, 88, 109; segregation into tribes, 21; aversion to im- provements, 76, 99; careless and unclean, 77; their preference for primitive tools; 77; not serfs, 78; neglect of domestic ani- mals, 78 ; dishonesty towards landowners, 79; nominally citizens, 79; obstacles to the study of, 118; mode of sleeping, 140 Aymara music at dances, 110, 112 Aymara superstitions about the dead, 118 Aymaras, manner of weaving used by, 233 Ayo-ayo, village, and massacre at, 149 Bailev, Prof. S. G., 24, 33 Balsa, 12, 13, 15, 32, 34, 47, 52, 68, 70, 179 350 INDEX Bandelier, Mrs. Ad. F., 17, 46, 68, 125, 170 Banquitos of Sonora and Chihuahua in Mex- ico, 171 Baptism, 84 Barley, 18 Bat4n, grinding-slab, 71, 72, 186 Beans, 18, 34 Belalcazar, Sebastian de, 63, 135 Betanzos, Juan de, 297, 298, 303, 317, 326; Doctrina chripstiana and vocabularies writ- ten by, 297, 332; early traditions of Incas and Aymaras, 297 Bloodshed during Aymard dances, 114 Bola (see Lliui), 35, 242 Bolivia, Republic of, 3, 4, 7, 19 Boundary line between Peru and Bolivia, 23 Brujo (see Medicine-men, Sorcerers, Sha- mans), 120 Buddleya, wild olive tree, 18, 49 Building-sites of Indians, 81 Burial customs at Tiahuanaco, 85 Burial sites on Island, mostly Chullpa, 166 Burials, 85 Cabbage, 18 Cabello Balboa, Miguel, on Titicaca Island, 316; Miscelanea austral, 316 Cacha, ruins at, 193, 236 Cachamarca, 11 Cacique, office abolished by Bolivar, 1825, 145 Cajamarca, house of Atahualpa, 193 Cajamarca, town, 133, 134, 236, 252; oracle at, 256 Calancha, Pray Antonio de la, 11, 12, 66, 212, 213, 232, 261, 268, 271, 273, 286. 328; biographical sketch of, 339; creation myth according to Ondegardo, 328 Callahuaya, traveling shaman, 103, 104, 105, 155 Callahuaya costume, 104 Calvario, summit, 44, 46, 103, 176, 203, 214 Calzon, trousers of Aymaras, 142 Calzon (see Costume of Aymard Indians, male), 75 Camara, Francisco de la, 134 Campanario, island, 13 Campos, subordinate Indian officials, 82 Canchon de los Bailes de los Incas, court at Chicheria, Koati, 273, 288 Cannibalism among Aymarfi Indians, 35, 127 Cannibals of the Amazonian basin, 21 Cantuta, shrub, 18, 34, 47 Capac-Raymi, 278 Capachica, peninsula, 4, 24 Capactocco, appearance of son of the Sun at cave of, 326 Carabaya, Andes of, 7, 9, 28, 43 Carabaya, river confounded with Lake Titi- caca, 130 Carabuco, village, 3 Carboniferous rocks on Titicaca and penin- sula of Copacavana, 45 Carbuncle, fabulous eat (see Titi), 102, 155 Cards and coca used for divining, 121 Cari, Indian chief said to have come from Coquimbo, Chile, 300 Carnival on Island, 96 Carpio, Dr. W. del, 50, 123, 272 Carved slab from Ticani, 185 Casas, Bartolome de las, 132 Catari, supposed Indian chronicler, 323, 324 Catechism taught by Indian, 88 Catholic teachings, influence on Indian lore, 315 Cavalluni, mountain, 6 Cavana, Indians of, 138 Caxas, Sierra de, 252 Cayocache, near Poquen-Cancha, 313 Centipedes (see Mygale), 155 Ceremonial when lightning strikes building, 100 Ceremonial objects concealed by Indians, 70 Ceremonials, primitive, in house-building, 94, 95, 96 Cerro de Montezuma, Chihuahua, 189 Cervantes, Dr. Bartolome, of Sucre (Char- cas), 323, 324 Chaca-na-ni, Indian dances, 113, 116, 117, 122 Chachapoyas, on peninsula of Copacavana, 137, 282 Chachapoyas Indians, 67, 137, 138 Chacu-ayllu, or Chokela, Indian dance, 35, 103 Chacu-ayllu, rain dance, 118 Challa, bay of, 43, 44, 45, 47 Challa, garden of, with Inca ruins, 183 Challa, hacienda, 16, 18, 45, 46, 51, 52, 54, 56, 69, 79, 88, 89, 93, 105, 106, 117, 140, 183 Challa, isthmus of, 44, 176, 178, 189 Challa, large stones at and near by, 233 Challa Pata, height, 16, 43, 46, 176, 178 Chama-kani, 125, 161 Champi, 312 Champu-Uaya, inlet, 43, 176 Chaiii, promontory of, 13 Charassani, mountains of (see Carabaya, An- des of), 43, 55, 214 Charassani, village, 7, 142, 155, 242 Charchani, mountain, 24 Chavin de Huantar, Huanuco, silver-leaf on ancient altar of, 287 Chavllpa, group of Indian dancers, 35, 103, 113, 117, 122 Chayllpa costume, 103, 113 Cheese-making on Titicaca, 52 Chicha (Chicca), 62, 71, 112, 156, 209, 232 Chicheria (on Koati), analogy with Kasapata ruins, 274; landing-place and tambo for visitors from Titicaca, 274, 280, 281; ruins at, 273, 274, 281 Chicheria Pata (on Koati), 273, 274 Chij-chi (Aymard for hail), 35 Chililava, bay, 14, 34 Chililaya, port, 9, 10, 16,- 187; ruins at, 184 Chilleca, island, 14 Chillu, cherty marl, 208 Chinalinda (see Alcamari), 47, 251 Chincana, 190; rude mosaic floor at, 230; ruins, 217, 220, 221, 222, 224, 225, 230, 231, 232, 234, 255, 265, 273; spring at, 224; walls of defence, 223; watch-tower at, 223 Chirihuana, Governor of the Indians of Chu- cuito, 136, 300 Chirihuanos, ancient Indian dancing society, 110, 113, 117; highest group of dancers, 123 Choka, water-hen (Fulica), 12, 47 Chonta, hoe, 77, 180 Chua, bowl or saucer, 141 Chua, hacienda, 15 Chua-chua-ni, 33 Chucara, a name for Tiahuanaco, 326 Chucaripu, 189, 215, 217, 226, 229, 230; Inca andenes at, 226; myth of coca-planta- tion by Inoas, 227 Chucaripu-pata, ruins, 221, 225, 226, 