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PEABODY MUSEUM 
 
 OF 
 
 AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOG1 
 
 HARVARD UNIVERSITY 
 
 PAPERS 
 
 VOLUME I. 
 
 Cambridge, Mass. 
 Published by the Museum, 
 1888-1904, 
 
Copyright, 1888-1904, 
 
 By - Peabody Museum of American 
 Archaeology and Ethnology, 
 Harvard University. 
 
 Salem press: 
 
 The Salem Press Co., Salem, Mass. 
 
 1904. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Note. — The paging of the volume, except in the first number, is at 
 bottom of page. 
 
 1. Standard or Headdress. By Zelia Nuttall. 1888. 
 
 Prefatory Notice by F. W. Putnam. 3 
 
 Standard or Headdress. 5 
 
 Appendix: Complementary Signs of the Mexican Graphic 
 
 System. 49 
 
 2. The Karankawa Indians. By Albert S. Gatschet. 1891. 
 
 Prefatory Notice by F. W. Putnam. 69 
 
 Biographical Notice of Mrs. Oliver.by C. A. Hammond ... 71 
 
 The Caraneah.ua Tribe of Indians by C. A. Hammond .... 73 
 
 Notes on the Carancahua Indians by Alice W. Oliver .... 79 
 
 The Karankawa Indians. 85 
 
 The Karankawa people from time of discovery to 1835 . . 87 
 
 Other Tribes of the Texan Littoral. 97 
 
 Tribal Synonymy of the Karankawas. 107 
 
 The Karankawa Nation after 1835; its decline and extinction 109 
 Ethnographic Sketch of the Karankawa Indians ... 116 
 
 The Karankawa Language. 137 
 
 Karankawa—English. 137 
 
 English—Karankawa. 147 
 
 Grammatic Elements of the Language. 151 
 
 Affinities of the Language. 159 
 
 Bibliographic Annotations. 163 
 
 Index. 165 
 
 3. The Atlatl or Spear-thrower of the Ancient Mexicans. 
 
 By Zelia Nuttall. 1891. 
 
 Editorial Note by F. W. Putnam. 171 
 
 The Atlatl or Spear-thrower. 173 
 
 4. Report upon Pile-structures in Naaman’s Creek, near 
 
 Claymont, Delaware. By H. T. Cresson. 1892. 
 
 Editorial Note by F. W. Putnam. 209 
 
 Pile-Structures in Naaman’s Creek. 211 
 
 List of Specimens. 224 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 5. A Study of Omaha Indian Music. By Alice C. Fletcher, 
 
 aided by Francis LaFlesciie. With a Report on the 
 Structural Peculiarities of the Music, by John Com¬ 
 fort Fillmore. 1893. 
 
 Dedication to Mrs. Mary Copley Thaw. 233 
 
 Editorial Note by F. W. Putnam. 235 
 
 A Study of Omaha Indian Music. 237 
 
 Report on the Structural Peculiarities of the Music . 289 
 
 Omaha Songs, words and music. 309 
 
 Appendix. 382 
 
 6. Prehistoric Burial Places in Maine. By C. C. Wil¬ 
 
 loughby. 1898. 
 
 Dedication to Clarence Bloomfield Moore. 385 
 
 Editorial Note by F. W. Putnam. 387 
 
 Prehistoric Burial Places in Maine. 389 
 
 Burial Place at Ellsworth. 390 
 
 Burial Place at Bucksport. 401 
 
 Burial Place at Orland. 414 
 
 Implements found in the graves. 427 
 
 Eskimo, Algonkin or Beothuks. 434 
 
 7. Penitential Rite of the Ancient Mexicans. By Zelia 
 
 Nuttall. 1904. 
 
 Penitential Rite of the Ancient Mexicans. 439 
 
 Index to Volume . 463 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Abbott, C. C., 213. 
 
 Abel, Carl, 50. 
 
 Aboriginal fish-weirs, 209-230. 
 
 Achcauhtli or high priest, Mexican, 441. 
 
 Acosta, 21, 25. 
 
 Acxoiatemaliztli, Mexican ceremony, 443. 
 
 Agave paper, 27, 28. 
 
 Agave leaf points, 443, et seq. 
 
 Ahuitzotl, 37, 446, 451. 
 
 Aleutian throwing-stick, 173. 
 
 Alluvial deposits, Naaman’s creek, 213- 
 
 222 . 
 
 Ambras Castle, 38. 
 
 Ambras collection, 5-9, 45-47. 
 
 Amiento, 179. 
 
 Animal myths, Omaha, 281. 
 
 Anthropophagy, 79, 90-97. 
 
 Antonio, Chief, 130. 
 
 Apanecatl, 15, 31, 32, 51. 
 
 Armor, Ambras collection, 9, 36, 45; in 
 Brussel’s collection, 42, 43. 
 
 Arricivita, 100. 
 
 Arrowheads, Naaman’s creek, 211. 
 
 Arrows, ceremonial, 446. 
 
 Arrows, in Mexican picture-writing, 14, 
 17, 18; Mexican, lord of, 17. 
 
 Atlacuihuayan, 175, 176 {note). 
 
 Atlatl or spear-thrower of the ancient 
 Mexicans, 171-204; Mexican and Aleu¬ 
 tian, 173; insignia of rank and religious 
 emblem, 175; in myths, 175, 176; in 
 chronicles, 177-180; in codices, 181-183; 
 187-188; existing specimens, 183-185; 
 on sculptures, 185-187; ceremonial 
 forms, 188-199; its extinction, 198; 
 three plates. 
 
 Aubin MS., 456. 
 
 Audubon, J. J., 40. 
 
 Austin, B. W., 113 {note). 
 
 Austin, Stephen, 94, 95. 
 
 Avalos, General, 114. 
 
 Axayacatl, 36. 
 
 Aztec migration, four leaders of, 15. 
 
 Baby board, Texan Indian, 122. 
 
 Baker, D. W. C., 95, 113. 
 
 Ballesta, 174. 
 
 Bancroft, H. H., 87, 90, 93, 102, 104, 
 105, 120 {notes), 174. 
 
 Bandelier, A. F., 11, 17, 32, 38 {notes), 173. 
 Bangor, Maine, 387. 
 
 Barcia, 87, 89, 98 {notes), 99, 108. 
 
 Baskets, Texan Indian, 88. 
 
 Bastian, Ad., 32 {note). 
 
 Beads of native copper, Maine, 396, 397 
 Belle-Isle, Simars de, 90. 
 
 Bells in Omaha Music, 280, 300. 
 
 Belvedere Museum, 5. 
 
 Beothuks, 388, 432-436. 
 
 Beranger, 90. 
 
 Berghaus, 113. 
 
 Berlin Ethnographical Museum, 453. 
 Berlin Gesellsch. Erdk., 126. 
 
 Berra, Orozco y, 15 {note), 17 {note), 20 
 {note), 49, 51, 93,103, 174, 178, 185, 195. 
 Biblioteca Nazionale, 194. 
 
 Bilimek collection of Mexican Antiquities, 
 10, 22, 31, 32. 
 
 Birch bark in graves, Maine, 396, 398, 
 424; Newfoundland, 436. 
 
 Birch’s Grammar, 50. 
 
 Birds, Mexican, 28, 33, 38-41. 
 
 Blodgett, George, 402. 
 
 Blood offerings, Ancient Mexican, 439- 
 461; Omaha, 272. 
 
 Boas, Franz, 432. 
 
 Boats, Texan Indian, 74, 80, 124, 132. 
 Bone implements, Naaman’s creek, 223. 
 Bone instruments, Mexican, 446, 447, 
 453, 455, 458. 
 
 Bone needles, Texan, 76. 
 
 Bone spear tips, Mexican, 177. 
 
 Bone whistle, Omaha, 266, 284. 
 
 Bones, human (see Human bones). 
 
 Bonnel, 163. 
 
 Bossu, 90 {note). 
 
 Boturini, 15, 16, 31, 175. 
 
 Bourbourg, Brasseur de, 178, 450. 
 
 Bows and arrows, Ancient Mexican, 175- 
 177, 181, et seq.] Texan Indian, 76, 77, 
 79, 95. 
 
 Bracht, V., 163. 
 
 Braekenridge, 100. 
 
 Bread, in shape of constellation, 453. 
 Bridges, Thomas, 71, 73, 9.3, 112, 122, 
 129-133. 
 
 British Asso. Adv. Science, 120 {note). 
 British Museum, 184, 185, 450. 
 
 ( 463 ) 
 
464 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 Brown, J. H., 113. 
 
 Bucholtz, F. B. von, 44 (note). 
 
 Bucksport, Maine, exploration of burial 
 place, 387 , 401-414. 
 
 Buffalo Hide, sacred, Omaha, 248-251. 
 
 Bunsen, 50. 
 
 Burgos, Bishop of, 191. 
 
 Burial customs, Maine, 398, 401; New¬ 
 foundland, 436; Omaha Indian, 272; 
 Texas, 83, 131. 
 
 Burial-places in Maine, 385-436 (see Ells¬ 
 worth, Bucksport, Orland); list and de¬ 
 scription of objects found, 427-434; 
 Eskimo, Algonquin or Beothuks, 434- 
 436. 
 
 Buschmann, J. C. E., 97, 100, 113, 146. 
 
 Bustamante, Islas de, 458, 459. 
 
 Cacatapayolli, ball of woven grass, 444, 
 et seg. 
 
 California, University of, 449. 
 
 California Indians, 431. 
 
 Calmecac, 444, 447. 
 
 Calmecahua, 17, 18. 
 
 Calumets,Omaha (see Pipes of Fellowship). 
 
 Camasale (Camaxtli), 449. 
 
 Cannibalism (see Anthropophagy). 
 
 Canoes (see Boats). 
 
 Carancahua Indians(same as Karankawa). 
 
 Carochi, Padre, 16 (note). 
 
 Carreri, Gemelli, 40. 
 
 Cartier, 435. 
 
 Carving on Atlatl, 184. 
 
 Cavelier, Abbd, 99 (note). 
 
 Ceremonies, Omaha, 238, 248, et seq.\ 
 Texan Indian, 82, 88, 134, 13.5. 
 
 Chaleo, 446. 
 
 Champollion, 50. 
 
 Charles V, Commentaires, 42 (note), 185, 
 190. 
 
 Charm stones, 431 (see also Pendants). 
 
 Charlevoix, 99 (note), 163. 
 
 Charnay, D£sir£, 185, 186. 
 
 Chavero, Alfredo, 8, 174, 192, 193, 194. 
 
 Chiapas, 41. 
 
 Chichen Itza, 185, 457. 
 
 Children, Ancient Mexican, in ceremonial’ 
 447, 448; Omaha, games and songs, 
 264, 274, in ceremonial, 268-271. 
 
 Chimalma, 15. 
 
 Chriesman, Captain, 95. 
 
 Christiana creek, 214, 215. 
 
 Clavigero, 11, 16, 18 (note), 23, 33, 40, 178 
 
 Claymont, Delaware, 209-230. 
 
 Codices, Aubin, 174, 194, 197; Borgian, 
 192; Dresden, 188; Fuenleal, 449; Ram¬ 
 irez, 192, 196, 444; Telleriano Remen- 
 sis, 174, 182, 449; Troano, 187, 450; 
 Vatican, 11, 19, 21, 174, 180, 182, 186, 
 192; Vienna, 184. 
 
 Color, in picture-writing, 36-38, 47; on 
 atlatl, 183, 188, 189. 
 
 Communal graves, or fire holes, Maine, 
 394, 395. 
 
 Complementary signs, in Mexican picture- 
 writing and in Egyptian hieroglyphs 
 49-52. 
 
 Conch-shells, 440. 
 
 Conchshell trumpet, 447. 
 
 Cook, G. S., 390. 
 
 Coombs, J. W., 390. 
 
 Copal gum, 447, 449. 
 
 Copper beads, Maine, 396, 397. 
 
 Corn, creation and growth of, 250. 
 
 Cortes, 9, 12, 22, 23, 34, 35, 41, 42, 44-46, 
 174, 185, 189-192. 
 
 Cortes, Father Hunt, 460. 
 
 Cortina, Juan, 115. 
 
 Counting, method of, Texan, 132. 
 Courtship, Omaha, 244, 245, 274, 283. 
 Coxe, Daniel, 99. 
 
 Creation Myths, 449, 450. 
 
 Cresson, H. T., Pile-structures in Naa- 
 man’s Creek, 209—230. 
 
 Crosiers, bishop’s, 190-193. 
 
 Cross-bow, 174, 177. 
 
 Cuauhcoatl, 15. 
 
 Cuernavaca, 456. 
 
 Damariscotta, burial place, 389; shell 
 heaps, 434. 
 
 Dances, Ancient Mexican, 20, 21, 24, 441; 
 Omaha Indian, 250, 257, 264, 270, 299, 
 300; Texan Indian, 82, 130, 134. 
 
 Deer sacrifice, 447. 
 
 Delaware Valley, early man in, 211. 
 Delisles Map, 89, 108. 
 
 Determinative signs, Mexican and Egyp¬ 
 tian, 49-52. 
 
 Devil, ceremony in honor of, 448. 
 
 Dewees, W. B., 94. 
 
 Diaz, Bernal, 11, 2.5, 34, 35, 39, 42, 174, 
 177, 179. 
 
 Diaz, Captain, 454. 
 
 Dogs, Texan Indian, 88, 107, 108, 124, 
 161, 162. 
 
 Douay, Father A., 89, 98, 99 (note). 
 Dresden Royal Library, 187. 
 
 Dress and Ornament, Texan, 81, 88, 97, 
 
 125. 
 
 Dress of Montezuma, 36—40, 46. 
 
 Dress of Ocelot skin, 12; of human skin, 
 
 19, 20. 
 
 Drum, Omaha, 276, 284, 285; Mexican, 
 441. 
 
 Duran, Padre, 10, 12, 17 (note), 18 (note) 
 
 20, 21 (note), 33, 35-37, 176, 177, 179 
 193, 195-197, 440, 444-446, 449. 
 
 Dwellings, Texan Indian, 74, 75, 80, 81, 
 
 126, 127. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 465 
 
 Eagle, 266-269, 271. 
 
 Eagle bone, as lancet, 446. 
 
 Eagles, Stone of, 446. 
 
 Ear, ceremonial piercing of, 439-461. 
 
 Ear ornament of gold, Mexican, 33, 34. 
 
 Ear-rings and labrets, 448. 
 
 Editorial notes, 3, 69, 171, 209, v (pre¬ 
 ceding page 237), 387. 
 
 Ellsworth, Maine, exploration of burial- 
 place, 390-401. 
 
 Ernst, A., 131. 
 
 Eskimo, 432, 436. 
 
 Estany, 113. 
 
 Ethics, Indian, 268. 
 
 Etzalqualiztli, Mexican festival, 444. 
 
 Exploration, method of, 387, 390, 391. 
 
 Facial painting (see painting). 
 
 Fans, Mexican, 22-25, 46. 
 
 Fasting, Ancient Mexican, 441; Omaha, 
 273, 279. 
 
 Feather-work, Mexican, 1-52; on Atlatl, 
 183, 196; on spearpoints, 190. 
 
 Ferdinand of Tyrol, 6, 8, 9. 
 
 Festivals, Ancient Mexican, 20, 21, 36, 
 440, 441, 444, 446, et seq .; Omaha, 
 Thanksgiving, 249; Texan Indian, 82, 
 134. 
 
 Fillmore, J. C., vi (preceding page 237), 
 237; Report on the structural Peculiari¬ 
 ties of Omaha Music, 289-307, 382. 
 
 Fire holes, Maine, 394, 395. 
 
 Fire, homage to, 443, 446; symbols of, 
 452; god of, 458. 
 
 Fire-making, Maine, 393-436; Texas, 74, 
 75. 
 
 Fire signalling (smoke), 83,134. 
 
 Fire sticks, 74, 188. 
 
 Fire stones, 431-433. 
 
 Fires lighted over graves, Maine, 398, 414. 
 
 Fishing, Ancient Mexico, 175-181, et seq .; 
 Delaware, 211, 222; Texas, 76, 122. 
 
 Fish-weirs, aboriginal, 209-230. 
 
 Fitzinger, Dr., 7. 
 
 Flageolet, Omaha, 274, 284, 285, 290, 
 302-304. 
 
 Fletcher, Alice C., v, vi (preceding p.237); 
 A Study of Omaha Indian Music, 237- 
 382; 439. 
 
 Flint knife, 447, 453. 
 
 Flowers, conventionalized, 452; festival 
 of, 453. 
 
 Flutes, Ancient Mexican, 440; Texan In¬ 
 dian, 83. 
 
 Food and drink, Texan Indian, 75, 76, 81, 
 119, 122-124. 
 
 Four Quarters, 134, 256, 266. 
 
 French, B. F., 87, {note) 88, 90, {note), 99 
 {note), 163. 
 
 Frenchman’s Bay, 389. 
 
 Funeral song and ceremony, Omaha, 272. 
 
 Gambling, Omaha, 264. 
 
 Games, Omaha, 264; Texan, 130. 
 
 Garcia, Padre B., 102, 115, 159. 
 
 Gatschet, A. S., 69, 72; The Karankawa 
 Indians, 85-163. 
 
 Geological formation, Naaman’s Creek, 
 213, et seq. 
 
 Gesture language, Texan Indian, 133. 
 Gomara, 190. 
 
 Gourd rattles, 266, 268. 
 
 Grasmeyer, T. W., 101 {note). 
 
 Grass Balls, 444, et seq. 
 
 Grimes, Rufus, 103 {note). 
 
 Grubb’s Landing, 214. 
 
 Gyle, A. B., 111. 
 
 Haines, W. M., 390. 
 
 Hamlin, A. C., 387. 
 
 Hammond, Charles A., 69; Biographical 
 notice of Mrs. Oliver,71,72; Carancahua 
 Indians, 73-77. 
 
 Harpoon or spear, Mexican, 175, 179, 
 et seq. 
 
 Haynes, H. W„ 223. 
 
 Head-dress or Standard (see Standard). 
 Head flattening, 122, 125, 126. 
 
 Heger, Franz, 26-28, 41, 43. 
 
 Herrera, 177, 179. 
 
 Hieroglyphs, 15, 49-52. 
 
 Hieroglyph of Tezcatlipoca, 456, 459; 
 
 of locality, 456. 
 
 Hirn, Joseph, 8, 9, 45. 
 
 Hochstetter, Ferdinand von, 5, 7, 8, 10, 
 14, 18, 22, 23, 25-30, 32, 34, 40, 41, 43, 
 46, 47. 
 
 Hohenems, Hannibal von, 9, 46. 
 
 Hough, Walter, 432, 433 {note). 
 
 Holley, Mary Austin, 95. 
 
 Huastecans, 39. 
 
 Huitzilopochtli, 33-41, 44, 47, 176, 184, 
 188, 192, 445-447. 
 
 Human bones, traces of, 392, 394, 414; 
 
 occipital, 396, 397. 
 
 Human figure on atlatl, 184. 
 
 Human heads in Mexican picture-writing, 
 18, 19. 
 
 Human sacrifice, 20, 447. 
 
 Human skin as dress, 19, 20. 
 
 Humboldt, Alexander de, 14 {note), 187 
 (note), 188. 
 
 Hunter, 111, 112. 
 
 Hunting, Ancient Mexican, 446; Omaha 
 248, 249, 281; Texan Indian, 80. 
 
 Ikonomatic writing (see Picture-writing). 
 Ilg, Dr. 5. 
 
466 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Implements, Delaware, stone and bone, 
 211-214 {note), 222-230; stone, Maine, 
 389-436; Texas, 123. 
 
 Incense burner, 446, 447, 451, 458. 
 Incised design on stone implements, 396, 
 407. 
 
 Indian axe in the Ambras collection, 9, 46. 
 Indian music (see Omaha Indian Music). 
 Ish-e-buz-zhe, 263. 
 
 Izcalli, 447. 
 
 Jalapa, bas-relief, 440. 
 
 Javelin, 174. 
 
 Jeffrey’s Atlas, 105. 
 
 Johnson, Alfred, 389. 
 
 Joliet, 99 {note). 
 
 Jones, Randall, 95. 
 
 Josselyn, John, 435. 
 
 Joutel, 87-89, 99, 163. 
 
 Ivarankawa Indians, Texas, 69-166 (for 
 other Texan tribes, etc., see special in¬ 
 dex, pp. 165-167). 
 
 Kemper, 113. 
 
 Kineo, Mount, 405. 
 
 Kingsborough, 11, 12, 15, 18 {note), 19. 
 
 20, 35, 181. 
 
 Kriwitz, E., 112. 
 
 Kuykendall, Abner, 95. 
 
 Labrets, 448. 
 
 Lafitte, 94, 109. 
 
 La Flesche, Francis, vi (preceding p. 237), 
 237, 289, 290, 295. 
 
 La Flesche, Noah, 290. 
 
 La Harpe, Benard de, 90, 91, 101 {note). 
 Landa, Diego de, 178, 182, 188, 450. 
 Language, Nahuatl (words in text), 1-52; 
 176-197; Omaha (words of songs), 309- 
 381; Texan Indians, 137—162. 
 
 La Salle, R. C. de, 87-89, 98, 109 (note), 
 119. 
 
 Lapeyrouse, 121. 
 
 Laurel, 443, 444. 
 
 Laurentiana MS., Sahagun, 194, 196. 
 
 Las Casas, 43. 
 
 Lenapi Indian, 220. 
 
 Leon, Alonso de, 89, 114. 
 
 Le Page der Pratz, 90 (note). 
 
 Le Plongeon, Augustus, 457. 
 
 Lepsius, 50 (note). 
 
 Lewis and Clark, 100 (note). 
 
 Lightning, symbol of, 194, 195. 
 
 Lyon, 432. 
 
 Lip, piercing of, 448. 
 
 Lloyd, T. G. B., 435, 436 (note). 
 
 Lobdell, George, 214, 215, 216 (note). 
 Lodge, George, 220. 
 
 London, Journal Ethnol. Soc., 99 (note), 
 
 119. 
 
 Lorenzana, 12. 
 
 Loyd, Emer., 214. 
 
 MacCulloch, 113 (note). 
 
 McCorkle, Professor, 215. 
 
 McGee, W. J., 215 (note). 
 
 Maillard, N. D., 93 (note). 
 
 Maine Historical Society, 389. 
 
 Maine, prehistoric burial-places, 385-436. 
 Maler, T„ 7. 
 
 Map of the Karankawa region, opposite 
 p. 110. 
 
 Marcus Hook, Pa., 211, 219. 
 
 Margry, 87-89, 90 (note), 91 (note), 101 
 (note), 107, 163. 
 
 Marquett, 99 (note). 
 
 Mason, O. T., 173. 
 
 Matting of rushes in grave, Maine, 424. 
 Maudslay, A. P., 450. 
 
 Maxixcatzin, 17. 
 
 Medicine men, Texan Indian, 133. 
 Medicine, Omaha, 273, 274, 280. 
 
 Menelx'-, bas-relief, 450. 
 
 Mendieta, 177,440,441. 
 
 Mendoza, 11, 12, 31, 36, 41, 46. 
 
 Method of Research, 387, 390, 391. 
 Mexican Border Commission, Report of, 
 114. 
 
 Mexican Calendar, 39, 40, 51. 
 
 Mexicans, Ancient, 1-52; 171-204; 439- 
 462. 
 
 Mexico, Geograph. Soc., 99 (note). 
 
 Mexico, Great Temple of, 459. 
 
 Mexico, National Museum of, 449 (note), 
 451, 452, 454, 459, 461. 
 
 Meyer, A. B., 40. 
 
 Migration myth, Mexican, 175, 176. 
 Milfort, 90. 91, 
 
 Miller, George, 290. 
 
 Mirror, Smoking, 456. 
 
 Mittendorfer, M. V., 117. 
 
 Mixcoatl, 449. 
 
 Molina, 11 (note), 16, 179. 
 
 Momacaeio, Mexican rite, 447. 
 
 Montezuma, 6, 8, 9, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 25, 
 34,35; dress of, 36-40; gifts to Cortes, 
 41-44, 189, 192; inauguration of, 445, 
 446, 460 (note)', personal relics of, 
 
 45—47. 
 
 Montezuma’s palace, 39. 
 
 Moore, Clarence B., 385. 
 
 Morelia (Tepaztlan), 460. 
 
 Morgan, Lewis H., 38 (note). 
 
 Morse, 98, 109. 
 
 Mother Earth, Omaha, 287. 
 
 Motolinia, Fray, 21 (note), 440. 
 
 Mt. Desert Ferry, 389. 
 
 Muhlenpfordt, 93, 113. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 467 
 
 Munoz, Juan Batista, 23. 
 
 Murray, Alexander, 436. 
 
 Murdock, 432 {note). 
 
 Museo Kircheriana, 183, 184. 
 
 Museo Nacional de Mexico, 449 (note) 
 451,452,454, 459, 461. 
 
 Museum, Belvidere, 5. 
 
 Museum, British, 184, 185, 450. 
 
 Museum fur Volkerkunde, Berlin, 184, 
 453. 
 
 Museum, Newfoundland, 436. 
 
 Museum of Natural History, Vienna, 5, 
 10, 14, 46. 
 
 Museum, Peabody, Cambridge, 186. 
 Museum, U. S., National, 186. 
 
 Music (see Musical instruments and Songs) 
 Musical instruments, Ancient Mexico, 440, 
 441, 447; Karankawa Indians, 82; 
 Omaha Indians, 266, 268, 274, 276, 
 
 280, 284, 285, 290, 302-304. 
 
 Myers, William, 214. 
 
 Myths, Ancient Mexican, 34, 47, 175, 176, 
 449, 450, 454; Omaha Indian, 252, 274, 
 
 281. 
 
 Naaman’s Creek, 209-230. 
 
 Nahuatl names in Texas, 146. 
 
 Nahuatl words (in text), 1-52, 176—197. 
 Nahui-Ollin, 440. 
 
 Nanaoatzin, 450. 
 
 Navarrete’s collection of MSS., 24. 
 Nebraska, 289, 302. 
 
 Nenacaztequiliztli, festival, 442. 
 Newfoundland Indians, 388, 432-436. 
 Newman, Sarah E., 237. 
 
 North, symbol of, 453. 
 
 Numeral 20 in Mexican picture-writing,12. 
 Numerals, Texan, 132, 155. 
 
 Nuttall, Zelia, Standard or Head-dress, 1- 
 52; Atlatl or Spear thrower, 171-198; 
 Penitential Rite of the Ancient Mexi¬ 
 cans, 439-462. 
 
 Oaxaca, 39. 
 
 Obsidian knives, black, 441. 
 
 Obsidian lancets, 444, 445, 449, 451. 
 Obsidian spear tips, Mexican, 176, 179, 
 190, 193. 
 
 Obsidian swords, Mexican, 177. 
 
 Ocelot bone, as lancet, 446. 
 
 Ocelot skin, as dress, 12. 
 
 Ocelot, stone statue of, 454, et seg. 
 
 Ochre, red, layers of, use of, 389-436. 
 Odin, 113. 
 
 Oliver, Alice W., 69-73, 108, 111, 112, 
 117-124, 128, 132-134; Karankawa 
 Vocabulary, 137-140; Notes on the 
 Carancahua Indians, 79-84. 
 
 Olmos, Padre, 195. 
 
 Omaha Indian Music, 237-382: Harmony, 
 240, 291-296, 304-307; pitch, 241, 
 304; rhythm, 242, 243, 255, 296- 
 298; “woman songs,’’ 244-247, 282; 
 love songs, 245, 283; Sacred Pole, Buf¬ 
 falo hide and Tent of War, and secret 
 societies, 248-264; game, myth and 
 children’s songs, 264, 281; Pipes of 
 Fellowship, 265—272; individual songs, 
 272-274; funeral songs, 272; medicine, 
 273, 274, 280; war songs, 273, 274-278; 
 mystery songs, 279, 280, 287; thanks, 
 281; trapping and hunting, 281; musi¬ 
 cal instruments, 284, 285, 302; scales, 
 290, 304, 306, 307; tonality, 293; phras¬ 
 ing, 298; tone, 299; flageolet, 302- 
 304; summary, 304; words and music of 
 ninety-two songs, 309-381; Appendix, 
 382. 
 
 One-footed god, 452, 455-462. 
 
 Orland, Maine, exploration of burial- 
 place; 414,426. 
 
 Ortega, Senor, 42 and note. 
 
 Ottey, Charles, 213 (note). 
 
 Painting, on pottery and on wood, Texan, 
 123, 132. 
 
 Painting the body, Beothuks, 435. 
 
 Painting the face and body, Texan, 97, 
 132. 
 
 Painting the face, body and scalp, Omaha, 
 256, 263, 270, 271. 
 
 Painting the face with blood, Ancient Mex¬ 
 ican, 442, 444, 445, 447. 
 
 Painting with red ochre, 433-435. 
 
 Paint pestle, Maine, 406, 414, 416. 
 
 Palaeolithic implements, Trenton, 213. 
 
 Pamfilo de Narvaez, 87. 
 
 Panquetzaliztli, Mexican festival, 447. 
 
 Parnell, Dr., 94. 
 
 Parrot’s down, 448. 
 
 Parry, 432, 433 (note). 
 
 Paynal, image of, 191. 
 
 Peat-beds, Delaware, 214-223. 
 
 Pelzeln, Von, 38. 
 
 Penafiel, Antonio, 49. 
 
 Pendants, pear-shaped, Maine, 393, 394, 
 399-401, 407, 409-413, 418, 422, 425, 
 430, 431. 
 
 Penitential Rite of the Ancient Mexicans, 
 439-462. 
 
 Penon Viejo, bas-relief, 456, 460. 
 
 Physical characters of Texan Indians, 
 120 - 122 . 
 
 Picture-writing, Mexican, 14-52 175-204 
 439-462. 
 
 Pigorini, Cav., 184. 
 
470 
 
 index. 
 
 Winthrop, Mass. 398 (note). 
 
 Wolf, as patron, 274. 
 
 Woman, Omaha, 244, 245, 275, 276; Texan 
 Indian, 76, 81.121, 122, 125. 
 Woodcock, H. L., 389, 390. 
 
 World’s Columbian Exposition, 387. 
 Wortman, I. L., 124 (note). 
 
 Wright, G. F., 215 (note), 221. 
 
 Xichtecuhtli, 192. 
 Xochimilco, 456. 
 
 Xoconochco, Chiapas, 41. 
 
 Xonecuilli (name for Ursa Major), 4o3 
 460, 461. 
 
 Xonecuiltzin (the lame lord), 460. 
 Xochilhuitl (flower festival), 453. 
 
 Yaxchilan, bas-relief, 450. 
 
 Yoakum, 94, 109. _ 
 
 Yucatan, analogies with Ancient Mexico, 
 450, 457. 
 
ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND ETHNOLOGICAL PAPERS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PEABODY MPSEPM. 
 
 — Harvard University— 
 
 Vol. I. No. 1. 
 
 STANDARD OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 AN HISTORICAL ESSAY ON A RELIC OF 
 
 ANCIENT MEXICO. 
 
 BY 
 
 ZELIA NUTTALL, 
 
 Special Assistant of the Peabody Museum. 
 
 WITH THREE COLORED PLATES. 
 
 CAMBRIDGE, MASS. 
 PEABODY MUSEUM OF AMERICAN 
 ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY. 
 1888. 
 
PRINTED AT THE 
 
 SALEM PRESS 
 SALEM, MASS. 
 
 THE GETTY CENTER 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
PREFATORY NOTICE. 
 
 The Trustees of the Peabody Museum of American Archae¬ 
 ology and Ethnology have decided to issue such special papers 
 as have heretofore been published in connection with the An¬ 
 nual Reports in a separate form, but of uniform octavo size 
 with the Reports. The first number of the series is herewith 
 published and others will follow at irregular intervals as the 
 means for printing them is obtained. 
 
 The numbers will be paged consecutively to the end of a 
 volume. Each number will be sold separately at specified 
 prices, varying according to the number of pages and illus¬ 
 trations, but subscriptions will be received in sums of ten 
 dollars or over, and subscribers thus aiding the publication 
 by such advance payments will receive the numbers by mail 
 as soon as issued, at a discount of twenty per cent on the 
 specified price of the numbers. 
 
 As the Museum is without a special fund for publication it 
 is hoped that with the aid of such a system of subscriptions it 
 will be able to publish a series of papers upon archoeological 
 and ethnological subjects which will prove of value to stu¬ 
 dents and creditable to the Museum. 
 
 The Annual Reports will be issued as heretofore, but with 
 the omission of the papers which have usually accompanied 
 them. 
 
 The manuscript by Mrs. Nuttall, here printed as the first 
 number of the Papers of the Museum, was prepared after 
 
 (3) 
 
4 
 
 PREFATORY NOTICE. 
 
 an examination of the unique piece of feather-work dating 
 from the time of the conquest of Mexico and now preserved 
 in the Imperial Ethnological Collection in Vienna. At the 
 solicitation of friends in Vienna and Dresden, a German 
 translation of the paper was made for publication in the Ab- 
 handlunsren und Berichte des K. Zoolo^ischen und Anthro- 
 
 O O 
 
 pologisch-Ethnographischen Museums zu Dresden. 
 
 It will be noticed that while the interesting piece of feather- 
 work sent to Europe during the time of Cortes is made the 
 subject of the paper, the importance of the dissertation is in 
 the bearing which it has upon the customs of the Mexicans in 
 relation to their singular head-dresses and insignia, and upon 
 the interpretation of the ancient Mexican picture-writings, in 
 the study of which Mrs. Nuttall has made such remarkable 
 progress and has obtained such important results, an intima¬ 
 tion of which is given in the appendix to the present paper, 
 in the note upon the complementary signs of the Mexican 
 graphic system. 
 
 F. W. Putnam, 
 
 Curator of the Museum. 
 
 Cambridge, Mass., 
 
 March 31, 1888. 
 
STANDARD OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 To the distinguished scholar, the late Professor Ferdinand von 
 Hochstetter, we owe a debt of gratitude for the preservation of the 
 unique specimen of ancient Mexican feather-work which will be ex¬ 
 hibited eventually as one of the gems of the rich ethnological col¬ 
 lection in the newly erected Imperial Museum of Natural History 
 in Vienna. 
 
 In 1878, his attention was directed to its former presence at the 
 Belvidere Museum by a notice in Baron von Sacken’s descriptive 
 catalogue of the Imperial Ambras collection printed in Vienna in 
 1855, wherein, among rare objects from various parts of the world, 
 it is mentioned as follows : “ No. 3—A Mexican head-dress about 
 3 ft. in height composed of magnificent green feathers with golden- 
 liued lustre and of coloured bands of feather-work studded with 
 small plates of gold. This specimen was termed in the inventory 
 of 1596 ‘a Moorish hat.’ ” Guided by this note, Herr von Hoch¬ 
 stetter with the assistance of Dr. Ilg, the custodian of the Ambras 
 collection, found the precious relic and rescued it from an obscure 
 corner of a show-case where it hung, folded together, next to a 
 mediaeval bishop's mitre and surrounded by sundry curiosities from 
 North America, China and the Sunda Islands. It was, unfortu¬ 
 nately, in so impaired and moth-eaten a condition that, to use Herr 
 Hochstetter’s words, he feared it would fall to pieces on taking it 
 from the case. Permission was obtained for its immediate transfer 
 to the ethnographical collection then in process of formation, and 
 the valuable object was placed under the care of Herr von Hoch¬ 
 stetter who proceeded to provide for its future preservation and to 
 investigate its past history with the following interesting results. 1 
 
 Its earliest record, dating as far back as 1596, was found in the 
 first inventory of the Ambras collection written one year after the 
 
 1 These were published in Herr von Hochstetter’s treatise “ UeberMexikanischeRe- 
 liquien aus der Zeit Montezuma’s,” Wien, 1S84, from which I have derived this and 
 further valuable data. 
 
 (5) 
 
6 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 demise of the archduke Ferdinand of Tyrol, the founder of the col¬ 
 lection, by the imperial commissioners appointed to revise his will. 1 
 On folio 472 of this ancient document it is catalogued with other 
 objects in feather-work contained “in a chest (No. 9)” and is de¬ 
 scribed as “a Moorish hat of beautiful, long, lustrous green and 
 gold-lined feathers, bedecked above with white, red and blue feath¬ 
 ers and gold rosettes and ornaments. In front, on the forehead, it 
 has a beak of pure gold.” The term Moorish, as here applied, can 
 scarcely be regarded as a deceptive one inasmuch as “Montezuma, 
 the king of Temistitan and Mexico,” is subsequently designated as 
 “a Moorish king” in this same inventory of 1596. (See p. 9.) 
 
 It is interesting to note the gradual changes that occur in the 
 wording of the subsequent periodical official registrations of this 
 “Moorish hat.” In 1613 its description was faithfully reproduced. 
 In 1621 the word “Indian” was substituted for “Moorish;” with 
 this single alteration the original text was again transcribed in 
 1730. In 1788, however, a remarkable transformation was effected, 
 the hat became “an apron” and the official record reads : “ An In¬ 
 dian apron of long green feathers. It is garnished above with a 
 narrow band of white feathers, followed by a broad one of green, 
 then there is a narrow stripe of red and a broad one of blue. The 
 bands are studded with crescents or horse shoes, small circular 
 plates and other thin gold pieces. The old inventory designates 
 this object as an Indian hat.” 
 
 This last sentence proves the identity of the specimen described. 
 The “beak of pure gold on the forehead” is not mentioned here 
 and no subsequent reference is made to it. It probably found its 
 way to the melting pot during the fifty-two years intervening be¬ 
 tween the two registrations, sharing thus the common fate of al¬ 
 most all of the much admired goldsmiths’ work brought to Europe 
 by the Conquerors. Despoiled of the gold beak and possibly of 
 such means of attachment as may have originally served to fasten 
 it, it would seem as though the object had been deprived of that 
 which characterized it as a head-dress for it remained “an apron” 
 
 1 Ferdinand II of Tyrol (1529-1595), whose name is indissolubly linked with that of 
 his patrician wile Philippine Welser, was the second son of the Emperor Ferdinand I 
 of Germany and the nephew of the Emperor Charles V. At the death of Ferdinand I, 
 the Empire was divided between his three sons and the government of Tyrol fell to the 
 Archduke Ferdinand whose court became a noted centre of art and learning. His fa- 
 vorite residence was the castle of Ambras near Innspruck, destined to be gradually 
 transformed into a museum for the world-renowned and magnificent collection brought 
 together through the manifold and systematic exertions of its enthusiastic founder. 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 7 
 
 in the official records from 1788 to 1855. In that year Baron von 
 Sacken, as before stated, re-described it, however, as a head-dress 
 and, for the first time, termed it Mexican; a specification due, it 
 would seem, exclusively to the fact that the long green feathers 
 were pronounced by a scientific authority (Dr. Fitzinger) to belong 
 to the Trogon pavoninus, the Quetzal of Southern Mexico and Gua¬ 
 temala. 
 
 Restored to light by Herr von Hochstetter after twenty-three 
 years of oblivion, the use of the elaborate and precious piece of 
 feather-work became the subject of thought and conjecture result¬ 
 ing in recent publications of widely divergent individual opinions. 
 
 Mr. T. Maler, a resident in Mexico, travelling in Europe, saw 
 1 the object in Herr von Hochstetter’s custody shortly after its resto¬ 
 ration, and obtained his permission to sketch it. Herr von Hoch¬ 
 stetter mentions on page 6 of his treatise his subsequent surprise at 
 seeing Herr Maler’s sketch appear in a French periodical (“La 
 Nature,” No. 300, l er - Mars, 1879) accompanying an article by 
 the same gentleman entitled “Unvetement royal de l’Ancien Mex- 
 ique” and “containing a number of misstatements and inaccura¬ 
 cies.” These are reproduced in a brief notice by Mr. Maler also 
 entitled “Un ropaje de plumas” inserted, with a colored reproduc¬ 
 tion of his sketch in the Anales del Museo nacional, tomo in, 
 Mexico, 1886. One of his mistakes, however, can be traced back 
 to the writer of the printed catalogue of the Ambras collection, 
 published in 1819, and we will assume that Mr. Maler’s odd and 
 misleading Spanish translation of part of the (misapplied) German 
 text taken from the above source is due to an oversight in proof¬ 
 reading. 1 
 
 Other errors are more serious, such as the inaccurate propor¬ 
 tions of his sketch and his hasty identification of the species of 
 birds whose feathers were used, as he supposed, in the manufact¬ 
 ure of the object. In the text of the above article, Mr. Maler 
 gives the accurate length of the central portion of the feather piece, 
 1 metre .05 centimetres, but on his colored plate the measurement 
 printed is 1 metre 50 centimetres. I draw special attention to this 
 error (evidently another misprint), because I notice that in the re- 
 
 ^he original quotation is “Ein moerischevFederPuschen so aim Ross auf die Stirn 
 gehort” . . . meaning “a Moorish feather-tuft like those used as plumes on horses’ 
 heads.” Herr Maler’s translation reads: a Moorish feather-tuft for the forehead of a 
 cavalier: “Penacho de plumas morisco para la frente de un caballero.” 
 
8 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 cent publication “Mexico a traves de los Siglos” the incorrect meas¬ 
 urement is reproduced with Mr. Maler’s sketch on page 805. It 
 is probable that the exaggerated dimensions thus assigned to the 
 object led the writer of the above work, Seuor Alfredo Chavero, 
 to term it “a rich feather mantle with gold ornaments” differing 
 thereby from Mr. Maler who assumed that the “ garment was in¬ 
 tended to be worn about the waist as an apron.” 
 
 Finally, another and novel interpretation of this most inter¬ 
 esting relic has been given b} r Herr von Hochstetter. At the 
 conclusion of a careful and elaborate treatise on this subject he ex¬ 
 presses his belief that this “ancient Mexican piece of feather-work 
 is a fan-shaped standard or banner that once belonged to a military 
 dignitary of highest rank at the court of Montezuma, possibty, to 
 the unfortunate Emperor himself.” 
 
 On reviewing the history of this remarkable piece contained in 
 a series of records extending over a period of nearly 300 j r ears, we 
 find that in its original perfect condition it was explicitly recog¬ 
 nized as a head-dress and was minutely described as such, and this 
 primary appellation surely constitutes of itself a testimony deserv¬ 
 ing to be most carefully weighed and tested. For it was written 
 down at a period separated from that of the Conquest b} r au inter¬ 
 val of only seventy-five } T ears—thus at a date when most of the rare 
 specimens of Mexican industry, first conveyed to the old World, 
 still existed and indeed were so highly prized that they were 
 deemed fit to be exchanged as presents between Pope, Emperor 
 and King. 
 
 The quotation of a few passages from Dr. Hirn’s biography 1 of 
 the imperial founder of the Ambras collection will illustrate the 
 genuine and learned interest the Archduke Ferdinand took in his 
 costly possessions and his earnest efforts to obtain accurate reg¬ 
 istrations of historical reminiscences and all details connected with 
 each fresh acquisition. “No branch of learning was more enthu¬ 
 siastically cultivated at the court of Ferdinand than that of history. 
 His lively interest in historical reminiscences are proven by the 
 world-renowned collection of Ambras and his intercourse with 
 learned men, a number of whom were emploj'ed by him in their 
 special line of study and research.” (Page 353.) 
 
 “It was his intention that the Ambras arsenal should contain 
 
 1 Erzherzog Ferdinand II vonTirol. Geschichte seiner Regierung und seiner Lander. 
 Dr. Joseph Him, Innsprnck, 18S4-18S7. 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 9 
 
 the armour of celebrated men, not merely on account of their beauty 
 or artistic value, but by reason of the historical memories linked 
 to them. The most simple and inornate article was therefore wel¬ 
 comed if associated with any important event.” (Page 435.) “The 
 Archduke aimed still further and he endeavoured through his nu¬ 
 merous agents to obtain authentic portraits, biographies and gene¬ 
 alogies of the persons to whom these objects had belonged.” . . . 
 The learned Jacob Schenk, his most indefatigable collector, was 
 ordered to prepare “a book of armour” in which copper plate por¬ 
 traits of all the personages whose armour had a place in the collec¬ 
 tion were to be published with biographical sketches. This magnifi¬ 
 cent work, a marvel of artistic skill, was not completed when the 
 Archduke died, but it appeared in 1601. (Page 351, op. cit.) 
 
 The Inventory of 1596 affords the corroborative proof of a pre¬ 
 viously existing method of labelling the articles in the Archducal 
 Museum by the reference (after its brief entry) to “ a slip of paper 
 attached to it,” for further details concerning the history of an In¬ 
 dian axe “ that had belonged to a Moorish king.” The reference 
 to this “ slip of paper ” is repeated in 1621, and we are informed of 
 the details it contained in the Inventory of 1788 (vol. i, fol. 215). 
 “ This weapon belonged to Montezuma II, king of Temistitan and 
 Mexico. It was sent by the Spanish Captain Ferdinand Cortes to 
 the Pope whence it came as a present to Archduke Ferdinand.” 
 Dr. Hirn, however, mentions it (op. cit., p. 439) among the mis¬ 
 cellaneous gifts bestowed upon the Imperial collector by Count 
 Hannibal von Hohenems. 
 
 It is obvious from this evidence that no pains would have been 
 spared at least to obtain the designation which had accompanied 
 the feather-piece from Mexico, and there is every reason to con¬ 
 clude that the most elaborate and precious piece of feather-work 
 possessed by the Imperial connoisseur was named and registered 
 as a hat — head-dress in the Inventory of 1596 by authentic and 
 trustworthy authority. 1 
 
 Moreover, an investigation of the forms of feather head-dresses 
 described in the early Spanish and native chronicles and preserved 
 in contemporaneous records, and above all the evidence furnished 
 by the relic itself, fully convince me that the original specification 
 is the only tenable one and that the feather-piece is undoubtedly a 
 head-dress. The results of these researches are now presented 
 
 'I shall refer to other objects in Mexican feather-work that at one time formed part of 
 the Ambras Collection. 
 
10 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 and will be found to demonstrate so clearly that the object is neither 
 a mantle nor an apron, that it is quite superfluous to adduce fur¬ 
 ther proofs in contradiction of these fallacious suppositions. But 
 it will be necessary to scrutinize more closely the grounds upon 
 which Herr von Hochstetter based his opinion that it was used as 
 a stand ai'd. 
 
 The chief support of this theory is the undoubted and striking 
 resemblance to the feather-piece which is presented by an object de¬ 
 picted behind the form of an Aztec warrior in a small oil painting 
 belonging to the Bilimek collection of Mexican antiquities acquired 
 by the Vienna Imperial Natural History Museum in 1878. This 
 and a companion painting of the same size and b} r the same hand 
 are executed in oil colors on canvas. They were both so much 
 torn that, in order to preserve them entire, they had been gummed 
 to an old piece of printed paper dated Mexico, 1783. It would 
 seem as though the figure of the Aztec warrior had been copied 
 from a native manuscript dating from shortly after the Conquest, 
 for its contour and details retain certain conventionalities charac¬ 
 teristic of ancient Mexican pictography. 1 
 
 Herr von Hochstetter considered that the object depicted behind 
 the figure of the warrior was an ensign or standard, here represent¬ 
 ed as though it were fastened to the back of the combatant and as 
 actually being carried by him. It is a well-known fact that this was 
 the habitual way in which Aztec war-chiefs bore their respective 
 ensigns into battle, and the practical method of fastening them is 
 disclosed by reference to the group of fully equipped military lead¬ 
 ers, viewed from behind, copied from Padre Duran’s atlas. (PI. ii, 
 fig. 1.) In a number of illustrations giving the front view of such 
 standard bearers it is evident that the straps which were passed 
 over the shoulders and about the waist crossed each other over the 
 chest. 2 
 
 1 This painting underwent complete restoration under Herr von Hochstetter’s di¬ 
 rection, was varnished and attached to a stiff background. The second painting re¬ 
 tains its tattered condition and bears an heraldic shield enclosing the coat of arms of a 
 city in Mexico. As there are abundant sources of information on the armorial bear¬ 
 ings bestowed by the Spaniards on their establishment of cities and towns, it will be 
 comparatively easy to identify those on the painting and this identification will be of 
 interest on account of the side light it may throw upon the origin of the painting of the 
 Mexican warrior. 
 
 3 “Each company had its standard bearer who carried the banner mounted on its staff 
 and tied in such a way to his shoulders that it did not hinder him from fighting or from 
 doing anything he had a mind to; and it was so well bound to his body that it would 
 have been impossible for anyone to unfasten it or take it from him without cutting him 
 to pieces.” Conquistador Anonimo III en Icazbaleeta, Documentos, tomo i, Mexico, 
 1858. See also Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, tomo I, p. 525, Madrid, 1723. 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 11 
 
 The Nahuatl name for standard or banner in general was quach- 
 pantli or (with a common inversion of the final syllable) quach- 
 panitl and quachpamitl, a word literally meaning “ that which is 
 carried above (or on) the shoulders”— the sole, customary way, it 
 should be noted, of carrying banners in Aztec warfare. 1 
 
 Although Clavigero, Bernal Diaz and others in their exagger¬ 
 ated accounts of the battle of Otumba, speak of the standard car¬ 
 ried by Cihuatzin, the leader of the Mexicans, as though it had 
 been a central ensign the seizure of which decided the battle in fa¬ 
 vor of the Spaniards, it seems evident that it was the death of their 
 supreme war-chief, and not the loss of a national emblem, that so 
 disconcerted the Mexican warriors and caused their flight and de¬ 
 feat. We are told that, “ according to the usage of these people, 
 the standard Cihuatzin bore was strongly fastened to his body, that 
 it consisted of a lance or staff nearly 10 hand-breadths (palmos) 
 high, to the top of which a golden net was fastened, and that this 
 particular kind of standard was named tlahuizmatlaxopili” (Clav¬ 
 igero, ed. Mora, Mexico, 1844, p. 75). An analysis of this word 
 compared with the detailed description of the object itself proves 
 that it is a synthesis of tlauiztli = insignia, ensign, matlatl = 
 net and topilli = staff, pole, and therefore that the correct spell¬ 
 ing of the name should be tlahuizmatl a topilli = the ensign of 
 the net and staff. 2 
 
 A device answering somewhat to this description is represented 
 in the collection of Mendoza as actually carried by a war-chief of 
 exalted military rank “ who had acquired the right to wear it on ac¬ 
 count of his bravery and the distinction of having made five or six 
 enemies prisoners.” (PI. ii, fig. 2.) 
 
 An equivalent insignia, whose form recalls that of a fishing-net, 
 depicted on p. 80 of Vatican Codex (Kingsborough, vol. iii), is 
 
 1 M. R£mi Simeon, in his Dictionnaire de la langue Nahuatl, and Mr. Ad. Bandelier 
 in “ On the Art of War among the ancient Mexicans (in note 82), give the derivation of 
 quachpantli as from quachtli = mantle or cloak, and pan = upon, above. I would seek 
 further back for its derivation and suggest that the radical, both of quachtli = cloak 
 and quachpantli = ensign, was the word quechtli = shoulders or neck, above which 
 both of these objects were carried. From this word quechtli with the affix pan, above, 
 a whole series of words is formed: quechpan, toquechpan = on the shoulders, on 
 one’s shoulders. Again, quechpanoa = to carry somebody or something on or above 
 one’s shoulders. (For further examples, see Molina’s Vocabulario and M. Remi Sim¬ 
 eon’s Dictionnaire.) 
 
 2 Mr. Simeon’s attention was evidently not arrested by the description of the object, 
 as he reproduces the synthesis without correction and analyzes it literally as com¬ 
 posed of tlauiztli, matlatl and xopili =; toe = “ the insignia of the net and toe.” 
 
12 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 represented four times in the tribute roll of the Mendoza collec¬ 
 tion, and the network, surrounded by a light frame of variegated 
 feather-work, is invariably painted light yellow-gold. The frame¬ 
 work tapers towards the top which is surmounted by a bunch of 
 tall feathers rising from a solid cup-shaped base, exactty similar 
 to that terminating a curious device consisting of a long, winding 
 ribbon invariably painted light, yellow-gold. This is depicted in 
 the Mendoza collection in Cortes, Historia de Nueva Espana (ed. 
 Lorenzana, Mexico, 1770). (PI. n, fig. 4.) Also in Padre Duran’s 
 Atlas (trat i, lam“ 8 5, 7, 11, 22 and 30). In the latter work we 
 see how this device was actually carried. (PI. ii, fig. 1, first and 
 fourth warrior.) The apex of the tall staff seems to be inserted 
 into the socket containing the terminal bunch of quetzal feathers 
 and the streamer hangs loosely about the firm central support. On 
 reading in the Cronica de Tezozomoc (p. 595) of a device with the 
 fanciful name of Tzococolli 1 = “ running river, river of gold, gild¬ 
 ed river,” one cannot but think it possible that this floating ribbon, 
 probably covered with, or made of gold leaf, like the military de¬ 
 vice called malpanitl (see opus cit., p. 301), might easity have de¬ 
 served this figurative appellation. 
 
 The ensign borne by the second war-chief of the same group 
 (PI. ii, fig. 1) and consisting simply of a large bunch of feathers, 
 mounted on a staff, is very frequently represented either as used 
 singly or in numbers of two, three and four. 
 
 The third chief, clad in the skin of an “ocelotl” (American tiger), 
 a costume indicative of high military rank, carries the flag-shaped 
 device (PI. n, fig. 3), which evidently was the representative form of 
 quachpantli = ensign, banner, as it was constantly used in Nahuatl 
 ikonomatic writing for the phonetic value pantli or pan. In tribute 
 rolls, etc., a plain flag of this form, united by a drawn line to con¬ 
 ventional representations of objects, expressed the numeral 20 = 
 cempoualpantli (see, for example, PI. ii, fig. 4). 2 3 I shall revert 
 later, in the appendix to this paper, to its frequent use as “pan.” 
 
 1 Compare with cocoyotl = narrow stream of water, spring and cocotzoa = to run 
 
 swiftly (see Molina’s Vocabulario). 
 
 3 To understand how a flag = pantli came to express the numeral 20, it is necessary 
 to become acquainted with some of the Nahuatl systems of numeration given in Padre 
 Molina’s Vocabulario. There was one simple and more generally used method of enu¬ 
 meration in which I, for instance, was ce and 20 = cempoualli. Various affixes were 
 added to these, the radical numerals, according to the classes of objects that were being 
 counted. 
 
 In enumerating chickens, eggs, beans, fruits, etc., etc., and all things that were round 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 13 
 
 These three most widely represented forms of ensigns by no 
 means exhaust the list of those whose names and pictures have 
 been handed down ; 1 but they will amply suffice to establish certain 
 facts of radical importance in connection with the subject now un¬ 
 der investigation. They prove that ensigns were constructed with 
 some consideration for the accidental wear and tear to which they 
 would be naturally exposed by the peculiar method of carrying 
 them and with due regard to the convenience as well as the per¬ 
 sonal safety of their bearers. 
 
 These last considerations rendered it absolutely imperative that 
 the ensigns should be of such a shape as in no way to impede the 
 rapid motions and swift progress of their bearers and therefore we 
 see that whereas height was fully indulged in, breadth of surface 
 was avoided. The broadest example that I have observed repre¬ 
 sented as worn (PI. 11 , fig. 5) seems to partake of the advantage 
 of the flag shape and to be fastened sidewise in loose, weathercock 
 fashion to its staff, thus offering but a thin line of resistance to the 
 air when its bearer was in motion. 2 
 
 With this knowledge of the sole manner in which ensigns were 
 carried in Aztec warfare and of the facts above recorded, it is ren¬ 
 dered evident that a wide-spreading object like that depicted in the 
 
 or rolled, 1 was centetl and 20 — cempoualtetl. This affix tetl means stone or something 
 hard like stone: totoltetl —egg is a synthesis of tototl = bird and tetl = stone-like. For 
 the counting of discourses, sermons, paper, dishes, pairs of shoes or sandals, etc., and 
 things that were folded or a collection of diverse objects, the affix was tlamantli: 1 = 
 centlamantli, etc. For ears of corn, maize, plantains, certain cakes, etc., 1 = cemolotl, 
 20 = tlamic. For persons or houses standing in rows and all things placed in order and 
 line the affix was pantli = 1 cempantli and 20 - cempoualpantli. There were also two 
 different methods of counting objects collectively by twenties (see op. cit., fol. 119). 
 The very word for twenty = cempoualli, meant “one counting” and signified “one set 
 of 20 objects.” It will be easily perceived therefore how a single flag conveyed the 
 sound = pantli and also stood for one counting = cempoualli and thus expressed the 
 specific numeral cempoualpantli. 
 
 i See collection of Mendoza, pts. II and ill. Attention is drawn to the fact that, in 
 the text of the above and in the early chronicles, the Spanish word divisa = device was 
 applied equally to ensigns or banners and feather head-dresses and evidently meant in¬ 
 signia or marks of distinction in general. 
 
 - It is undoubtedly a flag-shaped banner that is interestingly described as follows in 
 the important Memoria of the first presents sent by Cortes to Charles V in 1519, to 
 which document reference will be made later 
 
 “A fan of feather work, fastened in weathercock fashion, to a staff covered with 
 painted leather and surmounted with a cup (copa) of featherwork. At the summit it 
 has many long green feathers.” Considering that the presents recorded in the “Me¬ 
 moria” were those originally sent by Montezuma, through his messengers, to the ad¬ 
 vancing Spaniards, and that, at the time the document was prepared, Mexico was still 
 unconquered and Aztecs in war-equipment had not yet been seen, it is explicable how 
 the above banner, whose use was still uuknown to the writers of the “Memoria,” was 
 termed, by them, a fan. 
 
14 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 oil painting so frequently referred to and considered by Herr von 
 Hochstetter to be a standard, was constructively unfitted for that 
 service. It would have required the support of more than the sin¬ 
 gle staff mentioned by him (opus cit., p. 14) and would have im¬ 
 peded the freedom of action and celerity of its bearer. 
 
 Moreover, on referring to the unique example of a wide spread¬ 
 ing ensign described in the text to the Mendoza collection as “a 
 device of small precious feathers” (PI. 11 , fig. 6) we find it pro¬ 
 vided with the firm support of a neatly constructed framework, 
 so like those represented on the backs of the warriors in fig. 1, 
 that one naturally infers that it was attached in precisely'the same 
 position and manner. In this case the fan-shaped ensign would 
 scarcely have exceeded the height of the top of the head of its 
 wearer. 
 
 These indisputable facts lead to the legitimate conclusion that 
 if the historical feather-piece in the Imperial Museum were really 
 such an ensign it would have been borne on the shoulders in the 
 usual way and therefore one would expect at least to discover 
 traces that its construction had been of a suitable character. A 
 careful examination of the feather-piece proves that such evidences 
 do not exist. Nor can Herr von Hochstetter’s inference that the 
 object painted above the Aztec warrior in the small oil-picture is 
 a standard, be accepted merely'’ on account of its position, for it 
 shares this with an arrow placed crosswise, a piece of rope and a 
 house, as a glance at the copy of the picture will show (PI. n, 
 fig. 7). 
 
 Any one at all familiar with Mexican ikonomatography will at 
 once realize the fact that we have to deal here, not with the details 
 of a warrior’s equipment but with a rebus, a group of images united 
 solely for the sounds of their names. 1 The position of this inscrip¬ 
 tion above the warrior is in accordance with recognized custom and 
 the thread or drawn line uniting the arrow to the house beneath it 
 proves that the parts of this group of sounds relate to each other 
 and to the same subject. 
 
 Let us endeavor to decipher the component parts of this in¬ 
 scription by the light of the trustworthy' interpretations given to 
 
 1 “ II est presque superflu de rappeller ici 1’observation generate que dans toutes les 
 peintures mexicaines les objects r4nnis a uue tete avec un 111 indiquent a ceux qui 
 saveut la langue des naturels les noms des persounes que l’artiste a voulu designer. 
 Les naturels prononcent ce nom d5s qu’ils voient l’liieroglyphe ” (Alexandre de Hum¬ 
 boldt, p. 54, Vues des Cordilleras. Paris, 1810). 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 15 
 
 parallel images by the native or early Spanish translators and an¬ 
 notators of some ancient Mexican manuscripts. 
 
 The parallel of the fan-shaped object exists in the noted “Mex¬ 
 ican Hieroglyphic Manuscript from the collection of Boturini,” re¬ 
 produced in Lord Kingsborough’s Mexican Antiquities, vol. i. 1 
 It forms in two instances part of the hieroglyph recording the name 
 of one of the four leaders of the historical Aztec migration. The 
 names of these four personages are recorded without variation in 
 the oldest as well as in the latest principal works of ancient Mex¬ 
 ican history and are as follows : Tezcacoatl, Cuauhcoatl, Chimalma 
 and Apanecatl. The phonetic value of the images forming the hi¬ 
 eroglyphs of the first three names are so well known that they can 
 be immediately deciphered. The remaining name Apanecatl is 
 expressed by the familiar fan-shaped object placed above the con¬ 
 ventional sign for water (PI. i, fig. 8). 2 
 
 Before analyzing the phonetic elements contained in this “rebus” 
 let us direct our attention to the word Apanecatl. It is restricted 
 as a proper name to the above mentioned personage in Mexican 
 history and I have not been able to find it recorded as a common 
 noun in any Nahuatl dictionary. But the following passages in 
 Fray Bernardino de Sahagun’s invaluable Historia afford a clew to 
 its meaning and etymology. “Those who called themselves Amante- 
 cas were those who made feather-work. They were most skilful and 
 neat in what they did and were in fact the inventors of the art of 
 working in feathers. They made in this way shields and other in¬ 
 signia (insignias) which they called apanecayotl,” chap, xxix, 
 lib. x. “The Toltecs went to meet him . . . taking certain 
 
 armour (armas) or ornamental devices (divisas) called quetzal 3 
 
 1 Before the original MSS. left Mexico it was copied by the Mexican historian Don 
 Carlos de Siguenza de Gongora. This copy was subsequently lithographed in Ignacio 
 Cumplido’s Spanish edition of Prescott’s Conquista de Mexico, 184G, vol. in. Accord¬ 
 ing to a tradition recorded in the accompanying text, the MSS. dates from before ttie 
 Conquest and was presented to Cortes by Montezuma. At all events the authenticity 
 and antiquity of this document are unquestionable. 
 
 ' 2 See, for instance, Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Madrid, 1723, vol. I, p. 78 and 
 Orozco y Berra, Historia Antigua de Mexico, 1880, vol. 3, p. 70. 
 
 The late Mexican savant and historian Senor Orozco y Berra (op. and l. c.) errone¬ 
 ously took this image to be that of a “bridge of reeds,” an inadmissible supposition as 
 numerous instances established the single conventional mode of representing bridges 
 by a plank of wood on which footsteps were painted placed across a line of water as 
 for instance, in “Collection Mendoza,” part n, p. 68. 
 
 ! This word specifies that, in this instance, the devices were ornamented with the 
 tail-feathers ( quetzalli ) of the quetzal. 
 
16 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 apanecayotl and shields called xiuhchimalli. 1 They dressed, or 
 accoutred him (vistieronlo) with these in token of triumph and 
 honour.” Chap, vi, lib. iii. 
 
 With this evidence to guide us there is no difficulty in deter¬ 
 mining the etymology of apanecayotl which we ascertain to be the 
 abstract or general term for such insignia as clothed or encircled 
 in some way their wearer, being derived from the verb “ apana = 
 to adorn, clothe or encircle one’s self with a blanket or something 
 similar” (Molina Vocabulario). 2 
 
 As a study of the tribute rolls reveals but two kinds of military 
 insignia = the standards = quachpantli “ that were carried on the 
 shoulders ” and the various kinds of head-dresses, we must conclude 
 that the feather head-gears which were bound about the head, were 
 commonly designated as apanecayotl while each special variety 
 had, as was the case with the standard, its own descriptive and 
 often fanciful appellation. As the high authority of the Boturini 
 MSS. establishes the fact that such a fan-shaped object, accom¬ 
 panied by a complementary sign, to which we shall again refer in 
 the appendix, expressed the sound apanecatl, it can safety be con¬ 
 cluded that its colored representation in the Vienna oil painting 
 with quetzal feathers, which are quite unmistakable, jdelds the pho¬ 
 netic value quetzalapanecatl. This word we will now investigate. 
 
 In Monsieur Re mi Simeon’s dictionary we find “ Quetzalapan = 
 a locality north of the city of Mexico conquered by Montezuma II,” 
 and in Clavigero (ed. Mora, p. 140), the record that in 1512, an 
 army of Mexicans marched northwards against the Quetzalapanecas 3 
 and returned victoriously with the (doubtful) number of 1,330 pris¬ 
 oners. Therefore assuming that this word, in connection with 
 
 1 This word is composed of Chimalli = shield and xiuitl = turquoise. An example 
 of an ancient Mexican shield, inlaid with turquoise, coral or pink shell, and mother-of- 
 pearl is preserved at the British Museum in the Christy collection. 
 
 2 Words ending in yotl orotl are nouns, meaning in the abstract, the qualities of such 
 and such a thing: for instance, Teotl = God, Teoyotl = divine; Ilhuicatl = Heaven, 
 Ilhuieayotl = heavenly. Abstract nouns in otl also signify the usages, customs and 
 rites of nationalities, provinces etc., etc. Thus Michhuacayotl means something 
 from Michhuacan (a province in Mexico), its customs, produce, condition. (Padre 
 Carochi Arte de la Lengua Mexicans, Mexico, 1645, fol. 53.) 
 
 See also, op. cit., the following words: Nantli - - mother, Nanvotl — motherhood; Yam- 
 anqui = something soft, Yamancayotl = softness; Nemi = to live, Nencayotl = food, 
 support, that by which we live. 
 
 3 The singular of this word is Quetzalapanecatl and it is formed according to the 
 rules set forth by Padre Carochi, Arte, p. 57. IVhen names of localities end in pan, 
 the names for their inhabitants are formed by adding ‘ ecatl: ’ for instance, Tlacopan 
 = Tlaeopanecatl, an inhabitant of Tlacopan.” 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 17 
 
 the Mexican warrior of the oil painting, may either designate his 
 nationality or merely record his prerogative to make use of the 
 feather-work insignia = Quetzalapanecatl, we proceed with the de¬ 
 cipherment. The next object, an arrow, represents the sound of 
 its name = tlacochtli. When placed above a head that wears the 
 copilli or diadem (PI. 11 , fig. 9), it expresses the ancient title 
 Tlacochtecuhtli = lord of the arrows ; painted above a house = 
 calli, it conveyed the appellation Tlacochcalcatl, lord of the house 
 of arrows, which was borne by one of the four principal chiefs of 
 Mexico. This title seems to have been identical with the first and 
 was borne, as we shall see, by Montezuma and his predecessors 
 when filling the post of supreme war chiefs. 
 
 In the rebus the arrow is united by a line to the house beneath, 
 and I would read tlacochcalcatl, translating the title which is con¬ 
 firmed by the full military equipment of the Mexican warrior, as 
 —; “ captain general ” or supreme war-chief. 1 
 
 Finally, the image of a house = calli, and that of a cord = mecatl, 
 yield the combined sounds calmeca to which I feel authorized to 
 add the suffix hua, meaning “ possessor or lord of,” as numerous 
 instances precede in which the idea of possession is meant to be 
 understood merely from the proximity of objects to the image of 
 an individual. 2 Whatever the origin of the word Calmecahua may 
 yet prove to be, it is recorded as an historical name more than once 
 in Mexican chronicles. It was borne by the “ captain of the troops 
 of Maxixcatzin” (one of the four chiefs of the Republic of Tlaxcala) 
 “ who fought like a lion ” on the side of the Spaniards in the bat¬ 
 tle of Otumba. This valiant chief took in baptism the name of 
 Don Antonio and is reputed to have been further distinguished by 
 
 'See hieroglyph of Tlacochcalcatl Mendoza Collection, part I, pi. xvm. For rec¬ 
 ords of title see Tezozomoc (op. cit.), cap. xii, p. 24, cap. xxxvi, p. 57; Duran (op. cit.) 
 cap. xi, p. 102, etc., and Orozco y Berra (op. cit.), vol. i, p. 252; Ad. F. Bandelier, op. 
 cit., p. 121. Simeon’s Dictionnaire translates the title thus: “ captain general — this 
 title was given captains who had taken four prisoners in war.” See also liis transla¬ 
 tions of Sahagun’s Historia, pp. 228, 522, 806, 541. 
 
 2 A striking instance of this is preserved in a valuable ancient MSS. (also from the 
 Bilimek Collection), belonging to the Ethnographical Museum of Vienna. A banner 
 above a house, adjoining a seated figure (PI. II, fig. 11) expresses, according to 
 the contemporary annotation the name of “the locality” =Panhuacan = place of the 
 possessor of a banner, can (suffix) meaning “place of the” preceding noun. Hua = pos¬ 
 sessor or lord of that which precedes, pan = pantli = banner. In this case the house 
 denoting = place of, and the figure denoting = possess ion, are ideographic and the ban¬ 
 ner = pan alone expresses the sound of its name. This example reveals some of the 
 difficulties that bar the progress of the decipherment of the Nahuatl graphic system. 
 
 2 
 
 P. M. VOL. I. 
 
18 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 attaining the age of one hundred and thirty years. 1 Ixtlilxochitl 
 cites Don Antonio Calmecahua as one of the authors of the his¬ 
 tory of Tlaxcala written in 1548, and mentions, on the same page-, 
 another individual Tezopatzin Calmecahua with the same surname. 
 
 When read from below upwards, the order observed in the ma¬ 
 jority of similar instances, the deciphered inscription sounds : Cal¬ 
 mecahua Tlacochcalcatl Quetzalapanecatl. 2 Thus, we obtain (1) 
 the name of a famous historical personage, accompanied by (2) a 
 title recorded to have been borne by him, and (3) either a tribal 
 designation that would prove him to have been an enemy of the 
 Mexicans, the conquerors of his people, and natural ally of the 
 Spaniards (which would explain his policy at the battle of Otumba), 
 or the record of his possession of the prerogative, which we shall 
 see to have been confined to the Tlacochcalcatl, of using such a 
 feather-work insignia. Indeed this is found to be appropriately and 
 consistently decorated with a design of small arrows = tlacochtli. 
 
 Complementary evidence seems to corroborate the correctness 
 of this decipherment. The weapon 3 in the warrior’s right hand is 
 covered with tiger skin and the use of this in military accoutre¬ 
 ments was strictly limited to the lords or war chiefs who had earned 
 the high military title of ocelotl (tiger). 4 The ornament on his 
 head, evidently the quetzaltlalpiloni, betokens of itself exalted 
 rank and was restricted exclusively to the lords and valiant men. 5 
 
 There are two additional points connected with the image of 
 the Mexican warrior that deserve attention. 
 
 Herr von Hochstetter, in describing him, saj^s {op. cit., p. 15) : 
 “At his feet lie the amputated heads of the enemies he slew ; his 
 right foot rests on one of them.” In connection with this statement 
 I need only refer to the constant occurrence in Mexican pictogra¬ 
 phy of heads without bodies, this being the recognized and well 
 
 1 Clavigero (op. cit., p.76). See also Torquemada (op. cit., tomo i, p. 436) and Ileim 
 Simeon’s Dictionnaire. Ixtlilxochitl Historia Chichimeca in Kiugsborough’s, vol. XI, 
 p. 293. 
 
 2 The sequence of name and title is the customary one, exemplified by the following 
 names followed by military titles given in Torquemada (op. cit., vol. I, p. 565). Axo- 
 quentzin Quachic, Temilotzin Tlacateccatl, Itzpapalotzin Otomitl. 
 
 3 It closely resembles in shape an example in the Mendoza collection, part n, plate 
 68, termed by the annotator lanzones (lances). 
 
 4 Clavigero (op. cit., p. 215), “The tigers (belonging to the third military grade) were 
 distinguished by armour made of tiger skin.” See cited example in Padre Duran’s 
 Atlas. 
 
 Sahagun (op. cit., lib. vn, cap. xn). “The lords carried also other armour and de¬ 
 vices called ocelototec, made of tiger skin strewn with rays of gold.” 
 
 6 See Text to Vatican Codex, pi. lxxxvi, Kingsborough, vol. vi. 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 19 
 
 known cursory method of representing individuals. I cite in 
 proof the following instances : 
 
 On the obverse of folio 2 of the valuable Mexican MSS., No. 
 29040, dating from about 1530, as described in Mr. Bernard 
 Quaritch’s Catalogue, No. 363, 1885, “ a seated figure ofTenanca¬ 
 caltzin” is depicted . . . . “ with his emblem at foot, which is 
 formed by a group of amputated heads of princes. On the re¬ 
 verse are the figures of a king and his son .... This leaf is in¬ 
 tended to exhibit the ancestry of Ixtlilxochitl.” I am under obli¬ 
 gation to Mr. Quaritch for allowing me to copy the Nahuatl text 
 (in Spanish letters) of this unique document. The inscription 
 under the first figure and its emblem is “Tenancacaltzin inhue ypilt- 
 zontecomatl ” = Tenancacaltzin, proper name, inhue (inique?) = 
 these, y = his, pil = sons, tzontecomatl = heads. The writer of 
 the above description in the catalogue translated pil = pilli by 
 “ princes.” Although the name is often used to designate those 
 of noble birth, the usual meaning of it is simply son, child : thus 
 pilhua = is (see dictionaries) “ he who has (possesses) many 
 children = the head of a large family.” According to the trans¬ 
 lator, this folio “ evidently deals with genealogy.” I have seen a 
 somewhat similar disposition of heads in another authentic docu¬ 
 ment (in private hands), accompanied by the Nahuatl word — tla- 
 caxinachotl = lineage, descent. In the presence of these examples, 
 and the absence of precedent for the interpretation of “decapi¬ 
 tated ennemies,” it will be as well to consider whether such heads 
 may not be explained as merely representing the number of legit¬ 
 imate descendants belonging to the accompanying portraiture of 
 an individual who would be thereby designated as a pilhua: head 
 or founder of a large family. 
 
 The second feature of this painting is the fact that the person¬ 
 age is depicted as dressed in a human skin. This is worthy of spe¬ 
 cial note, inasmuch as it not only corroborates the deciphered title, 
 but throws light on a subject of wider interest. 
 
 A remarkable example of a parallel representation of an his¬ 
 torical character is recorded in Lord Kingsborough’s Mexican An¬ 
 tiquities^ where it is stated that in an unpublished portion of the 
 Codex Yaticanus “ Montezuma as a priest and generalissimo of 
 the Mexican armies during the lifetime of his predecesor Ahuizotl 
 
 1 Vol. vi, Explanation of the Codex Telleriano Remensis (footnote, p. 142) and of 
 the Cod. Vaticanus (p. 179). 
 
20 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 is painted clad in a human skin.” This statement is confirmed by 
 Torquemada 1 who relates that it was said that “ Montezuma had 
 worn a human skin at a certain festival and performed a religious 
 dance in it, to witness which rare spectacle all the inhabitants of 
 the capital city and neighboring people came together.” Torque¬ 
 mada further states that “ this singular usage was probably not 
 invented by Montezuma, but had been practised by his ancestors 
 or by neighbouring kings.” 
 
 The collation of the following testimony, taken from various 
 sources, gives a clew to the import of the singular garb worn as 
 insignia of rank and affords a curious insight into the mysterious 
 past of a people whose records have reached us only in distorted 
 form either through the hands of antagonistic strangers or of alien¬ 
 ated descendants. 
 
 “ They say that Totec (a deified hero the companion of Quetz- 
 alcoatl) was accustomed to go about clothed in a human skin . . 
 In the festivals which they celebrated to him, men clothed them¬ 
 selves in the skins of those whom they had slain in war and in 
 this manner danced and celebrated the festival” (Kingsborough, 
 vol. vi, p. 179). “At the feast Tlacaxipehualiztli, they paid 
 homage to an idol that bore three names. The first name was 
 Totec . . also Tota, which means father (to = our, tatli = father). 
 Although I was, at first, unable to ascertain the meaning of the 
 name Totec and was nonplussed, I questioned and cross-examined 
 and finally extorted the explanation that it signified, awful, ter¬ 
 rible, fear-inspiring lord” (Padre Duran, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 147). 
 “ At the solemn festival Tlacaxipehualiztli, the bodies of sacrificed 
 victims were flayed and those who wore the skins were called 
 Tototectin (singular Totec)” (Duran, Ami. i, p. 179 ; see also p. 
 148 and Sahagun, lib. i, cap. xvii). “Of the two supreme pontiffs, 
 elected on account of their perfections and merits, the first one 
 called Quetzalcoatl was surnamed or entitled Totec” 2 (Sahagun, 
 appendix to book hi, chapter ix). “ The priesthood dwelt in the 
 building called Calmecac Avhere they conducted the education of 
 the male youth” (see Sahagun, book hi, chap. vm). 
 
 Now it is a well known fact that in ancient Mexico certain in- 
 
 1 Monarquia Indiana, lib. vil, cap. xx. 
 
 2 I would identify the title given: Totec tlamacazqui (to = our, teculitli = lord, 
 tlamacazqui, priest) spelt also Teotec tlamacazqui in Sahagun ( loc. cit.), with the title 
 Teotecuhtli given in Torquemada {op. cit., vol. II, p. 175). See also Orozco y Berra, 
 op. cit,, vol. I, p. 231. 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 21 
 
 dividuals could become the living representation of their tribal de¬ 
 ity, wear its distinctive insignia and garb, and bear its name which 
 became, in their case, a reverential title. 1 
 
 Therefore, when we encounter the presentment of an historical 
 personage painted as wearing the reputed garb of the god Totec, 
 it is safe to infer that the individual is thus designated as having 
 borne the exalted title of Totec tlamacazqui, and that he had filled 
 the office of liigh-priest — one that, by no means, would have ex¬ 
 cluded him from deserving military dignities as well. 2 For the 
 priesthood formed no distinct caste in the social organization of 
 ancient Mexico. Its members went to war and the priest, tlamac¬ 
 azqui, who secured three or four prisoners received the military 
 title of Tequia and added this to his priestly one. Sahagun (book 
 ii, chap, xxv) explains the plural of the appellation thus acquired : 
 Tlamacaz-tequi caque by “ Priests who have performed heroic 
 feats in war.” It is indeed interesting to be able by means of 
 Montezuma’s picture in the Codex Yaticanus safely to determine 
 that he had earned by his virtues, merits and zeal in serving in 
 the temple the special title of Quetzalcoatl Totec tlamacazqui of 
 Huitzilopochtli. A strange glimpse into his earlier life is afforded 
 by Torquemada’s record if we infer, as may well have been the 
 case, that the large festival at which Montezuma performed a sol¬ 
 emn religious dance, clad in the symbolic garb of the hero-god 
 Totec, was the ceremony of his investiture and assumption of the 
 exalted title and rank bestowed upon him by election. As “gen¬ 
 eralissimo,” Montezuma’s title would naturally have been Tlacocli- 
 calcatl, or Tlacochtecuhtli; and indeed we find this title recorded 
 
 1 “All noblemen did represent idolles and carried the name of one.” Acosta, Nat- 
 urall and Morall Historie of the East and West Indies, translated by E. G. London* 
 1601, lib. 5, p. 349. In connection with the wearing of the distinctive garb of a deity by 
 priests, see Sahagun, op. cit., book n, chap, xxi, Fray Motolinia (Coleccion de docu- 
 mentos, Icazbalceta, Mexico tomo i, trat. I, ch. v); Duran, op. cit., vol. I, p. 283; vol. 
 II, pp. 91, 92, 106). I give further quotations and references relating to this subject in 
 
 The Terracotta Heads of Teotihuacan,” Am. Journ. of Archteology, Baltimore, 18S6. 
 
 2 Compare with the following “Montezuma was elected to the regal dignity in 
 1502 . . . for his superior qualifications both as a soldier and priest, a combination of 
 offices sometimes found in the Mexican candidates ... In early youth he had taken 
 an active part in the wars of the empire, though of late he had devoted himself more 
 exclusively to the services of the temple, and he was scrupulous in his attentions to all 
 the burdensome ceremonial of the Aztec worship” (Prescott, Conquest of Mexico, 
 London, 1865, vol. i, p. 236). It may be of interest to note here that the correct form of 
 the name is Motecuhzoma. It is given thus by Torquemada and Sahagun, and their 
 valuable authority is confirmed by the hieroglyph expressing the phonetic parts of the 
 name and by its meaning. 
 
22 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 as borne by him at the time of his election as successor to Ahui- 
 gatl, in the chronicle of Tezozomoc (p. 571). The same writer 
 affords good grounds for believing that Alniizotl, at the time of his 
 death, filled the post of Totec-tlamacazqui (see p. 568). 
 
 We have indicated already the evidences showing that the same 
 two titles were carried by the Mexican priest-warrior of the Bili- 
 mek Collection. 
 
 In connection with one of these titles a few words may be added. 
 The Totec-tlamacazqui, or supreme pontiff as the Spanish writers 
 termed him, must naturally have held certain prerogative and ex¬ 
 ercised some power in the Calmecac, the building where the learned 
 men of ancient Mexico dwelt and imparted their knowledge to the 
 youth and gave them religious and military training. His dignity 
 as the lord or master of the Calmecac could have been expressed 
 by no other word than that of Cahnecahua, and thus the deciphered 
 word, preserved as a surname by Don Antonio of Tlaxcalla, proves 
 to be a specific designation. 1 As we have seen in the case of Tez- 
 opatzin (see p. 18), it was placed, as such titles usually were, im¬ 
 mediately' after the name. 
 
 Having advanced thus far in our attempted explanation and 
 decipherment of the Bilimek painting, we have gained the cer¬ 
 tainty that the images, depicted behind the personage represented 
 in it, yield phonetic elements admitting of plausible decipherment, 
 and therefore annul the evidence derived from the mere position of 
 the fan-shaped object, the basis of Herr von Hochstetter’s assump¬ 
 tion that it was a standard. Let us now examine the further 
 grounds on which he founded his final opinion. 
 
 Although Herr von Hochstetter (p. 15, op. cit.) expresses his 
 belief in being able to prove that the feather piece was not used 
 as a fan but was carried as a standard, he names it elsewhere (p. 
 16) a “ Facher Standarte” (fan-standard) and subsequently goes 
 so far as to think it probably identical with a “ fan” mentioned 
 among the presents sent by' Cortes to Charles V. He tells us that his 
 friend and colleague, Professor Dr. Budinger, had drawn his atten¬ 
 tion to the portion of Prescott’s History of Mexico (London), 1860, 
 containing the inventory of the first presents sent by the Con- 
 
 1 See the preceding examples, of the use of the suffix hua (p. 7 and note 1, p. 9). In¬ 
 variably associated with the power of possession it meant, according to the noun after 
 which it was placed, lord or master of, possessor of, keeper of, also inhabitant of, as 
 for instance: altepetl = village, altepehua = villager. 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 23 
 
 queror to his Emperor, among which figured a fan “of variegated 
 feather-work, with thirty-seven rods plated with gold” and “five 
 fans of variegated feather-work, four of which have ten and the 
 other thirteen rods embossed with gold.” After quoting these en¬ 
 tries in English text Herr von Hochstetter proceeds: “These fans 
 are described in a few characteristic words so entirely applicable 
 to our feather-piece that indeed it would not be possible to des¬ 
 cribe it better in brief than as ‘a fan plated with gold.’ ” 
 
 It will be noticed by English scholars that this abbreviated quo¬ 
 tation causes the words “plated with gold” erroneously to qualify 
 the fan instead of the rods, the meaning really conveyed in the 
 original text. Upon this Herr von Hochstetter reasons that the 
 word “rods” in this case scarcely could have borne its literal mean¬ 
 ing and that he would prefer to translate it as “Strahlen” = rays. 
 I must refer the reader for further details on this point to the en¬ 
 suing sentences of the Professor’s memoir. It will suffice to state 
 here that on observing that exactly thirty-seven gold crescents 
 formed the narrow ornamental border of the feather piece and that 
 this number agreed with that of the “rods” of the fan above de¬ 
 scribed, Herr von Hochstetter chose to consider this coincidence 
 was not merely accidental but that it rendered it probable that the 
 fan-shaped standard is the piece of feather-work described among 
 the presents sent by the Conqueror to Charles Y, as a “Facher aus 
 verschiedefarbigen Federschmuckwerk mit 37 Strahlen und mit 
 Goldplattclien besetzt ” (op. cit., p. 19). This is no doubt an un¬ 
 intentionally distorted translation of the English text upon which 
 I need not dwell. 
 
 In order to remove all possibility of misunderstanding as to the 
 true significance of the word “rods” let us go back to the original 
 Spanish text of the “Memoria de la joyas, etc., remitadas al emper- 
 ador Carlos V, por Don Fernando Cortes, etc., en 1519,” as pub¬ 
 lished in the Coleccion de documentos ineditos para la Historia de 
 Espana, Navarrete, Madrid, 1842, vol. i, p. 461 ; and also appended 
 to the Spanish translation of Clavigero’s Historia Antigua de Mex¬ 
 ico, ed. Mora, Mexico, 1844, p. 309. The above publications of 
 this important document are the most valuable ones we possess as 
 they reproduce in full the copy of the original Memoria as care¬ 
 fully collated, in 1754, by Don Juan Batista Munoz with the au¬ 
 thentic copy preserved in the “Casa de la Contratacion” at Sevilla, 
 in a volume entitled “Manual del Tesorero.” 
 
 The entries in question occur as follows. The variations found 
 
24 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 by Munoz to exist in the Sevilla copy are given in parenthesis. 
 Un moscador de plumajes de colores con treinta y siete verguitas 
 (verjitas) cabiertas de oro “Cinco (cuatro) moscadores de plu- 
 maje de colores y los cuatro de ellos (que los tres del los) tienen a 
 diez (y tienen a tres) canoncitos cubiertos de oro y el uno tiene 
 trece (y el uno tiene a trece).” The literal translation of this 
 passage is : “a fan of variegated feathers with 37 small sticks cov¬ 
 ered with gold.” 1 “Five fans of variegated plumage four of them 
 have ten small quills covered with gold and one has thirteen 
 (quills).” 2 
 
 Now let us learn from a comparative study of the native pictures 
 of typical Aztec fans as carried by ambassadors, reproduced on PI. 
 ii, figs. 13a and 6, what opportunities their usual form afforded for 
 the application of gold decoration. It will be seen that the termi¬ 
 nation of the ornamental handle formed the point of departure for 
 radial feathers, or for ornamental sticks or rods, laid on a surface 
 of featherwork, for the purpose of stiffening this. I can only con¬ 
 sider that the fans recorded in the second entry before cited must 
 have been made, as many modern fans are and as that represented 
 in fig. 13& seems to be, of stout wing feathers, the “quills” of some 
 of which were covered with gold.” The fan described in the first 
 entry with its “37 sticks covered with gold” resembled more prob¬ 
 ably the more elaborately ribbed variety shown in fig. 13a; and it 
 undoubtedly agrees with the description given by Sahagun of some 
 fans “which had bands of gold accompanying the feathers” and 
 were used by the lords in their solemn dances. 
 
 In ancient Mexico the fan was a mark of rank and dignity. 
 The chiefs alone enjoyed the privilege of carrying them in their 
 hands during ceremonial dances. Envoys to neighboring tribes 
 bore them as an official badge and we find records of precious fans 
 being exchanged as gifts between head-chiefs. Thus Tezozomoc 
 relates {op. cit., p. 411) that Nezahualcoyotl, the “lord of men” 
 
 *A valuable old note, taken also from Navarrete’s coleccion de documetos ineditos, 
 contains the following explanations of the almost obsolete Spanish terms employed in 
 the “Memoria” to which it is appended (in ed. Mora, loc. cit.); mosqueadorcs = a sort of 
 
 fan made of feathers, like those used in the present day by ladies.The ancient 
 
 Mexicans employed the choicest feathers in manufacturing them and decorated their 
 handles with precious stones. Verjitas — “varillas” made of metal or some other ma¬ 
 terial, etc. 
 
 According to Spanish dictionaries: varillas are the ribs or sticks of a fan. 
 
 The modern form of verjita seems to be vergueta = small twig or stick. See also 
 verguilla—gold or silver wire. 
 
 - Canon=quill, cylindrical pipe or tube. (See Spanish dictionaries.) 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 25 
 
 of Texcuco presented bis Mexican compeer, Axayacatl, with “a 
 large fan of precious featherwork with a sun in its centre made of 
 fine gold, around which many valuable emeralds and rubies were 
 mounted, and (on p. 413) that the messengers, sent by Axayacatl 
 to invite a certain chief to partake in the great festival he was 
 about to give, took with them, among other gifts, a broad, large and 
 precious fan decorated with gold, precious stones and transparent 
 amber. “Fans made of the finest feathers with the moons in their 
 centre, made of gold” are, moreover, enumerated as part of the 
 tribute paid by the province of Cuetlaxtlan. 
 
 These descriptions are best understood by reference to PI. n, 
 fig. 135, in the middle of which a circular plate, painted yellow, is 
 represented, and the fact that this detail is present in a fan of or¬ 
 dinary size justifies the inference that the presents described above 
 even if of larger dimensions were made after the same conventional 
 model and were intended also to be carried in the hand. 1 
 
 I have not been able to discover in the elaborate descriptions of 
 festivals minutely described in native chronicles any record of the 
 use of gala-fans carried on a staff by attendants on state occa¬ 
 sions, as was surmised by Herr v. Hochstetter to have been the 
 case with the feather-piece. A single instance of the bearing of 
 fans by menials is given by Bernal Diaz 2 who states that each of 
 the five messengers sent by Montezuma to reprove the inhabitants of 
 Quiavistlan for affording hospitality to the Spaniards “ held a rose 
 in his hand which he occasionally put to his nostrils and that Indian 
 servants followed with fans.” Considering, however, that both 
 Torquemada (op. cit., vol. i, p. 400) and Acosta (op. c it., p. 77) 
 state of these same messengers that “ they carried in one hand a 
 short, thick staff and in the other large fans made of feathers that 
 were the prerogatives of chieftains alone,” and the extreme im¬ 
 probability that an insignia of rank and article of luxury should 
 be relegated to menials; the testimony of Bernal Diaz, although 
 that of an eyewitness, may well be dismissed, especially as his 
 work was only written after a lapse of thirty years from the time 
 of the Conquest. The representations figured on PI. ii, 13 a, 5, re- 
 
 1 The two Nahuatl names for fans clearly convey the use to which they were put 
 Ecaceuaztli is a synthesis of wind —ecatl, and ceualli = shade. Ecatzacuilhuaztli is 
 the verbal noun from ecatzacuilia — to screen one’s self. With an inversion of its first 
 syllable and a transposition of its vowels, the word ceualli, shade, is recorded indiffer¬ 
 ently, as ceuallotl, ecauliyotl and ecauillotl. 
 
 2 Histoire veridique de la Conquete de la nouyelle Espagne trad. Jourdanet, Paris, 
 1877, p. 109. 
 
26 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 veal the size of the fans used by such official messengers, and these 
 examples prove beyond a doubt that the plain, literal meaning of 
 the words in the Spanish “ Memoria” can be accepted without hes¬ 
 itation. 
 
 The size of the Vienna feather-piece alone renders it quite un¬ 
 suitable for a fan. On Professor von Hochstetter’s own authority 
 there are absolutely no evidences of thirty-seven gilded rods ever 
 having formed part of its decoration, and his final inference and 
 conclusion as to its probable identity with the fan recorded among 
 the Conqueror’s gifts must be dismissed as non-supported and 
 therefore inadmissible. 
 
 Proceeding now to an examination of the historical feather- 
 piece, we shall allow its structural details to determine finally its 
 true purpose. 
 
 As it now hangs, in a handsome frame spread out against a 
 background of black velvet, it presents a gorgeous appearance. 
 The long, loose fringe of quetzal feathers (now hanging down¬ 
 wards) alone exhibits slight evidences of age and decay. Else¬ 
 where, all such appearances have been carefully eliminated ; for the 
 restoration made under Herr v. Hochstetter’s direction was a com¬ 
 plete one and, if viewed as a labor requiring no small amount of 
 skill and patience, is found to deserve the highest praise. Several 
 hundred missing gold ornaments were replaced by exact reproduc¬ 
 tion in copper gilt. Owing to an unsuccessful effort to obtain a 
 sufficient number of birdskins of the particular Central American 
 species, whence Herr v. Iioehstetter believed the feathers forming 
 the turquoise blue band had been originally derived, twenty-four 
 skins of the East Indian kingfisher {Halcyon fusca Gray), closely 
 similar in color, were used in restoring its pristine freshness. 
 
 Ethnologists will probably never cease to regret that once its 
 future conservation was ensured, the venerable relic was not left 
 untouched ; and they cannot but consider its restoration an irrepa¬ 
 rable error, for it almost entirely deprives those interested in study¬ 
 ing the methods of ancient, native handiwork of personal inspec¬ 
 tion and observation. 1 On the other hand, one cannot but appreciate 
 
 1 Notwithstanding the exceptional facilities for studying the Mexican antiquities 
 preserved at the Ethnographic Museum of Vienna afforded hy the courtesy of its 
 Custos, Herr Franz Heger, and his perfect willingness to oblige, a close inspection of 
 the object so elaborately mounted behind glass in a massive frame was not granted me. 
 I am under an obligation to Herr Heger, thatl beg herewith to acknowledge, for kindly 
 supplying me with an exact tracing of the outlines of the feather-piece made over the 
 glass and from which my measurements, differing slightly from those given by Herr 
 v. Hochstetter, were taken. The tracing revealed that the proportions of the founda- 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 27 
 
 a restoration which enables one actually to confront the reality of 
 the barbaric splendor which so impressed the Spaniards. 
 
 Fortunately, however, Herr von Hochstetter published a minute 
 description of the feather-piece before its restoration, and it is up¬ 
 on this that we now rely for knowledge of many details at present 
 inaccessible to view being either concealed or obliterated by the 
 restoration. 
 
 The fan-shaped base of the feather-piece is composed of harmo¬ 
 niously disposed concentric bands of delicate feather-work studded 
 with thin beaten gold plates of different shapes (see PI. i, c, d, /, g) 
 provided with small symmetrical perforations by means of which 
 they were stitched in place. The crescent-shaped gold ornaments 
 and the smaller tile-shaped ones exhibit, moreover, small projec¬ 
 tions, evidently meant to be concealed, on which these holes were 
 pierced,—a trifling detail, but one that confirms the accounts given 
 by the early Spaniards of the truly admirable nicety of Mexican 
 industrial art, in all its branches. 
 
 Next to the magnificent loose fringe, which was originally com¬ 
 posed of about five hundred of the long tail feathers, of which each 
 male quetzal bird possesses but two, the most striking and beau¬ 
 tiful feature of the specimen is the broad turquoise blue band. 
 On this a design is uniformly executed with the diminutive tile- 
 shaped gold pieces of which Herr von Hochstetter counted no less 
 than fourteen hundred after having replaced about five hundred 
 missing ones. Overlapping each other, like fish scales, these are 
 so disposed as to form a flexible, rectilinear pattern architectonic 
 in outline and somewhat resembling a series of small towers. Ac¬ 
 cording to a verification Herr Custos Heger was kind enough to 
 communicate to me, there are fifteen of these tower-like projections 
 on the concentric band of blue, five more are repeated on the su¬ 
 perimposed piece. The fine delicately lined feathers of which this 
 turquoise band was originally composed had been apparently fast¬ 
 ened in a most dexterous manner to a background of agave paper 
 but had suffered most from the ravages of insects. Only two and 
 a half of the original crescent-shaped pieces of gold that form the 
 
 tion for the feather bands had not been quite accurately reproduced in Herr v. Hocli- 
 stetter’s work. Indeed, a close comparison of the front and back views he published, 
 shows quite a difference between both in the depth of the curved opening at its base. 
 Our artist, in whose hands the model was placed, has endeavored in PI. I to reproduce 
 its proportions while adhering in detail, with the exception of a few corrections, to 
 which we shall refer later, to Herr von Hochstetter’s illustrations. 
 
28 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 border close to the inner edge of this band were still in place. The 
 bare spots left here and elsewhere showed, more or less clearly, 
 the former places of attachment of the vanished original gold or¬ 
 naments and guided their conscientious restoration. 
 
 The narrow scarlet band edging the blue needed no restoration 
 and Herr von Hochstetter draws attention to a nicety in the ar¬ 
 rangement of the feathers used in it, which are so disposed that 
 their inner side curls outwards forming a projecting ruffled border 
 of effective appearance. Above this is an entirely new fringe 
 made of the small wing feathers of the quetzal. The original band 
 was found to be completely destroyed. The reddish brown one fol¬ 
 lowing consists, according to Herr von Hochstetter, of the easily 
 recognized tail feathers of the long-tailed cuckoo (Diaya cayanei 
 Linn.) which is met with in Mexico, Central America and South 
 America including Brazil. These were so placed that their white 
 tips formed the outer sharply defined broad line studded with a 
 number of small gold discs. Of the original ones but forty-one re¬ 
 mained and these “ were left in place ” and are distinguishable in 
 our illustration by being shaded, while the one hundred and ninety- 
 three imitations are unshaded. Herr von Hochstetter records only 
 one hundred and eighty-seven of the latter and in his illustration 
 the number of gold discs forming the outer row on the concentric 
 white border and on the middle piece is sixty-eight. 
 
 Herr Franz Heger, who was kind enough to indicate the places 
 occupied by the genuine discs, also informed me that he had as¬ 
 certained the presence of six more imitations than had been enum¬ 
 erated by Herr von Hochstetter. Four of these, terminating the 
 concentric bands, were partly concealed under the middle piece. 
 The two that are visible have been added in our illustration, one at 
 the inner end of each of the two upper right hand rows. 
 
 We will now examine the back of the object expecting it to 
 furnish testimony of importance. It resembles somewhat an open, 
 modern fan and is composed of a firm, net-like fabric, woven with 
 much accuracy and neatness, of finely twisted threads (probably 
 of agave fibre) and stiffened bjr twenty-eight thin sticks covered 
 with fibre and woven into the net at regular intervals. The quills 
 of all the feathers (with the exception of those of the turquoise 
 band) were so delicately and skilfully knotted to this net that the 
 front, with its series of sharply denned symmetrical, concentric 
 bands formed a closely covered, flexible texture of feather-work. 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 29 
 
 The quills of the long quetzal feathers forming the broad, loose 
 fringe, were also fastened to the net and were firmly caught in its 
 meshes in no less than three places. Corresponding exactly on 
 both sides, the radial width of the network and its concentric 
 bands in front is 28.5cm. The central elevated portion measures 
 45cm.', being adapted to the support of the superimposed middle 
 piece which is 32cm. high from its base of attachment in front 
 and 20-30cm. wide. The semicircular opening at the base, of 
 special importance, is 15cm. deep, and measures 26cm. across. 
 
 The total width of the feather-piece is considerably increased 
 by the fringe of quetzal feathers 52cm. wide. This was held to¬ 
 gether by a series of loops of thread ultimately fastened to the 
 projecting sticks visible above the central elevation. This centre, 
 upon which additional strain was naturally thrown, was thought¬ 
 fully supplied with power to resist it. It was strengthened by a 
 stiff lining of hide (presumably deer skin) and was also provided 
 with an external set of dexterously disposed sticks in addition to 
 its radial stiffenings. 
 
 Two thin sticks, fastened diagonally across the radial ones, ren¬ 
 der it evident that for some special reason, as will appear later, a 
 slight stiffening had been required at each side, whereas the central 
 portion of the object was left flexible to be freely curved and adapted 
 to varying size or shape. A loose piece of net, woven of thinner 
 threads, now “completely torn,” was stretched over the whole back 
 of the feather-piece. We are not told how this was fastened to 
 the framework, or whether any remaining traces indicated that it 
 had ever covered and concealed the central elevation and its super¬ 
 imposed sticks, a detail that would have furnished important evi¬ 
 dence as to whether the object was intended to be viewed on both 
 sides. Herr A r on Hochstetter found remnants of feathers on this 
 and observed that between the two nets there was a bag-like open¬ 
 ing exactly large enough to admit a head. He concludes that it 
 was this “ hood-like aperture” that had caused the feather-piece to 
 be originally (and erroneously) named a head-dress. In his opin¬ 
 ion, it had served as a receptacle for the upper end of a flagstaff. 
 
 Let us pause here to consider the extreme lightness of construc¬ 
 tion and studied flexibility of the object, evident in the net foun¬ 
 dation for the feather-work, in the large, rectilinear pattern, so 
 laboriously executed with diminutive scales and in the thin, radial 
 sticks. Contrast these properties, so appropriate in a feather 
 
30 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 head-dress, with the total absence of traces, either of concentric 
 supports or of a solid centre of stability, both imperatively neces¬ 
 sary if the feather-piece was to be carried permanently on a staff, 
 or to be spread as a fan-shaped standard. The insufficiency of a 
 piece of delicate network, to hold the upper end of the stout pole 
 requisite, is quite apparent, even supposing the semicircular open¬ 
 ing at the base of the feather-piece had been additionally faced 
 with two plates of gold as was surmised by Herr von Hochstetter. 
 
 My personal observation and inference, though lacking the cer¬ 
 tainty of the closest inspection, but corroborated by Herr von Hoch- 
 stetter’s illustration and the total absence of contrary evidence in 
 his work, otherwise so full of minutiae, seem to verify the impor¬ 
 tant fact that the upper more lustrous sides of all the four hun¬ 
 dred and fifty-nine remaining quetzal feathers forming the fringe 
 are turned in one direction, towards the front. If intended to 
 be viewed on both sides so thoughtfully devised an object would 
 be expected to exhibit an equal number of the upper sides of the 
 feathers facing each side with traces of special care taken to con¬ 
 ceal the supporting sticks among them. Inasmuch as the presence 
 of such an arrangement would have furnished the strongest possi¬ 
 ble proof in favor of Herr von Ilochstetter’s supposition, its ab¬ 
 sence must be regarded as a weighty disproof of it. 
 