232, 249, 250, 251 Chuco (see Lluchu), 73, 142 Chucos (see Lluchu), 73, 175 Chucuito, lagune, 4, 6, 9 Chucuito, promontory, 4 Chucuito, province of, 136 INDEX 351 Chucuito, province of Dominican Order, 26 Chucuito, village, 5, 24, 300 Chuju, island, 13, 44, 53 ChuUpa, definition of name, 241 Chullpa andenes, 167, 168 Chullpa burials, 176 Chullpa dwellings, 187 Chullpa remains, on Bolivian mainland, 186; on Island, not all from before 1534, 239 Chullpa ruins, 165, 167, 175, 176; distribu- tion of, on Titicaca, 184 Chullpa type of pottery, 166, 184 Chullpas, 5, 24, 27, 143; dress of, 186, 241; fishing implement used by them, 185 ; on Titicaca, legend of their destruction, 295 ; work in metal by, 186 ChuUun-Kayani, 189, 234; crest of, 42, 189; ruins on, 236 Chunchos, 104 Chunchu-Sieuri, Indian dancers, 110, 113 Chunu, 21, 36, 52 Churu, or Churi, snails used as rattles, 157, 174 Chuspa, or Chhuspa, bag, 142 Cieza, Pedro de, H, 73, 236, 254, 303, 317, 326, 327 Cieza de Leon, Pedro de, 62, 65, 175, 186; criticism of his works, 299; traditions about Titicaca Island, 237, 299, 300 Ciracuna, needle, 77 Ciria-Pata, 52, 97, 144, 176, 177, 179, 182, 186; ancient graves excavated at, 179, 180, 181, 259, 269; antiquities found at, 180; Chullpa ruins at, 178; Inca ruins at, 170, 177, 182, 274; peculiar pebbles found near, 230 Clans on Titicaca, 82 Clay bases for vessels, 209 Climate of basin of Lake Titicaca, 16, 20 Cloths painted by Incas, paintings said to have been historical, 313, 314 Coa (see Chonta), 77 Coal on Titicaca and at Yampupata, 45 Co&na, island, 14 Coast-people, Peruvian, 5 Coast-range, 6 Coat^, or Coyata (Koati), 261, 269, 286 Cobo, P. Bernabe, 63, 71, 72, 73, 175, 212, 217, 219, 221, 224, 227, 232, 234, 239, 261, 268, 269, 272, 273, 278, 282, 313, 314, 320, 327; biographical sketch of, 320; five distinct creation myths related by, 321, 322; myths of origin of the sun related by, 323; procession of idols described by, 279; statement about Koati, 266 Coca, 87, 90, 95, 96, 97, 148; geographical extent of use of, 148 Cochabamba, Bolivia, 323 Cochi-pachi, bird feared by Indians, 102 Coffee, 87 Cojata, island, 187 Colla, 309 CoUaguas, Indians of, 138 Collao, burials in district of, 186 Collao, province, 29, 30, 35, 64, 147, 175 Collas, 175 Collasuvo, province of, 298 Collca-Pata, 176, 177, 182; burials at, 176 Collcas, storage structures, 289 Combustible (see Tdquia), 20 Comida de Oso (see Kara), 46 Communal hunts (Chacu), 35 Communal tenure of lands, 80, 86 Communidad, tribe, 83, 144 Compensations to Indians in special cases, 79 Compi, hacienda, 14 Condor-konona, ruin, 55 Condor-o-ua-ua-cha-ue, summit, 43 Confession, part of primitive Indian ceremo- nial, 238, 247 Conquista y Poblacion del Perfl, 305 Cons (see Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Pedro de), 302, 303, 333 Contents of house controlled by woman, 86 Con Tici Viracocha (see Betanzos), 298, 302 Con Titi Viracocha (see Betanzos), 299 Conway, Sir Martin, ascent of Illimani by, 33 Cooking vessels, 70 Copacati, idol on peninsula of Copacavana, 283 Copacavana, idol thus called, 279, 283 Copacavana, mission, 6, 26, 84, 136 Copacavana, peninsula, 4, 7, 9, 10, 13, 14, 15, 34, 41, 45, 56, 65, 73, 89, 91, 126, 137, 188; Inca ruins on, 281; reported connection with Inca ceremonials on Titi- caca, 238; rock seals on, 282 Copacavana, sanctuary of, 13, 92, 109, 267 Copacavana, village, 15, 16, 42, 50, 51, 52, 63, 79, 84, 106, 116, 119, 132, 133, 135, 136; decoration of square at festival. 111; effigies of Sun-father and Moon-mother at, 279 ; fairs at, 70, 92 ; Inca vestiges at, 282 Cordillera Real, 3, 7, 8 Cormorant (see Cuervo), 48, 54 Corregidor of Copacavana, 84 Costly costumes of Morenos, 116 Costume of AymarS Indians (male), 73 Costume of Aj-mara women, 74 Cotana, hacienda, 33 Council of old men, supreme authority among Indians, 83 Coya, 261, 286 Coyani, inlet, 43, 176 Creation of Sun and Moon at Tiahuanaco, 11 Crops, time of planting and harvesting, 87 Cross of Carabuco, 328 Crucero Alto, 4 Crucifixes, 70 Cruz, Fray Francisco de la, 134 Cuervo (see Cormorant), 48 Culture-plants, on Islands of Titicaca and Koati, 19; on Koati, 50; on Titicaca Island, 52 Cumana, island, 14 Cumbi, species of cloth, 249 Cumbi, or Pampacona, 142 Curva, village, 155 Gushing, F. H., 94, 101, 108, 117, 124 Cusijata, hacienda, objects for evil sorcery found at, 106 Cusijata, Inca remains at, 281; stone tank at, 289 Cuy (see Guinea-pigs), 52; used in Indian sorcerv, 102 Cuzco, city of, 61, 63, 64, 135, 195, 236, 254; blockade of, by Indians, 63, 64 Cuzco, department of, 9; Indians of, 22, 81; influence on artefacts, 5 Cuzco, tj-pe of pottery, 24, 27, 166 Dancers divided into two principal groups (Aran-saya and Ma-saya), 119 Deluge, in Indian traditions, 311, 315 Desaguadero, channel, 9, 10, 11, 26, 28, 36 Desaguadero, human sacrifice near, 244 Destruction of ruins by Indians, 182 Discretion used by Indians in relating an- cient lore, 310 Discurso sobre la Descendencia y Gobierno de los Ingas, 1542 (Una Antigualla peruana, 1892), 331, 332 Diseases of the Aymar4 Indians, 68 Diseases, pulmonary, 138 Disposition of property after death among Indians, 86 352 INDEX Distribution of lands annually, 80, 144 Dius (see God), 92 Divers (Podiceps), 12, 47 Divining by means of coca-leaves, 126 Dogs barking, evil presage, 102 Domestic animals on Titicaca, 52 Domestic fowl, birds of ill omen, sometimes, 102 Dominican Friars, 6 Doors, low, 72, 76 D'Orbigny, Alcide, 45, 55 Dreams of sorcerers, 98 Drunkenness of Indians on festivals, 112, 156 Dueiias, Bartolome de, reports by, 320 Duho, or Duo, 140 Dun, Alexander, 55 Dwellings of the Indians, 68, 86 Eagles, 47 Earth an Achachila also, 96 Ecclesiastical authorities for Island, 81 Eclipse, lunar, 149 Ecuador, 63 Eggs of aquatic birds, eaten by Indians, 53 Embarcadero (see Yampupata), 65 Encomiendas at Copacavana, 63, 134 Escobari, Father M., 36 Escobari, Macario, 32 Esoteric orders among Indians, 35 Esoteric societies, probable among Aymar&s, 123; in ancient Mexico, 124; on Titicaca Island, 293 Espada, Marcos Jimenez de la, 145, 318 Espinall, Manuel de, 64 Estancia (see Covninidad), 144 Eucalyptus trees on Koati, 50 Evaporation on Lake Titicaca, 28 Evil omens, belief in, 101 Evil sorcery punished among Aymar&s, 127 Evil spirits (devils), 85, 93 Exchange of cultivated plots among Indians, 81 Ezcoma, village, 15 Falb, Rudolph, 33 Fetish, at Kea-Kollu Chico (Muliu), 174; of Indian corn, etc., for evil purposes, 106 Fetishes, Indian, 9, 94, 153 ; of black stone for evil sorcery, 105 ; sold by Callahuayas, 105; dressed in cloth (see Cobo), 272 Fetus of pig in witchcraft, 95 Firearms among Indians, 90 Fire-signals during Indian insurrection, 89 Fishes in Lake Titicaca, 12, 48 Fishing in Lake Titicaca, 21 Fishing spears, 243 Flattening of the forehead, artificial, 67, 167 Fletcher, Miss Alice, 108 Flint flakes found at Ciria-Pata, 181 Flood myth at Tiahuanaco, 11 Fossil plants, carboniferous, 45 Fountain of the Ynca (so called), 14, 42, 190, 197, 199 Fox in Ajonara lore, 102 Furniture of Indian houses, 69 — 76 Gallo, 69, 72, 78 Gamboa, Pray Francisco de, 133 Gamero, Don Enrique, 25 Garces, Don Miguel, collection of antiquities by, 27, 32, 53, 56, 57, 166, 220, 221, 225, 227, 232 Garces, family of, 51 Garcia, Fray Gregorio, 66, 317 Garcia Cuadrado, Alonso, report of, 320 Garcia Cuadrado, Licenciado, 26 Garden near Challa, of Spanish origin, 18, 190, 203 Geme, measure, 77 Genoveva, St., story of, 296 Gentile organization on Island, 81 Gentiles, destruction of, 10 God, Indian conception of, 92 Gold and silver offerings' 129 Gold and silver on Islands, 63, 166 Gomara, Francisco Lopez de, traditions re- corded by, 304; work of, 304 Gomera, Count de la. Governor of Chucuito, 66, 137 Grape-brandy, libations, 97 Groups of dancers on Titicaca Island, 122 Guanaco, 20, 35 Guarachi, family of, 51, 52 Guayan, island on the coast of Ecuador, said bv Oliva to have been birthplace of Manco Capac, 325 Guinea-pigs (see Cuy), 52, 53, 69, 72, 140 Gulls, 12 Gutierrez, Jose Rosendo, 28 Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Pedro de, 65, 299, 302 Hacha-Tata, principal shaman, 160 Hacienda buildings on Puna, 72 Hailstones, 35, 93 Hanan-Cuzco, 82 Handwheel-boat, loaned at Puno, 57 Hanko-Kunu, mountain (see Uilampi), 32 Hanko-uma (see Illampu), 3, 8, 13, 28, 32 Hatun CoUa (see Cieza), 306 Hatun-Kolla, 65, 333 ; ruins, 24 Herrera, Antonio de, 317 Heye, George G., collection of, 140 Hilacata (see Uacata), 145 Hila-Llampu (see Illampu), 32 Hilampi, peak of the Sorata group, 13, 32 Hila-umani (see Illimani), 8, 33, 276 Hog, domestic, imported from Europe, 140 Hostia, stolen for witchcraft practices, 92, 93 Huaca (Quichua, see Machula), 151, 190 Huacas of Peru (see Achachila), 100 Huachua (see Huallata), 56 Huaicho, village, 13, 15, 28, 121 Huaicho, Indian magic derived from, 294 Huallata, Puna-goose, 48, 56 Huamachuco, oracle at, 256 Hufinaco (see Tiahuanaco) , 312 Huancane, town, 41 Huancane, village, 4 Huaqui, port, 4 Huarina, bay, 14, 17, 34 Huarina, village, 16, 36 Huascar, Inca war-chief, 213, 228, 295; killed bv order of Atahuallpa at Antamarca, Peru, 331 Huata, peninsula, 13 Huatajata, hamlet of, 15 Huayna Capac, Inca war-chief, 159, 228, 250, 251, 289, 295, 314 Huavna Potosi (see Karka-Jaque, also Ka-Ka- a-Ea), 7, 27 Human sacrifices, among Incas, 185, 228, 244 ; described by Ramos, 205 ; since the conquest, 244 Hurin-Cuzco, 82 Huvustus, mythical chief at Tiahuanaco, 326, 339 lea, Peru, 31-5 Ichhu, Puna-grass, 78, 143 Idolatrous practices continued on the Islands, 66 Ilacata, 51, 79, 82; functions, 82; religious duties of, 95 Have, village, 3, 6, 15, 25, 26; monoliths near, 25 INDEX 353 Illampu (see Eanl-o-Uma), 3, 8, 32, 42, 43, 276; altitude (see Comday), 32; wor- shiped as Achachila, 276 Illescas, Diego de, 63, 132 Illimani, 3, 8, 9, 14, 33, 55, 82, 168, 275, 276; attempts at ascension of, 33; ruins near snow-line, 184; slopes, burials in, 187 Illpa, lagune, 32 Imitation of plumes in metal, found on Koati, 288 Inca andenes, 168, 190; on Titicaca, 188 Inca artefacts, 166 Inca buildings on Titicaca, their