 Although Herr von Hochstetter states that his attempts at trying 
 on the feather-piece as a head-dress had proved unsuccessful, it 
 must be observed that, according to his own authority, the radial 
 sticks were badly broken at the time, and as the network lacked 
 the stiffness required in order to make the object stand erect the 
 experiment from the outset had no chance of success. 
 
 Having made a stiff cardboard model of the size of the feather 
 piece and fitted it to the head in the fashion exhibited 'by fig. 1 
 of PI. ii, I was able to ascertain that it assumed at once the exact 
 appearance and contour of the ancient Mexican head-dresses ren¬ 
 dered familiar to us by numerous representations. The central 
 portion of the curve fitted closely around the forehead causing the 
 perpendicular front of the head-dress to retain the width of the face 
 only. The broad sides stretched flatly towards the back where 
 their inner sides met. It was interesting to ascertain that, after a 
 few jerky motions made by the wearer of the cardboard model, it 
 became dented at the sides in the precise location held by the diag¬ 
 onal sticks in the original and that precisely such supports, sim- 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 31 
 
 ilarly placed, obviated this tendency and afforded in addition a 
 most convenient basis of attachment for means of fastening. It 
 was found that a pair of tapes, attached to these diagonal sticks 
 and tied across the back of the head, were sufficient to hold the 
 model in place. 
 
 As the reason for each structural detail of the Vienna master¬ 
 piece becomes apparent, we realize the immense amount of experi¬ 
 ence that must have preceded its manufacture, and marvel at the 
 foresight and care with which this is executed. 
 
 In connection with the above experiment we observe that each of 
 the two military head-dresses from the Mendoza collection (see PI. 
 hi, figs. 11 and 13) is provided with a long pair of long pendants 
 terminated with a series of cross-sticks, evidently intended to be 
 tied to the back (as in PI. ii, fig. 1) for the additional security in 
 warfare for a precious insignia of rank. 
 
 Let us now refer to the single front-view in the Mendoza collec¬ 
 tion of a large diadem made of gold of the thickness of parchment, 
 (see PI. i, fig. 2). We cannot fail to observe its analogous deeply 
 curved opening, meant to encircle the face, and the central eleva¬ 
 tion the proportions of which correspond with those of the Vienna 
 feather-piece. Tezozomoc {op. cit ., pp. 494, 544 and 569) mentions 
 that such frontlets made of gold paper and called teocuitla (gold) 
 yxcua (forehead) amatl (paper) were used exclusively by the su¬ 
 preme lords. Evidently these frontlets, described as being studded 
 with precious stones, are identical with the well-known “copilli” or 
 crown in the shape of a half mitre and invariably tied at the back 
 with a red knot, so constantly used in Aztec picture-writings as an 
 insignia of supreme rank, or for its ideographic value - tecuhtli = 
 lord (see, for instance, PI. i, fig. 11). 
 
 In figs. 1, 5, 6, and 10, PI. iii, we have ordinary representations 
 of military head-gears as given in the native lists of tributes. In 
 each case one-half only is depicted—duplicate it and the shape of 
 the Vienna feather-piece is reproduced and a similar arrangement 
 of concentric colored bands, surmounted by a fringe of long, nar¬ 
 row green feathers, is displayed. 
 
 Now let us consider the numerous examples of head-dresses thus 
 obtained, those with central elevations figs. 3 and 8, PI. hi, and 
 lastly the Vienna feather-piece itself, and collate them with the ob¬ 
 jects painted for their phonetic values behind the Bilimek warrior 
 and above the figure of Apanecatl in the Boturini manuscripts. 
 
 In my opinion the inevitable and final conclusions to be derived 
 
32 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 from such comparisons is the conviction that the object is in each 
 case a feather head-dress, and that, as the etymology of the word 
 teaches, such were called in general, Quetzalapanecayotl. In the 
 Bilimek painting, I believe that the word Quetzalapanecatl is thus 
 conveyed : in the Boturini manuscripts Apanecatl is undoubtedly ex¬ 
 pressed by the representation of such a head-dress above a comple¬ 
 mentary sign, of the significance of which I shall treat in full in a 
 brief appendix on this subject at the end of this essay. Herewith, 
 I abandon further discussion of Herr von Hochstetter’s standard 
 theory. 
 
 Figures 2, 3,'4, 8 and 12, PI. hi, are faithful representations of 
 the appearance of these feather head-dresses as worn when viewed 
 from the side. The card-board model indicated their fidelity, 
 while the Vienna feather head-dress proves that these representa¬ 
 tions do not exaggerate, as has been stated by some authors, 1 the 
 size and height actually worn. 
 
 The total height of the central portion of the Vienna feather-piece, 
 measured from the edge of the curved opening to the tips of the 
 quetzal feathers, is 1 m. 05 cm., and this would be by no means an 
 unprecedented height for an aboriginal head-dress. 2 Yet it must 
 be distinctly borne in mind that although the central projecting sup¬ 
 port caused these feathers to stand erect for a certain distance 
 above the artificial base of attachment, their delicate light and flex¬ 
 ible nature would cause them generally to assume the downward 
 curve that they naturally possess, as anyone can certify who has 
 seen the beautiful bird from which they are derived. 3 It may well 
 be inferred that the general appearance of the gorgeous head-dress 
 
 1 See, for instance, Ad. F Bandelier “On the Art of War,” Reports of Peabody Mu¬ 
 
 seum, vol. II, “The head-dress or divisa is represented on nearly every Mexican paint¬ 
 ing or picture leaf. . . . Its size is generally exaggerated,” p. Ill (note 64). 
 
 2 I am indebted to Herr Prof. Ad. Bastian for kindly informing me that among the 
 highest head-dresses recorded are those of Central Africa where Livingstone speaks 
 of them (among the Bashulupos) as attaining a yard in height. The following quota¬ 
 tion from “Wood’s Natural History of Man” repeats this statement, “The hair on the 
 top of the head is drawn and plastered together in a circle some six or seven inches in 
 diameter. By dint of careful training, and plenty of grease and other appliances, it 
 is at last formed into a cone some eight or ten inches in height and slightly leaning for¬ 
 ward. In some cases the cone is of wonderful height, the head man of a Batoka village 
 wearing one wiiich was trained into a long spike which projected a full yard from his 
 head, and which must have caused him considerable inconvenience. In this case other 
 materials were evidently mixed with the hair, and it is said that the long hair of vari¬ 
 ous animals is often added, so as to mingle with the real growth, and aid in rearing the 
 edifice.” 
 
 3 The extreme flexibility of these feathers was noted by PadreSahagun who says: 
 “they are in width like the leaves of the reed mace and bend as soon as touched by 
 moving air” (book xi, chap. u). 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 33 
 
 when its wearer was in motion resembled that seen in fig. 4, and 
 that the brilliant sweeping fringe fell over his back reaching to his 
 waist as in fig. 3, one of several similar representations from Padre 
 Duran’s Atlas. 
 
 Reverting to the missing “ beak of gold ” recorded in the In¬ 
 ventory of 1596 as having occupied a place “ on the forehead,” I 
 refer to figs. 14-19 for examples of Ancient Mexican head dresses 
 provided with precisely such an adjunct. That such were actually 
 made of gold is amply proven by the following quotations, and no 
 more convincing confirmation of the thorough consistency and ac¬ 
 curacy of the description and appellation preserved in the Inven¬ 
 tory of 1596 could be adduced than this of their perfect agreement 
 with recorded fact. 
 
 Padre Duran, describing the image or idol or Huitzilopochtli, as 
 depicted in his invaluable Atlas (see PI. in, figs. 14 and 17), re¬ 
 lates that, “ the (idol’s) feather head-dress was held secure by a 
 counterfeit beak made of brightly burnished gold, vol. n, p. 81. 
 It (the idol) had a rich feather-head-dress fashioned like the beak 
 of a bird which bird was called huitzitzilin = humming-bird ” 
 {op. cit., vol. ii, p. 80). Clavigero {op. cit., p. 154) describes this 
 same idol as having “on his head a beautiful head-dress in the 
 shape of a bird’s beak . . . Each one of his ornaments and insig¬ 
 nia had its special meaning.” Fig. 14 completes these descrip¬ 
 tions and exhibits the counterfeit head of a bird made of feather 
 work and surmounted by a large tuft of quetzal feathers, with an 
 open projecting golden beak enclosing the head and face of its 
 wearer. 
 
 It must be borne in mind, however, that both of these images 
 were painted subsequently to the Conquest. 
 
 The most authentic contemporary representation of a head-dress 
 with beak that we possess, and, therefore, the most valuable one in 
 every way, is that carved as worn by the chief warrior identified as 
 Tizoc in the bas-relief around the so-called Sacrificial Stone in the 
 city of Mexico (see PI. in, fig. 7). It is so precisely of the shape 
 of our feather-piece with the additions of a prominent beak over 
 the forehead and under the chin, of a circular ear ornament and of 
 a larger circular adornment, that we may well let it determine what 
 kind of gold beak once completed the Vienna relic. 
 
 Guided, therefore, by the weighty authority of this carved ex¬ 
 ample, we must conclude that even in 1596 the Vienna head-dress 
 
 3 
 
 P. M. VOL. I 
 
34 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 had already been despoiled of the lower part of the gold beak that 
 necessarily belonged to it and also of the circular gold ear orna¬ 
 ments which, as we shall see from further detailed descriptions of 
 such head-dresses, probably accompanied it. 1 Judging from the 
 dainty workmanship visible in the symmetrical perforations of the 
 gold ornaments remaining, we can understand how the upper beak, 
 probably delicately stitched to the inside edge of the network, 
 could have been subsequently removed without leaving anj 7 appar¬ 
 ent traces of its former existence, so that it is not at all surprising 
 that Herr von Ilochstetter found it impossible to ascertain how 
 the gold beak had been attached. 
 
 It is possible for us to form an idea of the actual appearance 
 presented b} 7 the head-gear of Huitzilopochtli, as, strangely 
 enough, its resemblance to the polished helmets or casques and the 
 peaked visors worn by the Spaniards gave rise, in a great meas¬ 
 ure, to the native, superstitious belief—so fatal in its consequences 
 to the Mexicans—that the strange newcomers “must be connected 
 with them in some way as they wore the insignia of the ancient 
 idols.” A few days after their arrival at the port of San Juan de 
 Ulua, Bernal Diaz relates that Teuhtlile, a native chief, visited 
 them, and on noticing a helmet, half of which was gilt, worn by 
 one of the Spanish soldiers, requested to be allowed to carrj 7 it to 
 Montezuma. For it was of a well known form, one which had 
 been handed down from remote ancestry and was habitually worn 
 bj 7 their war idol, Huitzilopochtli. The helmet was given him at 
 once, and it is evident that its gilt portion gave rise to special 
 comment amongst those assembled, for Cortes found occasion to 
 formulate the artful request “ that the helmet should be returned 
 to him later, filled with nuggets of gold, so that he could see 
 whether their yellow metal was like that found in the rivers of 
 Spain.” 
 
 “As soon as Montezuma saw the helmet and compared it with 
 that worn by Huitzilopochtli, he was convinced that the Spaniards 
 were of the same lineage as himself and had come to rule over 
 their land” (Bernal Diaz, op. cit ., p. 88). This conviction led to 
 the dispatch of an envoy with costly offerings to Cortes, among 
 which figured religious insignia and military equipments of all kinds 
 
 1 “ The lords used in war a sort of a helmet with many plumes and two hollow cir¬ 
 cles of gold.” Sahagun, book vm, chap, xii; see also Torquemada, lib. xiv, cap. v, 
 and figs. 2 and 11, pi. n. 
 
OK HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 35 
 
 and the Spanish helmet filled with native gold, “which gift,” as Tor- 
 quemada states, “cost Montezuma his head,” 1 as it revealed to the 
 avaricious Spaniards the existence of native gold. It is, however, 
 curious to note that notwithstanding their conviction that the Span¬ 
 iards wore the insignia of Huitzilopoctli, all historians agree in re¬ 
 cording the universal native belief that the strange newcomers must 
 be Quetzalcoatl and his followers. In searching for an explana¬ 
 tion of this apparent inconsistency, which has been hitherto over¬ 
 looked, I have been led to depart from the established views held 
 on this subject. We know that the high priests or living repre¬ 
 sentatives of the ancestral hero Huitzilopochtli bore as a title the 
 name of Quetzalcoatl (Sahagun appendix, book hi, chap, ix), and 
 that Cortes from the first announced through his interpreters that 
 he and his soldiers were but envoys and vassals of the greatest 
 lord on earth, the emperor Charles V (Bernal Diaz, p.-86). Judg¬ 
 ing from recorded facts, the Mexicans seem to have reasoned that, 
 as Cortes acknowledged a superior he could not be a deity, but as 
 he and his followers wore the familiar insignia of their god he and 
 they must be Quetzalcoas or high-priests, the living representatives 
 of their own ancestral hero and totemic divinity Huitzilopochtli 
 from whom the Spaniards likewise must have descended. Such a 
 belief would explain why Montezuma, according to Sahagun, 
 charged his messengers to take to Cortes “all the priestly insignia 
 proper to him (todos los atavias sacerdotales que a el convienien”) 
 (book 12, chap, iv), and many other facts which cannot be cited 
 without transgressing the limits of the present subject. 
 
 By the light of the foregoing testimony the gold beak once at¬ 
 tached to the Vienna head-dress is disclosed as the emblem of Huit¬ 
 zilopochtli, and the general shape of the feather-piece establishes 
 its identity as a military head-gear like those painted as worn ex¬ 
 clusively by the supreme war-chief in the eight historical battle- 
 scenes of Padre Duran’s Atlas. The bas-relief affords consistent 
 representation of a single exalted personage distinguished by a 
 similar tall head-dress from fourteen other fully equipped warriors 
 who wear in common a form of coif ornamented vrith a bird’s head 
 (see fig. 9, PI. m), of which we find an interesting parallel in the 
 Berlin bas-relief (Kingsborougli, vol. ii) and in fig. 21 from the Fe- 
 jervary manuscripts. 
 
 It is most important to remember that the supreme chiefs of An- 
 
 1 Mon. Ind., I, p. 390. 
 
36 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 cient Mexico were the living representatives of ancestral tribal 
 hero-gods, that they bore the name of one at festivals and wore 
 their insignia in warfare. It is even recorded of Axayacatl, one 
 of Montezuma’s predecessors, that he “represented in life our god 
 Huitzilopochtli” (Duran, op. cit., vol. i, p. 304). Guided by this 
 testimony one begins to comprehend the presence of the emblem 
 of that god over a military head-dress, and pauses involuntarily to 
 reflect upon the inspiring effect that the leadership, in battle, of the 
 living image of an ancestral hero must have exerted on the imag- 
 ination of a deeply superstitious people. We now perceive the 
 reason why there are figured in the lists of tributes paid to Monte¬ 
 zuma the high priest and supreme war-chief, head-dresses of the 
 above shape termed, “pieces of armour” (piezas de armas), and we 
 find that this shape was that actually worn by the high priest by 
 reference to fig. 8, PI. hi, from Padre Duran’s Atlas. The old In¬ 
 dian woman who possessed the original picture told Padre Duran 
 that “it was an image of Quetzalcoatl and that he used to wear the 
 feather crown, shown in the painting, on celebrating the festivals, 
 just as a bishop puts on his mitre when he says mass ” (vol. n, p. 
 77). 
 
 The Vienna feather-piece yields moreover remarkable evidence 
 through its most striking feature, the broad blue band edged with 
 scarlet; for this combination of colors is one which is invariably 
 found in the copilli or diadem and in the raiment worn by the su¬ 
 preme lord of Mexico. In the Mendoza collection, page 70, Mon¬ 
 tezuma is depicted as clothed entirely in blue, with the conventional 
 blue diadem tied with a red knot. In Duran’s Atlas he and his 
 predecessors are distinguished by blue garments edged with scarlet 
 designs and by blue copilli with the usual scarlet knot, and, in 
 some notable examples, a narrow edging of red. Written author¬ 
 ity and the Nahuatl special names for the insignia indicative of 
 supreme authority are in accordance with pictorial testimony and 
 prove their distinctive color to have been that of the turquoise 1 = 
 
 1 Exceptional instances occur in which the insignia of authority are painted and re¬ 
 corded as green (Tezozomoc, p. 629). See our fig. 10 of PI. I. But it is a curious fact, 
 and one that finds a parallel in the languages of other American tribes (that of the 
 Omahas for instance) and of other primitive races—that in Nahuatl no verbal distinc¬ 
 tion is made between the colors blue and green. One was evidently deemed a shade 
 of the other color—a conception that we can perhaps understand when we consider 
 how frequently, as in describing marine and alpine scenery, we are forced to resort to 
 the composite terms blue-gi-een and greenish-blue which proves our unconscious but 
 analogous recognition of an indissoluble connection between these colors. The list an- 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 37 
 
 xiuitl. On being elected to supreme power Tizoc, Ahuizotl and 
 Montezuma were in turn invested, according to Tezozomoc, with 
 the royal cloak made of blue network called Xiuhayatl, with a 
 blue loin-cloth = maxtlatl, and blue sandals = xiuhcactli, and the 
 diadem inlaid with turquoises = xiuhuitzolli. When the corpse of 
 Tizoc was prepared for cremation it was first laved with blue water 
 and covered with a blue vestment. His face and those of the sing¬ 
 ers in attendance during the ceremony were painted and marked 
 with blue (op. cit., pp. 438, 455, 460, 573). Clavigero mentions, 
 moreover, a white and blue cloak, called xuihtilmatli, worn exclu¬ 
 sively by the “kings of Tenochtitlan,” in the interior of their pal¬ 
 aces (op. cit., p. 203). Numerous examples in the Atlas Duran 
 show this as edged also with a scarlet pattern. 
 
 The explanatory reason of the privileged use of blue raiment by 
 Montezuma and his predecessors lies close at hand and is inti¬ 
 mately connected with the foregone conclusions. According to the 
 well known myth, Huitzilopochtli came to the world with his limbs 
 painted blue, carrying a blue shield and a blue arrow in his hand 
 (Sahagun, book iii, chap. i). This, and a number of further allied 
 details, the enumeration of which I will spare the reader, attest 
 the consecration of azure to that deity and thus explain its constant 
 employment in articles used in ceremonial observances in his honor. 
 
 In connection with Montezuma’s privileges as high priest, the 
 living image of the god, it is important to compare on the one hand 
 the express statement that “ the teoxiuitl was called the turquoise 
 of the gods and that no one had a right to possess and use it but 
 that it had always to be offered to the gods ” (Sahagun, book xi, 
 ch. viii), with the numerous records that Montezuma habitually 
 wore a turquoise necklace and a diadem inlaid with the same pre¬ 
 cious stones (Sahagun, book viii, chap. xii). 
 
 Although I must defer offering a full and comprehensive state- 
 
 nexed affords us an interesting opportunity of taking a glimpse of the world of color 
 from an Aztec point of view. 
 
 Xiuitl = turquoise, grass, leaf (by extension a year). 
 
 Xiuhtie, ndj., =blue, color of turquoise. 
 
 Xiuhcaltic = j verdure. 
 
 Xiuhyotia ] to cover itself with green, as a field or tree. 
 
 Matlalli, noun, Matlatic, adj. = dark green or very pure azui-e. 
 
 Xoxouhqui ~ green, light blue. 
 
 Texittle, Texotli = blue, azure. 
 
 Texoxoctli = a green stone. 
 
 Ilhuitl = sky (a day and a feast). 
 
 Ilhuicaatl = ocean = literally sky water. 
 
38 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 ment of my belief respecting Montezuma’s true position in the much 
 misunderstood social organization of Ancient Mexico, 1 1 consider 
 the foregoing facts sufficient to establish that the Vienna head¬ 
 dress, on account of its shape, coloring and attributes, could have 
 been fitly worn by no other person but Montezuma at the time of 
 the Conquest. As living representative of the god he alone could 
 assume the emblem of Huitzilopochtli, the gold beak. As supreme 
 chief he had the sole privilege of wearing a shape the most striking 
 feature of which, be it observed, is a broad band of blue edged with 
 a high middle piece, which simulates, when worn, the familiar royal 
 copilli, as may be seen by a comparison of fig. 15 on PI. m with 
 the representation, on PI. i, of the valuable relic. Before endeav¬ 
 oring to trace, in conclusion, by the light of certain historical data, 
 the transfer of the insignia from Mexico to Castle Ambras, a few 
 words may be said about the feathers employed in its manufacture. 
 
 Aided by the Custos of the Imperial Vienna Zoological Museum, 
 Herr von Pelzeln, Professor von Hochstetter sought, by compari¬ 
 son with the feathers of birds inhabiting the tropical region of 
 America, to identify the species which supplied the material for the 
 blue and scarlet bands. 2 This was avowedly a difficult undertak¬ 
 ing as very numerous species of tropical birds of all sizes exhibit 
 in various parts of their bodies feathers of these colors scarcely 
 distinguishable from each other b} r the most practised ornitholo¬ 
 gist. Moreover the antiquity of the feather-piece and the indeter¬ 
 minable changes time may have wrought in it, detract from the 
 certainty of identifications necessarily based upon most delicate 
 differentiations of structure and color. 
 
 To arrive, in spite of these difficulties, at approximate identifica¬ 
 tions it seemed to me important to narrow the field of ornithological 
 inquiry to the smallest possible limits and to allow these to be fixed 
 by the high authority of Padre Sahagun, who devotes a whole 
 chapter to the description of the birds most highly esteemed by the 
 Aztecs on account of the beautiful feathers they yielded for the 
 manufacture of feather-work. Precious above all were the tail-feath- 
 
 1 1 would mention here, however, my high appreciation and hearty endorsement of 
 the general outlines of the Aztec civilization traced by Lewis H. Morgan and Ad. 
 F. Bandelier, in their valuable works. 
 
 2 “ Originally the blue bands were composed of feathers from the Cotinga maynana 
 (Linn.), a bird which belongs to the family of the Chatterers and lives in South Amer¬ 
 ican virgin forests (Upper Amazon),” op. cit., p. 11. “ The best match to the feathers 
 
 of the scarlet band seemed to us those of the Hcematoderus militaris (Lath.) from 
 Guiana and Northern Brazil” ( op. et loc. cit.). 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 39 
 
 ers of the Quetzaltototl; indeed their name Quetzalli, employed in 
 a figurative sense, came to signify all that was precious = treasure, 
 jewel, father, mother, beloved child, lord, ruler. Among the an¬ 
 nual tributes paid to Montezuma by the inhabitants of the present 
 state of Oaxaca, Chiapas, on the confines of Guatemala, we find 
 5,680 bunches (manojos) of quetzal tail-feathers pictorially re¬ 
 corded, an enormous tribute when we consider that two such feath¬ 
 ers represent a single bird. It is known, however, that the An¬ 
 cient Mexicans bestowed the greatest care on the preservation of 
 the lives of all birds of precious plumage. They were caught and 
 plucked and freed at certain seasons. The extensive aviary in Mon¬ 
 tezuma’s “palace” was constantly supplied with living specimens. 
 A number of Indians, men and women, administered daily to each 
 want and bestowed special care on the raising of young broods 
 (Bernal Diaz, loc. cit., p. 240). The manufacture of feather-work 
 was carried on in the same building and it is probably within its 
 walls that the Vienna feather-piece was created. The importance 
 attached to the quality of the quetzal feathers supplied is further 
 evident by the recorded stipulation made by the Aztecs who had 
 conquered the Huastecans, that the feathers they were to pay hence¬ 
 forth in tribute were to measure an arm’s length each. 
 
 Next in value to the quetzal ranked the Tlauhquechol, 1 the Pla- 
 talea aj-aja , or roseate spoonbill, deemed of such consequence that 
 its annual migration from Florida and regular reappearance tow¬ 
 ards the months of October and November caused a month in the 
 Aztec Calendar to be named from it and this season to be specially 
 dedicated to the chase. This bird is remarkable for its beautiful 
 rose colored or bright red plumage and the silky tuft on the lower 
 forepart of its neck. It is interesting to place side by side two 
 records based on close observation of the habits of this bird; one 
 the belief of a semi-civilized people, the other the statement of a 
 nineteenth century naturalist. “They (the Indians) say that the 
 tlauhquechol is the prince of the herons and that wheresoever the 
 herons see such a one, they flock about it.” (Sahagun, book xi, 
 chap. ii). “This beautiful bird (the roseate spoonbill) is usually 
 
 •From Tlauitl = red ochre. Quechtli = neck, shoulders. This bird was also called 
 the Teoquechol or Tlapalaztatl = red heron (Tezozomoc, p. 434). The “kind of a bird, 
 with long legs and red body, wings and tail” seen by Bernal Diaz in the large pond of 
 fresh water provided in Montezuma’s aviary for aquatic birds, was evidently the Tlauh¬ 
 quechol, although he says that “he did not know its name’’ (op. et loc. cit.). 
 
40 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 foncl of the company of our different herons, whose keen sight and 
 vigilance are useful to it in apprizing it of danger and allowing it 
 to take flight in due time” (J. J. Audubon, “The birds of Amer¬ 
 ica,” vol. vi, p. 73, New York, 1856). 
 
 In Tezozomoc (p. 495) this bird is mentioned as specially con¬ 
 secrated to Huitzilopoclitli. Montezuma is described by the same 
 writer as going to battle with a device made of feathers, surmounted 
 by a Tlauhquechol, which looked as though it were flying (pp. 584 
 and 599). He wore also another device called tlauhquecholtzontli 
 or “hair of tlauhquechol feathers” which hung down the back and 
 probably resembled fig. 20, PI. hi. Sahagun describes a helmet, 
 used by the lords only in war, made of the scarlet feathers of the 
 tlauhquechol, around which was a crown of rich feathers. Above 
 these rose a bunch of beautiful quetzal feathers like plumes (book 
 viii, chap. xii). 
 
 In the Mexican calendar the month Quecliolli is either desig¬ 
 nated by a representation of this bird (Atlas Orozco Berra, pi. 
 xvm), or by an ornament, the use of which was restricted to Monte¬ 
 zuma and his predecessors, made of the long silky recurved feathers 
 from the neck-tuft of the spoonbill. 1 Ilerr Ilofrath Dr. A. B. Meyer, 
 Director of the Royal Zoological and Ethnographical Museum at 
 Dresden, to whom I am obliged for the active interest taken in the 
 present investigation and the facilities for study afforded me, iden¬ 
 tified the Tlauhquechol as the Platalea agaja from the fragmentary 
 descriptions I collected from the writings of old Spanish authors 2 
 and kindly furnished me with feathers for comparative purposes 
 from a stuffed specimen in the Museum. These answered exactly to 
 the description given by Herr von Hochstetter of the feathers com- 
 
 1 Gemelli Cnvreri, Voyage autour du Monde Paris, 1710, p. 6S, plate. 
 
 2 In addition to the above quotations see Sahagun trad. Simeon, p. 71, note, and p. 
 208. Torquemada, vol. ii, pp. 28, 299. Clavigero, pp. 31,1S5. I was led to collect these 
 passages through Senor Antonio Penafiel’s statement in his recent valuable contribu¬ 
 tion (Nombres Geograficos de Mexico, Mexico, 1S85, on p. 167) that “ according to the 
 late Orozco y Berra, the quechoili was the “ madrugador ” consequently the Tirannus 
 vociferans Wishing to obtain the English name of the Tirannus and further details, 
 I applied to Herr Hofrath Dr. Meyer who informed me that no red feathers existed in 
 the plumage of this bird. On referring by chance subsequently to Orozco y Berra’s 
 Historia Antigua de Mexico. Mexico, 1880, vol. ii, pp. 39 and 85, and then to his ensayo 
 de Descifracion, Anales del Museo Nacional Mexico, 1S77, tomo i, pp. 297 and 326, 
 I was much surprised to find not only no mention whatever of the “ madrugador ” but 
 the following quotation by the late Orosco y Berra from an article written by Senor 
 Don Jesus Sanchez, the present Director of the Museo Nacional, in “ La Naturaleza 
 tom. ii, p. 250. “The Tlauhquechol of the Aztecs was the rose colored spoonbill 
 (Platalea agaja Linn.).” 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 41 
 
 posing the scarlet band of the Vienna head-dress, being extremely 
 fine with disunited barbs of blood red color and light ground. 
 Herr Custos Heger obligingly compared these examples with the 
 feathers of the Vienna relic and communicated to me that “ al¬ 
 though there was a slight difference in tint the general structure of 
 the feathers lead to the inference of their probable identity.” If 
 confirmed by the microscope this identification will commend it¬ 
 self by its perfect accordance with the foregoing evidence as to the 
 privileged use of Tlauhquechol plumage by Huitzilopochtli and 
 Montezuma. 
 
 Next in value to this beautiful bird Padre Sahagun ranks the 
 xiuhquechol, a small bird with green plumage, like grass, and blue 
 wings and tail. The word xiuitl, in its name, may therefore sig¬ 
 nify both turquoise and grass. This bird was supplied in trib¬ 
 ute by the inhabitants of the coast along the gulf of Tehuantepec 
 as well as the equally prized xiulitototl = turquoise bird, of the size 
 of a jay with a brown breast and blue back and light blue wings. 
 The tail-feathers are variegated blue, black and green. It was im¬ 
 possible to base an opinion as to the species of these birds on the 
 meagre descriptions available, nor have I been able to find any 
 published identifications in the works on Mexico at hand. 
 
 Two hundred skins of the xiuhtototl were paid in tribute every 
 eighty days by the inhabitants of Xoconochco in the present state 
 of Chiapas, on the Pacific coast. They also supplied, at the same 
 time, eight hundred bunches of blue feathers from the same bird 
 (Cordillera, Cortes, ed. Cumplido). In the text to Plate 47 of the 
 Mendoza Collection eight thousand handfuls of precious turquoise 
 blue feathers are recorded as part of the annual tribute sent from 
 twenty-two localities in the Tierra Caliente. As the same tribute 
 list also shows us, such small feathers were transported in bags of 
 fine matting made of palm. The plumage of the xiuhtototl is also 
 designated as consecrated to the service of Huitzilopochtli (Tezo- 
 zomo, 495), and shields decorated with feather-work made of xiuhto¬ 
 totl plumage are enumerated among the insignia used by the lords 
 in war (Sahagun, book vm, chap. xn). Herr von Hochstetter com¬ 
 ments upon the extreme delicacy of the feathers which originally 
 composed the turquoise blue band of the Vienna relic, a quality 
 in accordance with the diminutive size of the xiuhtototl and the 
 high value placed on it by the Mexican artisans. 
 
 We will now revert to the priceless gifts sent by Montezuma to 
 
42 
 
 MEXICAN STANDAKD 
 
 Cortes in the spring of 1519, thechoicest of which were subsequently 
 set aside for Charles V and intrusted to Alonso Hernandez Puer- 
 tocarrero and Francisco de Montejo, who sailed from San Juan 
 Ulna for Spain on the 26th of July, 1519, according to Bernal Diaz ; 
 on the 16th, according to Cortes in his “Segunda Carta.” After un¬ 
 dergoing seizure and detention the presents and the letters announc¬ 
 ing the discovery and addition of a strange, new and rich country 
 to the Crown of Spain were presented to the young Emperor at 
 Tordesillas in the beginning of March, 1520, while he was on his 
 way to Coruna to embark for Flanders. In these days it seems 
 strange to find no reference in the autobiographical commentaries 1 
 of Charles V, in his record of the events of this and the following 
 years, to what has been termed by Sandoval “one of the happiest 
 pieces of intelligence ever received by the Prince.” 2 It has been 
 reasonably conjectured that Charles V took the costty gifts with 
 him to Flanders where he was expected by his brother, the Infante 
 Ferdinand, and his aunt Margaret of Austria Regent of the Neth¬ 
 erlands, both perhaps eager to view the rumored marvels from the 
 new world. Some were doubtless placed as trophies in the Arsenal 
 de la Cour of the palace at Brussels ; for as late as 1803 among 
 the trophies and historical armor of the Brussels collection are enu¬ 
 merated “complete suits of armour of Montezuma, his two sons 
 and prime minister” sent by Cortes to Charles V. As Senor Ortega 
 justly remarks, the presence in Flanders of these Mexican trophies 
 dating from the time of the Conquest can be traced back with some 
 certainty to this vo} r age of Charles V as the gifts afterwards sent 
 by Cortes in 1522 were stolen, and those brought by Diego de Soto 
 in 1524 doubtless remained in Spain as they reached the Emperor 
 while he was making a stay in that country prolonged until 1529. 3 
 The first gifts which reached Charles V consisted of those sent to 
 Cortes shortly after his landing in Mexico, by Montezuma. Saha- 
 gun hands down a description stating that foremost among these 
 were the priestly vestments of Quetzalcoatl “part of which consist¬ 
 ed of a large tall crown full of precious, long, very beautiful feath¬ 
 ers” (book xn, chap. iv). Bernal Diaz records “crests of plumage 
 some with very rich green feathers, and gold and silver” (p. 89). 
 
 1 Charles V Commentaires. Kervyn de Lettenhove, Bruxelles, 1S62. 
 
 2 Sandoval. Vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V. Barcelona, 1625, lib. iv. 
 
 s The above data are from Senor A. Nunez Ortega’s interesting article entitled 
 “Apuntes historicos sobre la rodela Azteca en el Museo Nacioual”—Anales del 
 Museo Nacioual, Mexico, tomo ill, p. 281. 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 43 
 
 Las Casas, who saw the presents at the same time the Emperor did 
 in Spain, describes “certain large feather crests made of various 
 kinds of feathers and colours, finished with gold work,” also “cer¬ 
 tain armor (armaduras), 1 which they must have used in their wars, 
 with green and yellow feathers” (Historia de las Indias, Madrid, 
 1876, vol. ii, p. 485) ; also Torquemada (Monarquia Indiana, vol. 
 i, p. 389). Referring to the Memoria already quoted from, we find 
 “ a large piece of variegated feather-work which is to be worn on 
 the head. Around it are sixty-eight small pieces of gold each of 
 which is about the size of a medio quarto. Lower down than these 
 there are twenty small towers of gold.” 2 
 
 It may be due only to a striking coincidence that, on comparing 
 this description with the Vienna relic, as figured in Herr von Hoch- 
 stetter’s illustration, we count on the upper row of gold discs on 
 the outer white band (including those on the same band across the 
 middle piece) exactly sixty-eight of these and below, on the blue 
 band, just twenty projections, which can scarcely be more aptly 
 described than as small towers. To infer from the foregoing data 
 the probable identity of the Vienna feather-piece with the large 
 head-dress described as if of special interest and value, would be 
 neither difficult nor unreasonable. At the same time it is well to 
 note that there is no mention in the Memoria of the seemingly 
 noteworthy feature, the gold beak, and that no secure evidence is 
 afforded by the number of gold discs actually present on the Vienna 
 relic. 
 
 Our illustration displays the very small number of original discs 
 found by Herr von Hochstetter and adopted as a guide for the 
 restoration of missing ones, and Herr Heger’s recent investigation 
 increases the number of gold discs in the outer row to sixty-nine. 
 The only method of reconciling these objections would be to im¬ 
 agine that possibly there may have been originally three rows each 
 composed of sixty-eight discs, for we have no means of judging how 
 completely the objects were described merely for registrative pur- 
 
 1 In a contemporary Spanish document I find the term “armaduras de cabeza” used 
 to describe the helmets with feather crests worn by knights in Spain. Coleccion de doc- 
 umentos ineditos, vol. I, p. 158. 
 
 2 “XJna pieza grande deplumajes de colores que se pone (que se ponen) en la cabeza- 
 en que hay a la redonda de ella (a la redonda de el) sesenta y ocho(setenta y ocho) pie, 
 zas pequefias de oro, que sera cada una (que sera cada una tan grande) como medio 
 cuarto, y debajo de ellos veinte torrecitas de oro (y mas bajo de ellas vieute torrecitas 
 de oro.) Coleccion de Documentos ineditos para la historia de Espafia, tomo I, paja 
 464. 
 
44 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 poses in the Memoria. The gold beak is mentioned last in the 
 Arnbras Inventory of 1596, therefore it seems to have been con¬ 
 sidered only a secondary feature. 
 
 From the foregoing data respecting the insignia worn by Quetz- 
 alcoatl, the high priest of Huitzilopochtli, we know that the gold 
 beak must have formed part of the large tall crown “full of precious 
 long feathers” sent to Cortes by Montezuma. 
 
 On account of the mention of “ little towers” in the Memoria I 
 have endeavored to ascertain, but without success, whether the ar¬ 
 chitectonic design on the Vienna feather-piece could have been in¬ 
 tended b} r its native makers to represent a series of towers, and 
 whether, like the arrows on the head-dress behind the Bilimek 
 warrior, these might have some symbolic connection or meaning. 
 Although the high white towers of Mexican architecture are re¬ 
 peatedly mentioned by the Conquerors, I have found no detailed 
 description or representation of them and therefore present for 
 comparison only a small native drawing of a house ( PI. i, fig. h). 
 If we had means of ascertaining whether the writers of the Memo¬ 
 ria chose the expression “ little towers ” merely as an apt term of 
 comparison, as I did in describing what I conclude to be merely 
 a symmetrical and meaningless design, then an interesting cer¬ 
 tainty might be obtained. In the absence of this knowledge we 
 can merely point to a possible identity supported by a mass of 
 corroborative evidence. 1 
 
 There is no difficulty presented in accounting for the transfer of 
 the curious head-dress from the possession of Charles V to that of 
 his nephew the Archduke Ferdinand of Tyrol; for the latter’s father 
 Ferdinand, who became Emperor of Germany after the abdication 
 of Charles V in 1858, was a lover of all that was rare and curious 
 and laid the foundations of the Austrian Court collections. 2 It is 
 but reasonable to suppose that Ferdinand, the brother whom 
 
 1 In a catalogue (bearing no date) of the presents sent by Cortds and recorded as hav¬ 
 ing been retained in the Azores and lost, we find described “ a helmet with an eagle’s 
 beak made of gold, worked with various desigus with gold work. The ground is of 
 blue feathers and the rest is of long green feathers ” (Coleccion de documentos in^di- 
 tos, tomo xn, p. 347). We find that no better description of Huitzilopochtli’s symbolic 
 head-gear and the Vienna relic could be written than this, and are even led to surmise 
 that these presents did eventually reach their destination. These gifts presumably con¬ 
 sisted of those given to Cortes by Montezuma on his arrival at the capital. In Tezozo- 
 moc we find the custom recorded of the chiefs presenting honored guests with their 
 own garments and insignia. 
 
 2 See F. B. von Bucholtz, Ferdinand der I, Wien 22, 1838, vol. viii, pp. 695 and 750. 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 45 
 
 Charles V used to term “ his other self,” should have shared the 
 trophies from the New World, and that at his demise in 1564 and 
 subsequent division of his possessions between his three sons, some 
 of them should have been claimed by that ardent lover of curiosi¬ 
 ties, the Archduke Ferdinand. 
 
 Reverting once more to Dr. Hirn’s valuable biographical work, 
 we may quote a few passages illustrating the extent of the system¬ 
 atic and persevering efforts made by the Imperial connoisseur to 
 obtain additions to his collections. 1 “ The nucleus of his magnif¬ 
 icent collection consisted of his own numerous suits of armor and 
 those of the members of his family. It was naturally easy for him 
 to obtain the armour formerly belonging to Sigismund and to the 
 Emperor Maximilian I and Ferdinand I. True to the aim of the 
 collection he attempted to procure a certain coat of mail which had 
 been worn by his uncle Charles Y, but was then in the possession 
 of Philip II. Ferdinand directed his minister Khevenhuller in 
 Madrid to endeavour to procure it, but Philip was loth to part 
 with the precious souvenir and thus the matter ended.” 
 
 The Archduke’s solicitations at the courts of Italy (Floi’ence, 
 Ferrara, Mantua and Turin) were most successful. The Imperial 
 ambassador in Venice took special pains to obtain additions for the 
 Ambras Armory. A certain Anger Busbeeq assembled a number 
 of trophies in France and sent them to Tyrol in 1585. Additions 
 came from the Netherlands and Bavaria, Hungary and Turkey. 
 “In this manner the celebrated collection grew. The longing eyes 
 of its founder looked in every direction but he could not of course 
 obtain all he strove for.” 
 
 But what was within the Archduke’s reach, and of twofold inter¬ 
 est to him by reason of family connection, could well have been a 
 complete suit of Mexican armor chosen from among the presents 
 sent by Cortes to Charles V. And considering his special desire 
 to possess none but armor certified as having belonged to cele¬ 
 brated historical personages, it is in his collection we may seek 
 for the most carefully chosen and authentic personal relics of 
 Montezuma. 
 
 The Inventory of 1596 proves that in this respect the Imperial 
 collector did not belie his reputation or neglect his rare opportuni¬ 
 ties ; for in it there are enumerated, in addition to the head-dress 
 
 1 Op. cit., vol. II, pp. 421, 449, 502 and 512. 
 
46 
 
 MEXICAN STANDARD 
 
 and the stone axe reputed to have belonged to Montezuma, “a shield 
 in feather-work, a costly fan, a tuft of feathers curiously worked 
 (probably a device or banner), and a notable coat. This is de¬ 
 scribed as made of blue feathers and as having around it and 
 about the sleeves, a trimming of red and yellow feathers, besides 
 being covered with thin plates or scales of gold.” 1 The shape of 
 this coat “with sleeves” was evidently that shown in Duran’s Atlas, 
 copied on PI. in, figs. 2 and 3, as complementary to the tall head¬ 
 dress and as exclusively used by the leaders in war; and in color 
 this coat matched the head-dress 2 and these colors were, as we 
 know, those worn b} r no other but Montezuma. It is my belief 
 that documentary records, beyond my present reach, will furnish 
 additional evidence certifying that authentic relics of the unfort¬ 
 unate Montezuma were conveyed to Castle Ambras. 
 
 We may here state in regard to the celebrated stone axe men¬ 
 tioned in the Inventory, and now preserved in the Vienna Museum, 
 that recent investigations and comparison proved it to be indubi¬ 
 tably of Brazilian origin. Hence Herr von Hochstetter’s conclusion 
 “that the Mexican origin of Montezuma’s celebrated stone axe is 
 more than doubtful and that we can well assume that this axe, if 
 really procured by Cortes in Mexico, must have reached Montezu¬ 
 ma’s hands either as a present or trophy from a Brazilian tribe” 
 (op. cit., p. 24). I would further call attention to the fact that 
 this axe did not reach the Ambras Collection from the same source 
 as the rest of the objects above enumerated. I have found the rec¬ 
 ord that it was presented with a group of miscellaneous curiosities 
 of European manufacture by Count Hannibal von Hohenems 3 who, 
 out of gratitude for a magnificent present received and “knowing 
 the archduke’s passion,” wished to make an appropriate return. 
 It is not known from what source Count Hannibal derived this 
 axe, nor upon whose authority it was endowed with those histori¬ 
 cal associations which alone would gain its admission to the Am¬ 
 bras Collection. Two important facts, however, are evident; one 
 is, this axe does not possess the guarantee for its authenticity and 
 antecedents that would exist had it really been sent, as erroneously 
 
 1 F. von Hochstetter, op. cit., pp. 7 aud 8. 
 
 2 Reference to the list of tributes in the Mendoza collection will prove that in the 
 twenty-three representations of such tall head-dresses, and their complementary suits, 
 these invariably match each other in color. 
 
 s Him, op. cit., vol. II, p. 439. 
 
OR HEAD-DRESS? 
 
 47 
 
 recorded, by the Pope to the Archduke and that there is no need 
 to trace it to Montezuma at all. The other is that it would seem 
 as though the fact that it had belonged to Montezuma would make 
 it specially acceptable to Ferdinand. The reason for this may be 
 surmised to be that it completed the military equipment of the his¬ 
 torical Mexican chief, already preserved at Ambras. 
 
 I will now briefly formulate my final conclusions respecting the 
 Vienna feather-piece based on the foregoing collective evidence. 
 
 The testimony of native Mexican paintings and sculpture and 
 of early Spanish records taken into consideration with the evidence 
 furnished by its structure and also by the appellation bestowed 
 upon it in the Inventory of 1596 indubitably prove the Vienna 
 feather-piece to be a head-dress. 
 
 Manufactured with the utmost care, of materials most highly 
 esteemed by the Mexicans, uniting the attribute and emblematic 
 color of Huitzilopochotli, fashioned in a shape exclusively used by 
 the hero god’s living representative, the high priest and war-chief, 
 this head-dress could have been appropriately owned and disposed 
 of by Montezuma alone at the time of the Conquest, from which 
 period it assuredly dates. 
 
 The fact that in 1596 this head-dress was in the possession of 
 a nephew of Charles V renders it more than probable that it had 
 figured among the presents sent to the Emperor by Cortes while 
 the agreement of certain of its details with an entry in the “Me- 
 moria” of the gifts sent in 1519 indicate its possible identity with 
 the head-dress therein described. 
 
 I am most desirous of expressing in conclusion the reluctance 
 with which I have found myself obliged to criticise some of the 
 statements published by the late Herr von Hoclistetter in his in¬ 
 teresting memoir. Had this been avoidable, I would gladly have 
 omitted to do so out of respectful recognition of the devoted en¬ 
 thusiasm he displayed in rescuing, preserving and studying all facts 
 connected with this relic. 
 
 To judge from the record of this distinguished scholar’s life, so 
 nobly spent in the pursuit of scientific truth, I am led to believe 
 that had my essay appeared in his lifetime the fact that it contra¬ 
 dicted some of his opinions would not have deprived it of his gen¬ 
 erous recognition as an honest and painstaking, though imperfect 
 endeavor. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 ON THE COMPLEMENTARY SIGNS OF THE MEXICAN GRAPHIC 
 
 SYSTEM. 
 
 In a preliminary note made by me in August, 1886, I made the 
 statement that “I had discovered certain determinative signs that 
 render a misinterpretation of the Nahuatl picture-writings impos¬ 
 sible. 1 In this announcement I adopted, in connection with cer¬ 
 tain signs, the adjective “determinative” on account of its current 
 meaning “having power to determine.” I did not realize at the 
 time that by so doing I became liable to misconstruction, as the 
 constant use in Egyptian hieroglyphs of the appellation “deter¬ 
 minative signs” with a restricted sense has identified this term 
 with a single specific significance. Moreover, the term “determi¬ 
 native” has been employed by such prominent writers on the Mex¬ 
 ican graphic system as Orozco y Berra, Senor Jose Vigil, Senor 
 Antonio Penafiel, and others, with differentiations of meaning re¬ 
 moved from that I wished to express. 
 
 In connection with the attempted decipherment in the foregoing 
 essay I am afforded a welcome opportunity of making a brief but 
 more explicit statement, accompanied by a few illustrations, of the 
 character of the Mexican signs whose systematic occurrence and 
 incalculable value when presented with new decipherments as a 
 proof of their correctness I believe I am the first to observe upon. 
 It is far from my intention to place undue importance upon this 
 discovery. Future years of research and close application and the 
 cooperation of fellow students can alone test and reveal its true 
 value. At the same time the mere recognition of even the re¬ 
 stricted occurrence of these signs and of their systematic employ¬ 
 ment and possible value marks some advance in what often seems 
 a hopeless direction. 
 
 It is due to valuable information kindly communicated to me by 
 
 ’Preliminary note of an analysis of the Mexican Codices and Graven Inscriptions. 
 Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, vol. xxxv, 
 Buffalo Meeting, August, 1886. 
 
 P. M. VOL. I. 
 
 4 
 
 (49) 
 
50 
 
 ON THE COMPLEMENTARY SIGNS 
 
 the eminent philolologist and Egyptologist, Dr. Carl Abel, that I 
 have been able to ascertain, by comparison, the equivalency of the 
 signs in question with what are termed in Egyptian hieroglyphy 
 “complementary signs” or complements: German; Erganzung, 
 Erganzungszeichen: French: complement, complement phone- 
 tique. 1 
 
 It is obvious that the Mexican complementary signs, like the 
 Egyptian, must have arisen from the endeavor to avoid misinter¬ 
 pretation and their existence proves perhaps the attainment of a 
 higher stage of development in the Aztec graphic system than has 
 been hitherto admitted. The Mexican complement differs from the 
 Egyptian inasmuch as the latter “is never a syllable but always a 
 single letter, a circumstance sufficiently accounted for by the orig¬ 
 inal brevitj’ of Egyptian words.” The characteristics of the Nahuatl 
 language explain equally the reason why the Mexican complement 
 may be either a single vowel, a monosyllable or dissyllable. 
 
 In selecting illustrative examples I have taken pains to choose 
 only hieroglyphs of well-known signification from familiar and ac¬ 
 cessible sources. Although these hieroglyphs have been repeatedly 
 analyzed and deciphered and the presence in one instance noted of 
 what will be shown to deserve the name of complementary signs, it 
 seems that the extent to which these were employed and their great 
 value, if adopted as a test of the accuracy of new decipherments, 
 have been entirely disregarded. The accepted meaning of figs. 
 10a, b, PI. ii, is that each expresses the name of a tribe = Acolhua, 
 or of the province = Acolhuacan. In both hieroglj'phs an arm 
 
 ’I am indebted to the same high authority for the following facts relating to the 
 Egyptian complements. 
 
 . “The phonetic addition was discovered but erroneously regarded as forming part of 
 the original system of writing by Champollion. Rosellini, Lepsius and Seyffert having 
 defined the purely ideographic nature of the original hieroglyphs, Rouge in his Intro¬ 
 duction a 1’fOtude des Ecritures et de la langue Egyptienne (1869) was probably the 
 first, or at least one of the first, who applied the term complement. Birch’s Grammar 
 iu Bunsen’s Egypt (1867) does not yet contain the term. 
 
 Complements of this nature occur in the earliest as well as in the latest records 
 known; the earliest records contain the entire hieroglyphical system perfectly devel¬ 
 oped in this, as well as in nearly every other respect. 
 
 The addition of phonetic to syllabic signs must have arisen from fear of misinterpre¬ 
 tation. Syllabic signs giving the sound of their respective words admitted of various 
 pronunciation in a language with few ideas and many words for every idea. When 
 therefore, from original ideograph they became purely syllabic and figured as mere 
 syllables in the rendering of other words disconnected with the things they represent, 
 the desirability of a phonetic complement must have obtruded itself at once. Many 
 syllabic hieroglyphs continued polyphonous to the end of the chapter just as in cunei¬ 
 form.” 
 
OF THE MEXICAN GRAPHIC SYSTEM. 
 
 51 
 
 and hand are painted, which might express either Maitl — arm in 
 general, also hand, or acolli— shoulder. Above the arm the con¬ 
 ventional sign for water, = atl, is painted, yielding in compostiion 
 the phonetic value a which is also the first syllable of the word 
 acolli. The sign of water is in this case the complement; it in¬ 
 dicates that not maitl but acolli is meant to be expressed by the 
 painted arm, and duplicates thus the first syllable=acolli. 
 
 A similar use of water is made in the hieroglyph for Apanecatl al¬ 
 ready alluded to in the preceding essay (PL n, fig. 8). In it is repre¬ 
 sented that which I believe to have been shown to be a head-dress = 
 
 apan 
 
 apanecatl, above = pan, water = a = apanecatl. In the Mexican 
 graphic system there are familiar instances of a single word being 
 expressed by a different set of signs conveying the same sounds. 
 In the manuscript History of Mexico, dated 1576 (thus fifty-five 
 years after the Conquest) we find above the figure of the second his¬ 
 torical personage, a hieroglyph (PI. ii, fig. 14) consisting of pantli 
 
 pan 
 
 — banner, pan — above, a = water = apan, as shown by the anno- 
 tation=apane written next to this hieroglyph in the manuscript; 
 the name is but incompletely expressed in this case. 
 
 An interesting example is furnished by a hieroglyph representing 
 the month Atemoztli of the Mexican calendar (fig. 12, PI. ii). It 
 contains a divided, elongated representation of water between 
 which footsteps are painted. Such footsteps were constantly em¬ 
 ployed to express a multitude of meanings, according to the posi¬ 
 tion in which they were placed. 1 The necessity for an indication 
 as to which of many words the footsteps were, in this case, to con¬ 
 vey is evident and this indication was furnished by the native 
 
 scribe who added the complement a stone = tetl = te which gives 
 
 te 
 
 the first syllable of the verb temo, to descend, in the name atemoz¬ 
 tli. A parallel example to this is given by Senor Orozco y Berra 
 as No. 251, page 5 a of his atlas, and in the accompanying text he 
 moreover states, “In order to make the reading evident the sign 
 tetl accompanies the footsteps and gives the initial syllable (of te- 
 moc).” 2 
 
 Recognizing as he did the presence and even the purpose of the 
 sign tetl in one instance, it seems strange that this thoughtful wri- 
 
 1 See Orozco y Berra, Historia, vol. i, chapter v, on the Escritura jeroglifica. 
 * Op. cit., vol. I, p. 475. 
 
52 
 
 ON COMPLEMENTARY SIGNS. 
 
 ter, whose work on Ancient Mexico is a fund of valuable informa¬ 
 tion, overlooked the recurrence and general value of such signs, not 
 only as affording, when present, a guarantee for the correctness of 
 new interpretations, but also as marking a step of the development 
 of the Mexican graphic system. 
 
 It is an interesting and significant fact that but 366 years ago the 
 Mexicans in their elaboration of a method of writing had attained, 
 but not yet perfected, a system of complementary signs such as 
 was in finished use in Egypt over 6000 years ago. 
 

 
 
PLATB I. 
 
 . la. Front view of the feather-piece in the Vienna Museum, after 
 Hochstetter, but with rectified proportions. 
 
 The shaded circular gold plates are the only genuine ones. 
 
 16. View of the back, showing network and supports, according to 
 Hochstetter. 
 
 c, d, e,/, g. Details of gold ornaments, about two-thirds natural size, 
 according to Hochstetter. 
 
 h. Conventional representation of a house from Codex Telleriano 
 Eemensis. 
 
 2. Diadem of thin gold represented in the Mendoza Collection, 
 part ii, pi. 48 (Kingsborough, vol. i). 
 
Peabody Museum Papers. 
 
 Vol. X. pi. I. 
 
PLATE II. 
 
 g. 1. Group of warriors showing method of carrying banners. Atlas 
 Duran, part i, pi. 30. 
 
 2. Standard of the net. Mendoza Collection, part in, pi. 68. 
 
 3. Common form of banner. Mendoza Collection, part in, pi. 68. 
 
 4. Military equipment, consisting of dress and unmounted banner 
 
 “ river of gold.” The small flag represents the numeral 20 
 and is placed here in order to show the usual way it was used. 
 Cortes, Historia ed. Lorenzana. 
 
 5. Standard. Mendoza Collection, part in, pi. 60. 
 
 6. Standard with framework affording means of attachment. Men¬ 
 
 doza Collection, part n, pi. 48. 
 
 7. Mexican warrior, from oil-painting in the Bilimek Collection, 
 
 Vienna, after Hochstetter. 
 
 8. Figure with Hieroglyph representing the word Apanecatl, from 
 
 MSS. of Boturiui Collection (Kingsborough, vol. i). 
 
 9. Head with Hieroglyph, from Mendoza Collection, part i, pi. 17. 
 10a. Hieroglyph. Mendoza Collection, part i, pi. 22. 
 
 106. Hieroglyph. Codex Osuna. 
 
 11. Group from original Mexican MSS. Bilimek Collection, Vienna 
 
 Museum. 
 
 12. Hieroglyph of month Atemoztli. Atlas Orozco y Berra, pi. 18. 
 13a, 6. Fans. Mendoza Collection, part m, pi. 69. 
 
 14. Hieroglyph from a MSS. History of Mexico written in 1576. 
 
IPea/body Museum Papers. 
 
 Vol. I pi. II. 
 
PLATE III. 
 
 Illustrations of ancient Mexican feather head-dresses and of the mode 
 of wearing them taken from native Manuscripts.— 
 
 Fig. 1. Head-dress from Historia de Nueva Espana, Hernan Cortes, ed. 
 Lorenzana, Mexico, 1770. Cordillera, p. 13. 
 
 2. Representation of the head-chief (emperor) Axayacatl in war- 
 
 costume. Atlas Duran, part i, pi. 10. > 
 
 3. Representation of the head-chief Tizoc, in war-costume. At¬ 
 
 las Duran, part i, pi. 13. 
 
 4. Representation of the head-chief Itzcoatl in war-costume. 
 
 5. Head-dress from Historia, Cort6s. Cordillera, p. 32. 
 
 6. Head-dress from Mendoza Collection (Kingsborough, vol. i), 
 
 part ii, pi. 45. 
 
 7. Representation of head-chief “Tizoc,” in bas-relief around “Sac- 
 
 riticial-Stone.” 
 
 8. Representation of defied hero Huitzilopochtli, in Atlas Duran 
 
 part ii, pi. 1. 
 
 9. Warrior in bas-relief, around “Sacriflcial-Stoue.” 
 
 10. Head-dress from Mendoza Collection, part n, pi. 28. 
 
 11. Head-dress with means of attachment, from Mendoza Collection, 
 
 part ii, pi. 21. 
 
 12. Representation of a war-chief, from Vatican Codex, pi. 82 
 
 (Kingsborough, vol. n). • 
 
 13. Head-dress, with means of attachment, from Mendoza Collection 
 
 part ii, pi. 25. 
 
 14. Representation of head-dress with beak over forehead, from Atlas 
 
 Duran, part n, pi. 2. 
 
 15. Head-dress of Xiuhtecutli from Codex Telleriano-Reraensis, pi. 
 
 12 (Kingsborough, vol. i). 
 
 16. Head-dress with beak. Arch. Selden, A. 2, p. 20 (Kingsborough, 
 
 vol. i). 
 
 17. Head-dress with beak. Codex Ramirez, pi. 4, fig. 6. 
 
 18. Head-dress with beak. Bodleian MSS. p. 35 (Kingsb. vol. i). 
 
 19. Part of head-dress of Xochiquetzal. Codex Telleriano Remen- 
 
 sis, part i, pi. 30 (Kingsborough, vol. i). 
 
 20. Head-dress from Vienna Codex, pi. 64 (Kingsborough, vol. ii). 
 
 21. Head-dress from Vatican Codex, pi. 39 (Kingsborough, vol. i). 
 

 Peabody lVtii.seu.rn. Papers. 
 
 Vol. I. pi. ITT. 
 
ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND ETHNOLOGICAL PAPERS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PEABODY MUSEUM. 
 
 — Harvard University — 
 
 Yol. I. No. 2. 
 
 THE KARANKAWA INDIANS, 
 
 THE COAST PEOPLE OF TEXAS. 
 
 BY 
 
 ALBERT S. GATSCHET, 
 
 United States Bureau of Ethnology. 
 
 With notes bt Charles A. Hammond and Alice W. Oliver and a Vocabulary 
 OBTAINED FROM ALICE VV. OLIVER. 
 
 CAMBRIDGE, MASS. 
 
 PEABODY MUSEUM OF AMERICAN 
 ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY. 
 1891. 
 
PRINTED BT 
 
 The Salem Press Publishing and Printing Co. 
 
 Ebf Ha Urn |1rtss. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Page 
 
 Prefatory Notice. By F. W. Putnam .v 
 
 Biographical Notice of Mrs. Oliver. By C. A. Hammond . vii 
 The Carancahua Tribe of Indians. By Charles A. Hammond . 9 
 
 Notes on the Carancahua Indians. By Alice W. Oliver ... 15 
 
 The Karankawa Indians. By Albert S. Gatschet.21 
 
 Notes on Karankawa History 
 
 I. The Karankawa People from the Discovery down to 
 
 the Year 1835 23 
 
 II. Other Indian Tribes of the Texan Littoral .... 33 
 
 III. Tribal Synonymy of the Karankawas.43 
 
 IY. The Karankawa Nation after 1835; its Decline and 
 
 Extinction.45 
 
 Map of ancient domain of the Karankawa Indians (to face) . 46 
 
 V. Ethnographic Sketch of the Karankawa Indians . . 52 
 
 VI. The Karankawa Language ..73 
 
 Vocabularies 
 
 Karankawa and English.73 
 
 English and Karankawa . .83 
 
 Grammatic Elements of the Language.87 
 
 Affinities of the Language .95 
 
 VII. Bibliographical Annotations. 99 
 
 Index .101 
 
PREFATORY NOTICE. 
 
 In November, 1888, it fell to my good fortune to make the ac¬ 
 quaintance of Mr. Charles A. Hammond, the Superintendent of the 
 Boston, Revere Beach and Lynn Railroad, whose workmen had dis¬ 
 covered a burial place of the Massachusetts Indians at Winthrop. 
 With a consideration for scientific research worthy of his educa¬ 
 tion and attainments, he notified me of the discovery and held the 
 place intact until I could carry on a systematic exploration. Dur¬ 
 ing this work I daily met Mr. Hammond and in the course of con¬ 
 versation he told me of Mrs. Oliver and of her having known the 
 KArankawa Indians whose language she had learned, and of the vo¬ 
 cabulary he had gathered from her. We both realized the impor¬ 
 tance of this vocabulary as the remnant of a language now extinct, 
 and 1 urged its publication with such an account of the tribe as 
 Mrs. Oliver could furnish. The manuscript was soon given to me. 
 
 Knowing of the researches of Mr. A. S. Gatschet and that he 
 was particularly interested in the languages of the southern tribes, 
 I sent the manuscript to him with the request that he would edit it 
 for publication by the Peabody Museum. Mr. Gatschet, while in 
 Texas in 1884 and 1886, had searched in vain for trustworthy in¬ 
 formation on this language, and his surprise at receiving the vocab¬ 
 ulary and learning that there was a lady in Massachusetts who un¬ 
 derstood the language can be imagined. He soon obtained leave 
 from the Director of the U. S. Bureau of Ethnology to visit Mrs. 
 Oliver, and his visit resulted in securing from her considerable ad¬ 
 ditional information, drawn forth by critical and systematic ques¬ 
 tions which would occur only to one who had made Indian lan¬ 
 guages his life-long study. 
 
 The several papers resulting from the fortunate series of incidents 
 to which I have referred, are here published as the second number 
 of the Special Papers of the Museum. 
 
 Greatly regretted by all who knew her, the gifted and intelligent 
 
 69 
 
VI 
 
 PREFATORY NOTICE. 
 
 lady who had once knovn a now extinct tribe, and who was the only 
 person from whom a vocabulary could be obtained, died within three 
 months after she had done what she could to put on record a lan¬ 
 guage which she had learned and spoken in her j^outh. 
 
 This incident is certainly a most conclusive argument for the ne¬ 
 cessity of immediate work among all the Indian tribes; that their 
 language and their myths, their legends and their customs, may be 
 investigated and recorded. In another year it will be too late to 
 obtain many facts which can be secured during the present. The 
 Indian is now fast merging into our civilization. His life is chang¬ 
 ing and his language and customs are rapidly disappearing. Let us, 
 while we may, strive to atone for the unjust treatment he has re¬ 
 ceived, since the first white men landed on the shore of America, 
 by collecting and recording such facts relating to his past history 
 as are yet attainable—facts so essential in a study of the phases of 
 life through which all races are passing, or have passed, in the de¬ 
 velopment of culture. 
 
 F. W. Putnam, 
 
 Curator of the Museum. 
 
 Cambridge , Mass., April, 1890. 
 
 Note.—T he paging of the volume, of which this is the second paper, is given at the 
 foot of the pages. 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF MRS. OLIVER. 
 
 BY CHARLES A. HAMMOND. 
 
 Alice Williams Oliver was born in Beverly, Nov. 27, 1828. 
 She was the only daughter of Capt. Thomas Bridges 1 of Beverly who 
 was a successful shipmaster. After a number of fortunate voyages 
 to different parts of the world he found himself in New Orleans at 
 the time of the Texan “War of Independence” with Mexico (1836), 
 and being of an adventurous spirit he engaged in transporting mu¬ 
 nitions of war and other supplies from New Orleans to Matagorda, 
 Texas. Afterward learning of the offer by the State of Texas of a 
 township to any one who would bring his family there and reside 
 on it, he with his brother William (who was the mate of a ship) 
 went out and located his land on the shores of Matagorda bay, tak¬ 
 ing his family there in the year 1838. 
 
 The writer first became acquainted with Mrs. Alice W. Oliver in 
 the year 1869, and was much interested in the narration of her ex¬ 
 periences of Texan life. Her mother, a finely-educated woman, 
 took great care to bring up her daughter so that she should not lose 
 any accomplishment through separation from the educational advan¬ 
 tages she had herself enjoyed, and regular lessons were learned 
 daily. Their house in Texas, not far from the city of Matagorda, 
 was ever open for the entertainment of guests for as long as they 
 chose to stay, and many persons of mark who were attracted by the 
 inducements offered by the new republic stopped there en route. A 
 
 'Capt. Thomas Bridges(born in Beverly, Sept. 21,1795; died in Texas 1848) was the old¬ 
 est of the four children of Benjamin Girdler Bridges (born Sept. 8,1771; died Apr. IS, 
 1816) and Abigail Mercy Blyth (born Aug. 26,1772; died Aug. 15,1830), who were married 
 Jan. 1, 1795. 
 
 Capt. Bridges married (Aug. 10,1825) Hannah Helliger Horton (born in Marblehead 
 March 2S, 1798; died Aug. 9, 1853) who was the daughter of Capt. Samuel Ilorton by his 
 second wife, Mrs. Eleanor Williams (n^e Broughton). Two children were born to Capt. 
 Bridges; Thomas, who died in infancy, and Alice Williams who married William F. Ol¬ 
 iver (born in Lynn 1810; died in Lynn, Feb. 7,1877), their children being Alice Cora (wife 
 of Charles A. Hammond) and Sarah Jane (wife of Charles E. Lovejoy), 
 
 71 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. 
 
 viii 
 
 number of foreign gentlemen at different times thus shared the hos¬ 
 pitalities of Capt. Bridges, among others Prince Salm-Salm and 
 suite, in connection with a German colonization scheme. From an¬ 
 other guest, a French gentleman of high attainments, Mrs. Oliver 
 received instruction in the French language, the knowledge of which 
 remained with her through life. But her indoor pursuits were also 
 mingled with abundant opportunities for outdoor exercise and she 
 became an expert horsewoman, often taking long rides over the 
 prairie and along the shores of the beautiful bay. 
 
 Mrs. Oliver often referred with great interest and enthusiasm to 
 her delightful life. in. Texas, and among other things spoke partic¬ 
 ularly of the Indian tribe of Karankawas (also written Caranca- 
 huas) in whom she came to take a great interest and whose language 
 she succeeded by persistent effort, in acquiring, sufficiently, at least, 
 for all ordinary conversation, writing down such new words as she 
 learned, and subsequently verifying them as parties of Indians en¬ 
 camped each summer near her dwelling, with whom she soon be- 
 became a great favorite. 
 
 It was the writer’s sincere lament of the fact that the record which 
 Mrs. Oliver had made and preserved for a number of j-ears had been 
 lost, that led her to reproduce from her memory as many of the 
 Indian words as possible ; and in this, though the attempts were 
 at intervals during several years, she succeeded most remarkably, 
 so that it was the writer’s privilege thus to record over a hundred 
 words of this now extinct and unwritten language. It was upon 
 making the acquaintance of Prof. F. W. Putnam, of Cambridge, 
 Mass., in connection with certain discoveries of Indian remains, 
 made while building a railroad in the town of Winthrop, Mass., that 
 this list of words was brought to his attention ; and this resulted in 
 the visit to Mrs. Oliver by Mr. A. S. Gatschet of "Washington, in 
 November, 1888, at which time he carefully went over the entire list 
 with her and succeeded in obtaining a number of additional words 
 as well as further information concerning the manners and customs 
 of t his interesting tribe, once very powerful and greatly feared, but 
 of whom it is believed that not a single descendant is now living. 
 
 Further investigations with some comparison of words of neigh¬ 
 boring tribes were about to be undertaken when interrupted b} T the 
 death (after a brief sickness) of Mrs. Oliver, Feb. 8, 1889. 
 
 Lynn , Mass., March , 1890. 
 
 72 
 
THE CARANCAIIUA TRIBE OF INDIANS. 
 
 Br CHARLES A. HAMMOND. 
 
 During the revolt of Texas against Mexico, known to all Texans 
 as the “ war of independence,” Capt. Thomas Bridges, of Beverly, 
 Mass., being in New Orleans with his vessel, was engaged to carry 
 arms and supplies from New Orleans to Texas ports, running the 
 Mexican “ blockade.” At the close of the war he settled on a tract 
 of land, or “head-right,” situated upon the northerly shores of 
 Matagorda bay, and soon after, in January, 1838, brought his fam¬ 
 ily to reside there. During the succeeding ten years his daughter, 
 an only child, became much interested in a wandering tribe of In¬ 
 dians, the once numerous Carancahuas, and succeeded in acquiring 
 many of their words, so that she was able to converse with them in 
 their own language. As fast as learned she wrote the words down 
 to the number of five or six hundred. This record, unfortunately, 
 is lost, but its compiler in after years (1871) drew from her memory 
 and repeated to the writer a list of one hundred and thirty-four 
 Carancahua words, including the ten numerals, and these are em¬ 
 bodied in the following vocabulary. 
 
 Mrs. Oliver stated that when the Indians conversed they care¬ 
 fully husbanded or somewhat repressed their breath, and, at the 
 end of a sentence or isolated word, it escaped in a gentle sigh or 
 “breathing,”—giving the speakers an air of ennui; this was height¬ 
 ened by their “conversational ” expression, which was stolid and 
 slightly contemptuous, and by their custom of never looking at the 
 person to whom they were talking, as if their speech was an act of 
 utter condescension. 
 
 Many different parties of Indians encamped near the residence 
 of Captain Bridges during successive seasons, and were often sur¬ 
 prised at being accosted by a young white girl in their own language. 
 The words obtained by her were thus verified as to their significa¬ 
 tion, and one or two instances of deception exposed. The innocent 
 
 73 
 
10 
 
 THE CARANCAHCA TRIBE OF INDIANS. 
 
 use of a false word, such as tesnakwak’n for tesnakwaya (milk), 
 caused the Indians much amusement, and they kept repeating the 
 false word softly to themselves with a sort of quiet laughter. They 
 were very exact in their pronunciation and ridiculed poor elocution, 
 such as the hasty utterance of the Italian word madonna to repre¬ 
 sent their word madona (pig). 
 
 Their parties usually voyaged from place to place along the coast 
 in their canoes , or “ dug-outs,” which were made from large trees, 
 the bark left on. One side of the log was hewed flat and the log was 
 then dug out, the ends bluntly pointed, leaving a triangular place 
 or deck at each end. The women and children and household 
 goods occupied the “ hold,” while the father of the family stood on 
 the stern and poled the boat along, keeping not far away from the 
 shore. On arriving at a landing place, the men hauled the canoe 
 up on the beach and then left the women to set up the wigwams. 
 
 The site of their camp was always close to the beach or bluff, 
 and the squaws carried the tent poles, bundles of skins and such 
 simple utensils as they possessed to the site selected and proceeded 
 to build. A dozen slender willow poles about one and one-half 
 inches in diameter and fifteen to eighteen feet long, sharpened to a 
 point for boring into the soil, were set in a circle ordinarily of 
 about ten or twelve feet in diameter, but varying with the size of 
 the family or families — for two often occupied the same hut. The 
 poles were about a yard apart and admitted of entrance between 
 any two. The tops of the poles were then bent over toward the 
 centre and interlaced in a rude sort of wickerwork aided by an 
 occasional thong of deer skin. Upon this light framework they 
 usually spread deer skins, adding sometimes the sl$in of a bear, a 
 wild-cat or a panther carelessly fastened to the poles with deer 
 thongs. The}' never thus covered more than one-half of the wig¬ 
 wam, or ba-ak, and always selected the windward side for this pro¬ 
 tection ; should the wind change decidedly, or should the sun beat 
 down too fiercely, they changed the position of the skins for shelter 
 or shade. 
 
 After the hut was built, a fire was made. The squaws usually 
 begged fire or matches from the settlers, but in case they had no 
 other means of kindling it, the}' resorted to the primitive method 
 of producing it by friction of wood. Their fire-slicks they always 
 carried with them and kept them carefully wrapped in several lay¬ 
 ers of skins tied up with thongs aud made into a neat package; 
 74 
 
THE CARANCAHUA TRIBE OF INDIANS. 
 
 11 
 
 they were thus kept very dry and as soon as the occasion for 
 their use was over, they were immediately wrapped up again and 
 laid away. These sticks were two in number. One of them was 
 held across the knees, as the Indian squatted on the ground, and was 
 about two feet long, made of a close-grained, brownish-yellow wood 
 (perhaps pecan), half-round in section, the flat face (held upward) 
 about an inch across in which were three holes about half an inch 
 in diameter and of equal depth, the bottoms slightly concave. The 
 three holes were equally distant apart, about two inches, and the 
 first one was the same distance from the end of the stick which 
 rested upon the right knee. In one of the holes was inserted the 
 slightly rounded end of a twirling stick about eighteen inches long, 
 made of a white, soft wood, somewhat less than the diameter of the 
 hole, so as to turn easily. Holding the twirler (which was perfectly 
 cylindrical) vertically between the palms of the hands, a gentlebut 
 rapid alternating rotary motion was imparted. After continuing this 
 for about five minutes, the abrasion of the softer wood caused a 
 fine impalpable dust to collect in the hole from which soon issued a 
 thin blue line of smoke; as soon as the Indian saw this he quickly 
 withdrew his twirler with one hand, while with the other he caught 
 up and crushed a few very dry leaves, previously placed on a dry 
 cloth close by (having been produced from their wrappings in which 
 they had been carefully preserved for this very purpose, to serve as 
 tinder), and very quickly but lightly sprinkled them in and around 
 the hole, over which both hands were then held protecting^, the 
 head bent down and the incipient fire fanned to a blaze with the 
 breath. As soon as the blaze had fairly caught, the stick and tinder 
 were deftly turned over upon a little pile of dry twigs and leaves, 
 made ready beforehand, and the fire was started. This operation of 
 producing fire was always performed by the men. The fire was in¬ 
 variably built in the centre of the hut upon the ground, and was us¬ 
 ually kept burning,—for the Indians never slept regularly but 
 whenever they pleased, being often asleep in the daytime and awake 
 nights or vice versa, as they felt inclined. 
 
 The Indians’ lodge-furniture consisted of skins,—single skins to 
 sit upon and a small pile of skins for a bed. Their food, — ven¬ 
 ison, fish, oysters, turtles, etc.,— was always either boiled in rude 
 earthen pots or roasted in the ashes of their fire. They also baked 
 in the ashes cakes of flour or meal obtained from the white people, 
 and in their season they gathered berries, nuts, persimmons, wild 
 
 75 
 
12 
 
 THE CARANCAHUA TRIBE OF INDIANS. 
 
 grapes, etc., and at certain times in the year obtained quantities 
 of sea-birds’ eggs of many different kinds of which they were 
 very fond. Fish were abundant, — red-fish, sea-trout, flounders, 
 sheep’s-head, Spanish mackerel and Jew fish. The Indians took 
 their fish by the same weapons with which they hunted their game, 
 viz.: the bow and arrow, and they were remarkably expert in this 
 way of fishing. Whether in their canoes, or while standing in the 
 water after wading out hip-deep, no matter how turbid or rough the 
 water might be, their aim was unerring ; holding their arrow in place 
 with drawn bow and watching intently, suddenly “ the arrow flies 
 and the fish dies,” and then as it rises to the surface it is easily se¬ 
 cured. Often when the white people had tried in vain with their 
 hook and line, the Indians with their trusty bow never failed to cap¬ 
 ture a fish. It seems that they could feel the approach of a fish in 
 roiled water by the motion or undulation of the water below the sur¬ 
 face. 
 
 The weapons of these Indians consisted of bows and arrows of 
 their own manufacture, clubs and tomahawks, and long, double- 
 edged knives procured from the whites. These knives w r ere carried 
 in sheaths attached to belts of deer-hide. They had also hatchets 
 and axes, of the ordinary patterns, for domestic use. 
 
 Their utensils were few and simple,— rude wooden spoons, and 
 a few clay vessels of different sizes with bottoms rounded — never 
 flat. The women had needles made of fish-bones with smooth 
 nicely-made eyes which carried threads of fine deer sinew manu¬ 
 factured with great care and patience, and with these thej r made 
 their skirts of dressed deer skin. They had no covering of any 
 kind for the feet or for the head. 
 
 Their boivs of red cedar conformed to a certain rule of length, 
 according to stature, reaching from the foot to the chin or eye. 
 They were beautifully made and kept well oiled and polished. 
 At the middle, the bow was about two inches wide, and one and a 
 half inches, or so, thick. The bow-string was formed of twisted 
 deer sinew of many fine strands aggregating one-fourth of an inch 
 in diameter, making a very strong line perfectly smooth and hard. 
 Great pains were taken to keep the line smooth and in perfect re¬ 
 pair, any slight tendency toward fraying being at once remedied. 
 
 The arrows were about a yard long, the shaft something over 
 half an inch in diameter with a sharp thin steel head about three 
 inches long, the shank of which was set in a cleft of the shaft which 
 
 76 
 
THE CARANCAHUA TRIBE OP INDIANS. 
 
 13 
 
 was wound with sinew. The arrows were feathered with wild geese 
 wing-feathers, three being set equidistant around the shaft, in 
 slots or clefts and then wound. The feathers were about six inches 
 long and showed about one-half inch from shaft. In shooting, the 
 arrow was held with one feather on top, vertical, and the other two 
 radiating downward and outward. The bow was held with the left 
 hand in the firm grasp of the palm and fingers, so that the thumb 
 was free to move ; the shaft of the arrow thus rested on the first 
 thumb joint, so allowing one of the two lower feathers to pass on 
 each side of the thumb and also clear of the bow, and permitting 
 accurate aim. The bow-string was drawn to the left cheek by the 
 first two fingers of the right hand hooked over the string, one above 
 and the other below the arrow-shaft. 
 
 The foregoing information was obtained from Mrs. Alice W. Ol¬ 
 iver, who at the request of the writer also composed the following 
 “ Notes” on the history and customs of these Indians. 
 
 Lynn, Mass., Nov. 5, 1888. 
 
NOTES ON THE CARANCAHUA INDIANS. 
 
 By ALICE W. OLIVER. 
 
 Before the commencement of the war with Mexico, which se¬ 
 cured to Texas her independence, there seems to be no record of 
 the Carancahua tribe of Indians, though they had probably long 
 been inhabitants of the country. At that time they were a very 
 powerful and warlike nation, exceedingly dreaded by the Mexicans 
 and by other tribes of Indians for their unparalleled ferocity and 
 cruelty. They were cannibals, and horrible stories are still told of 
 atrocities perpetrated upon certain isolated families, who were 
 among the pioneers upon the coast of Texas. Continual tribal 
 wars, in which the Carancahuas appear to have suffered disastrous 
 defeat, about this time reduced their numbers considerably, so that 
 when, at the beginning of the war, their services were offered to the 
 Mexicans, 3000 warriors were supposed to represent the strength 
 of the tribe. 1 They rendered very efficient service to the Mexicans 
 by harassing the few scattered families along the coast where sol¬ 
 diers could not have found their way, and passing like birds of 
 prey silently and swiftly in their canoes along the shore, from Co- 
 pano along the Trespalacios and Matagorda bays, always managed 
 to elude pursuit. Swooping suddenly down upon the defenceless 
 inhabitants, they spared neither age nor sex, involving every living 
 being in one general massacre. They disappeared as silently as 
 they came, leaving only a few ruins to tell the story. 
 
 Subsequently, owing it is supposed partly to the effect of cer¬ 
 tain treacherous conduct toward them on the part of the Mexicans, 
 and partly to the fact that the Indians probably began to foresee 
 the final result of the war and the importance of gaining the pro¬ 
 tection of the Americans when their sway should become estab¬ 
 lished in Texas, these Indians, with other tribes, aboutthe time of the 
 
 1 Frora two hundred to two hundred and fifty warriors is all we can assume for that 
 period.—A. S. G. 
 
 79 
 
16 
 
 NOTES ON THE CAEANCAHUA INDIANS. 
 
 memorable battle of the Alamo, or immediately after, left the Mex¬ 
 ican army and became nominally the allies of the Americans who 
 were then steadily gaining strength and power. In the battle of 
 the Alamo these Indians suffered greatly and many of their war¬ 
 riors— the flower of the tribe indeed — were either killed or cap¬ 
 tured. They were, from that time, under the protection of the 
 American flag, and the settlers were thus secure from their further 
 depredations ; for the Indians perfectly comprehended that their 
 existence as a tribe depended thereafter entirely upon their implicit 
 obedience, at least so far as outward acts were concerned, to certain 
 conditions which were imposed as the price of their protection ; 
 any deviation would mean utter extermination. Probably their ten¬ 
 dencies were always unchanged, and their sympathies were toward 
 the Mexicans notwithstanding, and their hatred of the Americans 
 was longing for some safe opportunity to betray itself. One such 
 instance is recorded, where detection seemed impossible (to them), 
 but it was discovered and followed by a retributive action on the 
 part of the Americans which virtually destroyed the tribe and re¬ 
 duced the remnant to utter and abject submission. 
 
 After the close of the war and the establishment of American 
 rule, these Indians continued the same wandering ways regarding 
 their domestic life, as they had always observed. They had never 
 any settled abiding place, but wandered from point to point, all 
 along the coast; now, no longer free to come and go, or linger 
 at their pleasure, but living their lives under protest as it were 
 and only' on sufferance. As their tribal strength declined, and 
 they realized that their traditions were the only inheritance of their 
 children and that the deeds of their generation could never add 
 any lustre to the record, that in a few years they would be utterly 
 extinguished as a nation, the spirit seemed to die within them and 
 their degradation ivas complete. Their life remained unchanged 
 in its general features. The chase and fishing had always been 
 their chief dependence and so it continued to a great extent; their 
 habits were primitive in the extreme, but here, as always, the 
 blighting touch of civilization left its baneful trace and hastened 
 the doom of the fast diminishing tribe. They had always lived an 
 itinerant life, passing in their “dug-outs,” which were long and very 
 narrow, yet capacious, from spot to spot, stopping generally' where 
 some settler had made his home, always where fresh water and brush¬ 
 wood for their fire were easily attainable. The long, slender poles 
 80 
 
NOTES ON THE CARANCAHUA INDIANS. 
 
 17 
 
 for their rude tents, or wigwams, were very carefully and skilfully 
 twisted together and bestowed in their canoes. Besides a few 
 cooking utensils, skins for their beds, and their bows and arrows they 
 had literally no possessions. The task of erecting the tents by la¬ 
 boriously boring the willow poles into the earth at either end, care¬ 
 fully pointed, crossing at the top, and covering the windward side 
 with undressed skins, the bringing of water and wood and other 
 menial tasks, were always performed by the women. The fire 
 was in the middle of the tent, upon a few stones, and the fish or 
 venison was cooked and eaten, not with salt but with chile, fin¬ 
 gers taking the place of forks. The men were very tall, magnifi¬ 
 cently formed, with very slender hands and feet. They were not 
 very dark, and many of them had very delicate features and, 'with¬ 
 out exception, splendid teeth. Their long, black hair was rarely 
 combed but frequently braided and adorned with bits of colored 
 flannel, sometimes terminating in the rattle of the rattlesnake, 
 which, dry and shining, made a faint ringing sound as the wearer 
 moved. Around the left wrist was a small strip or bracelet of un¬ 
 dressed deer skin, worn by women as well as by men. The women 
 were rarely ornamented in any wa} r , were generally plain, short of 
 stature, stout and usually disagreeable looking and exceedingly 
 dirty, as were also the men. 
 
 There seemed to be almost no J’oung girls among them and very 
 few children or infants ; caresses or fond expressions were almost 
 never used, yet there was evidently an affectionate recognition 
 of the parental tie, on the part of the mother at least; but never 
 was any responsive tenderness observed in a child. The dress 
 was simply a waist cloth worn by the men, with a skirt of deer 
 skin of exquisite softness for the women. The addition of a blan¬ 
 ket, thrown over the shoulders, was the only other article of cloth¬ 
 ing. The children, till about ten years of age, were unclothed. 
 
 They were surly in their general aspect, averse to conversation, 
 and the deep guttural of their language, as they occasionally 
 talked with each other, always with averted faces, left the impres¬ 
 sion of extreme fatigue. They were exceedingly dirty in all their 
 habits and had probably never known the voluntary application of 
 water; their continual wading in the salt water, however, kept 
 them cleaner than might be supposed, but the odor of the shark’s 
 oil with which they habitually anointed their entire bodies as pro¬ 
 tection against mosquitoes, rendered them very offensive, 
 p. M. papers, i. 6. 
 
 81 
 
18 
 
 NOTES ON THE CARANCAITCA INDIANS. 
 
 Once in a while the}' held a sort of solemn festival , or religious 
 ceremonial, of what particular significance could not be exactly 
 discovered. It was always celebrated at the full moon and after 
 a very successful hunt or fishing expedition. A number of In¬ 
 dians, who all happened to be together at the time, assembled in 
 a tent which had been enlarged for the purpose, in the middle of 
 which was a small fire, upon which boiled a very strong and black 
 decoction made from the leaves of the youpon tree. From time 
 to time, this was stirred with a sort of whisk, till the top was cov¬ 
 ered thickly with a yellowish froth. This “ tea,” contained in a 
 vessel of clay of their own manufacture, was handed round occa¬ 
 sionally and all the Indians drank freely. It was very bitter and 
 said to be intoxicating, but if so it could only have been when 
 drunk to great excess as it never seemed to produce any visible 
 effect upon the Indians. These, seated in a row round the inside 
 of the tent, looked very grave and almost solemn. 
 
 One tall Indian, probably a chief, stood within the circle and 
 passed round and round the fire, chanting in a monotonous tone. 
 He was a grotesque figure, being wrapped up to his head in skins, 
 and his face concealed ; his long, black hair streamed over his 
 back, and lie bent nearly double as he moved about, seldom rais¬ 
 ing himself to an erect posture. The chant rose and fell in a 
 melancholy sort of cadence, and occasionally all the Indians joined 
 in the chorus which was Ha'-i-yah, Ila'-i-yah ; hai, hai'yah, hai'yah, 
 hai'-yah. The first two words were shouted slowly, then a loud 
 hai', then a succession of liai'-yahs very rapidly uttered in chromatic 
 ascending and descending tones, ending in an abrupt hai!! very 
 loud and farreaching. There were three instruments of music, upon 
 which the Indians accompanied the chant. One, alargegourd filled 
 with small stones, or shot, was frequently shaken ; another was a 
 fluted piece of wood, which was held upon the knees of the player 
 and over which a stick was quickly drawn producing a droning 
 noise ; the third was a kind of rude flute, upon which no air was 
 played, but which was softly blown in time to the chant. 
 
 This “ fandango” was always kept up all night, and as the hours 
 went on the chanting became louder and more weird, and the fire, 
 allowed to burn up furiously, illuminated the earth and sky, pro¬ 
 ducing, altogether, a frightful effect. 
 
 The day following was always a quiet one and the Indians slept 
 or moved languidly about. If, as sometimes happened, they had 
 82 
 
NOTES ON THE CARANCAHUA INDIANS. 
 
 19 
 
 obtained some whiskey, it was used instead of the youpon tea, and 
 then the Indians became intoxicated, very quarrelsome and often 
 really dangerous, fighting among themselves and lurking about the 
 dwellings of the settlers, stealing from them articles of food or 
 household utensils, and begging continually—rarely willing to per¬ 
 form the slightest task whatever the offered reward. 
 
 In regard to any sacredness of feeling, or particular rites in ref¬ 
 erence to the burial of their dead, they seemed entirely indifferent. 
 No place of sepulture belonging to them ever was alluded to by 
 them, or ever discovered, and wherever one of the tribe died there 
 he was also interred. 
 
 The peculiar distinctive marks of the tribe were : a small circle 
 of blue tattooed over either cheek-bone, one horizontal line ex¬ 
 tending from the outer angle of the eye toward the ear and three 
 perpendicular parallel lines, about one-fourth of an inch apart, on 
 the chin from the middle of the lower lip downward, and two others 
 under each corner of' the mouth. 
 
 Their method of communicating with each other, when parties 
 were at a distance, was by smoke. By some means known only to 
 themselves and carefully kept secret, the smoke of a small fire could 
 be made to ascend in many different ways, as intelligible as spoken 
 language to them. At night the horizon was often dotted in vari¬ 
 ous directions with these little fires, and the messages thus con¬ 
 veyed seemed to determine the movements of the Indians. 
 
 They were strictly silent upon the subject of their marriage cere¬ 
 monies, though they certainly did not practise polygamy, but be¬ 
 tween husband and wife there was always a perfect indifference in 
 manner. 
 
 It is believed that at the present time not one of this tribe of In¬ 
 dians is in existence and these few lines are their only memorial. 
 
 AN ANECDOTE. 
 
 The Indian of song and stoiy, the Indian immortalized by 
 Cooper was certainly a very different being in his noble, generous 
 impulses and his glorious, self-sacrificing life, from the type repre¬ 
 sented by the Carancalmas, whose character seemed entirely desti¬ 
 tute of heroic traits. Recollection furnishes only one instance, in 
 an experience of years, of generous kindness. 
 
 A young daughter of a settler on Matagorda bay had been in the 
 habit of interchanging kindly courtesies with the wife of one of the 
 chiefs, who manifested some attachment to her. 
 
 83 
 
20 
 
 NOTES ON THE CARANCAHUA INDIANS. 
 
 This young girl was exceedingly sick during several weeks of 
 a particularly hot summer, when a fearful drought prevailed and 
 water was very scarce and brackish. A newly finished and very 
 capacious rain-water cistern had long awaited the anticipated rain, 
 which was withheld till all animal and vegetable life seemed perish¬ 
 ing. A party of Indians, among which were the chief and his wife, of 
 whom mention has been made, had been encamping near the home 
 of the young girl and of course knew of her sickness. They had 
 left for the home of another settler, about three miles distant across 
 the bay, where there was a cistern, filled by the last rain, with pure, 
 fresh water. 
 
 The night after their departure, the family of the first settler 
 were aroused about midnight by a fearful noise and tumult, and on 
 seeing in the moonlight the forms of several Indians, were ex¬ 
 tremely alarmed and excited. The settler, a man of remarkable 
 courage and always hitherto upon friendly terms with the Indians, 
 rushed down stairs, rifle in hand and found three or four of his 
 hired men, who had been sleeping upon the piazza, also with their 
 guns, prepared to defend themselves against a supposed treach¬ 
 erous attack of the Indians. As soon as the master of the house 
 appeared, the Indians, who had been apparently trying to explain 
 the cause of their appearance, came toward him with outstretched 
 hands, and the chief, presenting a large jug, which had been con¬ 
 cealed by his blanket, said in his few words of English: “You 
 water no good — you Alice sick—here, water good—Alice drink.” 
 The gratitude and delight of the father cannot be expressed, and 
 the Indians returned to their tents loaded with gifts. 
 
 Lynn, 3Iciss., Oct. 30, 1888. 
 
THE KARANKAWA INDIANS. 
 
 Br ALBERT S. GATSCIIET, 
 
 Of the U. S. Bureau of Ethnology. 
 
 Omnes illacrimabiles 
 urguentur ignotique longa 
 node; carent quia vate sacro. 
 
 Our historic information concerning the once populous Texan 
 nation of the Karankawa is an average specimen of the fragmentary 
 manner in which Indian history and the general history of man¬ 
 kind as well is transmitted to our knowledge. Chance and fate, pow¬ 
 ers uncontrollable by the human species, decide whether we are to 
 have any knowledge or not of an important people or of its note¬ 
 worthy rulers or public characters; fires, floods, tornadoes, wars 
 and the ravages of time have often destroyed the only documents 
 left of the literature of a people, or of its style of architecture and 
 art; or when something has come down to our times, which testifies 
 to their existence, we often have to scrape together our informa¬ 
 tion from the most insignificant and minute sources, frequently dis¬ 
 torted by unsafe, traditional reports. 
 
 To render our knowledge of the past still more checkered and un¬ 
 equal, insignificant towns and tribes are often described at length 
 and the deeds of their petits grands liommes extolled beyond meas¬ 
 ure. Why? Only because they happened to exist in the vicinity 
 of literary centres, or of men of culture who filled their leisure hours 
 in writing their biographies or chronicles. At other times events of 
 little importance are magnified into deeds of consequence, while 
 men of heroic mind or eminent capacities are misrepresented as 
 being mere common-place individuals. 
 
 With our knowledge of the Karankawa Indians chance has 
 played a capricious game as well as with that of many other tribes. 
 Although their tribe figures as a people of consequence in Texan 
 colonial history, the information left us by the chroniclers of the 
 times does not give the necessary points enabling us to classify 
 
 85 
 
22 
 
 THE KARASKAWA INDIANS. 
 
 them according to race and language. Their records report that 
 cruelties were inflicted by them upon harmless settlers; they dis¬ 
 cuss their bodily appearance, their weapons, implements and ca¬ 
 noes, with some of their customs, but they are silent concerning 
 their religious ideas, their migrations, their tribal government, and 
 especially their language, which is the most important character¬ 
 istic of each tribe, and we have to deplore that even in our scien¬ 
 tific age so little attention is paid to the tongues of primitive na¬ 
 tions. 
 
 What our predecessors in Texan ethnography have failed to 
 transmit to us, we can in a small degree supply now, by drawing 
 our conclusions from all the disjecta membra of Karaukawa history 
 and tradition. There is a considerable number of these discon¬ 
 nected notices to be found, more than of many other western or 
 southwestern tribes, but as to their language, probably no living in¬ 
 dividual can inform us now about its strange accents and primitive 
 vocabulary beyond what we here present. 
 
 For convenience I have subdivided the historical facts concern¬ 
 ing this people into four sections : 
 
 J. The Ivarankawa people from the earliest historic times down 
 to 1835, the beginning of Texan independence. 
 
 II. Other Indian tribes of the Texan littoral. 
 
 III. Tribal synonymy of the Karankawas. 
 
 IV. The Ivarankawa tribe after 1835 ; its decline and extinction. 
 
 Then follow : 
 
 V. Ethnographic sketch of the Ivarankawa Indians. 
 
 VI. Treatise upon the Ivarankawa language. 
 
 Washington, D. C., January, 1890. 
 
NOTES ON KARANKAWA HISTORY. 
 
 I. THE KARANKAWA PEOPLE PROM THE DISCOVERY DOWN 
 TO THE YEAR 1835. 
 
 Primosque et extremos metendo 
 stravit humum sine ( clade) victor. 
 
 The earliest report we possess on the coast tribes among which 
 the Karankawas have dwelt during the historic period, is contained 
 in the twenty-sixth chapter of the “Naufragios” composed by Alvar 
 Nunez Cabega tie Vaca, one of the four men who were saved from 
 the unfortunate expedition of Pamfilo de Narvaez. From 1527 he 
 subsisted for seven years among the coast tribes, destitute of every 
 thing, even of garments, but as a trader and medical practitioner 
 lie managed to earn a scanty living. He thus became acquainted 
 with many tribes, even of the interior tracts, and gives descriptions 
 of them in his above-mentioned record. Among the coast tribes he 
 mentions the Caoques, Han, Chorruco, Doguenes, Mendica, Que- 
 venes, Mariames, Guaycones, Quitoles, Camoles, los de los Higos. 1 
 None of these can be identified with the tribes known in later 
 times as the Karankawas or the Ebahamos (to be described be¬ 
 low), though some of them must have lived in the same districts. 
 
 Joutel , the companion of Robert Cavelier de la Salie on his last 
 and unfortunate expedition, has left a journal of his travels, in 
 which he mentions the Koienkalie among the tribes living north of 
 the Maligne river, and also the Kouyam and the Quouan in the 
 same tracts (Margry, Decouvertes iii, 288 ; date : February, 1687). 
 In another edition of this journal, the Koienkalie are called Koren- 
 kake, 2 and placed between St. Louis bay and the Maligne river. 
 In the Korenkake and the misspelt Koienkalie we easily recognize 
 
 ’Barcia, Ilistoriadores Primitivos de las Indias occidentals, etc., Madrid, 1719. Yol. 
 I, No. 6. The customs are described in chapter 25; (eli. 25 rorao los Indies son prestos 
 a un arma); ch. 26 : De las naciones i lenguas; here he says : “En la isla de Malhado 
 (where he landed) ai dos lenguas : a los linos llaman de Caoques, i a los otros Human de 
 Kan. Adelante.en la costa del mar habitan los Doguenes, i enfrente deelloslos deMen- 
 dica,”etc. If any of the locations described by him were held by Karankawas, they were 
 probably those of the Caoques and the Han, who both lived on a sandbar. H. H. Ban¬ 
 croft, Works, xv, p. 64, believes that the Isla del Malhado was in San Antonio Bay. 
 
 2 B. F. French, Histor. Collections of La., I, 134 sqq. 
 
 87 
 
24 
 
 THE KAliANKAWA PEOPLE 
 
 the Karankawa Indians, while the Qnouan, in French spelling, ap¬ 
 pear to be the Cujanos. 
 
 Long lists of other Indian tribes are added to these passages, 
 subdivided into tribes living north and in others living west and 
 northwest of the Maligneriver. Where the exploring party crossed 
 this river, it was as wide as the Seine at Rouen and probably it 
 was the Colorado river of the present da}'. Some of these tribal 
 names have the ring of Karankavva words, but since many are writ¬ 
 ten differently in the two lists, 1 we cannot attempt to analyze any 
 of them here. The tribes permanently hostile to the people among 
 whom the expedition was then staying, lived to the southwest, 
 toward the Rio Grande. 
 
 Joutel then adds a short ethnographic notice upon the habits and 
 customs of these coast people (Margry, Dec. in, 286-292), whom 
 he had leisure enough to study before the expedition started on its 
 way northeast. They seemed to be peaceable and rather timid 
 than obtrusive ; except during the heavy “northers” the male sex 
 went about in a perfectly nude state, while the females wore skins 
 reaching from the belt to the knees. They had baskets and made 
 some pottery for cooking their victuals; the}’ possessed horses, 
 which they could have obtained only from the Spaniards; the dogs 
 seen among them were voiceless , their ears were straight and their 
 snouts were like those of foxes. When upon the Maligne river, 
 the horses were always seen fleeing whenever Indians were ap¬ 
 proaching, or bathing in the current of the river (p. 286). Whether 
 these Indians had any idea of religion, Joutel was unable to ascer¬ 
 tain ; when questioned they pointed to the sky, and the Frenchmen 
 were regarded by them “almost as spirits” (p. 292). 
 
 This author also relates that R. C. de la Salle enjoined his men 
 to treat these Indians with care and propriety and made small pres¬ 
 ents to them to keep them in good humor ; for, said he, if a con¬ 
 flict should occur between us and these savages, we would be too 
 small in numbers to resist them successfully. 
 
 Among the tribes mentioned in that vicinity is that of the Eba- 
 lmmo , Ilebohamos, Bahamos or Braeamos. Joutel states in his 
 narrative (French, Ilist. Coll. La., i, 134) that de la Salle took a 
 vocabulary of their language, which is very different from that of 
 the Cenis and more difficult; that they were neighbors and allies 
 of the Cenis and understood part of their language. Cavelier (in 
 
 1 One list in Margry. Dec., and the other in E. F. French. 
 
 88 
 
TO THE TEAR 1835 . 
 
 25 
 
 Shea, Early Voyages, p. 22) states that the “Bracamos” dwelt near 
 the fort and that the French tried to cultivate their friendship 
 (March, 1685). Delisle’s map (about 1707?) places them west of 
 a river emptying into the St. Louis (or St. Bernard) ba}% Fort 
 Louis being on the mouth of said river, west shore. 1 Father Douay 
 mentions them as being hostile to the tribe of the Quinets. 2 Their 
 name resembles the Karankawa term behema, which is mentioned 
 in our vocabulary. After that no further mention of them is made 
 in the annals or documents. 
 
 When Robert Cavelier de la Salle returned to these parts, early in 
 the year 1687, he made explorations from Fort Saint Louis, which 
 he had previously built upon St. Louis bay (part of Matagorda 
 bay) into the surrounding districts. On one of these excur¬ 
 sions he took away from the Clamcoet Indians some canoes to sail 
 up one of the rivers emptying into the ba}', and to establish a set¬ 
 tlement. They felt enraged at this act, and although peace was 
 made, their passions were aroused. When the}' heard of La Salle’s 
 departure and assassination they attacked the (twenty or more) 
 French men and women left in the fort at a time when they were 
 off their guard and massacred all but five (1687). Those who 
 were spared underwent no punishment except painful tattooing and 
 being compelled to follow the Indians on their hunts and war-ex¬ 
 peditions. 3 In 1689 these French people were rescued by a Span¬ 
 ish expedition under Don Alonso de Leon. 4 That the Clamcoet, 
 or as they were also called, Quelanhubeches, are the same people 
 as the Karankawas will soon appear. 
 
 After the close of the Spanish succession war, the government 
 of Spain resolved to put a stop to French encroachments upon ter¬ 
 ritories which it considered to be its own, by occupying the im¬ 
 mense country now known as Texas and establishing colonies, forts 
 and missions upon its area. The Sabine river was to be the limit 
 between French Louisiana and the new Spanish possession, which 
 went under different names (provincia de las tecas, provincia de 
 las Nuevas Filipinas were the names for the portion east of Me¬ 
 dina river) and governors were installed in two fortified places, 
 Nacogdoches and San Antonio de Bejar. 
 
 'Map reproduced in J. YVinsor, Hist. Amer., u, 294. 
 
 2 Shea, Early Voyages, p. 21 (note). 
 
 s Cf. Interrogatory of P. and J. Talon, in Margry, Decouv. et Etabl., in, 613-61S. 
 
 CBarcia, Ensayo, p. 294. Shea, Discov., p. 2US (note). 
 
 89 
 
26 
 
 THE KARAXKAWA PEOPLE 
 
 Not long after this (since 1716) a number of missions were es¬ 
 tablished to christianize the natives and from that time onward we 
 possess some historical though scanty information upon the Texan 
 tribes. Not all of these missions had churches or other buildings 
 erected within their areas, as was done on a large scale in and 
 around San Antonio de Bejar and in the southern part of Califor¬ 
 nia, but in many of them the curate became an itinerant teacher 
 and adviser of the natives to be converted. This was the case, e.g., 
 upon the lower Kio Grande and probably also in some of the mis¬ 
 sions of eastern Texas. 1 
 
 Although Spanish domination was now firmly established through¬ 
 out Texas,—at least in the southern parts of what is now Texas— 
 but little is transmitted to us about the natives of those parts dur¬ 
 ing the first half of the eighteenth century and the state documents 
 preserved in Austin do not begin earlier than 1740. From French 
 writers of the period we gather a few points which probably refer 
 to the Karankawas or some people closely cognate with them. 
 
 A French officer, Simars de Belle-Isle, was exploring the west¬ 
 ern countries and had the misfortune of being captured by the In¬ 
 dians. lie lived fifteen months in slavery among a people of an- 
 thropophagists residing at the bay of St. Bernard, one of the seats 
 of the Karankawas, from 1719 to 1721, and when released and re¬ 
 turned to the French colony on the Mississippi river, the narrative 
 of his tragic fate excited the compassion of his countrymen to such 
 a degree that all the contemporaneous writers on Louisiana refer 
 to it. 2 
 
 Contemporaneously with de Belle-Isle’s stay among these na¬ 
 tives, Benard de laPIarpe relates that Beranger, in 1720, found an- 
 thropophagists about one hundred and thirty leagues west of the 
 Mississippi river (by sea) in Lat. 25° 45', on what he thought to 
 be St. Bernard bay. 3 
 
 Sixty years after these events, Mil-fort, a French commander, 
 passed through southern Texas at the head of two hundred war¬ 
 riors of the Creek or Maskoki nation of Alabama, and five days 
 travel west of St. Bernard bay met a tribe called Atacapas, who 
 were anthropophagists, as this name designates, which is taken 
 
 1 A comprehensive historic sketch of Texan missionary establishments will be found 
 in H. H. Bancroft, Hist, of the North Mexican States, I, p. 609 (whole vol. xv). 
 
 2 Of. his own report in Margry, Dec. et Etabl. VI, 320-351, and what Le Page du 
 Pratz, Hist, of La. (175S) and Bossu (1771) state about him. 
 
 s French, Hist. Coll, of La., in, 78, 79; cf. ibid.. 96-99. 
 
 SO 
 
TO THE TEAR 1835 . 
 
 27 
 
 from the Cka’hta language. In extenuation of this charge Milfort 
 states, that “they do not eat men, but roast them only, on account 
 of the cruelties first practised against their ancestors by the Span¬ 
 iards.” 1 
 
 Whether this last statement rests upon a misunderstanding or 
 has to be regarded as a cruel irony, the fact is certain that these 
 people were anthropophagists up to the beginning of the nineteenth 
 century. The authentic and documentary proofs that all the orig¬ 
 inal (not all the intrusive) Texan tribes were man-eaters are too nu¬ 
 merous to permit any doubt of this fact. The Tonkawe, the In¬ 
 dians on the lower Rio Grande, the numerous Assinai (Cenis, now 
 Caddo) tribes, and the Atakapa of southwestern Louisiana were 
 all given to this horrible practice, and even at the present day the 
 Tonkawe state that human flesh tastes like bear meat. Anthro- 
 pophagism was also common among some Algonquin and Iroquois 
 tribes settled around the great Canadian lakes. Ethnologists who 
 through false philanthropy revoke in doubt the historic statements 
 which prove the fact, have never been able to controvert these tes¬ 
 timonies ; they have only shown thereby their inability to place 
 themselves into the state of mind of an aboriginal American sav¬ 
 age. The two brothers Talon stated in their examination, that the 
 Clamcoet did not eat the bodies of the slain Frenchmen, but were 
 in the habit of eating those of their Indian antagonists. Jean- 
 Baptiste Talon said, that they offered him the flesh of Ayonai 
 Indians during three days, but that he preferred to die of hunger 
 than to accept this food. 2 
 
 Other instances of anthropophagy among the southern tribes are 
 numerous about that period. In 1719 Benard de la Harpe reports 
 that it existed among the Tawakaros 3 and the Wichitas, who in one 
 feast had eaten seventeen Cancys (Apaches). 4 Panis and Padu- 
 kas (Comanches) devoured each other’s prisoners of war, as nar¬ 
 rated by the same officer in 1719. 5 One of the manifold motives 
 for cannibalism was probably the expectation of depriving the dead 
 of the possibility of living a second life and of taking revenge. 
 In Mexico, Central and South America anthropophagy was more 
 frequent and widespread than in the northern continent. 
 
 At the end of the eighteenth century we meet with some Spanish- 
 
 1 General Milfort, M^moive ou coup d’oeil rapide sur mes diflerents voyages et mon 
 s^jour dans la nation Creek. Paris. An. XI (1802), p. 00. 
 
 a P. Mavgry, Dec. et Etabl. Ill, p. 616. 3 Identical with the Tawakoni. 
 
 4 Margry, Dec. vi, 202. 6 Margry, Dec. vi, 312. 
 
 91 
 
28 
 
 THE KARANKAWA PEOPLE 
 
 Mexican documents which give us an insight into the civil condi¬ 
 tion of the Karankawa and of some of the coast tribes of their 
 neighborhood. 
 
 A document preserved in the state archives in Austin, consulted 
 by me in December, 1884, is dated 1793 and mentions the founda¬ 
 tion of missions among the Karankawas on Colorado river, among 
 the Cocos (perhaps near Sabine river), the Horcoquisas on lower 
 Trinity river, and among the Comanches. “It is impossible to 
 christianize the Carancahuazes of the Colorado on account of the 
 close friendship which they entertain with the Lipans . 
 
 The Carancahuazes originated and came from the coast and during: 
 summer continually live upon the islands, in winter in the sur¬ 
 roundings of Refugio. For their crossings and fisheries they pos¬ 
 sess canoes, and there is also abundance of fish in the Nueces bay 
 or river (en las Nuezes) ; they like to visit the bay (las lagunas) 
 and the coast, as there are quantities of cactus-figs around it. From 
 all this it appears how troublesome it would be for these Indians 
 to give up their own territory; it is also important for us to have 
 control of the Port of Mata Gorda, and hence the site selected [for 
 their mission] at Refugio seems the best, as the lands there will 
 never become deficient of the larger game, necessary for their sus¬ 
 tenance ; . . it will be necessary to establish a new fort (presidio) 
 upon the spot proposed for locating the Carancahuazes upon Colo¬ 
 rado river, which will be distant about twenty leagues from the site 
 of Nuestra Sehora del Refugio, where the other Carancahuazes 
 live under the superintendence of Father Garza.” 
 
 Refugio is the county seat of Refugio county and lies below the 
 confluence of La Vaca and Medio creeks, midway between Corpus 
 Christi and Victoria, about 28° 40' Lat. It is distant about one 
 hundred miles in a southwestern direction from Matagorda town, 
 which is built at the outlet of Colorado river. It appears that 
 individuals of the Karankawa people were then settled at two 
 places at least, and were changing their habitations with the sea¬ 
 sons of the year. The Spaniards were in the habit of peopling 
 their missions with the Indians of the neighboring tribes by using 
 military force. The mission of Nuestra Seuora de Refugio was 
 established in 1790 and had sixty-seven Indians in 1793 (II. II. 
 Bancroft, Vol. xv, p. 333). A census taken in 1814 shows one 
 hundred and ninety individuals settled there (Texas State Ar¬ 
 chives). 
 
 92 
 
TO THE YEAR 1835 . 
 
 29 
 
 Another mission, where some Karankawas had been settled with 
 Aranama Indians and perhaps with other tribes also, was La Bahia 
 del Espiritu Santo, on the southern bank of San Antonio river, 
 and lying a little below the city of Goliad. A short distance sep¬ 
 arated it from Refugio, which is almost due south ; a census of 
 the mission taken in 1789 shows eighty-two individuals. 1 Miih- 
 lenpfordt’s work “der Freistaat Mexico” (1842), n, 120, even places 
 the original sites of the Karankawa between Goliad or La Bahia 
 and Aransas (Aranzaso), and for doing this he must have had 
 some documentary evidence before him. 
 
 A document of the close of the eighteenth century, dated 1796 
 and extracted by Orozco y Berra in his “Geografia de las Lenguas 
 de Mexico” (1864), p. 382, proves that the land occupied by the 
 Lipans of the lower countries bordered east upon those of the Ka¬ 
 rankawas and the Borrados. 2 
 
 The reports concerning this coast people, which date from the 
 beginning of the nineteenth century, differ considerably from the 
 earlier ones by the constant references made to the unparalleled 
 ferocity and cruelty and the desultory, unforeseen attacks of these 
 “barbarians.” Horrible stories are still told by the descendants 
 of the settlers of the cannibalistic atrocities practised upon the iso¬ 
 lated families of their ancestors who had settled in the coast tracts. 
 Not only the whites felt the rage of these aborigines, who began 
 to see that gradually their coast lands would slip from their hith¬ 
 erto almost undisputed control, but also intertribal contests with 
 the Lipans, Aranamas, Tonkawe, Bidai and chiefly with the Co- 
 manches, whom they greatly feared, 3 called the Karankawa war¬ 
 riors to arms and inflicted heavy losses upon them before Texas 
 became an independent commonwealth. Captain Thomas Bridges 
 
 1 La Bahia del Espiritu Santo was founded as a presidio in 1722 on the site of dela 
 Salle’s Fort St. Louis on La Vaca river; transferred to the San Antonio river about 1721; 
 moved up the river to its final site opposite Goliad in 1719. In 17S2 its population was 
 five hundred and fifteen. H. H. Bancroft, Works, Vol. xv, 633. 
 
 5 Borrados or “Indians painted in stripes.” The passage runs as follows: “Los Li- 
 panes so dividen en dos clases nombradas de arriba y de abajo, con referencia al curso 
 
 del Rio Grande, cuyas agnas los bafian.Los de abajo tienen sus alternati- 
 
 vas de paz y guerra con los indios carancaguaces y borrados que habitan la marisma. 
 
 . . . . Por el oriente sus limites son los caranguaces y borrados, provineia de Tejas; 
 por el sur nuestra frontera.” 
 
 3 Maillard, N. D., the History of the Republic of Texas; p. 251 sqq. (London, 1842, 
 8vo)states thatthe“Carancahuas aboutthe year 1796commenced a sanguinary war with 
 the Comanches, which lasted for several years.” 
 
 93 
 

 30 THE KARANKAWA PEOPLE 
 
 used to state, that from 1800 up to his time about thirty war par¬ 
 ties, and not more, had been sent out by these Indians. 
 
 The ferocity of the Karankawas is easily accounted for, when we 
 consider the brutalities which they experienced at the hands of the 
 white people who came to deprive them of their fishing grounds 
 and coast tracts, and moreover interfered with their family con¬ 
 nections. 
 
 While Galveston island was occupied by the well-known pirate 
 Lafitte, some of his men in 1818 abducted one of the Karankawa 
 women. To revenge this injury, about three hundred of these In¬ 
 dians landed on the sand-bar, near the “Three Trees.” When this 
 became known, two hundred of the adventurers, armed with two 
 pieces of artillery, immediate^ proceeded down the island to meet 
 the Indians, who after a stubborn fight and the loss of about thirty 
 men withdrew to the mainland. After Lafitte had evacuated his 
 position upon that island, 1 Dr. Parnell visited it in 1821 to hunt 
 for treasures supposed to have been buried there by the freebooters. 
 He found some Indians, attacked them and put them to flight. The 
 historian Yoakum believes that it was through these attacks that 
 the Karankawas subsequently became so hostile towards the colo¬ 
 nists following in the wake of Stephen Austin. 
 
 In 1822 these Indians put to death four men left in charge of 
 two vessels loaded with immigrants and goods, at the mouth of the 
 Colorado river, and destroyed the goods. 
 
 Encounters between the settlers and the Karankawa Indians oc¬ 
 curred not only on the coast, but also in the upper parts of the 
 Texan tide-water section. Thus in 1823, when the city of San 
 Felipe de Austin was founded on the lower Brazos river by Stephen 
 Austin, one of the settlers reported that a number of Karankawas 
 had come up the Colorado river and encamped at the mouth of 
 Skull creek, a northwestern affluent of the Colorado in Colorado 
 county, fifteen miles below his settlement. 2 From their ambush 
 they' killed Loy and Alle}', two of his 3 'oung friends who were just 
 
 ‘ Quoted from H. S. Thrall, Fictorinl History of Texas (1S79), pp. 451, who also gives 
 some of the incidents below. Lafitte, who died 1S26 in Yucatan, first had his piratical 
 headquarters, lsl 1-1813, on Grande Terre island, now Barataria, coast of Louisiana, and 
 fought on the American side in the battle of New Orleans (1815). 
 
 3 W. B. Dewees, Letters from an early settler of Texas; Louisville, 1854; pp. 37, 
 3S (letter dated Aug. 29, 1823). He also mentions having seen Tonkawe Indians; cf. 
 p. 45. 
 
 94 
 
TO THE TEAR 1835 . 
 
 31 
 
 returning in their boat with a load of corn ; a third man, Clarke, 
 who was with them managed to escape, though severely wounded. 
 He alarmed the settlers on the day following ; they gathered, am¬ 
 bushed the Indians and killed nine of them on one spot and ten 
 more upon the prairie. More fights occurred on Bay prairie. These 
 Indians are described by him as tall men of a stout, magnificent 
 exterior, as excellent bowmen and fierce cannibals, who dwelt 
 between the Brazos and Brazos Santiago. 1 Their bows were as 
 long as they were themselves and they hit their mark with great pre¬ 
 cision at a distance of one hundred yards. They wore beautiful 
 plaits of hair. 
 
 While engaged in surveying lands in 1824, Captain Chriesman 
 had several skirmishes with the Karankawas on the St. Bernard 
 river and Gulf prairie. The severest encounter was sustained by 
 a compan} 7 under Captain Randall Jones on a creek in Brazoria 
 county, since called Jones’ creek. Fifteen Indians were reported 
 killed and the whites lost three men. 
 
 The destinies of this littoral nation began to take a decisive 
 turn in 1825, when the Anglo-American colonists, who had largely 
 increased in numbers, banded together to rid themselves of these 
 predatory Indians, who had become exasperated by their frequent 
 losses of warriors and revenged themselves by stealing and murder¬ 
 ing. Col. Austin requested Captain Abner Kuj'kendall to gather a 
 corps of volunteers and to expel the Indians from his land grant, 
 which extended west to the La Vaca river. The Indians were routed 
 and while the troops pursued them, they were met at the Mana- 
 huila (or Menawhila) creek, 3 six miles east of Goliad city, by a 
 Catholic missionary of La Bahia, who took the refugees under his 
 protection. He conveyed the promise of these Indians, that they 
 would never show themselves again east of the LaVaca river, and 
 this promise was accepted. But they did not keep this compact 
 for any length of time ; portions of them returned to the Colo¬ 
 rado river, committed new depredations and were scourged again 
 by the colonists. 3 This defeat is evidently the same event which is 
 narrated by a relative of Stephen Austin, Mrs. Mary Austin Hol¬ 
 ley, in her book : Texas (Lexington, 1836, 8vo, with map) ; she is 
 
 1 Near the southern end of Padre island, Texas. 
 
 1 An affluent of San Antonio river coming from the northwest. 
 
 3 Thrall, p. 451. Baker, D. W. C., Texas Scrap Book, 1875; an article taken from 
 Texas Almanac, 1872, and composed by J. II. Kuykendall is inserted there. The earlier 
 volumes of the Texas Almanac contain many articles of value for Indian history. 
 
 95 
 
32 
 
 THE KARANKAWA PEOPLE TO THE TEAR 1835 . 
 
 more circumstantial in her account, but fails to give the date of 
 the occurrence. In this she is equalled by many other chroniclers 
 and historians of the west, who seem to think that history can be 
 written without any chronology. 
 
 The same event is also referred to in a sensational article on this 
 tribe inserted in “The Republic” of St. Louis, Missouri, of April 
 13, 1889, page 13, which appears to place this final reduction of 
 the Karankawas after the time they had massacred the inhabitants 
 and destroyed the town of Matagorda in 1827 (?) and adds an in¬ 
 cident of warfare which took place near Old Caney and Peach 
 creek. Not the least regard is paid to the causation and chrono¬ 
 logic order of historic events. 
 
 Among the earlier American settlers it was an admitted fact, 
 that many of the depredations and murders committed by Indians 
 on isolated farms and upon inoffensive hunting parties passing 
 through the country were instigated by the Mexican population, 
 who regarded the Anglo-Americans as intruders and feared their 
 increasing numbers. Mrs. Oliver also refers to the fact that some 
 Karankawas together with other Indians formed part of the Mex¬ 
 ican army, and that after the battle of the Alamo the American 
 settlers retaliated heavily for the crimes committed b}^ them with 
 or without the behest of their Mexican superiors. This brought 
 them into submission and made them perceive the necessity of be¬ 
 ing on better terms with their new rulers. 
 
 Their losses in numbers and the dissolute mode of life, which 
 they had adopted while they were dependent on the Mexicans, 
 did more than any other causes to bring on their decay as a na¬ 
 tional body and their final extinction. The sad story of their an¬ 
 nihilation during the era of Texan independence, with some notices 
 on their latest chiefs, will be recounted in another chapter. 
 
 To close up the period of the national independence, I intend to 
 give a rapid survey of all the coast tribes known to have existed 
 in the neighborhood of the Karankawas, an undertaking which may 
 ultimately shed more light upon the affinities once existing among 
 them in race or language than we have now. Another chapter 
 will deal with the various names under which the Ivarankawa In¬ 
 dians, or portions of them, were known to the whites and Indians. 
 96 
 
II. OTHER INDIAN TRIBES OF THE TEXAN LITTORAL. 
 
 Interim dum tu celeres sagittas 
 promts, haec dentes acuit timendos. 
 
 “ Similar climates produce similar habits and customs ” is an 
 ethnologic principle which may be accepted as true in its general 
 sense, but is not without its restrictions. The gulf coast or tide 
 water section of Texas has once harbored many indigenous tribes, 
 called autochthonic, because they had forgotten all about the for¬ 
 mer migrations of their ancestors or congeners. These tribes, 
 entirely identified with the country in which they grew up, all 
 showed many analogies in their habits ; they wore no moccasins, 
 protected themselves with dress or skins in cold weather only, lived 
 in the pure hunter and fisher state, painted and tattooed themselves, 
 were anthropophagists and engaged in continual warfare among each 
 other. To these belong the tribes of the Ataknpa, of the Assinai, 
 the Karankawa, the Tonkaweya and the Pakawa. But there were 
 also some tribes in this littoral tract, who were intruders from the 
 north and differed from the above in many of their customs, though 
 by length of time they came to adopt some of these. We have to 
 count among these intruders the various Apache-Tinne tribes, of 
 which the Lipans were the most prominent, and also whatsoever of 
 the Pani family (Wichitas, Tawakoni, Weko) advanced so far south 
 as to reach temporarily the coast; also the Kaj'owe and the Coman- 
 ches, the latter belonging to the great Slioshonian (Ne'-ume, Ne- 
 uma) inland family. Of all these intrusive bodies of Indians none 
 settled permanently on the coast except a portion of the Lipans. 
 
 I begin with the enumeration of such tribes as lived nearest to 
 the Karankawa Indians, the numerous bays, inlets and sandbars 
 of the Texas coast. With these the probability is greater than 
 with the remoter ones that they were congeners in race or language 
 with the tribe which chiefly occupies our attention. I shall often 
 have occasion to refer to Professor J. C. E. Buschmann’s notes on 
 the Texan tribes, arrayed in alphabetic order in his “ Spuren der 
 aztekisclien Sprache,” Berlin, 1859 (Transact. Roy. Acad. Sci- 
 
 p. M. papers, i. 7 97 
 
34 
 
 OTHER INDIAN TRIBES 
 
 ences of 1854), pp. 417-455. He was the first scientist who pub¬ 
 lished a methodic account of this portion of North American In- 
 dianology. 
 
 The Aranctma, an agricultural and peaceable people, were settled 
 upon the mission of La Bahia south of Goliad, where some Karan- 
 kawa Indians also formed a part of the neophytes. They are 
 reported to have previously fallen an easy prey to the warlike 
 Karankawa, though no date is given for the event. Morse, in his 
 Report (1822), mentions Arrenamuses to the number of one hun¬ 
 dred and twenty men upon the San Antonio river and thetribe ex¬ 
 isted there much later. 1 
 
 Biskatronge; see Caoque. 
 
 Cuoque was the name of a tribe living upon the sandbar where 
 A. N. Cabeca de Yaca and his three companions suffered shipwreck, 
 and which he calls Island of Misfortune (Isla del Malhado). They 
 spoke another language or dialect than the Han, who lived upon 
 the same island, and whose name appears to be the Caddo term 
 hayanu, contracted into ha-an, ha/n, people, men. 2 In another chap¬ 
 ter of his “Naufragios” this people is called Capoques, and Father 
 Anastasius Douay speaks of them as Quoaquis, living near St* 
 Louis bay, raising crops of maize and selling horses at low prices. 3 
 They belonged to the Biscatronges or “Weepers” seen by de la 
 Salle’s companions, and individuals of the same gens always went 
 together, 4 as reported by Cabega de Vaca. These “Weepers” were 
 called by that name, because before presenting a request or com¬ 
 plaint, they cried and wept in the most piteous manner for half an 
 hour — a peculiar and expressive kind of gesture language! This 
 custom was common among the tribes of the vicinity and hence 
 Biscatronges cannot be considered as areal tribal name,as several 
 tribes differing from each other, whenever they observed this cus¬ 
 tom, could be called so. 5 The tribes of the Kouyam and Quouaa 
 we have mentioned previously. An anonymous Mexican document 
 of 1828 states that the “Tarancahuases y Cujanos” are coast tribes 
 scattered from the barbor of Corpus Christi (northeastward) to the 
 bar of Colorado river. They are good fighters and often attacked 
 
 2 H. S. Thrall, Pictorial History of Texas; St. Louis, Mo., 1879, p. 446. 
 
 2 This Caddo word is variously pronounced: hayanu, htkino, ha-ano, etc.; gn Indian 
 is: hatino heano, lit. “red person,” hatino, atinu meaning red. 
 
 s Shea, Discovery, p. 207. 
 
 4 Cabe<;a de Vaca, in Barcia, Historiadores, I, pp. 17, 28. 
 
 5 For the verb to weep, cry, our Karankawa list has the term owiya. 
 
 9S 
 
OF THE TEXAN LITTORAL. 
 
 35 
 
 St. Austin’s colonists, though they were repulsed by them. Both 
 tribes had about one hundred families as a joint population. 1 
 “ Cujanos or Cuyanes ” are mentioned long before this as inhabit¬ 
 ing tracts in the vicinity of San Antonio (de Bejar), probably be¬ 
 cause placed there upon a mission and they must be identical with 
 the Caoques and also with the Cokes, whom, in 1849, Bollaert de¬ 
 clares to be a branch of the “ Koronks.” 2 
 
 The Cocos mentioned by Morse and others appear to have lived 
 in Louisiana and to belong to the Atakapa family ; the Caddo term 
 koko, laiku means water; cf. the names of Coco prairie and of Ana- 
 coco in western Louisiana, Vernon Parish. 
 
 Ebahamo. What we know of this tribe has all been stated pre¬ 
 viously among the early accounts upon the Karankawa. They do 
 not appear again in history and probably were a tribe closely affil¬ 
 iated to the Karankawa. 
 
 Erigoanna are referred to by Charlevoix (Nouvelle France, ed. 
 Shea, IV, 90) ; they were in 1687 at war with the Bahamos or Bra- 
 camos, and figure upon the maps of the period. 
 
 The Kironona Indians were a tribe living about thirty leagues 
 southwest of the Assinai or Cenis, and were seen by Joutel and 
 others in 1686, who called them Kikanonas. According to a note 
 in French, Hist. Coll.,n, p. 11 (1875), they occupied an island or 
 peninsula in St. Bernard’s bay, which was ten miles long and five 
 broad. Anast. Douay mentions them as neighbors of the Biska- 
 tronges or “ Weepers ” and calls them Kironomes. Barcia in his 
 Ensayo refers to Joutel’s visit among them, stating that the Ki¬ 
 kanonas received the French in friendly manner and had their hands 
 full of ears, thereby welcoming them to a repast. They referred 
 to a white people in the West, cruel and treacherous, evidently al¬ 
 luding to the Spanish. 3 Daniel Coxe, in his Carolctna , p. 38 (1741), 
 mentions the Kirononas as a tribe settled on the Texas coast upon 
 a river of the same name. It will be shown below who these Ki¬ 
 rononas really were. 
 
 The Mayeye, Malleyes or Mayes were a tribe who during the 
 eighteenth and nineteenth centuries lived in the immediate vicin¬ 
 ity of the Karankawa Indians. They are mentioned in a census 
 
 1 Soc. Geogr. Mexic., 1870, p. 266; cf. ibid., 1869, p. 504. 
 
 3 Journal Ethnol. Soc., II, 265,276 (London, 1850). 
 
 S C/. Marquette and Joliet. Account of the Discov., etc., in French, Hist. Coll, 
 of La,, II, 280.—Charlevoix, New France, ed. Shea, IV, 88: footnote quoting Father 
 Anast. Douay and Abbe Cavelier. 
 
 99 
 
36 
 
 OTHER INDIAN TRIBES 
 
 of the Indians of Nacogdoches jurisdiction, taken in 1790: Ata- 
 capas, Mayeyes, Orcoquiza, Cocos, etc., and Dr. Sibley, in his mes¬ 
 sage of 1805, 1 mentions the Mayes as living on a large creek called 
 St. Gabriel, near the mouth of the Guadeloupe river and running 
 into the bay of St. Bernard. They then numbered two hundred 
 men, spoke Atakapa ( ?), but had a language of their own. Brack- 
 enridge’s Views of Louisiana (1814), p. 87, calls them Mayees. Old 
 Simon, my Tonkawe informant, said that the Meye, or Miyi, spoke 
 a dialect of Tonkawe and lived near the Texan coast, where he saw 
 them. That they were a people cognate to the Tonkawe is made 
 probable by the fact, that a clan, or gens among these, is called Maye 
 or Meyei, said to signify dizziness . 2 Villa Seuor knows of the 
 Malleyes (p. 323) as being settled upon a water-spring Las Puen- 
 tecitas in the district of San Antonio and calls them pagans. Ar- 
 ricivita calls them Mayeyes, settled upon the San Xavier Mission, 
 which is not identifiable with any of the mission sites now known. 
 (Buschmann, Spuren, p. 434.) 
 
 We now come to a series of tribes which have many ethnic and 
 linguistic particulars in common with the Karankawas. These 
 particulars will be given in detail below' and will go far to estab¬ 
 lish linguistic affinity, though only a distant one. These tribes 
 are : (1) the bands now known under the collective name Tonka- 
 weya, abbreviated Tonkawe ; and (2) the tribes on both sides of 
 the Lower Rio Grande. The former extent of this family is not 
 known with accuracy. I have called it Pakawa from one of their 
 tribes, some of whose representatives survive at the present time 
 under the name of Pintos. 
 
 The Tonkaice people of Texas, now r living upon the Oakland re¬ 
 serve in the northern parts of Indian Territory, is a conglomerate 
 of tribal remnants closely' related to each other but differing con¬ 
 siderably in their bodily size and constitution. The language of 
 the “ old people” among them contains many terms regarded as 
 archaic by those who speak the language of the “ young people,” 
 and one of the thirteen totemic gentes of the people— (which in 
 1884 had dwindled to seventy-eight persons), bears the name “ the 
 genuine Tonkawe.” Tonkaweya is the Weko name of the people, 
 
 1 Lewis and Clark, Discov., ISOfi, p. 72. 
 
 2 Mayan signifies terrapin in the Tonkawe language; a tribe of “ Tortugas ” is 
 mentioned in the vicinity about the middle of the eighteenth century, said to be called 
 alter a turtle-shaped hill in the tide water section of Texas. 
 
 100 
 
OF THE TEXAN LITTORAL 
 
 37 
 
 by which they are mentioned over one hundred and sixty years 
 ago j 1 it is said to mean “the} 7 all stay together,” weya, we-i, wai’h, 
 being the Caddo word for all. But they call themselves b} 7 the Ton¬ 
 kawe name of Titskan watitch, indigenous men , native Indians, or 
 people of this country, and observe the institutes of mother-right. 
 
 Just prior to their removal from northwestern Texas to their new 
 homes, in September and October, 1884, I had the opportunit} 7 to 
 study their language at Fort Griffin, on the Clear fork of Brazos 
 river, where they had been placed after the close of the secession 
 war. One of their old men, Simon, said that the Meye (or Mayeyes) 
 spoke a language related to theirs and one of their traditions states 
 that on the coast near Galveston they once met a people called 
 Yakwal, “ Drifted People,” from whom they had suddenly been 
 separated by a submergence of coast land and who spoke a dia¬ 
 lect of their language. 2 In consequence of their erratic habits, 
 the Tonkawe (abbreviated Tonks ; Span. Tancahuas) people or 
 rather portions of it have lived in almost every part of middle 
 and southern Texas; one band is mentioned (1842) in Fayette 
 county, southeast of the capital; one on the Wallopia river (the 
 Guadeloupe river ?) near Corpus Christi about 1847 .; another near 
 Waco, in the centre of the state, on the upper course of Brazos 
 river. They probably lived also near the Rio Grande, for many of 
 their traditions and terms of the language point to that vicinity. 
 The fact that certain Tonkawe terms of general and daily use are 
 compound terms and not short words , as with us, seems to prove 
 that their early home was distant from the gulf of Mexico, or from 
 any large river or lagoon. I refer here to words like no-enshoyun, 
 canoe, boat; talmai a/-kapai, island, the real meaning of these 
 terms being “make float,” “round and no water,” i. e., “dry round 
 piece of land in the water.” Neither is the term for fish, nisliwe- 
 lan, a simple word, but the causative form of a verb. 3 
 
 ’La Harpe, in 1719, calls them Tancaoye, and enemies of the Cancy (Apaches); Mar- 
 gry, Decouv., VI, 277-279. 
 
 2 They called tobacco nawetch, tobacco pipe nawetch wek; words belonging to the 
 archaic dialect of Tonkawe and still understood by the people. 
 
 3 The following will give some contemporaneous evidence upon the distribution of 
 tribes in southern Texas from 1S90 to 1850: 
 
 From a correspondence addressed to me by an old Texan settler, Mr. T. W. Gras- 
 meyer, dated La Grange, Fayette Co., Texas, Aug. 17, 1S78,1 gather the fact that por¬ 
 tions of the Tonkawe and Karankawas were often encamped near the spot where he 
 stayed; the former at Matagorda, near the coast, and the latter on the Colorado river, 
 about eighteen miles above La Grange. He had made an imperfect vocabulary of 
 tlie languages of both tribes, which subsequently was lost in an overflow, and he re- 
 
 101 
 
38 
 
 OTHER INDIAN TRIBES 
 
 The PaiJcawa, Paikawan or Pakawa family of Indians are the 
 aborigines living on both sides of the Lower Rio Grande, though 
 their limit to the north and northwest is unknown. The numerous 
 dialects of this stock were spoken in the west as far as the tower¬ 
 ing ridge of the Sierra Mad re and in the east extended to or be- 
 yond the San Antonio river. One dialect of it is preserved in the 
 Catechism of Padre Bartholome Garcia (Queretaro, 1760), who 
 was stationed for more than twelve years in the missions of Texas 
 and had under his special charge the Indians gathered at the mis¬ 
 sion of San Juan Capistrano, 1 about ten miles south of the city 
 of San Antonio. On the title-page of his Catechism, which bears 
 the title of “ Manual,” he does not mention the name of the lan¬ 
 guage in which he wrote, but states that the questions put down 
 by him will be understood by the tribes of the Pajalates, Orejones, 
 Pacaos (the above Pakawa or Pintos, “ tattooed”), Pacoas, Tili- 
 jayas, Alasapas, Pausanes — and also by many others living in the 
 missions around San Antonio and the Rio Grande ; for instance, 
 the Pacuaehes, Mescales, Pampopas, Tacames, Chayopines, Ve- 
 nados, Pamaques and by the j’oung people of the Pihuiques, Bor- 
 rados, Sanipaos and Manos de Perro. There are but a few of these 
 tribes of which the authors give us the original habitat, but all of 
 them dwelt between the Sierra Mad re and the Medina river or the 
 .Rio San Antonio. Other dialects of Pakawa existed south of the Rio 
 Grande, between Mier and Matamoros. Two of these survive near 
 Las Prietas and were studied by me in 1886 : the Coraecrudo and 
 the Cotoname. The former is spoken by eight old people only 
 who live on the southern bank of the Rio Grande, in Tamaulipas, 
 and in many respects is exceedingly simple in its phonetics, lexi¬ 
 con and structure. The tribe of the Carrizos has long been ex¬ 
 tinct, but these two tribes now popularly pass under that name, 
 because they cover their lodges with long canes (carrizos). 
 
 membered very little about the contents, except that the “ Crancuas” called the horse: 
 "Qwy,” the Tonkawe ‘‘Neshawn.” lie also became acquainted with Lipans, Ara- 
 namosand Bidais, but never was able to discover the slightest resemblance or affinity 
 between the languages spoken by any of these tribes. He also thought that a few of the 
 Karankawas might still exist on Padre island, at its southern end, near the mouth of 
 the Rio Grande. The proper woiding of “Neshawn” is: nishawauan “who is made to 
 carry (loads).” Qwy is Span, caballo. 
 
 > H. H. Bancroft, Hist, of North Mex. States, I, G33 (whole Vol. XV), gives the fol¬ 
 lowing particulars: this mission was in 1731 transferred from the Nazones (a Caddo 
 tribe) to its later position and numbered fifty-eight Indians in 1785, thirty-four in 1793. 
 The Census Report for 1814 in the Texas State Archives, Document No. 342, gives sixty- 
 five Indians. 
 
 102 
 
OF THE TEXAN LITTORAL. 
 
 39 
 
 Orozco y Berra and his sources mention other tribes which lived 
 in the same parts and must have spoken cognate languages. Of 
 the languages of southern Tamaulipas nothing is known except a 
 specimen of Maratino, which is too corrupt in its text and too short 
 to furnish any reliable linguistic data. 1 
 
 The Indians of the Alakapa family of Louisiana consisted of 
 coast and fisher tribes like those of the Karankawa and their lan¬ 
 guage is reported as spoken formerly in parts of Texas. This fact 
 becomes somewhat doubtful on account of the generic signification 
 of the name, which is the Cha’hta term for man-eater and could 
 therefore, like that of Chichimecas, Diggers, Orejones, Tapuyos, 
 Patagones, etc., be applied to many tribes simultaneously. Only 
 a small part of Texas, east of Houston city and Neches river, 
 could have harbored Indians of the same nation which spoke the 
 dialects once heard upon the Bayou Teche, the Mermenta-u, Cal¬ 
 casieu and Sabine rivers of Louisiana. 
 
 Pani tribes on the Gulf coast. In prehistoric times the nation 
 of the Assinai, now better known as Caddo (from one of their 
 branches) must have diverged from the Pani proper, the Wichita, 
 the Kichai and the "We'ko (Span. Hueco), though nobody can 
 tell the directions of the compass which were followed by these 
 peoples when the segmentation took place. At the dawn of history 
 we find the Assinai in the centre of what is now Texas, and they 
 appear to have had their densest settlements upon Trinity river. 
 They are the Cenis, Cenys, Asinays, Assenis of the French ex¬ 
 plorers. The Bided (Span. Vidais, Vidayos) appear to have 
 lived in the same tracts and to have also extended further south; 
 they passed for a branch of the Assinai (which means man, Indian 
 in Caddo) in early times. The name bidai, shrub, bush, belongs to 
 Caddo dialects, and from the six first numerals, the only Bidai 
 terms I was able to obtain, I infer that they belong to a Caddo 
 dialect, because like the adjectives of that language they all be¬ 
 gin in na—. 2 Another tribe probably related to the Assinai, the 
 
 1 Cf. Alex. Prieto, “Tamaulipas,” 1873. Pimentel, Cuadro, Vol. HI. 
 
 2 Mr. Rufus Grimes of Navasota, Grimes Co., Texas, writes under date of Nov. 15,1887, 
 that the “Bedias” once occupied tiie above and four of the adjoining counties. About 
 five hundred of them existed in 1826, and they remembered wars which their forefath¬ 
 ers had with the Comanches. From remembrance he put down the following numerals: 
 l.namah; 2, nahonde; 3, naheestah; 4, nashirimah; 5, nahot nahonde; 6,nasheesna- 
 honde. Of the numerals from 7 to 10 nothing was remembered except n—, which was 
 their initial sound. Puskus meant boy and tandshai maize. 
 
 103 
 
40 
 
 OTHER INDIAN TRIBES 
 
 Orcoquizac , was settled near the coast, and a Spanish-Mexican guar- 
 rison and mission was established among them at a later epoch. 
 This was San Agustin de Ahuinada or Horcaquisac presidio, upon 
 an ancient ford of the Lower Trinidad river, and it existed from 
 1756 to 1772. 1 These Indians are variously called Arkokisa, Accon- 
 cesaws, Orcoquizas, Horcaquisaes, etc.; el puerto de Orcoquisac, 
 with two hundred soldiers in 1805 (Tex. St. Arch., Doc. No. 538), 
 and for some time Lower Trinidad river itself was called Arkokisa. 
 Some are also mentioned as an agricultural tribe upon the San 
 Jacinto river. Of the racial affinity and language of these Indians 
 nothing is known and their Caddo affinity is merely a guess. Their 
 tribal name, however, is undoubtedly from the Caddo language 
 and was pronounced Akankisa. Its signification is not certain, 
 but it has something to do with passing or crossing (the river) and 
 occurs in the word for noon , when the sun passes the noon-point: 
 kaditi ta/iskankisa, noon (kaditi, kahaditi — in the middle , half). 
 But the historical people of the Tejas or Texas, from which the 
 state obtained its name, was certainly related to the Assinai, and 
 according to Villa Senor the province “de los Texas” was also called 
 “de los Senis” (p. 328). Los tecos, Lastecas, Tachies and other 
 earlier forms of the name have often been the subject of et 3 'ino- 
 logic attempts, but no author found the correct explanation, be¬ 
 cause none was acquainted with the dialects of the Assinai or 
 Caddo language. Tele, tek, tik, the term for q>eople, man, some¬ 
 body, in the Yatassi and Nabaidatche dialect, is the original form 
 of the name Texas, which appears historically in so many different 
 modes of spelling. 
 
 Of the intrusive, non-indigenous families of Texas the Tinne or 
 Athapaskan is the most conspicuous. The family of the Tinne is 
 indigenous to the country north of the Saskatchewan river and that 
 portion which came as far south as Texas and New Mexico is of 
 
 'H. H. Bancroft, l. 1. xv, p. 633 (Note). Cf. p. 630: “an order was issued in 1773 
 to suppress the presidios of Los Adaes (Pilar) and Horcaquisac (San Agustin); . . . 
 these orders were carried out immediately by Ripperda .... and the northern dis¬ 
 trict thus was practically given up to the savages.” In 1755 fifty Tlascaltec families 
 had been brought to this presidio.— (Ibid., p. 025). 
 
 In the Texas Archives there is a document of Aug. 26,1756, containing an Order to 
 select a site for a mission and settlement of fifty families: “de este ojo l’agua pasa a la 
 rancheria de Calzoues Colorados, capitan de la dicha rancheria y de nacion Horeo- 
 quisa.” 
 
 104 
 
OF THE TEXAN LITTORAL. 
 
 41 
 
 a particularly ferocious type. The Lipans were in the eighteenth 
 century settled in two regions on the Rio Grande, as pointed out 
 previously ; nowadays about fifty of them, with Kickapoos, live in 
 the Santa Rosa mountains, from which they stroll about mak¬ 
 ing inroads into the vicinity to steal horses and cattle. Others 
 serve as scouts in the Texan forts which are garrisoned by the 
 United States army. In April, 1757, a presidio and a mission were 
 established for the Lipans and Apaches on the San Saba river, 
 but eleven months later the mission was destroyed by several thou¬ 
 sand Indians who arrived under the command of a Comanche chief. 
 The Apaches were then provided with missions in 1761 and 1762 at 
 San Lorenzo and at Candelaria (perhaps on the Upper San Antonio 
 river), but in 1767 these missions were abandoned by order of the 
 viceroy. 1 The presidio at San Saba existed till 1772. To what 
 special tribe these Apaches belonged is not known, though raids 
 of Mescalero-Apaches into Texas occurred in the eighteenth cen- 
 ury. The Apaches were also known to the Texan Indians as Cances 
 (misspelt, Carees), which is the appellation given them by the Cad- 
 dos : Kantsi, “deceivers, traitors.” On Jefferys’ Atlas of 1776 the 
 nations of the Kaikaches and the Kanaches, the latter being the 
 “Kantsi” or Apaches, are marked as southwest of St. Bernard (or 
 St. Louis) bay, down to the Rio Bravo del Norte. 
 
 The Comanche people is the only branch of the Shoshonian stock 
 of the great interior basin which has pushed its raiding expedi¬ 
 tions so far south as to reach the coast. They are in fact a branch 
 of the eastern Shoshoni or Snake Indians, now in Wyoming Terri¬ 
 tory and vicinity, and a Comanche division is still called after that 
 national body (Pohoi). Comanche warfare in Texas and Old 
 Mexico is recorded as far back as the first half of the eighteenth 
 century, and if the Choumans of the French chroniclers should be 
 identical with this people, as some believe, raids of this warlike 
 tribe would be recorded even for the end of the seventeenth. The 
 Comanches consist of more than fourteen subdivisions, which in 
 earlier times never lived together, but were often separated by thou¬ 
 sands of miles. Of these the Kwahada, or “Antelope” Com¬ 
 anches passed for the most warlike, that of the Penetethka or 
 “Honey-Eaters” for the most populous. 2 The Kayowe Indians 
 
 1 H. H. Bancroft, l. 1. XV, 626-629. 
 
 2 Com. peni, pini, sweet; sugar, honey; t£thka, in other Sliosh. dialects, teka.reka, 
 rtka, to eat, or, one eating, those who eat . They fed upon the honey of wasps. 
 
 105 
 
42 
 
 OTHER INDIAN TRIBES OP THE TEXAN LITTORAL. 
 
 were their associates on war-expeditions for centuries, and with 
 these we find as constant companions a small tribe of Apaches, 
 who call themselves Na isha and whose dialect has a considerably 
 close affinity with that of the Mescaiero-Apache of New Mexico. 
 Many Comanclies were placed upon the mission of the San Saba 
 river, a western affluent of Upper Colorado river. This vicinity 
 afterwards became a sort of headquarters for all the war parties of 
 the Comanclies, and from there many incursions were made into 
 Chihuahua, Coaliuila and to the coast of Texas, like those of 1840 
 and 1843. A document (No. 1156) of the Texas archives, dated 
 1832, speaks of oriental and occidental Comanclies and records in¬ 
 cursions of theirs into Mexico for that j'ear. The Tonkawe people 
 lived for a while on the same reservation with these Indians, on the 
 Brazos river, and remember them, especially the Kwahada, with 
 terror. The Iiarankawas, though warlike, were greatly afraid of 
 their raids, which in 1840 and 1843 were directed into the heart of 
 the Karankawa country. They also visited the mouth of the Bio 
 Grande, scourging that country everywhere, and were known to the 
 Comecrudos as Selakampom papl. Comanche is pronounced by 
 them “Kuma'tsi, Kuma'ntsi,” a name which was given to them b} r 
 the white population of Mexico ; they call themselves Ne-ume, the 
 “people.” 
 
III. TRIBAL SYNONYMY OF THE KARANKAWAS. 
 
 Simon, an old Tonkawe man, pronounced the name of this 
 people: Karamkawa, which comes very near to the French form 
 Clamcoet. In this last form the final t is only graphic sign and 
 not pronounced ; so we have: klam-koe. It also agrees closely 
 with Korenkake, perhaps misspelt for Korenkahe, for the names of 
 these French lists are not to be relied on in their orthography. 
 The second syllable of Karankawa is the accented one. 
 
 Besides these forms which we may regard as the most complete 
 and correct ones in their spelling, the name is also rendered in the 
 following ways: 
 
 Spanish authors: Carancaguaces, Carancahuazes, Carancaliua- 
 ses, Carancahuas, Caranclmhnas, Carancowasos. 
 
 American and English authors: Caranhouas, Carankalmas, Ca- 
 rankawaes, Carankoways, Carankouas, Charankoua, Coran koua, 
 Coran-canas, Coronkawa, Crancuas, Karankaways, Karankoas, 
 Karan-koo-as, Koronks (or Coronks). The form Caranchua is 
 justifiable only when the c and the li are pronounced with an hiatus 
 intervening. 
 
 French authors: Carancouas, Carankouas, Carankonas, Clam- 
 coets, Koienkahe. 
 
 The majority of American tribal names now in use were given 
 to the respective tribes by neighboring Indians, whereas each tribe 
 calls itself simply : men, people, bodies, Indians , indigenous or na¬ 
 tive people , genuine people and other forms of such general import. 
 This was also the case with the Karankawa Indians, who obtained 
 their name from a cognate people, dwelling south of them, who 
 called the dog by the term klam, gl&m. In the Comecrudo lan¬ 
 guage the dog is called so and formerly this was also the term for 
 animal or quadruped. The Karankawa and Shetimasha call the 
 dog : kiss, 1 and the Cotoname has kissa for fox. The second por¬ 
 tion of the name is kawa, to love , to like , to be fond of, or when a 
 
 1 In Shetimasha of Southern Louisiana kish is dog , and kish atln, liorse, viz., “ large 
 dog.” This shows that kish was originally the term for animal, or living being. 
 
 107 
 
44 
 
 TRIBAL SYNONYMY OF THE KAKANKAWAS. 
 
 plural of the object is referred to, kakawa. Thus Karankawa 
 means dog-lovers , dog-raisers , and this refers to the fact, reported by- 
 Mrs. Oliver as well as by an author of the seventeenth centurv, 
 that these Indians kept dogs , which were of a fox-like or coyote¬ 
 like race. It is possible that the plural form kakawa is preserved 
 in the name Korenkake. Kawa also reappears in the Ivarankawa 
 language itself, where ka means to love , to like. 
 
 It is of importance to know that the tribe called themselves by this 
 same name Karankawa; for thus we are entitled to assume that 
 they understood this appellation, and did not object to apply it to 
 themselves, though it belonged to another language. 
 
 With others I think that the name of the Kirononas or Kikano- 
 nas, a tribe living in the very districts held by the Karankawas, is 
 but an orthographic distortion and misspelling of the name Ka¬ 
 rankawa. 
 
 With a change of the second part, the same name is contained 
 in Qitelancouchis, a tribe assigned to the same localities also. The}'- 
 are mentioned in Margry, Dec. IV, 316, about 1G99; as Quela- 
 moueches in Delisle’s map, in J. Winsor, Hist. Amer., II, 294; as 
 Quelanhubeches in 1689 ; Barcia, Ensaj'O, p. 294; Shea, Discov., 
 p. 208 (note) ; Shea, Early Voyages (1861), p. 21, note. The sec¬ 
 ond portion apparently represents one and the same word differ¬ 
 ently written, but I am unable to tell the signification of this second 
 component. 
 
 The names bjr which other tribes called them remain to be con¬ 
 sidered. The Tonkawe called them Wrestlers from this manly art 
 in which they excelled : Keles or Kllis. 1 They also named them 
 Yakokon kapa-i, “ barefooted,” “ without moccasins,” 2 an appella¬ 
 tion which they applied as well to the Bidai and to some tribes on 
 the lower Rio Grande. 3 
 
 The Lipan-Apaches called the Karankawa : people who walk in the 
 water , Nda kun dadehe ; 4 this evidently refers to their peculiar 
 mode of fishing and turtle-catching, as described by Mrs. Oliver. 
 
 The Comecrudo Indians called them Estok Karanguas (estok, 
 people , Indians ), and for a while they were known in these dis¬ 
 tricts as Tampacuas ; cf. below. 
 
 •In Tonkawe sliaya ekilen, I am wrestling; ketai ekelo I wrestle with me! 
 
 2 Y'akokon, moccasin; kapa-i, not having. 
 
 3 As to the custom of walking barefooted, it will be noticed‘that a division of the 
 Comanche people is now called Keta’htone, “ never wearing moccasins.” 
 
 4 Nda, people; kun, water; dadehe, walking, in Lipan-Apache. 
 
 103 
 
IV. THE KARANKAWA NATION AFTER 1835; ITS DECLINE AND 
 
 EXTINCTION. 
 
 Dura post paullg fugies inaudax 
 proelia raptor. 
 
 Before starting upon the narrative of the events which finally 
 brought about the extinction of the nation which here occupies our 
 attention, let us cast a glance upon the former historic facts in or¬ 
 der to compass the extent of territory occupied by this people 
 when still in its native, flourishing condition. 
 
 HABITAT OF THE NATION. 
 
 A promontory of the mainland in the West bay, fifteen miles 
 southwest of Galveston city”, Galveston county, is called Caron- 
 kaway point” to this daj T . This was one of their fishing and stop¬ 
 ping stations and also formed one end of the shallow ford which 
 allowed them to cross over to the sand bar opposite in good weath¬ 
 er. By this ford a party of theirs escaped at night when attacked 
 by Lafitte’s men in 1818. This point is the easternmost place in 
 their possession which I have been able to discover. It explains 
 their vicinity to the Atakapa tribe and the adoption of that lan¬ 
 guage by a part of the Karankawa nation (as referred to by Dr. 
 Sibley), who continued speaking their own language besides. The 
 extensive shores of the neighboring Galveston bay were probably 
 visited by them also, and Morse (1822) heard of some living upon 
 San Jacinto river. 
 
 We know that west of these the Karankawas held or claimed both 
 sides of the mouth of Colorado river, Texas, and the map in Yo¬ 
 akum’s History of Texas (1856) has placed them there correctly. 
 One of their main points of repair was undoubtedly the bay of 
 Matagorda, its northern inlets, as Trespalacios bay, and its west¬ 
 ern part, also called La Vaca bay. 1 Further west they lived up¬ 
 on the bays of Aransas, Espiritu Santo and Kopano, on the out- 
 
 * La Vaca river or “ Cow river” was called so by R. C. de la Salle, on account of 
 the herds of buffaloes seen there. 
 
 109 
 
46 
 
 THE KARANKAWA NATION AFTER 1835 ; 
 
 let of the rivers there and of Nueces (or Pckan Nut) river, on 
 both sides of the Laguna Mad re down to Brazos Santiago, a place 
 at the southern end of the sandbar, called Isla del Padre. 1 They 
 regarded the tide-water portions of the Texan rivers as their hunt¬ 
 ing grounds, but probably did not occupy them for any long sea¬ 
 son of the year. They appear to have inhabited the coast exclu¬ 
 sively. They once inhabited Refugio and La Bahia in the interior, 
 but did so only because they had been compelled by the missiona¬ 
 ries and their armed forces to settle upon these missions. But the 
 littoral districts, south of these places, around Kopano, were points 
 of attraction to them, where they congregated in numbers, espe¬ 
 cially in the fishing season. They wandered in bands of thirty to 
 forty people and remained perhaps four weeks at one place, gener¬ 
 ally where there was fresh water and firewood, to reappear there 
 again after an absence of about three months. 
 
 Their former presence in the interior parts of southwestern Texas 
 is marked by the course of Taroncahua creek (false for Karonca- 
 lma), an affluent of Pintos creek and San Fernando river; it runs 
 from northwest to southeast through Duval county, about Lat. 28°. 
 
 THE DOWNFALL OF THE NATION. 
 
 The previous chapter on Karankawa history has shown the cir¬ 
 cumstances that were threatening not only the independence, but 
 the very existence of this littoral nation. As long as the Mexi¬ 
 cans had control of Texas, they were allowed to go their own ways ; 
 for the easy-going colonists did not exclude them from their lands, 
 which they claimed probably for no other use than for horse and cat¬ 
 tle-pastures. But with the arrival of the more active Anglo-Ameri¬ 
 can race all this underwent a change. The more enterprising among 
 the latter obtained “ headrights ” or land grants from the Mexi¬ 
 can authorities, stocked them, set out orchards, ploughed and sowed 
 the agricultural lands, and built houses, towns, fences and roads. 
 The fertility of the coast tracts attracted settlers in ever increasing 
 numbers, and Indian depredations could no longer be tolerated. 
 The clandestine larcenies and murderous attacks of the Karankawas 
 had to cease as well as the open robberies and truculent raids of the 
 Comanches and their savage allies. Thus we may say that the des¬ 
 tiny of the Karankawas was sealed through the increase of the Arner- 
 
 1 Upon the northern end of Padre Island they knew of a ford to cross over to the 
 mainland, similar to the one described under “ Caronkaway Point.” It was over fifteen 
 miles long. 
 
ITS DECLINE AND EXTINCTION. 
 
 47 
 
 ican population in the Texan districts bordering upon the gulf of 
 Mexico. 
 
 The heaviest blow that fell upon the Karankawa Indians was their 
 flight to the La Bahia Mission after experiencing several defeats at 
 the hands of Texan volunteers. If we are correctly informed, this 
 event occurred in 1825, but we do not know how large a proportion 
 of these Indians was affected by this surrender or compromise. 
 
 It appears, however, that the remnants of these Indians after 
 this event were constantly wavering between the influence of the 
 Americans and thatof the Mexicans, and that the Indians were hated 
 by both parties. Two chiefs are mentioned at this epoch : Jose Ma¬ 
 ria, killed by the Mexicans during the war of Texan independence, 
 and his brother Antonio, M'ho succeeded him and was married to a 
 woman of Comanche origin. Chieftainship was hereditary in the 
 male line, and had the son of Jose Maria not been killed by the Mex¬ 
 icans, he would have succeeded his father. 
 
 Concerning this chief I take the opportunity to publish the fol¬ 
 lowing letter sent by an old Texas settler, A. B. Gyle, to Mrs. Alice 
 Oliver, dated Trespalacios, September 27, 1882. This missive fur¬ 
 nishes the proof that these Indians were not always harshly treated 
 by the colonists, and it also gives an insight into the condition of 
 affairs then (before 1830) prevailing upon the coast. I reproduce 
 also the orthography of the letter (which is written in a regular 
 hand), so as not to deprive it of its local color. 
 
 “Friend, . . . In reguards to the Indians you ask about, the 
 
 most of the old settlers have died since you left here and it is a hard 
 matter to learn much about them ; in the first settling of Texas, the 
 old settlers told us, they were quite a large tribe of Indians here, and 
 knowing they were always at war with the other tribes and whites, 
 they were reduced down to a very small band when I first knew them. 
 I will relaite a story that an old settler of Caney told me not long 
 since. When she was but a child, they lived at the afore said place 
 and the Indians were camped on lower Caney and were then hostile, 
 her Father Mr Hunter took this opportunity to make a treety with 
 them, being a very long cold spell of wether — he knew that the In¬ 
 dians would be suffering—so Mr Hunter took his wagon and loaded 
 it with corn, potatoes and pumkins. and took his rifle and kill two 
 or three deer as he went along, and proceeded to the camp; as 
 the Indians heard them aproaching they mustered to arms, thinking 
 the whites were a going to make an atact on them, Mr Hunter rode a 
 
 111 
 
48 
 
 THE KARANKAWA NATION AFTER 1835 ; 
 
 horse back on a head of his wagon, and waved a white hanker- 
 chief, and cried viegus — megus — munclier megus, 1 then Hozzie 
 Merear the Chief, laid down his bow and arrow, and came to him, 
 when Mr Hunter told him what he wanted. The treety was made 
 and never broken by them, he assured them that he are any of his 
 family should never be molested by them. Years afterwards the 
 Indians were camped on the Trespalacios bay, the Chief took sev¬ 
 eral of the Indians with him. and prceeded up the Trespalacios 
 River, when he came to her stepfathers Mr Lacy ; there they saw 
 her and recognized her as Mr Hunters daughter, he asked where 
 Mr Hunter was, and she told him that he had been dead for several 
 years, and he sighed, and said the best friend to poor Indian was 
 gone, then he returned to his canooes and proceeded down the river, 
 and that she said was the last she saw of old Hozzie Merear. 
 
 I will have to close, as we are in great haste, prepairing to leave 
 this lower cuntry. I do not know any thing consearning the Indians 
 myself and my brother Clements memry is so very bad from old age 
 he has forgotten all he knew about them.” 
 
 Chief Jose Maria, whose Indian name is unknown to us, was at 
 that time regarded by the colonists as a bellicose, daring and blood- 
 thirsty man. During the war of Texan independence his son Walupe 
 (Span. Guadalupe) had been captured by the Mexicans and in spite 
 of his youth (he was but nineteen } T ears old) they put him to death. 
 The infuriated father then came with about twenty warriors on 
 board of Mr. Bridges’ vessel to announce to him that bloody revenge 
 would be taken upon the Mexicans for the deed. But in their attack 
 upon the enemy the Indians were routed, and the chief with almost 
 all his men killed b} r the Mexicans. 
 
 A man named Antonio, who passed for Jose Maria’s brother, suc¬ 
 ceeded him in the chieftaincy. Mrs. Oliver became acquainted with 
 him and his Comanche wife after 1839, and on that occasion he 
 showed much tenderness for his children, who had fallen sick. He 
 was killed bj r an accident. During his life and after his death the 
 tribe diminished rapidly through consumption and other distempers, 
 and also through frequent brawls caused by intoxication. 
 
 E. Kriwitz, whose article upon the Texas tribes was published 
 in 1851, but was composed much earlier, knew of ten or twelve 
 Karankawa families of poor fishers, who then lived upon Aransas 
 
 Spanish words: “ amigos, amigos, mucho amigos,” friends, good friends! 
 
 112 
 
ITS DECLINE AND EXTINCTION. 
 
 49 
 
 bay and Nueces river. 1 Miililenpfordt, d. Freistaat Texas, p. 120, 
 states that on account of the paucity of the Indians of the coast, 
 two French missionaries, Odin and Estany, made endeavors in 1842 
 to unite the remnants of the Karankawa with those of other tribes 
 into a mission. Perhaps this, in connection with the report that 
 a priest brought some of that tribe to Isla del Padre to educate and 
 protect them there from the revengeful blows of the colonists, 
 started the rumor that all Karankawas left the mainland of Texas 
 at that time. 
 
 The following occurrence is sufficiently substantiated by contem¬ 
 poraneous evidence to be regarded as true. Some of the tribe were 
 encamped near Kemper’s bluff on the Guadelupe river, fifteen miles 
 south of Victoria, the Kemper family being then the only whites 
 living near that camp. One day three or four Karankawas demanded 
 of Mr. Kemper a beef which he had just killed. He threatened to 
 shoot them if they did not vacate his premises. Then one of the 
 Indians shot an arrow at Kemper, which caused his death within 
 a few hours. The Indians, anticipating an attack, fled down the 
 Guadalupe river in their canoes and coasted along the shores to the 
 mouth of the Rio Grande, passing over to Isla del Padre. John 
 Henry Brown, an old Texan settler now residing in Dallas, states 
 that the murder of Mr. Kemper took place in November, 1844, and 
 that after this these Indians were never seen east of Aransas river 
 again, 2 but is wrong when he states that “ they became entirely ex¬ 
 tinct upon the lower Rio Grande and on Padre island in 1845 or 
 1846.” 
 
 Another report of a contemporary states that about 1843 the rem¬ 
 nant of the Karankawa tribe, about forty or fifty people, applied to 
 the Mexican government for permission to settle south of the Rio 
 Grande and this having been granted, emigrated to these parts. 
 (Baker, D. W. C. Texas Scrap Book, 1875.) 
 
 It appears that the Karankawas who fled into Mexico about that 
 time consisted of two bodies. One settled upon Padre island, prob¬ 
 ably its southern end, and the reports upon their fate or extinction 
 are sensational 3 and conflicting ; the other went directly into Tam- 
 aulipas, and the following piece is an extract of the Reports of the 
 
 » In Berghaus’ geograph, Zeitschrift; cf. Busclimann, Spuren, p. 429. 
 
 3 Correspondence with B. W. Austin, Dallas, Feb. 11, 18S9. 
 
 s Cf. Reid, Sam. C., jr„ MacCulloch’s Texas Rangers in 1816, Phila., 1847, illustr., p. 
 46. 
 
 P. M. PAPERS. I. 8 H3 
 
50 
 
 THE KARANKAWA NATION AFTER 1835 ; 
 
 Mexican Border Commission 1 upon this subject, which was the re¬ 
 sult of the investigations concluded at Reynosa, Tamaulipas, on 
 Dec. 10, 1872 (pp. 404-407) : 
 
 “ The Carancahuases, Indians from Texas, were mentioned at 
 Reynosa by some witnesses who in 1872 testified that this tribe had 
 been driven into Mexico by American troops since 1848, and had 
 obtained an asylum. In 1688 this tribe lived on the bay of Espiritu 
 Santo, where it was found by the governor of Coahuila, Don Alonso 
 de Leon, when, by order of the Vicero}' of Mexico, he marched with 
 troops to that point to drive away the French, who had gained a 
 footing there. It was found that^these Frenchmen had already been 
 massacred by the Carancahuases, who remained in the same region 
 even after the colonization of Texas by Don Jose Valdivieso, Mar¬ 
 quis of San Miguel de Aguayo, who, in 1719, penetrated as far as 
 Red river, boundary between Texas and Louisiana. The colony 
 brought soon after by the marquis from the Canary islands did not 
 disturb these Carancahuases, otherwise called Tampacuases. 
 
 “ These Indians, few in number when Texas ceased to belong to 
 Mexico, were driven thence, and were, in 1852, located within the 
 jurisdiction of Reynosa at ‘La Mesa’ and other points. Yield¬ 
 ing to the habits of their vagabond life, the}' soon manifested their 
 inclination to plunder, obliging the authorities of that town to or¬ 
 ganize troops, and reduce them to order. General Avalos inter¬ 
 fered in the case by virtue of instructions from the general govern¬ 
 ment, took them under his protection, and removed them to the 
 center of Tamaulipas, not far from Burgos. There they gave oc¬ 
 casion to dispute between the government of Nuevo Leon and Ta¬ 
 maulipas, which led to their being carried to their former place of 
 residence near Reymosa. Being again attacked on account of rob¬ 
 beries, the tribe removed to Texas, and on the 26th of October, 
 1858, the judge of Rosario sent the following report to the mayor 
 of Reynosa: 
 
 “ ‘In pursuance of your orders of the 23d instant, for the arrest 
 of the Carancahuases, I took measures for that purpose, but find¬ 
 ing that they are now on the left bank of the Rio Grande, beyond 
 the limits of my authority, at the place called “ Uresteua,” I in¬ 
 formed the authorities at Rosario and Banon, to the end that they 
 on the American side and we on this side may combine for their 
 
 i <i Translated from the official edition made in Mexico,” and printed in New Tork 
 1875, 8vo., pp. 113. 
 
 114 
 
ITS DECLINE AND EXTINCTION. 
 
 51 
 
 arrest, since, besides the horses they have carried off, they have 
 committed other robberies at La Mesa. With tiie inhabitants of 
 this district, I have explored all this region in their pursuit.’ 
 
 “ The history of these Indians terminates with an attack made 
 upon them in the said year, 1858, by Juan Nepomuceno Cortina, 
 then a citizen of Texas, along with other rancheros, when they were 
 surprised at their hiding place in Texas, and were exterminated. 
 
 “These Carancahuases were undoubtedly the ‘other Indians’ 
 referred toby the American commission in connection with the Lip- 
 ans, Kickapoos, Seminoles and Carrizos. 1 They were the only ones 
 known in Tamaulipas of whom information could be had at Browns¬ 
 ville and the accuracy of such information may now be readily in¬ 
 ferred.” 
 
 That the Karankawas were called there Tampacuas is possible, 
 because their remnants had settled at the place so called, which now 
 exists as a rancheria in the southernmost part of Texas, Hidalgo 
 county, about twenty miles north of Rio Grande. The name sig¬ 
 nifies “ place of Pakawas,” and points to the fact that it had 
 been a settlement of the Palkawa, Pakawa or Pinto (“ Tattoed”) 
 tribe, which is mentioned among other cognate tribes upon the title 
 page of Garcia’s Manual (1760). That they were congeners of the 
 Karankawas also, is very probable from what will be mentioned 
 below. It is rather natural that when the Karankawa had to quit 
 their own country, they took refuge with a people related to them, 
 and they were themselves tattooed also; not only in the face, but on 
 other parts of the body besides, and so they could possibly be 
 called by that name as well. 
 
 The man from whom I obtained a Cotoname vocabulary faintly 
 remembered their stay in the country, and called them yahna Aran- 
 guas, Arangwa Indians , and Indios por aqui. He thought that 
 some may be still in existence, but could not tell where. 
 
 1 All of these and “ other tribes ” were said to have committed depredations lately, 
 having been sheltered in Coahuila and Chihuahua, and enabled thereby to invade 
 Texas with impunity. But the investigations of the Commission have shown that the 
 Carrizos and Carancahuas were extinct since 185S and the other tribes had not depre¬ 
 dated that vicinity for many years past. 
 
 115 
 
Y. ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH OF THE KARANKAWA INDIANS. 
 
 Through tlie personal presence of my informant among the Ka- 
 rankawa Indians our knowledge of their manners, customs and 
 ethnic peculiarities has become much more accurate and extensive 
 than our knowledge of their tribal history will ever be. Certainly 
 there are many gaps left concerning the mode of life, tribal gov¬ 
 ernment and religion of their littoral tribes, but now we have at 
 least some points to hold on and these may become more fully sub¬ 
 stantiated by researches on their language. 
 
 The ethnographic material now on hand I have subdivided into 
 two parts. One of these will consider the nation from its physical 
 or natural side (bodily constitution, food, implements, dress, etc.) ; 
 the second section describes its mental aspects (government, cus¬ 
 toms, religion, etc.). The whole is preceded by a few words on 
 the country and its climate, for these are at the foundation of every 
 ethnographic peculiarity. 
 
 THE COUNTRY AND ITS CLIMATE. 
 
 The tide-water section of Texas inhabited by the Karankawas 
 presents but little variation in its configuration. The shore line 
 from Galveston to the Rio Grande is formed throughout by sand 
 bars with narrow openings between, except upon the short stretch 
 from the mouth of Oyster creek and Brazos river to Caney creek, 
 where the mainland borders immediately upon the waters of the 
 Gulf of Mexico. By these sand bars the mouths of the Texan riv¬ 
 ers are protected from clogging, and to some extent also from the 
 furious tempests blowing from the Gulf side. The quiet waters of 
 the lagoons, closed in between the mainland and the sand bars, make 
 it possible to catch fish, oysters and turtles at almost any season 
 of the year and enabled the Indians to start out upon their maris- 
 cadas at regular periods. The shore line was partly wooded, espe¬ 
 cially along the river courses, and therefore gave shelter to large 
 numbers of game, of which the supply was almost inexhaustible. 
 Other portions of the shore were prairie lands, studded with prickly 
 pears, fragrant weeds and flowers, and in de la Salle’s time, and 
 probably up into the nineteenth century, the buffalo was seen in 
 herds upon the coast. 
 
 116 
 
THE KARANKAWA INDIANS. 
 
 53 
 
 The geological feature of the coast line consists, according to the 
 Texas map of A. R. Roessler and M. v. Mittendorfer, 1874, of the 
 following formations: From Sabine river to Carancahua bay in 
 Jackson county, of red alluvial loam mixed with sand. From Car¬ 
 ancahua bay to the Mission river and Rio Medio, its affluent in 
 Refugio county, of a dark clayey prairie soil of good agricultural 
 qualities. From there southward to the Rio Grande of a calcare¬ 
 ous loam, forming the best of pasture lands. At distances vary¬ 
 ing from thirty to over one hundred miles from the coast there are 
 oval tracts of land called liogwallows running parallel to the coast 
 line. This name was given them on account of the unevenness of 
 the surface, caused by cracks during drought; thejr consist of 
 black tenacious clay slightly mixed with vegetable mould. 
 
 The coast lagoons are shallow and the water so low that in many 
 of them people may wade out for a mile without losing ground. 
 The large or dangerous fish and mollusks do not come very near the 
 beach and this enabled the Indians to walk far out into the water 
 to shoot the fish with their arrows. It is a remarkable fact that 
 most of these lagoons have a triangular shape ; the base is formed 
 by a line forming the continuation of a river entering the bay, the 
 second side by the sand bar and the third irregular one by a series 
 of inlets and the mouths of smaller rivers, bayous and creeks. 
 The lagoons as they follow each other from east to west are called 
 as follows: (1) Galveston bay with its subdivisions: East baj’-, 
 Trinity bay with Turtle bay, Clear lake, Dollar bay, West bay and 
 Oyster bay. (2) Matagorda bay with its subdivisions : Oyster 
 lake, Trespalacios bay, Carancahua bay, Lavaca bay. (3) Es- 
 piritu Santo bay, with its northern extension, called San Antonio 
 bay. (4) Aransas bay with its subdivisions: St. Charles bay, 
 Copano, Mission and Fuerte ba} r . (5) Corpus Christi bay with 
 Nueces bay. (6) Laguna de la Madre with Salt lagoon. 
 
 We may assume with a fair degree of certainty that these la¬ 
 goons with all their sidewaters were once the haunts of the skilful 
 fishermen and intrepid hunters of the coast tribe which occupies our 
 attention. 
 
 The Indians who spoke the dialect of Karankawa transmitted by 
 Mrs. Oliver had their principal haunts along the shores of Mata¬ 
 gorda bay, formerly St. Bernard bay, and her father’s house, with 
 his Mexican land-grant of one square league, lay in the midst of the 
 resorts most frequented by them. It was built upon the beach at Port 
 
 117 - 
 
54 
 
 ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH OF 
 
 Austin, at the entrance of Trespalacios bay, one and one-half miles 
 from Trespalacios and about eighteen miles (by water) east of De- 
 cros House at Decros point, which forms the western end of the 
 Matagorda peninsula or sand bar. Port Austin was at a distance 
 of twenty-five miles from Matagorda city, the lower course of the 
 Colorado river intervening between the two places. The nearest 
 settlers lived at a distance of fifteen miles, and at Palacios there 
 were then not over four houses. At Carancalma bay there was a 
 tract called Carancalma Land, but these Indians did not stop there 
 any more than they did at any other place. From 1840 to 1850 
 there were only two American settlers there. On the opposite side 
 of the bay, Linville, destroyed in 1843 by the Comanches, lay a few 
 miles above the site of the present Indianola, then called Indian 
 point. In winter these Indians were in the habit of staying in the 
 woods on the Colorado river and at Caney creek, because it was 
 warmer there, and there they could gather pecan-nuts and hunt 
 bears. In summer the fertile tracts on the Caney are unbearably 
 hot and unhealth)', the woods producing fevers. The surface of 
 the creek is always covered with a green film, which the settlers 
 utilize for manuring their sugar and cotton plantations. 
 
 The bleak shores of Matagorda peninsula, consisting of sand 
 and sand hills, yielded much wreckage that was floated ashore. 
 Decros point, which lies upon the Pass Cavallo, was since January 
 1851 enlivened by becoming a halting place for the steamer-line 
 of Harris and Morgan plying between Texas ports and New Or¬ 
 leans. 
 
 Around Port Austin the soil was filled with little lumps of pumice- 
 stone, some of the pieces being as large as a man’s head. Marine 
 shells lie all over the prairie, as far as six miles inland, but on the 
 surface only. A petrified log was also found there. Dr. Sibley 
 mentions a “bluff” upon an “island or peninsula occupied by Ka- 
 rankawas, containing a combustible substance, which had then been 
 on fire for several years, emitting smoke and shining at night into 
 great distances. From this burning ledge particles are detached 
 by the action of the waves and a substance like gum or pitch is 
 thrown ashore, which is called cheta by the Spanish people. The 
 Indians are fond of masticating it.” Mrs. Oliver stated that as- 
 phaltum was often washed ashore and used by the Indians for black 
 paint after mixing it with oil; but where that “burning hill” was, 
 is uncertain. 
 
 118 
 
THE KARANKAWA INDIANS. 
 
 55 
 
 There were many mounds in the prairie, looking like graves and 
 always over ten feet apart. Nothing was found in them, but they 
 seemed made by man and not nature’s products. 
 
 Salt deposits were to be found in the neighborhood, which were 
 conspicuous on the shore by the lack of grass and vegetation. They 
 originated by the floods breaking over the shores and leaving de¬ 
 posits of salt. The Indians made no use of the salt, as they pre¬ 
 ferred chile to season their food. 
 
 The climate of the coast is much cooler than that of the interior 
 of Texas, which often becomes unbearably hot where the country 
 is bare of trees or underbrush. This result is produced by the gulf 
 breeze which every afternoon begins to blow from south to north 
 from about three o’clock until after dusk. This gulf breeze is 
 sweeping the country almost up to the middle course of Red river, 
 which forms the northern boundary of Texas. Sudden squalls are 
 not unfrequent upon the coast lagoons, and hurricanes are rare 
 but very destructive when they occur. In 1853 or 1854 a terrible 
 tornado dismantled and destroyed the house where my informant 
 lived, and killed cattle in large numbers by driving them into the 
 waters of the bay. Scarcely could the inmates save their own lives, 
 as the wind blew furiously during a whole night. The northers are 
 heavy periodical winds blowing from the north and northwest and 
 sweeping the whole interior of Texas and of Mexico from the 
 Louisiana border to Tampico. They check the growth of vegeta¬ 
 tion and are much dreaded by the population. In Matamoros the 
 northers are blowing thirty-seven days in the year for an average. 
 
 The fauna and the flora of the Texan coast have been too often 
 described by naturalists and travellers to need repetition. It will 
 suffice to recall a few facts concerning both. 
 
 Herds of buffaloes came down to the coast in de la Salle’s time 
 and probably much later. Prairie-wolves were frequent on Mata¬ 
 gorda bay as late as 1850 ; they fed chiefly on fawns but, when 
 these were scarce they became desperate and attacked other ani¬ 
 mals and, when united in packs, were even dangerous to man. Deer 
 were so plentiful that some could be shot from the windows of the 
 settlers’ houses. 
 
 Many birds of brilliant plumage lived in the prairie, but few 
 songsters. Water-fowl, such as brants, geese and ducks were plen¬ 
 tiful. Wild turkeys were common in the woods. The turkey-buz¬ 
 zards were regarded as useful birds and never killed by the Indian 
 
 119 
 
56 
 
 ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH OF 
 
 population. The fish and amphibians are mentioned elsewhere (in 
 Mr. Hammond’s article). The octopus, or squid, did not come so 
 near the shores of the lagoons as to endanger the lives of the coast 
 Indians, who passed their lives more upon the water than on terra 
 firma. The manta , or “blanket-fish,” 1 prefers deep waters and 
 does not trouble the fishing population to any degree. 
 
 The vegetation around the coast lagoons mostly consists of weeds 
 and flowers, as but a small part of these regions is wooded. Grease- 
 wood, however, is frequent. A great variety of flowers embellished 
 these prairies in spring and summer. As early as February the 
 prairies around Trespalacios bay appear so full of white flowers, 
 that the green grass can no longer be seen among them ; in March 
 everything appears red from a profusion of red geraniums, with a 
 glutinous sap. In May the colors become more variegated, and 
 blue rivals with white, pink and yellow-colored flowers, while in the 
 autumn purple and yellow will predominate. In places where the 
 grass is removed, a species of daffodil opens its petals after dusk. 
 All these prairie growths were often destroyed by ravaging prairie- 
 fires ; when these became dangerous by approaching the camps and 
 settlements, the Indians and whites fought them by slapping the fire 
 with brushwood. Nevertheless houses were sometimes destroyed 
 by their fury. 
 
 PHYSICAL CHARACTER. 
 
 The appearance of the Karankawa men and women can now only 
 be described from the impression it made on persons who lived in 
 their country, as we have no accurate anthropologic data or meas¬ 
 urements to determine it scientifically. 
 
 All witnesses from earlier and later epochs are unanimous in 
 describing their men as very tall, magnificently formed, strongly 
 built and approaching perfection in their bodily proportions. Many 
 southerners regarded them as giants, and Mrs. Oliver ventured the 
 opinion that they measured about five feet and ten inches. 2 No 
 
 1 This large fish, Ceplialoptera manta, Bancroft, is described in Jordan and Gil¬ 
 bert. Bull, of U. S. Museum, 1882, p. 52, and in Zoolog. Journal. 1S28-1S29; iv, 444. 
 
 2 A committee on anthi opometry was appointed in 1875 by the British Association for 
 the Advancement of Science, which has published the results of measurements of va¬ 
 rious nations and tribes of all parts of the globe since 1S7S. On the stature of persons 
 we find (he following statement: 
 
 Samoans meter 1.853 feet 5,10 97 
 
 Polynesians in general 1.762 5, 9.33 
 
 English professional class 1.757 5, 9.14 
 
THE KARANKAWA INDIANS. 
 
 57 
 
 skeletons or skulls are known to exist, which could give a decisive 
 proof of this statement. Their hair was as coarse as that of horses, 
 and perhaps owing to their being bareheaded, it often assumed'a 
 reddish hue. They were not prognathic nor showed they more than 
 ordinary Indian proportions in their cheekbones or in the thyroid 
 cartilage (Adam’s apple) ; but their foreheads were mostly low 
 and broad, and the heads larger than those of the Anglo-American 
 race. All had splendid white teeth, even in their older years. 
 
 A considerable difference was perceptible between the deport¬ 
 ment of males and that of females. That of the men was, even 
 when their bodies were of a heavy exterior, free, lithe and graceful. 
 Their complexion was rather light-colored than of the cinnamon 
 hue, since they ate more venison than fish. Although their jaws 
 looked heavy, their chin was small and their lips thin, which agreed 
 well with the long and slender hands and feet observed in many in¬ 
 dividuals. In some cases, the fingers tapered off most gracefully 
 and ended in delicate-looking nails, the palm of the hand showing 
 no callosities. Many men wore the hair so long as to reach the 
 waist, and while sitting on their mats of skins they were in the 
 habit of crossing the legs. 
 
 The exterior of the women was in many respects just the reverse 
 of their male companions. Weighted down by the drudgery of 
 domestic toil they looked sullen, morose and uninviting. Being 
 shorter than the men they surpassed them in embonpoint , were 
 quite plain and even in youth not pretty. They showed no fancy for 
 wearing ornaments. Very few children could be seen about their 
 lodges and of young girls almost none, and it is very probable that 
 the men in the tribe exceeded the women numerically. The blood 
 was kept pure, since but a few mixed bloods could be noticed. 
 
 Patagonians 
 Iroquois Indians 
 North American Indians 
 Ojibwe Indians 
 Bushmen (Africa) 
 
 1.754 
 
 5, 9.00 
 
 1.735 
 
 5, 8.28 
 
 1.726 
 
 5, 7.93 
 
 1.700 
 
 5, 6.90 
 
 1.341 
 
 4, 4.78 
 
 Average stature of men 
 
 meter. 1.65S 
 
 feet. 5, 5.25 
 
 (Extract from American Naturalist. 1884, pp. 646, 647.) 
 
 When our informant spoke of the tall stature of the Karankawa, she referred to the 
 men only, not to the women who are distinctly described as short and squatty. Five 
 feet and ten inches are equal to 1.805 m.; thus the Samoans would be the only people sur¬ 
 passing the Karankawa men in height, and this is based upon the old observations of 
 Lapeyrouse. Of our southern Indians now extant the Osages are popularly believed 
 to be the tallest. 
 
 121 
 
58 
 
 ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH OF 
 
 Children not yet able to walk were carried by tlie mother on the 
 back wrapped in the loop of the skin worn by her. They used no 
 cradles, but baby-boards. The babe was fastened to one of these 
 which had the outlines of a child’s body and was suspended to the 
 ceiling of the lodge, by the thongs of a deerskin. While there¬ 
 by its body became straight, the forehead of the baby was sub¬ 
 jected to the flattening process. The children were rather quiet 
 and cried but rarely. The boys very probably had their initiation 
 trials like those of other Indians, but ceremonies connected with 
 the puberty of girls have not been noticed among them by the white 
 settlers. 
 
 The perfect physical condition of the people appears from the 
 fact, that our informant never saw an}' deaf, mute, nor any case of 
 squinting, though one lame man and two blind women came to 
 her notice. The Karankawas were blessed with a sound appetite, 
 for they were seen eating and drinking at all times of the day; 
 after the settlers had finished their meals they appeared around the 
 houses to ask for food. 
 
 FOOD. 
 
 The duty of procuring food for the family devolved upon the men, 
 exclusively, and that of preparing it for the meals upon the wo¬ 
 men. There was no difficult}' of procuring deer-meat and ducks, 
 for they were as plentiful as could be wished. Of the latter, Cap¬ 
 tain Bridges once shot ninety before breakfast time. The other 
 animals hunted by the Indians were the bear (at some distance 
 from the lagoons) and the rabbit; of birds, the brant and othergeese 
 with their eggs ; of shellfish, the oyster, which they ate on the shell. 
 
 Of fish, it was only the larger species which they caught, like the 
 salt-water trout and the “red fish,” which resembles the codfish. 1 
 They never used nets or angling lines. Of turtles, the great green 
 turtle, hai'tnlukn, often 3£ feet long, was brought by them to the 
 shore alive and then killed and eaten. The lagoons teemed with 
 porpoises, but the Indians did not hunt for them. The shooting of 
 fish by means of arrows is found with other tribes as well. The 
 Omaha Indians used a special kind of arrows, without heads, for the 
 purpose; cf. Mag. Am. History, N. Y., 1839, vol. xxii, p. 78; 
 J. A. Villa Senor, Theatro Americano, i, p. 400, sq., states that 
 
 5 Other fish caught by them are enumerated in Mr. Hammond’s article, which also 
 describes the mode of killing them. 
 
 122 
 
THE KARANKAWA INDIANS. 
 
 59 
 
 the Seris in the gulf of California, pierce fish on the salt water 
 with arrows: “los peces que (los Seris) fisgan a flechazos en el 
 mar.” 
 
 Although these Indians were not agriculturists and had no maize, 
 their vegetable food was as varied as that obtained from ani¬ 
 mals, for which they cared much more. The soil contains a bul¬ 
 bous nut, without shell, which they dug and ate without cooking j 1 
 other bulbs were utilized also, and berries were eaten. Though 
 salt was so near at hand, they used chile for seasoning, like the 
 Mexicans. The tunas or cactus-figs grow there abundantly, but 
 the Indians valued them but little, though in Cabe^a de Vaca’s 
 time it was a staple food on the coast, and one tribe was named af¬ 
 ter these succulent fruits (Los de los Higos, p. 23). The Karan- 
 kawas, after obtaining a quantity, laid them in the sand and rolled 
 them with their feet until the sharp prickles were removed. The 
 white settlers made pies of them. The Indians also ate the per¬ 
 simmon, this being the only fruit growing there on trees. 
 
 The cookery of these natives was a rather simple affair. Every 
 lodge had but one iron kettle, but several made of pottery, all un¬ 
 washed. Instead of mortars the women used cylindric low stones 
 for mashing and grinding fruits or seeds, a larger stone being used 
 upon these for crushing. They prepared but one kind of pottery 
 from clay, the vases having a globular bottom, so that they had to 
 be placed into a hole in the sand. They had no handles and meas¬ 
 ured in diameter about twelve inches. Mrs. Oliver observed their 
 manufacture but once ; then it was a man who made some pots and 
 ornamented them on the outside with little designs, faces, scrolls, 
 scallops, etc., in black paint. 
 
 When the Indians could not beg bread enough from the settlers, 
 or molasses and other food, they mixed flour with water, laid the 
 dough upon a flat stone and thus set it to the fire for baking. Meat 
 was boiled or roasted on the coals, oysters were cracked in the fire 
 and then eaten. They liked coffee very much and wanted it sweet. 
 
 The species of fish eaten by the Indians and their method of 
 killing them are described in Mr. Hammond’s article. They often 
 caught more fish than they could dispose of, and then bartered them 
 to the whites for household articles. 
 
 In that part of the coast the Indians always managed to get 
 
 1 This ground nut had appendages consisting of long fibres, or films, and was of 
 thimble size. It tasted better than the peanut. 
 
 123 
 
60 
 
 ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH OF 
 
 pure, fresh water, though the whites did uot know where they ob¬ 
 tained it. The colonists had wells,no cisterns ; the water of these 
 wells was always of a brackish taste. 
 
 Of domestic animals they kept only the dog, who was of the 
 coyote or wolf-like species as mentioned above. 1 They kept many 
 of these, but since they were an erratic people and performed their 
 wanderings by canoe, they never had cattle nor horses, and when 
 mounting horses showed themselves a poor sort of cavalry. 
 
 CANOES. 
 
 Their canoes were of two kinds, both being called awa'n by 
 them : (1) the aboriginal dugout , about twenty feet long, narrow, 
 yet capacious ; (2) old skiffs obtained from the whites, much broad¬ 
 er than the dugouts and flat-bottomed. A mast with a little sail 
 was occasionally set up, but for want of space the}’’ were never 
 seen paddling or rowing them. Mrs. Oliver states that neither of 
 the two was used for fishing, but served for transportation only ; 
 and these embarkations were so frail and untrustwortl^ that they 
 could never have ventured to go out upon the open waters of the 
 gulf. The dugouts were not made smooth upon the outside, but 
 had the bark still on. 
 
 DRESS. 
 
 Their articles of wardrobe were exceedingly few in number, 
 and before the advent of the whites they probably moved about in 
 a perfectly adamitic state, except during the coldest time of the 
 year. Hats or head-covers were unknown. The men wore a 
 breechclout of skins, the women a skirt of deerskin ; from the knee 
 downward nothing was worn, and children under ten years went 
 nude. Blankets (kwi'ss), obtained from the colonists, were worn 
 only during cold weather, but skirts and all other garments used 
 by the Texans were disliked. Women sometimes begged for 
 dresses (kwiss kadla, calico ), wore them once or twice, then tore 
 them to pieces or had them on for some time with the fore parts on 
 
 1 Dr. I. L. Wortman states in Rep. Geol. Survey of Indiana, 1S84: “It is by no 
 means uncommon to find mongrel dogs among many of the western tribes, notably 
 among Umatillas, Bannocks, Shoshones, Arapahoes, Crows, Sioux, which have every 
 appearance of blood-relationship with the coyote, if not, in many cases it is this ani¬ 
 mal itself in a state of semi-domestication.” See also Anwr. Naturalist, 1873, p. 385; 
 “Native American Dogs,” ibid., September, 1S85, and reprinted in Kansas City Review, 
 Nov., 1885, pp. 239-243, from which the above quotation is made. 
 
 124 
 
THE KARANKAWA INDIANS. 
 
 61 
 
 their backs. The blankets were fastened upon their bodies with 
 guisache-thorns serving as pins. The sharks’ oil which they rubbed 
 on their bodies to keep their skins smooth and supple, emitted a 
 most disagreeable odor, so that horses and cattle ran away from 
 them, 1 sometimes for three miles from the stable, and this oil would 
 have ruined the best dresses within a short time. Men sometimes 
 fastened some yards of calico on their bodies, ancl trailed it behind 
 them when not engaged in hunting. 
 
 The skins of panther, bear, wild-cat, raccoon and cow, which they 
 had in their lodges, were used like mats to sit and to sleep upon, 
 but did not serve them as garments. 
 
 ORNAMENTAL ATTIRE. 
 
 The gentle sex is generally supposed to be more fond of orna¬ 
 ments of dress to heighten its attractions, than are the males ; but 
 among the Karankawas just the opposite was observed. Their squat 
 and squalid females appear to have disdained ornaments, but the 
 males with their uncombed though braided hair and unwashed faces, 
 loved to have some ornaments dangling about their bodies. Their 
 braids consisted of three strands and were rather long ; they never 
 knotted the hair to make it shorter, but sometimes inserted bright 
 objects, as ribbons, bits of colored flannel, etc. The women never 
 braided their coarse hair nor combed it, although some combs were 
 seen in their lodges. The men generally arranged their hair with 
 their hands. On the throat (not on chest) they wore small shells, 
 glass beads, fruits of the pistachio tree, little disks of tin, brass or 
 other metal. Mother-of-pearl was not utilized for the purpose. Rings 
 were worn also, when obtainable. They manufactured bracelets, 
 one inch in width, of deerskin with the hair left upon it and tied 
 them by little strings fastened on each end. The fact that both 
 sexes wore them on the left wrist only, makes it plausible that they 
 also served as wrist guards to hunters. 
 
 The custom of head flattening, considered as a mark of bodily 
 improvement among so many southern tribes, was much in favor 
 among this coast people. The babies of both sexes had to undergo 
 the process, and their foreheads only were flattened. A piece of 
 cloth was first applied, then a thin board, then a cloth inlaid with 
 moss or some other soft substance to make a wad, all of these be- 
 
 1 1 have mentioned an instance of this recorded by an author of the seventeenth 
 century; cf. p. 24. 
 
 125 
 
62 
 
 ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH OF 
 
 ing tied around the head with a bandage, and left to stay there 
 about one } r ear, day and night. Even after twenty years the effect 
 of this proceeding was perceptible. 1 
 
 TATTOOING. 
 
 More conspicuous than head-flattening are the tattooing marks 
 observed upon the majority of the tribes who walk around wholly 
 or partly naked. Many Indian communities are distinguished by 
 peculiar tattoo-marks which they claim as belonging exclusively to 
 themselves. Thus the Karankawas had the face-marks described 
 by my informant as their own, and they must have made a strong 
 impression at first sight if not on the Texan Indians, at least upon 
 the white people. These lines and figures were all of blue color, 
 and though the substance used is unknown, we are acquainted with 
 the fact that black substances, as soot, charcoal, burnt plum seeds, 
 etc., become blue when placed subcutaneously. Tattooing was ap¬ 
 plied to the face only, and only one man was remembered, about 
 forty years old, whose chest showed tattoo-marks. Boys were not 
 tattooed before their tenth year, and young women marrying into 
 the tribe on their arrival already bore the same style of tattooing, 
 as the women of the band frequenting the inlets of Matagorda bay. 
 
 Body painting will be discussed below. 
 
 DWELLINGS. 
 
 The lodges or wigwams of these migratory people were far from 
 being substantial, as they could be erected and taken down again 
 within an hour or two by the women, to whom this manipulation de¬ 
 volved in this and the majority of other tribes. Their mode of con¬ 
 struction having been specified in the two articles preceding this, 
 
 I have to add a few particulars onty. These primitive, tent like 
 huts'were round, or intended to be so, and were called ba-ak ; they 
 contained about seven or eight people and afforded no protection 
 against the rain, which would pour through the roof (Ity courtesy 
 so called) of the structure. For want of a smoke-hole, the smoke 
 had to escape gradually through the willow-sticks or anywhere it 
 could. Very tall persons had to bend their heads in coming in, and 
 
 1 Head-flattening prevails not only upon the Pacific coast from southern Oregon to 
 54° N. Lat., but also in Central America Palestine, Asia Minor, etc. In the last- 
 named country the Yu"ru"k are using wet bandages for the purpose. Cf. von Lnschan 
 in Berl. Gesellsch. F.rdk., 1S88. p. 53, and my own article in Migration Legend of the 
 Creek Indians, vol. II, pp. 53-55. 
 
 126 
 
THE KARANKAWA INDIANS. 
 
 63 
 
 when inside would touch the top. There were no seats going around 
 the lodge walls ; all the property of these people, weapons and cook¬ 
 ing vessels, were lying on the ground, and they sat, ate and slept 
 on their fur-skins on the lodge-floor, using them as mats. 
 
 The lodges of the Tonkawe (yetsu/an) and Comecrudos (wamak) 
 are differently constructed ; tliey are cane or willow-stick lodges, 
 flat on the top, open on one or two sides and covered with brush¬ 
 wood and sail-cloth, old blankets, etc., on the top and the closed- 
 up sides. They average in height from five to seven feet. The 
 Tonkawe term, yetsu/an, is derived from tsu;r, tso^, cloth , textile 
 fabric , also what is interwoven or wattled , and yetsu/an therefore 
 corresponds best to our word brush-lodge. 
 
 TRIBAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Passing over from the physical to the mental aspects which this 
 Indian people presents to 11 s, our information is scanty also, but 
 the organization existing in other tribes of the south throws some 
 light upon the subject. 
 
 What we know about their tribal rulers is, that they were ruled 
 by two kinds of chiefs : they had chiefs for their civil government, 
 whose succession was hereditary in the male line, and war-chiefs, 
 appointed probably by the civil chiefs. No women were ever 
 known to have acted as chiefs. 
 
 One hundred years ago their territory had a considerable coasi*- 
 front and must have harbored a large population. But whether 
 this was ever united into one confederacy, like that of the Creeks 
 or Caddos, is doubtful, for we have no reports of any alliance for of¬ 
 fensive or defensive purposes under one head chief. If such a con¬ 
 federacy or symmachy ever existed, it must have been powerful 
 and wide-reaching. It is more probable that this coast people 
 formed a disconnected national body living under separate chiefs, 
 which was united only by the tie of a common language, by war- 
 expeditions undertaken under a common war chief and perhaps by 
 phratries and gentes having the same names throughout. The 
 Caddos and Tonkawe have the gentile system, and the mention 
 of vendetta or blood-revenge among the Karankawas also seems to 
 point to the existence of a system of totemic gentes. 1 After mar- 
 
 *As I have pointed out previously, Cabega de Vaca states that individuals of the 
 same gens always went together; but it is uncertain whether that coast tribe seen by 
 him was of Karankawa affinity or not. 
 
 127 
 
64 
 
 ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH OP 
 
 rying, the Karankawa often took tlieir fathers-in-law and mothers- 
 in-law into their lodges and lived with them. 
 
 MORAL CHARACTER. 
 
 It is certainly a difficult task to sketch the moral'qualities of a 
 nation, cf which a few tribes or bands only were known to the white 
 people, and under circumstances which make ns doubt the veracity 
 of the informants. Indeed who would be inclined to believe what 
 what one man says about another, whom he is constantly trying 
 rob and kill, and who is on that account cruelly punished by him 
 from time to time? 
 
 In the earlier epochs they were filled with hatred against the 
 Spaniards on account of their cruelty and haughty demeanor, but 
 were not hostile to the French, who knew how to treat them in a 
 friendly manner. But their warlike qualities and anthropophagy 
 always made them an object of terror to the travellers and settlers 
 of the white race, and by the Anglo-Americans the}' were regarded 
 as selfish, mean, cruel, crafty and treacherous. Ignorant of any 
 rights of property in our sense of the word they showed their thiev¬ 
 ish inclination by purloining food, knives, clothing and such house¬ 
 hold articles as the}' could use for themselves ; T but were not bur-' 
 glars. Their lazy habits prompted them to continual begging and 
 rarely were they willing to perform the slightest labor, no matter 
 what reward was offered to them. But these are qualities inher¬ 
 ent to almost every savage people. Indolence is charged even to 
 many so-called civilized communities. Why should a primitive 
 tribe, which had always lived upon the liberal gifts of nature, sud¬ 
 denly change their habits to please some settlers who came to squat 
 upon their domain ? 
 
 To the Texan settler who came to these coasts from civilized 
 communities, these Indians certainly appeared as a ferocious type 
 of unmitigated savagery, untempered by the milder influence of 
 agriculture which has exerted such a civilizing power among so 
 many of the northern and more so among the southern tribes. Mrs. 
 Oliver sketches the people of the band near her home as “surly 
 in their aspect, averse to conversation, apparently feeling no in¬ 
 terest in anything that was said ; they spoke to each other and 
 to the whites in guttural, indifferent tones and with faces averted.” 
 
 ’This reminds ns of what Granville Stuart states, in his “Montana as it is” (New- 
 York, ISfio), of the Snake Indians: “They are not real thieves, but steal just enough to 
 keep their hands in.” 
 
 128 
 
THE KARANKAWA INDIANS. 
 
 65 
 
 They sometimes tried to deceive her in giving words of their lan¬ 
 guage, and most of these in her list were obtained from women. 
 
 A “witty” joke, rather characteristic of their mode of thinking, 
 was perpetrated by a young man, called Kwash or “ Fire” and is 
 related by her as follows : 
 
 Kwash was at times employed by her father, Mr. Bridges, to do 
 household work, and at one time, Mr. Bridges, wishing to treat 
 his northern guest to some genuine prairie venison, sent Kwash out 
 to kill a deer. In due time Kwash returned apparently unsuccessful. 
 He shook his head mournfully to all eager inquiries, and wore an 
 air of extreme disappointment. Judge, therefore, of the effect pro¬ 
 duced and which Kwash keenly enjoyed, when nearly an hour later, 
 after having eaten his dinner, he said to her in a low voice : “ ne 
 bawus kawa-i, na-i do-atn ahuk,” let me have the horse , I have hilled 
 a deer. 
 
 When judging about people, their wicked qualities leave a more 
 ready impression upon our minds than the good ones and seem to 
 preponderate over these. It is, therefore, unjust not to make men¬ 
 tion of the latter qualities also. When coming to see the colonists, 
 they were not obtrusive, but rather dignified and reserved, and when 
 they entered their houses they attentively examined the pictures 
 hanging on the walls. When asked to work for money they were 
 always frank enough to say “ we do not want to work Karan- 
 kawa kom ta takina). Gratefulness, devotion or kindred feelings 
 could certainly not be expected from these natives, for these quali¬ 
 ties are rare enough even among individuals of cultured nations ; 
 hospitality’, however, is found among almost all nations of the 
 earth and may not have been wanting altogether even upon that dis¬ 
 tant coast of the 44 Lone Star State.” 
 
 Between husbands and wives no sign of fondness or intimacy 
 could be observed and they rarely spoke to each other, but between 
 parents and children affection was sometimes noticed, especially 
 on the mother’s side. The women were not examples of chastity ; 
 hence but few children were born and our informant never saw over 
 two in one family. Widows remarried as soon as opportunity of¬ 
 fered itself. Children were not often visible and those seen were 
 mostly babies. Adult or half-grown girls were scarce in all their 
 bands. 
 
 The Karankawas suffered no interference of outsiders in their 
 marital affairs and strongly resented any attempt at such. When 
 p. m. papers, i. 9 129 
 
66 
 
 ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH OF 
 
 a band made its temporary stay at Port Austin, about the year 
 1839, one of the wives became suspect to her “ liege lord” as to 
 her chastity. He seized her by the hair and pulled her over the 
 steep bluff, about five feet high, to the beach of the lagoon and 
 beat her terribly. Aroused by her cries, the settlers interfered, 
 but this exasperated the Indians to such a degree that they re¬ 
 solved to revenge themselves by a night attack. They had a cer¬ 
 emonial dance called “fandango,” that night, as it was then full 
 moon. Chief Antonio’s wife, who was of Comanche descent, man¬ 
 aged to notify Mr. Bridges’ family of the intention, and the colo¬ 
 nists remained wakeful after the lights had been extinguished and 
 hid themselves in the lumber piled up about the house. After a 
 while the husband of that woman was seen sneaking through the 
 high grass toward the house. Several travelling men then stopped 
 at the house, all of whom were armed. Captain Bridges advanced 
 with cocked gun towards the dusky form in the grass, shouting: 
 “What are you doing here? If you disturb us once more, you will 
 all be killed by the settlers at Matagorda and of our neighborhood !” 
 This was effective and the man withdrew ; the inmates of the house 
 watched all night long, but no attack was made and the next 
 day the band retired to a distance of four miles near other settle¬ 
 ments. 
 
 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 The information we can present upon these points is by no means 
 exhaustive ; this is a matter of regret, as the Karankawa certainly 
 had many curious customs of their own, like all the other aborigi¬ 
 nes. An instance of this is the ceremonial weeping referred to above. 
 
 Among their games and pastimes shooting with the bow was 
 prominent. They often shot at the mark or shot the arrows up per¬ 
 pendicularly into space, and their shooting matches were rather 
 lively. Arrows shot at the mark and sticking in it were sometimes 
 split in two the long way by another Indian shooting at the notch ; 
 many young men were able to do this at a distance of eighty feet 
 at least. They also threw hatchets at the mark with wonderful 
 precision, and rivals often engaged in brawls or fights with knives 
 to settle their “ rights.” They also had ball plays and wrestling 
 matches, one of their names, Keles, q. v., being derived from the 
 latter practice. No gambling or guessing games seem to have ex¬ 
 isted among these people at that time. 
 
 130 
 
THE KARANKAWA INDIANS. 
 
 67 
 
 Tobacco was smoked by them in great quantities in cigars or 
 cigarettes made with maize husks, Mexican fashion. 1 
 
 As to the disposal of their dead it is not definitely known which 
 mode they followed. Cremating was out of the question, since 
 there was no timber or bushes in the neighborhood of Trespala- 
 cios bay, and no place of sepulture was ever known to exist or was 
 alluded to by these Indians. Neither did they burn the lodges in 
 case the owners died ; if so, the white colonists would have heard 
 of it. An Indian, about thirty years of age, had been failing in health 
 through phthisis and became too weak to move about. His tribe, 
 •wishing to depart for another shore, concluded to leave him near 
 Captain Bridges’ house. They were dissuaded from doing this and 
 promised to take him away. But after their boats had left the 
 shore, and it was supposed they had all gone, four men brought the 
 sick man back in a blanket, deposited him in a bush near the house, 
 then ran away. The colonists made a provisional tent for him and 
 his son, and he lived two weeks longer. Two days after his death 
 his brother came to claim the boy who was three years old and had 
 been given to Captain Bridges by his father. 
 