general char- acter, 189 Inca ceremonial on Titicaca, 278 Inca chronology not reliable until after Tupac- Yupanqui, 288 Inca names at Copacavana, 282 Inca remains between Copacavana and Cacha in Peru, 283 Inca ruins, 165 ; distribution of, on Titicaca, 187 Inca settlement on Titicaca, approximate date of, 246 Inca trails on Titicaca, 189 Inca tribe of Cuzco, 187 Incan-taqui, Inca road, 216 Incas, 14, 24, 27, 65, 81, 143, 151; origin of, according to Garcilasso de la Vega, 308 Inca-sicuri, Indian dancers, 113, 123; dra- matic performance of, 115 Incense in ceremonials, 94 Indian authorities on Titicaca Island, 51 Indian creation mvth influenced by Christian ideas, 334 Indian dances, originally symbolic, 157; ety- mology of names, 159 Indian governors (see Ilaeata), 83 Indian hospital at Cuzco, founded in 1557, 311, 314 Indian hunting, 20 Indian insurrection of 1780 — 81, 24 Indian intemperance a primitive feature, 108 Indian medicine-men partly sincere in their beliefs, 126 Indian servants and journeymen, 78 Indian traditions, 30 Indian uprising of 1780-81, 33, 66, 83, 91, 149 Indian voting in Bolivia, Peru, and Mexico, 79 Indian women on Titicaca, 67 Indians, 6, 19; Catholics, 91; inclination to return to primitive creed, 91; interest in outside matters, 89 ; moneyed wealth hid- den, 90 ; not affected bv beautv of scenerv, 8, 20, 34, 196; renters, 78"; struck by lightning made medicine-men, 120 Indians of Titicaca, 61, 87; physical appear- ance, 67 Indians on Puna, seemingly indigent, 89, 90 Inga-Re (Incas), tradition about the, 294, 295 Ingas (see Zdrate), 303 Initiation into esoteric societies, 124 Insects on Titicaca Island, 49 Inti-Kala, rock seats in Copacavana, 282 Intipuncu, 234 Invocations at Tinea, 97 Inak-Uyu, ruin on Koati, 259, 260, 262, 268, 269, 272, 273, 277, 285, 289; analogy with Pilco-Kayma, 275, 280; andenes at, 262; animal figures of stone found at, 270; com- parison with Inca ruins on Titicaca, 274, 275; curious court at, 264; erroneously called "Temple of the Moon," 260, 26l"; gold and silver figures found at, 270; human head of stone found at, 270; Inca artefacts found at, 270; large doorways and niches at, 263; lozenge-shaped niche at, 264 ; passageways at, 265 ; possibly two stories, 264; stone pipes found at, 270, 271 Inak-Uyu, summit on Titicaca, 16, 44, 46, 176 Inak-Uyu and Pilco-Kayma, probably shrines of Achachilas of Sorata peaks, 280 Irma (see Pachacamac), 277 Irpa, dancing master, 118, 158 Itan-pata, 215 Jaguar (see Uturuncu), 156 Jaguar-skins worn by dancers, 103, 110, 113 Jars, ancient, 71 Jauja, oracle at, 256 Javali, indigenous wild boar, 140 Jesuits, Order of, 26; school of writers, 319 Jillimani (see Illimani), 33 Juli, Convent of San Pedro Martir de, 26 Juli, village, 6, 15, 26, 327; blocks from Koati used for church at, 262 Juliaca, Peru, 69 Ka-Ka-a-Ka (see Euayna Potosi), 27, 276 Kakayo-Kena, ridge of, 42, 43, 44, 52, 183, 188, 189, 217, 226, 234, 235 Kalaki, stone towers at, 243 Kalich-Pata, ruin, 262, 264, 269, 272; Chullpa burials at, 269, 270, 271 Kara (see Comida de Oso), 46, 168, 214 Karka-Jaque (see Huayna Potosi, also Ka-Ka- a-Ea), 7, 276 Kasapata, animal bones and metallic artefacts, 207. 209, 210; animal heads on jars, 207; artificial tank at, 211; azurite beads found at, 209; batanes at, 209; burials at, 209, 223; excavations at, 206; Inca pottery at, 207; Inca settlement at, 213, 214; isthmus and ruins of, 44, 96, 140, 166, 183, 203; large stones brought from, 233, 234; so- called Temple of the Sun at, 203, 208, 213, 245 ; so-called Temple of the Sun a tambo, 213, 216, 246, 255, 274, 281; stepping- stones at, 204 Kea, bay of, 43, 46 Kea, promontory and settlement, 44, 51, 88, 169, 172, 176 Kea-Kollu, height, 42, 43, 45, 69, 89, 168, 171, 177, 199, 200; burial sites at, 170; Inca ruins at, 170, 177, 274; ruins at, 169 Kea-Kollu Chico, 200; accumulation of hu- man remains on slope of, 173 ; artefacts found at, 173, 184, 270; definition of name, 241; remains said to be Chullpa, 174, 176, 186; ruins of, 56, 168, 171, 172, 175, 202 Kenaicho (see Eena-kena), 113, 116, 117, 123 Kena-kena, group of dancers, 103 Kena-kena, pan-flute of Aymara Indians, 112 Kenata, island, 44, 53, 54 Kenua (Polylepsis), 18, 46, 49, 190, 203 Kenuani, 198 Kere, hearth, 70, 141 Kero, cups, ISO, 185 Keuti-puncu, 216, 217, 234 Kitchen, 69 Kitchen implements, 70 Kitchen vegetables, 18 Koa, island, 13, 28, 53, 54 Koati, island, 10, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 20, 28, 41, 42, 44, 49, 50, 51, 57, 62, 64, 66, 135, 137, 188, 259, 276, 278, 322; ancient wall on crest, 260, 273; andenes on, 260; ani- mal figures from, 48, 56, 270; approximate ancient population of, 281; became known 354 INDEX through the Incas, 240; called "Island of the Moon," 237; ChuUpa burials on, 259, 275; Chullpa remains on, 259; desultory excavations on, 266 ; Inca buildings poste- rior and accessory to those on Titicaca, 275; names of local fetishes (Achachilas) on, 285; pilgrimage to, under the Incas, 280; possible etymology of name, 286; pro- nunciation of word, 286; secluded women on, 277; statue said to have existed at, 239, 261, 266; visited in 1618, 268 Kochi, island (see Euji-huata), 44, 53, 54, 217, 226 Kona, andenes at, 183, 184, 234; Inca ruins at southern, 188, 200, 234; large niches at, 235 Kona, northern bay of, 43, 44, 45, 189, 217, 225, 226, 234 Kona, southern bay of, 43, 45, 47, 48, 234 Koropuna, mountain, 24, 32; oracle at, 256 Kuji-huata (see Kochi), 53, 217 Kunu-Kollu, Aymara name for snowy moun- tains, 9 Kunurona (see Santa Rosa), 23, 214 Kupanita, ruin, 55 Kurupata, ruins at, 201, 202, 222, 225, 259, 273 Kurupata, summit, 43, 167, 200 La Paz, city of, 3, 28, 52, 55, 73, 79, 87, 110, 116, 132 La Raya, source of the Amazon, 23, 28 _ Lands, cultivated for Indians, 81; cultivated for landowners, 81 Larecaja (see Sorata), 135 Larpata, disease of children, 125 Lauassani, island, 13, 44, 53, 54 LavanderSni, range, 7 Lay-ka, Indian medicine-man, sorcerer, etc., 120, 124, 159; witchcraft ceremonials of, 120 Leke-leke, also Lliclli, 48 Libations of alcohol and wine, 99 Lightning strokes, 16 Like-Like, rocky point of, 163 Lima, city of, 134 Limbo, 93 Limonite at Kakayo-Kena, 45 Llalli-Sivi-Pata (see Santa Barbara), 43 Llama, 21, 129 Llama fetus in witchcraft, 95, 96 Llama tallow in witchcraft, 95, 96, 97 Llaq'aylli. projection of land, 44, 183, 203, 204, 211, 212 Llik'lla (cloth), 95, 142 Lliui, or Ayllu (see Bola), 35, 179, 184 Lloque Yupanqui, Inca war-chief, 138 Lluchu, woolen cap, 73 Llujo, hacienda of, 8, 33, 41, 55, 89, 118, 168 Locca, Inca ruins at, 27, 281 Lopez de Velasco, Juan, 66 Lupaca, branch of the Aymar4 Indians, 65 Machula (see Pacearina and Achachila), 145, 150, 190 Maize, 16, 18, 21 Maker of all created things, called by Indians Ticiviraco'cha or Tupaca, Arnauan or Ara- nauan (see Cieza), 301 Mallqui Amaya, ruins, 5, 24 Mamaconas (see Secluded women), 254, 255 Mamani Manuel, Unya-siri of Challa, and medicine-man, 97, 98, 105, 106, 121, 122, 125, 205 Mama-Ojlia. ruins, 190, 216, 221, 231, 274 Mama-Ojllia, mother of the sun, 294 Manco Capac, 294, 295, 306, 309, 311, 312, 316, 317, 318, 321, 322, 324, 326, 329 Manco Capac and Mama OcUo, legend of, 310 Man-eating stones believed in, 181 Mango Ynga Zapalla (see Gutierrez de Santa Clara), 302 Map of Titicaca basin, 1573, 65 Maracci, P.. Hippolyto, 329, 339 Marcuni, 52, 176; ruins at, 182 Maria Ka and Mama Chocuayllo, legendary women on Titicaca Island, 295 Mariscal, Fray Juan, Francisco, 106 Markham, Sir Clement B., 311 Marriage customs, 84 Ma-Saya, 82, 119, 144 Mass on Island, 93 Mate, gourd or squash, used in trephining, 174 Matthews, Dr. Washington, 108 Maul of stone for clod-breaking, 77 Maynuani, bay, 44 Mavordomo, overseer, 79, 93 Mckie, Charles Paul, 131 Medicinal plants on Island of Titicaca, 125 Medicine-men (see Shamans), 94, 97; their organization and degrees of rank, 122, 126 Meetings, general, of Indians, 83, 89 Mendez, Abel, 57, 89 Metate (see Batdn), 71 Meteorological phenomena also considered Achachilas, 100 Mimula, ancient dance, 115, 122, 123, 158 Minchin, John, 28 Misti, volcano, 24, 161 Mit'ani (see Personal service), 78, 79, 143 Mitimaes at Kasapata, 212 Mitla (Mexico), 193 Modes of subsistence in pre-Spanish times, 20 Mohoza, village, and massacre at, 149 Molina, Diego de (see Oviedo), 252 Molina, P. Cristoval de, report on rites and fables of the Incas by, 311, 314; main source for his writings, 314; traditions about Titicaca Island, 315; companion of Almagro, 1539, 334 Montezuma story from New Mexico, 296 Montoya, Juan Jose, Indian of Cochiti, New Mexico, 331 Moon as a fetish (see Sun), 94 Moquegua, village, 6 Morenos, comic dancers. Mestizos, 116, 158 Mortars, 71; stone, 186 Mountain view from Yumani, 55 Muchu, Mariano, preste of Challa, 119, 121 Mullu, fetish of white alabaster, 97, 98. 100, 103, 105; found at Ticani, 105 Mulu-mulu (see Titi), 47 Munecas, province of, 104, 155 Muro-Kato, crest, 44, 176, 190, 214, 215, 216, 217, 221, 225, 226, 227, 229, 230, 234, 246; silver mask found at, 225 Musical instruments at eclipses, 149 Mygale (spider), 155 Myth of coca-planting on Island, 91 Mythical animal in Lake Titicaca, 32. 48, 56, 57, 102 Nation, W., 32, 56 Navigation on Lake Titicaca, restrictions upon, 19 Needles of copper and bronze (see Tauri), 77 Nicaragua, 141 Niches and ornaments in houses, 69 Niches in Inca buildings on Titicaca, 235 Night-herons, 47 Nizza, Fray Marcos de, 133, 134 Obligations of Indians towards landowners, 78 INDEX 355 Obsidian, 180 Oca, 18 Ocampo, Don Antonio de, 174, 175 Officers of New Mexican pueblos, 84, 86 Official investigations into Indian antiquities, 1571, 311 Official search for treasure, 1617, 267 Ojota (see Sandals), 138 Oliva, P. Anello, 232, 328; analogy of his writings with those of Miguel Cabello Bal- boa, 326; myths concerning Manco Capac and Titicaca Island, 325; review of his book, 323, 324, 325, 326; tradition of original peopling of South America begin- ning in Venezuela, 325 ; traditions about Tiahuanaco, 326 Omasuyos, province of, 137 Ondegardo, Polo de, 311, 314, 328; investi- gations by, 328 Opata Indians of Sonera, 103 Origin of present Indians on Titicaca proba- bly modern, 67 Ornate, eruption of, 161 Ostrich, American (Rhea americana), plumes of, 158 Our Ladv of Copacavana, patron saint of Island, 92 Oviedo v Vald6s, Gonzalo Fernandez de, 236, 237, 296 Owl, bird of evil omen, 101 Pacarec Tampu, definition of name by Gar- cilasso, 309 Pacaritambo, near Cuzco, supposed place of origin of Incas. 