 When a baby died belonging to the chief, it was certainly not 
 buried there; the Indians remained quiet in their lodges, the par¬ 
 ents were much afflicted and a gloom reigned over the camp. Two 
 days after they left for other parts. They appeared otherwise en¬ 
 tirety indifferent as to sacredness of feeling or particular rites in 
 reference to losses by death. 
 
 Further information on their customs is negative only. Upon 
 inquiry I learned that probably thej’ did not observe what is called 
 the couvade, kept no prisoners of war as slaves and did not manu¬ 
 facture any mats or baskets, but made coarse pottery and knew 
 how to dress skins. There were two men in the tribe greatly de¬ 
 spised by the others, so that they probably knew the “peculiar in¬ 
 stitution” of hermaphrodites, or men in women’s clothes. Cabe^a 
 de Vaca also mentions the amarionados seen by him. The south¬ 
 ern custom of scratching the knees of every warrior once a year 
 did not exist here. 2 Fire-wood and other loads were carried upon 
 the shoulders, or on the back by means of a strap. 
 
 'The various modes of using tobacco among the Indians of the West Indies, where 
 this practice was first observed, have been investigated by Dr. A. Ernst of Caracas, 
 “On the etymology of the word tobacco," Amer. Anthropologist of Washington, vol. 
 II, 1889, pp. 133-142. 
 
 2 The Shetimashas had this custom, and among the Cha’hta coal dust was rubbed 
 into the bleeding wounds inflicted upon their knees once every year. 
 
 131 
 
68 
 
 ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH OF 
 
 MENTAL ATTAINMENTS. 
 
 Before describing wliat. is known to us of the religious and tran¬ 
 scendental ideas of the Texan coast people, I gather under the 
 above heading a few disconnected points apt to illustrate the de¬ 
 gree of mental development acquired by them. 
 
 Although the women were not manufacturers of mats or baskets, 
 cooking pots with rude ornaments were seen in their camps. A 
 block of wood with a roughly-wrought human face served as a doll 
 to the children of a family ; who, when scarcely two years old, often 
 ran into the water of the bay up to their necks. 
 
 Besides some rude attempts at wood-carving a beginning of the 
 plastic arts could be seen in the appliance of a paint, which was 
 either red or black, and of a claj^ producing a black color. With 
 these they painted figures of animals and human faces upon their 
 skins and upon pots and articles of wood. These paintings were 
 far remote from any artistic finish and were but seldom seen. The 
 dugouts were not painted, as the bark remained upon the outside. 
 Their tattooing has been referred to already. 
 
 The musical instruments of the tribe are described by Mrs. Oliver 
 on page 18. 
 
 Of their mode of counting the numeral series would give us some 
 idea, if we had more of it than the numbers from one to ten. Like 
 other Indians they counted upon the fingers, commencing at the 
 small finger and ending with the thumb. Of this their word for 
 five is conclusive evidence, for nat'sa behema “one, father means 
 to say that while counting on the one or first (na'tsa) hand they had 
 arrived at the biggest or thickest finger, which in some languages is 
 symbolized by “father, mother, or old.” The haikia, two , com¬ 
 posing the numerals from six to nine, show that they then counted 
 the fingers of the second hand. To say twenty, thirty , etc., they held 
 up both hands twice or three times. 
 
 Other material helps were used whenever computations had to be 
 made extending over days or weeks, or reaching high figures. Most 
 Indians use sticks from one to three inches in length when days 
 have to be counted from a certain period, and after this period throw 
 away one stick every day. To count loads a young Karankawa 
 used the following expedient. Captain Bridges, wishing to con¬ 
 struct a road of sea-shells, ordered him to count the necessary quan¬ 
 tity of shells taken in a wheelbarrow to the places designed ; he 
 132 
 
THE KAKANKAWA INDIANS. 
 
 69 
 
 then had to be absent for a while, and the young Indian kept the 
 record of his wheelbarrow loads by placing for each one a stone in a 
 row, sometimes three, sometimes four in a day, and by beginning 
 a new row for every day he worked. 
 
 One of the medical or conjuring practices of these Indians was 
 to suck the disease from the patient’s body, and welts could often be 
 seen on their skin. From this we may judge that their conjuring 
 did not differ materially from that of other Indians. They often 
 called on Captain Bridges for his medicines and so they must have 
 been, in critical cases, distrustful of their own conjurers. 
 
 Tiie Karankawas could not be prevailed upon to communicate 
 their Indian names to the white people and thus Mrs. Oliver learnt 
 of one only, Kwash or Fire. But everyone had an English or Span¬ 
 ish name and many men went by the burlesque military and other 
 epithets in use among Americans, as “Captain,” “Major,” “Colo¬ 
 nel,” etc., these being placed before their assumed baptismal names. 
 The latter they changed frequently, thus Captain Jim, e. g., might 
 be known in a few weeks under the new name of Captain Jack. This 
 reluctance of acquainting people outside of their tribe with their 
 Indian names is frequent among Pacific and southwestern Indians 
 and I found it to exist among the Tonkawe Indians, then at Fort 
 Griffin, on the clear fork of Brazos river, northwestern Texas. The 
 Tonkawe will give to their children Comanche and English names 
 besides those from their own language, which they are unwilling to 
 communicate to others. And why ? they believe that when some¬ 
 body calls an individual by his or her name after death, the spirit 
 of the deceased may hear it and be prompted to take revenge upon 
 those who disturbed his rest; but if called in another language this 
 would have no effect upon the spirit. Thus after having stepped 
 into Hades’ domain, an Indian seems to remember his own language 
 only. 
 
 The Karankawa Indians possessed a gesture language for con¬ 
 versing with alien Indians by motions of the hands or body. Mrs. 
 Oliver remembered one gesture of it, to express “ nothing ,” which 
 is approximately the same as performed by other Indians for the 
 same idea. It consisted in stretching both arms forward horizon¬ 
 tally with fingers extended, and then making the hands or arms 
 diverge suddenly. The Akonkisa or Acconcesaws on lower Trin¬ 
 ity river, Texas, had a “dumb” or sign language of the same de¬ 
 scription ; cf. Dr. Sibley’s “Message to the President,” 1805. 
 
 133 
 
70 
 
 ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH OP 
 
 For signalling to a distance they had several methods. They 
 called each other’s attention hy a whistle, which was much shriller 
 than ours. On clear days, generally at noon, they signalled news 
 by columns of smoke from their camp fires, which were started from 
 small pits in the ground, every Indian having a fire in front of his 
 lodge. The column of smoke was made to ascend in more than 
 twenty different ways, sometimes diverging or curling up in spirals, 
 sometimes rising up in parallel lines. The shape of these smoke 
 signals was as intelligible to their distant friends as spoken lan¬ 
 guage, and the messages thus conveyed appeared to determine their 
 movements. Some of these looked like the letters V and Y, others 
 resembled spiral lines, or two parallel zigzag lines moving upward, 
 or twin columns standing close to each other. How these columns 
 could be made to go up in the directions intended for them was 
 not known to the informant, and it is possible that the numerous 
 prairie and camp fires burning at night at all points of the horizon 
 were used by them as signals also. It is especially incomprehen¬ 
 sible, how smoke could be made to diverge laterally in the manner 
 seen by our informant. 
 
 RELIGION. 
 
 Of the religious ideas prevailing among the Karankawas noth¬ 
 ing is known except what Mrs. Oliver has communicated in giving 
 a sketch of their “fandango,” which evidently was a misnomer for 
 a religious ceremony and took place when the moon was full. They 
 also celebrated it after very successful hunts or fishing expeditions 
 resulting in a bountiful catch. The use of the black drink decoc¬ 
 tion of the yaupon-leaves 1 (Ilex cassine ) was frequent among In¬ 
 dians of the gulf coast on both sides of the Mississippi and is also 
 mentioned in Texas by Cabe<ja de Vaca. The Creek Indians pre¬ 
 pared it in three different ways and one of these they adopted when 
 the beverage had to serve for convivial purposes. 2 
 
 It was a religious act of theirs, when they sent the smoke of 
 tobacco through their nostrils first to the north, then to the east, 
 west and south in an apparently unconcerned and careless manner. 
 
 •Pronounced yupdn oryapon in Texas. The Texans find it in the woods, not on the 
 coast-line and drink a tea or decoction of it with sugar and milk. The white people 
 east of Mississippi river do the same. 
 
 -Compare my -‘Migration Legend of the Creek Indians,” vol. II, 56-59, where I have 
 adduced historic evidence upon the use of the “Black Drink.” 
 
 134 
 
THE KAEANKAWA INDIANS. 
 
 71 
 
 Their staring at the sun, when it disappeared into the sea, has been 
 observed with other Indians as well. 1 
 
 The Karankawa were frequently heard to whistle, but at certain 
 times only and with some apparent object. Thus we do not know 
 whether this was founded on some superstition or not. The tribe 
 or tribes frequenting Matagorda bay had never been visited by 
 any missionary, as far as my informant could remember, and of 
 their legends and historic traditions nothing whatever is known, 
 except that they formerly had lively contests with some of the 
 neighboring tribes, the Bidai and the Tonkawe. Of former migra¬ 
 tions of their own people they were entirely unconscious. 
 
 VThe ancient Creeks regarded it as a divine favor when they could travel at least 
 once during their lives to the bay of Mobile to see the sun disappearing in its waters. 
 
VI. THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 It has been for a long time a desideratum to ethnologists to ob¬ 
 tain reliable information upon this coast language, which could 
 furnish a clew to the origin and racial affinities of the nation. 
 This desire has now been gratified, though in a modest degree only, 
 and I intend to present the scanty linguistic information now on 
 hand under three headings : 
 
 1. The vocabularies. 
 
 2. The grammatic elements of the language. 
 
 3. Affinities of Karankawa with other languages. 
 
 1. KARANKAWA VOCABULARIES. 
 
 A. Vocabulary obtained from Alice W. Oliver. 
 
 a and; gai a demoa na-i (this is) my bow and arroivs (putting 
 their hands upon them) ; gai a demoa awa (this is) your bow 
 and arrows. 
 
 aguiya needle; from Spanish aguja. 
 
 aha'mmish hush! don't cry ! (as said to children) ; aha'mmish sni'n ! 
 get away! scat! (as said to dogs and cats ; with sharp accent). 
 
 ahayika/nend. The Spanish amigo was more used among them. 
 When wanting to be on good terms with the whites, they 
 preferred the term amigo and said : mucho amigo! kom aha- 
 yika hostile , enemy; the Karankawas called so several of 
 the tribes around them. 
 
 aliuk, ahok to kill , sing, and pi. of object; na-i ye do-atn ahok 
 m’sus I am starting soon to kill deer. 
 
 aknamas, aknamus to eat; kom aknamus?roi eatable , or do not eat. 
 
 aksol to whistle. 
 
 137 
 
74 
 
 THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 akweten to drink. 
 
 akwini tree; na-i amoak akwini I fell from the tree. 
 am fish; aquatic animal, see tchuta. 
 
 amel, emphatic ame-el hungry, cf. mal; na-i amel, ta kwiamoya 
 aknamus I am hungry, I want to eat bread. 
 amhatn flour; ya amhatn corn flour, meal of maize. 
 amoak to fall; ka'da amoak, ka'da owi'ya the girl fell and wept. 
 anawan, a'nawa smoke (?) 
 
 askahak now , presently; kalba mushawata taldna ; askahak kwa-al, 
 taim the chief has worked continuously; now he is tired (and) 
 wants to sleep. 
 
 atcliata! good bye ! farewell! 
 aud snake , serpent. 
 
 awa (1) thou , you; pron. pers. of second pers. singular, also for 
 dir. and indir. object: na-i awa bawus I give you. Captain 
 Jim awa kosata Capt. Jim made it for you. (2) thy , thine, 
 yours; awa kanxnma thy mother. 
 awfi'n (1) dugout, canoe; (2) boat , vessel, ship. 
 ba, ba', be wind; wol ba strong wind. 
 
 ba-ak (1) Indian lodge, cabin, willow-lodge, hut, wigwam; gas ba- 
 ak to return home; (2) Indian camp; (3) house, building. 
 bakta day; bakta budaina wal day long past. 
 
 bawus to give; ni bawxis tesnakvvaya give me milk; na-i awa kwia¬ 
 moya bawus I give you bread. 
 behema, behema, be’kma father. Also occurs in numerals, 
 budama gone; budaina wal long past, said of time; kalba bu- 
 dama, gas messus ba-ak the chief has gone , he will return home 
 soon. 
 
 bxidel barrel; from Span, baril. 
 da' oyster. 
 dahome egg. 
 
 dan to push; glos’n ka'da dan the boy pushed the girl. 
 
 de tobacco. 
 
 demoa arrow. 
 
 do-atn, do-etn, do'tn deer. 
 
 do-atn ; this term occurs in the numerals: kaikia do-atn nine; 
 
 do-atn kabe ten. 
 do owal sun. 
 
 e tooth; e tesselenia tooth-brush. 
 era to jump, skip. 
 
 138 
 
THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 75 
 
 enno to suck. 
 etsma hand, finger. 
 ga', ga’h moskito. 
 
 ga-an, ka-an to strike with hand, club, etc. 
 ga-i, gai bow. 
 
 gata domestic cat; from Spanish gato; gata kwan kitten. 
 glo-essen, gios’n boy; gas, gios’n come, boy! a mother said to her 
 son five years old ; na-i gios’n kwatso my boy is sick. 
 glle-i, gle-i (1) water and any liquid; teskaus gile-i molasses; (2) 
 sea, ocean, open waters. 
 gusgama shirt; cf. kvviss. 
 gwa, kwa to read. 
 babe; occurs in do-atn babe ten. 
 
 haikia two; composes the numerals : hayo liaikia six; haikia na'tsa 
 seven; haikia behema eight; haikia do-atn nine. 
 haitn to catch, capture; na-i kota kuwai liaitn I ran to catch the 
 horse; na-i behema haitn (go and) catch up with my father! 
 haitnlokn, a turtle species, called the large green turtle, frequently 
 found in Matagorda Bay, up to three and one-half feet long: 
 Chelonia my das. 
 
 hayo haikia six; seems to stand for kayayi haikia, abbrev. hayi 
 haikia three times two; hayo liakn four. 
 hakes to sit; ka'da hakes ba-ak the girl sits in the house. 
 lialba chief. 
 
 hamala pretty, handsome; tal £kwini kam&Ia this tree is pretty. 
 ihie-a, hie-e, hi-ia, hie-a, ie-e yes! 
 im to sleep; t<4 im he ivants to sleep. 
 
 ya-an great , large, tall, wide; the opposite of kwa'n, q. v. 
 ykm potato; not the batate or “ sweet potato.” 
 y&mawe man. 
 
 ye to go, to walk, reduplicated 3 ’eye ; n&-i ye medd-u odn I am going 
 to shoot ducks; nfi-i ye do'tn ahok I am going to kill deer; na-i 
 ye wol I walked considerably. 
 yetso to stand. 
 yo'ta music. 
 
 ka to love, cherish; nd-i dwa ka Hove you. 
 
 ka'da girl; mothers addressed their daughters by this term: gas, 
 ka'da ! come, girl! 
 
 k&dla calico; kvviss k&dla, see kwiss. 
 
 139 
 
76 
 
 THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 kdhawan, kd-awan (1) to make, produce, manufacture, as bread, ar¬ 
 ticles of wood, etc. ; nd-i demoa kdhawan I make arrows; 
 (2) to grow, said of animals and plants ; kwdnakwan in the 
 reduplicated or iterative form; kwd-an young ; lit. “grow¬ 
 ing kwdnnakwan akwini? do they grow on a tree, on trees? 
 kaita, katd to laugh; dwa kata ; kaupn ! you laugh! tell (why) 1 
 ka^dyi three. 
 
 kanin, kenin breast; female hreast, teat; kanlnma, keninma mother; 
 
 nd-i keninma my mother. 
 kassidshuwakn to hurt, injure, cause pain. 
 
 kdssig to pound, as maize, etc., is pounded by means of a stone, 
 kaupn to tell, to say to, to talk, converse; kaupn nd-i behema gds 
 bd-ak tell my father to return home; nd-i kaninma behema td 
 kaupn my mother wants to speak to the father. 
 kedo'd, keda'd crane. 
 kekeya foot, feet. 
 kiss dog. 
 
 klabdn well, healthy, in good health; dwa kaninma klabdn? is your 
 mother ivell ? 
 
 kom, ko'm,kum (1) no! (2) not; kom ahdyika, see ahdyika; kom 
 akndmus, etc. 
 
 kosdta to perform, do, to make; nd-i kwdtchi kosdta messus I shall 
 soon build afire. 
 
 kota, kotd to hasten, to hurry; nd-i kotd bd-ak I am hurrying home. 
 kudn, kudu, kutn bird; kutne wolya (1) prairie chicken; (2) chicken, 
 lien. 
 
 kumna to knoiv, to understand; kumna? do you understand ? 
 ku'nmil gunpowder. 
 
 kuwdyi, kuwai horse; from the Spanish cabcdlo. 
 kwd-al, kwa'l tired, exhausted; dwa kwd-al! hdkes! you are tired! 
 sit clown! 
 
 kwa'n and kwdnakwan to grow; see kdhawan (2). 
 kwa'n, kwdn (1) little, small; (2) young of animal, child, babe; 
 gdta kwa'n kitten. 
 
 kwass, kwas to know; more frequently used than kumna. Na-i kum 
 kwds I do not know; dwa nd-i kwdss? do you knoiv me? 
 kwdtchi (\) fire; (2) nom. prop, masc., “ Fire.” 
 kwdtcho, kwdtsu sick; cf. kwdtchijftre, fever-heat being often com¬ 
 pared to fire; and kwd-al. A'wa kwdtsu? are you sick? 
 
 140 
 
V 
 
 THE KARAKKAWA LANGUAGE. 77 
 
 kwidm maize, Indian corn; kwiamoya bread; glos’n akwdmus 
 kwiamoya the boy is eating bread. 
 
 kwiss (1) any cloth, textile fabric; abbr. to gus in gusgdma, q. v .; 
 
 kwiss kddla calico dress, gown, woman’s dress. 
 ld-ak goose. 
 
 Id-akum round; globiform, circular and disk-shaped, 
 labd-i whiskey. 
 
 Idharna, ld’hhama heart. 
 madon a pig. 
 mdl dead. 
 
 matdkia to hate; nd-i dwa matdkia I hate you (said once by a 
 Karankawa child to a bench when falling over it), 
 matchita hatchet; from Spanish machete. 
 mawida- to marry; from Spanish marido. 
 
 medd u, medau, meddw ccinvcis-bach duck; prob. generic for cluck. 
 messus, mesus, m’sus by and by, after a while, soon, at present. 
 mudd? where ? kiss mudd? where (is) the dog? dwan mudd? where 
 is the boat? 
 
 niushawdta for a long while, all the time, always. 
 mutd dear, affectionate. 
 
 ndyi, nd-ayi, nd-i, nd-i (1), I, pron. pers. first pers. singular, abbrev. 
 into n’; n’ tche dwa I see you. Also for obj. case : dwa nd-i 
 kwdss? do you know me? abbr. ne : ne bdwus kwdtchi give me 
 fire; (2) my, mine: ndi be’hma my father; nd-i gai my bow; 
 nd-i glo’sn my boy. 
 
 na'tsa one; na'tsa behema^/fye, haikia na'tsa seven. 
 notawa to swim; dm, kiss notawa the fish, the dog is swimming. 
 nyd, nid there, yonder; kiss nia the dog (is) there; wdl nia far 
 off; nd-i awdn tcha nyd I see a boat over there. 
 odn, u'dn to shoot ; odn demoa to shoot arrows; dwa odn m’sus you 
 shoot now ! in the sense of “ you may shoot presently.” 
 o's, oss bear; from Spanish oso. 
 owiya to iveep. 
 pdl black. (?) 
 
 pld good, nice, fine, useful; in the concrete as well as in the abstract 
 and moral sense ; the opposite of tchuta. Mado'na akndmus 
 pld a pig is good to eat. 
 silekdyi knife. 
 sni'n ; see alia'mmish. 
 
 141 
 
78 
 
 THE KARASKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 td to want, wish, desire; gas! nd-i dwa ta come! I want you; 
 kora ta taldna he does not want to work; glos’n etp ta wol the 
 hoy wants to jump to a distance; also signifies ‘‘the boy can 
 jump far out” ; glos’n td teskaus-glle-i the hoy wants molasses ; 
 nd-i td lidkes I want to sit down. Also used as auxiliary verb 
 for the future tense. 
 
 tdliama (1) tobreak, as china, sticks, arrows, etc. ;(2) to tear, as cloth, 
 taldna to ivork. 
 
 tdl, tdll, pron. dem., this, that; he, she, it. 
 tamoyika red. 
 
 tenno too, also, and; nd-i tenno Walupe land Guadelupe; glos’n 
 akndmus tenno the boy eats (of it) also. 
 teskaus szveet; sugar; teskaus glle-i molasses; nd-i akndmus 
 kwiamoyi teskaus-glle-i I am eating bread with molasses. 
 tesnakwdya milk. 
 tesselenia, teselenya brush; cf. e. 
 
 tets’oa, tetsoa beef, cow, cattle, beef-meat; Col. Robinson tetsoa 
 aliuk Col. Robinson has killed a cow. The meat had to be 
 specified by giving the name of the animal, 
 tolos, tolus to run; to run fast; ne bdwus kwdtchi! tolus, tolus ! 
 give me fire! run, run! 
 
 tuwdmka yesterday; also referring to past time in general, 
 tchd (1) to see , behold; n’ tchd dwa I see you; nd-i dwan tchd 
 I see, perceive a boat; (2) m’ tchd dwa? how do you do? lit. 
 “ how do you find j T ourself?” 
 
 tchdpn to be on the point of; n’tchdpn ... I am going to . . ; 
 n’tchdpn dwa o'dn I ivill shoot you. Etymologically con¬ 
 nected with tchd to see. 
 
 tchautawal to touch something; wal perhaps a separate word, 
 tso'l blue. 
 
 tchuta bad, obnoxious, ivickecl, dangerous; din tchutd octopus 
 “ dangerous fish koni akndmus tdl dm ; tchuta this fi*h 
 is not eaten; (it is) bad. 
 wi-asn rain. 
 
 wol, woll, wdl (1) strong, powerful; wol bd; see bd; (2) much, 
 a great deal of, plenty of; wa'l glle-i much ivater; era wol to 
 jump to a (great) distance, to take a long leap; wdl nia far 
 off, “way yonder ;”nd-i ye wol 1 walked a good deal; cf. bdkta. 
 wolya, see kudu. 
 
 wu-ak to lie dozen; nd-i be’hma wuak, td im my father laydown to sleep. 
 142 
 
THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 79 
 
 B. Vocabularies obtained from Old Simon and Sallie Washington. 
 
 The following short series of Karankawa terms I have obtained 
 from two old persons, whom I met among the Tonkawe tribe of In¬ 
 dians in September, 1884, who then stayed in northwestern Texas, 
 near Fort Griffin, in Shackleford county. Both claimed to have 
 lived when they were young for a considerable time among the Kar- 
 ankawas on the coast. 
 
 One of them was called Old Simon; he was not less than sev¬ 
 enty-five years old and it was a difficult matter to obtain any re¬ 
 liable information from him on account of an extreme debility of 
 body and memory. He called the tribe Karamkawa or Keles, Kilis, 
 wrestlers , and saw twenty lodges of theirs about or after the year 
 1835, near the mouth of the Rio Grande, which would place this 
 portion of the tribe much farther south than we knew them to live 
 at that epoch. They wore no moccasins and had a powerful phys¬ 
 ique. Near the coast he had also seen three other tribes walking 
 barefooted : the Minai (or Bidai) in twenty-five lodges ; the Carri- 
 zos in five lodges near the mouth of the Rio Grande and the 
 Kharimame, Khaimame or Hanama in ten lodges. The Bidai were 
 then southeast of Austin, the capital, and the third tribe must have 
 been the Xaranames, mentioned in some Mexican documents. 
 
 The following words were all he remembered: 
 awatch/ol grass, 
 ev/ecome! come here! 
 
 ga/iametet upa't long ago 1 spolce (the language). 
 h6kso alligator. 
 humhe fire. 
 
 kahe tobacco; ka swenas cigarette. 
 
 kolame frying pan, tin bucket (Aztec comalli ?) 
 
 kwa ma black horse. 
 
 kwan peka white horse. 
 
 kwo-om, kwom no. 
 
 ^anlri, niktarn ! come quick , boy ! 
 nape-nai patsim I speak , tell , converse. 
 nape-nai na/erua/a para I am very angry. 
 
 Tchankaya Tonkawe Indian. 
 tikemai beef. 
 
 upat (emphatically : upa-a-at) long ago. 
 ushi niktarn a little man , a youngster. 
 
 143 
 
80 
 
 THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 My other informant was a blind old woman, not much j-ounger 
 than Old Simon ; she was called Scillie Washington , on account 
 of having once been with a delegation of Texan Indians to the cap¬ 
 ital, brought there by Sam Houston. She had once lived with a 
 man of the Karankawa tribe for a considerable time, as reported. 
 The words which she remembered confirm some of Old Simon’s 
 statements. 
 
 ewe-e ! come! come quiclc 1 
 
 haka ! sit down! tchakwame ! sit down here! 
 
 ka-as wana ! come here! 
 
 /ankeye to run, hurry , hasten. 
 tapshewa hog. 
 
 wana ! go aiucty! or let us go ! 
 
 Both lists were incorporated into the collection of manuscripts of 
 the Bureau of Ethnology and subsequent^ published in the “Glo¬ 
 bus” of Braunschweig, 1886, Vol. 49, pp. 124, 125. 
 
 The small extent of these two lists renders any comparisons dif¬ 
 ficult and they probably represent another more western dialect of 
 Karankawa than the one Mrs. Oliver was familiar with. Many 
 words agree pretty well with her list. These two Tonkawe In¬ 
 dians once had tattoo lines along their noses, as I was informed, 
 and although all traces of these had disappeared when I saw them, 
 there is nothing impossible in this. The Ivarankawas were said to 
 have had the same lines, and the Mexican tribes around the Panuco 
 river had them also. I read the terms of these two lists to Mrs. 
 Oliver, but she could not remember having heard any of them. 
 
 The proof that the words furnished by Old Simon and Sallie 
 Washington really belong to the same linguistic stock as the 
 dialect obtained from Mrs. Oliver, and that if the one is accepted 
 as being Karankawa, the other must be considered Karankawa also, 
 is furnished by the following coincidences : 
 kwa horse: kawayo, kuwai. 
 kwo-om not , no: ko'm, kom, kum. 
 nai I , in nape-nai: nayi, na-i. 
 
 haka sit down (is also contained in tch-aft-wame), hakes to sit 
 down. 
 
 ka-as come! ga’hs, ga’s, to come. 
 
 In the following linguistic comparisons and the grammatic sketch 
 only incidental use will be made of these two little word-lists, by 
 using the sign S. 
 
THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 81 
 
 Mrs. Oliver also remembered a song worded in that language 
 and heard from a woman of the tribe, who uttered it in an ex¬ 
 tremely monotonous strain, two lines at one breath, without any 
 rise or fall in the intonation. It runs as follows : 
 
 Natsa kwan kodn hakus akwinf 
 
 tal dksol, tal aksol,' tal aksol, 11a tclia; 
 n&tsa kwan glo-esn gas, ga-i demo'-u, 
 
 “n’ tchapn odn awa, hamala kwan kodn!” 
 
 The translation runs as follows : 
 
 One little bird sits on a tree, 
 he whistles, he whistles, he whistles, I see; 
 
 One little boy comes with bow and arrow, 
 
 “I will shoot you, pretty little sparrow!” 
 
 When I made the remark, that the use here made of natsa as an 
 indefinite article, of tal for 7ie, and of na’ tcha I see , was and could 
 not be aboriginal, she said that I was right, and that the song 
 seemed to be nothing but a translation of a well-known American 
 cradle-song of the English language; that woman, Lettie, knew 
 more English than other squaws, and also showed herself more 
 affectionate to her children. The original song probably was as 
 follows : 
 
 Little cock-sparrow sat up in a tree, 
 he whistles, he whistles and thus whistles he; 
 
 a little boy came with his bow and his arrow, 
 and said : “I will shoot you, poor little cock-sparrow!” 
 
 A fragment of another cradle-song was also remembered, of 
 which the two first lines were the following : 
 
 aha'mish glos’n, kom owfya, 
 awa bShema gas messus. 
 
 Of this the original appears to be : 
 
 Rockaby baby bunting, your father’s gone a hunting; 
 mother’s gone to get the skin, to wrap the baby bunting in. 
 
 Some more linguistic material besides the above is preserved in 
 the place and river names of these coast tracts, though b}^ their very 
 nature these names can be of little use to us. Those that could 
 possibly belong to the Karankawa language, are Kopano (a long), 
 Aranzaso or Aransas, Manawlilla Creek, Anaqua town with Ana- 
 cuas River and Rancho Anaquitas, Cameron Co., Ecleto Creek, 
 an affluent of San Antonio River in Karnes County. Two of these 
 p. M. papers, i. 10. 
 
 145 
 
82 
 
 THE XCARAKKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 could possibly be reduced to Tonkawe, but not 3 r et to Karankawa 
 words: Kopano upon Kopano Bay, a large side inlet of Aransas 
 Bay, resembles T. kopol liolloio, concave, round; kopan, the interior, 
 inside of, especially of the animal body; T. kopanek ka/a-u ye- 
 ikevva, bile, gall, “ what becomes black in the entrails.” Anaqua 
 town, Victoria Co., on San Antonio R., and Anacuas River, afflu¬ 
 ent of San Gertrude’s Creek, Nueces Co., may contain T. ana^ok, 
 many (lodges, or Indians). 
 
 Several Indian names thereabouts belong to the Nahuatl lan¬ 
 guage and were imported there with several dialectic terms still 
 heard in the Texan-English and Texan-Spanish, bjr the Tlascaltec 
 Indians settled there for protecting the newly established missions. 
 Thus we have Papalote town and creek in Bee Co., Chiltipin town 
 and river in San Patricio Co., Atoyac River in Eastern Texas, af¬ 
 fluent of Angelina R., running into Neelies River (Azt. atoyatl 
 river) and perhaps Talpacute Creek, Bee Co. A town, Tenochtitlan, 
 formerly stood in Burleson Co., western shore of Brazos River. 
 Several of these Nahuatl-Texian local names, with Lepantitlan, are 
 explained by Prof. J. C. E. Buschmann, Spuren d. a. Spr., pp. 
 416, 417. 
 
 146 
 
ENGLISH-KARANK AW A. 
 
 after a while messus. 
 
 alligator liokso S. 
 
 all the time muskawdta. 
 
 also tenno. 
 
 always muskawdta. 
 
 and a, tenno. 
 
 angry , see S. vocabulary. 
 
 arrive , to gds ; ewe-e, S. 
 
 arrow clemoa. 
 
 at present messus. 
 
 babe kwa'n ; see young. 
 
 bad tchuta. 
 
 barrel budel. 
 
 bear o's. 
 
 be, to; cf. page 93. 
 
 be on the point of tchdpn. 
 
 beef tets’oa ; tlkemai, S. 
 
 beef-meat tets’oa. 
 
 behold, to tckd. 
 
 bird kudn. 
 
 black pAl; ma, S. 
 
 blue tso'l. 
 
 boat awa'n. 
 
 bow gai. 
 
 boy gl6-essen ; niktam S. 
 bread kwiamoya. 
 break, to tdhama. 
 breast, female karnn. 
 brush tesselenia. 
 building bd-ak. 
 by and by messus. 
 cabin, Indian lodge bd-ak. 
 calico kddla. 
 
 camp, Indian village or huts 
 bd-ak. 
 canoe awa'n. 
 capture, to kaltn. 
 cat, domestic gdta. 
 catch, to haltn. 
 cattle tets’oa; cf. beef. 
 cause pain, to kassidskuwakn. 
 cherish, to ka. 
 chicken kutne wolya. 
 chief kdlba. 
 
 child kwa'n ; see boy, young. 
 cigarette ka swenas S. 
 cloth kwiss. 
 
 come, to gds, gd’hs ; kd’-as S ; 
 ewe-e, ewe, S. 
 
 converse , to kaupn ; ga/iametet, 
 pdtsim, S. 
 
 corn, Indian kwidm. 
 corn flour yd, dmhatn. 
 cow tets’oa ; cf. beef. 
 crane kedo'd. 
 dangerous tchuta. 
 day bdkta. 
 dead mdl. 
 dear mutd. 
 deer do-atn. 
 desire, to td. 
 
 do, to kosdta, kakawan ; how do 
 you do ? m’ tchd dwa ? 
 dog kiss. 
 
 drink, to akweten. 
 
 duck , canvas bach medd-u. 
 
 147 
 
84 
 
 THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 dugout awa'n. 
 
 eat, to aknamas. 
 
 eatable; see akndmus. 
 
 egg ddborne. 
 
 eight baikia bebema. 
 
 enemy kom abdyika. 
 
 fall , to amoak. 
 
 far off wdl nia ; cf. nyd. 
 
 farewell! atcbdta! 
 
 father bebema. 
 
 find, to tcbd. 
 
 fine pld. 
 
 finger etsma. 
 
 fire kwiitchi; bumbe S. 
 
 fish dm. 
 
 five na'tsa bebema. 
 four dmhatn. 
 foot kekeya. 
 
 for a long while mushawdta. 
 four bdyo bdkn. 
 friend abdyika. 
 frying-pan koldme, S. 
 future tense often expressed by 
 td or tcbdpn, q. v. 
 get aioay ! aba'mmisb sni'n ! 
 girl ka'da. 
 give, to bdwus. 
 
 go, to, ye; let us go! or go 
 away! wdna ! S ; I am go¬ 
 ing to (do, etc.) n’tcbdpn. 
 good bye! atcbdta! 
 gone buddma. 
 good pld. 
 
 in good health klabdn. 
 
 goose la-ak. 
 
 gown kwiss kddla. 
 
 grass awdtcb/ol, S. 
 
 great yd-an ; a great deal of wol. 
 
 grow, to kwan, kwdnakwan. 
 
 gunpowder ku'nmil. 
 
 148 
 
 hand etsma. 
 
 handsome bamdla. 
 
 hasten, to kota; /ankeye, S. 
 
 ^anld, S. ewe-e, S. 
 hatchet matcbita. 
 hate, to matdkia. 
 he tdl. 
 
 healthy klabdn. 
 heart Idliama. 
 hog tapshewd. 
 
 horse kuwdyi; kwd, kwdn S. 
 hostile kom abdyika. 
 house bd-ak. 
 hungry dmel. 
 hurry, to, see: hasten, to. 
 hurt, to kassidsbuwakn. 
 hush! aba'mmisb! 
 hut bd-ak. 
 
 1 ndyi, na-i. 
 
 injure, to kassidsbuwakn. 
 
 it, pron., tdl. 
 
 jump, to era. 
 
 kill, to ahuk. 
 
 kitten gdta kwdn. 
 
 knife silekdyi. 
 
 know, to kwdss ; kumna. 
 
 large yd-an. 
 
 laugh , to kaita. 
 
 lie down, to wu-ak. 
 
 liquid glle-i. 
 
 little kwa n. 
 
 lodge; Indian or willow lodge 
 bd-ak. 
 
 long ago upat S.; tuwdmka. 
 
 long past buddma wdl. 
 
 love, to ka. 
 
 maize kwidm. 
 
 make, to kdbawan ; kosdta. 
 
 man ydmawe ; ushi S. (?). 
 
 manufacture, to kdbawan. 
 
THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 85 
 
 marry, to mawida. 
 milk tesnakwdya. 
 mine, my ndyi. 
 molasses teskaus-glle-i. 
 moskito ga', gd’h. 
 mother kaninma. 
 much wol. 
 music yo'ta. 
 needle aguiya. 
 nice pi 4. 
 
 nine haikia do-atn. 
 
 no ! kom ; kwo-om, kwom, S. 
 
 not kom. 
 
 now ashdhak. 
 
 obnoxious tchuta. 
 
 ocean glle-i. 
 
 octopus 4m tchuta. 
 
 one na/tsa. 
 
 open waters glle-i. 
 
 oyster da/. 
 
 past time; “in times past” is 
 often expressed by tuwdm- 
 ka; long past buddma wdl. 
 perform, to kosdta. 
 pig madona. 
 plenty of wol. 
 potato ydm. 
 pound, to kdssig. 
 powerful wol. 
 
 prairie chicken kutne wolya. 
 presently asbdbak. 
 pretty liamala. 
 produce, to kdliawan. 
 push , to ddn. 
 
 quick! see ewe-e, ewe, S; to run 
 quick tolos. 
 rain wiasn. 
 read , to gw4. 
 red tamoyika. 
 return , to; see g4s. 
 
 round 14-akum. 
 
 run, to tolos ; seeydnkeye, ewe-e. 
 say, to, or to say to kaupn; 
 pdtsim, S. 
 
 scat! aba'mmisb sni'n ! 
 
 sect glle-i. 
 
 see, to tch4. 
 
 serpent aud. 
 
 seven baikia na'tsa. 
 
 she t41. 
 
 ship awa'n. 
 
 shirt gusgdma. 
 
 shoot, to odn. 
 
 sick kwdtcbo. 
 
 sit, to bdkes. 
 
 sit down! baka ! tcbakwame ! S. 
 
 six b4yo haikia. 
 
 skip, to em. 
 
 sleep, to i'm. 
 
 small kwa'n. 
 
 smoke; see dnawan. 
 
 snake aud. 
 
 soon messus. 
 
 speak, to; see gayiametet S., 
 pdtsim, S. 
 stand, to yetso. 
 strike, to gd-an. 
 strong wol. 
 suck, to enno. 
 sugar teskaus. 
 sun do-owal. 
 sweet teskaus. 
 swim, to notawa. 
 talk, to kaupn ; gayiametet S. 
 tall yd-an. 
 teat kanin. 
 
 tell, to kaupn; ga^iametet S. 
 
 pdtsim, S. 
 tear, to tdhama. 
 ten do-atn babe. 
 
 149 
 
86 
 
 THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 textile fabric kwiss. 
 
 that tdl. 
 
 titere 11 yd. 
 
 thine, thy dwa. 
 
 this tdl . 
 
 thou awd. 
 
 three kaydyi. 
 
 tin bucket koldme S. 
 
 tired kwd-al. 
 
 tobacco de ; kabe, ka, S. 
 
 Tonkaice Indian Tcbankdya, S. 
 
 too tenno. 
 
 tooth e. 
 
 tooth-brush e tesselenia. 
 touch, to tcbautawal. 
 tree akwini. 
 
 turtle, large green haitnlokn. 
 two baikia. 
 
 understand, to kurnna. 
 vessel, sailing awa'n. 
 walk, to yo. 
 
 want, to ta. 
 water glle-i. 
 weep, to ovviya. 
 well, adj., klabdn. 
 where? mudd? 
 whiskey labd-i. 
 whistle, to dksol. 
 white peka, S. 
 wigwam bd-ak. 
 icide yd-an. 
 wind bd. 
 wish, to td. 
 
 woman’s dress kwiss kddla. 
 work, to taklna. 
 yes bie-e. 
 
 yesterday tuwdmka. 
 yonder, adv., nyd. 
 young, adj., kwa'n; see also 
 kdbawan. 
 
 young of animal kwa'n. 
 youngster usbi niktam, S. 
 
 150 
 
 
2. GRAMMATIC ELEMENTS OF THE LANGUAGE. 
 
 PHONETICS. 
 
 Phonology is that part of grammar for which the most informa¬ 
 tion can be obtained from the scanty material now on hand. The 
 little we have is just sufficient to show that the Karankawa dia¬ 
 lect in question embodied some sounds rarely occurring in Euro¬ 
 pean languages, and that vice versa others well represented there 
 did not enter into the phonologic system of that dialect. Its syl¬ 
 labic structure was remarkably vocalic, like that of the majority of 
 languages spoken within the limits of the United States. 
 
 The consonantic sounds subdivide themselves into : 
 
 Explosive sounds. 
 
 Sounds of duration. 
 
 SURD 
 
 SONANT 
 
 SURD 
 
 SONANT 
 
 Gutturals 
 
 k 
 
 g 
 
 X 
 
 h 
 
 Palatals 
 
 tch 
 
 dsh 
 
 
 y 
 
 Linguals 
 
 
 
 sli 
 
 1, d, r 
 
 Dentals 
 
 t 
 
 d 
 
 s 
 
 n 
 
 Labials 
 
 P 
 
 b 
 
 
 w, in, m 
 
 It appears from this list, that the following sounds, not unfre¬ 
 quent in other North American languages of the southwest, are 
 not represented in this dialect; the labials f, v, the lingual or cacu¬ 
 minal k, the palatalized 1 (‘1 or h),the two dental aspirates of 
 English : th and dh and the uvular trill r. 
 
 Among the sounds uncommon in Indian languages we find the 
 complex sound d, which varies considerably as to pronunciation 
 and often sounds like dl, dn, tn, and occurs in Ivayowe, Omaha, 
 Ponka and other tongues of the Mississippi plains. 1 Another is 
 
 1 Tliis linguo-dental sound is met with in kad'a calico; do-atn. do-ad, do-etn deer; 
 kedod, keda’d crane; kod, kodn, kutD, bird; perhaps also in amliatD flour. 
 
 151 
 
88 
 
 THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 m, which differs from m by being a final sound closing words and 
 is pronounced short and with the lips tightly closed. The double 1 
 (11) in glle-i liquid, water, juice, is a vocalic 1 equal to the thick l 
 of the Polish language. The aspirate y is not frequent, and often 
 resembles an h forcibly expelled from the vocal tube; it occurs in 
 ga^s, ga’hs to come, ka^ayo three, in nayeruaya (S.) My informant 
 said that in pronouncing their tribal name, the r was very distinctly 
 uttered by them : Karankawa. The older form of the name was, as 
 seen previously, Clamcoet, so that both sounds, 1 and r, were inter¬ 
 changeable. Simon has r in one word, but r in the Spanish words 
 baril and mariclo becomes budel and mawida, a fact proving that 
 Spanish r differed from the r of that Indian dialect. 
 
 It is curious to observe, that the surd mutes here preponderate 
 in no manner over the sonant mutes (except in the palatals), for 
 this fact differs altogether from what obtains in other languages 
 of North America. The preponderance of the a among the vowels 
 appears to have the same cause. 
 
 The vocalic articulations of this coast dialect are not numerous, 
 and there was a tendency to pronounce them indistinctly, as Eng¬ 
 lish people do. The series is as follows: 
 
 a a 
 
 e a oo 
 
 i u 
 
 The short a and e was often weakened down to e as in butler, 
 poker , and between a and o the Karankawa had an intermediate 
 sound a, 6, as heard in ball, straw. The vowel a was apparently 
 the most frequent of all vocalic sounds in the language. Of the 
 three softened vowels of German, the Umlaute : a, o,u, only a oc¬ 
 curs in the vocabulary, the two others being rare throughout North 
 America. The vowels were generally pronounced short; long 
 vowels were due to synizesis only. The vowels were not nasalized 
 as the}’ are in French, Cha’hta, Tuskarora and especially in Kayowe, 
 where every vowel can become nasalized. 
 
 Of diphthongs the language exhibits a considerable variety, 
 though few of them stand at the commencement of words. In 
 many of the diphthongs the component vowels are pronounced and 
 accented separately, and when the}'' are, a more archaic status is 
 thereby evidenced. These adulterine diphthongs are found in the 
 large majority of the Indian languages. A word entirely coin- 
 152 
 
THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 89 
 
 posed of vowels is owiya to weep. We meet with the following 
 diphthongic groups : 
 
 ai in : haikai, kuwayi or kuwai, laba-i and labai, gai, kaita. 
 ei in: kekeya, glle-i and gllei. 
 oi in : kwiamoya. 
 ui in : kwi&m, kwiamoya. 
 
 ia, ya in ; inutakia, nia or nya, tesselenia, yamawe, owiya. 
 io, yo in : yo'ta, bayo. 
 ye in : ye, yeye, yetso. 
 
 au, aw in : awa, a'wan, medau and medfi-u, teskaus, aud, musha- 
 wata, notawa. 
 ou, ow in owiya. 
 
 Alternation or spontaneous permutation of cognate sounds with¬ 
 out any apparent cause occurred here as well as in all other prim¬ 
 itive, unwritten languages, though apparently more in the vocalic 
 than in the consonantic elements. The latter alternate in gw&, 
 kw k to laugh , the former in odn and udn, ahok and ahuk, aknamus 
 and akndmas, ba' and be', do-atn and do-etn, behema and be’hema, 
 be’hma, kom and kutn. 
 
 Accentuation. In many words of the vocabularies the radical 
 syllable is the accented one, and when stress is laid upon the ter¬ 
 mination, or when the terminal becomes long in quantity, the ac¬ 
 cent advances to the ultimate syllable : amel and ame-el, kota and 
 kot&. The few Spanish words of the vocabularies are emphasized 
 upon the penult, which is the true Castilian pronunciation. 
 
 Gemination. The doubling of consonants and vowels is quite 
 common and appears to have no other reason except that of em¬ 
 phasizing. From the elision in Mhawan originates kA-awan. Con¬ 
 sonants are geminated in aha'mmish, enno, tenno, kiss, kassig, 
 kwass ; vowels in kwa-al, ba-ak, ga-an, ya-an (and ya'n), la-ak, la- 
 akum, kwa-an (and kwa'n), ame-el, do-owul. 
 
 Grouping of sounds. Vocalic groups or accumulations have been 
 considered previously. As to the groups of consonants, we find 
 but few instances, like etsma hand , where more than two conso¬ 
 nants were joined into one cluster, and one of these generally is a 
 trill or a nasal. Thus we have aknamas to eat , glle-i, gle-i liquid, 
 glos’n hoy , haitnlokn turtle, kaninma mof7ier, kassidshuwakn to hurt , 
 kunmil gunpowder , pla good, klaban healthy , sni'n, kaupn and 
 tchapn. When elisions take place, vowels disappear and conso¬ 
 nants often unite into clusters : n’ bawus, n’ tcha awa, m’ tcha awa. 
 
 153 
 
90 
 
 THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 Other consonant-groups are.observed in b&kta day, lialba chief, 
 gusgama shirt, kwdtso sick, teskaus sweet, tuwamka yesterday. 
 
 Combinations of two consonants, especially of an explosive with 
 a sound of duration following, are not unheard of as initial sounds 
 of words, but consonants or vowels standing single, the former fol¬ 
 lowed by a vowel, are the rule. Syllables and words generally end 
 in vowels, which proves the vocalic character of the language. 
 
 Mode of utterance. From the vocabularies it would appear that 
 this language was not only vocalic but sonorous also. But my in¬ 
 formant stated they spoke in “guttural, indifferent tones,” and that 
 the “deep gutturals of their language combed the expression of 
 extreme fatigue.” Further explanations elicited the fact, that their 
 utterance was monotonous and indistinct, because they took nei¬ 
 ther the trouble of speaking aloud nor distinctly and often abbrevi¬ 
 ated the terms. The “extreme fatigue” or “anxiety ” I have often 
 remarked in the utterance of Indians on the Pacific coast, who had 
 not more gutturals in their language than we have in English. The 
 cause of this apparent “ fatigue ” lies in their laryngeal utterance, 
 while the glottis is left open and in their habit of protracting their 
 sentences beyond the supply of breath which they can command. 
 
 MORPHOLOGY. 
 
 In the linguistic material before us there is very little which could 
 give us a clue to the grammatic structure of this coast idiom. The 
 nouns do not appear to have had any inflection for case 1 and the 
 verbs were inflected by auxiliary verbs—but we have always to bear 
 in mind, that the informant had not heard this language spoken 
 for at least thirty-eight years, and that therefore the syllables and 
 sounds expressing grammatic relation may have escaped her mem¬ 
 ory. 
 
 Reduplication was certainly one of the synthetic features of that 
 language and had the function of iteration, repetition or severalty; 
 this becomes apparent from kwanuakwan to grow , compared with 
 the simple form kahawan to make, to produce. Yeye to go, said of 
 many, is the reduplicated form of ye to go. The noun kekeya/eei 
 is also showing a reduplicated form and I take it to be a real plural 
 of a supposed form keya foot ; cf. kio to walk, go in the Comecrudo 
 language. From these examples it is not possible to determine all 
 
 1 In Toukawe the case-suffixes, or what may pass for such, are still in the condi¬ 
 tion of postpositions to the noun. 
 
 lot 
 
THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 91 
 
 the various methods of reduplication, hut from analogous facts in 
 Tonkawe and Pakawa it becomes probable that the first syllable was 
 the reduplicated one. 
 
 The series of numerals is either faulty or not given in the cor¬ 
 rect order and hence no dependable conclusions can be drawn from 
 it. 
 
 Pronouns. The personal pronoun was identical with the pos¬ 
 sessive pronoun, if the examples are correct, and this would prove 
 that the verb was in fact not a verb nor a noun-verb, but a real 
 noun; thus “ I kill ” had to be expressed by my hilling and “ I kill 
 a chicken ” by my hilling of a chicken. The personal pronoun was 
 placed before, not after the noun qualified. 
 
 If the pronoun of the first person of the singular allows any in¬ 
 ference concerning the other pronouns, they were often abbreviated ; 
 we find them abbreviated also when used in the case of the direct 
 and indirect object. Nayi, na-i / becomes n’, ne, in n’ tclie awa I 
 see you , ne bawus kwatchi give me fire. It is possessive : my, mine 
 in na-i gai my boio; na-i kaninma bekema ta kaupn my mother 
 wants to speak to the father. 
 
 The pronoun of the second person of the singular number is awa 
 you, thou and thy, thine; perhaps we find it abbreviated to a- in 
 the term atchata good-bye, farewell, if this can be resolved into 
 a tcha ta (I) want to see you (again), or (/) shall see you (again). 
 
 The demonstrative pronoun tal this, that also served to express 
 our he, she, it. 
 
 Other pronominal roots appear in nia, nya, there, yonder, abbrev. 
 to ya ; and in muda where? cf. m’ in : m’ tcha awa? liotc do you do? 
 
 Verbal inflection. From the syntactic examples I conclude that 
 the verb (or the noun having predicative verbal function) did not 
 inflect for person, but that the personal pronoun was placed sepa¬ 
 rately, and generally before the verb. We do not know how the 
 past tense was expressed, though some temporal particle seems to 
 have served for the purpose. The future tense was often indicated 
 by ta to wish, leant or by tchapn to be on the point of, both being 
 placed before the verb. 
 
 na-i ta hakes I am going to sit dozen, I shall sit down. 
 
 na-i be’hrna ta im my father is going to sleep, or ivants to sleep. 
 
 n’ tchapn awa o'dn I will shoot you. 
 
 Perhaps in the suffix -pn the idea of futurity was inherent also : 
 
 155 
 
92 
 
 THE KAEANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 ta kaupn (she) ivants to speak ; or it may have been the suffix form¬ 
 ing a gerund or other verbal. 
 
 The imperative and interrogative sentences contained in the vo¬ 
 cabulary do not contain any forms differing from the declarative 
 forms of the verb. Negative statements were expressed by the 
 particle kom, kum standing separate from the verb; of a passive 
 verb no example was obtained, neither do we have any indications 
 how participles and verbals were formed. 
 
 Of particles transmitted there are only a few: a and, ashahak 
 note, m’siis soon, mushawata for a long time, tenno also, tuwamka 
 yesterday. 
 
 Radioed syllables. The monosyllabic roots, as far as recogniza¬ 
 ble in the words of the vocabulary, frequently terminated in vowels, 
 but just as often in consonants and their vowels were short. Many 
 monosyllables in the vocabulary represent bases rather than roots 
 and also end in consonants, and their brevity agrees well with the 
 thoroughly analytic character of the language. Thus we have and 
 snake, de tobacco , gal bow, am fish, e tooth, im to sleep, mal dead, 
 pla good, wal, wol (1) large, (2) much. 
 
 SYNTAX. 
 
 There are no instances in the vocabularies to show the use of post¬ 
 positions ; but whenever ba-ak is employed in the sense of in the 
 house, to or from the house, it stands without affix after its verb 
 and at the end of the sentence: 
 
 na-i kota ba-ak I am hurrying home. 
 ka'da hakes ba-ak the girl sits in the house. 
 
 A remarkable freedom must have prevailed concerning the posi¬ 
 tion of words in the sentence. The direct and the indirect object 
 could be placed after as well as before the verb, for we find : 
 na-i awa ka I love you. 
 na-i demoa kahawan I make arroivs. 
 na-i ye dotn aliok lam going to kill deer. 
 na-i aknamus kwiamoya I am eating bread. 
 na-i amoak akwini I fell from the tree. 
 na-i kwatchi kosata m’sus I icill make fire soon. 
 
 The adverb is sometimes placed after the verb it qualifies at- 
 tributively, and at the end of the sentence: na-i ye wol I. walked a 
 good deal ; na-i avvan tcha nya I see a boat over there (wal nya far off). 
 156 
 
THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 93 
 
 Nominal and pronominal attributes were placed before or after 
 the nouns which they qualified. In compound nouns the determin¬ 
 ing word precedes the word qualified : 
 
 am tehuta octopus, viz. “dangerous fish.” 
 
 e tesselenia tootli-brusli. 
 
 gata kwan kitten, viz., “ cat’s offspring.” 
 
 Ivarankawa halba a Karctnkaiva chief. 
 tal akwini this tree; na-i behema my father. 
 teskaus-glle-i molasses, viz., “ sweet juice.” 
 
 The verb to be was not expressed when in the present tense, but 
 then the nominal predicate (noun or adjective) was placed at the 
 end of the sentence : 
 na-i amel I am hungry. 
 na-i glos’n kwatcho my boy is sick. 
 ashahak kwa-al now he is tired. 
 awa kaninma klaban? is your mother ivell ? 
 tal akwini hamala this tree is pretty. 
 
 It must remain a matter of doubt, whether Karankawahad a sub¬ 
 stantive verb or not, for it cannot be inferred from the sentences 
 on hand, how it was expressed in the past, future and other tenses. 
 
 DERIVATION. 
 
 To obtain an idea of the mode of derivation in this language, 
 all that can be done is to gather and rubricate the affixes or what 
 appears to be affixes. These are prevailingly suffixes, and only 
 one of the affixes, a-, may be suspected of being a prefix. 
 
 a- occurs in akwini tree, and is a prefix, if this noun is a deriva¬ 
 tive of kwan (c/. kwannakwa to groiv) ; also in ahayika friend, 
 friendly, if this is a derivative of liaikai “ two together.” If we 
 regard akwamus to eat as connected with kwiam maize, or food in 
 general, a- has to be considered here as a prefix also. 
 
 Suffixes of derivation. Suffixes are either verbal or nominal or 
 both simultaneously. 
 
 -aya, -ayi, -a-i appears in k ay ayi three, laba-i whiskey, silekayi 
 knife, tesnakwaya milk. 
 
 -ika occurs in ahayika/n'end, tamoyika red ; perhaps in tuwamka 
 yesterday, if this has originated from tuwamika. 
 
 -1 is found chiefly in adjectives, as amel hungry, mal dead, kwa-al 
 tired, tal this one, tsd'l blue, wal, wol large and numerous. We also 
 find it in kunmil gunpowder. 
 
 157 
 
94 
 
 THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 -ma occurs in behema father , budama gone (perhaps a partici¬ 
 ple) , etsma hand, gusgama shirt , lahama heart , kamnma mother , 
 a derivative of kanin female breast; it also occurs in the verb ta- 
 liaraa to break, tear. 
 
 -n is a frequent suffix and appears in the following verbs : ak- 
 weten to drink , kahawan to produce, ga-an to strike; also in nouns, 
 like kwa'n young, little, kanin breast, klaban healthy, ya-an large, 
 tall, wi-asn rain , and in the particle sni'n. Whether -n is the full 
 suffix, or whether it is the remnant of a longer form like -an is a 
 matter of doubt. 
 
 -na occurs in kumna to knoiv, takina to work; also in mado'na 
 
 pig- 
 
 -s is verbal and nominal suffix : aknamas to eat, bawus to give, 
 gas to come, kwas to know, tolos to run; also in kiss dog, kwiss 
 cloth, tissue and in m’sus soon, by and by. 
 
 -ta occurs in some of the verbs of the vocabulary : kaita to laugh, 
 kosata to perform, kota to hasten; in nouns and particles: bakta 
 day, yo'ta music, muta dear, tclnita bad, muda where ? cf. tchaiita- 
 wal. 
 
 REMARKS ON A FEW TERMS. 
 
 To promote all further inquiries on the language as much as 
 feasible I add some remarks upon the function and derivation of 
 some terms to those presented previously, excluding the numerous 
 Spanish words which have crept into the language. These were 
 qualified as such in the vocabulary, and if tsol blue is the Spanish 
 azul, this term has to be added to the list. 
 
 ba is probably not wind but the verb to blow; wol ba it blows 
 hard. 
 
 da' oyster; the original meaning is probably shell, and this would 
 explain da-home egg, viz., “ what has a shell,” or “ what is in the 
 shell.” 
 
 do-owal sun. Should this term be derived from the word for 
 heat as it is in many southern languages, then I would consider do- 
 owal as a compound of the adjective wal strong, great (“ great 
 heat”). Thus in Naktche the archaic term for the sun was wa- 
 slnl “ fire greatin Tonkawe ta/ash is sun, ta/an heat; in Nalin- 
 atl tonatiuh sun, tona to be hot. In the Cotoname o', 6 is sun and 
 day. 
 
 158 
 
THE KAEANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 95 
 
 haitn to catch , capture composes the word haitnlokn large green 
 turtle. 
 
 kassidshuwakn to hurt is a compound of kassig to pound, which 
 may have had other significations besides. From this the exis¬ 
 tence of compound verbs becomes probable. 
 
 kaupn to tell, speak, seems connected with gwa, kwa to read , of 
 which the original meaning must have been to speak (to the paper) ; 
 cf. the English to read with German reden, to speak. 
 
 kutne wol ya hen, prairie chicken , is probably a whole sentence: 
 “ birds-m an}'-there (are)” or “ bird-large-there (is).” I assume 
 that nya is here abbreviated into ya. 
 
 la-ak goose is an onomatopoetic term, corresponding to lalak goose 
 or brant-goose in Pacific coast languages. Owiya to weep seems to 
 have also an onomatopoetic origin. 
 
 pal black. My informant was not quite certain about this term, 
 which in Comecrudo is used in that sense. Old Simon has ma black. 
 The Cotoname dialect has bai for dark , black , night. 
 
 yo'ta does not signify musical instrument , but music only. 
 
 3. AFFINITIES OF THE LANGUAGE. 
 
 While engaged in comparing the scanty remnants of this littoral 
 dialect with other tongues now spoken throughout Texas and Mex¬ 
 ico, I have met with linguistic facts which give us a firm foothold 
 for assigning the Karankawa people its true ethnic position. When 
 the language of a people is shown to pertain to a certain family, 
 this does not always determine the ethnic race to which it belongs ; 
 but in this western hemisphere it does so in most instances, be¬ 
 cause here the nations which are known to have exchanged their 
 paternal language for that of other national bodies by conquest, 
 commercial intercourse or other contact are by no means as nu¬ 
 merous as in the eastern hemisphere. 
 
 The languages which I have compared with positive results were 
 the Tonkawe on one side and three Pakawa dialects upon the other : 
 Comecrudo, Cotoname and the dialect of Garcia’s “ Manual ” of 
 1760. All of these are so unlike the Karankawa that it takes con¬ 
 siderable time to find in them any facts pointing to affinity and the 
 idioms are so unintelligible to each other that the Indians of none 
 of these three languages could have entertained the idea that all 
 came from a common stock. 
 
 159 
 
96 
 
 THE KAEANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 AFFINITY OF KAJRANKAWA WITH TONKAWE. 
 
 ewe, ewe-e ! come here! T. nivve come here! we ewan in that di¬ 
 rection. 
 
 haitnlokn great green turtle; T. o/oloko, o/olakau oyster, mussel, 
 shell; the second part loko recalls the Kar. lokn, liaitn meaning to 
 
 capture. 
 
 liie-e', liie-a! yes! T. belie, yes. 
 
 kod, kudn, laid bird; T. kola, ko-ola bird. 
 
 /ankeye to run, hasten; T. liana, /ana, redupl. /a/a to ivalk, to 
 be going; /ayen going. 
 
 tal, this, this one; T. tele, tel this, this one and adv. here. 
 tclia to see, to find; T. yatcho, yetchu to see, to find; ya-,ye- being 
 prefixes. 
 
 wtd large, great, numerous; T. kwalo large. 
 wana to go, to leave; T. wanen it is going (said of a bullet) ; ta- 
 nsbo wana shooting star; sekieshte wanen seven-shooter; wan wa-al 
 just so, like this. 
 
 AFFINITY OF KARAN ICAWA WITH PAKAWA DIALECTS. 
 
 (Com.—Comecrudo; Cot.—Cotoname; G.—Garcia), 
 aknamus to eat; Cot. /a/dme, liahame to eat; akwanamie to mas¬ 
 ticate. 
 
 ba, ba' ivind or it bloivs; Com. pot wind, pepot blowing. 
 e, e’h tooth; Com. iy ; lie-6wu i tooth. 
 gai bow; Com. /ai, kai icood, tree, /ai and /ai pataple boiv. 
 ka to love, to like; G. kdwa, redupl. kakawa (spelt: cacagua). 
 kanin teat, female breast; Com. kenem, knem teat and female ani¬ 
 mal, kene chest (of man). 
 kiss dog; Cot. kissa fox. 
 kod, lsodn, bird; Cot. komiom bird. 
 
 kom, kiim, kwo-om no! Com. kam; G. a/ara, )'a/am not. 
 kumna to know; Com. kam to know. 
 
 kwannakwan to grow; Com. kwaskam to grow (plants) ; kwas 
 fruit. 
 
 nayi, na-i, nai I; G. na- I. 
 
 peka white; Com. pok, puk (in pepok, pepuk, pe- being prefix) 
 
 white. 
 
 pi a good; Com. pele, p’le good. 
 
 sni'n, a particle occurring in an exclamatory phrase : aba'mmish 
 160 
 
THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 97 
 
 sni'n, q. v.; Garcia has snon for sail inon ; yakal ajam snon we 
 vayas tu, do not go, Manual, p. 30; yayuna sno (I order) that you 
 have to fast, ibid.; yamestia sno (I order) that you have to pray, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 tal this, this one; G. ta- in tapa, tapom the one (who is) here. 
 upat long ago; G. apa at that time. 
 
 There are several other Karankawa terms which seem to be re¬ 
 lated to words of the Pakawa dialects ; but the affinity not being 
 certain and perhaps illusory, I have gathered them after the others 
 into this appendix: 
 
 ba-ak house, lodge; Com. wamak house. 
 
 aliuk to kill; Cot. watyuka to kill, cf. wateyo he died. 
 
 glo-essn, glos’n boy; Cot. kuwosam little boy, little girl. 
 
 ira to sleep; Com. -em in nemet to sleep. 
 
 ma black; Cot. bai black, dark, night. 
 
 niktam boy; if it means “not yet adult,” it may be connected 
 with Cot. katam large, adidt, grown up. 
 
 kahe, ka tobacco; Com. a’h tobacco; or it may be connected with 
 Com. yai ivood, tree, plant. 
 
 From the above lists it appears that the probability of a linguis¬ 
 tic affinity existing between Karankawa and the Pakawa dialects 
 is rather strong and will probably increase with further researches 
 made in Garcia’s “Manual” of 1760 and in the surviving dialects 
 of Pakawa. 
 
 The proofs for an affinity between Tonkawe and Karankawa are 
 rather scarce, but would by themselves become strong in spit- of 
 their paucity, if relationship could be proved to exist between Ton¬ 
 kawe and Pakawa dialects by direct comparisons. In this direc¬ 
 tion I could find only what follows : 
 
 T. a ■/, a'/ water, liquid; Com. Cot. ay water, liquid. 
 
 T. an, a-u deer, awash buffalo, meat, flesh; Com. ewe, eu-e deer, 
 and meat. 
 
 T. ashui belly; G. as’hipok belly. 
 
 T. kala, kal mouth; Com. yal mouth; cf. kam to eat, in T. yaya. 
 T. /&- in ya'slie, /a/si leaf, husk; sa-yai arrow; nenyashan wood; 
 Com. yai plant, wood, tree; cf. Kar. kahe (this page). 
 
 T. ekwan dog; Cot. kowa-u dog (see below). 
 
 T. -tsay in yetsay chest, breast; G. tzotz breast. 
 
 Derivatives of the verb kahawan, ka-awan to make, produce, seem 
 to link together all the languages just considered. I assumed that 
 p. m. papers, i. 11 161 
 
THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 98 
 
 this verb could also be employed intransitively in the sense of 
 growing; cf. kwannakwa to grow. Nouns formed from kahawan 
 would then have either an active signification, as in T. kwa'n 
 woman and wife, also female animal, viz. “ producer” and Kar. 
 kwa’n young, little , viz. “growing.” This reappears in T. wi/wan 
 young, little, small (we-, wi- is often plural prefix), in Com. kwas 
 fruit and perhaps in Com. pakwaula married (man), G. ak’au hus¬ 
 band, viz. “procreator.” Ekwan dog for yekwan “ generating” 
 (T.) may also belong here, as dogs belong to the most prolific 
 among the animals. 
 
 I have also compared over two hundred words of other southern 
 Indian languages with Karankawa terms of similar or related sig- 
 nifieations in order to trace further affinities or loan-words. The 
 languages compared were Caddo and cognate dialects, Tonika, 
 Shetimasha, Na’htchi, the Maskoki dialects, Yuchi.and Ataltapa. 
 On account of its proximity to the Karankawa lands I expected to 
 find a number of analogies in the latter, but was disappointed, the 
 most of them being furnished by Shetimasha of Southern Louisiana. 
 K. kiss dog; Shet. kish ; lush atm is horse, viz. “ large animal.” 
 6, e’h tooth, Shet. i; i kipi gums, viz. “ tooth-flesh.” 
 ba', Com. pot wind; Shet. poko, poku" wind. 
 la-ak goose, onomatop.; Na’htchi lalak, Yuchi shanlala. 
 am fish ; Na’htchi a '"fish. 
 
 ya this one; Shet. ha, a ; Na’htche kaya, Atak. ya. 
 apcl Com. above, shy and face ; Koassati aba; Tonika aparu sky. 
 a’h, a// water Com.; a/ in Atakapa and in Tonkawe. 
 kahe, ka tobacco; Caddo naki ka’liwa / smoke: tobacco being yaha. 
 in Caddo. 
 
 ma black ; Atak. mel, melmel ; Tonika mcli. 
 
 162 
 
VII. BIBLIOGRAPHIC ANNOTATIONS. 
 
 The “ Relation ” of Joutel , which is of importance for the study 
 of manners and customs of the.Texan coast Indians, has come down 
 to our times in several editions differing considerably among them¬ 
 selves. A narrative running parallel to that in Margry, Decouver- 
 tes, vol. hi, 120-172 will be found in B. F. French, Historical Col¬ 
 lections of Louisiana, Part I (New York, 1840, 8vo), 94-118, etc. 
 An early English edition of Joutel was published in London, 1714. 
 
 Additional information on the KaranJcawa tribe is contained in 
 Charlevoix, History of New France, iv, 75-77 (ed. Shea) and in 
 Bonnel, Topographic Description of Texas, Austin, 1840. 
 
 Mounds and graves in Aransas County, near Salt Creek on Hynes 
 Bay, “ where the Karankawas formerly dwelt,” are described by 
 Y. Bracht in the Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 
 1879, p. 442. 
 
 The Aranama tribe, a peaceable people mentioned, pp. 29 and 
 34, as living at La Bahia del Espiritu Santo mission, appear to be 
 identical with the Xaranames of some Mexican documents pre¬ 
 served in the Texas state archives, cf. p. 79. In this case we shall 
 have to assume that the initial guttural / was lost, and the Kiro- 
 nonas, who lived on St. Bernard’s bay, may in their name repre¬ 
 sent another form of the same aboriginal appellation ; see p. 35. 
 Document No. 83 of the Texas archives, date about 1792, mentions 
 thirty-two Xaranames who had run away from the mission of Es¬ 
 piritu Santo. 
 
 163 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Affinities of Karankawa language, 
 95-98. 
 
 Akonkisa, 40, 70, same as Orcoquiza, 
 q. v. 
 
 Alasapas, 38. 
 
 Anthropophagy, 15, 26, 27. 
 
 Antonio, chief, 20, 48, 67. 
 
 Apaches, 27, 33, 40-42, c/. Lipan. 
 Aranamas, 29, 34, c/. Xaranames. 
 Aransas, 29, 45, 48, 49, 54, 81. 
 Assinai tribes, 27, 33, 35, 39, 40. 
 Atakapa, 26, 27, 33, 36, 39, 45, 98. 
 Attire, ornamental, 17, 62. 
 
 Austin, Stephen, 30, 31, 35. 
 
 Bahamos; see Ebahamos. 
 
 Barcia, Ensayo, 25 (Note), 35. 
 
 Historiadores, 23(Note). 
 Belle-Isle, Simars de, 26. 
 
 Bidai, 29, 39 (and Note), 79. 
 Biskatronge, 34, 35. 
 
 Black drink, 18, 71. 
 
 Borrados, 29 (and Note), 38. 
 Bi-acamos, 24, 25, 35. 
 
 Brazos river, 30, 31, 37. 
 
 Brazos Santiago, 31, 46. 
 
 Bridges, Thos., vii, viii, 9, 30, 48, 
 66-69, 70. 
 
 Buschmann, J. C. E., 33, 36, 49. 
 
 Cabe§a de Yaca, Alvar Nunez, 23, 
 34, 71. 
 
 Caddo, 27, 37, 39, 40, 98. 
 
 Camoles, 23. 
 
 Cancy, 27, 37 (Note), 41. 
 
 Caney creek, 47, 53, 55. 
 
 Canoes, 10, 16, 61. 
 
 Caoques, 23, 34, 35. 
 
 Carrizos, 38, 51, 79. 
 
 Cenis, 27, 39, 40; see Assinai. 
 Chayopines, 38. 
 
 Chicliimeca, 39. 
 
 Chorruco, 23. 
 
 Clamcoet, 25, 27, 43, 88. 
 
 Climate of coast, 57. 
 
 Coast lagoons, 54. 
 
 Coco Indians, 28, 35, 36. 
 
 Colorado river of Texas, 28, 30, 34, 
 42, 45. 
 
 Comanches, 27, 28, 29, 33, 41, 42, 
 46, 47. 
 
 Comecrudo, 38, 42-44; language, 
 95-98. 
 
 Contents, table of, iii. 
 
 Corpus Christi, 28, 34, 37, 54. 
 Cotoname, 38, 43; language, 95-98. 
 Counting, method of, 69. 
 
 Cujanos, 24, 34, 35. 
 
 Derivation of words, 93, 94. 
 Disposal of the dead, 19, 68. 
 Doguenes, 23. 
 
 Dogs, 24, 43, 44, 97, 98. 
 
 Dress, 17, 61. 
 
 Dwellings, 10, 11, 17, 63, 64. 
 
 Ebahamos, 23-25, 35. 
 
 Erigoanna, 35. 
 
 Etymologies, of local names, 81, 82; 
 of Karankawa terms, 94, 95. 
 
 Fauna of the coast, 56. 
 
 Fire-drill, 10, 11. 
 
 Fire-signalling, 19, 70, 71. 
 
 Flora of the coast, 57. 
 
 Food of the Karankawa, 11, 17, 
 59-61. 
 
 Galveston bay, 45, 54. 
 
 Galveston island, 30. 
 
 Garcia, B., Padre, 38, 51, 95-98. 
 Garza, Padre, 28. 
 
 Gatschet, Albert S., 3, 6; The Ka¬ 
 rankawa Indians, 21-99. 
 Gesture language, 70. 
 
 Goliad, city, 29, 31. 
 
 Grammatic elements, 87-94. 
 Grasmeyer, T. W., correspondence 
 of, 37. 
 
 Guaycoaes, 23. 
 j Gyle, A. B., letter, 47. 
 
 165 
 
102 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Hammond, Chas. A., v; biograph¬ 
 ical notice of Mrs. Oliver, vii; 
 the Carancahua tribe of Indi¬ 
 ans, 9-13. 
 
 Han, 23 (and Note), 34. 
 
 Harpe, Benard de la, 2G, 27, 37 
 (Note). 
 
 Ilebohamos, 24. 
 
 Hermaphrodites, 68. 
 
 Head flattening, 62, 63 (and Note). 
 
 Higos, los de los, 23. 
 
 Holley, Mrs. M. A., 31. 
 
 Isladel Mali)ado, 23 (Note), 34. 
 
 Isla del Padre, 46, 49, cf. , Brazos 
 Santiago. 
 
 Jose Maria, chief, 47, 48. 
 
 Joutel, explorer, 23, 24, 35. 
 
 Kayowe, 33, 42, 43. 
 
 Karankawa Indians: anointing 
 themselves, 17, 24, 62; bodily 
 appearance and constitution, 
 17,24, 57-59; canoes, 10, 16, 
 61; children, 17, 59, 66; camp¬ 
 fires, 10; chiefs, 47, 48, 64; 
 country and its climate, 53-67; 
 disposal of the dead, 19, 68; 
 downfall of the nation, 46-51; 
 ethnography of, 57-71; expelled 
 from Texas, 49-51; fights with 
 settlers, 30-32; food, 11, 59, 
 61; historic notes down to 1835, 
 23-32; hostility towards the 
 whites, 30; our knowledge of 
 them but fragmentary, 21; La- 
 fltte attacks them, 30; language 
 of, 73-98; lodges and camps, 
 10, 11, 17, 63, 64: manners and 
 customs, 16, 17, 67, 68; mental 
 attainments, 68-71; moral char¬ 
 acter, 19, 20, 65-67; personal 
 names, 70; religious festival, 
 13, 71; settled on two missions, 
 28, 29; settlements, 26, 28, 45- 
 51, and the map; signalling, 
 19, 70, 71; tribal synonymy, 
 43, 44; utensils, 12; vocabula¬ 
 ries, 73, 79, 83; wars, 15, 29-32, 
 46-51; weapons, 12, 13. 
 
 Keles, 44, 67, 79. 
 
 Kemper murdered, 49. 
 
 Kichai, 39. 
 
 Kironona, 35, 44. 
 
 Koieukahe, 23, 43. 
 
 Iiopano, 15, 45, 46, 54, SI, 82. 
 
 Kouyam, Quouan, 23, 24. 
 
 166 
 
 Kriwitz, E„ 48. 
 
 Kuykendall, Abner, 31. 
 
 Kwahada, 41. 
 
 La Bahia del Espiritu Santo, 
 mission, 29, 31, cf. 45, 46, 47. 
 Lafitte, pirate, 30, 45. 
 
 Language of the Karankawa, 73-98. 
 Lavaca bay, 45, 54. 
 
 Lavaca river, 28, 31. 
 
 Lipan, 28, 29, 33, 40, 41, 44, 51. 
 Lodges or wigwams, 10, 11, 17, 63, 
 64. 
 
 Maligne river, 23, 24. 
 
 Manahuila creek, 31, 81. 
 
 Manners and customs, 16, 17, 67, 
 
 68 . 
 
 Manos de Perro, 38. 
 
 Map of the Karankawa haunts and 
 settlements; opposite page 46. 
 Maratino, 39. 
 
 Mariames, 23. 
 
 Matagorda, vii, 9, 28, 32, 37, 45, 54, 
 55, 67. 
 
 Mayes, 35. 
 
 Mayeye, 35. 
 
 Medicine men, 70. 
 
 Meudica, 23. 
 
 Mental attainments, 18, 68-71. 
 Mescaleros, 41, 42. 
 
 Mescales, 38. 
 
 MGye, 36, 37. 
 
 Milfort, 26. 
 
 Missions in Texas, 26, 28, 29, 31, 
 46 ; cf. La Bahia. 
 
 Moral character, 17, 65. 
 
 Musical instruments, 18. 
 Miihlenpfordt, 49. 
 
 Nabaidatclie, 40. 
 
 Nacogdoches, 25, 36. 
 
 Na’htchi, 95, 98. 
 
 Nahuatl local names in Texas, 82. 
 Na-islia Apaches, 42. 
 
 Names, personal, 70. 
 
 Narvaez, Pamfilo de, 23. 
 
 Nueces bay, 28, 54. 
 
 Nueces river, 46, 48. 
 
 Numerals, 69, 91 (and in Vocabula¬ 
 ries). 
 
 Old Simon, 36, 37, 43, 79, 80. 
 Oliver, Alice Williams; v, vii, 44, 47, 
 48, 54-57, 70, 71, 80; biograph¬ 
 ical notice, vii, Notes on the 
 Carancahua Indians, 15-20; 
 her vocabulary, 73-78. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 103 
 
 Orcoquiza, 28, 36, 40. 
 
 Orejones, 38, 39. 
 
 Pacaos, 38. 
 
 Pacoas, 38. 
 
 Pacuaches, 38. 
 
 Paduka, 27. 
 
 Painting, art of, 69. 
 
 Pajalates, 38. 
 
 Pakawa, linguistic family, 33, 37-39, 
 51; language, 95-98. 
 
 Pamaques, 38. 
 
 Painpopas, 38. 
 
 Pani, 27. 
 
 Pani tribes, 39-40. 
 
 Pausanes, 38. 
 
 Penetethka, 41. 
 
 Phonetics, 87, 88. 
 
 Pihuiques, 38. 
 
 Pohoi, 41. 
 
 Pottery, 24, 69. 
 
 Pronouns, 91. 
 
 Putnam, F. W., viii; prefatory no¬ 
 tice, v- 
 
 Quelancouchis, 44. 
 
 Quelanhubeches, 25. 
 
 Quevenes, 23. 
 
 Quinets, 25. 
 
 Quitoles, 23. 
 
 Reduplication, 90. 
 
 Refugio, mission, 28, 46. 
 
 Religion, 18, 24, 71. 
 
 Rio Grande and tribes upon it, 26, 
 27, 29 (Note), 37-39, 41, 42, 
 49-51, 53. 
 
 Salle, Robert Cavelier de la, 23, 25. 
 Sallie Washington, 79, 80. 
 
 San Antonio de Bejar, 25. 26, 35, 
 38 
 
 St. Bernard bay, 25, 26, 35, 41, 54. 
 St. Louis bay, 23, 25, 41. 
 
 Sanipaos, 38. 
 
 Settlements or haunts of Karankawa 
 Indians, 16, 26, 28, 45-51, and 
 
 map. 
 
 Shetimasha, 43, 98. , 
 
 Shoshonian family, 33, 41. 
 
 Sibley, Dr., 36, 45, 55, 70. 
 
 Snake Indians, 41. 
 
 Songs, 18, 81. 
 
 Suffixes, 93, 94. 
 
 Syntax, 92, 93. 
 
 Tacames, 38. 
 
 Tamaulipas, 38, 39, 49, 50; see also 
 Rio Grande, 
 
 Tampacuas, 44, 50, 51. 
 
 Tattooing, 19, 63. 
 
 Tawakaros, 27, 33. 
 
 Texan littoral, Indian tribes of, 
 33-42. 
 
 Texas, state, 33-42, 50, 51. 
 
 Texas (or Tejas) tribes, 40. 
 Tilijayas, 38. 
 
 Tinne family, 40, 41. 
 
 Tltskan watitch, 37. 
 
 Tonkawe, 27, 29, 33, 36, 37, 42, 43, 
 44, 70; language, 95-98. 
 Trespalacios bay, 15, 45, 47, 48, 54, 
 55. 
 
 Tribal government, 64. 
 
 Trinidad river, 40. 
 
 Venados, 38. 
 
 Verbal inflection, 91, 92. 
 
 Vidayos; see Bidai. 
 
 Vocabulary of Mrs. Oliver, 73-78. 
 Vocabulary of Old Simon and Sallie 
 Washington, 79, 80. 
 
 V ocabulary, Englisli-Karaukawa, 
 
 83-86. 
 
 Weepers, 34, 35. 
 
 Weko (Hueco, Waco), 33, 36, 39. 
 Wichita tribe, 27, 33, 159. 
 
 Wrestlers, 44 (andNote), 79. 
 
 Xaranames, 79, 99; cf. Aranamas. 
 
 Yakwal, 37. 
 
 Yiitassi, 40. 
 
 Yoakum, historian, 30, 45. 
 
 167 
 
ARCHEOLOGICAL AND ETHNOLOGICAL PAPERS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PEABODY MUSEUM. 
 
 — Harvard University — 
 
 Vol. I. No. 3. 
 
 THE ATLATL OR SPEAR-THROWER 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 BY 
 
 ZBLIA NUTTALL, 
 
 Special Assistant of the Peabody Museum. 
 
 WITH THREE PLATES. 
 
 CAMBRIDGE, MASS. 
 PEABODY MUSEUM OF AMERICAN 
 ARCHEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY. 
 1891. 
 
PRINTED BY 
 
 THE SALEM PRESS PUBLISHING AND PRINTING CO. 
 SALEM, MASS. 
 
EDITORIAL NOTE. 
 
 All who have read Mrs. Nuttall’s memoir on "An Ancient 
 Mexican Head-dress,” published as No. 1 of the Museum Pa¬ 
 pers in 1888, will be specially interested in this second num¬ 
 ber of her series of essays illustrating the life and customs 
 of the ancient Mexicans. Mrs. Nuttall’s knowledge of the 
 Nahuatl language and her familiarity with the original sources 
 of information relating to Mexico, together with her excep¬ 
 tional opportunities for investigation during several periods 
 of residence in Mexico as well as in various European cities, 
 give to all she writes the stamp of authority; while her 
 painstaking and thoroughness of investigation are apparent 
 upon every page. It is therefore with great satisfaction that 
 this second essay is published by the Museum, and the state¬ 
 ment made that it will soon be followed by another of the 
 series. 
 
 The manuscript here printed was received from the author 
 in the summer of 1890, and an abstract of the paper was 
 read before the Anthropological Section of the American As¬ 
 sociation for the Advancement of Science at the Indianapolis 
 Meeting on August 25, 1890, and is printed in the Proceed¬ 
 ings of the Meeting. The drawings illustrating the present 
 paper were made under the author’s direction in Dresden, 
 and are here reproduced by the photographic process. 
 
 F. W. Putnam, 
 
 Curator of the Museum. 
 
 Cambridge, Mass., 
 
 September 24, 1890. 
 
 171 
 

THE ATLATL OR SPEAR-THROWER USED BY 
 THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 My interest in the spear-thrower per se was first aroused by the 
 perusal of Prof. Otis T. Mason’s important monograph “On the 
 Throwing-sticks in the National Museum,” published in Part II of 
 Smithsonian Report for 1884. Dr. Max Uhle’s valuable contri¬ 
 bution on the spear-throwers used b} y American tribes 1 directed my 
 attention to the existence of the ancient Mexican atlatl, and thus 
 gave the direct incentive to an investigation, begun in October, 
 1887, the results of which I now offer as a sequence to the above 
 publications. 2 
 
 As will be seen, the statements about the atlatl made by the 
 best known modern authorities on Ancient Mexico, are scarcely 
 of a nature to encourage research with any prospect of success. 
 Thus Dr. E. B. Tylor (Primitive Culture, 1873), after making the 
 interesting observation that “the Aztec civilisation is the highest 
 known to have used the spear-thrower, in reality a weapon of sav¬ 
 agery,” proceeds to state that “we do not hear of the atlatl being 
 in practical use at the Conquest, when it had apparently fallen into 
 disuse.” Other writers, as we shall see, have expressed a similar 
 opinion. Mr. Ad. F. Bandelier 3 went so far as to appear to doubt 
 its existence and habitual use in warfare though he states that Prof. 
 F. W. Putnam had identified the Mexican atlatl with the throwing- 
 stick of the Aleutians. 
 
 1 Ueber die Wurfholzer der Indianer Amerikas, Dr. Max Uhle. Mittheilungen der 
 Anthrop. Gesellseliaft. Wien, 1887. 
 
 2 As Dr. Max Uhle in a communication dated Nov. 3,1887, informed me that he had 
 then discovered or identified a number of representations of atlatl in the Mexican and 
 Maya codices contained in Kingsborough’s work, it is to be hoped that this able eth¬ 
 nologist has continued to study the atlatl, and will impart before long the results of his 
 labor. 
 
 3 Art of War and Warfare of Ancient Mexicans. Tenth annual report of the Peabody 
 Museum, Cambridge, 1877, page 105, Note 37. 
 
 173 
 
6 
 
 THE ATLATL OR SPEAR-THROWER 
 
 Mr. H. H. Bancroft 1 says that, although “some writers mention 
 a ballesta, a sort of cross-bow, to launch the javelin, he had not 
 found any description of its form or the manner of using it.” This 
 writer adds however : “it may be that this ballesta was a somewhat 
 similar implement to that used by the Aleutians and Isthmians.” 
 Senor Orozco y Berra, the learned Mexican historian, frankly con¬ 
 fessed that the structure of the atlatl was unknown to him. 9 His 
 compatriot, Senor Alfredo Chavero, recognized, however, its use and 
 even made an inference as to its construction, based on its known 
 representations in the Vatican and Aubin Codices. 3 Professor Val- 
 entini 4 recognizes the existence of the atlatl and its use by the Indi¬ 
 ans in Mexico, but comments how surprising it is “that no express 
 notice of it was taken by the chroniclers and especially that Cor¬ 
 tes and Bernal Diaz, two experts in Mexican warfare and careful 
 reporters, passed in absolute silence over the peculiar contrivance 
 which they needs must have seen in the hands of their opponents 
 and which, for various reasons, could not have failed to attract 
 their notice.” 
 
 After reading these statements I was surprised to find that there 
 existed in the old Spanish Chronicles, a number of scattered no¬ 
 tices establishing, beyond a doubt, the general use and important 
 role performed by the atlatl at the time of the Conquest. The 
 next step was to refer to several well-known pictures of the atlatl, 
 contained in the Vatican, Telleriano-Remensis and Aubin Codices, 
 authenticated as such by contemporary texts. Familiarity with 
 these enabled me to recognize an unexpectedly large number of 
 representations of the atlatl in other Codices and, what is more 
 important, to identify it as the hitherto unknown weapon held by 
 the sculptured warriors on the so-called Sacrificial Stone of Mexico 
 and on bas-reliefs of Chichen-Itza, Yucatan. These carved repre¬ 
 sentations, and the colored pictures in the Codices are so minutely 
 and carefully executed and so clear]} 7 reveal both structure and 
 method of use that they fully compensate for lack of detail con¬ 
 cerning these points in the Spanish Chronicles. Indirect evidence 
 and finally the Nahuatl text of Sahagun’s invaluable Manuscript 
 Historia, which I had occasion to study in Florence this winter, 
 
 1 Native Races, vol. n, p. 410. 
 
 2 Historia Antigua <1e Mexico, vol. I, p. 240. 
 
 3 Mexico atraves de los Siglos, p. 615. 
 
 «Two Mexican Chalcliiluiites. Proceedings of the Am. Antiquarian Society, 1881, 
 174 
 
USED BY THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 7 
 
 contributed to reveal a complete view of the curious evolution of 
 the spear-thrower in Ancient Mexico. 
 
 We seem to see the native huntsman using it, in its simple, prim¬ 
 itive form, to launch the harpoon at the flsli and aquatic fowl of 
 his native lagoons or hurl it in savage warfare at his enemy. In 
 numerous pictures we find it exhibiting elaborate decorations, cu¬ 
 rious conventional forms, and serving as a mark of chieftainship 
 and priestly rank. We finally recognize ceremonial forms of the 
 atiatl in the hands of Aztec deities and in the precious emblem 
 borne aloft in certain religious processions. The following data 
 prove, beyond a doubt, that the atiatl was in general use, in each 
 of these forms, at the time of the Conquest, although it soon fell 
 into disuse and became extinct. 
 
 To the Aztec mind the origin of the atiatl and spear was by no 
 means shrouded in obscurity, but was accounted for by several 
 myths and traditions. One of these is preserved in a Manuscript 
 History written in Mexico in 1576. 1 The Nalmatl text relates that 
 the Aztecs, during their migration, in the year 5 Cane, reached a 
 locality which they subsequently named Atlacuihuayan in com¬ 
 memoration of the fact that whilst there, they invented the atiatl 
 and yaomitl = war-arrow, or spear. The name Atlacuihuayan in 
 this manuscript is ideographically expressed by the picture of an 
 atiatl on which a dart rests. (See PI. iii, 6.) In the “Mexican 
 Hieroglyphic Manuscript from the Boturini collection 2 the same lo¬ 
 cal^ is designated by the rebus of a hand holding an atiatl. (See 
 PI. iii, 26.) 
 
 Notwithstanding these seeming corroborations, there are strong 
 reasons to believe that the localized invention of the atiatl had ab¬ 
 solutely nothing to do with the origin of the name Atlacuihuayan. 
 Indeed, the probability seems to be that this part of the tradition 
 took its rise from the circumstance that an atiatl was occasionally 
 painted as the hieroglyph of the town. But it could have been 
 thus employed for its phonetic elements only. In other MSS. 3 
 we find the same name equally well expressed by a rebus consist- 
 
 1 This MS. has been published in facsimile by J. Desportes, Paris. For further men¬ 
 tion of this tradition see Duran, Historia, i, p. 31; Orozco y Berra, op. cit. i, 240; A. 
 Chavero, op. cit. and others. 
 
 2 Mexican Antiquities, Lord Kingsborough, vol.l. 
 
 3 See Orozco y Berra, Atlas to Historia and Antonio Penafiel: Nombres Geograficos 
 de Mexico, Mexico, 1885. 
 
 175 
 
8 
 
 THE ATLATL OR SPEAR-THROWER 
 
 ing of a jug from which water is overflowing. 1 On the whole, 
 however, the above tradition merits respectful consideration and is 
 of unusual importance and interest when compared with further 
 testimony yielded by the pictorial accounts of the Aztec migra¬ 
 tion. In each of the MSS. mentioned above and in Padre Du¬ 
 ran’s Atlas the Aztecs are pictured as starting on their migration 
 armed with bows and arrows only. Now, our tradition merely 
 makes the plausible statement that when the Aztecs reached the 
 Valley of Mexico and were forced to seek their food in the lagoons 
 which abounded in fish and fowl, they naturally adopted the most 
 practical instrument for aquatic chase. This was the atlatl and 
 its inseparable adjunct the harpoon or spear. 
 
 A second tradition recorded by Padre Sahagun 2 relates that it 
 was Opochtli — a simple mortal though called a god, who had in¬ 
 vented the harpoon and taught its use to the Mexicans, as well as 
 that of oars, fishing-nets and bird snares. His inventing the har¬ 
 poon seems to explain why Opochtli was also Amimitl, for this 
 name literally means : water-arrows = harpoons. 
 
 But the use of the spear in warfare was supposed to have been 
 taught by Iluitzilopochtli, the hero war-god. A well-known myth, 
 to which 1 will revert, relates that he had come to life ready for 
 warfare, “armed with a spear, an atlatl and a shield.” A tradi¬ 
 tion, as recorded by Torquemada, 3 tells that it was this Indian 
 Mars who incited the Mexicans to battle and had given them the 
 weapons with which they fought, namely, the long spears made of 
 cane stalks and tipped with obsidian, which they threw with a cer¬ 
 tain implement called “ atlatl.” It is noteworthy that, in the above 
 
 1 This rebus has been analyzed as meaning “ the place whence water is fetched.” 
 That the first syllable of Atlacuihuayan is atl, water, is proven by the fact that, in 
 
 Carochi’s Grammar, this name is printed with an accent on the first syllable. 
 
 This would connect Atlacuihuayan with the verb “ atlacui” = to draw water from a 
 well; and with the nouns, atlacuiuani = water-bucket, and atlacuic — water-carrier. 
 
 In the invaluable old map of the City of Mexico, recently discovered in the Univer¬ 
 sity Library at Upsala, Sweden, 1 had occasion to note that the partially corrupted name 
 Atlacubaya, written in Spanish text, is accompanied by a jug with overflowing water. 
 
 Bnschmann (Uber Aztekische Ortsnamen, p. 25), gives the original name of Tacit- 
 baya as Atlauhcoloayan and refers to Bezerra Tauco as his authority. This name 
 would signify ‘-place of the winding brook.” Topographical testimony seems to cor¬ 
 roborate this etymology—for in the above map the town, represented as a group of 
 houses and a steepled church, is painted as bounded on three sides by a winding stream 
 which describes several unusually deep curves during its comparatively brief course. 
 
 2 Historia de las cosas de Nueva Espana, lib. I, cap. xvil. 
 
 3 Monarquia Indiana, Madrid, 1723. 
 
 176 
 
USED BY THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 9 
 
 traditions, absolutely no mention is made of the maquauitl or ob¬ 
 sidian sword, or of the lance — nor are there any traditional ac¬ 
 counts of their origin. Although these were in general use we are 
 told by the high authority Herrera 1 that “the spear was the weap¬ 
 on most dreaded by the Spaniards.” Its use and deadly effect 
 have, in fact, been recorded in at least a few words by each of the 
 old Spanish chroniclers. 
 
 Cortes relates how the inhabitants of a certain village attacked 
 his soldiers “ throwing many spears and arrows at them.” 2 
 
 Bernal Diaz mentions how, in the Spaniards’ first battle with the 
 Tlaxcallans, the ground was strewn with innumerable spears (varas) 
 all with two barbs. “ These,” he adds, “ could traverse any sort of 
 armor and against them there were no means of protection.” 3 
 
 The brave old soldier records later (p. 46), how “ the Tlaxcal¬ 
 lans had thrown, with throwers , spears armed with one or two 
 barbs” and in describing what he saw in Montezuma’s arsenal (p. 
 67), he again mentions: “spears, some with two and some with 
 one point, and their throwers .” 
 
 The Anonymous Conqueror 4 describes “ spears thrown by a 
 cross-bow made of another piece of wood. These spears were tipped 
 with obsidian or with very sharp, strong fish bones. Some had 
 three points and inflicted three wounds at once.” 
 
 Ixtlilxochitl terms the spear, lanza arrojadiza, whereas Padre 
 Duran 5 names it fisga or vara arrojadiza, literally “ spear which 
 was thrown” and characterizes it as “ a very dangerous weapon, 
 because, on account of its barbed hooks like those of a harpoon, it 
 cannot be removed without making a large wound — unless it can 
 be taken out at the opposite side.” 
 
 Torquemada 6 states that a battle was usually opened by a vol¬ 
 ley of “ spears thrown by means of a shuttle (jugadera), with great 
 strength and velocity.” Mendieta? makes the same statement in 
 the same words. 
 
 Padre Saliagun 8 distinctly mentions that “ the instrument with 
 which spears were thrown was called atlatl” 
 
 1 Historia General, Madrid, 1601, vol. I, p. 185. 
 
 2 Historia de Nueva Espana, ed. Lorenzana, p. 51. 
 
 3 Historia Verdadera de la Conquista, Madrid, 1632, p. 45. 
 
 4 Ed. Icazbalceta, Mexico, 1858, p. 372. 
 
 6 Historia de las Indias, Mexico, 1867 and 1880, vol. i, p. 121. 
 
 6 Op. cit., II, 539. 
 
 7 Historia Ecclesiastica, Mexico, 1870, p. 
 
 8 Historia de Nueva Espana,lib. n, cap. 29. 
 
 P. M. PAPERS I. 12 
 
 177 
 
10 
 
 THE ATLATL OR SPEAR THROWER 
 
 Fray Diego de Landa 1 tells us that the inhabitants of Yucatan 
 had learned the use of weapons and the art of warfare from the 
 Mexicans and that they had “a certain way of throwing spears by 
 means of a stick, about 3 fingers thick and 6 palmos (about 18 
 inches) long, which stick was perforated at one-third of its length 
 and with it and certain cords, the Indians threw with strength and 
 certain aim.” 
 
 Finally Tezozomoc 2 in his graphic description of the military drill 
 performed by the Tlatelulcan warriors preparatory to their rebel¬ 
 lion against Mexican supremacy, specifies their use of‘‘sticks har¬ 
 dened by fire” (varas tostadas) called tlatzontectli , and spears called 
 minacachalli. The latter had three points, he says, and “ were 
 thrown by means of a stick nine inches long, called atlatl, which 
 atlatl was the thrower — arrojadero,' of the minacachalli.” 
 
 Now Sahagun(op. et loc. cit .)distinctly states that the harpoon for 
 killing fish invented by Opochtli was named minacachalli. It is 
 interesting therefore to actually find Tezozomoc recording how the 
 Tlatilulcans were ordered out in canoes, by their chief, to practise 
 throwing their minacachalli at flying ducks preparatory to using 
 them, in battle against their enemy. This double use for the har¬ 
 poon or spear satisfactorily explains the somewhat puzzling use, 
 recorded by Clavigero and after him by other writers 3 of a cord at¬ 
 tached to the spear and fastened to the arm of the individual using 
 it. Clavigero, who is by no means a first rate authority, but has 
 enjoyed popularity, explains that the cord was used for pulling the 
 spear out after inflicting a wound. Now in warfare a firm bond 
 connecting a man with his wounded and infuriated foe would have 
 obvious inconveniences, especially if the barbed spears were as 
 difficult to remove as we have been told they were. On the other 
 hand, in aquatic chase such a cord would fulfil the important and use¬ 
 ful purpose of securing prey and preventing the loss of the harpoon. 
 I am therefore inclined to agree with Senor Orozco y Berra who 
 expressed his belief {op. et loc. cit.) that Clavigero was uncon¬ 
 sciously referring to harpoons as used for killing fish and not as 
 used in warfare, in the above passage which lacks, moreover, the 
 support of other evidence. 
 
 1 Relacion de las cosas de Yucatan, ed. Brasseur de Bourbourg, p. 46. 
 
 2 Cronica Mexicana, Mexico, 1S73, p. 376. 
 
 2 Historia Antigua, ed. Mora, Mexico, 1S44, p. 217. cf. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. 
 Nat. Civ., hi, p.594; H. II. Bancroft, Native Races, ir, p.410; A. Bandelier, op. cit. p. 105; 
 and others. 
 
 178 
 
USED BY THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 11 
 
 Now the use by the ancient Mexican of an amiento or strap for 
 the purpose of throwing the spear has been stated, in contradiction 
 to the mass of evidence, by a few old Spanish writers whose words 
 have been quoted by some modern authorities. In Molina’s dic¬ 
 tionary we actually find the word atlatl translated by amiento , one 
 of several Spanish words for strap. Only a prolonged search has 
 enabled me to find the explanation of the strikingly inappropriate 
 use of the term “strap” for a wooden throwing-stick. The explana¬ 
 tion is as follows : and though it may seem, as I hope it will, very 
 simple and evident, I can affirm that it was most difficult and per¬ 
 plexing to find. 
 
 I have already stated that Bernal Diaz mentioned spears which 
 the Indians “ threw with throwers.” He uses the expression tirar 
 con t trader as and it is evident that by tivadera he merely meant 
 to express the verbal noun of the verb tirar which he used imme¬ 
 diately before, to describe the action. He employed the expression 
 tirar con tiradera in precisely the same way and with the same 
 signification as Torquemada and Tezozomoc respectively wrote, 
 jugar conjvgadera and arrojar . . . con arrojadera. Each of these 
 old Spanish contemporaries thus described in synonymous verbs 
 and verbal nouns the action, to throw (a spear) with a thrower. 
 
 Now the word jugadera, from its original meaning of “thrower’ 
 has come to be the specific name for a certain kind of “thrower:” 
 a shuttle. The word tiradera, though it simply meant “thrower ” 
 and was employed in this sense, as will be shown further on, by 
 others than Bernal Diaz, was also used by some old writers for 
 the thing thrown, namely, the spear, sometimes termed “ vara 
 arrojadi§a.” Tiradera , however, also meant strap and was there¬ 
 fore synonymous with amiento , the more general term for strap, 
 though its application is usually limited to that strap used to fas¬ 
 ten the helmet under the chin. 
 
 The chronicler and compiler Herrera , who, I believe, never left 
 Spain, but is known to have consulted the MS. History of the Con¬ 
 quest written by Bernal Diaz, evidently came across the word 
 tiradera and, having no practical knowledge of Mexican spears and 
 their throwers, inferred that a tiradera was an amiento. And thus 
 we find him recording 1 that the same Tlaxcallans whom Bernal Diaz 
 had seen, “carried spears with amientos which they threw with such 
 force as to cleave a door.” 
 
 1 Op. cit. Dec. II., lib. VI, cap. VI. 
 
 179 
 
12 
 
 THE ATLATL OR SPEAR-THROWER 
 
 Having once been admitted and employed in connection with 
 Mexican spears, the word amiento , the false substitute for tiraclera, 
 asserted itself and with the recognized vitality and success of er¬ 
 rors found its way into a series of books. But its falsity and ab¬ 
 solute inappropriateness are often evident. Just see, for instance, 
 how the writer of the Italian text to the Vatican Codex 1 retains 
 this Spanish word and, in describing the picture of a warrior on 
 PI. lxxxi, says : “that which is held in the right hand is an ami¬ 
 ento [strap /] made of wood , with which the} r throw a spear with 
 great force.” The English translator of the same text 2 rather clev¬ 
 erly translated this as a lcind of roooden sling. On referring to the 
 picture we find a substantial, well-drawn atlatl in the warrior’s 
 hand (PI. hi, 16). 
 
 Again notice how Padre Duran’s use of the word is proven to 
 be wrong by his own illustration. He relates that “a certain im¬ 
 age . . . held, with a threatening gesture, a spear which was set 
 in an amiento.” Examining the picture of this image in his Atlas 
 we find the spear, not set into a strap but distinctly lying on an 
 atlatl of well-known form, made of a recurved piece of wood pro¬ 
 vided with lateral finger-pegs. 
 