297, 312, 316, 317, 321, 322, 326; tradition about (see Betamos), 306 Paccarina (see Achachila), 141, 145, 150, 154, 190 Pacha ayre, 93 Pachacama (see Gutierrez de Santa Clara), 302, 303, 333 Pachacamac (Quichua), 149; house of se- cluded women at, 252, 277; oracle at, 256 Pachaciiti Yupangui, Inca war-chief (see Painted boards), 313 Pachayachachic (see Ticiviracocha) , 321 Painted boards (see Poquen-Cancha) , 313 Painted cloth sent from Peru to Garcilasso de la Vega, 1603, 336 Paintings, aboriginal, at Cuzco, 157 Palla-Kasa, summit of, 42, 43, 167, 198 Pampa de Have, name given to widest part of Lake Titicaca, 15 Pampiti, island, 13, 228, 229, 250, 251 Pando, Jose Manuel, 33 Pardo, Octavio, 28 Parrots (Bolhorhynchus), 48 Pasturages, 81, 144; on Titicaca Island, 144 Patapatani, island, 14 Patas (see Andenes), 5, 165, 169 Patron saints and images, 92 Paucartampu (see Pacaritambo), 310 Payaya, island, 13, 53, 54 Pediculus vestimenti and capitis, abundance of, 49, 52 Pelechuco, village, 7, 242 Personal names in Aymara, 85 Personal service to landowners, 78 Peru, republic of, 3, 7 Philip II, King of Spain, 314, 316 Pickering, Prof. Edward Ch., 24 Picture-writing, 88 148 Pihuihuarmi (see Betamos), 286 Pilcocayma, or Pilco-Kayma, ruin on Titicaca Island, 14, 42, 191, 192, 195, 196, 197, 198, 205, 216, 222, 230, 232, 234, 259, 262, 264, 265, 273, 275, 277; boulders in- cluded in walls, 195; ceiling of, 194; elab- orate niches at, 192; large niches at, 194; niches at, 235 ; not a shrine of the Sun, 276; possible number of inhabitants, 197; roof, 194 ; situation and view, 196 Pillcopuncu, 234 Pinahua, 309 Pizarro, Francisco, 61, 63, 64, 132, 135, 261, 266 Pizarro, Gonzalo, 63, 64, 135, 244; visit to ppninsula of Copacavana, 1539, 286 Pizarro, Hernando, 63, 64, 135, 244; charged with causing death of Spaniards in Lake Titicaca, 267 Pizarro, Pedro, on traditions about Titicaca, 296, 302, 317 Plastic work on Titicaca, 185 Plough, 52, 77 Plumage as dance ornament, 157 Political and judiciary authorities for Island, 81 Pomata, village, 6, 15, 27, 135 Poncho, 85, 166 Ponchos, ancient, from Titicaca Island, 221, 225, 232 Pongo (see Personal service), 78, 79, 143 Population (numbers of) of Chucuito and adjoining districts to Bolivian frontier, 27 Population of Copacavana and Titicaca islands, 27 Population of Koati, 50 Population of Titicaca Island, 51 Poquen-Cancha, painted boards at, 311, 312, 313 Potato, 18 Pottery, modern, 70 Prayers in Avmar4, preceding house-building, 95 Preste, church functionary, 119, 121, 159 Primitive commerce, 21 Prioste (see Preste), 159 Pucar&, hamlet, 51, 52, 144, 189 PucarA, marshy bottom, 48, 172 Pucar&, river of, 28 Pucar&, ruins, 47, 167, 199, 200, 201, 205, 222, 232, 235; artefacts in copper and bronze, 202 ; not mentioned by older authors, 202 ; port on Island of Titicaca for Koati, 280, 281 Pucar4 bay, 43 Pucarani, village, 151; stone idol of, 276 Pueblo women of New Mexico, 67 Puerto Rico, antiquities from, 140 Pulex irritans, 49 Pumapuncu, 234 Puna, tableland, 4, 5, 20, 67, 70, 72, 87, 108, 242 Puncu, 13 Puncu (landing), 42, 52, 167. 191 Puno, citv, 4, 5, 9, 15, 23, 52, 79, 87, 104, 188, 327 Puno, department, 4, 9, 28 Puquin-Cancha (see Poquen-Cancha), 313 Pusipiani, Indian dances, 117, 122, 123 Pu-tu-tu, cow-horn, 93, 149 Quarrels and fights between Indians, 88 Quichua, language, 103, 104 Quichua Indians. 21. 22, 24, 64, 67, 99 Quichu-uaya, hacienda, 34 Quintal, 153 Quinua, 18 Quippu, knotted string, 89, 148, 297, 324 Quippus, explanation of their value by Gar- cilasso, 324 Quipucamayoc, 323, 324 356 INDEX Quivini, ancient Inca trail to Kakayo-Kena, 183, 188, 189, 234 Raimondi, Antonio, statements about Peru- vian indigenous tobacco, 271 Rainbow, an Achachila, 100 Rainfalls on Titicaca Island, 18 Rain-making, 100, 155, 158; at Tiahuanaco, 100 Ramis, river, 9, 23 Ramos, Betanzos, and Cieza, agreement be- tween their statements, 328 Ramos Gavilan, Pray Alonso, 63, 205, 212, 217, 219, 221, 224, 232, 234, 239, 261, 266, 268, 270, 271, 279, 286, 327, 328, 329; popular belief in origin of Manco Capac from Titicaca Island mentioned by, 327 Rattles, of beans, 157; metallic, 157 Religious beliefs and ceremonials among In- dians, 91 Religious ceremonial at Cuzco, 150 Repartimientos at Copacavana, 133 Reports on Indian customs from seventeenth century, 320 Reptiles on islands of Titicaca and Koati, 48 Ringrim, large ears (see Zdrate), 304, 305 Rings, ancient, 142 Roca Inca, war-chief, 295 Rock of the Cat (see Titi-Kala), 44 Roman, Fray Hieronymo, 317 Romulus and Remus, tale of, 296 Ropes, ancient, 143 Rotation of lands among Indians, 24, 80, 144, 197 Sacred Rock (see Titi-Kala), 44, 