 The Aztec word atlatl or atlatli, as it is sometimes found writ¬ 
 ten, is intimately connected with the verb tlaca=zto aim, to throw 
 or cast (Spanish : tirar )., the frequentative of which is tlatlatja. 
 
 From this verb a whole series of words is formed : 
 
 tlatla^aliztli = the act of throwing, etc. 
 
 tlatlatjalli \ 
 
 ortlatlaxtli > the object thrown. 
 
 tlatlaztli 1 
 
 tlatla^ani = the thrower. 
 
 Now we also find the verbs atlauia and atlacopa or atlatica nitl- 
 .amina , meaning: to throw a dart with an atlatl. 
 
 Considering that the original use of the atlatl was in aquatic 
 chase by the atlacatl or fishermen, whose name is a s 3 - nthesis of 
 atl — water and tlacatl = men, I venture the suggestion that the word 
 atlatl may primarily have been a synthesis formed with the verbal 
 noun tlatla^ani = thrower and atl = water. This would give the 
 word atlatlagani , meaning “ water-thrower,” not an unfit name for 
 
 1 Lord Kingsborough, Mexican Antiquities, vol. v. 
 
 5 Lord Kingsborough, Mexican Antiquities, vol. vi. 
 
 180 
 
USED BY THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 13 
 
 the harpoon-thrower of the water-men. However, this is, as I said, 
 a suggestion only', and I refer the question of the exact derivation 
 of “atlatl” to the consideration of Mexican philologists. 
 
 Let us now review the scattered testimony I have brought to¬ 
 gether from the writings of the highest authorities on Ancient 
 Mexico. It proves beyond a doubt, that the spear, thrown by a 
 wooden atlatl, was not only in general use at the time of the Con¬ 
 quest, but was acknowledged byr the Spaniards to have been the 
 most effectual weapon of the Aztecs. 
 
 These, it seems, had only adopted it and acquired proficiency in 
 its use from the time they took up their abode in the Valley of 
 Mexico where they found themselves forced to resort to aquatic 
 chase. Up to that time their chief arm had been the bow and arrow 
 just as, at the time of the Conquest, it was that of the Chichimecs, 
 of the Mountain Indians and of those tribes that dwelt inland and 
 hunted chiefly birds and small game. 1 
 
 Doubtless the people inhabiting the coast regions originally used 
 the harpoon for fishing and occasionally in savage warfare, just as 
 the Aztecs did. But this tribe of fierce warriors and conquerors 
 seems to have been the first to create a purely military and a cer¬ 
 emonial form of atlatl. 
 
 What the Mexican spear-thrower was like when it had reached 
 its utmost development can best be learnt by examination of its 
 numerous representations in sculpture and in the Codices, the ma¬ 
 jority of which are contained in Lord Kingsborough’s monumental 
 work, for the three specimens of genuine Ancient Mexican atlatl 
 preserved respectively in Rome, Berlin and London, and to which I 
 shall refer more particularly, are comparatively simple and incom¬ 
 plete. 
 
 A first glance at the strange and complex figures on Plates n 
 and hi may somewhat nonplus the beholder. When he observes 
 their variety and actually finds that there are no two specimens 
 exactly alike, even among many taken from the same Codex, he 
 may well be tempted to inquire: how can one determine that these 
 
 are all atlatl? It is a fortunate circumstance that, when a native 
 
 1 * 
 
 1 ‘‘The Chichimecs .... were always armed with how and arrow so as to he always 
 ready to hunt,” Sah., op. cit. lih. x, cap. xxix; cf. Bernal Diaz, op. cit. p. 74. The bow 
 and arrow is also recorded as the principal arm of the inhabitants of Michoacan, Orozco 
 y Berra, op. cit. II, pp 5B9, 594. 
 
 181 
 
14 
 
 THE ATLATL OR SPEAR-THROWER 
 
 artist pictured a warrior or deity with an atlatl in one hand, he 
 generally painted one or more spears, a shield and a banner in the 
 other. These together constituted the complete accoutrement of 
 one grade of war-chiefs. Now it sometimes happened that he 
 omitted one or the other of these; but, as will be seen by referring 
 to my index to Plates 11 and in it is an exceptional case when an 
 atlatl is not accompanied by some other part of military armor. 
 
 In cases of doubtful looking atlatl the presence of the spear, 
 as an accessory, may be adopted as a convincing proof of a cor¬ 
 rect identification. On the other hand, the absence of the spear 
 does not constitute disproof. Indeed had I excluded all atlatl pic¬ 
 tured without accessory spears, from my illustrations, I should have 
 been obliged, strange to say, to reject some of the most important 
 representations of atlatl we have; important because of the few 
 whose authenticity is established by the contemporary texts of the 
 Codices containing them. 
 
 On Plate 32 of the Vatican Codex A a personage is painted with 
 what the text terms a “blue atlatl” in his right hand (PI. nr, 1). 
 His left hand is empty and he is not in strictly military costume. 
 
 On Plates 81 and 82 of the same Codex, war-chiefs are pictured 
 holding an atlatl (PI. iii, 1G and 17) in one hand and a shield and 
 banner only in the other. 1 have already quoted the text describing 
 one of these atlatl as “ a kind of wooden sling.” These cases 
 prove that a genuine picture of an atlatl is not invariably accom¬ 
 panied by a spear or even by other parts of military armor. 
 
 Let us examine the few other atlatl identified as such by contem¬ 
 porary texts. 
 
 PI. m, 2, from the Vatican Codex A, is described as “a certain 
 sort of arm as a bow;” 22, from the same source is termed “a cer¬ 
 tain weapon which they name Xiuatlatli (literally “blue atlatl”) ; 
 10 is merely named “ Xiuhatlatli ” in the text to the Telleriano- 
 Remensis Codex. Leaving these “described and labelled ” spec¬ 
 imens let us pass on to those for whose identification, with one or 
 two exceptions, I alone am responsible. 
 
 I have endeavored to classify my collection of atlatl and divided 
 them into two classes. 
 
 Class I answers to Fray Diego de Lauda’s description being 
 usually provided with one or more finger holes at about one-third 
 of its length. It includes : 
 
 182 
 
USED BY THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 15 
 
 1, atlatl with a single large circular finger hole. Type specimens, 
 PI. ii, 1 and 20. 
 
 la, ? atlatl with a double hole. Unique specimen, PI. ii, 9. 
 
 2, atlatl with two small holes in the body of the implement. Type 
 specimens, PI. i, 4, and PI. ii, 15. 
 
 2a ?, atlatl with three holes in the body of the implement. Unique 
 specimen, PI. ii, 16. 
 
 3, atlatl with two lateral rings attached externally. Type speci¬ 
 mens, PI. ii, 6, and 3, 6; also the three existing specimens of atlatl. 
 
 Class II is distinguished by being provided with lateral finger 
 pegs placed exactly opposite to each other instead of holes or rings. 
 Type specimens, PI. iii, 26, 30-33; cf. 16 and 17. 
 
 Let us take a rapid survey of Class I. 
 
 1. In the hands of sculptured warriors, PI. i, 1 to 5, 66. 
 
 2. In groups of armor also carved in bas-relief, PI. ii, 3a, 36, 
 6, also PI. i, 6a. 
 
 3. In the Codices, PI. ii, 1, 2, 4, 5, 7, 20-27. In this series 
 we can first study the atlatl by itself (PL ii, 3a, 36; i, 6 and 6a), 
 then learn by ocular demonstration how the inOex and middle fin¬ 
 gers were inserted into the hole or holes whilst the other fingers 
 and thumb grasped the handle. 
 
 We have front views, PI. i, 2, 3, 66; ii, 14, 15, 16, and back 
 views, PI. i, 5 ; ii, 1, 2, 4, 5, 7-12, 17, of the hand and inserted 
 fingers holding the atlatl ready for use. 
 
 We see it also simply grasped by its handle, PI. i, 4 ; ii, 21-27, 
 and finally have its instantaneous though distorted picture in the 
 very act of launching the spear, PI. ii, 18, 19 and 20. 
 
 We perceive that it sometimes is ornamented with a flat cover¬ 
 ing of applied feather-work, Pl.i, 1-66; ii, 2, 36, 7, 10, 11, 12, 14, 
 15, 22-25, 27, covered with tiger skin, PI. ii, 4 and 5, carved or 
 painted with transverse bars, PI. ii, 1, 21, 26, adorned with tufts of 
 feathers, PI. ii, 21, 23, 24 and 27, flexible tassel-like appendages, 
 PI. ii, 7, 16, or long streamers, PI. ii, 9, 12. We observe that the 
 atlatl itself is general^ painted blue while the decoration is of 
 many colors. 
 
 Having learned all these interesting details from the old manu¬ 
 scripts, let us leave them for a moment and study the three exist¬ 
 ing specimens of Ancient Mexican atlatl which have come under 
 my notice. The finest of these is in the Museo Kircheriana in 
 Rome where I had the privilege of examining it closely in May, 
 
 183 
 
16 
 
 THE ATLATE OR SPEAR THROWER 
 
 1890. The British Museum specimen ranks next in excellency of 
 workmanship and is moreover the most complete. It still retains 
 one of the two finger rings made of shell, that were originally at¬ 
 tached to its handle. The third specimen is at the Museum fur 
 Volkerkunde in Berlin, where I saw it in 1888. The three speci¬ 
 mens consist alike of a long straight piece of a very hard and fine¬ 
 grained wood (zapote?). Each is provided with a central “spear 
 shaft groove ” ending with a “ hook or spur ” and each must have 
 ' originally had lateral finger rings, attached like those of the Lon¬ 
 don specimen. I have much pleasure in acknowledging the cour¬ 
 tesy of Signor Cav. Pigorini, the director of the Kirclieriana Mu¬ 
 seum, to whom I am also indebted for the following measurements 
 of the atlatl in the Mexican collection : 
 
 Total length .... 558 mm. 
 
 Maximum width (upper end) . 37 mm. 
 
 Minimum “ lower “ . 19 mm. 
 
 Length of groove . . . 492 mm. 
 
 Maximum width of groove . . 6 mm. 
 
 Minimum “ “ “ . . 4 mm. 
 
 This specimen is ornamented with very finely and skilfully ex¬ 
 ecuted carvings, in low relief, of human figures and symbols. These 
 cover both sides of the atlatl and extend from its upper end to the 
 end of the groove. The finish and execution of the carving though 
 in lower relief recalls that we are accustomed to see on Chinese 
 camphor-wood boxes. The outlines of the figures strikingly re¬ 
 semble those of the drawings in the Vienna Codex. Two stand¬ 
 ing and four seated human figures are carved on the back of this 
 atlatl. On the front, on both sides of the groove, besides human 
 figures, I counted one representation of a serpent and no less than 
 five finely carved serpents’ heads. (It is an interesting fact and one 
 to which I will revert, that the serpent symbol is carved on each 
 of the three specimens I have mentioned.) On the space between 
 the base of the groove and the upper end of the atlatl a larger spread 
 figure of a warrior (Iluitzilopochtli ?) is carved. His head is so 
 curiously placed that it is a projection from under his chin that 
 forms the hook or spur for launching the spear. In the right hand 
 he holds what looks like a double-barbed point of a harpoon ; in the 
 left, a bundle of light darts across which a serpent’s head is carved. 
 
 The whole surface of the carving is covered with a fine layer of 
 purest gold in fairly good preservation. 
 
 184 
 
USED BY THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 17 
 
 The British Museum specimen also exhibits traces of gilding. 
 I have come across the records of two throwers (tiraderas!) of 
 gold which were sent to Charles V by Cortes. 1 The second one, 
 described as “ a thrower of gold in the shape of a bishop’s crosier” 
 (una tiradera de oro a manerade baculo), was of massive gold and 
 its weight is given as 368 pesos de oro , the exact equivalent of which 
 in our weights, I have not been able to determine. 
 
 Let us cast a glance at the hitherto unrecognized representations 
 of atlatl on the bas-reliefs of Chichen-Itza, Yucatan, and on the 
 so-called Sacrificial Stone in the city of Mexico. 
 
 In his publication on the latter monument (Anales del Museo 
 Nacional, tomo i, page 31) Senor Orazco y Berra wrote: “ The 
 weapons held by the prisoners . . . are two arrows held with their 
 points upwards. The object offered with the right hand does not 
 represent “ flowers,” as Humboldt and Nebel believed, but is a 
 weapon, as Ramirez determined. It is the sacrificial knife, and is 
 the symbol for sacrifice. It is made of silex = tecpatl, and not of 
 obsidian = itztli, and is characterized by being mounted on a handle 
 of wood by which it was held so as to protect the hand using it. 
 It had a guard (tope), the purpose of which was to prevent it from 
 penetrating beyond a certain depth.” 
 
 Senor Jesus Sanchez (Anales del Museo Nacional, tomo in, 
 page 133) likewise describes the object held as “a certain kind of 
 stone knife furnished with a guard.” Reference to PI. i, fig. 6&, 
 will convince the reader that this weapon is an atlatl, the comple¬ 
 ment to the two spears held in the left hand. The same form of 
 atlatl will also be recognized in fig. 6a below the shield held by the 
 warrior, besides two spears and a banner = macpanitl. 
 
 Stephens (Incidents of Travel in Yucatan, vol. n, page 309) was 
 the first to note the general resemblance between the sculptured 
 figures on the “Sacrificial Stone” and on the walls of the chamber 
 at Chichen-Itza. It is strange that this careful observer should 
 have overlooked the weapon represented in the right hand of the 
 Chichen-Itza warrior, and described these warriors as “carrying a 
 bundle of spears or a quiver of arrows” only. 
 
 M. Desire Charnay (Les Anciennes Villes du Nouveau Monde, 
 page 308) made a special note of the truly remarkable resemblance 
 between the carvings of both monuments and went so far as to state 
 
 1 Coleccion de Documentos In^ditos del Arcliivo de Indias, tomo 12, pp. 319 and 
 352. 
 
 P. M. PAPERS I. 13 
 
 185 
 
18 
 
 THE ATLATL OR SPEAR-THROWER 
 
 that the personages on each carried identical weapons. But M. 
 Charnay described the weapon held in the right hand as a “sacred 
 knife,” and identified it with the ceremonial knife made of painted 
 wood, mentioned by Sahagun (lib. 11 , cap. 37). The fact is that 
 the resemblance noted by Stephens and Charnay, is a more signif¬ 
 icant one than either supposed. For both of these monuments, 
 widely separated though they are, exhibit atlatl of precisely the 
 same shape, proportion and decoration, represented as held in the 
 same manner. 
 
 This similarity, which may be partially studied by means of 
 PI. i, is all the more remarkable when contrasted with the extreme 
 
 variety and diversity of forms of atlatl 
 observable in even a single Codex. And 
 the likeness of the Chichen-Itza and 
 Mexican sculptured atlatl is all the more 
 significant as it coincides with other 
 facts which I will present, with my con¬ 
 clusions based thereupon, in a future 
 communication. 
 
 Visitors to the National Museum at 
 Washington and the Peabody Museum 
 of American Archaeology and Ethnology 
 at Cambridge can have the privilege of 
 becoming acquainted with these ex¬ 
 tremely interesting bas-reliefs by means 
 of their admirable casts made by M. 
 Desire Charnay. The four nearly life- 
 sized warriors sculptured on the two 
 stone posts of a doorway in the building 
 known as the “Tennis Court,” in Chichen-Itza, are of special impor¬ 
 tance. They show us that besides several long light darts, and an 
 atlatl, a warrior also carried a short heavy spear provided with a 
 large barb, single or double. This can be seen projecting from the 
 peculiar quivers over the left arms of figures 1 and 2, PI. i. A 
 quiver recalling that of fig. 1 and a large spear with double barb 
 are represented on page 70 of Vatican Codex A. A warrior holds 
 these in one hand (see fig. 1) and a peculiar atlatl in the other (PI. 
 ii, 8). I was struck by the resemblance of this double barb to the 
 one in the hand of the personage carved on the atlatl preserved in 
 Rome. The fact that he holds such a barbed spear point and also 
 186 
 
USED BT THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 19 
 
 a bundle of light darts, leads to the inference that the atlatl he is 
 carved on was intended to launch both missiles. It is interesting 
 to find the Chichen-Itza warriors similarly armed. 1 
 
 Returning now to the pictures of atlatl taken from the Codices, 
 we find that the existence of a spear-shaft groove and hook could 
 scarcely be inferred from the front views (PI. 11 , 14, 15, 16), of 
 atlatl of the same type as the sculptured ones. 
 
 Indeed the only representations of atlatl I know of, in which the 
 spear-shaft groove and hook are distinctly visible, are those carved 
 on the bas-reliefs of Chichen-Itza (PI. i, 2, 3 and 4). But as soon 
 as the artist began to make a drawing of the atlatl held ready 
 for use or actually launching the spear he was forcibly reminded 
 of the important role performed by the hook. In endeavoring to 
 reproduce this he seems to have sometimes exaggerated its pro¬ 
 portionate size. At all events, he drew it en profile though re¬ 
 taining the back view of the hand and of the finger holes and 
 handle of the atlatl (PI. n, 2,13, 17-20). This distorted drawing 
 was evidently adopted as one of the conventional ways of picturing 
 an atlatl, and it will be well to bear the possibility of exaggeration 
 and distortion in mind whilst studying all pictures in which the 
 hook is visible. It is, of course, quite impossible for us to judge 
 of the fidelity with which the artist may have drawn the proportions 
 of the hook. The existing specimens and the carved reproductions 
 exhibit a small hook not rising above the level of the sides of the 
 groove. On the other hand, we shall find a prominent hook pictured 
 in a variety of forms and dimensions and also learn that the large 
 recurvation of one ceremonial form of atlatl caused this to be com¬ 
 pared, by the Spaniards, to a bishop’s crosier. 
 
 In figs. 2, 13, 17, 18 and 20, PL n, we find the hook or spur 
 consisting of a square projection. In fig. 19 this is modified to a 
 point. 
 
 Figs. 28, 29, 31-34, PL ii (from the Maya MS. of the Dresden 
 Royal Library), fig. 37 (from the Troano MS.), and 7, 10, 12 
 and 13, PL hi (from various Mexican MSS.), exhibit a curious 
 recurvation vaguely recalling the fiddle-head ornament of the 
 Ungava throwing stick described by Prof. Otis T. Mason. 
 
 1 The curved weapon in the left hand of fig. 1 is likewise represented as held by 
 the personage sculptured on the inner face of the left door post and also by those on 
 columns in the Castillo de Chichen-Itza. Is it an atlatl like that engraved ou the Hum¬ 
 boldt celt (PI. ii, 39) ? or a sort of a club ? 
 
 187 
 
20 
 
 THE ATLATL OR SPEAR-THROWER 
 
 Fig. 34 is unique and of special note on account of thongs repre¬ 
 sented as passed through and hanging from the atlatl. This 
 specimen is from the Dresden Maya MS. and I refer again to Fray 
 Diego de Landa’s statement that the natives of Yucatan used “cer¬ 
 tain cords” with their spear-throwers (p. 10). Another unicnm, 
 provided with a finger-ring (PI. ii, 39), is that engraved on ihe 
 Humboldt celt and identified by Prof. Valentini. 1 
 
 Figs. 35, 36, 40, PI. ii (from the Dresden MS.), fig. 38 (from 
 the Troano), figs. 1, 2, 4 and 5, PI. m, already referred to, termi¬ 
 nate in a more or less sharply recurved hook. 
 
 Passing on to the atlatl of Class H, with characteristic finger- 
 pegs, we find the same square projections as distortedly drawn, 
 PI. in, 26, and the sharp hooks, PI. iii, 16, 17, also 6, we have 
 already noticed in Class I. 
 
 Now that we have duly studied the structure and practical side 
 of the atlatl, let us investigate the interesting symbolic and cere¬ 
 monial forms under which it reappears as part of the paraphernalia 
 of some of the principal Aztec deities. 
 
 IlUITZILOPOCHTLI. 
 
 In the vignettes illustrating the account of this hero god’s mirac¬ 
 ulous birth, etc., contained in the Laurentiana MS. of Sahagun’s 
 Historia (lib. iii, cap. i), we find him depicted with a shield, one or 
 more spears and an atlatl. This is curiously carved in the sem¬ 
 blance of a serpent and is provided with lateral finger-pegs (PI. 
 iii, 32, 33). The Nahuatl text relates that it was blue and was 
 named Xiuatlatl — blue, or turquoise, atlatl. To find these pictures 
 of Huitzilopochtli with an authenticated and unmistakable atlatl 
 of a blue color, in the shape of a snake, is a fact of no ordinary 
 importance, for it affords a clew to the meaning of the Nahuatl 
 names of his weapons recorded elsewhere in the same MS. It is 
 several times repeated {op. cit. lib. i, cap. 1, and Historia de la 
 Conquista, cap. 38) that these consisted of a xiuhcoatl and a ma- 
 malhnciztli. Literally translated, xiuhcoatl means : blue or (tur¬ 
 quoise) serpent. Mamalhuaztli is, in my opinion, the verbal noun 
 of the verb mamcdi = to cleave, to split, to force one’s self into a 
 crowd of people, and means literally: “the splitter, the cleaver,” 
 no unfit name for a spear. 2 
 
 1 Two Mexican Chalchihuites. Proceedings of the Am. Ant. Soc. April 27, 1881. 
 
 2 I am aware that the name viamalliuaztli is generally applied, by modern writers, to 
 “the stick used for making fire,” although it is not to be found with this meaning in 
 
 188 
 
USED BY THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 21 
 
 Now Huitzilopochtli was not an ideal creation, an abstract deity, 
 but a distinguished war-chief, about whose birth and life a halo of 
 myth and romance had been posthumously thrown. He was a real 
 personage, “ a vassal, a mortal—also a mighty magician and a leader 
 of battles.” The weapons he had used were actually preserved as 
 relics and it was believed that some of the power with which they 
 had once been wielded had passed into them. For it is recorded 
 as an historical fact, that during the final terrible struggle of the 
 Mexicans, in a time of direst distress, the last of Aztec hero- 
 chiefs, Quauhtemotzin, ordered the bravest of his warriors to take 
 Huitzilopochtli’s relics, the “blue serpent” and “the cleaver” and 
 venture boldly into the ranks of the Spaniards, for he who bore 
 them was invulnerable and could not be vanquished (Sahagun’s 
 Hist. Conq. 1. xii, cap. 38). 
 
 Whilst it has been remarked before that the “ xiuhcoatl” was 
 the special symbol of Huitzilopochtli, it has not as yet been recog¬ 
 nized that this “ blue serpent” was a nante for his atlatl of symbolic 
 form. It is not difficult to imagine why, in the first case, the ser¬ 
 pent was selected as an appropriate symbol for the swift thrower 
 of a fatal dart. It is an interesting fact, moreover, that the ser¬ 
 pent symbol is prominently carved on each of the existing speci¬ 
 mens of Mexican atlatl. It is still more interesting, however, to 
 ascertain, through authentic records, that atlatl, made in the shape 
 of a serpent and inlaid with turquoises, were in real ceremonial 
 use at the time of the Conquest. 
 
 It is a well-known fact that, soon after the landing of Cortes, 
 Montezuma sent him by messengers, as presents, priestly cere¬ 
 monial vestments and insignia, such as were worn in religious 
 solemnities by the high priests or living representatives of Aztec 
 gods. 1 Among the insignia of Quetzalcoatl, the title, in this case, 
 
 Molina’s or M. Remi Simeon’s dictionaries. In these it is only recorded as the name 
 given by the Ancient Mexicans to the constellation Gemini. In the Nahuatl text of 
 Sahagnn’s MS., the stick used for making fire is termed “tlequauitl ” literally=:fire 
 (tletl), stick (quauitl), {op cit. lib. vn, cap. IX). Butthe Spanish text describes this as 
 being “long and thin {like an arrow or dart.” We know that sticks with points har¬ 
 dened by fire were thrown by atlatl. and Sahagun’s MS. contains numerous illustra¬ 
 tions of such (PI. Ill, 23). Tezozomoc terms these “varas tostadas ” or tlatzontectli.” 
 He mentions, however, a “vara tostada with three points” {op. cit. 392). As Sahagun 
 informs us that all the cane-stalks otlatl employed as shafts for arrows or spears were 
 first subjected to a process of hardening by fire, it would seem as though the term 
 “ vara tostada ’’ was as appropriate for shafts simply sharpened to a point as for those 
 tipped with obsidian or fish-bone. 
 
 1 For the reasons why these insignia were sent to Cortes, see p. 35, my essay, “Stan¬ 
 dard or Head dress ?” Peabody Museum Papers, Vol. I, No. 1, 1888. 
 
 189 
 
22 
 
 THE ATLATL OR SPEAR-THROWER 
 
 of the high priest of Huitzilopochfli, Sahagun records in the Span¬ 
 ish text (lib. xii, cap. iv) : “a sceptre like a bishop’s crosier, all 
 inlaid with mosaic composed of turquoises; the upper curve con¬ 
 sisted of a serpent’s head bent or twisted over.” Another “ cro¬ 
 sier like the above” is enumerated also with the vestments of Tlal- 
 ocantecuhtli; a third “ crozier inlaid with turquoises in whose 
 upper curve precious stones or prominent pearls were set” is de¬ 
 scribed with the insignia of the god Quetzalcoatl.” 
 
 The Nahuatl text of the Laurentiana MS. of Saliagun’s Historia 
 simply terms the first crosier a “xioatlatl (blue or turquoise atlatl) 
 made entirely of fine turquoises, of the serpent’s-head form = with 
 serpent’s head the second crosier is termed a u coatopil = serpent 
 staff, worked in mosaic,” and the third an lieca xonecuilli of bent 
 or curved wood, inlaid with stars formed of white chalchilmites.” 
 Many of these presents were forwarded by Cortes to Charles V. in 
 July, 1519, and the descriptive inventory sent with them has, for¬ 
 tunately, preserved many interesting details that complete our 
 knowledge of the modes of structure and ornamentation of the at¬ 
 latl. It shows us also that two atlatl went to Spain as “sceptres,” 
 and that each was accompanied by four spears or “ harpoons ” of 
 equal elaborateness. It seems probable that the following entry 
 and description ivere those of Tlalocantecuhtli’s coatopilli or ser¬ 
 pent staff: 
 
 “A sceptre, inlaid with scarlet precious stones, made like a serpent 
 with its head and teeth and eyes which look like mother-of-pearl. 
 The handle is covered with painted leather and from it hang six 
 small tufts of feathers.” 1 Further on is the entry : “ four harpoons 
 with white obsidian points, fastened to shafts decorated with feather- 
 work.” It is a noteworthy fact that the atlatl and spears together 
 constitute a single item in another part of the same Meinoria: 
 “ idem, four harpoons, adorned with feathers, with points of stone 
 tied on with gold thread and a sceptre inlaid with precious stones, 
 with two rings of gold and the rest feather work.” It is scarcely 
 possible to identify this atlatl with one or the other of Montezuma’s 
 presents described above, although it must have been one of them. 
 It is evidently this atlatl that Gomara 2 writes of as “ a staff like 
 a royal sceptre finished with two rings of gold that are garnished 
 with pearls.” His description of the harpoons is of special inter- 
 
 1 Coleccion de documentos ineditos para la historia de Espana, Memoria. tom.l, p. 46). 
 
 2 Histoire de Mexique, Anvers, 1554. cf. Clavigero, op. cit., ed. Mora, p. 250. 
 
 190 
 
USED BY THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 23 
 
 est because he calls them “ four tridents each with three points, 
 ornamented with featherwork of many colors. The points are of 
 ‘berrueco’ (bone?) and are tied on with gold thread.” 
 
 Now we find that Cortes sent, as a curiosity and present to his 
 Grace the Bishop of Burgos, “ a something like a crosier inlaid 
 with precious stones of many colours.” 1 So it seems that the 
 three “crosiers” were sent to Europe. It need not seem aston¬ 
 ishing that Cortes and his followers did not recognize or record 
 the true nature of these “crosiers.” It must be borne in mind that 
 when these were received as presents and forwarded the Spaniards 
 had not yet acquired a knowledge of the weapons used in Aztec 
 warfare. Then these atlatl of eccentric shape, costly materials 
 and elaborate decoration were certainly intended to be more orna¬ 
 mental than useful. They were ceremonial and symbolic and were 
 destined for use in religious rites by the high priests or living rep¬ 
 resentatives of the Aztec deities or in the decking out of their images. 
 Both Tezozomoc {op. cit p. 94) and Duran {op. cit ., 11 , 81) de¬ 
 scribe Huitzilopochtli’s “ idol in the great temple of Mexico” as 
 holding “ in the right hand what resembled a bishop’s crosier , made 
 in the shape of a serpent, all blue, with undulations — in the left 
 a shield and four arrows or spears.” In the great festival in honor 
 of this hero-god held in the month Panquetzaliztli we are told 
 by Sahagun that his high-priest, entitled Quetzalcoatl, bore his idol 
 in solemn procession whilst another priest carried the image of 
 Paynal. These were preceded by a “mace-bearer with a sceptre 
 in the form of a monstrous serpent, all covered with mosaic com¬ 
 posed of turquoises.” 2 
 
 It is but lately that I came across the most interesting pictures 
 of serpent atlatl in a scarcely known, but very valuable and impor¬ 
 tant Mexican MS., preserved at the Biblioteca Nazionale, Florence. 
 
 The first of these (PI. hi, 29) to which I will revert, distinctly 
 exhibits the characteristic lateral finger rings of Class I. 
 
 The second is represented in the picture of a personage clad in 
 the habiliments of Huitzilopochtli and (PL i, 7) carrying four spears, 
 a shield and banner besides the atlatl. 3 
 
 1 Coleccion de documentos in^ditos del Archivo de Indias, tomo 12, p. 324. 
 
 2 op. cit. Appendix to Book II, also cliap. 34, book ii of Torqueraada, op. cit., II, 282, 
 Who confounds the symbolic serpent atlatl with the banner also carried in procession. 
 
 3 This picture is of exceptional importance as it exhibits a head-dress with striking 
 points of resemblance to the ancient Mexican feather head-dress preserved in Vienna 
 and lends the strongest support to my view of the question. Headers of my essay on 
 
 191 
 
24 
 
 THE ATLATL OF SPEAR-THROWER 
 
 The serpent-atlatl is not, however, exclusively represented with 
 Huitzilopochtli. 
 
 XIUHTECUHTLI. 
 
 The splendid specimen with finger rings just mentioned, is 
 painted in the hand of Xiuhtecuhtli , as the text declares and on fo¬ 
 lio 89 of the same manuscript we find the same god, with well- 
 known attributes, holding a shorter serpent atlatl besides a shield, 
 banner and four spears. In the Vatican Codex A (p. 56) he is rep¬ 
 resented with a blue atlatl (PI. in, 4) and a strange bent serpent 
 staff in his left hand. The latter resembles the serpent staff held 
 by Quetzalcoatl in the Vatican Codex B (21) and accompanied by 
 a harpoon recalling fig. 1. In Tezozomoc (455) a serpent staff 
 “coatopilli” is mentioned among the insignia of Quetzalcoatl. 
 
 TEZCATLIPOCA. 
 
 We also find this god with serpent spear-throwers: in Sahagun’s 
 Laurentiana Manuscript (PI. in, 30 and 31), in the Borgian Codex, 
 p. 22 (PI. hi, 27), and in the Ramirez Codex (x, 17) (PI. hi, 28). 
 In his explanatory text to the latter, 2 Senor Alfredo Chavero de¬ 
 scribes this as “the weapon in. the form of a serpent, the xiuhcoatl” 
 without, however, directly identifying it as an atlatl. 
 
 QUETZALCOATL. 
 
 Let us now examine another ceremonial form of atlatl, that 
 which we invariably encounter in representations of the god Quetz¬ 
 alcoatl. 
 
 We h ave already found its description among Montezuma’s pres¬ 
 ents to Cortes. The Spanish text terms it a “crosier inlaid with 
 
 this historical relic (“Head-dress or Standard ?” Peabody Mus. Papers, 1 ,1888) may he 
 interested in having their attention especially drawn to the following details and in 
 comparing them with the illustrations of the Vienna head-dress contained in the above 
 essay. 
 
 1. Note and compare superposed central elevation, its proportions and decoration 
 with discs. 
 
 2. The symmetrical design on the second concentric band above the forehead. A com¬ 
 parison of the coloring of this illustration is also desirable; the ground of the central 
 portion is blue (the discs are left uncolored) and it is surrounded by an edge of scarlet. 
 (Observe that “the most striking feature of the Vienna head-dress is a broad blue band 
 edged with scarlet,” p. 36, op. cit.) 
 
 Starting from the band above the forehead the colors of the concentric bands are as 
 follows: 1, red;2, left nncolored with pattern; 3, blue; i, red; 5, green. 
 
 A long fringe of Quetzal tail-feathers surmounts the whole. 
 
 2 Appendix to Duran’s Historian, Mexico, 1880. 
 
 192 
 
USED BY THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 25 
 
 turquoises, in whose upper curve precious stones or prominent pearls 
 were set.” The Nahuatl text has informed us that it was “of bent 
 or curved wood on which were stars, formed of white chalchilmites.” 
 
 Sahagun (lib. i, cap. v) likewise describes the idol of this god 
 as holding in his left hand a shield, in his right “a sceptre like a 
 bishop’s crosier ; its top was bent like a bishop’s crosier and it was 
 profusely inlaid with mosaic. But it was not as long as a crosier 
 and that part by which it was held looked like a sword-hilt.” 
 
 Duran (n, 119) relates that this “resembled a sickle, was of wood 
 and painted black, white and red. Near its handle hung a tassel 
 of white and black leather.” This authority also states that the 
 idol “carried a shield,” but Torquemada {op. cit ., p. 290) states that, 
 besides this, it held “a finely decorated spear, very large, with a 
 point of obsidian of the shape and size of the iron points to one of 
 our lances.” 
 
 Referring first to the pictures of Quetzalcoatl’s weapon in Saha- 
 gun’s MS. (PI. in, 24 and 25) we recognize in it a recurved atlatl 
 with finger pegs. Its drawing is evidently distorted ; the artist 
 represented, as we have already had occasion to observe in other 
 cases, a side view of the curve and a front view of the handle and 
 finger-pegs. At a first glance its proportions strike one as exag¬ 
 gerated, but not unfamiliar, and it is interesting to compare figures 
 14, 15, 18, 19, 20 and 21, PI. hi, with the spear-throwers 1, 2, 4, 
 5 and 16 of PI. in, and 36, 37, 38 and 39 of PI. ii. Figures 14, 
 19 and 50 of PI. iii represent specimens with smooth outline and 
 transverse bands of color which recall Duran’s description of 
 “wooden sickles painted.” Sahagun’s illustrations however and 
 fig. 18, PI. hi, exhibit ornamentation and have, moreover, a series 
 of small balls placed along the outer edge of the curve. But this 
 was, it is evident, only a conventional method of expressing the 
 fact that these atlatl were inlaid or studded with precious stones. 
 For we find real bishops’ crosiers represented in the identical ex¬ 
 traordinary manner by native artists, soon after the Conquest, figs. 
 2 and 3, p. 26. From these pictures we learn the interesting fact 
 that whilst the Spaniards likened this form of ceremonial atlatl to 
 a bishop’s crosier, the Mexican artist, on attempting to delineate a 
 crosier, drew it as he would an atlatl. Therefore, it is quite evi¬ 
 dent that the resemblance was a very strong one. 
 
 Now, let us produce our crowning proofs that this strange “ cro¬ 
 sier” was a ceremonial atlatl. It is generally represented, as we 
 
26 
 
 THE ATLATL OR SPEAR-THROWER 
 
 have seen, accompanied by one part of military armor, a shield. 
 In Sahagun’s MS., it is also accompanied, in one instance, by 
 spears; but in the Aubin Codex (appendix to Duran’s Atlas) Tez- 
 catlipoca (iii, 19) carries it with a shield, banner and two spears 
 and in the MS. of the Biblioteca Nazionale it is pictured as held 
 by the god of the chase, Mixcoatl, along with two spears , a shield, 
 banner and provision bag (PI. iii, 14). In this MS. the text in¬ 
 forms us that it was named Mixcoatl xonoquitl. As we have seen, 
 Fray Sahagun, recorded the name as heca xonecuilli in the Lauren- 
 tiana MS. of his Historia. Each of these names for the curved 
 atlatl seems to be, in the first case, descriptive of its form. 
 
 The word “xonecuilli” or “ xonoquitl” js, I should say, a syn- 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
 Fig. 3. 
 
 Bishop Zuraaraja, first bishop of Mexico. 
 Telleriano Remensis Codex, p. 30. 
 
 Archbishop Montufar. MS. His¬ 
 tory of Mexico, 1576. 
 
 thesis of the verbs xolla — to cut, to carve, to hew, or xolochoa = 
 to bend or fold something, and necuiloa — to twist or bend some¬ 
 thing. It would, therefore, onty mean “that which is curved, 
 twisted or bent.” Certain loaves of bread, made during the feast of 
 the god Macuilxochitl, were also named “xonecuilli.” We are 
 told by Sahagun (i, 14) that “ these were of the form of a stroke 
 of falling lightning.” Mr. Remi Simeon, in a note to his admir¬ 
 able translation of Sahagun’s Historia (p. 32), describes these as 
 “ loaves of the form of an S.” 
 
 The fact that a stroke of lightning was symbolized by a certain 
 form termed “ xonecuilli,” and that this was the name of a cere¬ 
 monial form of atlatl illumines a whole series of obscure pas¬ 
 sages. Duran has recorded that Tlaloc’s emblem “was of carved 
 wood shaped like a stroke of lightning ” (i, p. 306). He also re- 
 194 
 
USED BY THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 27 
 
 lates that Tlaloc’s idol held in his right hand “a stroke of lightning 
 of wood, painted purple.” This was undulated, like a stroke of 
 wavy lightning falling from the clouds to the ground ( 11 , 136). 
 Tezozomoc (434) and Orozco y Berra (iii, 360) tell us that Tlaloc’s 
 staff was called tlapetlaquauitl or “staff casting out lightning.” 
 
 To examine Tlaloc’s emblems further would be to transgress be- 
 jmnd the limit of my subject. Suffice it, therefore, to have been 
 confirmed in the knowledge that lightning and swift destruction 
 were symbolized by a certain curved form, and that this form was 
 that of a ceremonial atlatl. 
 
 It seems as though one could discern the line of thought that 
 led the ancient Mexicans to associate lightning and (the closely 
 allied) serpent symbolism with their military arm for throwing fa¬ 
 tal missiles. They ma}' have done so at first with the belief and 
 hope of endowing their atlatl with the qualities they recognized 
 in both destructive forces. It is easy to understand how, by grad¬ 
 ual transition the forces themselves should come to be symbolized 
 bj" the weapons and that these should become more and more em¬ 
 blematic and depart from their primitive form. This transition was 
 taking place at the time of the Conquest and had reached its max¬ 
 imum in Quetzalcoatl’s and Tlaloc’s lightning-lmrler and Huitzilo- 
 poclitli’s xiuhcoatl or turquoise serpent. But even in these cere¬ 
 monial emblems the form and idea of the atlatl were far from being 
 abandoned and were ever present. Nothing proves this more clearly 
 than a figure of speech preserved by Padre Olmos. 1 From him 
 we learn that, to express the idea that we might render by the 
 phrase, “ He smote the pe'ople,” meaning a visitation of famine or 
 pestilence, christianized Mexicans made use of an ancient meta¬ 
 phor and said, “ He hurls (with) the xiuhcoatl , the mamalhuaztli 
 upon them.” 
 
 Let us now hastily review the atlatl represented with 
 
 TEZCATLIPOCA. 
 
 We have found him with the serpent-atlatl, PI. iii, 27, 28, 30 and 
 31, and with the lightning-atlatl, PI. tii, 18, 19. 
 
 Duran (it, 106) and Tezozomoc (109) give a valuable indica¬ 
 tion by telling us that, in each town, there were two different idols 
 of Tezcatlipoca. 
 
 In the great temples of Texcoco and the city of Mexico one* 
 
 1 Graramaire de la laDgue Nahuail, Edition K4mi Simeon, Paris, 1875, p. 227. 
 
 195 
 
28 
 
 THE ATLATL OR SPEAR-THROWER 
 
 image was seated ; in its left hand were a shield and four spears and 
 in the right a spear. His arm was raised in threatening gesture as 
 though he wished to throw it and this spear was placed in an “am- 
 iento = atlatl.” 
 
 Both of these authorities give us pictures, by native artists, of 
 this idol (fig. 4 A, B ,) and both agree in 
 their description of the second idol. 
 
 It carried also four spears but we are told 
 that in the other hand it held a “ fan” of 
 precious feathers. These were green and 
 yellow and were fastened to a circular plate 
 of burnished gold like a mirror . . . which 
 fan was called “y tlachiayan.” Duran’s 
 illustration corresponds to this description 
 but pictures the circular plate as a hollow 
 circle divided by lines into four portions. 
 
 Reference to Tezcatlipoca’s picture in Sahagun’s Laui’entian MS. 
 proves this “ fan’” to be a mis-described “ tlachieloni,” an instru¬ 
 ment we find thus represented in the hand of this and other gods 
 (fig. 5.) His description is contained in the chapter of this work 
 
 Fig. 4. 
 
 A. —Duran’s Atlas. 
 
 B. —Ramirez Codex. 
 
 Sahngun’s Laurentiana MS., Book I. 
 
 relating to Xiuhtecuhtli: “he holds in his left hand a shield; in 
 the right what was like a sceptre (fig. 6). It was a circular plate 
 * of gold, hollow in the centre. This was surmounted by two balls, 
 one smaller than the other, and there was a point on the top of 
 196 
 
USED BT THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 29 
 
 the smallest. They called this sceptre Tlachieloni, which means 
 ‘seer or looker,’ for with it one could hide one’s face and look 
 through the circle of gold” (lib. . 1 , cap. xni). In the text relating 
 to Opuchtli, the reputed inventor of the harpoon, it is described 
 as “ a sceptre like a monstrance or pyx, at the top of which pro¬ 
 jects an arrow point,” from which one would scarcely recognize its 
 picture in the same chapter (fig. 7). I do not hesitate in identi¬ 
 fying this “ tlachieloni” as a badly drawn ceremonial form of the 
 atlatl provided with a finger-hole, that we have studied with Class I. 
 
 Notice that this “tlachieloni” is only met with in Sahagun’s 
 illustrations to book i, in Duran’s Atlas and in the Aubin Codex, 
 all of which date unquestionably from after the Conquest. Even 
 in these it is invariably accompanied by a shield and in the cases of 
 Xiuhtecuhtli and Tezcatlipoca with spears or a shield and a banner. 
 
 It is also a significant fact that we find only exceptional tlachie¬ 
 loni in the hands of deities who are usually represented with various 
 forms of authentic atlatl by the artists of older Codices. Beside 
 Tezcatlipoca, see Xiuhtecuhtli (PI. ii, 9, 24 and iii, 1, 4, 5 and 29). 
 
 The name tlachieloni , meaning ‘ ‘ that through which one can look ” 
 (from the verb tlachia = to look) is descriptive and would be 
 equally applicable to all the atlatl provided with finger-holes through 
 which one could look. One is led to infer by Duran’s text, how¬ 
 ever, that a symbolism was attached to this ceremonial form of 
 atlatl and that the circle through which one could look had become 
 emblematic of the power of sight. Fray Duran records the pop¬ 
 ular belief that “Tezcatlipoca saw all that happened in the uni¬ 
 verse.” The circles or rings usually represented about the eyes of 
 Tlaloc conveyed, undoubtedly, a similar symbolism and were the 
 emblem of constant watchfulness and powerful, all-seeing vision. 
 
 Pausing now to review the principal Aztec gods in their repre¬ 
 sentations, one cannot but be struck by the fact established by the 
 foregoing testimony that each god carries , as symbol, some forrp of 
 atlatl. Turning to the sculptured monuments of Mexico and Yuc¬ 
 atan we find the atlatl and the spear and an almost total absence 
 of any other weapon. The same observation applies to the older 
 Maya and Mexican Codices. 
 
 In the Mexican MSS. dating from the time of the Conquest one 
 can trace the disappearance of the atlatl by its increasingly incor¬ 
 rect representations and note its extinction by finding these finally 
 superseded by pictures of the bow and arrow. And thus the inter- 
 
 197 
 
30 
 
 THE ATLATL USED BY THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 rupted evolution of the truly wonderful atlatl, the spear-thrower 
 of ancient Mexico, came to an end. 
 
 The atlatl, although exquisitely carved, covered with gold, inlaid 
 with turquoise, decorated with feather work and exhibiting the re¬ 
 markable degree of skill attained by an industrious and intelligent 
 race, seems, indeed, to be a fitting epitome of the strange civiliza¬ 
 tion of Ancient Mexico, the real barbarism of which was mitigated 
 by the most marvellous perfection in every detail of industrial art. 
 
 Dresden , August , 1890. 
 
 198 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
PLATE I. 
 
 Figs, l. 2. 
 
 3, 4, 5 . 
 (>a. 
 
 c,h. 
 
 i. 
 
 Sculptured warriors on stone posts of doorway of building 
 known as the “Tennis-Court,” Chiclien-Itza. Drawings 
 from photographs of casts. 
 
 Warriors from bas-relief on wall of a chamber. “ Palace of 
 the Tigers,” Chiclien-Itza. 
 
 Sculptured warrior carrying atlatl below shield, on so-called 
 Sacrificial Stone, City of Mexico. 
 
 Sculptured warrior presenting atlatl, also on so-called Sacri¬ 
 ficial Stone. 
 
 Picture of Huitzilopoclitli holding the Xiuhcoatl = the blue 
 serpent atlatl,— four spears, a shield and banner. 
 
 The head-dress strikingly and closely resembles the Ancient 
 Mexican head-dress preserved in Vienna. It has a similar 
 central superposed elevation also ornamented with discs. 
 The design on the border close to the face recalls the sym¬ 
 metrical “castellated” ornamentation on the Vienna head¬ 
 dress. 
 
 Ancient Mexican MS., National Library, Florence, folio 89. 
 
 (200) 
 
Peabody Museum Papers. 
 
 Vol. I, No. 3, pl.I. 
 
PLATE II. 
 
 FROM ACCOMPANIED BY 
 
 1. 
 
 Vues des Cordilleres, 
 
 p. 15. 
 
 
 2. 
 
 Laud MS., . 
 
 p. 18, 
 
 spears (2). 
 
 3a. 
 
 So-called Sacrificial Stone. 
 
 
 spears (2), shield, banner. 
 
 3b. 
 
 Mendoza Codex, 
 
 p. 5, 
 
 spears (3), shield. 
 
 4. 
 
 Borgian “ 
 
 p. 34, 
 
 spears (2). 
 
 5. 
 
 Fejervary “ 
 
 
 spears (2). 
 
 G. 
 
 Bas-relief, Dupaix I, 
 
 p. 23, 
 
 spears (4), shield, etc. 
 
 7. 
 
 Laud Codex, . 
 
 p. 20, 
 
 spears (2) double. 
 
 8. 
 
 Vatican Codex A, 
 
 p. 70, 
 
 spear (1) and quiver. 
 
 9. 
 
 Borgian “ 
 
 p. 54, 
 
 spear-bundle. 
 
 10. 
 
 Laud “ 
 
 p. G, 
 
 spear (1). 
 
 11. 
 
 F6j6rvary “ 
 
 p. 32, 
 
 shield, banner. 
 
 12. 
 
 Vienna “ 
 
 p. 50, 
 
 spears (2), banner. 
 
 13. 
 
 Scldcn “ 
 
 P- L 
 
 shield. 
 
 14. 
 
 Vatican “ A, 
 
 p. 17, 
 
 spear (triple). 
 
 15. 
 
 “ “ “ . 
 
 p. 27, 
 
 spears (3). 
 
 1G. 
 
 ( t (( (( 
 
 P- 14, 
 
 “ “ 
 
 17. 
 
 Bologna “ 
 
 p. 21, 
 
 spears (3), shield. 
 
 18. 
 
 
 p. 24, 
 
 ti it it 
 
 19. 
 
 it it 
 
 p. 14, 
 
 it ii H 
 
 20. 
 
 “ “ 
 
 p. 15, 
 
 a a tt 
 
 21. 
 
 Borgian “ 
 
 p. 18, 
 
 spears (3), shield, banner. 
 
 22. 
 
 “ “ 
 
 p. 69, 
 
 “ (2), “ 
 
 23. 
 
 FejGrvary “ 
 
 p. 43, 
 
 “ (3). 
 
 24. 
 
 Vatican “ A, 
 
 p. 29, 
 
 “ (3). 
 
 25. 
 
 it Hit 
 
 p. 27, 
 
 “ (2). 
 
 2G. 
 
 H Hit 
 
 p. 13, 
 
 “ (3). 
 
 27. 
 
 Borgian “ 
 
 p. 4, 
 
 spear (double), shield, hau¬ 
 lier. 
 
 28. 
 
 Dresden “ 
 
 p. G5, 
 
 spears (2). 
 
 29. 
 
 30. 
 
 Carved on teponaxtle 
 
 p. GO, 
 
 copal-bag? 
 
 
 in British Museum, . 
 
 
 spears (2). 
 
 31. 
 
 Dresden “ 
 
 p. 47, 
 
 spears (2). 
 
 32. 
 
 “ ed. Kingsborougli, 
 
 p. 48, 
 
 ii i i 
 
 33. 
 
 Dresden Codex, 
 
 p. 4G, 
 
 shield (transfixed prey 
 in vignette below). 
 
 34. 
 
 “ . 
 
 p. 50, 
 
 spears (2). 
 
 35. 
 
 a a 
 
 p. GO, 
 
 spears (2). 
 
 36. 
 
 “ “ . . . 
 
 p. G5, 
 
 spear (1). 
 
 37. 
 
 Troano “ 
 
 p. 47, 
 
 spears (2;. 
 
 38. 
 
 it it 
 
 p. 7, 
 
 spear (1). 
 
 39. 
 
 Engraved on Humboldt celt. 
 
 
 40. 
 
 Dresden Codex, 
 
 (202) 
 
 p. 49, 
 
 spears (2). 
 
JPeabody 3VT-u.seu.rrL Papers. 
 
 Vol. I, No. 3, pi. II. 
 
PLATE III. 
 
 DESCRIBED BY 
 
 FROM CONTEMPORARY TEXTS ACCOMPANIED BY 
 
 AS 
 
 Pig- 
 
 1 . Yatican Codex, 
 
 p. 32, 
 
 Xiuatlatl. 
 
 
 2 . i * “ 
 
 p. 33, 
 
 “ a certain sort of arm 
 
 3. Vienna “ 
 
 p. 20 , 
 
 as a bow.” 
 
 spears, shield, banner, 
 spear, shield. 
 
 4. Vatican “ 
 
 p. 50, 
 
 
 serpent, staff. 
 
 5. “ “ 
 
 p. 74, 
 
 . 
 
 spears, shield. 
 
 0 . MS. History of 
 Mexico, 
 
 p. 33, 
 
 Hieroglyph of town. 
 
 
 7. Fcjervary Codex, 
 
 p. 44, 
 
 * 
 
 spears. 
 
 8 . Borgian “ 
 
 p. 14, 
 
 
 “ shield. 
 
 9. Vatican, “ 
 
 p. 08, 
 
 . 
 
 “ “ banner. 
 
 10. Telleriano lle- 
 mensis Codex, 
 
 p- s, 
 
 Xiuatlatli, . 
 
 “ provision bag. 
 
 12. Borgian “ 
 
 p. 01 , 
 
 
 “ shield. 
 
 13. Fcjervary “ 
 
 p. 4, 
 
 
 “ 
 
 14. National Library, 
 
 Mixcoatl xonoquitl, 
 
 “ “ banner 
 
 Florence, MS., 
 15. Duran’s Atlas, n, 
 
 p- 0 , 
 
 
 and provision bag. 
 shield. 
 
 10. Vatican Codex, 
 
 P- 81, 
 
 “ amiento made of 
 
 
 17. 
 
 p. 82, 
 
 wood.” 
 
 “ amiento made of 
 
 “ and banner. 
 
 18. llamirez “ vii, 
 
 p. 19, 
 
 wood,” 
 
 (( it (C 
 
 19. “ “ vtii 
 
 . p. 13. 
 
 
 spears, shield, banner. 
 
 20. Vatican “ 
 
 P- 8 , 
 
 
 “ ecacocce.” 
 
 21 . “ (A) “ 
 
 P 14, 
 
 
 copal-bag. 
 
 22 . “ “ “ 
 
 p. 01 . 
 
 Xiuatlatli, 
 
 spears, shield. 
 
 23. IMS. Hist. Saliagun, 
 
 
 spear, shield. 
 
 24. “ 
 
 
 
 shield. 
 
 25. “ 
 
 
 
 spears. 
 
 20. Botnrini MS., 
 
 27. Borgian Codex, 
 
 p. 22 , 
 
 Hieroglyph of town. 
 
 “ shield, banner. 
 
 28. Tlamirez x. 
 
 p. 17, 
 
 
 it 11 < C 
 
 29. National Library, 
 Florence, MS., 
 
 
 
 l i H it 
 
 30. MS. Hist. Sahagun. 
 
 31. “ 
 
 32. “ “ “ . Xiuliatlatl, . . spear. 
 
 33 . “ “ “.spears and shield- 
 
I 3 e»t>ody ]VXixseu.m Papers. 
 
 Vol. I, JSTo. 3, pi. III. 
 

 
 
 
ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND ETHNOLOGICAL PAPERS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PEABODY MUSEUM. 
 
 — Harvard University — 
 
 Vol. I. No. 4. 
 
 REPORT 
 
 UPON 
 
 PILE-STRUCTURES IN N A AM AMS CREEK, 
 
 NEAR CLAYMONT, DELAWARE. 
 
 BY 
 
 HILBORNE T. CRESSON, A.M., M.D. 
 
 SPECIAL ASSISTANT OF THE PEABODY MUSEUM. 
 
 CAMBRIDGE, MASS. 
 PEABODY MUSEUM OF AMERICAN 
 ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY. 
 April, 1892. 
 
PRINTED BY 
 
 The Salem Press Publishing and Printing Co, 
 
 &be Salem press. 
 
 SALEM, MASS. 
 
EDITORIAL NOTE. 
 
 In the Twenty-second Report of the Museum for the year 
 1887-8, a brief notice is given of a collection of stone imple¬ 
 ments, potsherds and other objects, taken from the mud 
 near the mouth of Naaman’s creek, Claymont, Delaware, pre¬ 
 sented by Mr. Hilborne T. Cresson, with a few others from 
 the same place presented by Mr. A. B. Huey, and Mr. W. R. 
 Thompson. The statement is there made that these objects 
 were found in the mud of the creek at three localities, desig¬ 
 nated Stations A, B and C, which were near together. The 
 fact that these objects were in close association with the de¬ 
 cayed remains of stakes or piles (several of which have been 
 carefully taken up and sent to the Museum), indicating some 
 aboriginal structure of an unknown character, made the col¬ 
 lection one of considerable interest and importance. Since 
 then, Mr. Cresson has sent to the Museum other specimens 
 from this interesting locality and has furnished a Report giv¬ 
 ing a detailed account of his long-continued and careful re- 
 searches at this place. This Report is here published and is 
 commended as a clear and simple account of the facts ob¬ 
 served during the research. From this statement archaeolo¬ 
 gists can draw such conclusions as seem to them most likely 
 to account for the presence of the piles and the associated ob¬ 
 jects which to Mr. (now Dr.) Cresson seem to indicate an 
 aboriginal fish-weir. 
 
 F. W. Putnam, 
 
 Curator op the Museum. 
 
 Cambridge, Mass., 
 
 March 21, 1892. 
 
 209 
 
REPORT UPON PILE-STRUCTURES, SUPPOSED TO BE THE 
 REMAINS OF ABORIGINAL FISH-WEIRS, IN NAAMAN’S - 
 CREEK, NEAR CLAYMONT, DELAWARE. 
 
 The specimens collected during explorations for the Peabody 
 Museum, since 1887, at the site of the pile-structures which are 
 believed to be the remains of prehistoric fish-weirs, inside of the 
 mouth of Naaman’s creek, near Claymont, Del., together with speci¬ 
 mens gathered before my connection with the Museum as field as¬ 
 sistant, have been arranged for study, and a considerable portion 
 of the collection is placed on exlhbition 4 in the Museum ; thus pre¬ 
 senting with the Abbott, Lockwood and Bennett collections, an 
 interesting series illustrating the condition of early man in the 
 southern portion of the Delaware valley. 
 
 The slow and laborious nature of the work, executed with a 
 hand-dredge, rendered it impossible to complete the examinations 
 until the summer of 1889. At this time a steam dredge was used 
 to deepen the creek’s channel near Richmond’s brick-yard which 
 finished the work. This more rapid method of procedure, although 
 it destroyed the site of the relic bed surrounding the pile-structures, 
 served to add many new specimens of interest to the collection, 
 and afforded a chance to examine more fully the geological forma¬ 
 tion upon which the alluvial deposits and underlying peat and gravel 
 beds rest. 
 
 In 1870, a fisherman living in the village of Marcus Hook, Pa., 
 gave me some spear and arrowheads, chipped from a dense argil¬ 
 lite, which he had found on the edge of the extensive mud flats 
 which border Naaman’s creek, a small tributary of the Delaware 
 river. The finder stated that while cat-fishing among the reeds 
 and spatter-docks, he noticed, here and there, the ends of logs 
 or stakes protruding from the mud, and that they seemed to be 
 placed in rows ; to use his own words, “they stuck out just above the 
 
 211 
 
6 
 
 REPORT UPON PILE-STRUCTURES 
 
 mud, were us rotten as punk, and he could see no reason why they’d 
 been placed there by white folks; more than likely the Indians in 
 old times used them to hitch their canoes to when spearing fish, and 
 that was the reason the darts, axes and such like were found around 
 there.” A visit to the place, made a few days afterward in com¬ 
 pany with the fisherman, disclosed the ends of much decayed stakes 
 protruding above the mud, just as he had stated, and confirmed 
 what I had before heard in regard to them from a reed-bird gunner, 
 who encountered them while poling his skiff off the marsh into the 
 creek after the water had fallen on the ebb-tide. At that time 
 (1870) I coincided with the fisherman’s views that the spot had 
 been a fishing-place of the Indians, as the finds of argillite imple¬ 
 ments seemed only to exist in the neighborhood of the wooden 
 structures or stake-ends. More mature deliberation based upon 
 the results of hand-dredging and excavating since my first visit 
 (1870), only serves to confirm my opinion that the}’ were the re¬ 
 mains of fish-weirs. 
 
 Professional duties did not permit me at this time (1870) to give 
 the matter serious attention, and it was not until my return from 
 France, in 1880, that I again visited the spot at Naaman’s creek 
 where the finds had been made. While abroad I studied many ar- 
 clueological collections, especially those from the Swiss lakes, and 
 visited various prehistoric stations of Switzerland. The rude sharp¬ 
 ening of the pile-ends which I there examined was in some cases 
 evidently made with sharp stone implements and recalled the cuts on 
 the stake-ends at Naaman’s creek. Since 1880, I have frequently 
 examined the spot, excavating the few pile-ends that remained and 
 preserving several that did not fall to pieces. Careful notes were 
 made of the dredgings and excavations. These operations were car¬ 
 ried on at low tide, the work being conducted principally by my¬ 
 self aided at times by interested friends. The results, so far (1887), 
 seemed to indicate that the ends of piles embedded in the mud, 
 judging from the implements and other debris scattered around 
 them, had once served as supports to structures intended for fish- 
 weirs. In all probability, the piles or stakes originally projected 
 a few feet above the water and were probably interlaced with wattles 
 or vines to more readily bar the passage of fish from the creek to 
 the river. The upper portions of these wooden structures have 
 disappeared during the long lapse of time since the}’ were placed 
 there. 
 
 212 
 
IN NAAMAN’s CREEK, DELAWARE. 
 
 7 
 
 The edge of the flats in which the stakes were embedded 1 2 is 
 covered with about two and a half to three feet of water on the flood 
 tide. At slack water it forms a low mud bank slanting toward the 
 creek. Three different stations 9 were located, probably all that 
 exist, in the bed of the creek referred to. This opinion is based 
 upon careful examination of nearly every inch of ground in the 
 neighborhood of the stake-ends, made within the pastffour years by 
 dredging in sections between certain points marked upon the 
 creek’s bank. The implements found at Station A are generally 
 made of argillite, with a few quartz and quartzite. Some were 
 very rude in character and not unlike the palaeoliths found by Dr. 
 C. C. Abbott in the Trenton gravels. 3 
 
 The reproduction, from a photograph, shows the pile-ends as they 
 appeared before excavation at the spot designated station B (see 
 p. 8). The other stations, A and C, were generally covered at 
 high tide. These stakes were carefully excavated, dried and for¬ 
 warded to the Peabocty Museum by the late Mr. William Reilly 4 * * * * 
 of Philadelphia, a florist, then living at Claymont. The slight 
 amount of excavation necessary to remove the pile-ends did not 
 give anything more than a superficial idea of the geological forma¬ 
 tion in which they stood, and, as it has been stated, until the 
 steam-dredge began its work of deepening the bed of Naaman’s 
 creek so that sloops could enter its shallow waters and anchor at 
 the wharf near Richmond’s brick-yard, it was not possible to learn 
 much in regard to the underlying formation. 
 
 Careful study of the material brought up during the operation of 
 the steam-dredge suggests that in places a bastard peat soil or peat 
 muck, covered by alluvial deposits several feet in thickness, rests 
 
 1 The alluvium was excavated from around these stakes which were photographed 
 in place before removal. 
 
 2 The term “station” was adopted by Professor Putnam’s suggestion, as implements 
 were found in certain spots, several feet apart, in the bed of the creek. 
 
 implements of like kind have been found in the boulder clay at the brick-yard 
 alongside of Naaman’s creek. The implements that were brought up by the hand- 
 dredge at station A may, therefore, have been washed out of the brick and boulder- 
 clay deposits and scattered among the alluvial deposits in which the stakes were 
 found. 
 
 4 Mr. Reilly’s letter accompanied the specimens referred to. He took an active in¬ 
 
 terest in the researches of the Peabody Museum. He was drowned near the mouth of 
 
 Naaman’s creek in 1887. Thanks of the Museum are also due Mr. Charles Ottey and 
 
 Willie Shute who presented specimens found among the debris deposited by the steam- 
 
 dredge. Their letters accompanied the specimens and are on file in the Museum. 
 
 213 
 
8 
 
 REPORT UPON PILE-STRUCTURES 
 
 upon the brick-clay of Lewis (Columbian of McGee), and that this 
 same peat layer frequently dips downward under the clay deposit. 
 An example of this may be seen northeast and southeast of the 
 creek’s mouth near low-water mark; here is a bed of hard, blue 
 cla}' and two hundred feet further inland, a dark, peaty soil comes 
 to the surface. Southwest of this at Lobdell’s Car Wheel Works, 
 near the mouth of Christiana creek, 1 this same peat-bed exists, 
 covered in places by alluvial deposits varying from three feet to 
 six and even ten feet in thickness. I am informed by Mr. Emer 
 
 PILE-ENDS AT STATION B. 
 
 Loyd of Claymont that, several years ago, while excavating muck 
 for fertilizing purposes on the farm of Mr. William Myers, there 
 was encountered at a depth of twelve feet this same peat layer to¬ 
 gether with the trunks of trees; in fact, this has often been remarked 
 by well-diggers in that vicinity, and in all probability^ accounts for 
 the so-called tree-ends which protrude from beneath alluvial depos¬ 
 its in the bed of the Delaware river near Grubb’s landing. These 
 
 1 Chipped implements of argillite have been found three and a half feet beneath this 
 peat-layer See letters of Mr. George Lobdell on file in the Museum. Mr. Lobdell 
 mentions the trunks of sycamore trees iu the peat. In this respect it resembles the 
 Fallen Forest and Peat Layer at Claymont. A number of these implements, collected 
 by Mr. Lobdell in 1882, are iu the Museum, presented by him in 1S34 and 1S88. 
 
 214 
 
IN NAAMAN’S CREEK, DELAWARE. 
 
 9 
 
 obstructions are a source of annoyance to the sturgeon fishermen 
 who set deep nets, and for this reason they resort to the east chan¬ 
 nel of the river. Some connection may be traced between these 
 facts and the legends that exist among the country people in the 
 vicinity in regard to apple orchards standing upon farms now en¬ 
 tirely covered by the waters of the Delaware. 
 
 Professor McCorkle of the United States Coast Survey informs 
 me that the encroachments of the river upon the west bank, within 
 the past hundred years, have been so slight that the contours of 
 recent and earlier surveys show very little change. The fact must 
 not be overlooked, however, that certain land on the west side of 
 the Delaware river, at one time covered by the ebb and flow of the 
 tide, was reclaimed from its waters by dykes. This was the work 
 of the early settlers. The land near the Christiana creek and the 
 shore line of the Delaware south of that point are examples of this. 
 Mr. Lobdell, who owns large tracts of land near the spot last men¬ 
 tioned, states that the dykes along the Delaware river front and 
 the Christiana creek require careful attention to prevent overflow, 
 and that the land had undoubtedly been reclaimed by the early 
 Swedish settlers from the encroachments of the water ; a proof be¬ 
 ing given by the heavy alluvial deposits in the vicinity resting upon 
 other aqueous deposits of great age. 
 
 These facts are mentioned to show that “ The Fallen Forest and 
 Peat Layer” is not confined solely to the immediate neighborhood 
 of the mouth of Naaman’s creek but is distributed over a wider 
 area. 1 
 
 Under the brick-clay of Lewis may be encountered, at certain 
 localities, a red gravel similar in character to that observed further 
 northeast toward Philadelphia, but not so well defined and disap¬ 
 pearing altogether at times or merging into the boulders and clay 
 so characteristic of this region. Whether the old tertiary sea de¬ 
 posit, so well marked at Philadelphia, exists thus far south is yet 
 
 1 When Mr. McGee of the United States Geological Survey visited the peat-beds, 
 then uncovered at Richmond’s brick-yard, Naaman’s creek, he was unable to give a 
 decided opinion in regard to their age. In a letter to me upon the subject, bearing 
 date of Jan. 13, 1890, he states: “You must allow me to withhold my opinion until I 
 have opportunity to make extended studies along both sides of the Delaware, in Penn¬ 
 sylvania, New Jersey and Delaware.” Prof. G. Frederick Wright, who visited the site 
 of the supposed fish-weirs as well as other localities in the neighborhood, expressed 
 himself as greatly puzzled by the position of the peat-beds. 
 
 215 
 
10 
 
 REPORT UPON PILE-STRUCTURES 
 
 to be demonstrated. 1 Underlying the brick-clay is the crystalline 
 of Dana. 
 
 A suggestion of the superposition of the layers near the mouth 
 of the creek may be conveyed by the ideal sketch shown below. 
 AD represents the creek’s bed and alluvial deposits overlying; 
 
 BC brick clay and G gravel deposits; CD is the crystalline of 
 Dana; BL is tiie peat layer that lower down contains the fallen 
 trunks of willow, cedar, oak and pine trees; for this reason it has 
 been designated the Fallen Forest and Peat Layer. The black 
 areas in the creek bed mark the position of the pile-structures which 
 it is conjectured were interlaced with wattles or vines, forming 
 ancient fish-weirs. 
 
 The position of these pile-structures shows that in two localities 
 they were implanted in the peat la}’er, and in the other case, so 
 near as could be determined in the difficult process of hand-dredg¬ 
 ing, in a gravelly deposit mixed with large boulders. 
 
 Reference has already been made to the reproduction of a pho¬ 
 tograph taken at dredging-station B (seep. 8). This picture was 
 taken some months after the bank had been sliced aw a} 7 , a few of 
 the piles being removed to study their geological position. The 
 negative was not satisfactory, and later other photographs were 
 taken. But little change had taken place in the position of the 
 piles subjected to the ebb and flow of the tide, as they were in 
 a measure protected by the water-grass and spatter-docks that 
 grew up around them after the section of the creek’s bank had been 
 removed. 
 
 1 A yellow sand resembling that underlying the Red gravel of Lewis at Philadelphia 
 has been remarked at Mr. Lob dell’s, also in wells dug at Marcus Hook, Pa. Traces of 
 this yellow sand and gravel are not wanting in the vicinity of Naaman’s creek. 
 
 216 
 
IN NAAMAN’s CREEK, DELAWARE. 
 
 11 
 
 A copy of a pencil sketch will better suggest how the wooden 
 stakes or pile-ends looked when first examined (profile). 
 
 (7, the creek ; S, the wooden stakes covered by alluvial deposits ; 
 B, the mud bank on the side of Naaman’s creek ; the lines show 
 the stakes below the mud, and the dark tops indicate how little 
 they projected above it. 
 
 The second sketch shows the method pursued at low tide in 
 trenching away the side of the bank and exposing the wooden 
 structures. A slanting cut was made, a few feet in depth, from W 
 to A , W to F and P to B. 
 
 The profile sketch on the next page, taken in this connection, 
 shows the geological position of the wooden structures. 
 
 A, B and C indicate the position of the three dredging stations ; 
 the dotted lines the relic beds surrounding them. The exact posi¬ 
 tion of the wooden pile-ends could be determined at B, but at C 
 and A the positions were determined with less accuracy, as they 
 were on an average about two to two and a half feet beneath the 
 alluvial deposits of the creek and had to be probed for with a long, 
 
 217 
 
■< * 
 
 12 
 
 REPORT UPON PILE-STRUCTURES 
 
 iron rod. This process required great care, as the rod easily pen¬ 
 etrated the soft wooden ends. The hand-dredge served to deter¬ 
 mine the area of the relic-beds from which was obtained the 
 interesting collection now on exhibition in the Peabody Museum. 
 X, Y and Z show the outlines of the alluvial deposits, peat-beds 
 and underlying clays and gravels. 
 
 Indications of an attempt to sharpen the ends of the stakes are 
 not wanting, as shown in the following reproduction of a photograph 
 of the best preserved in the collection, and suggest that this was 
 probably accomplished by a cutting instrument of stone. 
 
 r \ 
 
 Pile-ends after removal from dredging station B, Naaman’s creek. From a pho¬ 
 tograph of specimens in the Peabody Museum. 
 
 Wedge-posts, as shown in figure on next page, were also used to 
 strengthen the wooden structures, a necessary precaution from the 
 fact that during the spring rains the waters of the creek are largely 
 increased in volume and during the ebb tide push out with great 
 
 218 
 
IN NAAMAN’S CREEK, DELAWARE. 
 
 IB 
 
 force. This strong current probably accounts for the existing gaps 
 that occur between dredging-stations A, B and C, the pile-ends be¬ 
 tween the points C to A and A to B (see figure, p. 12), having 
 been carried away since they were abandoned by the people. The 
 preservation of those at dredging-stations A and C is due to the 
 fact that while the upper portions of the piles have rotted away, 
 the ends have been preserved in the bastard peat and alluvial de¬ 
 posits which covered them. The superior condition and length of 
 the piles secured at station B may be accounted for by the shelv¬ 
 ing nature of the bank and the mass of water plants that in a great 
 measure protected them from injury. 
 
 A is a pile-end in position; B is a wedge stake driven into the mud alongside of it. 
 
 The fact must not be overlooked that the present mouth of the 
 creek is not as it was in bygone times. Alluvial deposits extend 
 a considerable distance northeast and southwest of the present 
 mouth, in what are now swampy meadows which have been re¬ 
 claimed by dykes from encroachments of the waters of the Dela¬ 
 ware. It is not improbable that these wooden structures occupied 
 a central position in the areas either covered with water or subject 
 to overflow, or else that the existing hard clay-bed around and to 
 eastward of station B was an islet forming an elevation of dry land 
 suitable for a camping-place of the fishing community. 
 
 A better idea of this may be had by reference to the pen sketch 
 on page 14. F and E are the beds of clay projecting beyond the 
 dykes, P. G is a large area of swamp land, with a black muck 
 or bastard peat soil, mixed into alluvial deposits. It now forms a 
 part of the Clyde estate. L is upon the Richmond property occu¬ 
 pying the north side of Naaman’s creek; the area of overflow is 
 not so great on this side toward the north but bends towards Mar¬ 
 cus Hook to the eastward. The present position of Naaman’s 
 creek bed is indicated by MM. H is an elevation of clay that over¬ 
 looks G from the west. / is a small islet surrounded by a ditch 
 
 219 
 
14 
 
 REPORT UPON PILE-STRUCTURES 
 
 K which 1ms in recent times been used by the firm of George 
 Churchman & Sons as a log boom. The width of the water-way 
 around I was considerably enlarged and deepened bjr the Messrs. 
 Churchman, so as to better float timber ; and the material dug from 
 it for dyking may also have increased its size. The late George 
 Lodge, Esq., of Claymont, Del., a well-known and respected citi¬ 
 
 zen who was acquainted with the traditions of the neighborhoo'd 
 in which he was born, once related to me that Wertmiiller the dis¬ 
 tinguished court painter, an exile from the court of Louis XVI, 
 who formerly owned this property and died in the old Clyde home¬ 
 stead, stated that he had been told by a Delaware Indian that this 
 was a ditch in which his ancestors the Lenapi used to hide their ca¬ 
 noes when they came to catch fish at the creek’s mouth. When 
 220 
 
IN NAAMAN S CREEK, DELAWARE. 
 
 15 
 
 Prof. G. F. Wright, the distinguished glacialist, visited this lo¬ 
 cality, his attention was called to this islet and ditch, and the posi¬ 
 tion and character of the same seemed to impress him with the 
 probability of aboriginal origin. If it had been the work of the 
 white man it is not probable he would have left the islet that stands 
 in the centre. It seems improbable that any one would have taken 
 the trouble when the land was dyked to run the banks around a 
 spot of this kind unless a ditch of considerable depth had previously 
 existed there. If it was dug for a log boom, in later times, it is 
 a singular circumstance that the entire area of M, /, K (see sketch) 
 was not excavated. Its shape and its position at the side of the 
 creek recall similar excavations that have been quoted by my 
 friend, the late Dr. Charles Rau of the Smithsonian Institution. 
 If the mouth of this artificial excavation had been closed by pilings 
 interlaced by wattlings similar to those remains discovered further 
 to the eastward, at the creek’s mouth, an admirable fish preserve 
 would have been the result. Dr. Rau, in a visit to this locality 
 shortly before his death, deemed it to be of aboriginal origin. 
 
 221 
 
16 
 
 REPORT UPON PILE-STRUCTURES 
 
 shown in the diagram on page 15, and so near as could be de¬ 
 termined by pile-ends located at the various dredging spots or 
 stations, A, B, C, the piles were placed about six inches apart and 
 in the following order : 
 
 Withes of wicker work could have been slipped between these 
 piles as suggested by sketch _Z>, thus forming a sufficient obstruction 
 to drive the fish toward B, page 15, where, for reasons already 
 given, the water was more shallow, or a shelving bank of clay af¬ 
 forded a better opportunity to the aboriginal fisherman to pierce 
 them with his spear or arrow. On the other hand, if it be con¬ 
 sidered that the structures were simply wooden enclosures surround¬ 
 ing a habitation site now covered by the waters of Naaman’s creek, 
 and that the original waters of the creek were further to the north¬ 
 east or southeast, as the case may be, then we cannot account for 
 the position and kind of implements that have been dredged from 
 around A, B, C, for they were found at various depths in the peat 
 and alluvial deposits and suggest implements used by a people re¬ 
 sorting to this locality to fish. The collection forwarded to the 
 Museum by the various gentlemen interested in the exploration also 
 suggests this. Most of the arrow-points are similar to those found 
 among the shellheaps of Cape Henlopen. 
 
 Among other interesting implements presented to the Peabody 
 Museum is a large stone maul that differs from our usual Ameri¬ 
 can types of such implements in the fact of its having a hole drilled 
 through it for the insertion of a handle or a withe. Three of these 
 implements were found. 
 
 A difference in the character of the objects dredged from the 
 various spots shown in the plan above, A , B and C, is worthy of 
 remark. At B pottery was found, and in the material used for the 
 manufacture of stone implements, jasper and quartz predominate. 
 Implements of argillite, it is true, were also found, but they were 
 few in number and of better finish than those dredged from A and 
 C. At these last two stations there were but few implements of 
 
 222 
 
IN NAAMAN’s CREEK, DELAWARE. 
 
 17 
 
 jasper, quartz or any flint-like material. Pottery and fragments 
 of bone implements were found only at B. 
 
 Prof. Henry W. Haynes agrees with Professor Putnam 1 in his be¬ 
 lief that “ the fact that at only one station pottery occurs and also 
 that at this station the stone implements are largely of jasper and 
 quartz with few of argillite, while at the two other stations many 
 rude stone implements are associated with chipped points of argil¬ 
 lite, with few of jasper and other flint-like material, is of great in¬ 
 terest.” Professor Haynes, likewise, deems it safe to consider them 
 as ancient aboriginal fish-weirs rather than the remains of a pile¬ 
 dwelling people. This, then, but confirms the words of the fisher¬ 
 man who first brought the stone implements to notice when he sug¬ 
 gested that “ the Indians, in old times, used to hitch their canoes 
 to them and spear fish, and that this was the reason why their 
 darts, axes and such like were found around there.” 
 
 Fish-weirs have been mentioned by certain early explorers on 
 this continent and remains resembling such structures have been 
 referred to by more modern writers. 2 
 
 That these pile-structures discovered at the mouth of Naaman’s 
 creek originally formed aboriginal fish-weirs, is but a conjecture, it 
 is true; but from a study of the material obtained from the three 
 dredging-stations, and now in the Peabody Museum, it may be 
 granted that the assumption is not unwarranted. 
 
 1 Report Peabody Museum, Vol. IV, p. 45,1888. 
 
 2 See Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, Vol. xxv, Prehistoric Fishing in 
 Europe and North America, by Charles Rau, p. 284, De Bry et at. 
 
 223 
 
 P. M. PAPERS 1. 15. 
 
LIST OF SPECIMENS. 
 
 The following summary from the museum catalogue will give some 
 idea of the collection now arranged in the Peabody Museum where it can 
 be seen by all interested. 
 
 Nos. 44,281-6 
 “ 44,287 
 “ 44,288-301 
 
 “ 44,302-8 
 “ 44,309 
 “ 44,310 
 “ 44,311 
 “ 44,312-64 
 
 Nos. 45,252 
 “ 45,253 
 “ 45,254 
 “ 45,255 
 “ 45,256 
 “ 45,257-8 
 “ 45,259 
 “ 45,260 
 “ 45,261 
 “ 45,262 
 “ 45,263 
 “ 45,264 
 “ 45,265 
 “ 45,266 
 “ 45,267 
 “ 45,268 
 “ 45,269 
 “ 45,270 
 
 FROM STATION A. 
 
 15 broken masses of argillite, quartz and other rocks. 
 
 2 stone chips. 
 
 17 chipped stones of various kinds, several being split 
 pebbles. 
 
 9 rude celt-like implements. 
 
 3 notched stone, sinkers. 
 
 3 pitted stones. 
 
 1 hammer stone. 
 
 53 chipped pointed implements, mostly of argillite but 
 a few of quartzite and other stones. Also a few 
 flakes. 
 
 103 specimens from station A. 
 
 STATION B. 
 
 1 grooved stone, axe shape. 
 
 1 discoidal pebble, perforated. 
 
 1 large chipped pointed implement of jasper. 
 
 1 large chipped pointed implement of granite. 
 
 1 chipped pebble, jasper. 
 
 2 chipped points, slate. 
 
 1 chipped piece of jasper. 
 
 1 hammerstone, pebble, pitted. 
 
 1 chipped point, slate. 
 
 1 split pebble. 
 
 1 jasper flake, chipped. 
 
 1 chipped implement, jasper. 
 
 1 natural stone. 
 
 1 chipped implement, jasper. 
 
 1 chipped implement, quartz. 
 
 1 hammerstone. 
 
 1 small argillite implement, with groove. 
 
 1 jasper flake. 
 
 224 
 
LIST OF SPECIMENS. 
 
 19 
 
 Nos. 45,271 
 “ 45,272 
 
 “ 45,273 
 “ 45,274 
 “ 45,275 
 “ 45,276 
 “ 45,277 
 “ 45,278-9 
 “ 45,280 
 “ 45,281 
 “ 45,282 
 
 “ 45,283 
 “ 45,284 
 “ 45,285 
 “ 45,286 
 “ 45,287 
 “ 45,288 
 “ 45,289 
 “ 45,290 
 “ 45,291 
 “ 45,292 
 
 “ 45,293 
 “ 45,294-6 
 “ 45,297 
 “ 45,298 
 “ 45,299 
 “ 45,300-301 
 “ 45,302 
 “ 45,303 
 “ 45,304 
 “ 45,305 
 “ 45,306 
 “ 45,307 
 “ 45,308 
 “ 45,309 
 “ 45,310 
 “ 45,311-314 
 “ 45,315-316 
 “ 45,317 
 “ 45,318 
 “ 45,319 
 “ 45,320 
 “ 45,321-4 
 “ 45,325 
 “ 45,326 
 “ 45,327 
 “ 45,328 
 
 1 chipped point, slate. 
 
 1 chipped scraper, jasper. 
 
 1 long point, slate. 
 
 1 chipped piece of slate. 
 
 1 broken piece of granite. 
 
 1 chipped piece of jasper. 
 
 1 rude, grooved axe-like weapon. 
 
 2 chipped points, slate. 
 
 1 large chipped jasper implement. 
 
 1 chipped jasper flake. 
 
 1 broken nodule of flint. 
 
 1 perforated pebble. 
 
 1 notched pebble, sinker. 
 
 1 chipped pointed jasper flake. 
 
 1 grooved stone, sinker. 
 
 1 chipped slate point, process of manufacture. 
 
 1 rude stone axe, grooved. . 
 
 1 notched pebble, sinker. 
 
 1 chipped jasper pebble. 
 
 1 chipped jasper implement. 
 
 1 chipped jasper flake. 
 
 1 pitted hammerstone. 
 
 3 chipped slate points. 
 
 1 chipped jasper point. 
 
 1 jasper pebble. 
 
 1 celt made from jasper pebble. 
 
 2 chipped stone points. 
 
 1 chipped jasper flake scraper. 
 
 1 chipped stone implement. 
 
 1 chipped jasper pebble. 
 
 1 chipped jasper point, failure. 
 
 1 jasper flake. 
 
 1 chipped jasper point. 
 
 1 quartz flake. 
 
 1 grooved pebble. 
 
 1 chipped jasper implement. 
 
 4 chipped stone points. 
 
 2 jasper flakes. 
 
 1 chipped jasper scraper. 
 
 1 chipped stone point. 
 
 1 flint flake, chipped edges. 
 
 1 chipped flint implement, process of manufacture. 
 4 chipped jasper flakes. 
 
 1 notched pebble, sinker. 
 
 1 jasper flake. 
 
 1 quartz flake. 
 
 1 chipped jasper pebble. 
 
 225 
 
20 
 
 LIST OF SPECIMENS. 
 
 Nos. 45,329-332 
 “ 45,333-334 
 “ 45,335 
 “ 45,336 
 “ 45,337-8 
 “ 45,339 
 “ 45,340 
 “ 45,341 
 
 “ 45,342 
 “ 45,343 
 “ 45,344-345 
 “ 45,846 
 “ 45,347 
 “ 45,348-9 
 “ 45,350 
 “ 45,351 
 “ 45,352 
 “ 45,353 
 “ 45,354 
 “ 45,355-6 
 “ 45,357 
 “ 45,358 
 “ 45,359 
 “ 45,360-361 
 “ 45,362 
 “ 45,363-4 
 “ 45,365 
 “ 45.36G 
 “ 45,367 
 “ 45,368-9 
 “ 45,370 
 “ 45,371 
 “ 45,372-3 
 “ 45,374 
 “ 45,375 
 “ 45,376 
 “ 45 377 
 “ 45,378-380 
 “ 45,381-2 
 
 “ 45,3S3 
 “ 45,384 
 “ 45,385 
 “ 45,386 
 
 “ 45,387 
 “ 45,38S 
 “ 45,389 
 “ 45,390 
 
 4 slate points. 
 
 2 jasper flakes, chipped edges. 
 
 1 chipped jasper pebble. 
 
 1 chipped pebble, sinker. 
 
 2 chipped stone points. 
 
 1 chipped jasper pebble. 
 
 1 notched pebble, sinker. 
 
 1 chipped jasper point, one edge serrated. 
 1 chipped stone point. 
 
 1 chipped jasper implement. 
 
 2 chipped jasper pebbles. 
 
 1 chipped stone point. 
 
 1 chipped jasper implement. 
 
 2 chipped stone points. 
 
 1 chipped jasper point. 
 
 1 chipped stone point. 
 
 1 jasper point. 
 
 1 slate point. 
 
 1 chipped piece of jasper. 
 
 2 argillite points. 
 
 1 slate point. 
 
 1 jasper point. 
 
 1 chipped jasper implement. 
 
 2 slate points. 
 
 1 chipped piece of jasper. 
 
 2 jasper points. 
 
 1 slate point. 
 
 1 stone point. 
 
 1 argillite drill. 
 
 2 natural stones. 
 
 1 argillite point. 
 
 1 chipped slate implement. 
 
 2 chipped jasper flakes. 
 
 1 argillite point. 
 
 1 chipped slate implement. 
 
 1 argillite point. 
 
 1 jasper point. 
 
 3 jasper flakes, chipped. 
 
 2 jasper points. 
 
 1 jasper flake. 
 
 1 jasper implement, discoidaL 
 1 chipped slate point. 
 
 1 quart/, implement. 
 
 1 splinter of argillite. 
 
 1 flake of argillite. 
 
 1 chipped jasper pebble. 
 
 1 chipped piece of argillite. 
 
 226 
 
LIST OF SPECIMENS 
 
 21 
 
 Nos. 45,391-2 
 
 2 argillite flakes. 
 
 “ 45,393 
 
 1 chipped piece of argillite. 
 
 “ 45,394 
 
 1 argillite flake. 
 
 “ 45,395 
 
 1 argillite point. 
 
 “ 45,396 
 
 1 argillite flake, chipped. 
 
 “ 45,397 
 
 1 chipped point, quartz. 
 
 “ 45,398 
 
 1 chipped point, chert. 
 
 “ 45,399-400 
 
 2 chipped points, argillite. 
 
 “ 45,401 
 
 1 chipped implement in process manufacture. 
 
 “ 45,402-3 
 
 2 chipped slate points in process manufacture. 
 
 “ 45,404 
 
 1 slate flake. 
 
 “ 45,405 
 
 1 long slate implement. 
 
 “ 45,406 
 
 1 point of slate, implement. 
 
 “ 45,407 
 
 1 chipped slate point. 
 
 “ 45,408-9 
 
 2 chipped argillite points. 
 
 “ 45,410 
 
 1 argillite flake. 
 
 “ 45,411 
 
 1 curved stone, natural. 
 
 “ 45,412 
 
 1 chipped slate point. 
 
 “ 45,413 
 
 1 chipped jasper pebble. 
 
 “ 45,414-420 
 
 7 chipped slate points. 
 
 “ 45,421 
 
 1 slate flake. 
 
 “ 45,422 
 
 1 chipped jasper point. 
 
 “ 45,423 
 
 1 slate flake point. 
 
 “ 45,424 
 
 1 chipped slate flake. 
 
 “ 45,425 
 
 1 argillite perforator. 
 
 “ 45,426 
 
 1 stone flake, chipped. 
 
 “ 45,427 
 
 1 slate point, chipped. 
 
 “ 45,428 
 
 1 slate flake. 
 
 “ 45,429 
 
 1 slate point, chipped. 
 
 “ 45,430 
 
 1 long slate point, chipped. 
 
 “ 45,431 
 
 1 slender slate point, chipped. 
 
 “ 45,432 
 
 1 small slate point, chipped. 
 
 “ 45,433 
 
 1 slate point, perforator. 
 
 “ 45,434 
 
 1 stone, much decomposed. 
 
 “ 45,435 
 
 1 large stone flake, pointed. 
 
 “ 45,436 
 
 1 chipped slate pebble. 
 
 “ 45,437-441 
 
 5 chipped pieces of slate. 
 
 “ 45,442 
 
 1 hammerstone, pitted pebble. 
 
 “ 45,443 
 
 1 hammerstone, pebble. 
 
 “ 45,444 
 
 1 pebble, chipped on one edge. 
 
 “ 45,445 
 
 1 slate arrowpoint. 
 
 “ 45,446 
 
 1 jasper point. 
 
 “ 45,447 
 
 1 curved stone, natural. 
 
 “ 45,448 
 
 1 jasper point, process of chipping. 
 
 “ 45,449 
 
 1 jasper point. 
 
 “ 45,450 
 
 1 curved piece of stone, natural. 
 
 “ 45,451 
 
 1 fragment chipped slate point. 
 
 227 
 
LIST OF SPECIMENS. 
 
 45,452-3 
 
 2 jasper points, process of manufacture. 
 
 45,454 
 
 1 stoue point, process of manufacture. 
 
 45,455-6 
 
 2 chert arrowpoints. 
 
 45,457 
 
 1 jasper flake. 
 
 45,458 
 
 1 chipped jasper pebble. 
 
 45,459 
 
 1 chipped point, chert. 
 
 45,460 
 
 1 chipped piece of slate. 
 
 45,461 
 
 1 splinter of argillite. 
 
 45,462 
 
 1 flake of argillite. 
 
 45,463 
 
 1 chipped point, argillite. 
 
 45,464-5 
 
 1 chipped point argillite, much decomposed. 
 
 45,466 
 
 1 chipped point quartz. 
 
 45,467 
 
 1 chipped slate arrowpoint. 
 
 45,468 
 
 2 chipped stone points. 
 
 45,469 
 
 1 potsherd, incised ornament. 
 
 45,470 
 
 1 chipped slate point. 
 
 45,471 
 
 1 argillite flake. 
 
 45,472 
 
 1 stone flake. 
 
 45,473 
 
 1 quartz flake. 
 
 45,474 
 
 1 chipped stone point. 
 
 45,475 
 
 1 chipped slate point. 
 
 45,476 
 
 1 chipped stone point, process of manufacture. 
 
 45,477 
 
 1 chipped slate point. 
 
 45,478 
 
 1 quartz flake. 
 
 45,479 
 
 1 chipped stone arrow point. 
 
 45,480 
 
 2 chert points, process of manufacture. 
 
 45.4S1 
 
 1 chipped slate point. 
 
 45,482 
 
 1 quartz point. 
 
 45,483 
 
 1 chert point. 
 
 45,484 
 
 1 jasper point, chipped. 
 
 45,485 
 
 1 fragment grooved stone axe. 
 
 45,486 
 
 1 stone hammer, pebble roughly grooved. 
 
 45,487 
 
 1 grooved stone axe, one-half. 
 
 45,488 
 
 1 chipped pebble. 
 
 45,489 
 
 1 stone celt. 
 
 45,490 
 
 1 stone celt made from pebble. 
 
 45,491 
 
 1 stone celt, chipped. 
 
 45,492 
 
 1 chipped mass of argillite. 
 
 45,493 
 
 1 stone celt. 
 
 45,494 
 
 1 slate celt, process of manufacture. 
 
 45,495 
 
 1 stone celt chipped. 
 
 45,496 
 
 1 rude stone implement. 
 
 45,497 
 
 1 stone flake. 
 
 .45,498-500 
 
 3 large slate points, portions. 
 
 45,501 
 
 1 chipped jasper pebble. 
 
 45,502 
 
 1 chipped slate pebble. 
 
 45,503 
 
 1 grooved stone implement, fragment. 
 
LIST OF SPECIMENS. 
 
 23 
 
 Nos. 45,504 
 
 1 slate flake. 
 
 “ 45,505 
 
 1 grooved stone. 
 
 “ 45,506 
 
 1 chipped piece of slate. 
 
 “ 45,507 
 
 1 jasper scraper. 
 
 “ 45,508 
 
 1 chipped slate point. 
 
 “ 45,509-10 
 
 2 chipped pieces of slate. 
 
 “ 45,511 
 
 1 chipped piece of jasper. 
 
 “ 45,512-13 
 
 2 chipped stone points. 
 
 “ 45,514 
 
 1 chipped slate implement. 
 
 “ 45,515 
 
 1 chipped jasper pebble. 
 
 “ 45,516 
 
 1 chipped slate point. 
 
 “ 45,517 
 
 1 natural pebble. 
 
 “ 45,518 
 
 1 slate flake. 
 
 “ 45,519 
 
 1 jasper flake, chipped, peculiar shape. 
 
 “ 45,520 
 
 1 chipped stone point. 
 
 “ 45,521 
 
 1 chipped slate point. 
 
 “ 45,522 
 
 1 chipped jasper point. 
 
 “ 45,523 
 
 1 chipped argillite point. 
 
 “ 45,524-5 
 
 2 chipped jasper points. 
 
 “ 45,526 
 
 3 potsherds. 
 
 “ 45,527-537 
 
 12 potsherds. 
 
 “ 45,528-549 
 
 84 splinters of bone. 
 
 “ 45,550 
 
 1 chipped jasper implement, process of 
 
 “ 45,551 
 
 1 chipped piece of jasper. 
 
 “ 45,552 
 
 1 jasper flake, trimmed. 
 
 “ 45,553 
 
 1 chipped piece of jasper. 
 
 “ 45,554 
 
 1 chipped stone point. 
 
 “ 45,555 
 
 1 chipped point (chert?) knife. 
 
 “ 45,562 
 
 9 pile ends. ) 
 
 “ 45,563 
 
 1 chipped chert knife. j 
 
 “ 45,564 
 
 1 chipped slate implement. J Collecl 
 
 9 chipped slate points. i presen 
 
 “ 45,565-573 
 
 “ 45,574 
 
 2 chipped slate points, broken. | Mr. A 
 
 “ 45,575 
 
 1 piece of slate. J 
 
 “ 45,576 
 
 1 potsherd. Collected and presented b 
 Thompson. 
 
 404 specimens from station B. 
 
 STATION C. 
 
 Nos. 44,365-68 
 
 11 broken pieces of stone. 
 
 “ 44,369-73 
 
 7 rude stone implements. 
 
 “ 44,374-75 
 
 2 stone flakes. 
 
 “ 44,376 
 
 1 large argillite flake. 
 
 “ 44,377 
 
 4 broken pieces of stone. 
 
 “ 44,378 
 
 1 pitted stone. 
 
 “ 44,379 
 
 1 notched stone, sinker. 
 
 W. R. 
 
 229 
 
24 
 
 LIST OF SPECIMENS. 
 
 Nos. 44,380-381 
 “ 44,382-84 
 “ 44,385-400 
 “ 44,401-34 
 “ 44,435 
 
 “ 44,436 
 
 “ 45,556 
 “ 45,557-8 
 “ 45,259 
 “ 45,260 
 “ 45,261 
 
 2 chipped masses of stone, one of jasper. 
 
 3 stone celts, one in process of manufacture. 
 
 16 rudely chipped implements. 
 
 34 chipped pointed implements. 
 
 chipped jasper pointed implement, collected by Mr. 
 
 Thomas Whalen, Aug. 18, 1881. 
 
 1 large oval pebble, maul with hole through centre, 
 presented by W. E. Thompson, collected in 1884. 
 
 1 chipped stone. 
 
 2 chipped points, argillite. 
 
 1 slate flake. 
 
 1 chipped slate knife. 
 
 6 slate flakes. 
 
 95 specimens from station C. 
 
 Total number of specimens, 602. 
 
 230 
 
ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND ETHNOLOGICAL PAPERS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PEABODY MUSEUM. 
 
 — Harvard University — 
 
 Vol. I. No. 5. 
 
 A STUDY OF 
 
 OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC 
 
 BY- 
 
 ALICE C. FLETCHER, 
 
 Assistant in American Ethnology, Peabody Museum, and 
 
 HOLDER OF THE THAW FELLOWSHIP. 
 
 AIDED BY 
 
 FRANCIS LA FLESCHE. 
 
 WITH A 
 
 REPORT ON THE 
 
 STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF THE MUSIC 
 
 BY 
 
 JOHN COMFORT FILLMORE, A.M. 
 
 CAMBRIDGE, MASS. 
 PEABODY MUSEUM OF AMERICAN 
 ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY. 
 June, 1893. 
 
PRINTED AT 
 
 THE SALEM PliESS. 
 1803. 
 
 Copyrighted by the 
 
 Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology. 
 
 1S93. 
 
Jltrs. ftlarg Copley ®l)arD, 
 taijosc unfailing interest in tljese researches l)as maire 
 possible tl)e completion of % toork, 
 tl)is monograph an ©mal)a Indian Jttusic 
 is gratefully bebicateb. 
 
EDITORIAL NOTE. 
 
 In this paper Miss Fletcher has treated the subject of Indian 
 music in a manner both novel and instructive. Her long residence 
 among the Indians and her success in winning their love and per¬ 
 fect confidence have enabled her to penetrate the meaning of many 
 things which to an ordinary observer of Indian life are incomprehen¬ 
 sible. She is able to put herself mentally in the Indians’ place 
 and regard them and their acts from their own standpoint. It is 
 this which gives importance to all that Miss Fletcher writes. She 
 describes the thoughts and acts of her Indian friends as they would 
 describe them, while her scientific training leads her to analytical 
 work and thence to an understanding of the meaning of what she 
 sees and hears. The present memoir is therefore to be taken as 
 the work of one who has conscientiously studied the subject and 
 after years of patient investigation has presented it in a form which 
 can readily be comprehended by others. No doubt some critical 
 student of music and of its primitive expressions will question 
 Miss Fletcher’s conclusions, particularly her method of presenta¬ 
 tion and her views upon the existence of harmony; but such crit¬ 
 icism will be shorn of its force unless the critic has made an equally 
 careful study of the subject among the people and can show as 
 good reasons for a different opinion. 
 
 The technical questions involved are so well expressed and dis- 
 
 O) 
 
VI 
 
 EDITORIAL NOTE. 
 
 cussed by Professor Fillmore in bis “report” following Miss Fletch¬ 
 er’s paper that the whole subject is now placed fairly before students 
 for their consideration. 
 
 On reading the manuscript of this joint work of Miss Fletcher 
 and Mr. La Flesche and the critical analysis by Professor Fillmore, 
 I became impressed with the scientific value of the memoir and 
 consequently take pleasure in issuing it in the series of Museum 
 Papers. 
 
 This publication, however, would not have been possible at pres¬ 
 ent had it not been for the timely assistance of Mrs. Mary Copley 
 Thaw who, in appreciation of Miss Fletcher and her work, has 
 founded the fellowship which enables Miss Fletcher to devote the 
 remainder of her life to the preparation of her Indian memoirs. 
 For this act and example ethnologists will ever be grateful to Mrs. 
 Thaw. 
 
 F. W. Putnam, 
 
 Curator of the Peabody Museum. 
 
 Cambridge, June 17, 1893. 
 
 
. A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 After more than ten years of constant study, during which I 
 have had the invaluable aid of Mr. Francis La Flksche and the 
 technical council and assistance of Miss Sarah Eliot Newman and 
 Prof. John Comfort Fillmore, I no longer hesitate to present to 
 the public the following collection of Omaha Indian Songs, feeling 
 confident that therein is truthfully set forth in a manner intelligible 
 to members of my own race the Indian’s mode of expressing emo¬ 
 tion in musical forms. 
 
 I well remember my first experience in listening to Indian music. 
 Although from habit as a student I had endeavored to divest my¬ 
 self of preconceived ideas, and to rise above prejudice and distaste, 
 I found it difficult to penetrate beneath the noise and hear what the 
 people were trying to express. I think I may safely say that I 
 heard little or nothing of Indian music the first three or four times 
 that I attended dances or festivals, beyond a screaming downward 
 movement that was gashed and torn by the vehemently beaten drum. 
 The sound was distressing, and my interest in this music was not 
 aroused until I perceived that this distress was peculiar^ my own, 
 every one else was so enjoying himself (I was the only one of my 
 race present) that I felt sure something was eluding my ears ; it 
 was not rational that human beings should scream for hours, look¬ 
 ing and acting as did these Indians before me, and the sounds they 
 made not mean something more than mere noise. I therefore began 
 to listen below this noise, much as one must listen to the phonograph, 
 ignoring the sound of the machinery before the registered tones of 
 the voice are caught. I have since watched Indians laboring with 
 a like difficulty when their songs were rendered to them upon the 
 piano ; their ears were accustomed to the portamento of the voice in 
 the song, which was broken up by the hammers of the instrument 
 on the strings, producing such confusion of sound that it was hard 
 for the Indians to hear and recognize the tune. My efforts in listen- 
 
 237 
 
8 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 ing below the noise were rewarded by my hearing the music, and I 
 discovered that there was in these Indian songs matter worth study 
 and record. 
 
 My first studies were crude and full of difficulties, difficulties that 
 I afterward learned were bred of preconceived ideas, the influence 
 of generally accepted theories concerning “savage” music. The 
 tones, the scales, the rhythms, the melodies that I heard, which after 
 months of work stood out more and more clearly as indisputable 
 facts, lay athwart these theories and could not be made to coincide 
 with them. For a considerable time I was more inclined to distrust 
 my ears than my theories, but when I strove to find facts that would 
 agree with these theories I met only failure. Meanwhile the Indi¬ 
 ans sang on, and I faithfully noted their songs, studying their char¬ 
 acter and their relation to Indian life and ceremonial. During these 
 investigations I was stricken with a severe illness and lay for 
 months ministered to in part by Indian friends. While I was thus 
 shut in from the rest of the world, with the Indians coming and 
 going about me in their affectionate solicitude, they would often at 
 my request sing for me. The}' sang softly because I was weak, 
 and there was no drum, and then it was that the distraction of noise 
 and confusion of theory were dispelled, and the sweetness, the 
 beauty and meaning of these songs were revealed to me. As I 
 grew stronger 1 was taught them, and sang them with my Indian 
 friends, and when I was able to be carried about, my returning 
 health was celebrated by the exemplification of the Wa-wan 1 cere¬ 
 mony with its music. 
 
 The ceremony took place in a large earth lodge tivo or three miles 
 distant. I was laid in the bottom of a wagon and driven along the 
 bluff’s of the Missouri river, overtaking men, women and children 
 on their ponies all headed toward the lodge, where we arrived just 
 as the sun dropped like a red ball below the horizon. A few old 
 men were sitting on the dome-like roof, while boys and dogs chased 
 each other up the grass}’, flowery sides of the picturesque dwelling. 
 At the door of the long projection forming the entrance to the lodge 
 stood friends ready to welcome me. I was lifted carefully from the 
 wagon bed, borne by strong arms within and placed on a sort of 
 lounge made of skins arranged nearly opposite the entrance. The 
 people gathered by scores until between two and three hundred 
 were seated around the central fire that leaped up brightly making 
 1 The italicized ra has a nasal sound as in the French word era. 
 
 23S 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 9 
 
 tlie blackened roof of poles shine like polished ebony. Every one 
 was glad and welcomed me with no uncertain word or glance. Soon 
 I heard the cadences of the ceremonial Song of Approach. I knew 
 the tune, I had been taught it in my sickness, and now I listened 
 understandingly to the familiar strains as they came nearer and 
 nearer until the bearers of the Pipes of Fellowship were seen coming 
 down the long entrance way, waving the feather pendants of the 
 Calumets they bore. As they turned into the lodge the whole people 
 took up the song and I too joined, able at last to hear and compre¬ 
 hend the music that had through all my difficulties fascinated even 
 while it eluded me. The occasion of this exemplification was one I 
 can never forget, not only because of the insight it gave me into the 
 music of the people and the meaning of the ceremony I witnessed, 
 but because of its deeper revelation of the heart and inner life of 
 the Indian. From that time forth I ceased to trouble about theo¬ 
 ries of scales, tones, rhythm and melody, and trusted the facts 
 which daily accumulated in my willing hands. 
 
 I have transcribed several hundreds of Omaha songs, and have 
 also taken down songs of the Dakotas, Otoes and Poncas, tribes 
 belonging to the same linguistic family as the Omahas. The Paw¬ 
 nees are of another stock and their songs, of which I have a number, 
 present shades of difference that may become more defined when I 
 have worked over a larger collection of their music ; the songs of 
 the Nez Perce of Idaho also show differences that are interesting; 
 and well worth study, but these songs from different stocks have in 
 them nothing radically divergent from the music of the Omahas, 
 so that the facts herein set forth would seem to pertain to the music 
 of various linguistic families. 
 
 Indian songs I have discovered travel far, and those of one tribe 
 are soon at home in another. There seems to have been quite an 
 extended acquaintance between tribes, the Rocky Mountains prov¬ 
 ing no serious barrier. Customs and songs borrowed from the Crow 
 Indians have obtained for a century at least among the Nez Perce. 
 Dakota songs are also found there with an equally remote intro¬ 
 duction. The Omahas took from the Sioux the Ma-wa-da-ne songs, 
 and from the Otoe, the Hae-ka-ne. The Dakotas appropriated the 
 Omaha Hae-thu-ska songs, as did the Winnebagos. I have had 
 Omahas sing me the songs of many different tribes, but they were 
 always credited to the tribe to which they belonged. I have never 
 met an instance of plagiarism among the Indians. Certain kinds 
 
 239 
 
10 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 of songs can be purchased by individuals, and the song becomes 
 personal property, but the purchaser would never claim to have 
 composed it. 
 
 Professor Fillmore in his valuable report demonstrates the exis¬ 
 tence of a “ natural harmonic sense” in the Indian which had been 
 apparent to me in my field researches. I first detected this feeling 
 for harmony while rendering to the Indians their melodies upon an 
 instrument; the song played as an unsupported solo did not satisfy 
 my memory of their unison singing, and the music did not “sound 
 natural” to them, but when I added a simple harmony my ear was 
 content and the Indians were satisfied. What years of observa¬ 
 tions forced me to recognize, Professor Fillmore has also discovered 
 in his exhaustive study of the structure of these songs. Leaving 
 to his scholarly treatment the technicalities of the music, I shall 
 restrict myself to the consideration of the relations existing between 
 the Indian’s music and his life, social and individual. 
 
 Among the Indians, music envelopes like an atmosphere every re¬ 
 ligious, tribal and social ceremony as well as every personal ex¬ 
 perience. There is not a phase of life that does not find expression 
 in song. Religious rituals are embedded in it, the reverent recog¬ 
 nition of the creation of the corn, of the food-giving animals, of the 
 powers of the air, of the fructifying sun, is passed from one genera¬ 
 tion to another in melodious measures ; song nerves the warrior 
 to deeds of heroism and robs death of its terrors ; it speeds the spirit 
 to the land of the hereafter and solaces those who live to mourn ; 
 children compose ditties for their games, and young men by music 
 give zest to their sports; the lover sings his way to the maiden’s 
 heart, and the old man tunefully evokes those agencies which can 
 avert death. Music is also the medium through which man holds 
 communion with his soul, and with the unseen powers which control 
 his destiny. 
 
 The songs of a tribe are its heritage ; many of them have been 
 handed down through generations and embody not only the feeling 
 of the composer, but record some past event or experience ; conse¬ 
 quently they are treasured by the people and care is taken to trans¬ 
 mit them accurately and this is effected without the usual external 
 aids to memory common to races who have a written language. 
 
 People who possess written music have also some mechanical 
 240 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 11 
 
 device by which a tone can be uniformly produced, as by the vibra¬ 
 tions of a cord of given length and tension, the tone of such a cord 
 becoming the standard by which all other tones can be regulated; 
 thus a succession of tones can be recorded, and accurately repeated 
 at long intervals of time, and by different persons. The Indians 
 have no mechanism for determining a pitch, there is no uniform 
 key for a song, it can be started on any note suitable to the singer’s 
 voice. This absence of a standard pitch, and the Indian’s manage¬ 
 ment of the voice which is similar in singing and in speaking, make 
 Indian music seem to be out of tune to our ears conventionally 
 trained to distinguish between the singing and the speaking tone 
 of voice. Although the Indians have no fixed pitch, yet, given a 
 starting note, graduated intervals are observed ; not that any Indian 
 can sing a scale, but he repeats his songs without any material 
 variation. Men with good voices and memories are the music 
 teachers, who take pride in their accuracy of singing, and frequently 
 have at their command several hundred tribal songs, as the number 
 of native songs in a tribe is always veiy large. 
 
 The baritone and mezzo soprano are more common than the 
 higher or lower class of voices. The habit of singing in the open 
 air to the accompaniment of percussion instruments tends to strain 
 the voice to the detriment of its sweetness of tone and mobility 
 of expression. There is little attempt on the part of the Indian 
 singer to render piano or forte passages, or to swell and diminish 
 a tone, although this is sometimes noticeable in love songs. When 
 more than one person take part in a song the voices are always in 
 unison ; the different qualities of the male and female voice bring out 
 harmonic effects which are enhanced by the practice of the women 
 using the falsetto; the chord usually presents to the ear two or 
 three octaves struck simultaneously, and one becomes aware of over 
 tones. 
 
 The Indian enjo 3 r s the effect produced by vibrations of the voice, 
 upon a prolonged note, he will give a throbbing tremolo not unlike 
 the sound obtained by vibrating the string of a ’cello while passing 
 over it the bow in an undulating movement. In the love song 
 the singer sometimes waves his hand slowly to and from his mouth 
 to break the flow of the breath and produce pulsations ; the tremolo 
 of the voice does not break the tone to his ear, as do the vibrations 
 produced by striking the piano strings. I have mentioned the diffi¬ 
 culty which besets the Indian the first time he hears his tribal songs 
 
 241 
 
12 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 plaj’ed upon the piano; his trouble with the instrument has gener¬ 
 ally been removed by my singing a few bars with the piano; thus 
 led by the voice upon the melody, he has easily followed it to the 
 end. One day a Ponca who had been struggling with a piano ren¬ 
 dering of a well-known song said : 
 
 “The Omahas and Poncas speak the same language, yet there is 
 something I cannot explain which makes a difference, so that we 
 Poncas can always tell even in the dark when it is an Omaha speak¬ 
 ing. It is the same w r ay with this piano and the songs, their music 
 is familiar, yet when j 7 ou play them it is like the Omaha speaking ; 
 when they are sung it is like the Ponca talking.” 
 
 Words clearly enunciated in singing break the melody to the In¬ 
 dian ear and mar the music. Thej 7 say of us that we “talk a great 
 deal as we sing.” Comparatively few Indian songs are supplied 
 with words, and when they are so supplied, the words are frequently 
 taken apart or modified so as to make them more melodious; more¬ 
 over, the selection of the words and their arrangement do not 
 always correspond to that which obtains in ordinary speech. A 
 majority of the songs, however, are furnished almost -wholly with 
 sjdlables which are not parts or even fragments of words but 
 sounds that lend themselves easily to singing and are without defi¬ 
 nite meaning; yet when a composer has once set syllables to his 
 song, the} 7 are never changed or transposed but preserved with as 
 much accuracy as we would observe in maintaining the integrity of 
 a poem. These syllables are vowel sounds both open and nasal, 
 the initial letter being generally li, th, or y. While a desire for eu- 
 phony directs the conscious choice of the initial letter, yet a study 
 of the use of these letters seems to indicate that the feeling to be 
 expressed controls in a measure the selection of the sjdlables. The 
 flowing hae ha he hi ho ha or athae athee lend themselves to the 
 gentler emotions; these sounds are common in the love-songs, the 
 funeral song, and when the singer breathes his desire for the 
 strengthening of his own life from sources beyond his sight, or 
 seeks to express his aspiration toward the ideal; yah yae yee yi 
 permit sharp explosive tones, and these sjdlables are generally em¬ 
 ployed when warlike emotions are excited. 
 
 The use of these sjdlables and the management of the words of 
 the songs reveal a striving toward poetic expression in measured 
 language. In order to meet the demands of the rhythm of the 
 music, the words of a song are frequently taken apart and melodi- 
 242 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 13 
 
 ons syllables interposed, giving to the newly formed word a meas¬ 
 ure it did not possess in ordinary speech ; accents too are changed 
 to meet the exigencies of rhythm, and elliptical phrases are used ; 
 moreover there is often an answering sound at the end of repeated 
 phrases made by adding a syllable; this suggests that the expres¬ 
 sion of emotion calls for rhyme. We seem here to come upon the 
 beginnings of versification, to have found the little springs of feel¬ 
 ing and expression that lie at the source of the mighty stream of 
 poetry. 
 
 The following example will illustrate the foregoing : 
 
 Na-g’the wa-aw, Captive Song No. 1. 
 
 Ahyae-zhum-mae tho; 2 
 
 Ahyae-zhum-mae tho ; 
 
 Ah} T ae-zhum-mae tho; 
 
 Hin ! We-sa-thun nu-kae-dae ; 
 
 Ahyae-zhum-mae tho; 
 
 Ahyae-zhum-mae tho. 
 
 This song is sung by the leader of a war party when disaster or 
 death seems inevitable, and victory is to be plucked from defeat only 
 by the most daring and heroic efforts. Under such circumstances, 
 or when death alone can be the issue of a combat, these strains are 
 sung to nerve the warrior to do his utmost. The song awakens in 
 the memory of the soldier the joy at his birth, when his sister came 
 to his mother’s retired tent and seeing the new-born infant, with a 
 cry of delight and endearment exclaimed; “My Brother ! A man 
 lies there A man, who will ever guard from danger and hunger and 
 death. The thought of that home joy and trust stimulates the 
 warrior beset by dangers to defy death and fulfil the prediction at 
 his birth. 
 
 The phrase Ahyae-zhum-mae tho is elliptical, made so to accord 
 with the rhythm of the music. The spoken words would be Ahyae- 
 zhum-me ha. In the song the phrase is oratorical, me is made 
 mae ; ha, denoting the close of the sentence, is changed for euphony 
 to the musical syllable tlio; the phrase as sung conveys something 
 more than the literal meaning of the words “they may have said 
 “Have they not said,” is the true signification ; and the ideal of a 
 
 2 Throughout this monograph all italicized syllables, are not parts of words but mus¬ 
 ical syllables without definite meaning, as described in the text. 
 
 243 
 
14 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 man’s career is set as a gem in the words “Hm ! we-sa-tlmn nti-kae- 
 dae,” • My Brother! He is a man! Hin, is a feminine exclama¬ 
 tion of pleasure. We-sa-thun or we-tha-thun, a term of endearment 
 used by an elder sister to her younger brother equivalent to, my dear 
 brother. Nu-kae dae, nu, man, kae-dae, the suffix indicating the 
 position of the infant, lying down. Through these lines twines 
 the poetry of thought and expression, simple as a wild flower and 
 as delicate ; the music assists the tender verse and bears the weight 
 of the thought. “Ahyae-zhum-mae tlio" in the three musical phrases 
 with the hold on tho in the third bar of each phrase, sounds the call 
 of the man’s birth prophecy, the long-echoing notes carry the 
 thoughts over the plains and the forests that have known his foot¬ 
 steps, where dwell the omniscient birds that watch over the brave 
 man, taking note of his deeds. 1 The musical treatment of these same 
 words when they follow the fourth phrase makes them simply nar¬ 
 rative, but in the last three bars the words become again significant, 
 taking on a deeper meaning, one that partakes of an oracular char¬ 
 acter, as, ‘‘Have they not said, A man !” The climax of both poem 
 and song is in this last phrase and it cannot fail to be felt by any¬ 
 one following the words and music. 
 
 The Wa-oo wa-an (woman songs) resemble our ballads. They 
 are narrative and tell of happenings in the life of the composer, 
 and, as their name implies, are experiences of young men and 
 women. They are sung b}’ young men when in each others’ com¬ 
 pany and are seldom overheard by women, almost never by women 
 of high character; men in mature life, unless of the old beaux 
 class, forego these songs, as the Wa-oo wa-an belong to that season 
 in a man’s career when “wild oats” are said to be sown. Many 
 of them are quite pleasing both as to music and versification, a 
 few are vulgar, and some are humorous. 
 
 For our understanding of these songs, a knowledge of Indian cus¬ 
 toms and modes of living is necessaiy, for these are all implied in 
 the situations which give point to the ballads. To the tent or lodge 
 come few young men except the kindred of the family, and as 
 among the Omahas marriage in the gens of the father and subgens 
 of the mother is forbidden, there is little chance for a girl to meet 
 in her parents’ tent a lover and be openly wooed by him. Court- 
 
 1 These birds are represented in the pack used in testing a warrior’s record accord¬ 
 ing to the rites of the Tent of War. 
 
 244 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 15 
 
 ing is always in secret, the lovers usually meeting at the spring 
 whither the girls go in the early morning and at evening for the 
 family supply of water. The lover, however, is apt to haunt the 
 abode of his sweetheart to watch her movements from some hid¬ 
 den vantage point, and at the dawn his love-song may be heard 
 echoing over the hills. Sometimes he sings in the evening to let 
 the maiden know of his presence. Girls find ways of learning 
 who are the young men seeking them, and they also in their turn 
 watch these lovers secretly and either flirt a little or entertain a 
 serious regard for the young wooer. All this little drama takes 
 place covertly, no elder is made a confidant; girls, however, some¬ 
 times compare notes with each other. Generally an honorable 
 courtship ends in a more or less speedy elopement and marriage, 
 but there are men and women who prefer dalliance, and it is this 
 class that furnish the heroes and heroines of the Wa-oo wa-an. 
 
 In the following example, No. 2, as is commonly the case, the 
 song is without any setting. There is no description of the hero¬ 
 ine or of her surroundings, her lament only is given, a lament ad¬ 
 dressed to the lover who, having won her, holds so full possession 
 of her thoughts that she has unconsciously betrayed her relation 
 to him. The picture of the song is one common in Indian life. 
 The twilight is deepening, the evening meal is over, the father and 
 mother, the grandparents, the uncle, the brothers and sisters are 
 all gathered about the cheerful fire, whose smoke curls lazily up 
 through the opening of the tent and the children and puppies are 
 sleepy in the quiet restfulness of the hour. The elder daughter sits 
 demurely at the back of the tent, her fingers idling over a bit 
 of porcupine quill embroidery she can no longer see to work upon, 
 her thoughts are busy with the youth who has wooed her more ar- 
 dentty than prudence would sanction ; upon this peaceful scene 
 falls the clear voice of a singer as he passes on to the trysting place. 
 The girl hears the well-known tones and the blood mounts to her 
 cheek and her heart beats fast, the old men about the fire carelessly 
 ask ; “Who is that singing?” the girl in the stress of her emotion 
 unconsciously lets slip from her lips the name of her lover. At the 
 word all eyes turn upon her and she realizes what she has done and 
 her confusion gives place to anger at her lack of self-control, so when 
 she meets her lover she reproachfully tells him of her betrayal of 
 their secret. The song is composed by the vain youth who in it re¬ 
 hearses his conquest to his companions. 
 
 245 
 
16 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 Da-dun na e-ba-hun beah-ke-thae, time 
 Da-dun na e-ba-lmn beab-ke-thae, lime 
 Han-ah-de oo-tha-g’tha-ah tliun e-z!ia-zliae we-b’tha-dae tliae ; time 
 Da-dun na e-ba-hun beah-ke-thae : tha hi 
 Ae-bae-in-tae thae ! ah-be-dan ae-hae me-kae tliae ; time 
 Wa-gun-tha-ma ae-hae me-kae thae; time 
 E-zha-zhae we-b’tha-dae thae : tlm hi. 
 
 Da-dun, an exclamation for which there is no exact English 
 equivalent, the word denotes trouble in the sense of a fear of con¬ 
 sequences, if one knew of a friend who was placing himself in an 
 equivocal relation Da-dun might naturally be used to express the 
 dread of his future shame. Na, an abbreviation of ae-na, an ex¬ 
 clamation of surprise. In the two exclamations da-dun na, the 
 girl gives voice to her apprehension and her surprise that she should 
 have allowed herself to do as she did, there is also an implied 
 self-reproach, and a reflection upon her lover. E-ba-hun, known ; 
 be-ah-ke-thae, I have made myself. The italicized words at the 
 end of the lines are musical syllables. Han-ah-de, last night; oo- 
 tha-g’tha-ah, you sang, literally, shouted ; tliun, is a portion of the 
 word tae-thun-de, when ; e-zha-zhae, name; we-b’tha-dae, I spoke 
 your, or I called your ; thae, the feminine termination of a sentence. 
 Ae-bae-in-tae, who is it; ah-be-dan, when they said ; ae-hae me-kae, 
 I said sitting ; thae, the feminine termination of the sentence. Wa- 
 gun-tha-ma, the lover’s name, the final syllable ma being a suffix 
 indicating that Wa-gun-tha was moving, passing along; ae-hae 
 me-kae, I said sitting; thae, feminine termination of the sentence. 
 E-zha-zhae, name; we-b’tha-dae, I spoke } T our; thae, feminine ter¬ 
 mination of the sentence. 
 
 In ordinary speech the feminine termination of a sentence is hae, 
 corresponding to the masculine ha ; in oratory the men use tha, in¬ 
 stead of ha, and women thae, rather than hae. In the poem, thae, 
 the formal word, is used, and tends to give dramatic feeling to the 
 lines. The syllables thae tha are added for rhythm and hi is used 
 in place of the usual tlio-e which marks the close of the first part; 
 hi is also used at the close of the last line instead of f/io, w T hich 
 generally indicates that the song is finished. 
 
 In the following translation the exclamation and syllables are 
 retained, as no adequate rendering of them is possible. 
 
 246 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 17 
 
 Da-duw'na ! I have made myself known ; time! 
 
 Da-dun'na ! I have made myself known ; thae ! 
 
 Last night when you sang, I uttered your name, thae! 
 
 Da-dunna! I have made myself known : tha! hi. 
 “Who is it that sings?” thae! they said, and I sitting there, thae! 
 
 “Wa-gun-tha is passing” I said ; thae! 
 
 It was your name I uttered ! tha hi. 
 
 4 
 
 The structure of the song reveals a groping after metrical form, 
 and the choice of the words as well as their arrangement, which is 
 not colloquial, indicates a desire to express the story effectively 
 and to lift it above the commonplace. The use of the syllable 
 thae as a musical refrain at the end of each line is noteworthy. 
 The introduction of thae in the fifth line after Ae-bae-iu-tae, 
 “Who is it that sings?” has the effect of a sigh, adding dramatic 
 expression and a touch of pathos to the narrative. The opening 
 lines presenting at once the theme of the song, resemble in a strik¬ 
 ing manner the chorus of a Scotch ballad that always sets forth 
 the central thought or feeling, around which all the circumstances 
 of the story cluster. In the Indian song, however, there is no elab¬ 
 oration in literary form, and the music is equally simple ; the thought, 
 the scene, the melody, come without warning or prelude, breathe 
 out their burden and are gone almost before a listener of our own 
 race realizes their presence. 
 
 Examples of nascent poetry could be multiplied, were further il¬ 
 lustration necessary, to show that the Omahas had begun to use sim¬ 
 ple metrical forms. Their oratory and many of their ordinary figures 
 of speech afford abundant proof of their poetic feeling; in then- 
 songs we see indications that the demand of the rhythm of emotion 
 for an answering expression in measured language was more or less 
 consciously recognized, but we fail to find evidence of the sustained 
 intellectual effort essential to the development of poetic art. 
 
 The following collection shows how pervasive were the Omaha 
 songs not only in the social and political forms of the tribe but in 
 permeating the avocations of the people, and the beliefs and as¬ 
 pirations of the individual Indian. 
 
 The songs fall into three groups : 
 
 I. CLASS SONGS. 
 
 II. SOCIAL SONGS. 
 
 III. INDIVIDUAL SONGS. 
 
 P. M. PAPERS 1 17 
 
 247 
 
18 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 The first group embraces the songs of the Sacred Pole, and 
 Buffalo Hide ; the Hae-de-wa-che or annual tribal dance ; those per¬ 
 taining to the rites of the Tent of War; and the ritual of the filling of 
 the Tribal Pipes. These songs are either religious or ritualistic and 
 are sung only by the initiated, or by the members of certain sub- 
 gentes having charge of sacred or of tribal ceremonies. 
 
 The second group includes songs belonging to the Poo-g'tlnm, 
 Hae-thu-ska, To-ka-lo, Ma-wa-da-ne, and other secular or secret 
 societies ; also all dance and game songs ; the songs of the Wa-wa« 
 or ceremony of the Pipes of Fellowship; and the Funeral song. 
 These songs are always sung by companies of persons ; the last two 
 are somewhat religious in character, but are not sacerdotal. 
 
 To the third group belong the In-g’tlnmwa-an (Thunder songs), 
 and those which relate to Mystery, to Dreams, and to the Sweat 
 Lodge ; Na-g’the wa-an (Captive or Death songs) ; Mekasee (Wolf 
 or Brave songs) ; Wae-ton wa-an (Woman’s songs of Sorrow) ; 
 'Love lays ; Songs of Thanks, and the Prayer taught eveiy Omaha 
 child by its parents and used throughout life by the whole tribe. 
 These songs pertain to individual hopes, desires, or experiences and 
 they are generally sung as solos. 
 
 / 
 
 I. CLASS SONGS. 
 
 SONGS OF THE SACRED POLE AND THE BUFFALO HIDE. 
 
 The Omaha tribe lived in the buffalo country, and their hunting 
 of this game was governed by well defined rules and regulations 
 which were obligatory upon every member of the tribe, were rig¬ 
 orously enforced, and any disobedience was severely punished by 
 officers appointed to execute the laws. Early in’July the entire tribe 
 moved out of their village under a leader who had been ceremoni¬ 
 ously placed in command. Upon this man rested the sole respon¬ 
 sibility of directing the movements of the tribe, of selecting their 
 camping places, of searching for the game, and of regulating the 
 manner of hunting and securing food. He was held accountable 
 for everything that happened, for the attacks of enemies without, 
 and for quarrels within, even down to the fighting of the dogs. If 
 disasters occurred the leader was deposed, for it was considered that 
 his prayers were ineffectual, and he was not in favor with the Un¬ 
 seen Powers. The tribe, when moving, kept well together and 
 often stretched out a mile or two in length, and was guarded 
 by picked men detailed from the bravest of the warriors ; this 
 soldier police force not only looked out for lurking enemies, but 
 248 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 19 
 
 prevented any man slipping from the ranks for a private hunt. All 
 the rules respecting the movements of the tribe on the annual hunt 
 were based upon the principle that the liberty of the individual 
 must be subordinated to the welfare of the community, and there¬ 
 fore no one for his personal pleasure or gain was permitted to in¬ 
 fringe any of the time-honored regulations. The Leader traveled 
 apart at one side, in prayerful contemplation of the duties which 
 devolved upon him. His office was one of the most coveted 
 within the tribal gift and was also one of the most onerous. 
 
 After the tribe had secured an ample store of meat, sufficient to 
 meet the requirements of the winter season, the festival of Thanks¬ 
 giving took place ; on this occasion the Sacred Pole and the Buffalo 
 Hide were taken from their tents and became the central objects in 
 the ceremony. The Wa-hrae'-hae-tan, a sub-gens of the Himga gens, 
 had charge of the Pole and its tent and the Wa-sha-ba-tan another 
 subgens cared for the Hide and its tent. To the Himga was en¬ 
 trusted the preservation of the ritual and songs of the Pole, and no 
 one in the tribe except a male member of this gens had the right 
 to sing these hubae wa-an or sacred songs. 1 
 
 Song No. 3 was sung when the ceremony of anointing the Pole 
 was about to take place, and was a call to the people to gather to¬ 
 gether to witness the rite. Some of the words are evidently mod¬ 
 ified so as to be more musical, as in the first line where Ae-hae when 
 repeated is changed to thae-hae; “Ae-hae thae-hae” being more 
 euphonious and flowing than ae-hae ae-hae. 
 
 Ae-hae thae-hae tha 
 Ae-gim shu-ka-tha-ha nuz-zhm-ga 
 Ae-hae thae-hae tha 
 Mim-da-lia ae-ah ba-dan ae-ah 
 Ae-hae thae-hae tha. 
 
 Aediae, I bid or command ; Ae-gim, therefore ; shu-ka-tha-ha, in a 
 group ; nuz-zhm-ga, stand ye ; Mim-da-lia is an obsolete word, as is 
 ae-ah, the meaning however seems to be, gather, come nearer; 
 ba-da?i, and; the word ae-gim is difficult to translate, it implies 
 that the Hunga having been formally requested by the chiefs to 
 perform this ceremony ae-gim (therefore) the people on their part 
 are to gather and stand near the sacred tent and witness it. 
 
 1 A full account of the Pole or Wa-hrae'-hae and the ceremonies connected with it, 
 and all other rites pertaining to the tribe will be given in a monograph entitled “ The 
 Omahas.” 
 
 249 
 
20 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 I bid I bid tha 
 
 Therefore, shall ye all stand in a group 
 I bid I bid tha 
 
 Gather ye nearer, come hither, come ! 
 
 I bid I bid tha . 
 
 The following song, No. 4, was sung during the painting of the 
 Sacred Pole. 
 
 Zhe-da ke-thae zhe-da ke-thae hae hae 
 
 Kum-peah ke-thae kum-peah ke-thae hae hae 
 
 Zhe-da, red ; ke-thae, I make ; kum-peah, comely, pleasant to 
 look upon. 
 
 I make the Pole red and comely to look upon. 
 
 There are a number of ritual songs belonging to this ceremony 
 which tell of the creation and growth of the corn; the music of 
 these, like the foregoing example, is of the chant order. 
 
 On the third day of the Thanksgiving festival the Hae-de-wa-che 
 or tribal dance took place conducted by the In-kae-sabbae gens ; the 
 singing of the songs was the duty of the AYa-the-ge-zhae subgens. 
 The dance was highly dramatic especially that part wherein the 
 past experiences of the warriors were depicted. The scene was full 
 of action and color, the whole tribe took part in it; every one 
 was in gala dress, there was hardly an Omaha too old or too young 
 not to have upon him some token of festivity. Fragments of an¬ 
 cient tribal rites are discernible in this dance, as-well as bits of 
 tribal history; the music however presents little of interest it being 
 simple in rhythm, and fitted to the movements of the dancing men 
 and women as they pass in a vast circle around a pole, 1 the male 
 singers and drummers sitting at its base. 
 
 The Call to the Hae-de-wa-che No. 5 is peculiar and noteworthy. 
 Its melodious cadences suggest the echo of some well nigh forgotten 
 song which belonged possibly to an obsolete rite that has long since 
 been lost or merged in this dance of the tribe. 
 
 Zha-wa e-ba e-ba ha 
 Ae-hae 
 
 are the words. Zha-wa is an abridgment of oo-zha-wa, to rejoice ; 
 eba, come; ae-hae, I command. 
 
 1 The pole used in the Hae-de-wa-che is not the Sacred Pole, but one cut for the occa¬ 
 sion with peculiar ceremonies. 
 
 250 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 21 
 
 Come ! Come and rejoice ! 
 
 I bid you! 
 
 The words in the dance song, No. 6, are, Ae-hae wa-na-shae, I 
 command, soldiers. The bidding was from the In-kae-sabbae 
 gens to the soldiers of the tribe to take part in the dance. 
 
 SONGS OF THE TENT OF WAR. 
 
 The Wae-jin-ste gens had charge of the Tent of War wherein 
 were preserved certain articles used in those rites which were sup¬ 
 posed to test the truthfulness of a warrior’s recital of his deeds of 
 valor. One of these articles was a skin case or pack fashioned in 
 the symbolic form of a bird and containing the skins of a number 
 of birds supposed to possess warlike instincts. These birds in 
 their flight over the earth watched and noted all valorous deeds, so 
 when a man boasted or exaggerated as he told his tale in the pres¬ 
 ence of this pack, his untruthfulness was brought to light by these 
 birds who caused the reed which he was required to drop upon the 
 pack to roll off to the ground. The rites of the Tent of War are 
 allied to those ceremonies connected with the hearing of the first 
 thunder peal in the spring-time. There are indications of a kinship 
 of ideas and emotions between the songs of the War-Tent ceremony 
 and the Ing’than wa-an (thunder songs) the latter, being the ex¬ 
 pression of an individual appeal to the unseen powers, are more 
 varied and tuneful; the former, belonging to a ceremonial are, of 
 necessity restricted and formal, resembling a chant rather than a 
 melody. These differences, however, do not conceal the likeness 
 between the two classes of songs, and there is reason to believe that 
 the resemblance has an historical basis, and that the chants of the 
 Tent of War were once Thunder songs of individuals which became 
 in the lapse of years modified to suit the ritual as sung during the 
 truth-testing rites of the Tent of War. 
 
 The following No. 7 is an example of the songs pertaining to 
 these rites. The words refer to the mythical form and weapon of 
 Thunder. 
 
 The-te-gan num-pae-wa-thae! ga. 
 
 The-te-gan num-pae-wa-thae! ga 
 The-te-gan num-pae-wa-thae ! ga 
 The-te-gan wae-tin kae g’the-hun ke num-pae-wa-thae ! ga 
 The-te-gan num-pae-wa-thae! ga. 
 
 1 These songs are Nos. 75, 76, 77. 
 
 251 
 
22 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. * 
 
 The-te-gan, your grandfather; num-pae-wa-thae, fearful to be¬ 
 hold ; wae-tin, club; kae, long; g’the-hun, lifts his; ke, when. 
 
 Your Grandfather fearful to behold is he! ga 
 Your Grandfather fearful to behold is he! ga 
 Your Grandfather fearful to behold is he ! ga 
 When your Grandfather lifts his long club he is fearful to behold ! ga 
 Your Grandfather fearful to behold is he! ga 
 
 It is only in rituals, or the songs of a religious ceremony that there 
 is ever any picturing of the gods, any attempt to appeal to the 
 imagination and stir the emotions of awe or fear. In this song 
 not only is Thunder addressed, but his powerful ancestors are 
 called to mind. Myths tell of these wonderful beings who some¬ 
 times descended to avenge wrong doing and this song recalls a time 
 when Thunder warred against man. 
 
 The music of the ritual of filling the Tribal Pipes is lost. The 
 keeping of this ritual was the hereditary charge of certain members 
 of a subgens of the In-shtae-sunda gens, and the last man who knew 
 it died some years ago. It was a chant and was sung without 
 accentuation by the drum. 
 
 All the songs of group I are Hubae wa-an, sacred songs and were 
 the property of certain subgentes and initiated persons. Although 
 many of these songs, as those of the Hae-de wa-che, and the Sacred 
 Pole were often learned stealthily by ear, no persuasion could in¬ 
 duce a man not of the In-kae-sabbae or Hunga gens to sing them in 
 the presence of a member of either of these gentes ; it would be as¬ 
 suming a right or tribal privilege, and as unbecoming an Omaha, 
 as for an obscure person among us to arrogate to himself the func¬ 
 tions of an official. It is difficultt to obtain a hearing of these 
 songs apart from their appropriate ceremonies; those here given 
 have been obtained through personal friendship of the singers. 
 
 II. SOCIAL SONGS. 
 
 Societies afforded the only opportunities within the tribe for the 
 indulgence of the social instinct, membership not being confined to 
 any one gens; persons who were not kindred could thus meet upon 
 terms of equality. The various gatherings were occasions for the 
 display of talent and the enjoyment of applause or the practice of 
 rites supernatural in their import. Some of the societies bore a 
 resemblance to our clubs, others were historical, religious or secret. 
 252 
 
A. STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 23 
 
 These associations embraced within their membership almost every 
 adult man and many women in the tribe. 
 
 poo-g'thuiv songs. 
 
 The Poo-g’thrm society is said to be one of the oldest. Chiefs 
 •only were eligible and a candidate once admitted remained a mem¬ 
 ber until death. The Leader or principal officer was that chief who 
 •could count the greatest number of valiant deeds, therefore unless 
 a man kept up his war record he could hardly hope to retain this 
 position. The office of Keeper of the songs was held for life 
 and it was the duty of the incumbent to train his successor. The 
 songs were the archives of the society; little more than the name 
 of a noted chief might be mentioned in the song but the story 
 of the kero’s deeds was stored in the Keeper’s memory and trans¬ 
 mitted with the song, thus the traditions of the Poo-g’tlnm preserved 
 a partial history of the tribe. Through a series of coincidences 
 a superstition grew up that whenever the Keeper sang one of the 
 old songs death would visit his family; members therefore became 
 loath to take the responsibility of asking for them, and when the 
 request was made it was accompanied by a large gift, offered to atone 
 for any ill fortune which might come upon the Keeper. It is said 
 that the last time the Keeper sang an old song, while he was singing, 
 a Sioux warrior crept stealthily into the camp, made his way to 
 the singer’s tent and there shot dead the Keeper’s daughter. The 
 society has been extinct for about half a century and the stories 
 connected with the Poo-g’tkun Songs are lost; no one knows by 
 whom they were composed or the events they celebrate. The songs 
 are of two kinds : those sung while the men sat resting, and those 
 which served as an accompaniment to dancing. 1 
 
 In Song No. 8, musical syllables are used in all the phrases 
 except i n that at the commencement of the second part. En-da-koo- 
 tka, an old word for friend; wa-ha-tun-ga, shield ; ae-ah-mae, they 
 say. Wa-lm-frmga was probably the hero’s name, and the song 
 may record this man’s services as a friend to the people, or as a 
 shield. The song is lively, easily starts the heels, and once heard 
 is not apt to be forgotten; the music has by these qualities outlived 
 its burden. 
 
 1 A full account of the Societies of the Omahas will be given in the Omaha monograph. 
 
 25 $ 
 
24 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 The words of No. 9 are also few and the hero whose war cry is 
 recorded is now forgotten. 
 
 Shii-pe-da hu-ah-ta na-zhin ; time, 
 
 Shn-pe-da hu-ah-ta na-zhin ; time, 
 
 Ah ae time tha! 
 
 Ae time lie time ! 
 
 Ae-hae hu-ah-ta na-zhin ; time, 
 
 Ae thae tha! 
 
 Ae thae he thae ! 
 
 Shu-pe-da, when I come; hu-ah-ta, I shout, I cry; na-zhin, 
 stand. These scanty words convey to the Omaha the picture of the 
 warrior who, when he reaches his place in the battle line, shouts 
 forth his cry that sends terror to the enemy. 
 
 When I come to my place I shout; thae, 
 
 When I come to my place I shout; thae, 
 
 Ah ae thae tha! 
 
 Ae thae he time! 
 
 I command as I stand and shout; time, 
 
 Ae thae tlm ! 
 
 Ae time he time! 
 
 The following, No. 10, is full of spirit and defiance, a real war-song. 
 Shu-pe-da wea-wa-ta tha-wa-thae 
 Shu-pe-da wea-wa-ta tha-wa-thae 
 Pa-tha-ga-ta! 
 
 Tha wa thae ah lme thae he 
 
 Thae ah he time ! 
 
 Shu-pe-da, when I come; wea-wa-ta, where; tha-wa-thae, do I 
 send them ; Pa-tha-ga-ta, to the hill or mounds. 1 
 
 Where do I send them when I come? 
 
 Where do I send them when I come? 
 
 To their graves! 
 
 I send them ah hae thae he 
 
 Thae ah he thae! 
 
 A song so full of bravery could not die in the memory of a peo¬ 
 ple as valiant as the Omahas. 
 
 The war-cry at the close of these songs is not vociferous, but 
 seems to be addressed to that particular guardian of the warrior which 
 
 1 The Omahas erected mounds over their dead. 
 
 254 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 25 
 
 had appeared to him in his fastings and whose token was always 
 worn on his person in the hour of danger. Such cries possessed 
 a subjective character, they roused within the singer the memory 
 of his vigils when the promise of supernatural help in time of need 
 was given, they nerved him to greater power, while they reminded 
 his enemy that he had to contend with an unseen ally in the battle ; 
 they were altogether different from the yell or whoop so generally 
 present in Indian warfare, and were used for a very different pur¬ 
 pose. 
 
 The Poo-g’thun wa-a n constitute the wildest music of the Omahas 
 and, unlike other war-songs of the tribe, they are marked by a 
 rhythm, simple and forceful, and are quite in contrast with many of 
 the Hae-thu-ska songs wherein the rhythms are contesting and 
 complicated. 
 
 HAE-THU-SKA SONGS. 
 
 The origin of the Hae-thu-ska society is not known, there is a 
 tradition that it sprang from the Poo-g’tlnm and there are reasons 
 which give weight to this view. A valiant record alone entitled a 
 man to admission and promotion in the Hae-thu-ska; a chief secured 
 no precedence, for the society was democratic as to the standing of 
 its members. Like the Poo-g’thun, the Hae-thu-ska preserved the 
 history of its members in its songs; when a brave deed was per¬ 
 formed, the society decided whether it should be celebrated and 
 without this dictate no man would dare permit a song to be com¬ 
 posed in his honor. When a favorable decision was given, the task 
 of composing the song devolved upon some man with musical talent. 
 It has happened that the name of a man long dead has given place 
 in a popular song to that of a modern warrior; this could only be 
 done by the consent of the society, which was seldom given as 
 the Omahas were averse to letting the memory of a brave man die. 
 There are a few songs that carry two names, the old being still 
 remembered, although a new name is gradually taking its place. 
 This overlapping offers a clew as to the age of the song, since a 
 man’s name would not be dropped during the life time of any near 
 kindred ; it seems safe to date such songs fully fifty years prior to 
 the substitution of the new name. Although the Haethuska had 
 no office of “Keeper of the songs,” the songs were transmitted from 
 one generation to another with care as was also the story of the 
 deeds the songs commemorated. The singing was by selected mem- 
 
 255 
 
26 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 bers assisted by a few women, who sat around the drum ; some of tbe 
 songs were sung by the whole assembly, particularly those used 
 in the opening and closing ceremonies. 
 
 The officers of the Hae-thu-slca comprised a Leader, a Herald and 
 two Servers who held their places for life, or until they resigned. 
 The meetings of the Society generally took place once a month, 
 but there were no stated times. The Herald, on the evening of a 
 meeting, four times sounded the call “Hae-thu-ska!” prolonging 
 the last syllable which echoed among the hills and woods, produc¬ 
 ing an effect not unlike soft modulating chords. The first act after 
 the members were gathered together was the preparation of the 
 charcoal for blackening the face in honor of Thunder. Song No. 11 
 was sung as the box elder wood charred upon the fire. 
 
 Nun-g’thae thae-tae 
 
 Ile-tha-ke-un-tae 
 
 Thun-ah-he-dae. 
 
 Nim-g’thae, charcoal; tlue-tae, this standing before me. He-tha- 
 ke-un-tae, to paint or decorate himself with; tlum-ah-he-dae from 
 un-tha-he-dae, I wearily wait or wait until I am weary. The song 
 implies that the warrior is weary waiting for the time when he shall 
 go forth to fight under the shadow or protection of Thunder, the 
 god of War. The music expresses the eagerness of the warrior and 
 suggests the tremulous movement of the leaves just before a thun¬ 
 der storm. 
 
 After the painting of the face the pipe was filled and then pre¬ 
 sented to the zenith and the four points of the compass as the as¬ 
 sembly joined in the following prayer No. 12: 
 
 Wa-kan-da tha-ne ga thae kae. 
 
 Wa-kan-da tha-ne ga thae kae. 
 
 Wa-kan-da tha-ne ga thae kae 
 Ae-ha tha-ne hin-ga 
 
 IFde tho hae tho 
 
 Wa-kan-da, God; tha-ne from ne-ne, tobacco; ga, here; thae, 
 this ; kae, long ; ae-ha, now ; hin-ga, from in-ga, to draw with the 
 lips. Wa-kan-da, we offer tobacco in this pipe, will you accept our 
 offering and smoke it? is the meaning of the words. This prayer 
 concluded the opening ceremonies. 
 
 The evening was spent in social converse, interspersed with 
 256 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 27 
 
 songs sung as the members sat at rest; dance songs were struck up 
 occasionally, each dancer acting out his personal experiences, or 
 the story of the song that was being sung. When a name occurred 
 in a song the drum ceased and the voices alone carried the music. 
 Food was always prepared in the presence of the assembly ; when 
 it was ready to be served No. 13 was sung, while the servers per¬ 
 formed a dance peculiar to this part of the evening’s ceremony. 
 
 Ou-han thae-tae ne-dae tlio. 
 
 En-da-koo-tha ne-dae tho. 
 
 Ou-han, cooked food, or the one who cooks the food for a com¬ 
 pany ; thae-tae, this; ne-dae, it is cooked. En-da-koo-tha, the 
 same old word for friend as that used in the Porg’thun song No. 8 ; 
 tho, a substitute for the oratorical tha, to mark the close of the 
 sentence. The words proclaim, Friend, the food is cooked. 
 
 After supper, dance and resting songs were sung, dramatic 
 dances accompanying the former. Well on in the night, the cere¬ 
 monies were brought to a close by the entire company singing the 
 song of dismissal No. 14. With the beginning of the song the 
 members arose, and, at the second part they moved slowly around 
 the fire singing as they walked ; the thud of the feet answered to 
 the drum as the warriors passed out into the night, and the final 
 note was struck as the last man emerged from the lodge. The 
 meetings of the Hae-thu-ska opened and closed with chorals of a 
 religious character; in these ceremonial songs, as well as in other 
 music pertaining to War, we see how closely allied were War and 
 religious ceremonies among the Omahas. The music of No. 14 is 
 worthy of note; so is the harmony insisted upon by the Indians as 
 necessary to the expression of the feeling of the song when it is 
 rendered upon the piano. The words, though simple, show why the 
 Omahas demanded fuller chords for the march of the warriors around 
 the lodge than for the call to rise and stand, preparatory to moving 
 out under the stars. 
 
 Hm-da-koo-tha na-zhm time. 
 
 Hm-da koo-tha na zhm time. 
 
 Hm-da-koo-tha na-zhm time. 
 
 Ae-ha na-zhm he-tha-mae tho hae time. 
 
 Hm-da-koo-tha ma-thm time. etc. 
 
 Hm-da-koo-tha is the same old word used in the ceremonial song 
 No. 13, the letter h is prefixed to give musical effect and an added 
 
 257 
 
28 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 meaning to the word En-da-koo-tha; the members of the Hae- 
 thu-ska were friends bound together by experiences and deeds that 
 had proved each one’s valor and dependence upon the unseen pow¬ 
 ers, those forces that help and protect man in the hour of danger, 
 the word recognizes this tip : na-zhin, stand; ae-ha, now; he-tha- 
 mae, they say, they will. In the second part the only change is 
 the substitution of ma-thin, to walk, for the word na-zhin, to stand. 
 
 Song No. 15. 
 
 Zhin-thae sha-e-be-thae 
 Zhin-thae sha-e-be-thae 
 Nun-dae wae-ga-thun-ga ta-ba-dan 
 Zhin-thae sha-e-be-thae tho hae tho-e 
 Ta-hae-zhin-ga Hae-thu-ska ga-hae-dan. 
 
 Nun-dae wae-ga-thun-ga ta-ba-dan. 
 
 Zhin-thae sha-e-be-thae tho hae tho. 
 
 Zhin-thae, elder brother; Sha-e-be-thae, and Sha-e-ba-dan are 
 modifications of Sha-e-eha, they are coming; Nun-dae, heart; wae- 
 ga-thun-ga, to test our; ta-ba-dan, that they may; ga-hae-dan, 
 when he made. The song may be translated : 
 
 When Ta-hae-zhin-ga was the Leader of the Hae-thu-ska he 
 made this saying:—Brother, they are coming to test our hearts 
 or courage. 
 
 The song is very old. The most aged men to be found in the 
 tribe ten years ago, had heard it when they were boys sung by old 
 warriors. The name in the text was being supplanted three gen¬ 
 erations ago by that of Ne koo-the-b’than, and still later, Han-dan- 
 ma-thin, who fought valiantly against the Pawnees over fifty years 
 since, was honored by having his name occasionally introduced in 
 the song. 
 
 Song No. 16. 
 
 Hae-thu-ska thin-ga-bae 
 Hae-thu-ska thin-ga-bae 
 Hae-thu-ska thin-ga-bae 
 Gha-gae ah-thin-hae tho hae tho-e 
 Te-tlm the-shan thin-ga-bae 
 Hae-thu-ska thin-ga-bae 
 Gha-gae ah-thin-hae tho hae tho. 
 
 Hae-thu-ska, the members of the Hae-thu-ska Society ; thin-ga- 
 bae, they are naught, or, they are dead ; Gha-gae, I weep ; ah-thin- 
 hae, I walk; Te-thu, the village; the-shan, around. 
 
 258 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 29 
 
 This old song was composed at a time when so many of the 
 Omaha warriors had been slain that the Hae-thu-ska Society ad¬ 
 journed its meetings until the period of mourning was over; when 
 the members came together again, this song was sung in memory of 
 the days when men went about the village weeping for the brave 
 comrades who had fallen in battle and were seen no more. I have 
 heard old men sing this song in a low tone as they sat by the fire, 
 tears in their faded eyes, their thoughts upon the friends who had 
 gone, and the days that could never return. The double drum 
 beats are not here represented because to our ear they would detract 
 from the feeling expressed in the music, and prevent an understand¬ 
 ing of the pathos of the song. The thirty-second notes as rendered 
 by the Indian suggest the catching of the breath in sobs. 
 
 Song No. 17. 
 
 Tun-gae-ah da-dun nan-tha-pae he-we-tha ga 
 Tun-gae-ah da-dun nan-tha-pae he-we-tha ga 
 Tun-gae-ah um-ba ya-dun he-we-tha ga 
 Tun-gae-ah da-dun nan-tha-pae he-we-tha ga 
 Tun-gae-ah um-ba ya-da?i he-we-tha ga. 
 
 Tun-gae, my sister ; ah, calls the attention of the one addressed ; 
 da-dun, what; nan-tha-pae, fear you ; he-we-tha ga, tell me ; um-ba, 
 day ; ya-dan, coming. 
 
 My sister! tell me what it is you fear as the day daw.ns? 
 
 The song is old. It was sung slowly while the members sat at 
 rest in the meetings of the Hae-thu-ska, and it was also one of the 
 songs sung as the men went out to fight. “ Sister” personates the 
 women of the tribe. “What can they fear when the warriors are 
 gathered for their protection.” The song is knightly in its sentiment. 
 
 Song No. 18. 
 
 Um-ba thae-na un-ge-tun-ba ga 
 Um-ba thae-na un-ge-tun-ba-gae Tun-gae 
 Um-ba thae-na un-ge-tun-ba-gae tho hae 
 Hae-thu-ska na tae-he-ae-dae 
 Pa-hae-tae ah-ke-he-b’tha 
 Um-ba thae-na un-ge-tun-ba gae tho hae tho. 
 
 Um-ba, day; thae-na, this only; un-ge-tun-ba ga, look at me 
 who belong to you, tun is from dun-bae, to see, ge gives the pos¬ 
 sessive, ga the imperative; tun-gae, sister; hae-thu-ska, the so- 
 
 259 
 
30 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 ciety membership ; na, only; tae-he-ae dae, a difficult task or duty 
 which one is under obligation to perform ; pa-hae-tae, I make my¬ 
 self, that is I become a part of the Hae-thu-ska societjq an ellip¬ 
 tical and poetic form. Ah-ke-he-b’tha, I feel unqualified, that is, 
 the duty is difficult and although [ shall attempt it I feel my dis¬ 
 qualifications. “Sister look upon me who belong to you for the last 
 time to-day, the tasks of a member of the Hae-thu-ska are difficult. 
 I feel my shortcomings, and go forth for the last time to-day.” 
 
 The song was sung when the members were resting, or when the 
 Hae-thu-ska, circling the camp, were going forth to battle. Sister 
 personifies the women of the tribe. 
 
 An occasion is remembered when, over seventj^-five }mars ago, this 
 song was sung in a fight with the Che 3 y enne and Arrapahos, the 
 Omaha camp was threatened, and many women saw their warriors 
 for the last time as they moved off to do battle for the preservation 
 of their homes. 
 
 Song No. 19. 
 
 Sha-e-ba-dan wa-dan-ba ga 
 Sha-e-ba-dan wa-dan-ba ga 
 Sha-e-ba-dan wa-dan-ba ga 
 Hae-thu-ska wa-shu-shae tho hae thoe 
 Mun-chu-tun-ga wa-dan-ba ga 
 Sha-e-ba-dan wa-dan-ba ga 
 Sha-e-ba-dan wa-dan-ba ga 
 Hae-thu-ska wa-shu-shae tho hae tho. 
 
 Sha-e-ba-dan, they are coming; wa-dan-ba ga, see them, the syl¬ 
 lable ga indicates a command ; Wa-shu-shae, warriors or braves; 
 Mun-chu-tun-ga, the name of the man celebrated in the song. 
 
 See them ! they are coming, 
 
 Warriors of the Hae-tlmska. 
 
 Mun-chu-tun-ga! behold them 
 See them ! they are coming, 
 
 Warriors of the Hae-thu-ska. 
 
 The mention of Mun-chu-tun-ga by name, when all the warriors 
 of the Hae-thu-ska were addressed collectively, commemorated the 
 bravery of this one man in the face of an advancing enemy. 
 
 260 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 31 
 
 Song No. 20. 
 
 Ho eya ae ho wae Ho e ya ae ho tuae, etc. 
 
 Zhin-ga-wa-shu-shae we-gee-the-thae dan wa-nun-hae 
 Man-b’thin-ah tlio shu-b’thae-ah thin-ha. 
 
 The first lines are syllables having no definite meaning except 
 as the music gives them expression. Zhin-ga-wa-shu-shae, the name 
 of the hero of the song who fell in battle; we-gee-the-thae dan, 
 when I remember you ; wa-nun-hae, spirit; Man-b’thin-ali, I walk ; 
 sliu-b’thae, I am coming; ak-thin-hae, I walk. 
 
 The words are modified and fitted to the rhythm of the song and 
 are used figuratively rather than literally. The song interpreted is 
 Zhin-ga-wa-shu-shae, when I remember you I walk as a spirit, I 
 am coming to become such ; meaning that to avenge the killing of 
 Zhin-ga-wa-shu-shae death must be faced, and he who avenges may 
 lose his life ; but that will not deter the warrior who declares to his 
 friend “I am coming.” 
 
 This old song was used to commemorate a battle with the Sioux 
 some fifty years ago, and Nan-kae-nae, the name of a warrior who 
 then fell was substituted, his mounded grave is upon the bluffs of 
 the Missouri and beside that grave I first heard this song. 
 
 Song No. 21. 
 
 Han-thin-gae ae-ah-ma, 
 
 Han-thin-gae ae-ah-ma, 
 
 Han-thin-gae ae-ah-ma, 
 
 Wa-kan-da thin-gae ae-ah-ma, 
 
 Han-thin-ga wae tho hae tho-e 
 Han-thin-gae ae-ah-ma 
 Wa-kan-da thin-gae ae-ah-ma 
 Han-thin-ga ivae tho hae tho. 
 
 An-thin gae, I have nothing, literally, and so used in ordinary 
 speech; the word in the song, however, is figurative, I become as 
 nothing, vanish, die ; in the prefixing of H is an attempt to express 
 the feeling of self abnegation in the contemplation of death; ae- 
 ah-ma, they say; Wakanda, the god or gods; thin-gae, nothing, 
 has the same meaning as an-thin-gae, the first syllable is omitted 
 on account of the measure of the line. The accents of the words 
 are also modified to suit the rhythm and Han-thin-gae is changed 
 to Han-thin-ga before the syllable wae for greater euphony. These 
 words, if spoken colloquially in the order here given, would be 
 without meaning; but, as used in the song, in a figurative and ellip- 
 
 261 
 
32 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 tical sense, they become highly poetic, and take possession of the 
 mind. Their meaning is, the lives of men are at the command or 
 in the keeping of the gods, ivhen they speak, or decree, man obeys 
 or yields up his life. The song is highly esteemed in the Omaha 
 tribe, as expressing religious emotion, and its cadences are heard 
 when serious thoughts come to the old or to the man in danger. 
 I have been unable to ascertain its age, but it was known in the 
 early part of this century, and probably was handed down from the 
 last. 
 
 This song was sung by the members of the Hae-thu-ska when 
 sitting at rest. 
 
 Song No. 22. 
 
 Ah-tan tan-bae dan shae-gan ah-thin-hae no 
 Ah-tan tan-bae dan shae-gan ah-thm-hae no 
 Ah-tan tan-bae dan shae-gan ah-thin-hae no 
 Gha-gae-wa-thae wa-oo hae-the-gan-ae 
 Ah-tan tan-bae dan shae-gan ah-thin-hae no 
 Ah-tan tan-bae dan shae-gan ah-thin-bae no. 
 
 Ah-tan tan-bae dan, when I see ; shae-gan, likewise ; ah-thin-hae, 
 I am ; no, end of sentence and used instead of the ordinary word 
 ha ; Gha-gae-wa-thae, name of the man whose lack of fighting abil¬ 
 ity is signalized in the song ; wa-oo, woman ; hae-the-gan-ae, like 
 you. The song is old and refers to the conduct of a man who left 
 his wounded comrade on the field to fall into the hands of the enemy, 
 whereas a brave warrior would have stood beside his fallen friend 
 and fought until death or victory came. The words of the song 
 are scant and used elliptically ; the meaning is, “when in a conflict, 
 do I act like you, Gha-gae-wa-thae, you fled as a woman might 
 have done.” 
 
 Song No. 23. 
 
 Ah-thu-ha un-dum-ba-ga 
 Un-dum-ba-ga un-dum-ba-ga 
 Ah-thu-ha un-dum-ba-gae tho hae 
 Ah-thu-ha un-dum-ba-gae tho hae 
 Um-ba e-dan hoo-ma-thun 
 We-ae-b’thin ae-dae un-dum-ba-ga 
 Ah-thu-ha un-dum-ba-gae tho hae 
 Ah-thu-ha un-dum-ba-gae tho hae 
 
 262 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 33 
 
 Ah-thu-ha, again; un-dum-ba-ga or Um-ba e-clan, in the coming 
 day, or at day dawn, see me; hoo-ma-thin they who howl. The 
 song refers to the wolf, and the warrior here personifies himself as 
 that animal and bids the people behold him who, as a wolf, is seek¬ 
 ing his prey in the morning. 
 
 The song was composed by a member of the In-shta-suncla gens, 
 a brave man, who was frequently called upon to act as a soldier 
 guard to maintain order when the people were on the hunt; he would 
 then ride singing; “Once again you shall use your weapons upon 
 me,” referring to the liabilities incurred in the performance of the 
 duties imposed upon him as a guard. He is said to have shaved his 
 hair close to his head on these occasions, painted his scalp red, 
 and that when struck by any resisting hunter no blood flowed from 
 the wound. 
 
 Song No. 24. 
 
 Ne-ka we-ta wa-gan-tha te-bae-no 
 
 Ne-ka we-ta wa-ga?i-tha te-bae-no: 11 : 
 Nu-dan-hun-ga Ish-e-buz-zhe tha-da-e thm-kae-dae. 
 
 Ne-ka we-ta wa-gan-tha te-bae-no : 11: 
 
 Ne-ka is part of the word ne-ka-she-ga, pei’sons or people; we-ta, 
 part of we-we-ta, my; wa-gan-tha, they want; te-bae-no, part of 
 ah-tebe-ah-no, they come; Nu-dan-hun-ga, Leader; tha-da-e, they 
 call; thin-kae describes Jsh-e-buz-zhe as sitting; clae, part of ae-ae- 
 dae, he is the one. The song refers to the people calling for their 
 noted Leader Ish-e-buz-zhe who remained sitting in his tent, when 
 the enemy was approaching the camp. The song is one of the 
 oldest known and a great favorite, not only for dancing, but because 
 of the fame of Ish-e-buz-zhe, who lived several generations ago; 
 his eccentricities form part of the nursery lore of the tribe, so to 
 speak, and men tell of his queer humorous ways, his valor when 
 once aroused, and his great physical power. A very old man who 
 died in 1884, a member of the Tae-thm-dae gens and therefore a 
 descendant of Ish-e-buz-zhe, said that his grandfather’s grandfather 
 when he was young saw Ish-e-buz-zhe. This throws the song back 
 over one hundred and fifty years, at the lowest computation; the 
 man who died in 1884 was born near the beginning of this cen¬ 
 tury. His statement was confirmed by another very old man of 
 the same gens, 
 p. m. papers 1 18 
 
 263 
 
34 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 TO-KA-LO SONGS. 
 
 The To-ka-lo society has been extinct for many years. It was 
 for a time in great repute with the warriors; its dances somewhat 
 resembled those of the Hae-tlm-ska. One of the chief features of 
 this society was its procession about the tribal circle, when all the 
 members were dressed in full regalia and rode their best horses which 
 were elaborately decorated. Song No. 25 was sung on their last 
 parade as they moved slowly on their curveting steeds, to the de¬ 
 light of all the boys in the camp; many of these, to-day mature 
 men, recall the scene with youthful enthusiasm. The music is 
 well suited to the prancing step of a spirited charger. Very few 
 songs survive from this society. 
 
 Secret societies had their songs. A few of these and all of the 
 Ma-wa-da-ne songs were borrowed from other tribes. 
 
 IiV-OU-TIxV OR GAME SONGS. 
 
 Game songs are sung by } 7 oung men when they gamble with 
 sticks, pebbles, or moccasins either for fun or in earnest. Nos. 
 26, 27, 28 and 29 afford a fair representation of these pretty and 
 spirited tunes which are repeated ad libitum , much as we use the 
 jig and dance tunes. Words are seldom employed: there are, 
 however, exceptions. No. 26 is an instance. E-ae zhinga, little 
 stone; da-dan ska-hae, what are you making? refers to the tiny 
 pebble which is being dexterously tossed from one hand to the other, 
 the arms keeping the rhythm of the song; at its end the closed 
 hands are stretched out for persons to guess in which one is the 
 stone and so win or lose a stake. The grace and precision of move¬ 
 ment together with the liveliness of the music is often very pleas¬ 
 ing. 
 
 The alternate rhythms in song No. 27 are marked by the chang¬ 
 ing movements of those playing the game. 
 
 In the song of success No. 29, the singer humorously asks, as 
 he gathers in the stakes he has won, “Friends ! Why is it j 7 ou say 
 I am little?” 
 
 Children have songs of their own handed on from older sets of 
 playmates to the younger coming after them; they are sung during 
 games such as “Follow my Leader” (No. 30) when the little ones 
 trot along keeping time to the tune. 
 
 264 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 35 
 
 The Omahas have few songs of their own composition that are 
 used simply for social dancing. The Hae-kar-nee of the Otoe are 
 favorites for this purpose. The following is an example (No. 31). 
 
 THE WA-WAY. 
 
 Wa-wan means to sing for some one and is the name given to 
 the ceremony connected wit h the Pipes of Fellowship,—songs form 
 so important a part of the ritual that the peculiar pipes used in this 
 ceremony are called Ne-ne-ba wae-ak-wan, pipes to sing with. The 
 songs are accompanied by rhythmic movements of the Pipe Bearers, 
 and also of the Pipes, which are swayed to the music. These mo¬ 
 tions are termed Ne-ne ba ba-zkan, shaking the Wa-wan pipes. As 
 the rhythmic movements of the Pipes and their Bearers have always 
 attracted the attention of white observers, the ceremony has been 
 characterized by them as a “Pipe-dance” or “Calumet dance,’’where¬ 
 as the performance does not convey to the Omaha mind the idea 
 of a dance, nor do the movements really resemble Indian dancing, 
 with the possible exception of that part of the ceremony which 
 takes place on the fourth night. 
 
 The ceremony of theWa-wa?i consists of the formal presentation 
 of the Wa-wan pipes by a man of one gens to a man of another 
 gens, or a man of one tribe to one of another. By means of this 
 ceremony the two men become bound by a tie equal in strength and 
 obligation to that between father and son. The man who presents 
 the Pipes is called Wa-wan ah-ka, the one who sings ; the man who 
 receives them is spoken of as Ak-wan e-ah-ka, the one who is sung 
 to. The Wa-wan ah-ka must be of good standing in his tribe as 
 must also be the recipient of the Pipes; otherwise the chiefs would 
 refuse to permit the Wa-wan to take place, and their consent is 
 requisite to the inauguration of the ceremony. 
 
 As a considerable expenditure of property is necessary for the 
 presenting and receiving of the Pipes, a man undertaking the cere¬ 
 mony mentions his plan to his kindred who contribute toward the 
 Hun-ga wa-in, or gifts which go with the Pipes, and in the same 
 way the man who receives the Pipes calls on his kindred to help in 
 making the return gifts. These gifts all count in a man’s tribal 
 honors and are all made in the interest of peace and fellowship. 
 
 The Wa-wan ah-ka provides the two Pipes : these are ceremonially 
 made, with secret ritual, are not used for smoking, have no bowl, 
 
 265 
 
36 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 and are ornamented with paint and the feathers of birds, every 
 tint and article in their construction being emblematic. There is a 
 crotched stick, Zhan-zha-ta, for the Pipes to rest upon; also two 
 gourd-rattles, Pae-g’ hae, and a bladder tobacco pouch, Ne-ne- 
 bakh-tae, around each of which is painted a symbolic device, a 
 circle representing the horizon, with four projecting lines indicating 
 the four points of the compass or the four winds ; a whistle made 
 from the wing bone of an eagle, Ne-thn-dae ; three downy eagle 
 feathers, Hink-hpae, and the skin of a wild cat having the claws 
 intact, In-g’thun-ga-ha. The skin forms the case or covering for 
 the Pipes and the other ceremonial articles. 
 
 A TTa-wa?r party usually consisted of from eight to twelve men 
 and they sometimes traveled over two hundred miles to reach their 
 destination. They were never in fear of hostile attacks by the way, 
 war parties turning to one side and letting the Pipes of Fellowship 
 pass in peace. 
 
 The Wa-wan has been observed lay many tribes of different lin¬ 
 guistic stocks. Marquette, in 1672, says that the Calumet is “the 
 most mysterious thing in the world. The scepters of our kings are 
 not so much respected, for the Indians have such a reverence for 
 it that one may call it the God of peace and war, and the arbiter 
 of life and death.” . . . “One with this Calumet may venture 
 among his enemies and in the hottest battles they lay down their 
 arms before this sacred pipe. The Illinois presented me with one of 
 them which was very useful to us in our vojmge.” 
 
 Marquette’s description of the ceremony he witnessed, making 
 due allowance for his lack of intimate acquaintance with Indian 
 religious customs, indicates that there has been little change in the 
 Wa-wan as seen two hundred years ago among the Algonquin stocks, 
 and its observance bj T the Omahas withiu the last decade. 
 
 The ceremony is replete with symbolism, from the rule which in 
 token of humility restrains the members of the party from washing 
 their faces, to the employment of the little child, Hunga (the 
 Ancient or Leader), from whose hands the gifts are bestowed which 
 count as honors to their donors, and over whose head the teachings 
 of peace are delivered, and the groove along the pipe stem pointed 
 out as the straight path bright with sunshine and happiness for him 
 who will pursue it. Said an Omaha to me, “The eagle whose feath¬ 
 ers deck the Pipes and the wild cat whose skin is their covering 
 266 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 37 
 
 are fierce creatures that do not fail of their prey, but iu the Pipes 
 all their power is turned from destruction to the making of peace 
 among men.” 
 
 The movements of the Pipes represent the eagle rising from its 
 nest and its flight on this mission of fellowship and peace ; the songs 
 constantly refer to the eagle, to the clear sky symbolic of peace and 
 the good that is brought mau by his becoming as one family, or as 
 one of the song says ‘‘bound by a tie stronger than the one of the 
 body”—meaning that between father and son. 1 
 
 Song No. 32 was sung en route before the party dispatched the 
 runners to carry their gift of tobacco to the man to whom they in¬ 
 tended to present the Pipes. The words mean, “Whom do I seek.” 
 
 As the messenger from the man who has accepted the tobacco 
 approaches the Wa-wan party he is greeted with song No. 33 ; 
 the words are, “This I seek.” There is a double meaning in this 
 song ; it implies that those bringing the Pipes seek to give the assur¬ 
 ance of peace to the gens they are to visit, and that fellowship is 
 also sought by those about to entertain the Wa-wan party. 
 
 After due preparation the men move on to the village, generally 
 about half a mile or so distant, preceded by the Pipe Bearers in 
 ceremonial costume, and, as they near the village the Pipes are 
 swayed to song No. 34, which is sung four times. All the Wa- 
 waii songs are thus repeated. This song is the first in the ritual 
 to mention the eagle. The words say: “We have reached there, 
 the mother screams returning;” meaning, after our long journey we 
 near the place to w’hich we have come to bring peace and lay the Pipes 
 at rest, and, as the mother eagle screams on her return, that her 
 young may know of her coming, we sing as we come bringing peace. 
 
 Having entered the village the visitors halt, and after a few mo¬ 
 ments, again advance directing their steps toward the lodge set 
 apart for the ceremony. They move to the beautiful song No. 35 
 that, once heard, can hardly be forgotten. The words are, “This is 
 the one or only good,” meaning, The peace and fellowship which I 
 bring, is the one good gift for man. 
 
 At the back of the lodge a place is set apart for the Pipes where 
 they are laid at rest in a ceremonial manner, certain forms, move- 
 
 1 An account of this ceremony was published in the XVI Report of the Peabody Mu¬ 
 seum of American Archseology and Ethnology; years of additional study have shown a 
 few errors in that narrative, which is in the main correct although not complete iu all 
 the details, or the bearing of the ceremony upon the tribal organization. 
 
 267 
 
38 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 ments and positions being carefully observed. The Bearers take 
 their station just behind the Pipes, and remain there during the 
 three days and nights required for the full performance of the cer¬ 
 emony. 1 
 
 The Bearer of the wild-cat skin lays it on a prepared space upon 
 the floor of the lodge, and the Pipe Bearers sing the songs belonging 
 to the ceremony of laying down the Pipes; the Pipes are swayed 
 high over the skin, then sweep lower and lower, rising and falling 
 and circling as does the eagle over its nest. With the final cadence 
 of the last song the Pipes are laid one end resting on the skin and 
 the mouth-piece leaning on the crotched stick, which is thrust in 
 the ground at the head of the wild-cat. Under the feather orna¬ 
 ments of the Pipes the rattles are placed. 
 
 There are several songs belonging to the act of laying down the 
 Pipes; two of the more popular ones are given, Nos. 36 and 37. 
 There are no words except Hu?i-ga, and this refers to the important 
 part in the ceremony borne b} r the child Hunga. 
 
 No. 38 is always sung at the final resting of the Pipes on the 
 cat-skin and crotched stick. 
 
 When the Ah-wan e-ah-ka, the man who receives the Pipes, ar¬ 
 rives in the lodge, the ceremonies are renewed; the Pipes are cere¬ 
 monially raised, the Bearers lifting and holding them in the left 
 hand, taking the rattles in the right—the Pipes are first waved near 
 the ground, then higher and higher until during the final song they 
 are well up and represent the eagle ready for flight. 
 
 Song No. 39 suggests the eagle stirring, and lifting itself from 
 the nest; as the wind blows the branches of the trees, so the Pipes 
 are raised and the song stirs the hearts of the people. 2 
 
 Among the Pawnees it is the custom to explain many of the songs, 
 that they may be more heartily enjoyed. 
 
 The highly poetic character of the Wa-wan songs and of this 
 entire ceremony is native; nothing has been borrowed from our 
 own race that I have been able to discover. The ethical teachings 
 are in strict accordance with Indian ideals which here reach some 
 of their highest expressions. 
 
 1 The great change which lias overtaken the Indian in his mode of living, his present 
 fanning life, prevents these lengthy ceremonies and one afternoon and evening is all 
 that can now he given to the Wa-wan under the new conditions. 
 
 2 The signification of these songs was given me by Indians initiated in the ritual of 
 the ceremony. Although they are frequently without words, or with only fragmentary 
 syllables, their meaning is inculcated and treasured by the people. 
 
 268 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 39 
 
 There are several songs belonging to the ritual of raising the 
 Pipes. No. 40 is the one always sung at the close of this movement 
 and its final exultant phrase indicates the eagle fully risen ready 
 for the onward flight, which is typical of the sending out over the 
 people the message of peace. 
 
 At the close of the song the Pipe Bearers turn to the left and 
 with slow rhythmic steps, face the people sitting in groups close 
 to the walls of the lodge, the drum follows accompanied by a few 
 singers and the choral No. 41 is sung; the Pipes as they are borne 
 past are waved over the heads of the men and women who join in 
 the song, until the entire lodge is vibrating with this majestic hymn 
 of welcome to peace. The words are few, broken, changed and 
 elliptical: “This is what is given, what is brought to you —peace, 
 brotherhood.” “The Pipes are of God !” said an old Indian to me 
 at the close of this song. 
 
 The Pipes are generally carried four times about the lodge, a 
 new song is sung for each circuit, each song being repeated four 
 times; a pause follows the close of the repetition of each song, 
 while the singers halt for a moment. There is a large number of 
 these chorals—some of them very spirited, some full and solemn, 
 some delicate and tender as No. 42. The words are few. Kae- 
 tha means the clear sky ; een-tu?i-ee-nae, now coming. The mean¬ 
 ing of this song was given me by Indians who were responsible 
 and well versed in the ceremony. “The clear sky, the green fruit¬ 
 ful earth is good, but peace among men is better.” The music is 
 faithful to the thought. 
 
 No. 42 A is a favorite choral. 
 
 Nos. 43 and 44 are prayers for clear weather. Traces of ancient 
 Sun worship are recognizable in some of the symbolic adornments 
 of the Pipes, and for the happy issue of the ceremony wherein peace 
 and fellowship are sought, the blessing of sunshine is considered 
 essential; therefore if storms come during the performance of the 
 Wa-wan, the people cry for the happy omen of the sunlight. The 
 words are broken and few, but the choral No. 44 is full and solemn. 
 
 After the lodge has been circled four times the Bearers stand at 
 the back of the lodge facing the place assigned to the Pipes. Then 
 follow the songs in the ritual of laying down the Pipes, and when 
 the Pipes are at rest, speeches, gifts and other ceremonial acts take 
 place. Generally the Pipes are taken up and the lodge circled 
 
 269 
 
40 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 twice during the first three evenings; the ceremonies of the fourth 
 night are different. 
 
 The examples of Otoe Wawan songs are of interest musically. 
 The first two, Nos. 46 and 47, are sung as chorals while the Pipes 
 are carried around the lodge. 
 
 The beautiful song No. 48 is sung as the Pipes are laid at rest. 
 It is a great favorite. 
 
 Nos. 49 and 50 are Pawnee songs. The Wa-wan music of this 
 tribe is good and often quite spirited. 
 
 On the fourth night the dance called I-man-tha is performed, but 
 if for any reason the ceremony of the Wa-wan is not to be complete, 
 it is brought to a close prior to this dance ; otherwise the final dance 
 called Ba-zhan takes place the next morning. The two dances are 
 similar in movement, but the latter must be in the presence of the 
 little child, Ilunga. For these dances two athletic young men from 
 the Wa-wan party strip to the breech cloth, and take off the moc¬ 
 casins ; a red circle, typical of the sun, is painted on the breast and 
 back and a hinkh-pae, downy eagle feather, tied in the scalp lock. 
 The Pipes are handed to the dancers with certain ceremonies, and 
 they begin their dance, advancing and retreating, each one on his 
 own side of the fire, and waving the Pipe high over his head. The 
 movements are light, rapid, spirited and graceful; the songs are 
 different from any used in other parts of the ceremony and are 
 never sung except for the Ba-zhan or I-man-tha. During this dance 
 the Pipes may be challenged and taken from the dancer by some 
 one of the entertaining party, who recounts a brave act or generous 
 deed. He then lays the Pipe down at the spot where the dancer 
 was checked, and it can only be tfiken up or redeemed by some 
 one of the Wa-wan party who matches the recited deed from his 
 own experience, and restores the Pipe and the interrupted dance 
 is resumed; much mirth often comes in play at this part of the 
 ceremony. In these songs there are generally two divisions, an 
 introduction and an accompaniment to the dancing movements. 
 As the dance requires great agility and strength it is of short dura¬ 
 tion. No. 51 is an example of these songs. 
 
 On the morning of the fifth day before sunrise and without break¬ 
 ing their fast, the Wa-wan party proceed to the lodge of the All- 
 wan e-ah-ka taking with them the third Hinkh-pae and the clothing 
 
 270 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 41 
 
 brought to dress the little child or Hunga. The Pipes, borne by 
 the two dancers of the preceding night, lead the procession and the 
 men all sing the ritual song No. 52. The words are : Zhin-ga, little 
 or child; the, you; ou-we-nae, I seek. I seek you little child to 
 be the Hunga. 
 
 At the door a halt is made and song No. 53 sung. The words 
 are : “I have come, I seek you, child, it is you I seek as Hunga.” 
 
 After this the party enters and one of the younger children of 
 the Ah-wan e-ah-ka is handed over to the Leader to be dressed and 
 painted. This is done by a man of valiant record. The face is 
 painted red symbolic of the dawn, a black line is drawn across the 
 forehead and down each cheek and the nose, indicative of the ex¬ 
 periences of life and death. While the painting is being done, the 
 Pipes are swayed to song, No. 54. The words are: Ah-tha-ha, 
 adhere ; thae, this ; ah-thae, I make it. 
 
 After the painting is completed, while another song No. 55 is 
 sung, eagle down is sprinkled over the child’s head to symbolize 
 the young eagle, and the Hinkh-pae, downy eagle feather, tied 
 upon its hair. The words of this ritual song are: Ab-g’thae, I 
 make it stand, Hunga. 
 
 The Wa-wan ah-ka or Leader of the Wa-wan party then selects 
 a man to carry the Hunga to the lodge where the ceremonies have 
 been held during the past four days. The man takes the child upon 
 his back, keeping it in place by a blanket thrown around his own 
 shoulders, and walks before the Pipes and the Wa-wan party who 
 follow singing No. 56, “You have the Hunga.” The Wa-wan ah-ka 
 takes his place at the left of the man, who outside the door of the 
 lodge sits with the Hunga between his knees. 
 
 All gifts made to the Wa-wan party are sent by children who ad¬ 
 vance leading the ponies, and are thanked by the Hunga who 
 strokes the left arm of the messenger. Sometimes a man in full 
 gala dress, well painted, his horse also decorated, will ride up in 
 front of the Hunga, and there recount his valiant deeds, the drum¬ 
 mers responding, then return to his lodge, and send back the horse 
 as a gift by the hand of his little child. The day is often far spent 
 before all the gifts of horses are gathered together. The ceremon¬ 
 ial articles are left with the All-wan e-ah-ka who has become bound 
 to the Wa-wan ah-ka and his gens, as a son to a father. The Wa- 
 wan party hasten to start on their homeward journey, and camp 
 
 271 
 
42 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 half a mile from the village, where they cook anti eat their first 
 meal, after a fast of nearly twenty-four hours. 
 
 THE FUNERAL SONG. 
 
 There is but one funeral song among the Omahas, and it is only 
 sung during the obsequies of a man or woman who has been greatly 
 respected in the tribe. 
 
 Upon the death of such an one, the men in the prime of early 
 manhood meet together near the lodge of the deceased, divest 
 themselves of all clothing but the breech-cloth, make two incisions 
 in the left arm, and under the loop of flesh thus made, thrust the 
 stem of a willow twig, having on it sprays of leaves. With their 
 blood dripping upon the green branches hanging from their arms, 
 the men move silently to the lodge where the dead lies; there 
 ranging themselves in a line, shoulder to shoulder, and marking 
 the rhythm of the tune by beating together two willow sticks, they 
 sing in unison the funeral song No. 57. There is a violent con¬ 
 trast between the bleeding singers and their vocal utterances, 
 for the music in its major strains suggests sunshine, birds and ver¬ 
 dure, and a fleet, happy movement; nevertheless there must be 
 some latent harmony between the song and the ceremony. Music, 
 as we have seen, has, according to Omaha belief, power to reach the 
 unseen world. The spirit of the dead man can hear the song as it 
 leaves the body, and the glad cadences are to cheer him as he goes 
 from his kindred. He hears only, he cannot see, so the song is for 
 him ; the bleeding body is an expression of the love felt by the liv¬ 
 ing, and the kindred of the dead can see the blood and note the 
 manifested honor and sympathy. It is a custom among the Omahas 
 to cease wailing at a certain point in the funeral ceremonies, for the 
 reason, the}^ sa} r , that the departing one must not be distressed as 
 he leaves his home behind him. And it is also customaiy after a 
 death to lacerate the limbs, as the shedding of blood expresses how 
 vital is the loss. The funeral song and ceremony, savage as they 
 appear at first sight, are really full of tender unselfishness, and in¬ 
 dicate a strong belief in the continuation of life and its affections. 
 
 III. INDIVIDUAL SONGS. 
 
 In this group, under seven sub-groups, are classed those songs 
 that, in their origin, are expressions of personal feeling or appeal. 
 They are sung either as solos, or by companies of persons who are 
 272 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 43 
 
 about to engage in a common action, or who are united by having 
 received, while fasting, visions of a like object. 
 
 Sub-group A comprises songs pertaining to war. These fall into 
 four divisions : 
 
 (а) The Me-ka-se wa-an, sung at the initiation of warlike ex¬ 
 peditions. 
 
 (б) The Na-g’the wa-an, used when the warriors are in the field 
 and dangers threaten them. 
 
 (c) The Wae-ton wa-an, chanted by the women in behalf of men 
 on the war-path. 
 
 (d) The Wae-wa-che wa-an, the song of triumph over the fallen 
 enemy, sung after the return of a successful war party. 
 
 The songs of this group, although taking their rise in personal 
 experiences or emotions, are not considered as the sole property of 
 the composer, but can be learned and sung by the people. 
 
 Sub-group B contains songs of mystery which directly appeal to 
 the unseen forces which surround man, and these arrange themselves 
 in five divisions : 
 
 (а) The tribal prayer. 
 
 (б) Songs that came to a youth during his fasting vigil, at 
 which time the Powers appealed to revealed themselves to the sup¬ 
 pliant in some particular form; and songs thus given become the 
 medium by which help and succor are asked and received in the 
 hour of need. Later in life the man may ally himself to a society 
 composed of persons who have received a similar revelation ; for 
 instance, those who have seen a horse in a vision are eligible to 
 membership in the Horse Society, or those to whom Thunder 
 symbols came can join the Thunder Society. Songs of this divis¬ 
 ion while they are sacred to the man who receives them can some¬ 
 times be sung by members of the society to which the man belongs. 
 
 (c) In this division are grouped the songs that in dreams come 
 to a man together with the knowledge and use of medicinal roots 
 and herbs. Some of these songs have been handed down for gen¬ 
 erations, but neither songs nor knowledge is an inheritance, but is to 
 be had by purchase only ; even a mother will not impart to her chil¬ 
 dren this use of roots without a quid pro quo. The songs belong 
 to the acts of seeking, gathering and preparing the plants, they 
 may be heard by -any one, but nobody attempts to sing them as 
 they are private property, and so respected by old and young. 
 
 273 
 
44 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 Sometimes persons having knowledge of certain remedies assist one 
 another in the management of cases, as the Buffalo doctors have 
 been known to do. These men in a vision of Buffalo have re¬ 
 ceived instructions concerning a certain remedy efficacious in heal¬ 
 ing wounds, to be applied in a particular manner and with certain 
 ceremonies which include songs; the Buffalo doctors are therefore 
 specialists and treat only wounds. The songs and the medicine go 
 together, and the former would not avail without the latter. 
 
 (cl) These songs differ from those of the preceding division in 
 that they are general in their benefits and can give the singer suc¬ 
 cess in hunting, in war, or in any of his undertakings. 
 
 (e) The songs of this division bring help to the hunter or trapper ; 
 the}^ too can be bought, and must be sung after the traps are set 
 or before the hunter seeks the game. They have power to entice 
 the animals, and cause them to fall into the hands of the singer. 
 
 Sub-group C comprises Songs of Thanks. These are sung when 
 gifts are publicly bestowed and received ; they are bought and sold. 
 
 Sub-group D comprises songs that occur in myths. They are the 
 delight of the children who use them in their games and they form 
 the only nursery music known in the tribe. 
 
 Sub-group E are the Wa-oo wa-aa. These songs relate to the 
 adventures and experiences of young men and women, and are some¬ 
 what of the ballad order. 
 
 Sub-group F are the Be-thae wa-an or love songs, sung by young 
 men during courtship. 
 
 Sub-group G: Flageolet Music. The flageolet is the musical in¬ 
 strument of young men and is principally used in love affairs to at¬ 
 tract the attention of the maiden and reveal the presence of the lover. 
 
 SUB-GROUP A, SONGS PERTAINING TO WAR. 
 
 (a) Me-ka-see wa-an: Me-ka-see, wolf; wa-a?i, song. The wolf 
 is the patron of the warrior; the man on the war-path speaks of 
 himself as a wolf. When a number of men have decided to go out 
 as a war party, they meet together and perform the Me-ka-see dance 
 and sing the Me-ka-see wa-an. These songs are also sung as the 
 warriors leave the village, going forth on a long expedition, or when 
 the party is travelling and in no immediate danger. 
 
 Song No. 58 was composed by the Leader of a war party when 
 he had been a long time away from the tribe and all the men were 
 homesick. The song, although giving vent to their unhappiness, 
 274 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 45 
 
 seems to have cheered the warriors, they persevered in their ad¬ 
 venture and returned to the village with trophies of their success. 
 The song opens with syllables expressive of war-like emotion over¬ 
 shadowed by memory of the home scenes. The words are : wa-oo, 
 women; ah-ma, they; wae-tha-he-ba, have gone for wood ; hoo- 
 zha-wa, are happy; hte, really or very; ma-thin-ah mae-in-tae, 
 they must be walking ; thae-thu, here ; wakh-pa-thm, very poor ; hte, 
 very ; mum-b’thm ah-thin-hae, I walk. 
 
 “The women have gone to gather wood and are having a joyous 
 time chatting amid the trees, while here very miserable am I walk¬ 
 ing” is the picture conveyed by the song which closes with war-like 
 syllables. 
 
 No. 59 commemorates a victory over the Pawnees, when an 
 Omaha war party divided, and, simulating peaceable white men by 
 swinging their arms as they walked, approached the Pawnee village, 
 and fell upon the people before they had discovered the ruse. 
 
 The words are: We-tun-gae, sister; sae-sa-sa, trotting; a n- 
 thun-wun-ge-ha, follows me. 
 
 The women who accompanied the war party shared the dangers 
 and were awarded their portion of the spoils. The song refers to 
 them. 
 
 In the song No. 60, the warrior declares that he, like the wolf, 
 has no fear in venturing into distant and strange lands. The 
 words are few, barely expressing the sentiment, the music and syl¬ 
 lables giving amplification. The song is liked by brave men, and 
 is quite spirited. 
 
 Me-ka-see, wolf; ah-ma, they; ma-zhan, land ; num-pa, fear; 
 ba-zlie, not; ba, like them ; hae-ge-mim, I am so. The words are 
 blended and modified in the song. 
 
 ( b ) Na-g’thae wa-an. Na-g’thae means captive: the war¬ 
 rior if taken captive goes to his death, therefore the word is to the 
 soldier the synonym of death. These songs are sung when dangers 
 threaten and death is near. They are sometimes sung by the 
 Leader to inspirit the men, or by individuals of the party, who thus 
 strengthen their own courage to meet death. No. 1, referred to 
 on page 13, belongs to this group. 
 
 No. 61 is a rallying song. Ae-de, there; un-ga-thae-tae, let us 
 go; ka-gae, friend ; the-tun-gae, your sisters; mm-he-tha, fright¬ 
 ened as in danger; be-dan, when they; tlum-zae, but; ma-thin-un- 
 ga thae-tae, walk let us. 
 
 275 
 
46 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 Sisters refer to tbe women of the tribe who, if not defended, or if 
 the warriors are unsuccessful, will be left exposed to the enemy; 
 hence the appeal “Hae! Friend let ns go to the rescue, your sisters 
 are in danger, let us walk, Hae! Friend !” 
 
 The music suggests that the path of duty is not easy, the rhythm 
 gives the call, the urgent appeal and the movement are fitted to 
 the stress of feeling. 
 
 No. 62 expresses the willingness of the warrior to go forth to 
 fight. He would rise with the dawn, and like the day increase in 
 power, following his leader. Um-ba, day; edan, approaching; 
 nan-koo-thae, hasten; lum-the-be-ga, take me; Nu-dan-liun-ga, 
 Leader; ah-yae-zhum-mae-tho, the}’ may have said. 
 
 The day is approaching, Hai! Nu-dan-hun-ga hasten to lead me 
 forward. 
 
 Song No. 63 tells its own story—words and music being closely 
 woven about the thought of death. E-bae-tan, to go around, as 
 around an obstacle or to circumvent a threatened disaster; thin- 
 gae, none ; ish-ah-ga, old men ; ma, the plural; wa-gun-za-be-dan, 
 when they tell ; shae-ah, yonder ; he-be-tae, reached that first; ah- 
 buz-zhe-tae,have not said ; Nu-dan-hun-ga, Leader ; tae-hae, the dif¬ 
 ficult, hard to accomplish. 
 
 There is no evading death. The old men have not told that any 
 one has found a way to pass beyond it. The career of a Leader is 
 difficult of accomplishment. 
 
 (c) The Wae-ton wa-an are sung by women in mature life stand¬ 
 ing before the lodge of a family, one or more of whose members are 
 on the war path. The songs are accompanied by beats upon a raw 
 hide, which serves as a drum. 1 These songs are spoken of as Wa- 
 zhin-thae-thae; this word indicates that through, or by means of 
 these songs, strength, power, passion is sent to the warrior assist¬ 
 ing him to be victorious in battle. The family thus remembered 
 bestow gifts upon the singers, who by these Wae-ton vva-a n have 
 helped the distant husband or brother in the hour of danger. 
 
 No. 64. The words of the song are few and used elliptical!}’. 
 Nu-dan-hunga, Leader; wa-shu-shae, brave; sua yae, are always ; 
 ae-de-he-ke, when he arrives. The meaning is: When one is a 
 
 1 At the Snn dance among the Dakotas the song, sung at the beginning of that part of 
 the ceremony when the men are tortured at the pole,is led by women who hold as they 
 beat it, a raw hide, in place of a drum. 
 
 276 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 47 
 
 Leader he must always be brave, and when he (the one of whom 
 the women sing) reaches the enemy he will not fail to be brave. 
 
 No. 65. This song is serious and replete with feeling; note the 
 change of time in connection with the meaning of the words. These 
 are not easy to translate so as clearly to reflect the full meaning. 
 Ka-gae, Friend; tae-he, difficult; lia-ee thun-zha; they say but; 
 liae ish-ah-gae, the old men ; wa-ga?uza-be-dan, when they teach 
 or exhort; nu, man; tae, to be; tha-tlnm-ga ta-dun, that you are 
 to find out; shun-tha-the-shae, that is the reason you are going. 
 Friend ! the old men in their exhortations have said, it is hard to 
 be a man, to be able to meet hardships and overcome difficulties ; 
 to learn this for yourself you are now in quest of the enemy. 
 
 The words in No. 66 are few but full of assurance. The open¬ 
 ing phrases are accompanied by syllables only, so also the last 
 two, one phrase alone is supplied with words. 
 
 Ae-de-he-ke, when he gets there; wa-shu-sha, brave; meaning 
 when he, the warrior who has gone forth, reaches the enemy he will 
 be brave. 
 
 The words of Song No. 67 are difficult to translate literally. 
 Oo-hae-ke-tha-mae can be rendered by, “they gave him his way” 
 the obstinate person who persists in the face of the setting forth 
 by friends of the dangers that beset the course he wishes to pursue, 
 is at last left to follow his desire, to have his own way. Wa-ba- 
 ska is a name that was used in this song while its possessor was 
 on the war path, but any name can be introduced; gha-gae, cry; 
 wa-tha-stan-zheahdan-hae, did not cease. 
 
 He did not cease to cry, or plead, so they gave him his way. 
 
 The music of No. 68 is Dakotan. The song was adopted bj'the 
 Poncas who supplied their own words, and the Omahas took it from 
 the Poncas. It was sung by the Dakota women when the warriors 
 moved out of the camp. As it is a foreign song among the Omahas, 
 it is sometimes used as a Wae-ton wa-a n and sometimes as a Wae- 
 wa-che wa-an. 
 
 The words are Ou-ke-tae ah-ma, the tribes; the-nun-un-ta- 
 yae, that they may hear you ; wash-konae gun-yah-hae, exert; 3 'ali- 
 hae is the woman’s form of command. Exert yourselves that the 
 tribes may hear of your bravery. 
 
 (d) The Wae-wa-che wa-an are songs of triumph, sung when 
 the dance around the scalp of a fallen enem}’ is in progress. Parts 
 of these songs are sometimes sung by women alone. 
 
 277 
 
48 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 The music of No. 69 is quite expressive of the movements of 
 one carefully making his way through the tall prairie grass, avoid¬ 
 ing observation that he may successfully capture the horses of his 
 enemy. 
 
 Sha an zhinga, little Sioux; shon-gae, horses; the-ta, your; ou- 
 dan, good ; hoo-wa-nae, I seek. 
 
 Little Sioux, I seek your good horses. 
 
 No 70 is full of assurance and taunting and the music is lively 
 and stimulating to pride. Oo-tha-zha-zhae-gan, you emulated; 
 in-tae-dae, and now, or in consequence ; tha-gha-gae, you weep ; ou- 
 tha-dae, people ; the-shon, surrounding; we-sna-hte, I only ; un-wun- 
 shu-shae, I am brave. 
 
 You (the enemy) emulated me (the Oraahas) and now you cry. 
 Among the surrounding people I (the Omahas) only am brave— 
 because you emulated my deeds, you weep for your slain. 
 
 Zan-zhe-mim-dae, the person mentioned in Song No. 71, was a 
 very old man when the incident which gave birth to the song oc¬ 
 curred. There had been an attack on the village, and the enemy 
 had been driven off with such vigor that they were obliged to leave 
 their slain on the field. As the warriors rode toward the dead to 
 claim their honors, the old man, Zan-zhe-mim-dae, was seen coming 
 as fast as his feebleness would allow; the}' halted for him to join 
 them, and permitted him out of respect to his age and previous 
 valiant career, to touch the dead, and thus carry off one of the 
 coveted honors. 
 
 The words ali-ma, he; sha-ee, is coming, are the only ones used ; 
 the rest are syllables. 
 
 Song No. 72 has reference to the Dakotas who were almost con¬ 
 stantly at war with the Omahas during the present century. The 
 words are modern, but the music is old ; the same is true of other 
 TVae- w a-ch e wa-an. 
 
 Sha-an zhinga, little Sioux; ae-ge-zhan-dan, because you have 
 done so; Ae-ge-ma, I have done; ae-ah-tan, why; tha-gha-gae, do 
 you weep. 
 
 Little Sioux, why do you weep, because I have done what you have 
 done, that is, the Sioux attacked the Omahas and killed some of 
 the tribe, the Omahas retaliated and the Sioux lost some of their 
 number. The song asks why they should mourn who have received 
 the same treatment they gave to others. 
 
 278 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 49 
 
 SUB-GROUP B, MYSTERY SONGS. 
 
 (a) The Tribal Prayer, No. 73, is the prayer which is taught 
 the child when he is sent forth to fast and praj- alone, if haply he 
 may obtain a vision which shall be a help during all his life. There 
 is only this one prayer in the tribe, and it is applicable to all sol¬ 
 emn experiences and important events in the life of every one. It 
 is often heard when the lightning flashes, and the thunder rolls, 
 and the singer goes alone to lift up his voice to the mighty powers 
 of the air. 
 
 The words are TTa-kan-da, G-od ; thae-thu, here ; Wah-pa-thm, 
 poor or needy ; ah-tan-hae, I stand. 
 
 God ! here, poor and needy, I stand. 
 
 (&) The spirited Mystery song No. 74 exemplifies the movement 
 of the Horse, not any particular horse, but that creative power or 
 force which is embodied in the form of the horse. This song may 
 be sung in time of danger or when the man’s horse is to be tested 
 as to its speed or endurance. After the singing of this song the 
 animal is supposed to be reinforced by the spirit Horse. 
 
 Nun-gae, gallop; sha-tha-mae, there they go ; shon-gae, horse, 
 weta, contractions of we-we-ta, my or mine ; pa-hun-ga, first; thin, 
 the ; ae-ahma, they saj T . 
 
 There they go galloping, 
 
 My horse leading, they sa) T . 
 
 The word ae-ah-ma, they say, at the close of the song, indicates 
 that the man is not merely describing something he has seen, but 
 something that has been interpreted to him to mean that his guar¬ 
 dian, his especial spirit, would lead him and bring him to success. 
 
 In-g’than wa-an, or Thunder songs, belong to this subdivision. 
 Men who sing these songs have in their visions seen the symbol of 
 Thunder and heard the song which will have power to reach the god 
 of the storm. By these melodies rain can be secured or the tempest 
 stilled, and lightning maj’ be called down to destroy man. These 
 songs are also sung in the sweat lodge during purification, or when 
 seeking to arrest death. 
 
 The words in Song No. 75 speak of the Thunder gods as “my 
 friends” and their dwelling place or village is referred to and they 
 are the gods who are speaking in the thunder, 
 p. m. papers 1 19 
 
 279 
 
50 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 E-ka-gae, my friends ; e-ak-mae, they speak; Ta-wan-g’thun 
 the village or people of the village ; Wakanda, gods ; ma, plural. 
 
 My friends they are speaking 
 
 The people of the village are speaking. 
 
 The gods they are speaking. 
 
 Song 7G has no words. It is sung during the Thunder rites. 
 
 No. 77, contrary to the usual manner of rendering these songs, 
 can be sung by nine old men, all of them Thunder dreamers, as 
 they move solemnly around the camp circle generally during the 
 night. The words are somewhat obscure, they speak of the Thun¬ 
 der gods going around, encompassing, circumventing; and declare 
 that the gods make fearful, are themselves objects of fear to man. 
 The music has a dramatic suggestiveness in sympathy with the 
 vagueness of the words; the effect is heightened by the accompani¬ 
 ment of bells. 
 
 (c) Songs in this subdivision find their inspiration in visions 
 which have conveyed to man a knowledge of medicinal plants use¬ 
 ful in sickness or injuries. 
 
 No. 78 is sung by the Buffalo doctors when attending a wounded 
 man—during the preparation and application of the remedy to the 
 wound. The medicine is generally sprayed from the lips with con¬ 
 siderable force so that it may reach every part of the lacerated 
 flesh. The song indicates that this mode of treatment was incul¬ 
 cated in the vision. 
 
 “From here do I send it (the medicine to the wound) thus,—in 
 this manner am I bidden to send it.” 
 
 Thae-thu-tun, from here ; thae-ali-tkae, do I send ; Ae-gtm, thus ; 
 ne-thun, the water or medicine ; shan-ah-dan, I am bidden. 
 
 (cl) The songs belonging to this subdivision are potent to se¬ 
 cure general benefits, and do not belong to any one avocation. The 
 singer by means of this Mystery wa-an can achieve success in any 
 of his undertakings. These songs can be purchased, but the sell¬ 
 ing does not preclude the use of the song by the seller. Several 
 men may therefore use the same song. 
 
 No. 79 is an example. The words “walk this way” toward me, 
 the singer, convey the invitation to that which he seeks, to jdeld 
 to the magic of the song. 
 
 Du-da-ha, this way ; man-thin, walk. These are the only words ; 
 the syllables carry the musical tones and fuller meaning. 
 
 280 
 
 I 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 51 
 
 (e) Trapping and hunting songs; sung after setting the trap, 
 and before tracking the game. The songs are seldom elaborate in 
 melody or rhythm. 
 
 SUB-GROUP C, SONGS OF THANKS. 
 
 There are quite a number of varied songs in this group, they are 
 always sung in acknowledgment of a gift. When a poor man is 
 remembered he generally goes outside the lodge and in the hearing 
 of the entire village sings the song which tells of his good fortune, 
 and proclaims the name of his benefactor. When gifts are made 
 and received between men of equal standing, the songs are apt to 
 be sung in the company only of those who happen to be present; 
 at the same time, however, some old man less fortunate in his life 
 who may have been the recipient of favors from either one of the 
 parties, will go abroad to proclaim in a public manner the gifts that 
 have been thus bestowed privately. 
 
 No. 80 gives an idea of this class of songs. The name of the 
 giver is always introduced in the beginning of the second part of 
 the song, followed by the words tha-un-tha-thae, you pity me, have 
 compassion on me; win-tha-kae, you are true. 
 
 When the name of the giver is short, syllables are added to meet 
 the requirements of the music. 
 
 SUB-GROUP D, MYTH SONGS. 
 
 These are bits of songs which occur in the myths that are told 
 during the winter days and evenings ; they are generally attributed 
 to the animals who are so often the heroes of these tales. These 
 melodies are sung by the women to amuse the children who catch 
 them readily and in their childish way dramatize that portion of 
 the myth wherein the song occurs, singing the melody with childish 
 fervor. 
 
 When No. 81 is well rendered, there is much humor in the de¬ 
 scending notes beginning withoh-hae-o, hae-o, etc., and the assertive 
 conclusion “they have gone to the spirit,” “they have gone to the 
 spirit.” The song never fails to delight all hearers. 
 
 Ma-stin-gae, rabbit; shae-tha-thm-shae, yonder going you; win- 
 jae-ga-tha-thin shae, where are you going; wa-na-hae-tha-ba, they 
 have gone to the spirits. 
 
 281 
 
52 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 SUB-GROUP E, WA-00 WA-AY. 
 
 This group of songs has already been charactertized on p. 14. 
 
 No. 82 is the confession of a woman to the man she loves, that 
 he had conquered her heart before he had achieved a valorous repu¬ 
 tation. The song opens upon the scene. The warrior has returned 
 victorious and successfully passed through the rites of the Tent of 
 War, so he is entitled to wear his honors publicly ; the woman tells 
 him how when he started on the war path, she went up on the hill 
 and standing there cried to Wa-kan-da to grant him success. He 
 who had now won that success had even then vanquished her heart, 
 “had caused her to die” to all else but the thought of him. 
 
 The modification and the choice of words and the use of the 
 syllables indicate metrical feeling and expression. 
 
 Nu-dan tha-g’the-u/i dan 
 Ae-tae-un tha-thae-thae 
 Nu-dan tha-g’the-o/i-dan 
 Ae-tae-un tha-thae-thae 
 Nu-dan tha-g’the-o/i-dan 
 Ae-tae-un tha-thae-tha ya tha ya hi 
 Ha tha ha tha 
 
 Nu-dan snae-tae-de wa-kan-da wae-ka-tun-hae time 
 Wakanda ae-hae-ah tun-hae time 
 Ae-tae-un tha-thae-tha ya tha ya hi. 
 
 Nu-dan, war; tha-g’the-dan, when you returned; ae-tae-un, 
 die ; tha-thae-thae, you caused me ; snae-tae-de, go when you did ; 
 Wa-kan-da, God ; wae-ka-ah, I appealed ; tun-hae, standing. 
 
 No. 83 is difficult to translate so as to convey its humor and 
 sarcasm. The song purports to be sung by a man of the Don Juan 
 type; he sits upon a hill overlooking the villnge, the murmurs of 
 the people come up to him as they talk of his entanglements in un¬ 
 complimentary speeches interspersed with threats ; he however shifts 
 all responsibilit} 7 , saying, “The gods have made me what I am” 
 irresistible! 
 
 Ta-wun-gthun, village; thae-nun-yae dae, this many; un-thun- 
 ge-ah, of me they talk ; thun-kae, group ; Wa-kan-da, Gods ; hae-ge- 
 mun-tae, what I am ; in-thin-ga-yae, of me they decreed—h is added 
 •for euphony ; ga-ma, yonder they ; he-ah-mae, they talk. 
 