189, 200, 214, 216, 217, 225, 226, 229, 231, 232, 250, 272, 274, 283, 294, 327; gateways to, 234, 247; original Aymara shrine, adopted by Incas, 238, 239; principal fetish on Island, 238; seat of an oracle, 239; sac- rificial stone-heaps of Pueblos and Navajos, 99 St. Elmo's fires, 6 Sajama, volcano, 32, 102 Salas, Fray Baltasar, 132, 133, 135, 268, 286, 327 Salcamayhua, Juan de, Santa Cruz, Pacha- cuti Yamqui, origin claimed by, 317, 318, 320, 327, 328; sources of information, 318; foundation of Cuzco, 318; traditions about Tonapa, also Viracocha, etc., 318; analogy of statements with those of Betanzos and Cieza, 319 Sambucus Peruvianus, 18 Sampaya, village, 13, 14, 41, 50, 121, 260, 269, 281; Indian magic derived from, 294 San Martin, Fray Tomas de, Dominican, 26, 134 San Nicolas, Fray Andres de, 232, 268, 286, 329 Sandals (see Costume), 68, 138 Sans, Father Rafael, Franciscan, 212, 261, 271, 273, 327; statement about Inca wor- ship, 278 Santa Barbara (see Llalli-Sivi-Pata), 43, 172, 176, 200 Santa Maria, andenes of, 183, 203; wooden goblets found at, 185 Santa Rosa, range of, 4, 23 Santiago (St. James), 100, 149 Santiago Huata, peninsula of, 9, 10, 16, 42, 186, 188, 242 Santo ayre, 93, 141 Sapahaqui, hacienda, 79 Sapo, mountain, 32 Sarmiento Gamboa, Pedro de, 313, 314, 315; criticism of his writings, 315; tradition on Titicaca Island, 315 Sayri, Quichua for tobacco, 271 Scorpion on Titicaca Island, 49 Seal (see Mythical animal), 48 Secluded women (falsely called "Virgins of the Sun"), 252, 255; on Titicaca, 231 Sewing machine at Sampaya and Copacavana, 77 Shamans (see Medicine-men), 94, 97, 120, 160; great influence over Indians, 122 Shiuana of Pueblo Indians, 100 Sicuri, Indian dancers, 116, 123 Sicuyu, promontorv of, 42, 44, 45, 166, 183, 221, 227, 228; ruins and graves at, 228 Sign-language, no trace, 89 Sillustani, ruins, 5, 24, 32, 104, 186, 195 Silverware exhibited on festival. 111 Skin diseases on Island, 68 Skulls, artificial flattening of, 67, 138; fe- male, not deformed, 170; of children from Kasapata, 166 Skunk in Aj'mara lore, 102 Slings, 88 Smallpox on Island, 68 Snake symbol on roofs on Indian houses, 107 Snowfalls, 16 Sorata, group of mountains, 3, 7, 8, 13, 261, 275, 276 Sorata, town, 87 Sorcerers (see Shamans, etc.) 120 Sorcery and witchcraft, 85 Spanish colonists, difficulties of position and lack of resources, 76 Spiders, used in divining, 102 Squier, E. G., 5, 116, 189, 191, 192, 194, 202, 203, 204, 205, 208, 229, 260, 263, 265 Statues reported to have existed on Titicaca (see Ramos), 239 Sticks with notches, for keeping accounts, 89 Stone chests containing pouches, 221 Stone statues near Have, 6 Stone toads, to intercede for rain, 103 ; rain fetishes, 270 Stones, said to be sacrificial, 205, 210, 211 Stool of Stone (see Kasapata), 140 Storehouses, 69, 70 Storms on Lake Titicaca, 12, 15, 16 Strawberries, 18 Suchez, range, 7 Suchez, river, 9 Sucking, Indian medicinal practice, 120 Sun, no supreme deity of the Aymara, 94 ; merely one of the fetishes, 150 Sun and Moon, not worshipped as such by the Incas, 277; fetishes, regarded by Incas as husband and wife, 279 Sunchuli, range, 7 Sun-Father and Moon-Mother, Inca belief in, 277, 278 Suntur Paucar, 312 Sun-worship not enforced by the Incas, 277 Supay (see Evil spirits), 93, 150 Taapac, 11, 29, 31, 327 Tacanas (see Andenes), 5 Tambo (ruined) at Kasapata, 213 Tambo Colorado, near Pisco, Peru, 222 Tambotoco (see Sarmiento), 313, 316 T'ana, 221 Tanca-tanca, ruins, 27 Tanimpata, hacienda, 33 TantalidsB (aquatic birds), 12 Taquia, or llama dung, used as combustible, 20, 34, 70, 72, 111 Taquili, island, 5 INDEX 357 Taraco, gulf of, 10, 12 Taraco, village, 4 Taruca, indigenous deer, 20 Terhuel, P. Luis, 319, 337 Theodolite, influenced by ferrugineous rocks, 41, 55 Thermometric observations on islands of Titi- eaca and Koati, 17, 18 Thunder and lightning, Inca fetishes, 151 Tiahuanaco, ruins and village, 10, 11, 12, 25, 89, 92, 93, 100, 114, 116, 118, 119, 120, 141, 149, 173, 298, 318, 321, 328; Indian oosmogonic lore at, 10; church books, 36; house-building at, 96 ; wooden goblets at, 185 ; early traditions about, 299 ; abode of the Creator, according to Molina, 312 Tican-avchi, 221, 250, 279 Ticani, promontory, 44, 46, 217, 224, 227 Tichicasa, also Thichicasa (see Titicaca), 62, 220 Ticiviracocha, 11, 321 Tile-roofs, 78 Tinea, at Cachilaya, near Chililaya, 97; on Koati, 97, 285 Tinea ceremonial, 96; at Kasapata before ex- cavations, 97, 98 Tiola, bird of evil, 102 Tiquina, San Pablo de, village, 14, 33 Tiquina, San Pedro de, village, 14, 32, 295 Tiquina, Straits of, 9, 10, 14, 15, 34, 188 Titi, wild cat (see Mulu-mulu), 47, 56, 102, 214; piece of skin of, used in witchcraft, 97 Titicaca, etymology of name, 218; supposed name of idol, 261 Titicaca, Island, 4, 7, 8, 10, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 28, 41, 42, 45, 49, 51, 54, 62, 64, 65. 