 282 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 53 
 
 No. 84 is derisive in spirit. An aunt, whose lover had left her 
 and gone to her niece, acquaints the girl witii the young man’s pre¬ 
 vious attachment. He who so “skilled in speech” considers him¬ 
 self able to captivate both old and young. 
 
 Thae-thu-tan, from here; sha-tha-yae, he went to you; we-tu- 
 zhon-gae, my niece; e-ae, speech; tha-pe-ba, he is skilled; han- 
 wan-ke-ah, he spoke to me; Wa-han-thin-gae, orphan, name given 
 the youth. 
 
 No. 85 gives a glimpse into the life of a woman whose circum¬ 
 stances keep her from the man of her choice; she pleads with him 
 to flee with her from the tribe and go to the Ponkas. 
 
 Dude-ha, nearer this way; un-dum-bae, me look at; nuz-zhin, 
 stand ; ae-thum-bae, appear; ah-ya-nuz-zhbi-dan, I stand when; 
 the-shna, you only ; ou-we-b’the-zhe-dae, I look for you ; een-u-dan, 
 I am content; muz-zhe-hae, I am not; Kan-zae-zhin-ga, man’s 
 name ; Ponkata, to the Ponkas ; un-ga-thae tae-hae, let us go. 
 
 SUB-GROUP F, LOVE SONGS. 
 
 The Be-thae wa-an, or love songs, are sung in the early morning 
 about daybreak. The few words that are set to the music refer to 
 the time of day. The young man seeks a vantage point and there 
 sings his lay, the girl within the tent hears him and perchance by 
 and by they may meet at the spring, the trysting place of lovers. 
 
 The syllables lend themselves to a flowing breathing sound, and 
 the hand is sometimes waved before the mouth to enhance the ef¬ 
 fect by vibrations. The music is sung ad libitum as feeling may 
 sway the singer. 
 
 No. 86 is very charming when sung with expression. The long 
 notes suggest echoes, and the solitariness of the woods. The 
 music is as simple and untutored as the flowers that are often the 
 only listeners. 
 
 No. 87 is blithe and full of the joy of spring and the delightsome¬ 
 ness of youth. There are no suggestions of shadows in the song, 
 no questionings, only a bubbling of happiness. 
 
 No. 88 is more serious in feeling, and there is a consciousness 
 of nature, expressed in the music and of the passion felt for the 
 object of the young man’s affection. The few words are umba, 
 day ; e-dan, approaching, or dawn; hoo-we-nae, I seek you. 
 
 No. 89 is'full of the movements of dawn, the gentle breeze that 
 heralds the day, stirring the leaves, nodding the flowers, and awak- 
 
 283 
 
54 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 ening the birds. The youth comes forth with the light, his love 
 overflowing in song, and the maid feels the day dawning in her 
 breast; lovers, birds and the very sky are all in accord. 
 
 No. 90 would be recognized as a love song wherever heard; it 
 is full of passionate fervor, and is worthy of recognition among 
 musicians. 
 
 SUB-GROUP G, FLAGEOLET MUSIC. 
 
 Songs Nos. 91 and 92 are referred to by Prof. J. C. Fillmore. 
 They, too, are the heralds of the lover who seeks his mistress. 
 
 INSTRUMENTS. 
 
 The instruments used to accompany the voice are the drum, the 
 rattle and the whistle. The drum is of varied form and capacity, 
 and is played in different ways according to the character of the song. 
 
 The small drum, about the size of, and similar in shape to the 
 tamborine, is used in Mystery and Dream songs. It is beaten in 
 tremolo by the fingers, or a small reed. Its rhythm is marked at 
 the opening of a phrase, and the rapid light touch like the fluttering 
 of the heart of a frightened bird, produces a stimulating effect up¬ 
 on the listener. This light drumming can be heard at a long dis¬ 
 tance in the night. Lying on the ground in my tent, my ear has 
 caught the weird throbbing of one of these drums that some man 
 more than a mile away was playing as he sang his song of the Super¬ 
 natural. Listening to the sound and knowing its potency with the 
 native mind, one can apprehend how this rhythm expresses the trep¬ 
 idation of man as he essays to approach the Unseen Powers that 
 he believes controls his destiny. 
 
 The large drums were formerly made from the section of a tree, 
 hollowed out, over the open end of which a skin was stretched. 
 The drum was tuned by partly filling it with water kept sweet by 
 charcoal, the skin being moistened, strained and dried to the desired 
 tone. Drums of this kind are now almost unknown ; a keg has been 
 substituted for the hollowed section of a tree, and this sort of drum 
 is used in many of the religious ceremonies. Large flat drums were 
 constructed by stretching a calf skin over a hoop of Avythes ; these 
 drums, supported by four sticks driven into the ground, were beaten 
 with sticks muffled with leather. Our ordinary drum has now sup¬ 
 planted this particular native instrument. 
 
 284 
 
A STDDY OP OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 55 
 
 The double beat, so peculiar a feature in many of the songs here 
 presented, is played upon the large drums. In the drum accompani¬ 
 ment of the Hae thuska the accent is given with great force ; in the 
 Wa-wa?i, the accent is not the less marked but the stroke is not as 
 vehement as in the former. 
 
 The Indian drum answers to the rhythm of the human heart-beat 
 as it responds to the emotion evoked by the song; man’s ambition and 
 daring are aroused, and his social or religious sentiments are awa¬ 
 kened. The variety of treatment and power of expression of this 
 simple instrument as shown in Indian music are worthy of particular 
 mention. 
 
 Rattles are made of gourds filled with fine or coarse gravel or 
 pebbles, according to the tone required. A tremolo can be pro¬ 
 duced by shaking them, or they are played with a strong stroke and 
 a rebound. The manner of playing them is determined by the 
 character of the song. The rattles are used to accompany Mystery 
 songs, and those of the Wa-wan ceremony, and are associated with 
 the idea of an appeal to the Supernatural. 
 
 In presenting these Indian songs to her own race, the writer is 
 conscious that they suffer in the divorcement from their own pe¬ 
 culiar scene and circumstance. The music, to be understood and 
 appreciated, needs its original setting of nature’s colors, Indian 
 life, and tribal ceremonial. This setting is always present to the 
 consciousness of the native singer and his audience, it renders 
 an introduction to the theme unnecessary, supplies the picture 
 which stands in the place of an elaborated expression of the thought 
 or feeling the song is intended to convey, and obviates the neces¬ 
 sity of any prelude or elaboration either of the words or music. The 
 words are always few, giving a hint rather than a clearly defined 
 expression or narration, rendering it difficult for the unheralded 
 melody to secure our attention or rouse our sympathy before it has 
 finished its message and passed into silence. It is difficult for any 
 one born and bred in our complicated social relations and customs 
 to appreciate the openness and simplicity of Indian life, and to 
 understand how all are under like conditions. There are no secrets, 
 no hidden tragedies, no private sorrows in the tribe; everything is 
 known and seen by everybody. The directness, the briefness, the 
 lack of preparatory words or chords, and the absence of subsequent 
 unfolding of the ideas or feelings, which are so marked a character- 
 
 285 
 
56 
 
 A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 istic of these songs, do not take the Indian by surprise or leave him 
 unsatisfied. These songs—the product of Indian tribal life—sug¬ 
 gest the question whether sustained thinking, without which there 
 can be no full expression of thought in literature, music or any 
 other art, is possible in a state of society where labor is not coor¬ 
 dinated, where each person, each family, each gens must stand in¬ 
 dividually against dread hunger, and mortal enemies. The neces¬ 
 sity of providing food and clothing is upon every man and woman, 
 and the mode of living is such as to preclude the accumulation of 
 property necessary to secure immunity from the pressure of daily 
 needs, and the consequent leisure for mental labor and its artistic 
 expression. While it is true that evidences of sustained thinking 
 are wanting, these Indian songs show nascent art both in music 
 and poetry. Moreover they reveal the fact that emotion in its sim¬ 
 plest utterance weaves together words and melody and is uncon¬ 
 sciously true to the laws which we have discovered to underlie and 
 govern our separated arts of music and poetry. 
 
 In considering these groups of songs in their relation to Indian 
 life, one is naturally led to compare them with similar groups among 
 our own people. Taking a broad outlook over the two, one finds 
 much in common in Indian and Aryan songs. Wherever one man 
 yearns toward the mysterious unseen powers that environ him, 
 whenever he seeks expression of his personal loves, hopes, fears 
 and griefs, his song will answer in its fundamental directive emo¬ 
 tion to that of every other man; this is particularly true of our 
 folk music, which embraced in the past the Mystery songs, like 
 the Ragas which controlled the elements, and other religious songs 
 of our ancestors. When we bring the Indian song side by side with 
 our more modern music, in which the intellect controls the expres¬ 
 sion of emotion, marked differences are shown, but there is a sym¬ 
 pathetic chord and even some of the fundamental forms of expres¬ 
 sion, as the use of melody, harmony and rhythm, the grouping of 
 measures, and the beating of one rhythm against another are common 
 to both. The divergence is upon the intellectual rather than the 
 emotional plane. Our music shows the influence of our social con¬ 
 ditions, our coordinated society—our leisure class, whether this be 
 sacerdotal or secular, and the added power gained through written 
 music, wherein the eye has reenforced the ear, making the intellect 
 more potent, and developing a new enjoyment and a broader field 
 for musical expression. 
 
 286 
 
A STUDY OF OMAHA INDIAN MUSIC. 
 
 57 
 
 The absence of certain kinds of songs among the Indians stimu¬ 
 lates the inquiry, why, where so much is common between the races 
 these should not be found, for example, the Labor or Guild songs, 
 such as the old English Catch. These Catches originated in a so¬ 
 ciety where labor had become secularized both in feeling and as¬ 
 sociation. With the Indian, labor was not yet divorced from super¬ 
 natural influences, the mystery of the fruitfulness of nature still 
 surrounded the cultivation of the soil; he planted when the keeper 
 of the Sacred Tent from the Hunga gens distributed a few kernels 
 of corn with religious ceremony. The hunter and the trapper 
 called the game by means of the Mystery song. In a word, pros¬ 
 perity by means of labor was not recognized as in the control of the 
 -laborer, but subject to favoring or disturbing occult Powers. The 
 ground was still Mother Earth, the stones, the animals, the trees 
 shared with man a common gift of life, and were his friends or 
 foes. The Indian had not shaken himself free so that he could 
 face Nature and bend her to his will; he had not yet comprehended 
 the possibility of an intellectual, independent and external relation 
 to the natural world. 
 
 In this contribution to the archaeology of music it can be seen 
 how far a people had advanced in the art of musical expression, 
 who were living not in a primitive condition, but were organized 
 in a social state where there was no class distinction or coordinated 
 labor; where the food supply was still dependent in a considerable 
 degree upon the hunter; where warfare was constant, and conducted 
 by private enterprise rather than directed by a centered govern¬ 
 ment ; where the language of the people had never been reduced to 
 writing, and where there was no possible training of the mind in 
 literature or art. These songs therefore stand as a monument, 
 marking the limit which the Omaha Indian’s environment placed 
 upon the development of his mental life and expression. 
 
 The Omahas as a tribe have ceased to exist. The young men 
 and woman are being educated in English speech, and imbued with 
 English thought; their directive emotion will hereafter take the 
 lines of our artistic forms; therefore there can be no speculation 
 upon any future development of Omaha Indian music. 
 
 287 
 
EE PORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES 
 OF THE MUSIC. 
 
 BT JOHN COMFORT FILLMORE. 
 
 In the spring of 1888, Miss Alice C. Fletcher of the Peabody 
 Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology of Harvard Uni¬ 
 versity sent me an Indian song which she had noted down from 
 the singing of the Omahas, asking me some questions concerning 
 its scale. A correspondence ensued wLich finally resulted in her 
 commissioning me to make a careful scientific study of her collec¬ 
 tion of Indian Songs, several hundred in number. During the 
 spring and summer of 1891, she also provided me opportunities of 
 hearing many of the songs performed by Indians and of submit¬ 
 ting to them my harmonizations of nearly the whole collection of 
 songs. 
 
 My principal reliance in this work was on Mr. Francis La Flesche, 
 an Omaha Indian in the service of the Indian Bureau at Washing¬ 
 ton, D. C. I spent a week with him in Washington, devoting my 
 whole strength to the study of the songs. I afterwards accompa¬ 
 nied him to the Omaha Reservation in Nebraska for another week 
 of work. We were fortunate enough to find the tribe assembled 
 in camp for the celebration of their tribal festival. We witnessed 
 their dances, heard their songs, and their devotion and gratitude to 
 Miss Fletcher procured for me the unprecedented favor of a special 
 performance of the Wa-wan (Sacred Calumet) ceremony. This 
 was given at her request, and on her account only, she being the 
 only white person to whom such a concession had ever before been 
 made. 
 
 A few weeks later Mr. La Flesche spent a week at my home, at 
 which time we gathered up the loose threads and rounded up our 
 
 289 
 
60 REPORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF THE MUSIC. 
 
 work as far as possible. To his unwearied patience, intelligence, 
 courtesy and carefulness I owe much ; vastly more, indeed, than I 
 can give any adequate idea of in any acknowledgment I can make. 
 Without his devoted assistance, no thorough or complete investi¬ 
 gation of the music of his tribe would have been possible. No 
 one else was so thoroughly competent in every way to assist a mu¬ 
 sician in finding out what needed to be known. 
 
 I also desire to acknowledge my obligations to Mr. George Miller, 
 another Omaha whom I met on the Reservation, for his patience in 
 repeatedly singing for me songs which Mr. La Flesche did not know, 
 until I had noted them correctly; to Mr. Noah La Flesche for a 
 similar service in the music for the Indian flageolet, and to Pae- 
 zhae-hoo ta, Doo-ba-mon-ne and He-tha-ga-he-gae, the three Indians 
 who conducted the Wa-wan ceremony. 
 
 In my investigations I have sought to cover the following points : 
 
 1. The scales on which the Indian songs are built. 
 
 2. The harmonies naturally implied in the melodies of the songs. 
 
 3. The tonality of the songs as indicated by melody and har¬ 
 mony combined. 
 
 4. Rhythms. 
 
 5. Phrasing and motivization. 
 
 6. Quality of tone and correctness of intonation. 
 
 7. The Indian flageolet; its scale, fingering and capabilities as 
 a musical instrument. 
 
 1. Scales. My first work on the collection of songs turned over 
 to me was to go over them laboriously, picking out the tones of 
 which each song was composed and arranging them in scale order. 
 I found that a great majority of them were composed of the tones 
 of the pentatonic (five toned) major scale, familiar in old Scotch, 
 Irish, Chinese and other ancient music; i. e., of the tones of our 
 major scale with the fourth and seventh omitted. Some of them 
 employed the corresponding five-toned minor scale. But a very 
 considerable number seemed capricious, in that they employed 
 either the fourth or seventh and omitted oue or more of the other 
 regular scale intervals ; so that there were among them songs which 
 could be reduced to major or minor scales of four, five, six, seven 
 or eight tones. The minor scale appeared both in its “pure” and 
 “mixed” form ; i. e., with a minor or major seventh, the latter being 
 our so-called “harmonic” minor scale. But there remained some 
 very puzzling cases of songs whose tones could not be reduced 
 290 
 
REPORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF THE MUSIC. 61 
 
 to either the major or the minor scale, whether complete or incom¬ 
 plete, because chromatic tones were employed. Such were the 
 “Poogethun” song (No 8 of this collection), where the tones B 
 and G # are introduced, the rest of the song being plainly in the 
 scale of F; the “Taking away the Hunga” (No. 56) where A 
 is used, the scale being G major, etc. If these tones could have 
 been treated as mere chromatic bye-tones, they would not have 
 caused much difficulty but the A b in No. 56, at least, is an impor¬ 
 tant melodic note ; is principal and not accessory. So is the C b in 
 the song No. 32. These tones can easily be accounted for on har¬ 
 monic grounds, but not by a reference to any known form of scale. 
 But the Indians always sing in unison and never employ harmony. 
 However, I hope I shall be able in the next paragraph to offer con¬ 
 siderations which may point the way to the solution of the problem. 
 
 2. Harmony. Miss Fletcher had informed me of the curious fact 
 that although the Indians never made any attempt at singing in 
 parts, whenever their songs were played for them on a piano or 
 organ, they were not satisfied without the addition of chords to the 
 melodies. 
 
 This fact seemed to me significant and important. I thought it 
 indicated the presence of a latent harmonic sense which might, 
 unconsciously on their part, be a determining factor in their choice 
 of melody tones. Accordingly I set myself to harmonizing a con¬ 
 siderable number of songs, seeking only to employ the natural har¬ 
 monies implied in the melodies. I then sent those harmonized 
 songs to Miss Fletcher, requesting her to try them on as many In¬ 
 dians as she could, with a view to discovering whether they found 
 my harmonies natural and satisfactory. 
 
 The result of the experiment was entirely successful. Whatever 
 chords were natural and satisfactory to me were equally so to them, 
 from which it seems proper to draw the conclusion that the sense 
 of harmony is an innate endowment of human nature, that it is 
 the same for the trained musician and for the untrained primitive 
 man, the difference being purely one of development. 
 
 I have myself personally repeated this experiment many times 
 and always with the same result. And since these melodic aberra¬ 
 tions to which I have referred are easily and naturally accounted 
 for by reference to their natural harmonic relations, and in no other 
 way , I am forced to the conclusion that melody is a product of the 
 natural harmonic sense and that all efforts to reduce primitive mel- 
 
 291 
 
62 REPORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF THE MUSIC. 
 
 odies to scales without reference to the natural harmonies implied 
 in them must prove futile. I therefore spare myself the useless 
 labor of enumerating all the specific varieties of scale to be found 
 in these songs, regarding it as a wholly irrelevant matter. 
 
 The harmonizations given in the songs which accompany this re¬ 
 port have all been submitted to Indian criticism, some of them many 
 times, and have been found satisfactory. I have also experimented 
 with different harmonies and have invariably retained those which 
 the Indian ear preferred. 
 
 These accepted harmonizations give some curious results. The 
 Indian ear accepts not only the major and minor concords, but the 
 dominant seventh, as shown in most if not all of the songs ; the 
 diminished seventh, as shown in the second measure of No. 63 
 (this chord was distinctly preferred to the dominant seventh in 
 that place) ; sharp dissonances in the shape of suspensions, whether 
 prepared, as in the twelfth measure of No. 41, or free (appoggia- 
 turas) as in the first measure of No. 37 and in numerous other 
 cases. These points cover pretty much the whole ground of mod¬ 
 ern harmonic structure. In addition to this, some of these melodies 
 as, for example, No. 41, are clearly based on harmonic modulation 
 and some of them, like No. 56 already cited, depend on third or 
 sixth relationships. The chord of A b in that song is the chord 
 of the (major) under third of C, in which latter key the song closes, 
 although it begins in G. This latter point, the use of the third and 
 sixth relationships in harmony, is one of the most notable peculiar¬ 
 ities of the Modern Romantic School. 
 
 Practice of this sort is to be found in Beethoven and in Schubert; 
 more of it in Schumann and in Chopin; most of all in Liszt and 
 Wagner. That some of these primitive melodies, created by a 
 people who never use harmony and who have no musical theory of 
 any kind nor even a musical notation, should be explicable by re¬ 
 ferring them to a latent perception of these relationships and ex¬ 
 plicable in no other way, is certainly a surprising fact. It would 
 seem to prove beyond question, if proof had been needed, that 
 these relationships are primary and natural and that modern com¬ 
 posers in extending the limits of the traditional harmonic system 
 in which the fifth relationships had reigned supreme have simply 
 discovered and utilized new natural materials and relations. 
 
 It seems clear enough that, as we might expect from what we 
 now know, since Helmholtz’ epoch-making work, of the complex 
 292 
 
REPORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF THE MUSIC. 63 
 
 nature of single tones, the primitive mind has, from the very first 
 tone of a song, a sort of subconscious perception of harmonic re¬ 
 lations and that these relations determine, at least in no small de¬ 
 gree, the melodic succession of tones in the song. Whether this 
 subconscious perception includes the undertone series as well as 
 the overtone series, according to the doctrines of Dr. Hugo Rie- 
 mann and Prof. Arthur von Oettingen, I have not been able con¬ 
 clusively to determine. The only fact which seems to bear on this 
 question is that primitive man, in common with the trained musician, 
 accepts the minor chord (so called) as a satisfactory concord. And 
 this chord, from the point of view of acoustics, is certainly not a 
 concord in the overtone series and is a concord when referred to 
 the undertone series and not otherwise. But my experiments with 
 the Indians have thrown no new light on the problem of the rela¬ 
 tion of Harmony to Acoustics. It is clear enough that Indian 
 musical composition is due to the impulse to express emotion in 
 melodic and rhythmic forms and that the determining forces are 
 imagination and feeling. Of course this expression of feeling is 
 conditioned on physical laws ; but thus far I see no reason to ex¬ 
 pect, as I once hoped, that the study of primitive music may lead 
 to further discoveries as to how far-reaching those laws may be. 
 The fact maybe noted, however, that major keys and major chords 
 predominate in these songs, and that the Indian ear prefers a ma¬ 
 jor chord, as a rule, at the close of a minor song. All of which 
 suggests that, even if there be a subconscious perception of the 
 undertone series, the overtone series predominates over it, in their 
 minds. 
 
 It is possible we shall sometime discover that the tones we hear 
 are more complex than even Helmholtz knew; that the undertone 
 series as well as the overtone series is present in every tone, and 
 that “major” and “minor” conceptions are due to the predomi¬ 
 nance of one or the other, much as quality of tone ( timbre , klang- 
 farbe ) is due to the predominance of one or another set of overtones. 
 But this is yet to be conclusively proved. 
 
 3. Tonality. Before I became convinced that a latent sense of 
 harmony in the aboriginal mind played an important part in deter¬ 
 mining these melodies, I had found that the question of their to¬ 
 nality was often difficult, not to say impossible to decide from the 
 melody tones alone. A few illustrations will help to make this 
 clear. Song No. 72 (Wae-wa-chee) contains two sharps (F # 
 
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64 REPORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF THE MUSIC. 
 
 and C #). Ordinarily, therefore, we should say that its ke}'' 
 note is D. But note the build of the melody. It begins on C # 
 (third space of treble staff) ends on the A below the treble staff 
 and omits the tone G. If it be in the key of D, not only is the 
 fourth of the scale omitted, but the song begins on the leading 
 tone (seventh) of the scale and goes downward until it finally 
 ends on the Dominant (fifth). The trained musical ear, at least, 
 cannot but feel that this is a somewhat unnatural beginning. But 
 if it be assumed that the missing scale tone is not G but G4t, the 
 case presents no further difficulty. It is natural enough for a mel¬ 
 ody to begin on the third of the scale and go down. What is more, 
 if we think the song as beginning, in the ke}? of A, there is no 
 difficulty in harmonizing it easily and naturally. Whereas the 
 first part of it can hardly be harmonized in the key of D otherwise 
 than awkwardly and unsatisfactorily, the latter part can be har¬ 
 monized as well in D as in A, and the Indian ear prefers the end¬ 
 ing in D. One would decide the tonality then, not alone from the 
 tones actually employed in the song, but from considering what 
 tone or tones needed to be supplied in order to make a natural and 
 satisfactory harmony. Thus-, the question “What scale has this 
 song?” simply resolves itself into the question of harmony. If we 
 can decide on the Tonic chord, the scale will settle itself. And 
 the question of the Tonic chord depends mainly on the harmonic 
 implications of the melody. Scale, I have come to think, is an 
 entirely subordinate matter. 
 
 Take No. 67 for further example. It is in the key of A, beyond 
 doubt; yet the leading tone (G#) is nowhere to be found in it, and 
 must be supplied in the harmony. 
 
 So I regard No. 17 as in the key of A, although it contains neither 
 the seventh nor the fourth of the scale of A. And No. 19 is in 
 the key of D, although both C# and G are missing. These last 
 two furnish admirable examples of pentatonic scales. It is curi¬ 
 ous, by the way, to see how many of these songs begin and end 
 on the fifth of the scale, as does No. 17. And many others end on 
 the fifth (among them No. 72, if we end it in D, as the Indian ear 
 prefers it), although they begin on some other interval, perhaps 
 the tonic, as does No. 19. This brings the tonic chord, at the close, 
 into its natural position when made up of three tones only, with 
 none of them doubled. Whether this peculiar ending is due to a 
 dim consciousness in the Indian mind of this natural position of 
 
 294 
 
REPORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OE THE MUSIC. 65 
 
 the tonic chord, it is impossible, of coarse, to say with the full as¬ 
 surance of certainty. But it is certain that the . songs thus har¬ 
 monized satisfy the Indian ear equally with that of the trained 
 musician. Can this be accounted for otherwise than on the ground 
 of a common perception? I think not. The difference, as it seems 
 to me, is one purely of degree, due to training in the one case, and 
 lack of it in the other. 
 
 The examples I have cited might be numerously multiplied if 
 necessary. But they serve to illustrate the point that the question 
 of tonality in these songs is a question to be settled by the help of 
 harmonic considerations and not otherwise. Any reader who is 
 interested will study the songs for himself. For others there is no 
 need to multiply illustrations. 
 
 But the case becomes stronger when we come to take into ac¬ 
 count the melodies which more or less plainly imply modulation. 
 Of these, the beautiful choral No. 41 is the most conspicuous ex¬ 
 ample. The song begins in the key of 1 b. There is not a single 
 tone in the melody, except the E in the last measure but one, 
 which is not to be found in the scale of Bb- Yet the course of 
 the melody is such as to force on one the sense of a change of key. 
 It is quite impossible to harmonize it satisfactorily without modu¬ 
 lating, especially considering the form of the ending. The harmony 
 I have given to it seems to me to be naturally implied in the mel¬ 
 ody and satisfactory. I tried numerous experiments on Mr. La 
 Flesche with the harmony of this song, beginning with the sixth 
 measure. His comments would run about thus: “This sounds 
 right to me up to that point; the next part is weak; now it is bet¬ 
 ter,—but it isn’t right yet; now it is right.” The latter comment 
 was made when I played the harmony as here given. I also tried 
 it on Reservation Indians afterwards with the same result, so that 
 I feel justified in holding this harmony to be entirely natural. 
 
 In this song the original key is kept until the fifth measure, in 
 which the first clause ends with the relative minor chord. The 
 next phrase of three measures is in the key of Eb (sub-dominant), 
 the third measure effecting a transition to the key of F by means 
 of the chord of Gr (over-third of Eb), followed naturally by the 
 chord of C (dominant in F). The last clause begins in F, modu¬ 
 lates to C, in the second measure and closes the period in that key. 
 This key, the major over-second of Bb, the original key-note, 
 would seem to be so remote as to make it impossible to preserve 
 p. m. papers. I 20 295 
 
66 REPORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF THE MUSIC. 
 
 unity within the limits of a short twelve-measure period. But 
 the melodic flow is so smooth and the harmonic connections so 
 natural that I, at least, do not get from it the impression of any¬ 
 thing forced, harsh or unpleasant, nor, do I feel the need of a return 
 to the original tonic. The whole choral impresses me with its 
 beauty, nobility and dignity. Indeed, I know not where to look 
 for a finer musical expression of noble, dignified religious feeling 
 within the limits of the choral. 
 
 In No. 45 the principal key is Afc>, but I found it impossible 
 to harmonize it satisfactorily without introducing the key of the 
 relative minor and of the dominant. It closes in the relative minor; 
 but the Indians prefer the major chord for the final, and it cannot 
 be denied that the form of plagal cadence here given is very beau¬ 
 tiful. 
 
 No. 56 seems to be an example of change of key within very 
 narrow limits. The first two phrases, comprising only three meas¬ 
 ures, would seem to be clearly in the key of G, while the remain¬ 
 ing two phrases, of two measures each, seem to be in the key of 
 C, with a modification of the plagal close, the major chord of the 
 under-fluid being used in place of the sub-dominant. 
 
 The Otoe song, No. 47, may well close our list of citations on 
 this subject. In it, we find, at least according to current methods 
 of reckoning modulation, the three keys of E minor, B minor, and 
 D major, the predominant tonality being that of B minor. The 
 ending with the dominant chord gives a peculiar feeling of incom¬ 
 pleteness ; a feeling caused also by the endings of some of the other 
 songs, notably No. 32, which ends with the supertonic chord. This 
 last song is also notable for its employment of the minor chord of 
 the sub-dominant, thus making it a “mixed major” key, as Dr. 
 Moritz Hauptmann aptly named this kind of tonality. 
 
 These unusual endings remind one of Schumann ; I recall par¬ 
 ticularly No. 4 of the “Kreisleriana,” which ends with the chord 
 of D major (over-third), the key of the piece being Bb- Such 
 endings doubtless serve the requirements of emotional expression 
 and thus used, are, of course, legitimate. No musician, civilized 
 or uncivilized, is under obligation to cut his feelings to fit the the¬ 
 oretical requirements of cadence. He has a right to express his 
 feeling just as it is ;—if he can. 
 
 4. Rhythms. One of the most noticeable rhythmic peculiarities 
 of these songs is the grouping of pulses into measures of different 
 296 
 
REPORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF THE MUSIC. 67 
 
 lengths. Some of them group their pulses in twos or in threes 
 throughout. But many of them have groups of an unequal num¬ 
 ber of beats. Such are the beautiful Mekasee song, No. 59 (twos 
 and threes), No. 36, also twos and threes, No. 62, threes and fours, 
 and others. No. 74 changes its measures from f to |, the dotted 
 quarter note in the second part and the quarter note in the first 
 part each standing for a drum beat, at the rate of 104 to the minute. 
 
 This last song serves also to exemplify the syncopation of which 
 these songs contain numerous examples. The song begins a half¬ 
 pulse before the drum-beat, and the first measure of five beats is 
 divided into five twos. There is also a syncopation toward the 
 end of the | portion. The first measure is syncopated, in that 
 the drum beat comes on the first note of the second phrase, while 
 it comes on the second note of the first phrase, the second phrase 
 being melodically an exact repetition of the first. This song I 
 found very difficult to note down from the singing, its rhythm be¬ 
 ing extremely complicated. 
 
 One of the most striking peculiarities of rhythm is the mixture . 
 of twos and threes in the same measure. The Mekasee song, No. 
 58, has two examples of this in the | rhythm where there are two 
 drum-beats in each measure, represented by dotted quarters, while 
 the song has three quarter notes in the measure. This is the same 
 rhythm to be found in the No. 20 of the Mendelssohn “Song with¬ 
 out Words,” in “Abschied,” Op. 82, Schumann and elsewhere in 
 the works of the modern romantic composers. But the Omahas 
 carry this rhythm to the greatest length in the Haethuska songs. 
 The Haethuska dances, as I have seen them, require the double¬ 
 drum-beat, a strong pulse followed by a weak one. Against this 
 many of the songs have three equal notes or their value. The 
 drum-beat being represented by two eighth notes, with a strong 
 accent on the first, the voice will sing against it now an eighth fol¬ 
 lowed by a quarter, now a quarter followed by an eighth, now three 
 eighths, now a syncopation, the quarter note crossing the drum¬ 
 beat. Examples of all these rhythmic forms may be found in the 
 Haethuska Song, No. 19, and most of the other Haethuska songs 
 exemplify them more or less. That a primitive people, without 
 any musical notation and without any theory of rhythm, should 
 have developed such complicated rhythms seems to me very sur¬ 
 prising. I know of no greater rhythmic difficulties anywhere in 
 our modern music than these Omahas have completely at command 
 
 297 
 
68 REPORT ON TITE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OE THE MUSIC. 
 
 in their every-day music. It seems to be as natural and easy for 
 them to beat two and sing three, and that too in all sorts of syn¬ 
 copation and complex combinations as though they had received 
 the most thorough rhythmical training to be had in any 7 conservatory 7 
 in the world. Indeed, I suspect that a great majority of conserva¬ 
 tory students the world over might have a good deal of difficulty 
 in learning to do what is to the Indians an every-day matter. And 
 if white students of music had to pass an examination in taking 
 down Indian rhythms from hearing them, I fear a good many 
 would come to grief. Rhythm is by 7 far the most elaborately devel¬ 
 oped element of the Indian music, and in this respect civilized mu¬ 
 sic has not surpassed it, at least in the point of combining dissim¬ 
 ilar rhythms. 
 
 5. Phrasing and Motivization. That larger phase of rhythm 
 which is called phrasing , the grouping of measures into phrases 
 and clauses and the correlating them into periods, is represented 
 in these songs in quite as rich variety as is that grouping of pulses 
 which we call measures. We are accustomed to think of the nor¬ 
 mal phrase as a group of two measures, less frequently of three, but 
 these songs afford numerous examples not only of two- and three- 
 measure phrases but also of four-measure, five measure and even 
 larger phrases. In No. 19, already cited, the first three phrases 
 have four measures each, the fourth has seven ; the fifth, sixth and 
 seventh phrases have four measures each and the eighth six. 
 
 No. 17 consists of two periods. The first consists of two five- 
 measure phrases and one nine-measure phrase, unless one chooses 
 to divide the latter into a five and a four. (The odd measure at the 
 end is a mere breathing space; as also in No. 19.) The second 
 period has a five- and an eight-measure phrase, or two fives and a 
 three. The former division is perhaps more natural with the har¬ 
 mony I have given it, the final measures seeming to be an integral 
 portion of the long phrase rather than a separate short one. 
 
 These two examples are sufficient to show the richness and vari¬ 
 ety of the grouping in phrases and the correlation of phrases in 
 larger forms which characterize the Omaha songs. No one with 
 the songs before him needs more, to call his attention to the point. 
 
 As regards “motivization,” the building up of a melody out of 
 modified repetitions of a short melodic phrase which serves as a 
 model (technically 7 a “motive”), Nature seems to have taught 
 these people precisely what our professors of composition teach 
 298 
 
REPORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF THE MUSIC. 69 
 
 their pupils, and with marked success. Not only the two songs 
 I have just cited as examples in phrasing, but almost every song 
 in the collection, employs its first motive as a model and thus se¬ 
 cures the prime quality unity. They all repeat the motive in mod¬ 
 ified forms and thus obtain variety, without which Unity becomes 
 mere monotonous uniformity. They all correlate their phrases 
 into clauses; their clauses into periods and the larger ones their 
 periods into two-period “Primary Forms” with a symmetry which 
 is entirely satisfactory. 
 
 As for Contrast and Climax, the remaining two essentials of any 
 great Art work, the dimensions of the songs are too small to ad¬ 
 mit of the former, except as it is included in the variety of the 
 treatment of the motive and of the rhythm ; and there seems to be, 
 in most cases at least, a real culmination of interest and of effect, 
 notwithstanding the curious fact that the melodies almost invari¬ 
 ably descend in pitch, from the beginning to the end of each period. 
 
 That is to say, the fundamental requirements of a work of art 
 are founded in the nature of things and of the human mind and are 
 obeyed as unerringly by these untaught primitive men in their ef¬ 
 forts to express emotion in terms of the beautiful as by the best 
 of trained composers. The difference seems to be one of develop¬ 
 ment merely. The Indians produce no long, elaborate musical 
 forms because they have not acquired the power of sustained 
 musical thinking. But their spontaneous expressions of feeling 
 in tones are, within their limits, artistic. 
 
 6. Quality of Tone and Correctness of Intonation in Indian Sing¬ 
 ing. That many of the melodies in the collection accompanying this 
 report are beautiful, I think no one will deny. But I think also 
 that the general impression of those who have happened to hear 
 Indians sing is that their songs, as given by themselves, are not 
 beautiful ; and I shall be obliged to admit that, in certain im¬ 
 portant respects, my own impressions confirm those of other ob¬ 
 servers. 
 
 Of sensuous beauty of tone I have heard comparatively little in 
 Indian voices. Nor do I see how it could possibly be attained 
 under the ordinary conditions of Indian singing. Take the Wae- 
 wachee or the Haethuska dances for example. A half dozen or 
 more men sit in the open air round a large drum, beating it with 
 their utmost force and shouting out war or victory songs at the top 
 of their voices. In the Waewachee songs the women add their 
 
 299 
 
70 REPORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF THE MUSIC. 
 
 shrill voices at their very loudest and both men and women begin 
 at the highest pitch they can reach. There is a continual inter¬ 
 jection of war-whoops from the men, and of shrill cries in imitation 
 of the bird-hawk from women both among the dancers and outside 
 of the circle. In the Ilaethuska dances the men have strings of 
 sleigh-bells on their legs. All of these noises are symbolic and 
 deeply significant to the Indian, but of course serve only to con¬ 
 fuse, if not to repel, the musical sense of the casual white visitor. 
 There is more or less noise and confusion In the camp. The wind 
 perhaps blows hard; it generally does on these rolling prairies. 
 Often another company is singing, dancing and drumming at no 
 great distance. The songs are the expression of excited feeling 
 and the singers are stirred up almost to frenzy. Under such con¬ 
 ditions the production of a beautiful quality of vocal tone is physi¬ 
 cally and morally impossible. The most beautiful natural voices 
 would soon be rendered shrill and harsh by such unrestrained 
 shouting and screeching out of doors in damp or windy weather. 
 Any one who desired to cultivate a beautiful quality of voice would 
 find it impossible for his ear to make nice discriminations in tone 
 quality amidst such a hubbub. Indeed, nobody seems to think of 
 paying any attention to such considerations and the very idea of 
 vocal cultivation is, so far as I am aware, foreign to the Indian 
 mind. The qualities which they esteem in a singer’s voice are power 
 and penetrating quality. I have heard strong, manly voiced among 
 them, and in the Wawan (Calumet) songs, these come out well, 
 lacking much of the shrillness and screechy quality I heard in the 
 war-songs and scalp-songs. But even here, the men sang forte and 
 fortissimo for hours together, out of doors, in the face of a strong 
 southeast wind, with an accompaniment of big drum and rattles. 
 What chorus is there in the world which could endure such a test, 
 and acquire or preserve a beautiful quality of tone, under such 
 conditions ? Or how could beauty of tone even be thought of ? 
 
 The same conditions which prevent the development of beauty 
 of vocal tone prevent also any nice discrimination as regards pitch. 
 There is in the Indian singing a good deal of inaccuracy of inton¬ 
 ation ; much less, however, it seems to me, than might reasonably 
 be expected. I have known many eminent singers (soloists) to 
 sharp or flat a good deal under unfavorable circumstances; some 
 otherwise good singers do one or the other habitually; and the best 
 choruses sometimes fall in pitch a full half-tone during the per- 
 300 
 
REPORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF THE MUSIC. 
 
 71 
 
 formance of a single song no longer than some of these Indian 
 songs. I do not think these Omahas often varied more than half 
 as much as that from the true pitch in most instances when I heard 
 them, except when they rose to what was meant for an octave at 
 the beginning of the second part of a song. Then they often fell 
 short a semitone. This is saying a good deal when we take into 
 account that the drumming and other noise made so much confus¬ 
 ion that it sometimes required very sharp listening on my part to 
 recognize a song with which I was already perfectly familiar. I 
 do not wonder that superficial observers find no melody and no 
 beauty in Indian singing. The melody is covered up and hidden 
 by overpowering noise. It is not always easy to extract the real 
 kernel from the rough husk which surrounds it, and those who go 
 to hear Indian music out of mere curiosity with no desire to pen¬ 
 etrate to the core of it may very well find their surface impressions 
 unfavorable. They are looking for what is not there ; and what 
 is there of real merit is not to be found without seeking. 
 
 But there is another reason why casual hearers of Indian music 
 find nothing in it, and that is that they have not the faintest idea 
 of the meaning and spirit of it. To them it is mere barbaric noise ; 
 “all sound and fury, signifying nothing.” But the truth is that, 
 to the Indian, many of these songs are the fervid expression of 
 his most sacred beliefs and experiences. The Wawan ceremony 
 is profoundly religious, its symbols are treated with as great rever¬ 
 ence as any priest treats the crucifix or the Sacred Host; all phases 
 of religious emotion are embodied in its songs. He who knows, 
 feels and appreciates this, who penetrates so far into the Indian 
 feeling as to be partly oblivious of non-essential accessories, can 
 begin to appreciate the feeling Miss Fletcher expressed to me when 
 she told me that she had never been so powerfully impressed or so 
 profoundly stirred by any music as by the Wawan songs, except 
 by some of the great Wagnerian music dramas. This Indian 
 music is the true and natural expression of genuine emotion ; much 
 of it profound, much of it high and ennobling; and the better it is 
 known the more this will be seen. 
 
 If an appreciative and intelligent listener like Miss Fletcher can 
 speak with such enthusiasm of Indian music, notwithstanding the 
 deficiencies of Indian performance on the side of sensuous beauty, 
 much more ought it to make its natural impression when given 
 with a beautiful quality of tone, whether by singers or orchestral 
 
 301 
 
72 REPORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF THE MUSIC. 
 
 instruments or by both together, as I hope it will be some day. 
 The music, as such, doubtless will make its impression. Whether 
 it can arouse such enthusiasm as Miss Fletcher’s, when taken out 
 of the religious ceremony to which it belongs, given by people who 
 do not sympathize with the feeling which gave it birth and wholly 
 separated from its natural accessories, remains to be seen. But 
 these beautiful chorals will certainly always remain the expression 
 of genuine religious feeling and I doubt not their merit will be rec¬ 
 ognized. 
 
 7. The Indian Flageolet. This instrument is made of red cedar, 
 ornamented with lead run into grooves. The specimen now in my 
 po-session is twenty-four and one-half inches long. It is bored, 
 as evenly as possible from the lower end to a length of about seven¬ 
 teen and one fourth inches. The upper end is bored down six and 
 one-half inches. Each opening contains a narrow slit close to the 
 partition between the long and short bores. The partition is made 
 smooth on the top, a thin plate of metal is laid over it, having a 
 long opening and a rider is tied down over the plate so that a thin 
 sheet of air is blown through the narrow space between the partition 
 and the plate into the longer bore, the surplus air escaping through 
 a vertical aperture in the rider. The instrument is blown from 
 the end. Its construction is therefore substantially the same as that 
 of a small open organ pipe; for the stream of air blown in at the 
 upper end and passing through the thin passage at the upper side of 
 the partition impinges on the sharp edge or “lip” of the metal plate 
 at the entrance of the long bore and thus sets the column of air in 
 vibration. The diameter of the longer bore is about seven-eighths of 
 an inch and that of the short one at the upper end is less than one- 
 fourth of an inch. Inside it is doubtless larger. Close to the lower 
 end of the flageolet are four small holes circularly arranged, the use 
 of which I have not been able to determine, as they are never stopped. 
 The holes iu actual use are six in number. The lowest of these holes 
 is five and five-eighths inches from the lower end of the flageolet and 
 three and three-eighths inches from the circular row of holes near 
 the lower end. The upper (sixth) hole is four and five-eighths 
 inches from the “lip.” The six holes are about equidistant each 
 from its neighbors, the distance between each two being a scant 
 inch. 
 
 No. 91, a flageolet piece which I transcribed in Nebraska, il¬ 
 lustrates somewhat imperfectly the defects of this flageolet as regards 
 302 
 
REPORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF THE MUSIC. 73 
 
 the key relationship of tones. This piece seems to be in the key of 
 F# minor, omitting G=±. But the fundamental tone of the flageolet 
 is nearer F than F#. The key relationship of the tones A, B, C#, 
 D# and Ffr (fifth line) are tolerably correct; but the lower tone 
 being almost a major third lower than the A makes the piece sound 
 very badly out of tune. The upper F, meant for the octave of the 
 fundamental, is about a quarter of atone sharp. The fundamental 
 is, of course; produced by closing all the six holes with the fingers. 
 The upper F the Indians produce by opening all the holes except 
 the lower one. The true octave of the fundamental, or nearly so, 
 may be obtained by opening the fifth hole only and blowing with 
 considerable pressure. But this I have not seen Indians do. Blow¬ 
 ing with less pressure produces the over-fifth of the fundamental. 
 The upper F# is produced by opening the sixth hole only and in¬ 
 creasing the wind-pressure. A true minor third (Ah) to the fun¬ 
 damental, or nearly so, is produced by opening the first hole. Open¬ 
 ing the first and second holes produces Bb ; opening the first three 
 holes produces C, but flat. With the first four holes opeu we get 
 D ; with the first five open, E; with all six open, F, but almost a 
 semi tone sharp. All these values are approximate only. The 
 tones used in this piece (No. 91) are all produced with the first 
 hole closed, except the upper F# which is produced as above de¬ 
 scribed, and excepting, of course, also the fundamental. In pro¬ 
 ducing the A, the second hole only is open; the second and third 
 holes open give B, the second, third and fourth holes open give 
 C#; the second, third, fourth and fifth holes open give D#; all the 
 holes open except the first give F, or E#. It is the fundamental 
 which is most out of tune with the rest. No. 92 illustrates the 
 same points. 
 
 I have made, as yet, no attempt to determine accurately the pre¬ 
 cise vibration ratios of the scale of this flageolet. Such an investi¬ 
 gation would be interesting, but has little bearing on the really 
 important relations of the Indian music, since the imperfections of 
 it are plainly due to the limitations, not of the Indian’s musical 
 perception, so much as of his scientific knowledge. The flageolet 
 is evidently built u by guess” and only remotely approximates the 
 Indian voice in accuracy of intonation. The really instructive in¬ 
 vestigations in their music must be made, I think, in their songs, 
 which are not only the natural, free, spontaneous expression of 
 their musical conceptions, wholly unhampered by the defects of a 
 
 303 
 
74 REPORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF THE MUSIC. 
 
 faultily constructed instrument, but greatly predominate in amount 
 over their instrumental music. We must recollect that they have 
 no theory of music whatever, and therefore their flageolet expresses 
 nothing but a rude attempt at approximating tone-relations which 
 the more flexible apparatus of the voice enables them to reach in 
 their songs. 
 
 Summwy. The results of the foregoing investigation may be 
 summed up thus : The deficiencies and defects of Indian music are, 
 first, lack of sensuous beauty of tone quality; second, uncertainty 
 of intonation. There is apt to be more or less wavering of pitch 
 under any circumstances and this defect is most pronounced in the 
 Indian flageolet, which always gives out its tones in false key- 
 relationship owing to its faulty construction. The more it is used, 
 the more it accustoms the ear to false iutonation and it is therefore 
 fortunate that this instrument is never used to accompany Indian 
 singing. The only exception to this is in the case of some of the 
 love-songs; and it is precisely in these that the intonation in sing¬ 
 ing is most wavering and uncertain. 
 
 But it seems clear that, notwithstanding these defects, the sense 
 of key-relationship and of harmonic relations as determining the 
 key-relationship of melodic tones is at least subconsciously present 
 in the Indian mind. For when the melodies are given in correct 
 pitch and with natural harmonies the Indians soon come, to recog¬ 
 nize and enjoy them. 
 
 The merits of the Indian music consist, first, in an elaborate, 
 well-developed rhythm; second, in fresh, original, clear, character¬ 
 istic expression of the whole range of emotional experience of 
 primitive people. As such, this collection of songs must necessarily 
 prove of interest even if they were less beautiful than they are. 
 Those here given form only a fraction of those in Miss Fletcher’s 
 possession; and those she has are only a small percentage of the 
 great number which might be collected under favorable conditions. 
 But the older songs are rapidly passiug away under the changing 
 conditions of Indian life and must be gathered soon if they are not 
 to be forever lost. It is greatly to be hoped that the work of col¬ 
 lecting and verifying them may be pressed before it becomes too 
 late. 
 
 The problems presented in the study of primitive music are two : 
 
 1. The problem of the origin and function of music. 
 
 2. The problem of the psychological, physical and acoustic 
 304 
 
REPORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF THE MUSIC. 75 
 
 laws in accordance with which the musical phenomena have be¬ 
 come what they are. 
 
 1. As regards the first of these problems, I, at least, can have 
 no doubt that music takes its origin in the impulse to express states 
 and movements of the sensibility. These Omaha songs mean feeling 
 to the Indian, in all cases. Nine-tenths, at least, of the criticism 
 I have received from Indians in my efforts to play these songs has 
 had reference to emotional expression ; and there is not a song in 
 the collection which does not express to the Indian as well as to 
 myself and other white persons who have heard them, well defined 
 moods or excited states of feeling. They had their origin in feeling 
 and their function is to express feeling. And this conclusion I 
 correlate with other similar facts into the generalized statement 
 that the content of music is emotion. I am, of course, aware, that 
 distinguished critics, chief among whom are Dr. Edward Hanslick 
 and the late Edmund Gurney, maintain the opposite opinion. But 
 this opinion I believe to be based solely on a misapprehension such 
 as might, perhaps be easily explained by a proper definition and 
 analysis of emotion, which I have not found in the works of any 
 writer on the aesthetics of music. Even Dr. Hanslick, while ad¬ 
 mitting that music may express the “dynamic element” of feeling, 
 fails to perceive that what he calls the “dynamic element,” identi¬ 
 fying it, as he does, with “psychical motion,” is really emotion 
 itself. And he overlooks also the fact that states and movements 
 of the sensibility may be expressed so as to be recognizable with¬ 
 out reference to the ideas involved in them. 
 
 It is true enough that music by itself does not and cannot express 
 love, hate, anger, jealousy, revenge, etc., if we include in these 
 terms, as we seem forced to do, the conception of two or more per¬ 
 sons and their relations to one another. There is, of course, no 
 musical equivalent for a man or woman or for the relations between 
 the two nor for two men fighting, etc. But these ideas are purely 
 of the intellect, not of the sensibility. The purely emotional ele¬ 
 ment awakened by these ideas, and that alone, is expressible in 
 music. And emotional excitement frequently, if not always, be¬ 
 gets the impulse to musical expression. At least, the impulse to 
 express states and movements of the sensibility in song is nearly 
 or quite universal among all the varieties of the human race and it 
 seems to me wholly unphilosophical to deny that the content of 
 
 305 
 
76 REPORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF THE MUSIC. 
 
 music is that which gives it its origin, which it expresses to those 
 who produce it and which it also conveys toother minds. 
 
 2. The second problem may be succinctly stated thus : What 
 determines the particular form of musical expression ? 
 
 From the psychological point of view it may be answered that 
 the content determines the form ; i. e., the feeling which the prim¬ 
 itive man is impelled to express in song finds its own mode and 
 means of expression spontaneously. This Omaha music illustrates 
 this admirably; for Indian song is an absolutely spontaneous nat¬ 
 ural product. 
 
 But there remains the further question : What correlations of the 
 mind with the auditory and vocal apparatus and of these with the 
 physical laws of acoustics determine the course of melody? Under 
 this head numerous questions immediately suggest themselves in 
 view of the observed facts. For example, how does it happen 
 that, not only among the Omaha and other Indians, but also among 
 the Chinese, the primitive Scotch, Irish, Negroes, etc., the impulse 
 to express emotion in song should so frequently result in melodies 
 based on the five-toned scale? What facts and laws determine 
 the development of this into the full scale of eight tones in common 
 use? What determines aberrations from this scale, such as are 
 found in various songs of this collection ? What determines the 
 choice or the preponderance of major or minor? Is there anj'thing 
 in the facts of primitive music which will help us to determine 
 whether the minor chord is a perfect or imperfect concord? If the 
 former, does it depend on some acoustic principle opposed to that 
 which generates the major chord, or not? These are all questions 
 of importance in the fundamental science of music, none of which 
 can be regarded as settled in any way which commands universal 
 acceptance. 
 
 I have already pointed out that my experience during this in¬ 
 vestigation has led me to think that the fundamental fact which is 
 to point the way to the solution of some, at least, of these questions 
 is that the harmonic sense is universal. It seems clear to me that 
 the course of these melodies can be accounted for in no other way 
 than on the assumption that the Indian possesses the same sense 
 of a tonic chord and its attendant related harmonies that we do ; 
 although, of course, it is latent and never comes clearly forward 
 into his consciousness. The five-toned (major) scale, exemplified 
 306 
 
REPORT ON THE STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF THE MUSIC. 77 
 
 so numerously in this collection of songs, may be regarded as a 
 tonic chord with two bye-tones, one of which belongs to the domi¬ 
 nant and the other to the sub-dominant chord. At first, perhaps, 
 there is-merely a feeling for the tonic chord, arising from the com¬ 
 plex nature of a single tone with its consonant overtones. The 
 two bye-tones, are perhaps, in this stage, merely used to partially 
 fill up the gaps between the tones of the tonic chord, which is often 
 implied in the initial melody tone. The dim perception of the 
 harmonic relations of these two tones would seem to be a later de¬ 
 velopment which results in the addition of the missing fourth and 
 seventh tones of the scale. How the feeling for the tonic chord is 
 generated in melodies which do not begin with the key-note, and 
 especially in those which begin with a bye-tone, as some of these 
 songs do, I am, as yet, unable to conjecture. Nor am I, at present, 
 able to discuss the other questions here raised more fully than I 
 have already done. But I hope further investigation may fully 
 disclose the natural laws which govern these phenomena and I am 
 strongly in hopes that the suggestions here offered may prove fruit¬ 
 ful. 
 
 307 
 
79 
 
 OMAHA SONGS 
 
 No. 1. NA-G’THAE WA-A/V. 
 
 RALLYING SONG IN FACE OF DEATH. 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 —/£=3- 
 
 
 Ah 
 
 m 
 
 yae - zhum-mae 
 
 . 
 
 
 Ah - yae - zhum - mae 
 
 
 tho. 
 
 /?s 
 
 :£ 2 = 
 
 
 &2I 
 
 -'PZ= 
 
 I 
 
 
 
80 
 
 No. 2. WA-OO WA-A/V. 
 
 V 
 
81 
 
 No. 3. HUBAE WA-A/V. 
 
 Solemnly. SACRED POLE SONG. 
 
 Sostenuto. J — 92. 
 
 f-— r 
 
 
 
 F 
 
 j^p *N -p *^-r»-« L:pj^=]=p^J ,L Lj V = |=n 
 
 Con. Pad. 
 
 I- 
 
 Ae-hae thae-hae tha. Ae-gun slni-ka - tha-ha nuz-zhin-ga 
 
 ae -hae 
 
 j±a 
 
 
 W-- 
 
 *4- - 
 
 t= 
 
 -•p- 
 
 fc?: 
 
 
 f 
 
 
 
 —r* —I-—!“ 
 
 TT — — 
 
 jq^jj=h| 
 
 tliae-hae i/ta.Mun-da-lia ae-ah ba-dan ae-ah ae-hae thae-hae tha. 
 
 ESp 
 
 
 x 
 
 r 
 
 
 2± 
 
 —Tl- 
 
 f f- 
 
 mt 
 
 No. 4. 
 
 Solemnly. 
 
 Moderato. + — 60. 
 
 HUBAE WA-A/V. 
 
 SACRED POLE SONG. 
 
 -TH- r P === ~ — r --^r-PT-.TT 
 
 IM i 
 
 Zhe - da ke-thae, zheda ke - thae hae hue. Zhe - da ke-tha 
 Kum - peah ke-thae, kumpeahke - thae hae hae Kum-peah ke-tlva 
 
 ijt jt yk £ jk. ^ 
 
 Zhe - da ke -thae 
 Kuril - peah ke -thae- 
 
 r^T.£ -=*-— L -fcFt?- 2L - t - J 
 
 Co?* Ped. 
 
 f== 
 
 j A 
 
 ■itl-s s -fi \* *■ - _I 
 
 zhe-da ke - thae hae hae. 
 kum-peah ke - thae hae hae 
 
 iS 
 
 Zhe - da ke -thae ke-thae 
 Kum - peah ke -thae ke-thae 
 
 =t^P=£^t==T=£- ~TT]tttZ 
 
 ''Lf ‘ £ l U tl u 
 
 e 
 
 i 
 
 J J 7 !H .P-^=' L e—=P k -—8 
 
 hae hae - a, 
 hae hae - a, 
 
 -i 1 I?- ^ 
 
 Zhe-da ke-thae zhe-da ke-thae hae hae. 
 
 Kum-peah ke-thae kum-peah ke-thae hae hae. 
 
 i i.i. -i*! 11 •ii'M THii i H. rdqpp ii 
 
 1 1 ^_i 1 « * • • 1 9 • m • 1 j_j v 0 1 s * 
 
82 
 
 No. 5 
 
 HUBAE WA-AA/. 
 
 HAE-DE-WA-CHE CALL. 
 
 
 
 — « 
 
 
 Zha - i 
 Drum.p ~=— 
 Trundo. >' .~^ 5 *~ 
 
 UllF 1 
 
 Ped!~ 
 
 e - ba 
 
 r 
 
 ba /(« 
 
 * i 5 
 
 -i—s>— 
 
 hse 
 
 PP PPP 
 
 No. 6. HUBAE WA-AA/. 
 
 HAE-DE-WA-CHE DANCE. 
 
83 
 
 No. 7. HUBAE WA-A/V. 
 
 TENT OF WAR SONG. 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 VI—v- 
 
 -d—Y- *-d— Y*—+~ 
 
 T 
 
 >-£»—riJ—-*-4-V 
 
 *— * » 
 
 a 
 
 5 f^f : r r r r r r r 
 
 thae <7ot. The - te - ga n wae - tin kae g’the - hun ke num - pae- 
 
 
 r 
 
84 
 
 No. 8. POO-G’THUA/ WA-A/V. 
 
 Ta ae he tha ae he thae 
 
 
No. 9. POO-G’THU/V WA-Afl/. 
 
 84. Dignified. 
 
 85 
 
 
 
 *-!-L 
 
 
 =&=} 
 
 ^-T 
 
 \-0 --*- ■*— 
 
 ff ' 1 
 
 Shu - pe - da hu 
 Con Fed. 
 
 f 
 
 * . 
 
 
 *1 *1 
 
 
 
 ah - ta na-zhi n,thae Shu - pe - da hu- 
 
 ffc 
 
 g: 
 
 pc 
 
 
 =Ht: 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 J.:- .g.; 
 
 
 ;+-+-j£r 
 
 m 
 
 =i= 
 
 t=t 
 
 ah - ta na-zhi n, thae ah ae thae tha ae thae hethae. 
 
 In*-. I I I, 
 
 =|: 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 -r 
 
 e: 
 
 
 -^ 1 ---, 3 * .- 
 
 7*—^jfri—tt^- 
 
 
 
 Jr ^ 
 
 
 
 Ae - hae Hu- ah - ta na-zhire thae ae thae tha ae thae he thae. 
 
 In*-.-. In®-- n»- In®-. In©-. 
 
 «PTM-—^ ■ l «"T 
 
 =t 
 
 
 -»— 
 
 No. 10. POO-G’THU/V WA-A/V. 
 
HAE-THU-SKA WA-A/V 
 
 No. 11. 
 
 -=1 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 ( 
 
 
 ■■■■■■ 
 
 
 
 
 J 
 
 K 
 
 
 
 " — 
 
 1 
 
 
 L- 
 
 
 -ar ~mr -m- ~w r t t T tt 
 
 thunah-he - dae. Nura-s’tha thae-tae he-tha-ke-ua-tae thunah-he-dae. 
 

 87 
 
 No. 12. HAE-THU-SKA WA-A/V. 
 
 Religioso. PRAYER OF WARRIORS. 
 
 Double drumbeat. = 138. Song. _J # = 69. 
 
 4 
 
 No. 13. 
 
 Smoothly. 
 
 J = 66 . 
 
 HAE-THU-SKA WA-A/V. 
 
 CALL TO CEREMONIAL REPAST. 
 
 I 
 
 
 E-r~P5 
 
 ——* * * \-rn - m *i-d 
 
 44- 
 
 r 
 
 &*==* 
 
 ■H#—!#— 
 
 EE. 
 
 . >5 
 
 1-* 
 
 0-\a> im-'tr 
 
 
 s s 
 
 Ou-han thae-tae ne-daeah tho,Oa-lian thae-tae ne-daeah tho, En-da-coo-tha ne-dae tho, 
 Con Ped. 
 
 i onPet.r-^rx n J2.&. J7 J7 J3- Q. 0. Jv Q 
 
 ^ 4 : 4 -* —r —r—Fr—r— f f—f =f^f f—1=—ff=f—I 
 
 5" 5-' 
 
 
 
 Repeat ad lib. 
 
 
 
 
 =7 7 
 
 =1 = 7 ^: 
 
 0 ZJP 
 
 o —-- 
 
 On-hara thae-tae ne-daeah tho, hae ae En-da-coo-tha ne-dae tho hae tho. 
 
 && AS jSjSA AS as 
 
 7- 
 
 i*— 
 
 
 * » 
 
 : P=F- 
 
88 
 
 No. 14. HAE-THU-SKA WA-AA/. 
 
 SONG OF DISMISSAL. CHORAL SONG OF WARRIORS. 
 
 With dignity and feeling. 
 
 Doable Drum beat. ^ = 116. 
 
 fe I ^ I j , ^ ^ v, 
 
 '- 
 
 ■s £*4 —I 
 
 m 
 
 if 
 
 F 5 
 
 3=£ 
 
 
 
 r- 
 
 Hin - da - koo-tha na - zhira thae, II in-da - koo-tha na - zhin thae Hi«- 
 Con. Ped .: 
 
 
 W-W 
 
 E E 
 
 
 * * 
 
 t=t 
 
 & —— 0 ~a 
 
 0 * 
 
 7-^ 
 
 £1 
 
 * *- 
 
 :t—t 
 
 
 £=I*=F 
 
 
 r 
 
 m 
 
 Ek=EEE 
 
 1&=Ed -1-^177 J 5 : 
 
 rsidTi 
 
 
 H? 
 
 da - koo-tha na 
 
 
 zhira thac, ae - ha 
 
 zhira he - tha-mae tho 
 
 [ w a - m-» 
 
 fenE=t=t=t=t 
 
 
 
 k-k- 
 
 r 
 
89 
 
 No. 15. HAE-THU-SKA WA-A/V. 
 
 Moderate. Martial. 
 
 Double beat. 
 
 “ —■ 'iii r, m 
 
 P 
 
 Zhin-thae sha - e-ba~da?j, Zhin-thae sha - e - ba-dan, Nun - dae wae - ga 
 Con Fed. :v V 0 
 
 a-a 
 
 
 * -4* 
 
 -»—»- 
 
 4= 
 
 »- »—» 
 
 t= 
 
 =t=t: 
 
 0 - 0 - 0 —p 0-0 
 
 -^=t=t=rf 
 
 
 * « 
 
 
 -3-&- f^r- 
 
 _, 
 
 
 
 -N-h-— 
 
 —i—- -m -^w—— 9 — 
 
 -—!—H-!—“i- 
 
 
 t - ' 
 
 thun - ga ta - ba - dan, Zhin-thae sha - e - ba-da«. tho hae 
 : -0- 
 
 s=a= 
 
 * ° — 0 - 0 
 
 -I-- 0 - 0 - 
 
 
 - 0 — 0 - 
 
 t==± t -r~a— 
 
 
 -=i-n 
 
 E3fegE3?S 
 
 q=P3=ps*=F^: 
 
 ' a -.- 0 £ i --0 0 -0 
 
 c 
 
 ga-thun - ga ta - ba - dan Zhin-thae sha-e - ba-dan. tho hae 
 
 -TL 
 
 tho. 
 
 \&—- 00 0 - 0 - 
 
 m- 
 
 : 0-0 — 0 - 0 — 0 - _ 
 —J —!—I—f- 0-0 
 
 ^*=B= t t=F=a 
 
 - 0 - 0 - 
 
 
.90 
 
 No. 16. HAE-THU-SKA WA-A/V. 
 
 No. 17. HAE-THU-SKA WA-A/V. 
 
 Martial feeling. 
 
 Double Beat. Drum. ^ = 160. Song. =80. 
 
91 
 
 I 
 
 
 J-I-, 
 
 •» —J—3— 
 
 — —■ -*—F g — j— j - 
 
 / 
 
 m f\ ■ r s r* r i 
 
 da - dan nan-tha-pae he - we - tlia - ga, Tun-gae-ah um - ba 
 «*/* Sr 
 
 -$-3tr±r 
 
 *=fe=J 
 
 r 
 
 m 
 
 
 1 * 3 = 
 
 * » 
 
 
 
 !■=*= 
 ' -t— 
 
 £ 
 
 
 If 
 
 =t 
 
 
 d: 
 
 :=£= 
 
 
 S 
 
 r .r r 
 
 ya - dan he - we - tha - ga. 
 
 hae 
 
 tho-e. 
 
 ( P %— » z= y 
 
 i=E=±W=* 
 
 " ■ 
 
 -m—0- 
 
 if 
 
 1-h 
 
 =d=t=fc=t 
 
 1 i I i i i 
 
 t=E 
 
 1*—I*: 
 
 
92 
 
 No. 1 8. 
 
 HAE-THUSKA WA-A/V. 
 
 RESTING SONG. 
 
 na un - ge - ture ba - ga Tun-gae Um-ba thae - na uit - ge - tun 
 
93 
 
 No. 19. HAE-THU-SKA WA-A/V. 
 
 Double Beat. Drum. J* = 144. Song. = 72. 
 
94 
 
 No. 20. HAE-THU-SKA WA-A/V. 
 
 Martial , with feeling. 
 
 Song. _J' = GO. Drum heat. ^ == 120. 
 
 S 
 
 «_« 
 
 
 ^ • 
 
 
 £iE 
 
 -l-Cl 
 
 -m— 
 
 » . 
 
 T" 
 
 Ho -e ya ae ho oh wae ho 
 
 «. 
 
 r 
 
 « —i— 
 
 —• 
 
 2/a 
 
 ae /to o/i v:ae Ho 
 
 Drum. m. js- 
 
 3 3 
 
 Zj_;_ 1 
 
 = 8 : 
 
 *■ "*■ 
 
 Tff 
 
 
 = 1 = 
 
 Con Ped. 
 
 —---j-- J — 
 
 
 - » 
 
 A • t 
 
 fl. 47 
 
 1 
 
 « <p , 
 
 ya 
 
 
 ae ho oh wae Ho 
 
 0 : — 
 
 1 
 
 * i 
 
 
 L « - 
 
 i r T 
 
 e ?/a ae ho oh wae Ho 
 
 j=E= 
 
 3:3 
 
 
 
 » — * 
 
 
95 
 
 No. 21 
 
 Wit 
 
 i^5 
 
 With solemnity. 
 
 HAE-THU- C ' 
 
 A WA-AA/. 
 
 ft± 
 
 P 
 
 M± 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 
 Han - thin- gae ae - ah. - ma, Han - thin- gae ae - ah ■■ ma, Han- 
 Drum.pp 
 
 
 4- 
 
 4- 
 
 fM-M- 
 
 F=4=t 
 
 3=E 
 
 -P—^= 
 
 * - 
 
 
 
 —-*1— 
 
 =4 
 
 — 
 
 fc£==£== 
 
 Jt=aL 
 
 :=4*= 
 
 * _, 
 
 t • 0 
 
 
 5:: 
 
 *-• --< % :--1 - 9 
 
 J 0-' I I 1*-* 
 
 r - , . 
 
 thiw - gae ae - ah - ma, Wa - kaw-da thiw-gae ae - ah - ma, Haw- 
 
 Hfe 
 
 :S 
 
 
 »- 
 
 =4= 
 
 =1=4= 
 
 -T1- 
 
 5 
 
 
 fe4 
 
 q=d= 
 
 m m - — c — 0 0 
 
 fcr 
 
 =4=*==t 
 
 =*=E*t=afc=3 
 
 thiw - ga. 
 
 wae - i7io 
 
 hae 
 
 
 r 
 
 tlxo-e 
 
 Haw-thiw - gae 
 
 
 
 
 
 "ar ■*■ 
 
 IN I 
 
 
 as 
 
 
 
 4-4- 
 
 m~ 
 
 0 0 m 
 
 
 
 4==t 
 
 r— 
 
 jZ0. 
 
 :=?s=4= 
 
 0 : 0 : 
 
 *=!*: 
 
 t 
 
 ite 
 
 £: f• I * 
 
 1 ' I 1 
 
 ae - ah - ma, Haw - thiw- gae ae - ah - ma, Wa - kaw - da tliiw-gae 
 
 : _rq__ r pj ~5—r J=j- 
 
 ;=Fp=?=f=pd=3=pd=3”—pd=4=f=1=“=:rJ=^=p-J=J=q 
 
 I^E^Eg=^=feEEgfaEEEEp3==g3E4 
 
 1 i ^ Tf -a*- -a*- "^r 
 
 #§li 
 
 1 
 
 4^=4= 
 
 »—0 
 
 =F 
 
 
 ;=t= 
 
 ^-: 
 
 3^: ?•' 
 
 ae - ah - ma, Ha - thiw - ga. Wae tho hae . 
 
 Z3~ 
 
 $ 
 
 tho. 
 
 
 3F3F 
 
 « * 
 
 t=4=4= 
 
 X— - 0 - 
 
 =^=ra=i4^1 
 
 JL ~JL -" 
 
 ♦ 5 ^ 
 
96 
 
 THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 AFFINITY OF KARANKAWA WITH TONKAWE. 
 
 ewe, ewe-e ! come here! T. niwe come here! we ewan in that di¬ 
 rection. 
 
 haitnlokn great green turtle; T. o^oloko, o/olakau oyster, mussel, 
 shell; the second part loko recalls the Ivar. lokn, haitn meaning to 
 
 capture. 
 
 hie-e', hie-a! yes! T. hehe, yes. 
 
 kod, kiidn, kud bird; T. kola, ko-ola bird. 
 
 ^ankeye to run, hasten; T. liana, ^ana, redupl. yfiya to walk, to 
 be going; /ayen going. 
 
 tal, this, this one; T. tele, tel this, this one and adv. here. 
 tcha to see, to find; T. yatcho, yetchu to see, to find; ya-, ye- being 
 prefixes. 
 
 wal large, great, numerous; T. kwalo large. 
 wana to go, to leave; T. wanen it is going (said of a bullet) ; ta- 
 usho wana shooting star; sekieshte wanen seven-shooter; wan wa-al 
 just so, like this. 
 
 AFFINITY OF KARANKAWA WITH PAKAWA DIALECTS. 
 
 (Com.-—Comecrudo; Cot.—Cotoname; G.—Garcia), 
 aknamus to eat; Cot. yjxyhme, kahame to eat; akwanamie to mas¬ 
 ticate. 
 
 ba, ba/ wind or it bloivs; Com. pot wind, pepot bloiving. 
 e, e’h tooth; Com. i, iy ; he-ewu i tooth. 
 gai bow; Com. ^ai, kai wood, tree, yai and ya\ pataple boiv. 
 ka to love, to like; G. kawa, redupl. kakawa (spelt: cacagua). 
 kanin teat, female breast; Com. kenem, knem teat and female ani¬ 
 mal, kene chest (of man). 
 kiss dog; Cot. kissa fox. 
 kod, kodn, bird; Cot. komiom bird. 
 
 kom, kiim, kwo-om no! Com. kam; G. a^am, ya/am not. 
 kiimna to knots; Com. kam to know. 
 
 kwannakwan to groiv; Com. kwaskam to grow (plants) ; kwas 
 fruit. 
 
 navi, na-i, nai I; G. na- I. 
 
 peka ichite; Com. pok, piik (in pepok, pepuk, pe- being prefix) 
 white. 
 
 pi a good; Com. pele, p’le good. 
 
 sni'n, a particle occurring in an exclamatory phrase : aha'mmish 
 160 
 
THE KARANKAWA LANGUAGE. 
 
 97 
 
 sni'n, q. v.; Garcia has snon for sail inon ; yakal ajam snon ne 
 vayas tu, do not go, Manual, p. 30 ; yayuna sno (I order) that you 
 have to fast, ibid.; yamestia sno (I order) that you have to pray, 
 
 ibid. 
 
 tal this, this one; G. ta- in tap a, taporn the one (who is) here. 
 upat long ago; G. apa at that time. 
 
 There are several other Karankawa terms which seem to be re¬ 
 lated to words of the Pakawa dialects ; but the affinity not being 
 certain and perhaps illusory, I have gathered them after the others 
 into this appendix: 
 
 ba-ak house, lodge; Com. wamak house. 
 
 ahuk to kill; Cot. watyuka to kill, cf. wateyo he died. 
 
 glo-essn, glos’n boy; Cot. kuwosam little boy, little girl. 
 
 ira to sleep; Com. -em in nemet to sleep. 
 
 ma black; Cot. bai black, dark, night. 
 
 niktam boy ; if it means “ not yet adult,” it may be connected 
 with Cot. katana large, adult, grown up. 
 
 kahe, ka tobacco; Com. a’h tobacco; or it may be connected with 
 Com. yai wood, tree, plant. 
 
 From the above lists it appears that the probability of a linguis¬ 
 tic affinity existing between Karankawa and the Pakawa dialects 
 is rather strong and will probably increase with further researches 
 made in Garcia’s “ Manual ” of 1760 and in the surviving dialects 
 of Pakawa. 
 
 The proofs for an affinity between Tonkawe and Karankawa are 
 rather scarce, but would by themselves become strong in spit* of 
 their paucity, if relationship could be proved to exist between Ton¬ 
 kawe and Pakawa dialects by direct comparisons. In this direc¬ 
 tion I could find only what follows : 
 
 T. ay, a'y water, liquid; Com. Cot. ay water, liquid. 
 
 T. au, a-u deer, awash buffalo, meat, flesh; Com. ewe, eu-e deer, 
 and meat. 
 
 T. ashui belly; G. as’hipok belly. 
 
 T. kala, kal mouth; Com. yal mouth; cf. kam to eat, in T. yaya. 
 T. ya- in ya'slie, ya/si leaf, husk; sa-yai arrow; nenyashan wood; 
 Com. yai plant, wood, tree; cf. Kar. kahe (this page). 
 
 T. ekwan dog; Cot. kowa-u dog (see below). 
 
 T. -tsay in yetsay chest, breast; G. tzotz breast. 
 
 Derivatives of the verb kahawan, ka-awan to make, produce, seem 
 to link together all the languages just considered. I assumed that 
 p. m. papers, x. 11 161 
 
No. 24 
 
 HAE-THU-SKA WA-A/V 
 
 Light and spirited. 
 ^ = 208 . 
 
 DANCE SONG. 
 
 —A-*—5—*-+-»—o #—*-4-»—» - 0 —»—5—»—# # « # # < 
 
 xrtrtTQ ^ r^~r^T- t r_r-l_r 
 
 Ne-ka we - ta wa-gun - tha 
 Con Fed. 
 
 J - -S' f_f 
 
 te-bae -no, Ne-ka we-ta wa-gu?i-tka 
 
 fr.fr.fr 
 
 
 =ttr^= 
 
 1—I—t 
 
 Note. — Tlie Indians usually sing the second part of this song in the Key of G. But when I 
 played it in A flat for Mr. La Flesche. he declared it correct, although I had heard him sing it in G. 
 This shows that the interval aimed at, in going from the first to the second part, was an octave. 
 But D was easier to reach than the upper E flat, and the Indian ear does not make nice discrim¬ 
 inations.—J. C. F. 
 
99 
 
 W -rj—r—* * + z *-« S » s. £. 3 .^+++ s 1 
 
 gfea 
 
 kae - dae, Ne-ka we-ta wa-gim-tha te-bae-uo, Ne-ka we-ta 
 
 - ^ ~ 
 
 -m — m-r-t -!- m— » » — 0 -- 
 
 ±r 
 
 tt*-- 
 
 tdSizfcEizkztozEl 
 
 
 
 k % k-l..te =jg=^i 
 
 No. 25. 
 
 TOKALO WA-A/V. 
 
 Majestic. 
 
 J. = 60. 
 
 -£2.. 
 
 <T&-. 
 
 J I 
 
 <-<s>-* 
 
 if 3 -' <■&>■• 
 
 J J 
 
 | , 
 
 
 1^2 • . 
 
 f^-r- 
 
 .=* 1 
 
 fte-r 
 
 -fenfUr- 
 
 tr? .=2-- 
 
 -1- 
 
 
 
 
 il3 • 
 
 i-^2 • 
 
 
 
 4s : 
 
 //' 
 
 Hae 
 
 ha 
 
 hae 
 
 ha ah Hae 
 
 ha 
 
 hae 
 
 ha ah ha ah 
 
 
 r«s— 
 
 
 
 pc 
 
 4 ©-- 
 
 fcsa 
 
 
 
 
 isr- 
 
 Mill 
 
 4^- 
 
 <JS>- 
 
 l 
 
 
 Con Ped.\ 
 
 
100 
 
 No. 26. IA/-OU-TI/W. 
 
 GAME SONG. 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 • 9 —<@ 0 
 
 
 S 
 
 
 da - dare skha-hae. Ha 
 
 ' ^ • o ^ 
 
 ah all ho - e tha ah Ha - ah ah ho - e tha. 
 
 ^fe=S=t= U=^t * ■ t 
 
 — a *— 1» — m— H — I - j»— -»•- 
 
 * i 
 
 * * ! i t _ 1 S j r % %... = f | 
 
 -U 
 
 No. 27. I/V-OU-TI/V. 
 
 GAME SONG. 
 
101 
 
 s s s 
 
 
 r 
 
 :=te=q^S=l==S— 
 
 _* — Srfrfr- 
 
 1=3 
 
 =t=t 
 
 
 q ^ 5 
 
 m-- 
 
 
 : =1 =! I s „ FI 
 
 
 ■* .» — & 
 
 67 ® 
 
 
 • '—>-HI 
 
 No. 28. 
 
 I/V-OU-TI/V. 
 
 GAME SONG. 
 
 
 = 116 . 
 
 ta= 
 
 #- 3 t 
 
 
 
 
 *P--«—«- 
 
 
 -*-*--*- lj ®® 
 
 nr 
 
 LJ 
 
 
 i? ye? fta-e ha-etha-e ya ha - e ho-etha-e ya ha- e ho - e tha - e 
 
 Con Pod. ^ -M-.M.—n a— 4 * ~iq- 
 
 -+ 1 +*-*-<** - - 1 -}- 1 -: 
 
 
 P=P=* 
 
 
 
 «n 
 
 W 3 &' 
 
 ^E^EZfK^KZ^==tZ=tzt 
 
 i 
 
 
 7 —^ 
 
 ^=S3=B 
 
 - «—«—m — -a — -*- 
 
 -m- H*- -J- -9- -S- -jS-)#- -S-- S 
 
 n. 
 
 -a-*—(_i—nq 
 
 tr 
 
 _ t-T " " ~ ~ [_r C_r 
 
 ya ha- e ho -e tha. E ya ha-e ho - e tha- e ya ha- e ho -e tha- e 
 
 J^LTLJ^r 
 
 »=« 
 
 + & a 
 
 -J—H -- rn — m—*—r i 5--S S- 
 
 e^33=S 
 
 
 H= 
 
 3 =C 
 
 * ^ ^ ^ ^ /y' 
 
 «/a Tia - e ho -e tha-e ya ha - e ho - e tha - e ya ha- e ho- e ya. 
 
 I 
 
 «=t 
 
 
 -I—t 
 
 
 
 
 
 -«—■«- 4 »-«-«-» 
 
 "I-1 
 
 
102 
 
 No. 29 
 
 IA/-OU-TI/V. 
 
 GAME SONG. SUCCESS. 
 
 J &-\—rq - 
 
 =hd~ 
 
 
 —4 
 
 - 
 
 :=t= -^= 
 
 
 ^ 1 
 
 
 -S- -S-rX 
 
 
 
 —# L — -i 
 
 %. Z- S- n 
 
 m 
 
 dan ansna zhiw-ga, hae thae Ka-gae ha - ta - ah-dan ansna zhire-ga, hae thae. 
 
 - 0 - - 0 - 
 
 *- - f— -- *- 
 
 >—K 
 
 * — W- 
 
 
 »— * —F* 
 
 I 
 
 i—r 
 
 r 
 
 No. 30. CHILDREN’S SONG FOR “FOLLOW 
 
 MY LEADER.” 
 
 ±2: 
 
 $-8- 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 »-Mi 
 
 tF-TTF — W -1 W m "p~ 
 
 ~W- u 
 
 iE 
 
 S*- 
 
 Jt- 
 
 -j-j» 0 1 j ■ i " 1 f- i 
 
 1 
 
 t 1 
 
 t£= 
 
 
 ] 
 
 No. 31 . 
 
 HAE-KA-NE DANCE. 
 
 OTOE. 
 
Repeat ad lib. 
 
 
 
 : 
 
 4 -1 -! 
 
 , 
 
 
 £ 
 
 H d. d 
 
 1 0 
 
 * j 
 
 —r 
 
 - d" i 
 
 SLZ • • \J9 n □ 
 
 L 
 
 .. ^# 
 
 9 • 
 
 .#_ ... 1 
 
 .Aae ho ya nae Ha yo wa nae hae. 
 
 . >_ > t # ^ . 
 
 
 5 z » 
 
 
 
 
 S i C5 E II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 r r i-i 
 
 
 l 
 
 r 1 
 
 K k 
 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 
 Lj-l-—J 
 
 JhbmhJ 
 
 b 1 ^ t IJ 
 
 No. 32. WA-WA/V WA-AA/. 
 
 EN ROUTE. 
 
 Double beat. J = 63. __ 
 
 Ha-wa-thin ho-wa-nae 
 
 Con Ped.^_ £ - j u 
 
 zzv.-i-cs-tzr--1-5-I#-— 
 
 >.m -n i 
 
 r r r 
 
 Ha-wa-thm ho-wa-nae 
 
 ^ ^ i* ^ 
 
 r 4 —f ^ 
 
 Ha-wa-thm ho -wa-nae Ha- 
 
 ^ *—1" "4 
 
 
 4—4 * k * * 
 
 If t * *' T 
 
 -<9-“■ 
 
 1- 
 
 
 : -tJt L-tr 
 
 - tJ=—i 
 
 -0 - 
 
105 
 
 No. 35. 
 
 .= 3. 
 
 WA-WA/V WA-A/V. 
 
 SONG OF APPROACH. 
 
 fesa 
 
 
 ?2= 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 Thae-nan ho - clan 
 Trem. 
 
 s 
 
 
 Se 
 
 Con Ped. 
 
 J~ 
 
 thae-nan ho - clan thae-nan ho - thae-nan 
 
 =*= 
 
 — ,~-T~ T~r^ -£-*-r 
 
No. 36. 
 
 WA-WA/V WA-A/V 
 
 LAYING DOWN PIPES. 
 
 J. = 80 . 
 
 S F 4 - 4 -^- F f-f — 
 
 * a 
 
 i—r 
 
 -^=—h «* — 
 
 
 «—■«-=l—=)- 
 
 
 Fa Aae thae hae thu tha hae thu tha hae tha 
 Trem. 
 
 ya hae t',ae hae thu 
 
 ^^r2a^tzi) m.z 
 
 Con Fed.** 
 
 •* • * 
 
 «-— 1 » 0 P-m-0 
 
 Drum. 
 
 
 7-3^*- 
 
 
 
 
 
 g— 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 1 1 - 
 
 
 
 
 
 L - 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 J 
 
 
 LJ J 
 
 
 —i> 
 
 f. t* 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 || 
 
 tha hae tha hae thu tha heah o tha he thu tha he thu tha he tha 
 
 No. 37. WA-WA/V WA-A/V. 
 
107 
 
 No. 38. WA-WAN, WA-AN. 
 
 vf 
 
 
 -f—J J- «i 
 
 J,,1 J jz:i i i:i 
 
 ■fib —1— 
 
 
 * * ^ 
 
 ^ *z-: z .—. - 
 
 T~ 
 
 Heah 
 
 * + * m -g- 
 
 i i T 
 
 o tha ae o hae ha 
 
 - L r 
 
 Heah o 
 
 » # \4 4 4 " 
 
 1 M 
 
 tha ae 0 hae Hun - ga. 
 
 2 $ ^ s 
 
 —S— 
 
 pr~ £;- p— 
 
 -£- 
 
 32 :zz2-a| :i 
 
 
 J* ^ 
 
 —»-- 
 
 -U- 
 
 1 - J \ 
 
 
 ^ $ 
 
 5? 
 
 — j — S’-- \ . -cJ - 0 -— 1 
 
108 
 
 No. 39. WA-WA/V, WA-A/V. 
 
 = (53. 
 
 FINAL SONG WHEN RAISING THE PIPES. 
 
 )- 
 
 ' -— 
 
 9 ~r.— 
 
 - 
 
 3t^= 
 
 1 - \~ZZZ — I — 
 
 
 
 *-0 
 
 Time ah zone ho Thaeahwaethaeahicaeha_tha ae ha tha wae thawae ha 
 Con Ted.. 
 
 -2=2— r f=- 
 
 
 
 £ 2 = 
 
 
 « “ha -• | 5: 
 
 4-=4: 
 
 4* ^ 
 
 2d; 
 
 ** 
 
 :«{ 
 
 i=t 
 
 : a=ts = e=& 
 
 
 
 tyg jt 
 
 
 . . £/>.« ae.hatha icae thawae ha thatheah ae ha tlia wae thawae ha tha 
 
 r-.i—--- 
 
 Szg 
 
 
 : r 
 
109 
 
 
 
 =)=5£*, 
 
 -1- 
 
 —— 
 
 --*-|—S 
 
 
 t 
 
 W 4s- 
 
 I- fip 
 
 -S- '.22 
 
 1 
 
 
 ah - kae - dae heah - oo tha ah-wa - kae- dae heah-£/tae hae. 
 
 SVl J 
 
 ! 
 
 1 r -4 
 
 J 4- 4 
 
 1 1 I 
 
 
 
 EZvE * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 *11 
 
 * *1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ZJ 
 
 
 
 
 
 -- m 
 
 m m m m 
 
 . * fr? 
 
 - -4»u —l- —j- —4. ««L 
 
 5 
 
 % 
 
 : -g 
 
 . 
 
 * N. B. This and the other syncopations in this choral are struck by the Indians about a quarter 
 of a tone above pitch. Both Miss Fletcher and myself noted them down as grace-notes ; but they 
 never satisfied Mr. La Flesche. But when I played them as plain syncopations he at once expressed 
 the most emphatic approval, saying that now, at last, they were correct. J. C. F. 
 
no 
 
 No. 42. 
 
 WA-WA/V WA-A/V. 
 
 Flowingly, with feeling. AROUND THE LODGE. 
 Double Beat. ^ — 126. 
 
 J-- 
 
 2- fl -«|- 
 
 4z4—# 
 
 0 — m '■ —i- 
 
 00I 
 
 ' * * 
 
 
 ■anm 
 
 m3 ! 
 
 Kae - tha 
 
 yah 
 
 Hun - ga 
 
 I I I 
 
 Kae-tha Hun-ga een-tun -ee-nae 
 
 g:|Eg s * * * s * s s * 
 
 Con. Ped 
 
 ya ah Hub - ga Kae-tha Hnn-ga een-tun-ee-nae thae Hun - ga. 
 
 
 -0—0- 
 
 -«—•—a— 0 ' — 0 
 
 - 0 , : : .. 
 
 -Tn—Q 
 
 MM 
 
 Ipa 
 
Ill 
 
 $ 
 
 ___ HKAYfc-K hUK U LfcA K W 
 
 S: 
 
 
 t. 
 
 // I i i 
 
 Kae - tha wae tha Huw-ga 
 Double Drum Beat. 
 
 
 j —’•— 
 
 m 
 
 :gzzq=q= 
 
 m m * 
 
 I 
 
 Kae - tha wae tha Hun-ga Kae - tha 
 
 m 
 
 Con Ped. 
 
 4—t—fc—Ft—t- 
 
 M=p=F==i=t=t=: 
 
 P/d/7 
 
 # f t— F^-ft 
 
 :t=^=5=t==!*=!*=:=r=r: 
 
 
 
 
 
 P -N—|- 
 
 
 —1—-| “| 
 
 * 
 
 
 ..- 
 
 
 — 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 s =| 
 
 —-J- 
 
 * « w 
 
 » -J 
 
 L.-- 
 
 —1-1— 
 
 L-*-- 
 
 -4 s 
 
 L_j- 
 
 
 wae tha Hura-ga Kae 
 
 
 J 4 
 
 =t= 
 
 tha wae f/ia Huw-ga Kae 
 
 tt=F 
 
 t=d= 
 
 
 
 
 tha wae tlia 
 
 zz 
 
 I j»—j»- 
 
112 
 
 §=^3 
 
 =3= 
 
 -a*—, 
 
 —l—I- 
 
 P 
 
 
 0 * r 
 
 §e 
 
 
 Hum-era 
 
 in 
 
 i r ■ r 
 
 Kae - e - tha wae tha Hun-ga Kae-e-tha wae tha Ilun-ga. 
 
 ' ' ^n-r—r ^ - * 
 
 * 
 
 i— ,- r *-F--ri 
 
 No. 44. 
 
 With dignity. 
 
 WA-WA/V, WA-A/V. 
 
 PRAYER FOR CLEAR WEATHER. 
 
 Double Beat. = 126. 
 
 Sis 
 
 
 J=M- 
 
 
 :idts: 
 
 / 
 
 - m *■ - 
 
 i i * 
 
 
 Kae-tha Kae - tha Kae - tha ha 
 
 heah-o tha Kae-tha Kae- 
 
 ggrH^d 
 
 f t« it*^* ttrttf ?? * 
 
 '« •« iil gngn jg-— 
 
 t -r -r V 1 * t ■*■■*■ 
 
 tha Aa j/a nae ho Kae-tha ah Kae-tha o ha heah o tha 
 
 «=Pg* 
 
 3 4-4 3?3 
 
 1=d; 
 
 riT 
 
 PPPsP 
 
 IDah o tha ah Kae-tha Kae-tha o ha 
 
 *-» i —n rJ 5 
 
 --0—S 0 * | - L n l -_ L - _L _L nnLnnL: 
 
 1 —— 1-0— 0—0 —-t — I 
 q 0, n l 
 
 Ait A 
 
 !fc 
 
 ya-nae ho Kae-tha ah Ivae-tha o 7ia heaho tha Kae-tha ah Hun-ga. 
 
 -n^naj=rz^3=4=3^-J=3T=^q=J=d=^mQ-j3= 
 
 * * 
 
 ■0—0- 
 
 ■ Zl~t 
 
 
 -0- -m- -m- 
 
 0-0~0 0 
 
 m 
 
113 
 
 I 
 
 No. 45. WA-WA/V, WA-A N. 
 
115 
 
 No. 47. WA-WA/V, WA-A/V. 
 
 No. 48. WA-WA/V, WA-A/V. 
 
116 
 
 No. 49. 
 
 Dignified. 
 
 WA-WA/V, WA-A/V. 
 
 PAWNEE. 
 
 120 . 
 
 r : > 4 4 
 
 4- 
 
 ' 
 
 i-4 
 
 - 
 
 —s/’ A s/" A 
 
 # > # y 
 
 
 (fip . —^ 
 
 Srgzttrgczf: 
 Ccm. Ped. 
 
 + » i^ _ S I* 
 
 -#-—« T * 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 «e= 
 
 s ./a ^/a 
 
 No. 50. 
 
 WA-WA/V, WA-A/V. 
 
 PAWNEE. 
 
 *»» 
 
 3 
 
 :i — 
 
 ~ g" i _3 
 
 •mm 0 * • 
 
 1 
 
 
 I I 
 
 
 
 u u 
 
117 
 
 No. 51. WA-WA/V WA-AA/. 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO FINAL DANCE. 
 
 ipf#! 
 
 f= 
 
 Ttit 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 -f=- 
 
 Jtzjt 
 
 
 Ka - wae tha ka - wae tha ka - wae tha ka - wae tlia kae ah wae tha kae ah 
 Trem. 
 
 m 
 
 
 a- 
 
 Efc 
 
 -fS- 
 
 Az 
 
 s: 
 
 -S- 
 
 Ped._ 
 
 & 
 
 fcdS 
 
 .m ar-»—0 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 ./>* * 
 
 
 • m 
 
 m 
 
 
 5S 
 
 
 
 
 &ae tha ka-wae tha ka wae tha ka wae tha kae ah wae tha kae ah kae tha ka wae tha. 
 - &- ---rS“i- rf^~ - 
 
 w 
 
 S2- 
 
 SS 
 
 -A 
 
 rz- 
 
 
 ?=- 
 
 -S'— 
 
 ?2- 
 
 ts?: 
 
 - 
 
 5*** 
 
 
 &- 
 
 ftS 
 
 - 22 - 
 
 
 J 1 "* = 160. 
 
 S 
 
 ^PM 
 
 :&&± 
 
 * 
 
 -»•— 
 
 
 l + 0 
 
 i C’ 
 
 Ka-wae tha ka - wae tha wae 
 
 
 :* * 0 
 
 ritard. 
 
 r 
 
 mm 
 
 -■0—m 
 
 ka wae tha ka wae tha ka wae tha 
 
 
 J 
 
 
 Con Ped . 1 
 a tempo. 
 
 £= 
 
 S= 
 
 
 5K 
 
 23=^ 
 
 --^ # ^- 1 — -O—0-^-O - 
 
 t=Ht 
 
 
 
 
 wae &a wae iAa ka wae tha wae ka wae tha ka wae tha ka wae tha wae ka wae 
 
 : ;S? stl : » s!' 
 
 ={=§£ 
 
 
 :£± 
 
 
 S= 
 
 
 & 
 
 
 jai: 
 
 
 f 
 
 tha wae ka wae tha ka wae tha wae 
 
 ] ^ ^ = 192 . ^ ^ .— 
 
 =4 
 
 ee-the ka wae tha tha kae tha wae. 
 
 *•:*£ \* vS' -J ; C *11' 5i - 
 
 —^-*£;•—igs-jg- c r.r& 
 
 Drum-beat. 
 
118 
 
119 
 
 
 o fta kae tha hae 
 
 ho kae tha ho 
 
 -Jr^r^r^gr 
 
 kae tha o ha kae tha hae. 
 
 No. 52. 
 
 WA-AA/ WA-A/V. 
 
 GOING FOR THE HU-iVGA. 
 

 120 
 
 No. 53. WA-WA/V, WA-AA/. 
 
 wae-ah - nae Zhin-ga tlieu - we nae thae Hun - ga. 
 
121 
 
 No. 54. 
 
 J* = 184. 
 
 WA-WA/V, WA-AA/. 
 
 PAINTING THE HUAGA. 
 
 1 
 
 = 44 =£: 
 
 
 =t 
 
 L__I i_) 
 
 Ah - tha - ha thae - ah - thae, 
 
 tt m ■ • & 
 
 » — » — 9 - 
 
 :=q=^: 
 
 Ah - tha - ha thae - ah - thae. 
 
 Con Ped. 
 
 No. 56. WA-WA/V WA-AA/. 
 
 — 176. TAKING AWAY THE HUAGA. 
 
122 
 
 No. 57. FUNERAL SONG. 
 
ME-KASEE 
 
 123 
 
 No. 58. 
 
 100. 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 9 
 
 
 
 T 
 
 Taw ah ha yaw ah ha ah yaw ah ha ah yaw ah ha ae yaw 
 
 IPS: 
 
 ■ 4- 
 
 £ 
 
 i 
 
 
 :[z: 
 
 
 / i* K (m\* 
 
 - f- 
 
 
 r-=H--- 
 
 1 
 
 / 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i( 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 1 
 
 
 2 q *2 J J 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 i ‘ ~ i 
 
 " Z -*r ^ 
 
 ! 
 
 pa - thin h’te mum-b’thlw ah-thiw-hae hoo « 
 
 1 1 
 
 & - w«e ?/aw hae yaw. 
 
 (mV n ^ • m • 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 1 1 
 
 T) H f 
 
 J 
 
 i 
 
 
 i' 
 
 W' CJ r • 
 
 J • . m • 
 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 Q—3-r- P -^ -h 
 
 t : S 
 
 
 gU- “ 
 
124 
 
 No. 59. 
 
 MEKASEE. 
 
 
 3BES 
 
 Jleah 
 
 yaw 
 
 * 
 
 i 
 
 ha 
 
 
 ^ - 
 
 i - 1 
 
 
 
 Lj -*4 
 
 ah heah e 
 
 yaw 
 
 ha ah 
 
 gr-%3=f-=P- 
 
 —1~—• F— 
 
 
 Conped. 
 
 £ 
 
 = 1 = 
 
 i 
 
 y*'U 1 
 
 —i 7T- 
 
 - > 
 
 Jj 
 
 -P— 
 
 -f-1— 
 
 U> ^ 
 
 i*" 
 
 — 
 
 ~r~ 
 
 E3E 
 
 -0- 
 
 
 ;L* * 0—^1 
 
 | | 
 
 0 — 
 
 -0 - 
 
 1 
 
 - P— 
 
 \ 
 
 f 
 
 rr 
 
 i. 
 
 i 
 
 hae 
 
 i 
 
 tho 
 
 e 
 
 We-tun-gae - 
 
 dae 
 
 sae - sa - 
 
 sa 
 
 an - tliun- 
 
 - 0- — 
 
 — 0 ■— 
 
 - 0 - 
 
 — 0 — 
 
 -n#--^- 
 
 
 T»- 
 
 -1- 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 
 —»— 
 \= 
 
 —*■— 
 "p 
 
 — + 
 
 F 
 
 -f*- * - 
 
 & P 
 
 -i-1- 
 
 a a 
 
 -F- 
 
 * 
 
 - 0 - 
 
 -e== 
 
 •\rw\ 
 
125 
 
 No. 60. 
 
 MEKASEE. 
 
 
 
 Sowgr. J. = 104 . Drum-beat. ^ -= 208 . 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 r J _J* J > J _ r J_ J J J 
 
 
 * 
 
 : t : - 
 
 I: S =1 1 5 : S: 
 
 
 U 
 
 T - 
 
 r r t r . 
 
 
 Heah ha ah ha e ah ha e yaw heah ha ah ha ee yaio ee yaw 
 Double Drum-beat. 
 
 
 m. 
 
 *.i 
 
 t=t= 
 
 
 —1=—t= 
 
 Con Fed. 
 
 t 
 
 rpr- rr-M— 
 
 'nl 
 
 H N j- 
 
 
 
 J_ IS- 
 
 TT1 
 
 / ! i 
 
 
 0 0 W 0 
 
 •>——! i —j r- 
 
 _ 
 
 I p 
 
 J 1 
 
 ((TV m m m m 0 m ^ 
 
 
 
 « - ' * * 
 
 xAl w w 0 • & 
 
 0 • • 
 
 0 • . ^ W 
 
 ° i i i 
 
 ee yaw ha e yaw heah ha ah ha 
 
 “5” ? *E- -E- -e- -E- 
 
 r r f 
 
 ee yaw ee yaw ee yaw a/ 
 
 r: 4-': 
 
 i lia ee yaw 
 
 JTin 
 
 /iV4+ • M .. L. 1 
 
 zrzzrz r 
 
 v. ml . r~ . w « 
 
 Li ^ u u. - . rtr^ r:n ^ 
 
 \s ^ ^ r i i i 
 
 
 
 E p 
 
 i i 
 
 i i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 t 0 4 
 
 r -* - 
 
 rpt-j—f-. 
 
 4 =^ 
 
 1 IS 1 s 
 
 ; 
 
 > j — ^ 
 
 r-T" 
 
 p]—TT" 1- ! 
 
 y m »i 
 
 
 . j r* - - . r* 
 
 
 ~E E -* 0 
 
 
 i —i . 
 
 
 4 P 
 
 • j j j 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 & W ~ 
 
 z * • * • 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 I 
 
 ba - zhe 1 
 
 >a 
 
 L J*- 
 
 ^ r i r 
 
 hae - ge - mu» Heah ha ah ha ee 
 
 %■**■*%■* '■*■ *- *- ■*■ 4 
 
 yaw ee - gaw 
 
 *- 3 - * 
 
 .. 
 
 
 m “P EVE B 
 
 r~ 
 
 n 
 
 z s 
 
 Ezsitr e u nn n nr c rr trnr l- f— i 
 
 V' p: pl f 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 - 
 
 -U |— 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 -U 
 
 
 
126 
 
 'A J Jrn m 
 
 =F 
 
 J -J^-J-1 
 
 : F 
 
 m 
 
 0 
 
 Ah ha ah ha ee yaw ee yaw ee yaio ah ha ee yaw ha he yaw. 
 
 No. 61. NA-C’THE WA-A/V. 
 
 Martial _ 7 
 
127 
 
128 
 
 No. 62 
 
129 
 
 I 
 
 f' a * 
 
 . 0 . - —>. 
 
 -0-. -0- -0- -m- -0- 
 
 w 
 
 ♦ 5: ♦ 5: 
 
 E - bae - taw shaeah he - be- tae a 
 
 -4 r-J---I—, r-T3 —.J-4- 
 
 0-JL 
 
 
 
 ^ « 
 
 —I-— 
 
 -:3— 
 
 * 0 
 
 3=:^: 
 
 buz-zhe - tae 
 
 _C3 > 
 
 -■a-T—m- 
 
 
 T= t 
 
 =t 
 
 £ 
 
 
 -sr 
 
 ^ Z ^ Z ^ 
 
 Nu - daw-huw-ga tae - hae - tho 
 
 eM 1 ■ 1 1 
 
 
 :=): 
 
 =t 
 
 I 
 
 Nu - claw Iiuw - ga tae - hae - tho. 
 
 3= 
 
 tzt 
 
 3=5 
 
 zfc 
 
 No. 63a. 
 
 NA-G’THE WA-AA/. 
 
 (Another version by Mr. La Flesche.) 
 
 M-* 
 
 ztMl 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 & 4 &- 0 - - 0 - 0 - 0 — 
 
 -gj ~\ 7 r _ \- 1 ■' ' 
 
 -*—■ 0 —-&-T— 
 
 ^—=r n =i 
 
 : >-i H 
 
 t 
 
 Nr r—r r 
 
 —<e- 
 
 2 i 0 % 
 
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 .*] 
 
 C 
 
 t 
 
 LLi 
 
 @S= 
 
 E - bae - tan thiw - gae-tho 
 S-f-f -T r S- 
 
 E - bae - taw thiw-gae - tho 
 
 S7\ 
 
 44=F=I== 
 
 Cow Fed. 
 