66, 67, 68, 73, 79, 91, 117, 118, 119, 121, 137, 186, 259, 276, 321, 328; abandoned after 1534 and reoccupied later by Aymar4s only, 239; ancient pilgrimage to Sacred Rock, 238; called "Island of the Sun," 237; first visit to, by Spaniards, 61; inferior workmanship on Inca structures, 236; older reports exaggerated, 238; orig- inally inhabited by Aymar4 Indians, 187; seat of an ancient shrine, 237 Titicaca, Lake, 3, 4, 7, 9, 11, 12, 28, 186, 267; altitude above ocean, 23; depths, 9, 10, 13, 28, 54; legend about drying up of, 295; sinking of level (see Torar), 31; swimming in, 243 ; water of, 9, 10 Titicaca basin, 31 Titicacao (see Titicaca), 64 Titi-Kala (Sacred Rock, Rock of the Cat), 44, 62, 189, 214; gold and silver ob- jects found at, 220; object of special cult, 237. 276, 277, 284; ruins at, 219, 220, 221, 232 Titin-Uayani, 172 Tito Yupanqui, Francisco, 33 Toads, intercessors for rain, 103 Tocay,'309 Toledo, Don Francisco de. Viceroy, 22, 65, 157, 175, 311, 313, 314, 316 Tonapa, 11, 31, 318, 327; changed people of Tiahuanaco into stones, 318; story of, probably an Aymara myth, 328; wander- ings of, according to Salcamayhua, 318, 319 Tools, modern, used by Indians, 77, 143 Topa Ynga Yupangue, said to have conquered Cuzco (see Gutierrez de Santa Clara), 303 Topasaire, tobacco, 271 Topo, or Tumi, pins, 142, 181, 207, 226, 227 Topo of gold from Muro-Kato, 226 Torno Kupana, ruin, 55 Totora, 12, 15, 34, 47, 179 Tovar, Agustin, 5 Tracks of the Sun and Moon on Titicaca, 217, 294 Trading trips to lower regions (Yungas), 87 Tradition, about ancient wall protecting Copa- cavana, 282 ; about origin of the Incas from Tiquina, 295; of creation of sun and moon on Titicaca Island, 294, 295, 301, 312; of white men on Titicaca, reported by Cieza, 300 Traditions about Titicaca Island, 284; local AymarS lore, 329 Treasure, search for, in Lake Titicaca, 64 Trephined skulls, 172, 173, 174; in collec- tion at Cuzco, 241 Trephining among Indians of Bolivia and Peru, 174 Tribe, 83 Tropical fruit, 87 Tuapaca, 11, 29 Tunapa (see Tonapa, also Tadpac), 327, 328 Tunta (see Chunu), 36 Tupac Amaru (see Indian uprising), 83 Tupac Yupanqui, Inca war-chief, visit to Titicaca Island, 138, 212, 246, 255; visit to Koati, 261 Turi-Turini, cliff, 44, 217 Turks Island, antiquities from, 141 Turquoises, 181 Uacuyu, hamlet, 51, 56; ruins at base of, 201 Uajran-Kala, peninsula, 44, 176, 182 Uhle, Max, 36 Uilacota, lake of blood, 251 Uila-Ke, height of, on Koati, 42, 285 Uila-Peki, promontory, 41, 259, 260, 272 Uilcaconga, mountain, 6 Uinamarca, basin of, 9 Uinamarca, lagune of, 12, 14, 282 Uincha, also Vincha, head-band, 142 Uira-ko-ua, plant used in witchcraft, 95, 96, 97 Uito-Pampa (see Koati), 49, 50, 51 Umayo, lake, 5, 24, 31 Untu (see Llama tallow), 97, 105 Unya-siri, 69, 78, 94 Urcu (see Owl), 101, 121 Uros, Indians, 36, 67; clans of, 36 Uturuncu (see Jaguar), 156; Callahuaya medicine, 104 Uyu-iri (name for Illimani), 8, 33 Vaca de Castro, Crist6val, official investiga- tion of ancient lore of Cuzco Indians (In- cas), 297, 317 Valera, Father Bias, 136, 323; biographical data concerning, 310; his writings used by Garcilasso de la Vega, 310 Valverde, Pray Fernando de (Augustine), 329 Valverde, Pray Vicente de, 135 Vampires, sorcerers, 156 Vega, Garcilasso de la, 303, 319, 322, 323, 324; biographical notice of, 306; interested tendencies displayed in his book, 307; sources of information, 307; traditions from Collasuyu and Cuntisuyu, 309 Vegetation on islands and lake-shore, 18 Venereal diseases, 138 Verbena, 46 Versions of Titicaca traditions, two distinct, from middle of sixteenth century, 305 Viacha, village, 71 Vicuna, 20, 35 Vicuna dance, or Chokela (see Chacu-ayllu), 103 Vilcanota, oracle at, 256 Vilcanota, range of, 4, 9, 23, 214 358 INDEX Viracocha, ' Inca war-chief, 295, 300. 304 333; creations of, 313, 315 ' viracochas, 294, 295 331 Vizcarra, Pr. P. J. M., 132, 133, 267 Vizcarra, P. Jose, 64 . , i Vizcarra, P. Nicanor, 295 Volcanoes, important Indian fetishes, 161 Votive offerings of gold and silver figures, 250 Watch-towers, ancient, 236 Water-snake (see Taurinka), 48 Waterspouts on Titicaca, 6, 25 Weaving implements of Chullpas, 186 w'e',^erThaS'26V° '"'''""'^ ''''^'' '' Witchcraft on Island, 93 p™se° ''^5'^'''^^'=^ Island for ceremonial pur- Wooden goblet found at Santa Maria, 48 Yacolla, 142 Yampupata, hamlet of, 13, 42, 52, 281- Inca rums at, 282 ' * ^^ Yampupata, Straits, 7, 13, 15 47 IQQ 4.»P"f a., steamer on Lake Titicaca, 6 Yatiri, fetish, sacrifices to," 250 ^atiri, Indian medicine-man, etc., 120 159 Yaur^ (see Needles of copper and bronze), 77, Yaurinka, water-snake, 48 107 Ye-ja-cbi, projection of land, 44, 183 "m'e'lathoTl'64^^"^^"^^^ '^''*^'<=''^« ^S--* Yerba de Castilla, hellebore, 105 Yntip-Raymi, 278 Yumani, hacienda, 14, 42, 47, 55 56 79 «■> 88 167, 170, 190, 191, 'ig?, igs! Mg' 203 ; remains at, 197, 262 ' Yungas, 227 Yunguyu, village, 26, 27, 127, 188- Inca rums at, 281 ' ' ^^ Zampona, large pan-flute, 112 Zapalla Inga (see Zdraje), 304 ^apana, chief of the Collas, 333 ZSrate, Agustin de, his book, 303; tradition 7»^-f°'''^n "* I?^^^ ^'■"'^ Titicaca, 303 ° Zepita, village, 26 GETTY CENTER LIBRARY ' llllllllliililllllllillilllllllillllllllllillllllllllll