 
330 
 
 No. 64. 
 
 WAE-TOA/-WA-A/V. 
 
 With feeling. 
 
 K 
 
 
 
 'G- 
 
 
 <&-•—- 
 
 
 -sfs—*- 
 
 
 
 «ETtS=S= 
 
 f~ 
 
 ■Hw e ZAa ae he thae Hu e tha ae ha ae he thae thae 
 
 E%&4: 
 
 .^'4:4. 
 
 -ts- 
 
 I? 
 
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 -1-r-1#--1- 
 
 
 
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 : F=3 9z 5 a^a fi a 
 
 f=f 
 
 - ». . ft - 
 
 r 
 
 
 Tie Zftae thae Nu - da - hun-ga ke wa-shu - shae sna yae ae 
 
 a n*. 
 
 :t=|z: 
 
 -s>—ts- 
 
 : t=h- 
 
 & -FF 1 —<r- 
 
 ■t-—————1- : 
 
 
 
 -»•—« 
 
 =|=F= 
 
 
 -*-»-1 
 
 
 —K-iV 
 
 
 
 de - he - ke wa -shu - shae 
 
 N - -r— 
 
 5 
 
 -br- 
 
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 (l*~)v*£ 
 
 
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 Hu e tha ae he thae Hu e 
 
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 r 
 
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 f=f 
 
 m 
 
 
 tha tha 
 
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 •c* - 77- 
 
131 
 
 No. 65. WAE-TO/V-WA-A/V. 
 
 
 Flowingly. 
 Otr tt 
 
 
 
 7 #Zr o ty < 
 
 
 
 H n 
 
 2 
 
 3I iLZ 
 
 LT • zJ 
 
 
 j j j n 
 
 I 
 
 zl /l 0 LC& w 
 
 ~d wl 
 
 i * » • | 
 
 
 
 
 0000 
 
 tr r 
 
 K 
 
 ~ 1 r r 
 
 a-gae tae - he ha - ee thun - zha ka-gae tae - he ha - ee 
 
 f" if- Sr 
 
 tt O f 
 
 n i 
 
 r r i i 
 
 iii 
 
 
 k 
 
 
 L - L 
 
 K-s it i t r 
 
 km I— 
 
 m r- 
 
 
 
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 -F- J 
 
 —fl-s-tt-— 
 
 N 
 
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 fP -1 H ' 
 
 r? —s—*- 
 
 l-1- 
 
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 L r i— F— 
 
 
 
 thura - zha Hae ish - ah - gae wa-gan-za - be - dan mi 
 
 
 
 1-1—“1 
 
 F 
 
 -1—— 
 
 
 
 -I 
 
 IF 
 
 
 g 
 
 -g— 
 
 
 hi 
 
 =t 
 
 —==H 
 
 «J 
 
 tae 
 
 tae 
 
 he 
 
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 -S- 
 
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 V -k-.. 
 
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 r— J 
 
 tha - thun - ga ta - dim shim - tha - the - shae. 
 
No. 66. WAE-TO/V-WA-A/V. 
 
 C* -it n I - QQ Tl'y’i / m N - 17ft 
 
 J v • 
 
 With feeling. 
 
 No. 67. WAE-TO/V-WA-A/V. 
 
133 
 
 No. 68. PONCA SONG. 
 
 J = 100. 
 
 U .v o 
 
 P-'P-r 
 
 f®-rf*' P r+ J ^ 
 
 H—h 
 
 rd—|- 
 
 rf'-T 
 
 
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 _ *Ll _ 
 
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 a p p p p 
 
 
 
 • -j 
 
 
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 -£2 J 
 
 E 
 
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 hae ah hae thae hae thae 
 
 5 ^ 
 
 r 
 
 aTi thae 
 
 *:■*■ f p 
 
 r 
 
 lae thae 
 
 a - — 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 m m 
 
 \rj , 
 
 r r r Pi £ 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 l* 
 
 p. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 r 1 I'" 1 1 1 i 
 
 
 
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 Con Fed. 
 
 
 9-f>—T5-4 
 
 tH- 
 
 —1 H- 
 
 pd^'i 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 1 J 
 
 J 
 
 rs i #i i ^ 
 
 d J 
 
 
 1 
 
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 7 P= P 
 
 
 <T2 
 
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 d d r 
 
 p i 
 
 
 e ya/i 
 
 '(Z> £2 ' fS> P P 
 
 1 1 1 
 hae ah hae tha hae hae ah hae thae hae 
 
 ■*■■»■ » » » p p p p_p p p 
 
 # 
 
 tlio-e 
 
 a m *> 
 
 SV k S 
 
 pp: r 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 4=4 
 
 U 
 
 HP-P— 
 
 u 
 
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 ■ P p 
 
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 HP-P—P- 
 

 1 h hae thaehae,ah hae thaehae Ah hae that hae,ah hae thaehae Ah he heaehahae 
 
 *- % -^- r *-1- *-4b 
 
 
 £ 
 
 Ped. I 
 
 i=: 
 
 4 
 
 r 
 
 WTfT 
 
135 
 
 No. 71. WAE WACHEE. 
 
 Double beat ^ = 152. 
 
 
 a „, 
 
 
 
 
 » — *r 
 
 t_r tr 
 
 9 * m ’m m " 
 
 y lj 
 
 u cr 1/ 
 
 Yae ha hae ya ae hae tha yae ha hae ya ae hae tlia ah ha ya ae hae tha 
 
136 
 
 No. 72. WAE-WA-CHEE. 
 
 Double drumbeat. J^ = 126. 
 
 
 S3= 
 
 He ya hae thae hae e ya hae he ya hae thae hae e ya hae 
 -0 - ft -^-l*-l*- ( --- - - - - 
 
 (7o» 
 
 Ai* ^ 
 
 t mzi 
 
 :4^=^==:pzip=»=»-»-E^— 
 
 5E 
 
 4 f " f ^ 
 
 he ya ha thae hae e ya 
 
 =t 
 
 ¥ ^ 
 
 ,_j-—-|-1—_ 
 
 V w -v sr 
 # -»r -Jr 
 
 
 g*. s : : 
 
 ( 3 > 0 0 0 
 
 t==^z*=^: 
 
 Ttae Aae «/i ftae £7iae /iae £/io-e Sha-a?i 
 
 * * *- 
 
 
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 =t=l=3= 
 
 it: 
 
 |fi 
 
 t * i *4*“*- • -• 
 
 _—_— » — m — 
 
 ■=t=ltF= 
 
 * 
 
 
 r i r f i 
 
 zhin-sra na ae - ge-zlian-dan ae - ge-ma tho aeah-taw tha-ha - gae-ah hae 
 
 : ^ 0 : | i-r— 
 
 t —S . 
 
 I i 
 
 « :<*! *! *. =t=l=l 
 
 =l=t=1=tt 
 
 i-1 1- P—ti *-—0 0 0 0 0 
 
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 ::: 
 
 
 --ad-^— 0 —I-1-“I--^.d —I-1-i^H 
 
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 ya hae thae hae e ya hae 
 
 —*1 — 0 - 000 
 
 hae 
 
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 =T 
 
 I 
 
 J-4- 
 
 0~& 
 
 ah liae thae hae tho. 
 
 0 0 
 
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 Note. Mr. LaFlesche prefers this song in the key of C, with the last four measures in F. 
 
 No.73. 
 
 Grave, Solemn. 
 TpV 
 
 OMAHA PRAYER. 
 
 =r- 
 
 
 !^=N3 
 
 =£ 
 
 S-f’S- 
 
 g= 
 
 -z=t 
 
 =t=t 
 
 I 
 
 TT TZr 
 
 Wa-kan-da tliac-thu wah-pa-thin ah-tun-hae. Wk-kan-da thae-thu -vvah-pa-thm ah-tun-hae. 
 
 fc 
 
 =F=F= 
 
 =-&!=l 
 
 —t 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 122-1- 
 
 S- 
 
 
 
 II 
 
HORSE MYSTERY SONG. 
 
 137 
 
 No. 74. 
 
 . J= 104. 
 
 Il 
 
 104 . 
 
 
 :4-frrHjg 
 
 
 —~U —jj £ 
 
 g I: 
 
 P=P=*=5RpC 
 
 Nun -gae sha -tha - ma Nun - gae sha - tha - ma Shon - gae we - ta pa - 
 
 H-fcr 
 ^-4-H— 
 
 I 
 
 t= 
 
 :t=: 
 
 1 
 
 
 i 1 
 
 
 .«♦ / j II 
 
 hun - ga thin ae-ah - ma Nu?i-gaesha - tha mae tho hae. 
 
 t: f: 
 
 £ 
 
 St 
 
 £=- V 
 
 rr\ 
 
 t 
 
 1 
 
 No. 75. 
 
 J = 69. 
 
 IN-G’THAN WA-A/V. 
 
 
 ■0-^—m — 0—. — 0 — 0 — m ^ 
 
 i-* 
 
 r 
 
 
 —rbr 
 
 E - ka - gae dae e - ah- ma E - ka - gae dae e - ah - ma Ah hae 
 
 -m- ■#■ -0- ■*- 
 
 -0 -1-H- 0 -1- 0 - 0 - 
 
 
 :t=: 
 
 r=r 
 
 Con Ped. \ 
 
 r~ f * 
 
 
 r ^ 
 
 ae ta-wan g’thun ma e - ah - ma Ah hae tho-e. 
 
 i=st 
 
 Wa - kan 
 
 
 
 T 
 
 
 *=&e=frc 
 
 f=t 
 
 :j*—Et 
 
 : r =t r 
 
IN-G’THA/V WA-A/V 
 
 138 
 
 No. 76. 
 
 - GO. 
 
 , & * r 
 
 
 3=e= 
 
 -P2-=- 
 
 <S— 
 
 =£21 
 
 -J—J—*- 
 
 --L-JP J p 
 
 E ha ya ae ha hae hae 
 
 T-! - 
 
 E ha ya ae ha hae ha hae ah 
 
 & 
 
 
 ilriiEE 
 
 * 
 
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 -s>—- 
 
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 i- 4 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 Con Fed. 
 
 n u 1 v , _ . 
 
 i v j -p n s 
 
 k. \ 
 
 
 ^ -00 
 
 zjs ; 
 
 |S -1^=^—1 
 
 ffrP m m J 
 
 
 
 
 - 9 ■»-- 9 
 
 0 _ & hrt • a! 
 
 ° r ‘ fp ^j* • j=2p ^ • 
 
 hae. ha hae ah hae ah ae ha loae tho hae tho-e 
 
 rD- & • . rzT* ^0 • 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 0, 7 22 • 
 
 ! 
 
 
 
 
 
 gp • f 
 
 -S- 2 - 
 
 — 
 
 *- : — 
 
 —2—j - 
 
 T —’ T 
 
 T^-" "■■■"- 
 
 
 No. 77. IN-G’THAN WA-AN. 
 
 J = 288 . 
 
 -A-k -IS -1 1 J J k—1 N , 
 
 ~ 1 - ,-]—r—| 
 
 
 
 
 Pi 1 r, * <r 
 
 -J—d-+ 
 
 
 =|— 
 
 
 
 
 
 £ i 1 ■ • ] £ • 
 
 
 
 
 4P .. • 
 
 0 • 1 
 
 »• #• i • • 
 
 
 
 o m . r • m . 
 
 1 1 1 
 
 Wa - kaw-da e - bae - tan tan - hae 
 
 m . 1 0 . 
 
 a • » • 0 • .0- • jg.. 
 
 r r 
 
 ga . . . Wa-kan-dae- bae-tarc 
 
 0 •. 0 • 0 • - 
 
 
 r ar • 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 h r -*■. 
 
 1 “ 
 
 I IT 
 
 
 | 
 
 L 
 
 lTq ~ 
 
 L . 
 
 0 • 
 
 
 
 
 -0~ - 
 
 P 17 M 
 
 » -r 
 
 F 1 
 
 F IF 
 
 
 
 
 Con Ped.l 
 
 —i 
 
 (i 
 
 —i 
 
 L 
 
139 
 
 ?:;fc 
 
 
 • m — m- . ■ L -j— L -#- 
 
 f- *• *= f 
 
 
 =t 
 
 «—•-«■ 
 
 
 ta?i - hae - ga . . . . Wa - kaw-da e - bae - tan tan - hae ga 
 
 1 \' —" 1 
 
 ^-1 
 
 
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 i—| 
 
 
 
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 4 • 
 
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 - 9 -. 
 
 
 
 ^ -f • - 
 
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 -»• • 
 
 €LJ! 
 
140 
 
 
 No. 78. 
 
 BUFFALO MYSTERY SONG. 
 
 3-#-—,-^ w —J- 1 —H—F^-r j-—I-i- 
 
 - sh -1- 0—0 - 0—' -— 0—0—0 - 
 
 -0—0 
 
 . -P5, 
 
 ‘Z--0--0 — a -—-J 
 
 Thae-thu - ta n thae - ah-thae,Thae-thu-ta/i thae-ah - thae Thae-thu-tau thae-ah-thae thae-ah 
 
 -I—t- 
 
 • 5—|—j p 
 
 Con Pcd 
 
 T=r? 
 
 =4=*L 
 
 ** 
 
 
 No. 79. MYSTERY SONG. 
 
 J = 100. 
 
141 
 
 #4 
 
 ** 
 
 r 
 
 Du-da 
 
 7 Jz 
 
 
 4 4 
 
 1 
 
 >— : 4- 
 
 
 maw-thin do /te i/to 
 
 i/b 
 
 /te tha ha 
 
 -M- 
 
 
 f 
 
 -f= 
 
 1 
 
 Si 
 
 
 1:1 
 
 
 
 -*- 
 
 f • _ „ 
 
 u* '— 
 
 Ho he tha he tha 
 
 ? ¥ 
 
 ifo he tha he 
 
 ¥ 
 
 i/io. 
 
 @S 
 
 *-*- 
 
 t= 
 
 I ? 
 
 r 4—4~n« 
 
 f== t ^=?= t a : 
 
 No. 80. 
 
 Slowly. 
 
 SONG OF THANKS. 
 
 SOLO. (No Accompaniment.) 
 
 
 
 -v- 
 
 Ha ae tha hae ah hae thae hae we tha hae ah hae thae hae ae cihe hae thae 
 
 li 
 
 
 m 
 
 hae tho 
 
 /?S 
 
 =^-^=4=3Ff 
 
 ■#■ T5* TT TT ■»" 
 
 a/t /tae hae thae thoe 
 
 
 
 (name of don - or given.) 
 
 :_= »*»«;.,, '* 
 
 tha-un-tha-thae win-thae-kae ah hae thae hae ae tho ah hae thae hae ae tho ah hae thae hae tho 
 
No. 8 1 
 
 MYTH SONGS FOR CHILDREN 
 
 
 = 76 . 
 
 HOW THE RABBIT LOST HIS TAIL. 
 
 ar-ti 
 
 
 :Fp: 
 
 1=1=15= 
 
 =£= 
 
 
 Ma-stin-gae shae - tha- thin- shae win - jae - ga - tha - thin - shae, 
 
 
 S =| -.. 
 
 
 r-1—rzz--- 
 
 Lb j j _i> 
 
 V* 
 
 1 m p 
 
 
 
 
 
 _ V S ^ 
 
 cJ J J 
 
 * 
 
 
 [Z ^ —0 -3—0 - 
 
 —P -P 
 
 - 0 - -0. 
 
 - •> m __ 0 
 
 -■# 
 
 
 win - jae - ga - tha - thin - shae oh hae ya hae ya 
 
 
 
 s s~' == ' >~ [| 
 
 m ■ p - *-0 —0 0 — m—0 - c 0 0 0 — 0 — 0 ~—'-I 
 
 hae 
 
 ya - hae ya wa - na-hae-tha-ba wa - na-hae-tha - ba. 
 
 No. 82. WA-OO WA-A/V. 
 
 J = ™._ 
 
 r-0-5 > 0 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 i"—" i 
 
 
 w%-*- 
 
 - * 1 
 
 i ~~ 5 % 
 
 s ; s=i 
 
 -St— 
 
 —1- 
 
 
 
 Vi' 4 
 
 
 f—^ 
 
 r 
 
 
 
 
 Nu - 
 
 dan tha-g’the - dan Ae 
 
 taeun tha-thae - 
 
 tliae 
 
 
 Nu - 
 
 . 
 
 2 3= 
 
 0 0 
 
 * • 
 
 t 
 
 fS 
 
 * 
 
 It -=i 
 
 
 =t-1= 
 
 
 r r 
 
 
 
 Con Pcd. 
 
143 
 
 51 1—i 
 
 n# ** 1 * * 
 
 r? _, _, 
 
 -£& u L 
 
 
 
 j- jn -■‘jzzj ^ 1 —*5 m "3 
 
 
 (T 2 9 
 
 »S 2 
 
 , m r*- 9 j w 1 1 n j -1 *i r: 
 
 
 
 { “ j* 
 
 
 r 
 
 
 
 
 ^ -g- 1 1 
 
 f L_ f=? 
 
 1 1 
 
 ha tha Nu-da?i snae-tae-de wa - kan-da wae - ka - tun - hae thae Wa- 
 
 I-—- I ^ ^ 
 
 ~g- 
 1— 
 
 "i^ 1 ’ (5? • « 
 
 asg-q ^ pi 1 
 
 
 4= -p* * 
 
 . U- -=t ■ 
 
 =*■- 
 
 If® .... £=-l=t=t= = 
 
 -- 
 
 -m £3-3?,! JF 
 
 r—r=-f"3-i- 
 
 ” n 
 
 > <-E—9 — —0 ^- 9—-w~ 
 
 % 4 —<s>-- 
 
 
 
 ? Z -[—:- L P2- 
 
 ^ 1 | 
 
 r " / 
 
 *-r-^ " ^ ■* 
 
 ^ 1 
 
 kan - da ae - haeah 
 
 tun-hae i/iae 
 
 ae-taeun-tha-thae-tha ?/a tha ya hi. 
 
 \ rD 
 
 jL- ^ 
 
 « * 
 
 
 
 J , K 
 
 fSEi-ZZ. [- 
 
 4^ -* 1 - 
 
 
 
 ^ . . 
 
 *i s I 
 
 ir - 
 
 -hS- 
 
 -H- 
 
 £- 
 
 
 
 4p - 
 
 ? 7 ^ 
 
 No. 83. 
 
 -4- 
 
 WA-OO WA 
 
 ■-&-- 
 
 -AN. 
 
 r 
 
 - 1 
 
 J = 60. 
 
 Ta-wun-g’thun thae-nun-yae - dae un-thun -ge - ah thun-kae thae 
 
 •ffi-jh-R- 
 
 j 11 
 
 j 
 
 ...... r 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 -/T * ! J 
 
 ^ j j 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 fTV 9 9 
 
 ♦ 9 
 
 
 j 1 j 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 IV *4 
 
 SIZ 9 • 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ° ! "-4 -p ' -5-JJ?: •*■• 
 
 Wa-kan-da hae-ge-mtm-tae He-thin-ga-yae ga - 
 
 -+ r ' .>• « . JV 1 
 
 -S- :1 -S-: -S- 
 
 ma he - ah - mae ft£. 
 
 N l~l 
 
 6*V+t I I 
 
 
 <9 #] 
 
 
 p • 
 
 rL. 
 
 a; 
 
 
 
 IK I 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 .. *; 4*- 
 
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 1 
 
 0 . 
 
 L. • 
 
 -I* | 
 
 ■1 
 
 
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 -- . 
 
 
 L . J 
 
 
 
 L J .. 
 
 
 
 J 1 1 
 
 r r p rrr ^^ • w 
 
145 
 
 —9--b — 
 
 
 4 
 
 H 1 * 3 
 
 
 
 
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 IW 
 
 1 
 
 m 
 
 1 i 
 
 
 -* * # 
 
 -*■- 
 
 - 0 -- 
 
 —i— 
 
 
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 L r 
 
 - r 
 
 
 r 
 
 t 
 
 t 
 
 —p- 
 
 x r 
 
 r r ~ 
 
 ga 
 
 ae 
 
 thum-bae 
 
 ah - ya - 
 
 nuz -zhira 
 
 daw 
 
 the-shna ou-we - 
 
 p-F>—p- 
 
 -+- 
 
 w 
 
 
 — 
 
 if 
 
 — 0 - 
 
 E 
 
 I £ 
 
 «-a- 
 
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 3 
 
 1 
 
 m jPj n^i 
 
 7 V - 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 h 
 
 \5T7 “P 3- i i 
 
 1 . S 
 
 1 
 
 
 r 
 
 r~ 
 
 
 ^ + 1 
 
 1 
 
 b’the-he - da 
 
 1 
 
 : :g: 3f ;e> 
 
 e tha hi ah ha Eera-u-daw mnz-zeah tuw-hae th< 
 
 __ 1 IN ! 1 n . _j 
 
 ie 
 
 fiaV k j H 
 
 
 
 
 --i y 
 
 
 n n 
 
 
 
 [Pb, v a a 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 yf 
 
 
 
 
 
 OfL H ^ 
 
 
 
 
 Si? *\ 
 
 0 
 
 k 2 
 
 2 2 
 
 .... s M 
 
 
 J 
 
 
 
 0 
 
 3B _ 2 
 
 •0b -0- -0b -0b -yj 
 
 h »r 
 
146 
 
 No. 86. BE THAE-WA-AA/. 
 
 LOVE SONG. 
 
 With expression. .J = 104. - --— 
 
 * I-q=gz=d—*--j==zrfrz=! - |r=i*z3^fe:±=zjz 
 
 tr 
 
 -S-S- 
 
 s: 
 
 He tha ho ha he ah hae ha hae he ah hae 
 
 ah hae ha 
 
 5 —t—^ 
 
 5=t= 
 
 S-S •-1- 
 
 {=*; 
 
 Con Fed. 
 
 i 
 
 -s- 
 
 J J 
 
 :?23zzp 
 
 >*£ 
 
 s- * -s- ^ • l» * -g- -X * — 
 
 Tio 7io Tie 
 
 — 
 
 hae 
 
 I 
 
 lie J/ia /ia </i« Ae 
 
 Aa 
 
 Aa tAa Aa 
 
 
 -£-3-* 
 
 # ; 
 
 EESe 
 
 I 
 
 z^nz^. 
 
 nm-^\4-sn 
 
147 
 
 No. 87. 
 
 BE-THAE WA-A/V. 
 
 LOVE SONG. 
 
 pN — Smooth and flowing. 
 
 -44 
 
 
 r/l^T5r 
 
 - P? 
 
 s 
 
 - 
 
 «-> i _ 
 
 [\- V * i— . 
 
 
 f-— a—J 
 
 r u*'-— 
 
 ills 
 
 "-i>- * ~S~ 5- 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 -PS- 
 
 
 Cow Perf. 
 
 --CS 
 
 
 £~r 
 
 
 » — » 
 
 -ft—£—p& 
 
 •SH 
 
 * q 5! 
 
 Hi ppUpf 
 
 -r 
 
 
 /Ts ^ 
 
 >i* 
 
 
 -^—H 
 
 %T2* J. 3^ 
 
 
 
 
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 EE3E5z 
 
 
 
 in 
 
 
 S3 
 
 . . 
 
 £ 
 
 
 --3- 
 
 *-■- 
 
BE-THAE WA-A/V 
 
 148 
 
 No. 88. 
 
 With feeling. 1 
 
 
 Ha hae ha ha has ha hae ha nae thae ha tha ae ha tho-e 
 , I . I 
 
 * ^ 
 
 
 -f= • 
 
 -1- 
 
 T- 
 
 - 
 
 
 1— 
 
 - 
 
 
 I s - 2 4 - 
 
 
 -L 
 
 tt 
 
 
 
 Con Peel. 
 J. = 69. 
 
 B — -«- 
 
 = 69. 
 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 f*7 
 
 -4-®-- 
 
 ■ 
 
 Um - ba 
 
 :f2± 
 
 
 
 ilii 
 
 
 ha ee - dan 
 
 j iV. 
 
 I 
 
 lioo - we - nae 
 
 : E£± 
 
 
 fHP= 
 
 =t==3==fc 
 
 +==J^£^ 
 
 o + 
 
 Y' 
 
 • • 
 
 
 
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 -i ^ • p 
 
 * 
 
 ho ae 
 
 lxo 
 
 wa 
 
 tho 
 
 hae 
 
 Mae ee - ha ha 
 
 hae 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 rp 
 
 P= 
 
 : - 69. 
 
 IS 
 
 1^=5= ll- te 
 
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152 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 If the question should be asked, why in my notation of the songs 
 here presented, I have not attempted to express certain peculiari¬ 
 ties of intonation observable in Indian singing, I would simply 
 say, that, during the earlier years of my studies, I was, with other 
 observers, inclined to believe in the theory of a musical scale, in 
 which the interval of a tone was divided into many parts; but, for 
 several years now past, having become more familiar with the In¬ 
 dian’s mode of thought and feeling concerning music, and as the re¬ 
 sult of careful investigation of hundreds of songs which I have 
 transcribed, I have been led to account for his peculiar intonations 
 in other ways than in the use of a minutely divided scale. 
 
 Upon page 111 have called attention to the Indian’s manage¬ 
 ment of his voice, to his lack of ear training due to the absence of 
 a standard pitch, and also to the influence upon his voice of out-of- 
 door singing. Professor Fillmore on page 69 has spoken more 
 fully upon this subject. I have also mentioned the Indian’s fond¬ 
 ness for the effect produced by vibrations of his voice. He uses 
 various kinds of tremolo in his attempts at expression. For in¬ 
 stance, a man, when accepting the gift of a horse, will render his 
 song of thanks as if he were singing it while riding the animal; 
 his notes will be broken and jarred in pitch, as if by the galloping 
 of the horse. Or, as in the Mekasee songs, the warrior will so 
 manage his voice as to convey the picture of the wolf trotting or 
 loping over the prairie. Then again, the expression of emotions 
 of mystery,.or dread, seems to require the notes to be broken. If, 
 when I was learning one of these songs, 1 held a quarter or half 
 note to a steady tone, I was corrected and told to “make it trem¬ 
 ble.” It has not always been easy for me to distinguish between 
 a tremolo used for expression, and a series of short notes; I have 
 many times been set right by the Indian when 1 have mistaken a 
 tremolo for thirty-second notes. In trying to express religious 
 fears, or stress of emotion, the Indian is apt to slur from the pitch ; 
 he seldom attacks a note clearly. 
 
 In noting these songs 1 have been careful to present them truth¬ 
 fully, and "they have been accepted by the Indian as correct. To 
 convey Indian mannerism would be impossible, and any attempt 
 to do so by a fanciful notatiou would end in caricature. These 
 mannerisms do not form an integral part of the Indian’s music, he 
 is unconscious of them. It is easy to be caught in the meshes of 
 these external peculiarities of a strange people, but if one would 
 hear Indian music and understand it, one must ignore as he does 
 his manner of singing. 
 
 Alice C. Fletcher. 
 
ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND ETHNOLOGICAL PAPERS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PEABODY MUSEUM 
 
 —Harvard University— 
 
 Vol. I, No. (> 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES 
 IN MAINE 
 
 15 V 
 
 CHARLES C., WILLOUGHBY 
 
 Chief Assistant in the Peabody Museum 
 
 With Four Plates and Fifty Illustrations in the Text 
 by the Author 
 
 CAMBRIDGE, MASS. 
 PEABODY MUSEUM OF AMERICAN 
 ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 
 1898 
 
Salem TPresa: 
 
 The Salem Press Co., Salem, Mass. 
 1S9S. 
 
flbis paper is publisbeb by tbe timely aib of 
 
 Clarence Bloomftelb flDoore 
 
 of tbe class of 1873 
 
 wbose many contributions to tbe peaboby flbuseum 
 bane eremplifieb bis benotion to Hmerican 
 Hrcbaeology anb wbose personal researcbes 
 bane materially aibeb its abnancement 
 
 jf. M. iPutnam 
 
EDITORIAL NOTE. 
 
 Several years ago, Dr. A. C. Hamlin of Bangor, Maine, kindly 
 gave to the Curator of the Museum information of an interesting 
 Indian burial place in Bucksport. In the summer of 1892, the 
 opportunity occurred of securing the assistance of Mr. Willoughby, 
 who is a Maine man and familiar with the region mentioned by 
 Dr. Hamlin, to carry on for the Museum the exploration of this 
 burial place and also of another at Orland. 
 
 The results of these explorations proved so interesting, and the 
 work was so admirably carried out in accordance with the Museum 
 methods, that it was decided to use the material from the Orland site 
 to illustrate the “ Methods of Archaeological Research by the Pea¬ 
 body Museum,” in the Harvard University Exhibit at the World’s 
 Columbian Exposition in Chicago in 1893. The collection of 
 specimens, as well as the photographs, sketches, field notes and a 
 plaster model of the burial place at Orland, all by Mr. Willoughby, 
 were exhibited in the Liberal Arts Buildiug. The exhibit attracted 
 favorable comment and was awarded a medal at the close of the 
 Exposition. The Bucksport exhibit was made in the Department 
 of Ethnology in the Anthropological Building. 
 
 In 1894, Mr. Willoughby explored other similar burial places in 
 Maine, and the following paper gives an account of the two sea¬ 
 sons’ work. The illustrations are from drawings and photographs 
 made by the author. 
 
 (387) 
 
4 
 
 EDITORIAL KOTK. 
 
 The specimens, together with several photographs of the graves, 
 and models showing portions of two of the sites, are arranged in 
 the Museum. 
 
 As the author has shown, these cemeteries are undoubtedly of 
 very considerable antiquity ; and it may be that they are of a peo¬ 
 ple distinct from the historical Algouquins. The absence of pottery 
 in and about the graves is a fact of ethuic importance, and one 
 that should be borne in mind whenever burial places on the coast 
 of Maine, and in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, are explored. 
 
 Mr. Willoughby offers a possible solution of the question. What 
 people made these ancient cemeteries? But it is essential that a 
 burial place in Newfoundland, the known country of the Beothuks, 
 should be explored in order to provide the means of comparison 
 with the burial customs of the prehistoric people on the coast of 
 Maine. 
 
 F. W. Putnam, 
 
 Curator of Peabody Museum. 
 
 Cambricb/e, T/h.-w., 
 
 June 22. 1898. 
 
 Model of the Burial Place at Orland, Me., when partially explored, showing graves. 
 
PREHISTORIC 
 
 BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 In the summers of 1892 and 1894 the writer had the good fortune 
 to examine, under the auspices of the Peabodv Museum, several 
 burial sites in Maine. These graves proved to be of great antiq¬ 
 uity and in several particulars unlike any heretofore described. 
 
 Two of these cemeteries had been dug over by collectors of 
 relics, who obtained many implements of stone. Two others had 
 been partially destroyed by the removal of gravel. The fifth was 
 fortunately discovered intact. 
 
 The first of these burial places was in a gravel bank upon the 
 western shore of a lake in the town of Damariscotta, Lincoln Co. 
 It was discovered by a farmer while digging a fox from his bur¬ 
 row. The excavation revealed a stone implement lying upon a 
 mass of red ochre. Further excavations showed the layer of 
 ochre to be quite extensive, while other layers occurred at irregu¬ 
 lar intervals. About seventy-five gouges, celts, knives and pen¬ 
 dants were found. These implements are now in the cabinet of 
 the Maine Historical Society at Portland. 
 
 The second burial place was upon the northern slope of a gravel 
 hill at the head of Frenchman’s Bay, near Mt. Desert Ferry, 
 Hancock Co. The gravel bank w r as partially removed preparatory 
 to the construction of a railroad. Stone implements of a similar 
 character to those already mentioned were found lying in red ochre. 
 Several of these implements have been presented to the Peabody 
 Museum by Mr. Alfred Johnson of Boston and Mr. H. L. Wood¬ 
 cock of Belfast, Maine. These localities were visited but no ad¬ 
 ditional graves were fouod. 
 
 The three other burial places referred to will be described in 
 detail. The evidence of their very considerable antiquity is con- 
 
 389 
 
6 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 elusive ; they are probably the oldest cemeteries known in the 
 New England states. 1 
 
 Fragments of an occipital bone, which had been preserved by 
 contact with beads of native copper, were found in one grave. 
 No implements or ochre were found in this grave, and it is prob¬ 
 able that it was of more recent date than the others. In some of 
 the other graves there was a small quantity of bone dust associated 
 with the implements and the ochre. 
 
 BURIAL PLACE AT ELLSWORTH. 
 
 This cemetery is in Hancock County, about one mile below the 
 village of Ellsworth, and is situated in a sand and gravel bank 
 terminating in a high bluff which at this point forms the eastern 
 bank of Union River. It was discovered while removing sand and 
 gravel. Each grave had a deposit of red ochre in which the im¬ 
 plements were found. The finding of these objects caused much 
 local excitement, and a large area was dug over by citizens and 
 many implements secured, including several long spear points made 
 of compact slate. Many of these implements were presented to 
 the Peabody Museum by Mr. G. fS. Cook and Dr. W. M. Haines of 
 Ellsworth and Mr. H. L. Woodcock of Belfast, who took them 
 from the graves. An examination of the bank immediately sur¬ 
 rounding the gravel pit revealed indications of undisturbed graves, 
 and preparations were made for its systematic exploration. Mr. 
 J. W. Coombs, the owner of the land, very kindly allowed excava¬ 
 tions to be made, and gave assistance in many ways. Mr. John R. 
 Swanton, a Harvard student, assisted in the exploration of this 
 burial place and several workmen were employed. 
 
 The ground to be explored was staked off into sections ten feet 
 square and each section was mapped to scale and numbered as 
 shown in the plan, Plate I. Excavations were begun at the edge 
 of the gravel pit in Sec. 8, the workmen throwing the earth behind 
 them as they advanced, keeping a perpendicular wall of gravel 
 in front. When a grave was encountered the objects within it 
 were not disturbed until the earth covering them was carefully re¬ 
 moved with trowel and small hand broom, photographs of the im- 
 
 1 In several other localities in Maine, implements have been found under circum¬ 
 stances which render it probable that they were deposited in graves of this type and 
 period. One man declared that he turned out ninety-nine implements within a 
 space of a few square rods by “ploughing three furrows deep.” 
 
 390 
 
Peabody Museum Papers. 
 
 Yol. X, iSTo. 6, PI. I. 
 
 PLAN OF PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACE. ELLSWORTH, MAINE. 
 
 Tiie shading within the graves indicates red ochre, upon or within which 
 
 THE IMPLEMENTS WERE FOUND. 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 7 
 
 plements taken, and measurements made and recorded. The exaot 
 location of each implement was ascertained by the use of two tape 
 lines. Using one side of the square section as a base line the 
 measurements were made from the two corner stakes. The depth 
 of the deposit below the surface was noted and the position of each 
 implement further ascertained by means of a pocket compass. 
 
 Although included in the area of the gravel pit only a portion 
 of the top soil had been removed from the 
 northern half of Sec. 8. A trench was dug 
 to a depth of over four feet near the southern 
 portion of this section and gradually worked 
 north. The wall of earth showed no traces 
 of having ever been disturbed until the 
 southern margin of G-rave A was reached. 
 
 Nine inches from the surface a bed of 
 white ashes, with a maximum thickness of 
 three inches, was found, together with a 
 few small fragments of charcoal (Fig. 1, 
 vertical cross section). 
 
 The earth immediately be¬ 
 low the ashes was of a dark 
 brown color and very com¬ 
 pact. Farther down the 
 grave! assumed rich brown 
 
 and yellow shades. Four feet from the surface a 
 mass of red ochre (indicated upon the plan by 
 dotted shading) was discovered at the bottom of 
 the grave. The outline of the grave could be 
 traced, and its form is shown in the cross section 
 through its centre. When the line of ochre ap¬ 
 peared in the wall of sand and gravel the super¬ 
 incumbent earth was removed with a trowel and 
 examined for human remains, but careful search 
 revealed no indications of decayed bone. No 
 implements were found with the ochre. Just 
 north of the centre of the grave the bed of ashes 
 became thicker, and a dark brown mass of earth with sharply de¬ 
 fined edges and of the peculiar outline shown in the cross section, 
 Fig. 2, was encountered. 
 
 In nearly all graves of this burial place dark earth masses shad- 
 
 391 
 
 o'-. e' 
 
 Fig. 2. Vertical 
 cross section D',E'. 
 through a portion ol 
 Grave A, Ellsworth, 
 Me. The dotted line 
 indicates the surface 
 of ground before for¬ 
 mation of gravel pit. 
 C. Ashes. D. Dis¬ 
 coloration caused by 
 lye from ashes. E. 
 Disturbed gravel 
 within grave. 
 
 Fig. 1. Vertical cross 
 section B',C', through 
 Grave A, Ellsworth, Me. 
 The dotted line indicates 
 the surface of ground be¬ 
 fore formation of gravel 
 pit. C. Ashes. D. Discolor¬ 
 ation caused by lye from 
 ashes. E. Disturbed gravel 
 within grave. F. Redochre. 
 G. Undisturbed gravel. 
 
8 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 
 ing into rich browns and yellows were noted just beneath the ash 
 beds. These masses varied greatly in form and size. This dis¬ 
 coloration of the gravel was probably produced by the percolation 
 of lye from the ashes. 
 
 Carrying the trench along the western side of Sec. 7, within the 
 gravel pit, a mass of red ochre was unearthed twenty-six inches 
 below the original surface, but only a few inches below the floor 
 of the gravel pit. This ochre marks a grave (B), but as the greater 
 portion of earth above the pigment had 
 been removed, its outline could not be 
 traced. A very small quantity of whitish 
 powder, which proved to be bone dust, 
 was found near the ochre. 
 
 Just east of this grave the edge of the 
 gravel pit rose abruptly to the grassy sur¬ 
 face of the field, and the wall of the 
 excavation showed the outline 
 
 Eig. 3. Vertical cross sec 0 f (^ I a ve C. A vertical cross 
 tion F', G', through Grave C, . . 
 
 Ellsworth, Me. a. Top soil, section through its centre is 
 C. Ashes. D. Discoloration shown in Fig. 3. A bed of 
 caused by lye from ashes. E. . .. , „ . . , , 
 
 Disturbed gravel within grave. wblte ashes waS foluld J lis t t>e- 
 F. Red ochre. G. Undisturbed low the top soil. A mass of 
 gravel. II. Chipped knife. , , , . , ,, 
 
 red ochre lay at the bottom 
 of the grave, which was thirty-eight inches below the 
 surface. Buried within this ochre was the chipped kuife 
 of t’elsite shown in Fig. 4. A greater part of the ochre 
 had been placed in the northern side of the grave, and 
 the mass measured thirty-two inches in length. Xo 
 trace of bones was found. 
 
 Just beyond Grave C, the wall of earth showed a thin Grave c, 
 line of ashes, nine and one-half inches below the surface, E j 1 b ”° 1 , tl1 ’ 
 extending over Grave D and continuing northward 
 several feet. A pocket of white ashes eighteen inches across and 
 eight inches deep, of the form shown in Fig. 5, joined the thin 
 layer over the centre of the grave. Below the ashes the disturbed 
 earth within the grave was of various tints of brown and yellow. 
 A mass of red ochre, forty inches from the surface, lay a little to 
 one side of the centre at the bottom of the grave, together with a 
 small quantity of yellowish earth mixed with bone dust, near which 
 was a small, dark mass of earth evidently colored by the decom- 
 
 392 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 9 
 
 position of a human body. No implements were found in this 
 grave. 
 
 Grave E, Sec. 6, forty inches in depth, was of the same general 
 character as those previously described. The layer of ashes above 
 extended beyond the limits of the grave and fragments of charcoal 
 lay upon the upper surface of the ashes. The dark mass of 
 cemented earth was of peculiar form and extended nearly to 
 the bottom of the grave. Two grooved stone pendants and a 
 decomposed firestone were surrounded by , t 
 
 a quantity of red ochre which occupied the 
 position shown in the vertical section. 
 
 Fig. 6. The relative position of these ob¬ 
 jects will be seen by referring to Plate I. 
 
 Only a cinder-like mass and yellow oxide 
 of iron in powder remained of the fire¬ 
 stone which was originally a nodule of 
 iron pyrites. 
 
 During the explorations of these ancient 
 
 
 Fig. 5. Vertical cross sec¬ 
 tion H', I', through Grave D, 
 burial places, Ellsworth, Me. A. Top soil, 
 several more or B - Charcoal. C. Ashes. I>. 
 
 Discoloration caused by lye 
 from ashes. E. Disturbed 
 gravel within grave. F. Red 
 ochre. G. Undisturbed gravel. 
 
 less decomposed 
 firestones were 
 found. They oc¬ 
 curred singly or in pairs. Occasionally 
 a nodule of pyrites had been placed in 
 the grave accompanied by a well-battered 
 „ „ T . , felsite hammers tone. Frequently a little 
 
 Fig. 6. vertical cross section A J 
 
 through Grave e, Elis- mass of yellow oxide of irou in powder 
 
 worth, Me. a. Top soil. B. was a p that remained of one of these 
 Charcoal. C. Ashes. D. Dis¬ 
 coloration caused by lye from ancient fire-making implements, cincl this 
 
 ashes. E. Disturbed gravel j s one 0 f the evidences of the age of the 
 
 burials. 
 
 The outline of the graves within the 
 northern half of the cemetery could not be determined with cer¬ 
 tainty owing to the coarseness of the gravel. No difficulty was 
 experienced, however, in obtaining accurate cross sections of the 
 great tire hole or communal grave. 
 
 A mass of red ochre was found east of the centre of Sec. 5, 
 forty-eight inches from the surface, which marked the bottom of 
 Grave P. Except in a few places the disturbed earth above could 
 
 within grave. F. Red ochre 
 G. Undisturbed gravel. H. 
 Pear-shaped pendant. 
 
 393 
 
10 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 not be distinguished from the surrounding gravel, and it was im¬ 
 possible to trace the outline of the grave. 
 
 North of Grave P were two circular depressions or “ tire holes,” 
 the largest being about eighteen feet in diameter with a central 
 depression of one foot. Excavations showed this to be a commu¬ 
 nal grave where several bodies had been buried. Each deposit of 
 ochre within the fire hole probably marked the resting place of a 
 body ; and for convenience each is considered a separate grave, 
 and is so designated upon the plan. 
 
 Ashes were encountered a few feet from the southern margin of 
 the great depression ; and as the work progressed all the character¬ 
 istics of the graves already described were found to be present 
 here upon a larger scale. 
 
 The deposit of ochre marking Grave F, Sec. 3, lay forty-one 
 inches beneath the surface, together with a dark discoloration of 
 the gravel and a small amount of whitish grains, which analysis 
 showed to be decayed bone. 
 
 A short distance to the east, surrounded by a layer of red ochre, 
 was an angular rock and near it, upon opposite sides, were two 
 pear-shaped pendants with their grooved ends pointing to the 
 southwest. A partially disintegrated firestone lay to the right 
 of the rock. Judging by the appearance of the surrounding earth 
 two or more bodies had been buried near this stone. A small 
 quantity of bone dust was obtained from Grave G, but all traces 
 of bone had disappeared from Grave I. 
 
 Grave II was three feet southeast of the centre of the fire hole. 
 A pendant and a rude implement of slaty stone lay upon the paint. 
 
 Vertical cross sections through this fire hole at L'-M' aud N'-O' 
 are shown in Figs. 7 and 8. Near the centre of the depression 
 and three feet from the surface was found a mass of dark brown 
 earth mixed with red ochre. This mass had a maximum diameter 
 of three feet; it varied from three to eight inches in thickness, 
 and was so hard that it was difficult to break even with a pick. 
 Although examined with the greatest care no trace of bone visible 
 to the eye was found. Chemical analysis, however, showed de¬ 
 cayed bone to be present. 
 
 Two masses of red ochre were discovered fifty-three inches from 
 the surface in the eastern half of Sec. 4 (Grave L). This grave 
 may have been dug previous to the excavation of the fire hole. 
 Its outline could not be traced, neither was it possible to determine 
 
 394 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 11 
 
 whether it contained one or two burials, although the indication 
 seemed to be that two bodies had been deposited there. Near the 
 ochre upon which the implements had been placed, a small quantity 
 of bone dust was found, and close to the accompanying deposit of 
 
 Fig. 7. Vertical cross section L',M', through Communal Grave or Fire Hole 1, Ells¬ 
 worth, Me. A. Top soil. B. Charcoal. C, C. Ashes. D. Discoloration caused by 
 lye from ashes. E. Disturbed gravel within Are hole. F. Red ochre. G. Undis¬ 
 turbed gravel. H. Small boulder. I. Firestone. J. Rude stone implement. 
 
 paint lay masses of dark earth probably discolored by the decom¬ 
 position of a human body. The ochre had been deposited in two 
 masses, the larger being about one-half inch in thickness and 
 eighteen inches in diameter. 
 
 Fig. 8. Vertical cross section N',0', through Communal Grave or Fire Hole 1, Ells¬ 
 worth, Me. A. Top soil. B. Charcoal. C. Ashes. D. Discoloration caused by lye 
 from ashes. E. Disturbed gravel within Are hole. F. Red ochre. G. Undisturbed 
 gravel. The dark mass, to the left of E, contained red ochre and bone dust. 
 
 Within this mass of paint were found a small rude scraper and 
 a flake, both of felsite, and upon it lay a partially disintegrated 
 firestone and the rudely engraved implement illustrated in Fig. 9. 
 
 395 
 
12 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 Fig. !). 1 implement l'rom Grave L, Ells¬ 
 worth, Me. Ornamented with a design 
 in incised lines, i. 
 
 This latter implement somewhat resembles the so-called “ulus” 
 or slate knives which are uot uncommon in New England. The 
 cutting edge had been broken away and the implement had not 
 been used for cutting purposes for some time previous to its de¬ 
 posit in the grave. The side opposite lo that shown in the draw¬ 
 ing bears evidence of its use as a 
 sharpening slone, and many of 
 the incised lines upon it have been 
 nearly obliterated. The design 
 upon the side illustrated is well 
 preserved, onty a few of the 
 lines having been ground away. 
 Near the northwestern edge of 
 fire hole No. 1 a large mass of deep red ochre was unearthed, 
 seventeen inches below the original surface, and upon it lay a well 
 finished pendant (Plate II). A small disintegrated firestone was 
 also discovered in the paint. No indications of human remains 
 were found, nor could the outline of the 
 
 ...- .o' 
 
 grave be traced. 
 
 Fire hole No. 2 had been dug to the 
 depth of twenty-eight inches. A cross 
 section showed a mixture of earth, ashes 
 and charcoal with occasionally small 
 quantities of red ochre. It seemed that 
 the earth had been disturbed quite re¬ 
 cently, probably by workmen prospecting 
 for gravel. 
 
 Grave O, twenty-four inches below the 
 original surface, contained red ochre and 
 the remains of a firestone. A discolored 
 mass of earth three inches in thickness 
 was found near the ochre, but there was 
 no indication of bone. This grave and 
 graves M and N were within the limits of a shallow gravel pit, 
 and several inches of the earth above them had been removed. 
 
 Grave N, Section 2, contained neither ochre nor implements. 
 As above noted this grave was within the limits of the small gravel 
 pit, and the earth above it had been removed to a depth of from 
 four to twelve inches. The original surface is indicated by the 
 39t> 
 
 Fig. 10. Vertical cross sec¬ 
 tion P’, (} . through Grave N, 
 Ellsworth,Me. A. Fragments 
 of occipital hone, and heads of 
 native copper. B. Fragments 
 of birch bark. C. Disturbed 
 gravel within grave. D. Un- 
 disturbed gravel. E. Surface 
 of ground before formation 
 of gravel pit. 
 
Showing red ochre and pear-shaped pendant. 
 
 Museum Papers. Vol. 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 13 
 
 dotted line E in Fig. 10. The upper remaining portion of the 
 grave contained ashes and a small quantity of charcoal mixed with 
 the gravel. The charcoal and ashes were thickest near the centre 
 of the grave. About nineteen inches from the surface and a little 
 to one side of the centre were the crumbling fragments of a hu¬ 
 man occipital bone, and twenty-two beads made by rolling strips 
 of native copper. A number of the beads lay in contact with the 
 
 6 a 
 
 Fig. 11. Native copper beads and fragments of occipital bone from Grave N, 
 Ellsworth, Me. « Fragments of occipital bone. b. Beads in contact with fragment 
 of bone. c. Bead with piece of buckskin cord protruding, in contact with fragment 
 of bone, d, e. Beads. /. Portion of buckskin cord upon which beads were strung, 
 showing knot. 1 
 
 bone. Typical forms of these beads with fragments of the buck¬ 
 skin thong upon which they were strung, and pieces of the occipi¬ 
 tal bone are illustrated in Fig. 11. The preservation of both 
 bone and thong is due to the presence of copper salts. All other 
 parts of the skull and skeleton had disappeared. On two or three 
 pieces of charcoal was a cinder-like substance which may have 
 been caused by the burning wood coming in contact with the body, 
 
 397 
 
14 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 but there was no evidence of cremation. On the contrary, in all 
 these burials care seemed to have been exercised to prevent the fire 
 over the graves from reaching the bodies. 
 
 About two feet below the original surface was a layer of birch 
 bark upon which the body had probably been placed. Fragments 
 of this bark, two inches or more in length, are perfectly preserved 
 and one or two pieces show contact with fire. It seems incredible 
 that this bark should have outlasted the skeleton. 1 A careful 
 search for the line of contact between the disturbed and undis¬ 
 turbed gravel failed to outline the grave. It was evident that the 
 body had been placed at length and not, as was probably the case 
 in the majority of burials in this cemetery, in a sitting posture. 
 The gravel was discolored for several inches below the layer of 
 
 . bark, but it was impossible 
 
 to tell whether the earth had 
 
 been disturbed or merely dis¬ 
 colored by the percolating lye 
 
 from the ashes. It is to be 
 
 regretted that the gravel had 
 
 II. Slate spearpolnt. J, J. Sand cemented in- a | so rem ovcd tile greater poi - 
 to a compact mass. 
 
 lion of the ash bed which was 
 
 probably present just below the top soil. This burial had few 
 features in common with the other graves in this cemetery, and 
 may be of a later date. Xo implements or traces of red ochre 
 were found. 
 
 The gravel immediately south of Grave X was coarse and con¬ 
 tained a large amount of iron which had cemented it into a oom- 
 pact mass not easily broken with a pick. 
 
 Still farther to the south the gravel became finer and was finally 
 replaced by sand in Sections 9 and 10. The exposed wall of sand 
 at the western edge of the gravel pit showed no signs of stratifi¬ 
 cation, neither were there any indications of its ever having been 
 disturbed even within the limits of Grave J. As the wall of sand 
 was gradually removed, a layer of red ochre was encountered 
 twenty-one inches from the surface (at the left in vertical cross 
 section. Fig. 12) and upon it lay the finely finished slate spear 
 
 1 Professor Putnam found a large piece of birch bark in an Indian’s grave in Win- 
 throp, Mass., which must have been over two hundred years old. 
 
 398 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 15 
 
 point illustrated in Fig. 13. About a foot farther to the north 
 (Fig. 12) lav another mass of ochre without implements. Still 
 farther to the north and on a higher level were found ashes and 
 bits of charcoal. The sand below the layers of ochre was some¬ 
 what discolored and portions of it were cemented into compact 
 masses, evidently by the lime from the skeleton. No 
 fragment of bone or particle of bone dust was found, nor 
 could the line of demarcation between the disturbed and 
 undisturbed sand be determined. South of Grave J an 
 undulating line of light red ochre extended north and 
 south for a distance of twelve feet, four inches, at an 
 average depth of two feet below the surface, the maximum 
 depth being thirty inches. The ochre varied in thickness 
 from one-half inch to three inches. Small quantities of 
 ashes aDd charcoal were encountered at an average depth 
 of eight inches from the surface. 
 
 The implements illustrated in Fig. 14 were taken from 
 various depths, each implement lying in a little mass of 
 ochre of a darker shade than that forming the continuous 
 line below. The relative position of the implements is 
 shown upon the plan. (Plate I, Section 10.) 
 
 The first implement discovered in Grave K was the 
 pendant illustrated in Fig. 14 / (the most easterly in the 
 plan). This lay in a mass of ochre twelve inches from 
 the surface. Two inches below this deposit was a disc¬ 
 shaped discoloration of the sand five inches in diameter 
 and three-quarters of an inch in thickness which was sep¬ 
 arated from the ochre above and below by a layer of pure 
 sand. The sand was discolored and cemented in several 
 
 rnj. id. 
 
 places below the implements. South of the main deposit Polished 
 of implements a single pendant (No. 20) lay twenty-four sla ^. s ^ t ear ‘ 
 inches beneath the surface in a mass of red ochre. As Grave j, 
 this relic may have been deposited in another grave, Ells ' vorth > 
 
 - t r ° Me. j 
 
 it is not included in the illustrations of objects from 
 Grave K. Thirty inches from the surface and near the centre of 
 the deposit lay the chipped knife, the pendant, and the sharpening 
 stone illustrated in Fig. 14, gr, e and i. The two celt-like blades 
 a and i were twenty-eight inches below the surface. Six inches 
 above and to the north of the smaller of these blades was found 
 the pendant (cl) with a much disintegrated surface. The other 
 
 309 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 16 
 
 implements are a small chisel, probably once fitted to a handle of 
 wood or antler (h) and a typical specimen of a felsite hammer- 
 stone (j) once forming a part of afire-making set. Its companion, 
 a lump of iron pyrites, had become entirely disintegrated, nothing 
 remaining of it save a few particles of yellow oxide of iron which 
 lay in the sand and adhered to the hamrnerstone. This hammer- 
 stone, like most of these implements obtained during the explora¬ 
 tions, is skilfully fashioned to fit the fingers, only one side being 
 used to strike the pyrites — the upper and right hand side as shown 
 
 Eh;. II. Implements from Grave K, Ellsworth, Me. a, b, c. Celt like blades. 
 
 (/, e,f. Pear-shaped pendants, g. Chipped knife, ft. Small chisel-like imple¬ 
 ment. i. Polishing stone, j. Felsite hamrnerstone, part of a fire-making set. 
 
 in the drawing. The lower portions of the celt-like blades ob¬ 
 tained from this grave are polished and the cutting edges are sharp 
 and in perfect condition, while the upper portions are rudely finished 
 and were probably inserted into sockets of wood or antler. 
 
 The material removed from the southern part of the large gravel 
 pit previous to my exploiations was principally sand. A number 
 of graves were encountered during the removal of the sand and 
 many implements were found. 
 
 The Peabody Museum is fortunate in receiving as a gift a large 
 portion of these implements. They consist of eighteen celts, a 
 400 
 
PREHISTORIC 15URIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 17 
 
 pear-shaped pendant, fourteen large chipped knives or spearpoints 
 of which Fig. 15 is a good example, and sixteen finely polished and 
 gracefully shaped lanceheads, typical forms of which are shown 
 in Fig. 10. The majority of these lanceheads are 
 of compact green slate, with cross section either 
 lenticular, lozenge-shaped or octagonal. No reliable 
 information could be obtained regarding their posi¬ 
 tions in the graves. It was said that they were 
 found about two feet from the surface lying in red 
 ochre. It is probable that their positions were not 
 dissimilar to that of the specimen taken from Grave 
 J. This lancehead had probably been fastened to a 
 shaft and placed with the body lengthwise in the 
 grave, the slate point evidently occupying a position 
 near the head. 
 
 Judging from the graves of which the outlines 
 could be traced, there were three kinds of burials in 
 this ancient cemetery. The first consisted of bowl¬ 
 shaped cavities dug to a depth of from thirty-eight 
 to fifty-three inches. Within the cavity the body 
 
 was placed, probably in a flexed position and accom¬ 
 panied by various worldly possessions of the de¬ 
 ceased. The grave was then filled with gravel and 
 a fire kindled over it. The second type of burial was similar to 
 this, the principal differences being in the size of the grave and 
 the number of bodies deposited therein. The third type differed 
 from the others in having the body placed at length in a shallow 
 grave. 
 
 BURIAL PLACE AT BUCKSPORT. 
 
 Bucksport is eighteen miles below Bangor upon the eastern bank 
 of the Penobscot river. The peninsula upon which the ancient 
 cemetery is situated is locally known as Indian Point, and lies 
 about a half mile above the village. The river widens just south of 
 this point and forms a broad, shallow bay, bordered by a pebbly 
 beach. Rising from this beach to a height of fifteen feet is a bluff. 
 A few feet from its edge lies a gravel knoll, the site of the burial 
 place. A greater part of this cemetery was free from the growth 
 of sapling pines which covered the rest of the ridge, 
 r. M. PAPEKS l 2<i 
 
 Fig. 15. Type 
 specimen of 
 chipped imple¬ 
 ments from 
 graves in large 
 gravel pit, Ells¬ 
 worth, Me. \ 
 
 401 
 
18 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 i 
 
 :j!| 
 
 il 
 
 lu 1891 Mr. George Blodgett bad occasion to remove gravel from 
 the southern slope of the ridge. After a number of cart loads had 
 been removed, one of the workmen noticed a well wrought 
 stone implement embedded in the gravel. Continued exca¬ 
 vations revealed other specimens lying in red ochre, and 
 by searching along the road where the gravel had been 
 placed for repairs several more were found. 
 
 North of the gravel pit a space about fifteen 
 feet by fifty feet was subsequently dug over 
 by residents of Bucksport in search of relics. 
 
 The number of implements found could not be 
 ascertained, but about forty were shown to 
 the author. 
 
 An examination of the 
 unwooded part of this 
 knoll adjoining the gravel 
 pit gave evidence of the 
 presence of other graves, 
 and preparations were ac¬ 
 cordingly made for a care¬ 
 ful investigation of the 
 undisturbed portion of the 
 cemetery. The ground 
 was staked off into sec¬ 
 tions twelve and one-half 
 feet square, and a plau 
 made. With the excep¬ 
 tion of F, all the sections 
 in the plan (Plate III) 
 contained burials. Other 
 sections explored, but 
 containing no burials, are 
 not shown upon the plan. 
 
 To the south of the area 
 included in the plan lay 
 the gravel pit and the 
 ground dug over by residents in search of relics. To the west an 
 outcrop of clay replaces the gravel. No burials were found in this 
 clay- A thick growth of sapling pines covered the knoll to the 
 402 
 
 Fig. lfi. Type specimens of polished slate 
 spearpoints from graves in large gravel pit, 
 Ellsworth, Me. i 
 
PLAN OB' PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACE, BUCIvSPORT, MAINE. 
 
 Peabody Museum Papers. Vol. 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 19 
 
 north and east. Not having permission to remove these trees this 
 part was not explored. 
 
 The gravel was comparatively coarse and very compact, render¬ 
 ing necessary the use of a pick. 
 
 SECTION A. 
 
 Sinking a trench along the southern edge of the undisturbed 
 gravel and working north, a line of ochre was disclosed twenty- 
 four inches from the surface at the southern edge of Section A. 
 The vertical bank of earth was examined with the utmost care to 
 
 Fig. 17. Implements from Grave A, Section A, Bucksport, Me. £ 
 
 ascertain the outline of the grave, but neither in this nor in any of 
 the other graves could the outline be determined. This was prob¬ 
 ably due in great measure to the coarseness of the gravel. The 
 graves were also so near to each other as to leave only a small 
 amount of undisturbed earth within the area of the cemetery. 
 
 Removing the earth from above the deposit of ochre the group 
 of implements, illustrated in Fig. 17, was brought to light. The 
 relative positions of the implements are shown in the plan, Plate 
 III, Section A, Grave A. The gouge at the left, in Fig. 17, shows 
 
 403 
 
20 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 considerable weathering and has a broken edge. This implement 
 was lying upon its side, the position in which it was probably de¬ 
 posited. Near the gouge were two large chipped knives of slate, 
 lying one upon the other witli their points towards the south. By 
 the side of these implements was a smaller knife of felsite, with 
 its point toward the north. A foot to the north of this group a 
 gouge (No. 5) was unearthed lying upon its side in a little mass of 
 ochre. About the same distance to the left, outside the ochre and 
 six inches below its level, was a small gouge (No. 1), having a nar¬ 
 row cutting edge which had evidently been ground several times. 
 Following the diminishing line of ochre, a rude celt eight inches in 
 length was unearthed lying in a horizontal position, and near its 
 upper end and standing upright was a short, well-made celt, with 
 a sharp, slightly curved cutting edge. (Grave K ) 
 
 Grave B, Section A, contained two deposits of ochre, the first 
 being eighteen inches below the surface and containing a short 
 thick celt with a slightly curved cutting edge, similar to the one 
 last described. 
 
 The second deposit lay at a depth of twenty-seven inches, and 
 consisted of a mass of ochre, a celt having a weathered surface, 
 a chipped knife, and a mass of yellow oxide of iron in powder 
 which was all that remained of the firestone of iron pyrites origi¬ 
 nally placed in the grave. 
 
 A short distance to the northeast was Grave E, twenty-eight 
 inches below the surface, containing the group of implements illus¬ 
 trated in Fig. 18. The finely formed and beautifully finished 
 gouge c«, which lay upon its side, retains its cutting edge in perfect 
 condition. The groove extends not quite half the length of the 
 tool, and is about one-quarter of an inch deep. This implement 
 is polished for about one-fourth of its length above the cutting 
 edge, and the remainder is finished by the process known as peck¬ 
 ing, being the best example of this style of work which I have 
 seen. This gouge, like many similar implements from these burial 
 places, is made of a compact metamorphic igneous rock. The 
 chisel-like too! of compact green slate illustrated in b, Fig. 18, is 
 about a half inch in thickness with a nearly straight cutting edge. 
 It has a perforation near the smaller end. By the side of this tool 
 lay three rudely chipped knives of felsite, c, d, and e, with their 
 points toward the south. They were probably once hafted in short 
 404 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 21 
 
 handles of wood or antler, and must have been very old when 
 placed in the grave, as their surfaces in several places show polish 
 by long use. The felsite of which these knives are made resembles 
 very closely the body rock of Mt. Ivineo, Moosehead Lake. While 
 the material may have been obtained from some erratic boulder 
 torn from the mother rock and deposited by glacial action, it is 
 more likely to have been brought by the Indians from Mt. Kineo, 
 since near the base of this mountain the author has discovered 
 several ancient Indian workshops where felsite was extensively 
 worked. 
 
 FlU. 18. Implements from Grave E, Section A, Buoksport, Me. a. Gouge. 
 b. Perforated celt-like implement, c, cl, e. Chipped knives, f. Firestone. I 
 
 The firestone, f. is one of the best preserved specimens ob¬ 
 tained from these graves. Although somewhat disintegrated the 
 surface exposed by a recent fracture shows unchanged crystals of 
 pyrites. Its specific gravity is greater than any of the other fire¬ 
 stones recovered, and it is the only example in which all or nearly 
 all of the pyrites has not undergone chemical change. 
 
 Grave C, thirty-three inches below the surface, contained an un¬ 
 usually large amount of red ochre of exceptionally brilliant color. 
 
 405 
 
22 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 Embedded in the paint were the implements illustrated in Fig. 19. 
 These consist of a well-wrought celt, an elongated pebble with 
 polished surface probably used as a paint pestle, and a fire-making 
 set composed of a felsite hammerstone (shown at the left in the 
 illustration), fashioned to fit the fingers of the right hand, with 
 the battered surface upon one side, and a lump of limonite the re¬ 
 sult of the decomposition of a nodule of pyrites placed in the 
 grave. A pear-shaped pendant without accompanying ochre lay 
 about two feet from this deposit at a depth of five inches. 
 
 Fm. 1!). Implements from Grave C, Section A, Bucksport, Me. An elongated 
 pebble, probably a paint pestle, a celt-like blade and a lire-makimg set. $ 
 
 Grave D, a short distance to the northwest, contained a small 
 mass of red ochre eighteen inches from the surface. Upon the 
 ochre had been placed two firestones. These implements were 
 badly decomposed, all that remained of one being a small quantity 
 of yellow powder (oxide of iron) while its companion had nearly 
 disappeared, only a small crust-like substance covered with iron 
 oxide remaining. 
 
 The implements illustrated in Fig. 20, together with the usual 
 deposit of red ochre, were found in Grave J, Section A. 
 
 The great majority of objects taken from the graves were evi¬ 
 dently found in nearly the same position in which they were de¬ 
 posited. In a few instances the implements had apparently been 
 displaced by the decay of the body and the settling of the earth. 
 This displacement was very apparent in Grave J. The objects 
 
 40G 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 23 
 
 were lying at different angles and at depths varying from six to 
 eighteen inches. The principal deposit of ochre was eighteen 
 inches below the surface. 
 
 A gouge with a shallow groove, its surface being unpolished, is 
 shown at, a, while b shows the back or convex side of a celt-like 
 blade of harder material than the preceding specimen. The edge 
 
 Fig. 20. Implements from Grave J, Section A, Bucksport, Me. The upper drawing 
 and a, are gouges, b, c. Celts, or celt-like blades, cl, e,f, g. Pendants. It, i. Polished 
 slate arrowpoints. j, 1c. Fragments of a small slate implement ornamented with 
 incised lines. 5 . 
 
 is slightly curved. The upper portion of the implement is rudely 
 fashioned and was probably inserted in a socket of wood or antler, 
 or lashed to a wooden handle after the manner of adze blades or 
 skin scrapers in use among the Eskimo. A side view of a thick 
 blade or celt with cutting edge slightly curved is given at c. The 
 implement is polished for a short distance above the edge, the re¬ 
 mainder of its surface showing rough pecking. The gouge at the 
 
 407 
 
24 
 
 PREHISTORIC liURIAL PEACES IN MAINE. 
 
 top of the illustration is of the ordinary form although the groove 
 is relatively shorter than in the majority of the specimens found. 
 The pendants d, e,/and g are of different sizes. Various degrees 
 of skill are shown in their manufacture, although 
 none are polished. The three largest were found 
 outside the layer of ochre, two at a depth of six 
 inches, and the third seventeen inches below the 
 surface. Two fragments of an object of dark 
 slate, j and A, are ornamented with longitudinal 
 incised lines. The remaining portion of this ob¬ 
 ject could not be found. The implements h and 
 i are probably arrowpoints. They are made of 
 light green slate and are polished. When found 
 they were lying side by side with their points toward the zenith. 
 
 Another deposit of ochre at a depth of eighteen inches (Grave 
 H ) was found a short distance to the 
 northeast. Lying upon the paint was 
 the small arrowpoint illustrated in Fig. 
 
 21, while near the ochre were a few ashes 
 which are indicated by the dotted circle 
 in the plan. A discoloration of the earth 
 was noticed near the ochre,probably occa¬ 
 sioned by the decomposition of the body. 
 
 Grave G, in the northeast corner of 
 Section A, contained two deposits of red ochre, one nearly over 
 the other, at depths of eighteen and twenty-two inches. A rude 
 knife, consisting of a single chip struck from a water-worn quartz¬ 
 ite stone, Fig. 22, was the only object 
 found in the lower deposit of ochre. 
 Upon the deposit of paint nearer the 
 surface lay two weathered celts with 
 slightly curved cutting edges, a pair of 
 firestones changed to limonite, and the 
 rude celt-like implement of natural or 
 slightly modified form shown in Fig. 23. 
 In Grave F, near the northwest corner 
 of Section A, at a depth of twenty-six inches were found the 
 well-preserved implements illustrated in Fig. 24. The larger 
 implement b is a celt of medium size wdth a perfectly preserved 
 408 
 
 Fig. 25. Celt-like implement 
 (a stone of natural or slightly 
 modified form), Grave G, See- 
 A, Bucksport, Me. J 
 
 Fig. 22. Rude knife (a chip 
 from a small quartzite boul¬ 
 der), Grave G, Section A, 
 Bucksport, Me. J 
 
 Fig. 21. Chipped 
 arrowpoint, Grave 
 H, Section A, Bucks¬ 
 port, Me. J 
 
PHEHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 25 
 
 and slightly curved cutting edge. A shallow groove runs nearly 
 the entire length of the side shown in the drawing. The surface 
 of the tool is polished for a short distance only upon either side 
 above the edge. The smaller celt or blade, a side view of which 
 is given in a, has a cutting edge but slightly curved. Both of 
 these specimens are made of a fine-grained metamorphic igneous 
 rock. The chipped knife c lay beneath the edge of the larger im¬ 
 plement in the position shown in the plan. The pendant d with a 
 countersunk depression in its lower side was also in contact with 
 the celt. 
 
 SECTION B. 
 
 But three small deposits of ochre were found in Section B. 
 They were about three feet 
 apart and were probably 
 placed in one grave (Grave 
 S), although it is possible 
 that each deposit marked 
 a separate grave. One of 
 the masses of ochre (No. 
 
 37), at a depth of twenty- 
 five inches, contained the 
 polished slate arrowhead il¬ 
 lustrated in Fig. 25. The 
 ochre a short distance to 
 the northeast, also at a 
 depth of twenty-five inches, 
 contained a small gouge 
 with battered edge. To the 
 left of this implement lay 
 a wedge-shaped celt with a 
 nearly straight cutting edge. 
 
 The upper portion was rudely made and tapered to a blunt point 
 which probably litted into a socket. This blade was accompanied 
 by a small quantity of ochre at a depth of sixteen inches. A short 
 distance to the north, twenty-four inches deep in the gravel, lav a 
 pear-shaped pendant unaccompanied with paint. A second pendant 
 (No. 20) was found north of the centre of Section B, lying beneath 
 the sod. 
 
 fig. 24. 
 
 A, Bncksport, Me. 
 Chipped knife, d. 
 
 Implements from Grave F, Section 
 a, b. Celt-like blades, c. 
 Pendant. 4 
 
 409 
 
26 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 SECTION C. 
 
 The only burials found in this section were in the northwest 
 corner. Each deposit may mark a separate grave. Owing to the 
 coarseness of the gravel and the length of time which had elapsed 
 since the graves were made, all traces of the line 
 of demarcation had disappeared and it was impos¬ 
 sible to determine their outlines. Consequently it 
 could not be ascertained whether the single imple¬ 
 ments in deposits Nos. 35, 36 and 66 belong to 
 Grave L or mark separate burials. 
 
 These deposits of ochre were thirty inches be¬ 
 neath the surface, 
 the usual form. 
 
 There was also a 
 very small quan¬ 
 tity of yellow 
 the remains of a 
 
 No. 35 contained a gouge of 
 uncommon form, nine inches in 
 length, with a slightly curved cut¬ 
 ting edge two and one-half inches 
 in width. The implement gradually 
 narrows to one and one-half inches 
 at the smaller end. The groove is 
 broad and shallow. 
 
 No. 36 contained a small flat 
 pebble, highly polished. 
 
 The implements shown in Fig. 
 
 26 were taken from Grave L. They 
 consist of a pendant, a celt and a fire-making set. The felsite 
 hammerstone is shown at the left. The nodule at the right is the 
 matrix which enclosed crystals of iron pyrites. The crystals have 
 disappeared, only a little oxide of iron in powder remaining in the 
 cavities. 
 
 No. 66 contained a pendant of 
 
 Fig. 26. Implements from Grave L, 
 Section C, Bucksport, Me. Pendant, 
 celt-like blade and fire-making set. J 
 
 Fig. 25. Polished 
 slate arrow- 
 point, Grave S, 
 No. 37, Section B, 
 Bucksport, Me. \ 
 
 oxide of iron, 
 firestone. 
 
 SECTION D. 
 
 A large gouge (No. 60), with a shallow groove and part of its 
 edge broken away, was fouud just below the turf unaccompanied 
 410 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 27 
 
 by ochre. This was probably left upon the surface, as its broken 
 edge would render it useless as an implement. 
 
 Grave N contained a small mass of ochre twelve inches from the 
 surface, and a pendant of the usual form lying at one side of the paint. 
 
 A mass of ochre and the remains of a fire-making set were taken 
 from Grave R at a depth of sixteen inches. 
 
 Grave Q contained the series of implements illustrated in Fig. 27. 
 A small deposit of ochre was encountered eighteen inches beneath 
 
 Fig. 27. Implements from Grave Q, Section D, Bucksport, Me. a, b , f, g. Gouges. 
 c, h. Celt-like blades, d, e. Pendants. 3 
 
 the surface together with a large and small gouge, a and b, the celt 
 c and the two pendants d and e. The position of these implements 
 is shown in the accompanying illustration, Fig. 28. Three large 
 stones had been placed in the grave with the body; these are also 
 shown in the drawing. After photographing this deposit and re¬ 
 moving the stones, three additional implements /, g and h were 
 found beneath the stones, and also a small quantity of yellow 
 oxide of iron, all that remained of a fire-making set. 
 
 411 
 
28 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACKS IN MAINE. 
 
 Some of these implements bear evidence of extreme age. Fig. 
 27 a is a gouge originally of beautiful form and finish. The sur¬ 
 face is much weathered, the cutting edge having wholly crumbled 
 away. That portion of the implement near the edge turns back¬ 
 ward, an unusual way of finishing this part of the tool. The small 
 gouge b is very much weathered, the whole surface of the imple¬ 
 ment being badly corroded, the cutting edge and the greater 
 portion of its lower end having become wholly disintegrated. The 
 well-preserved blade c, made from a compact stone, is evidently 
 formed for insertion in a socket. The implement is polished for a 
 space upon either side above the straight edge which is perfectly 
 preserved. Two well-modelled pendants, d and e, have unpolished 
 
 Fig. -is. Grave Q, Section D, Bucksport, Me. (From Photograph.) 
 
 surfaces. The implement 7i with a slightly curved edge had been 
 placed in contact with a firestone, the oxidation of which caused 
 the disintegration of that portion of the blade near the point of 
 contact. The gouge shown in f was lying in a small quantity of 
 ochre. The edge is in a good state of preservation and is unevenly 
 ground. This tool shows little weathering. The badly disintegrated 
 specimen r/ was lyiug near, but not in contact with, a mass of yellow 
 oxide of iron in powder, the remains of a firestone. This gouge 
 was broken in two pieces, probably by the weight of a large stone 
 found above it. It was probably broken soon after its burial. The 
 dotted lines indicate very nearly the original outline of the gouge, 
 412 
 
PREHISTORIC liOKIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 29 
 
 and although it was made of comparatively soft stone it exhibits a 
 remarkable amount of decomposition. This implement was buried 
 about two feet beneath the surface and the decomposition was 
 wholly subsequent to its burial as is proved by the contour of the 
 broken edges of the two pieces. The oxidation of the firestones 
 doubtless assisted in this destruction. 
 
 The six pendants, illustrated in Fig. 29, were lying in various 
 positions within a radius of three feet from the principal deposit 
 of implements in Grave Q. The depths at which they were found 
 varied from ten to eighteen inches. One of these pendants, e, was 
 accompanied by red ochre and a small quantity of yellow oxide of 
 iron (Grave O). The others were unaccompanied by pigment, and 
 they may form parts of the deposits within Graves O, Q and R. 
 
 Fig. 29 a and b were between Graves Q and R. The latter 
 
 Fig. 2). Pendants from near Grave Q, Section D, ilucksport, Me. J 
 
 implement (No. 47, plan) is also shown lying a short distance to 
 the left of the main deposit in Fig. 28. The pendant c (No. 45, 
 plan) is made from a broken celt or gouge, the flattened, polished 
 sides of the blade forming the sides of the pendant. The two 
 other specimens, cl (No. 57, plan) and/ (No. 50, plan), are rudely 
 fashioned. The natural surface of the stone from which the latter 
 was formed is shown near the base upon either side. 
 
 Grave R contained ochre at a depth of sixteen inches and a fel- 
 site hammerstone once forming part of a fire-making set. 
 
 SECTION E. 
 
 This section contained but two burials, Graves M and P. A 
 large, straight-edged blade, No. 61, was found just beneath the 
 sod. This was probably left upon the surface by the Indians. 
 
 413 
 
30 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 A large gouge with shallow groove and slightly curved edge lay 
 with ochre ten inches beneatli the surface in Grave P. 
 
 The deposit in Grave M consisted of the usual quantity of red 
 ochre, a small amount of buff powder, probably pigment, a highly 
 polished pebble, probably used as a paint pestle, and the remains 
 of two firestones, one of which had changed to limonite. Nothing 
 remained of the second nodule but a mass of yellow oxide of iron 
 in powder. 
 
 SECTION ]*'. 
 
 No implements were discovered in Sec. F. Two small deposits 
 of ochre occurred just under the sod, and a few ashes were also 
 found which are indicated by the dotted circle. 
 
 In a few instances dark discolorations of the gravel, the result 
 of decomposing human remains, were noticed in connection with 
 the graves in this cemetery. The discolorations were fewer and 
 of less extent than in the Ellsworth burial place. Ashes were 
 found only incidentally. There were no well-marked ash beds 
 over the graves, but ashes occurred in sufficient quantities to show 
 that fires were lighted over the graves as at Ellsworth. 
 
 I found no burials outside the area included in the plan, although 
 considerable ground was explored. Two or three implements 
 lying near the surface were discovered which had been discarded or 
 accidentally lost. 
 
 BURIAL PLACE AT ORLAND. 
 
 This ancient cemetery was located upon a symmetrical gravel 
 knoll of glacial formation, rising from the shore of a small inlet 
 or bay upon the western side of Lake Alamoosook, near its outlet. 
 The summit of the knoll is fifteen feet above the surrounding low 
 land. Its oval base has a maximum diameter of about one hun¬ 
 dred feet. The knoll and the surrounding land were covered with 
 a thick growth of wood, many of the trees being a foot or more 
 in diameter. Three depressions from twenty-seven to thirty-two 
 inches in depth and having diameters at the surface of from ten 
 to fourteen feet occupied the summit of the knoll. (See Plate IV, 
 Fire-holes 1, 2 and 3, and Figs. 45, 46, 47.) These depressions 
 were called “ Indian cellars ” by the people of the neighborhood. 
 A superficial examination of these depressions resulted in obtaining 
 414 
 
Peabody Museum Papers. 
 
 Vol. I, No. 6, PI. IV. 
 
 PLAN OF PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACE, ORLAND, MAINE. 
 
 The shading indicates red ochre, upon or within which most of the 
 
 IMPLEMENTS WERE FOUND. 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 31 
 
 d 
 
 ^auv^K.i^' Isgg 
 
 arf-Hnl^ifrtr-jiriaa 
 
 Fig. 30. Polished pebbles from 
 Grave L, Section A, Orland, Me. | 
 
 several pieces of charcoal and some ashes. Being convinced of 
 the Indian origin of these depressions, a narrow trench was cut 
 along the summit of the knoll and at a depth of fifteen inches were 
 found a mass of red ochre and two implements. (Plate IV, Grave 
 J, Section D.) 
 
 This land is owned by Mr. J. Foster Soper of Orland, who 
 not only granted permission to ex¬ 
 plore the burial place but assisted 
 in many ways. 
 
 All the trees upon the knoll were 
 removed with the exception of 
 three large oaks and a white birch. 
 
 The positions of these are shown 
 near the corners at the left on Plate 
 IV. The trees were removed in the following manner. Each tree 
 was cut off five or six feet from the ground and ropes and double 
 blocks fastened to the upper end of the stump and to a neighboring 
 tree. A pair of oxen was hitched to the end of the rope and the 
 stumps drawn out without disturbing the earth 
 to any great extent. The roots of the trees did 
 not penetrate deep enough to displace any of the 
 implements. After removing the stumps, the 
 ground was staked off in sections ten feet square, 
 and the explorations were conducted in the same 
 manner as at the burial places already described. 
 
 The whole area of the gravel knoll was ex¬ 
 plored, but the graves were found principally 
 upon its summit and western side. No traces 
 of bone were found in any of these graves, 
 neither could the outline of any grave be deter¬ 
 mined. Various natural causes, including the 
 percolation of water during many centuries, had completely oblit¬ 
 erated all traces of the line of junction between the disturbed and 
 undisturbed gravel. The outlines shown in the vertical sections of 
 the large fire holes could, however, be traced. 
 
 Fig. 3). Polished 
 slate point No. 3, Sec¬ 
 tion B, Burial Place, 
 Orland, Me. 1 
 
 SECTION A. 
 
 Two deposits of red ochre were found in this section, but I am 
 uncertain whether these indicate the presence of one or two graves. 
 The larger deposit of ochre, Grave L, contained the two polished 
 
 415 
 
32 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 pebbles of natural form illustrated in Fig. 30. They lay thirty 
 inches below the surface. A knife chipped from compact stone, 
 resembling felsite, lay twenty-four inches below the surface in the 
 smaller mass of pigment (No. 10). 
 
 SECTION B. 
 
 This section contained but one grave (K). Upon the ochre, 
 twenty inches from the surface, had been deposited two very rude 
 celts with slightly curved cutting edges, also a polishing stone or 
 paint pestle of natural form, and a fire-making set. Nothing re- 
 
 Em. 32. Implements from Grave C, Section C, Orland, Me. j 
 
 mained of the decomposed pyrites but a mass of yellow powder. 
 A polished point (Fig. 31) was found four inches below the surface, 
 just within the saucer-shaped depression of fire hole No. 1. It was 
 made of a light green compact slate similar to the material from 
 which the polished points from Ellsworth and Bucksport were 
 manufactured. 
 
 SECTION c. 
 
 Grave O, twenty-nine inches from the surface, was eucouuter< d 
 near the southwestern corner of this section. It contained the usual 
 red pigment and a medium-sized celt which had evidently been in¬ 
 serted in a handle. The edge was sharp and slightly curved. 
 
 -tic, 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 33 
 
 Grave C contained a large quantity of ochre at a depth of thirty- 
 six inches. Upon the pigment were the remains of two firestones 
 and the finely finished gouges illustrated in Fig. 32. The larger 
 gouge had been placed in contact with one of the firestones, the 
 oxidation of which caused the gouge to crumble at the point of 
 contact. The smaller gouge, four inches in length, is a fine ex¬ 
 ample of ancient stone working. 
 
 Two small masses of paint lay about two feet from these 
 implements in a position which formed with this deposit three 
 points of a triangle. These small deposits of ochre may have been 
 a part of Grave C, but it seems more probable that they marked 
 separate graves. One was twenty-four inches below the surface 
 
 Fig. 33. Grave D, Section C, Orland, Me. (From Photj^r.ipii.) 
 
 and did not contain any object. Its companion (No. 9), at a depth 
 of twenty-two inches, contained a partially disintegrated firestone. 
 
 Near the southeastern corner of the section red ochre was en¬ 
 countered at a depth of thirty-six inclres (Grave D). together with 
 a gouge ten inches in length which lay with its grooved side down¬ 
 ward. This was accompanied by a very small gouge two and 
 three-eighths incites in length with a cutting edge three-fourths of 
 an inch in width, two partially disintegrated firestones, a mass of 
 yellow oxide of iron in powder and three round water-worn pebbles, 
 one inch, one and one-half inches, and one and three-quarters inches 
 in diameter respectively, their forms unmodified by art (Fig. 33). 
 The pebbles were very symmetrical, being nearly globular, and their 
 p. m. papers 1 27 417 
 
34 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 surface showed no signs of use as implements. After photograph¬ 
 ing and removing the implements another crumbling firestone was 
 found which is not shown in the illustration. A part of the cut¬ 
 
 ting edge of the large gouge and a portion of its side was in a 
 crumbling condition owing to its contact with a lump of pyrites. 
 The small gouge was in perfect condition, its edge being appar¬ 
 ently as sharp as when placed in 
 the giave. This implement would 
 be of little value unless inserted in 
 a handle and it is probable that 
 it was hafted when deposited. 
 
 The unique stone implement illus¬ 
 trated in Fig. 34 was found just 
 below the sod (No. 76, Flan). It 
 was roughly fashioned and parts of 
 it, notably the V-shaped cavity and 
 edges, show marks of pecking. 
 The point is somewhat worn. This 
 object if properly hafted would 
 answer admirably for a digging im¬ 
 plement and may have been em¬ 
 ployed in digging the graves. 
 
 Two graves were found in this 
 section. Grave J, fifteen inches 
 below the surface, is the one already 
 alluded to as discovered while sink¬ 
 ing the preliminary trench. This 
 contained a medium-sized gouge 
 and a rude pendant of the typical 
 form embedded in red ochre. 
 Grave X, situated a few feet farther 
 north, contained a mass of red ochre ten inches below the surface. 
 At one side of the pigment and at the same level lay the fine ex¬ 
 ample of ancient stone art of which Fig. 35 is a drawing. 
 
 One or more firestones of pyrites bad been placed in the grave 
 in contact with the implement. These had become entirely disin¬ 
 tegrated, nothing remaining but a small quantity of yellow pow¬ 
 der adhering to the gouge. Within the limits of fire hole Xo. 2, a 
 
 Fig. 31. Implement, No. 76, from 
 just beneath sod, Section C, Burial 
 Place, Orland, Me. j 
 
 SECTION D. 
 
 418 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 35 
 
 pendant (No. 22) was unearthed thirty-six inches below the sur¬ 
 face. No ochre accompanied the implement. 
 
 SECTION E. 
 
 Indications of but one burial were found in this section. This 
 grave (M) contained only a mass of ochre twenty 
 inches from the surface. 
 
 section v. 
 
 Grave P contained only red ochre, at a depth of 
 twenty-one inches. 
 
 In Grave A a mass of red ochre was discovered 
 thirty-two inches beneath the surface. Upon the 
 paint lay the chipped knife of black flint illustrated 
 in Fig. 36. The angles formed by chipping are 
 worn and polished, probably by the long use of 
 this tool as a cutting implement. Its companion, a 
 small gouge, is also illustrated in Fig. 36. This 
 was found just outside the ochre. The cutting 
 edge is less than a half inch in width and is per¬ 
 fectly preserved. 
 
 The contents of Grave B, with the exception of 
 two pendants (Nos. 30 and 
 31), are shown in Fig. 37. Section D.Oriand, 
 This drawing was made from a Me ' 5 
 photograph and shows the exact positions in 
 which the implements were found. The two 
 pendants (Nos. 30 and 31, Plate IV) lay at 
 the same depth as the main deposit (27 inches) 
 and evidently belong to the same grave. They 
 were removed before the main deposit was 
 uncovered, hence they do not appear in Fig. 
 37. The implements shown in this illustration 
 consist of two gouges, two celts and a pendant 
 lying upon a small quantity of red ochre. 
 
 The implement lying nearest the wall of 
 earth is a well-formed gouge with its grooved side downward. 
 Near the centre of the deposit was another gouge with a narrow 
 cutting edge. A celt with a slightly curved cutting edge lay near 
 
 from Giave A, Section 
 F, Oi land, Me. J 
 
 Fig. 35. Gouge, 
 from Grave N, 
 
 419 
 
36 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 this gouge and to the right was another celt of similar form. The 
 pendant at the left is small and roughly made. 
 
 SECTION G. 
 
 Grave It, twenty inches in depth, contained ochre and a disin¬ 
 tegrated firestone. A short distance from this deposit were two 
 other masses of ochre, Nos. 39 and 40, one at a depth of twelve 
 inches, and the other twenty inches below the surface. Above the 
 former deposit of red ochre, but not in contact with it. was a celt 
 with battered surface and broken edge. The latter deposit of ochre 
 
 contained a pendant and a little oxide of iron, the remains of a 
 firestone. 
 
 A felsite hammerstoue once forming a part of a fire-making set, 
 a celt, and the disintegrated remains of a nodule of pyrites, were 
 found upon red ochre at a depth of twenty-nine inches in Grave U. 
 About three feet to the southeast of this grave lay a gouge with 
 shallow groove, a small mass of yellow oxide of iron and a deposit 
 of red ochre (No. 43). 
 
 Grave E. In the northwest corner of this section and outside 
 the limits of fire hole No. 3, at a depth of thirty-two inches, lay 
 the seven implements illustrated in Fig. 38, together with the usual 
 420 
 
 Fig 37. Grave B, Section F, Orland, Me. (From Photograph.) 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 37 
 
 quantity of red ochre. The gouge a, with a portion of its edge 
 broken away, lay farthest to the west with its grooved side down¬ 
 ward and its cutting edge outward. A similar but shorter gouge, 
 b , was the most easterly in the grave. This was also lying with 
 the grooved side downward and its cutting edge outward. The celts 
 c and d have nearly straight cutting edges. They were lying near 
 the middle of the grave with their upper ends near together and 
 their edges outward. The rude implement e, which somewlnit resem- 
 
 Fig. 88 . Implements from Grave E, Section G, Orland, Me. a, b. Gouges, c, d. 
 Celt-like blades, e. Pebble with battered edge. /. Pebble with polished surface 
 used as an implement, y. Chipped knife. 5 
 
 bles a primitive chopping knife, has a greater portion of its surface 
 polished, one edge being battered or rudely chipped. The object 
 represented at f is probably a polishing stone of natural form, about 
 seven-eighths of an inch in width with an average thickness of 
 three-eighths of an inch. These two implements lay farthest to the 
 south. The symmetrical knife g is of dark flint, and lay farthest 
 north with its point inward. 
 
 421 
 
38 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 Near the northeastern corner of Section G, at a depth of eigh¬ 
 teen inches was unearthed a mass of ochre (Grave Q). No imple¬ 
 ments were found in this grave. 
 
 SECTION H. 
 
 Near the centre of this section and fifteen inches below the sur¬ 
 face was a deposit of red ochre containing a pendant, a well-formed 
 gouge and a small mass of yellow oxide of iron, 
 the remains of a firestone (Grave F). A short 
 distance to the west and thirteen inches deep in the 
 gravel another deposit of ochre was encountered 
 (Grave S), containing a well-preserved celt with a 
 straight cutting edge. A pendant (No. 78) lay 
 near the surface of the grave in ashes. The ochre 
 in Grave T contained a crumbling fire-making set 
 thirty inches below the surface. 
 
 In the northeastern corner of this section was Grave H. The 
 ochre which marked this burial was seventeen inches below the 
 
 Fig. : j . 9. Chipped 
 A v rowpoi n t, 
 Grave H, Section 
 H, Orland.Me. j 
 
 Fig. 40. Grave G, Section H, Orland, Me. (From Photograph.) 
 
 surface and of unusual brilliancy. The arrowpoint, Fig. 39, lay 
 with its point near the centre of the mass of pigment. Two par¬ 
 tially disintegrated firestones occupied a position just south of the 
 arrowhead. 
 
 An interesting series of implements and the usual quantity of 
 red ochre were obtained from Grave G. Fig. 40 shows seven of 
 
 422 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 39 
 
 these implements, just as they were uncovered. Four of them 
 lay together, and are shown near the centre of the illustration. 
 The upper one at the left is a thin celt or celt-like blade with a 
 straight cutting edge. The upper portion of this implement was 
 undoubtedly inserted in a socket. To the right, just below the 
 edge of this tool, lay another celt with a slightly curved cutting 
 edge. Below the former implement was a gouge upon its side, in 
 contact with a crumbling firestone. A finely 
 formed celt lay a short distance to the right with 
 its cutting edge toward the main deposit. At the 
 left another and thicker celt occupied a corres¬ 
 ponding position. Its edge is slightly curved, the 
 concave side being downward. By the side of this 
 implement was the small arrowpoint of slate, illus¬ 
 trated in Fig. 41. 
 
 After removing these implements, further exca¬ 
 vations revealed the finely formed gouge and the pendant shown in 
 Figs. 42 and 43. These were a few inches below the main deposit. 
 The gouge lay with its grooved side downward. Its length is ten 
 and one-half inches. Its width at the cutting edge is one and one- 
 half inches, and it gradually tapers to seven-eighths of an inch at 
 
 Pig. 41. Arrow- 
 point of polished 
 slate, Grave G, 
 Section H, Or- 
 land, Me. J 
 
 Fig. 42. Gouge, Grave G, Section H, Orland, Me. J 
 
 the smaller end. Its greatest thickness is one and one-fourth inches. 
 The pendant has the appearance of having been fashioned from a 
 broken celt. The relative position of these implements is shown 
 in the plan. 
 
 SECTION i. 
 
 But two graves were found in this section. Grave V contained 
 red ochre, the remains of a firestone, a rude celt and a gouge made 
 from a long, thin pebble, the only modification in the shape of the 
 pebble being the grinding necessary to form the curved cutting 
 edge of the tool. 
 
 Grave W contained red ochre twenty inches from the surface, a 
 partially disintegrated firestone and a small mass of oxide of iron, 
 
 423 
 
40 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 probably the remains of a second firestone. A small celt, No. 75, 
 lay within the sod near the southeast corner of the section. 
 
 SECTION J. 
 
 The largest number of implements obtained from one deposit 
 in this cemetery were found in Grave I, at a depth of twenty-one 
 inches, lying in red ochre. These ten imple¬ 
 ments are shown in position in Fig. 44. A large 
 stone had evidently been placed with the body 
 in this grave. One of the tools, a rude celt or 
 celt-like blade, lay with its edge against the 
 stone. Two similar implements with slightly 
 curved edges and a gouge having a narrow edge 
 lay near together, a short distance from the stone, 
 each with its inner or concave side uppermost. 
 To the right, as shown in the illustration, a celt 
 with curved cutting edge lay upon its side. To the left, in a corre¬ 
 sponding position, was a similar implement with its edge near a 
 
 Fig. 43. Pendant, 
 Grave G, Section II, 
 Oriand, Me. $ 
 
 Fig. 44. Grave I, Section J, Oriand, Me. (From Photograph.) 
 
 pair of firestones which are changed to limonite. A small frag¬ 
 ment of matting, evidently woven of rushes, and a piece of what 
 appears to be birch bark are preserved by contact with the iron. 
 424 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 41 
 
 A pendant, with its grooved end lying against the side of another 
 celt, occupied an intermediate position, as shown in the illustration. 
 
 The outer limits of the three depressions along the summit of 
 the knoll, which first drew my attention to this burial place, are 
 
 e' F ' 
 
 Fig. 45. Vertical cross section E’, K', through Fire Hole 1, Orland, Me. A. Top 
 soil. B. Charcoal and ashes. C. Disturbed gravel within lire hole. D. Discolored 
 earth containing a little charcoal and red ochre. E. Undisturbed gravel. 
 
 shown by the circles in Plate IV. The depression of fire hole No. 1, 
 of which but a portion is shown upon the plan, measured thirteen 
 feet from edge to edge. Its depth was thirty two inches. A ver¬ 
 tical cross section E'-F', Fig. 45, shows it to have been originally 
 
 Fig. 46. Vertical cross section C', D', through Fire Hole 2, Orland, Me. A. Top soil. 
 B. Charcoal and ashes. C. Disturbed gravel. D. Discolored earth containing a little 
 charcoal and red ochre. E. Undisturbed gravel. 
 
 dug to a depth of fifty-eight inches. At the bottom of the hole as 
 originally dug, lay a thin mass of discolored earth, a few bits of 
 charcoal and a small quantity of red ochre. Charcoal and ashes 
 occurred below the surface near the centre of the depression. 
 
 Fire hole No. 2 measured ten feet from edge to edge. The 
 
 425 
 
42 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 depression was twenty-seven inches in depth, and the vertical cross 
 section C'-D', Fig. 46, shows it to have been originally dug to a 
 depth of sixty inches. A large mass of discolored earth, some 
 charcoal, and a small quantity of red ochre lay at a depth of five 
 feet. Charcoal and ashes were found below the surface near the 
 centre of the pit. 
 
 Fire hole No. 3 was fourteen feet in diameter, with a central de¬ 
 pression of twenty-eight inches. It had originalIv been dug to a 
 depth of fift} T -nine inches. A cross section, A'—IV, Fig. 47. 
 shows the same general conditions to be present as in Nos. 1 and 
 2. No ochre was found at the bottom of the original excavation. 
 There were several graves within the limits of this fire hole, as will 
 
 Fig. 47. Vertical cross section AB’, through Fire Hole 3, Orland, Me. A. Top soil 
 B. Charcoal and ashes. O. Discolored earth. E. Undisturbed gravel. 
 
 be seen by referring to the plan. These burials may have been 
 subsequent to the digging of the hole; but, as the line of junction 
 between the disturbed gravel within the fire hole and the undisturbed 
 earth without could only be traced in a few places, it could not be 
 ascertained whether the graves marked by the ochre and imple¬ 
 ments within the limits of the depression were a part of the great 
 fire hole, or of earlier or later date. Is it not probable that these 
 great depressions were communal graves similar to the one at Klls- 
 worth (see Fig. 8), and that all traces of the bodies placed therein 
 had disappeared? 
 
 Charcoal, ashes and discolored earth were found to a limited 
 extent in the gravel throughout this burial place. 
 
 426 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 43 
 
 THE IMPLEMENTS FROM THE GRAVES. 
 
 Iu the following table, the broad classification of the more com¬ 
 mon implements taken from the three burial places shows the 
 number of objects of the same type from each cemetery, and the 
 relative numbers of the various forms from a given locality. Only 
 the implements taken by the author from the graves are recorded. 
 
 
 H 
 
 ail > 
 
 3 
 
 H 
 
 . C 
 
 X 2h 
 
 5 
 
 D 
 
 a 
 
 £ 
 
 < 
 
 hJ 
 
 o 
 
 ◄ 
 
 H 
 
 0 
 
 H 
 
 r Chipped. . 
 
 
 l 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 Polished. 
 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Chipped Knives. 
 
 2 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 13 
 
 Ceit-like Blades, with straight, or nearly straight, cutting edges, the 
 
 
 
 
 
 smaller ends apparently fashioned for insertion in sockets of 
 
 
 
 
 
 wood or antler. Type, Fig. 48. 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 11 
 
 21 
 
 Celts, or Celt-like Blades of symmetrical form with curved cutting 
 
 
 
 
 
 edges, probably once lashed to handles and not inserted in sock- 
 
 
 
 
 
 ets. Tvpe, Fig. 49. 
 
 
 12 
 
 11 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ci ooved Gouges of the same general outline as the celts with curved 
 
 
 
 
 
 edges, and probably attached to hafts in a similar manner. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Type, Fig. 50. 
 
 
 12 
 
 17 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 21 
 
 10 
 
 41 
 
 
 
 
 Firestones, originally nodules of iron pyrites. These are in vari- 
 
 
 
 
 
 ous stages of decomposition. 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 14 
 
 25 
 
 Hammerstones, which accompanied nodules of iron pyrites. 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 Pebbles of natural, or but slightly modified forms, used as polishing 
 
 
 
 
 
 stones, paint pestles and for other purposes. 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 Totals. 
 
 2-> 
 
 78 
 
 78 
 
 178 
 
 The great majority of these objects were evidently for use in 
 the ordinary domestic affairs of every-day life. The comparative 
 rarity of weapons or parts of weapons is noticeable. Only the 
 arrow points and polished spearpoints can with any degree of cer¬ 
 tainty be so classed. 
 
 427 
 
44 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 ARROWPOINTS. 
 
 The majority of the arrowpoints are of polished slate. These 
 are illustrated in Figs. 20 h, i, 25 and 41. The two chipped spec¬ 
 imens are shown in Figs. 21 and 39. 
 
 SPEARPOINTS. 
 
 The only specimen found in situ which can without doubt be 
 classed as a spearpoint is shown in Fig. 13. Its position in the 
 grave was such as to indicate its attachment to a long wooden 
 shaft (see Fig. 12). Fig. 31 seems large for an arrowpoint and 
 in the table is classed as a spearpoint. 
 
 The spearpoints illustrated in Fig. 16 were taken from graves 
 previous to the explorations conducted by the author. 
 
 CHIPPED KNIVES. 
 
 / 
 
 Several of the knives of the type illustrated in Figs. 4, 14 g, 
 17, 18 c, d, e , 24 c, 36 and 38 r/, are worn and polished by long 
 use. The majority are chipped from felsite. A few are of flint 
 or slate. l'he position in which some of the specimens were found 
 renders their employment as projectile points improbable, while their 
 worn surfaces indicate their use as cutting and scraping imple¬ 
 ments. The not uncommon occurrence of chipped knives of this 
 form, hafted in short wooden handles, from the cliff dwellings of 
 the southwest and from burial places in various parts of America, 
 indicates an almost universal use of knives of this type by the 
 prehistoric peoples of this continent. It, is not inferred that similar 
 objects were not also used as projectile points, for it is wellknowu 
 that spears with chipped stone heads have been in use among 
 primitive tribes within historic times. 
 
 CELT-LIKE BLADES WITH CUTTING EDGES STRAIGHT OR NEARLY SO. 
 
 These implements, which are from three inches to nine and one- 
 half inches in length, have straight or slightly curved cutting edges. 
 The upper portion of the tool usually tapers to a blunt point and 
 is frequently rudely finished. They were doubtless inserted in 
 sockets of wood or antler or lashed to handles after the manner 
 of the adze blades and ‘‘skin scrapers” in common use among 
 
 428 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 45 
 
 the Eskimo and other primitive peoples, and to which they bear a 
 close resemblance. Type specimen Fig. 48. Other examples are 
 illustrated in Figs. 14 a, 5, c; 20 b ; 27 c. 
 
 Although of the same general form, I have not included in this 
 type the perforated implement shown in Fig. 18 b. Unlike the 
 majority of blades this tool is polished over its entire surface. 
 The perforation is evidently for the purpose of attaching a cord, 
 and the implement may have been used without a haft. 
 
 c 
 
 Fig. 48. Celt-like blade. 
 Type specimen, a. Front 
 view. 6. Side view. c. End 
 view showing straight cut¬ 
 ting edge, i 
 
 o 
 
 Fig. 49, Celt, Type specimen- 
 a. Front view. b. Side view. c. 
 End view showing curved cutting- 
 edge. i 
 
 CELTS OR CELT-LIKE BLADES WITH CUTTING EDGES CURVED. 
 
 These implements are of symmetrical form with well finished 
 surfaces and curved cutting edges. They are of the same general 
 form as the gouges, the principal difference being the absence of 
 the groove. They vary in length from four inches to eight inches 
 and were probably lashed to hafts and not inserted in sockets. 
 Type specimen Fig. 49. Numerous other examples of this form 
 
 42!) 
 
4 (> 
 
 PREHISTORIC HUHIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 together with the following types are represented in the foregoing 
 drawings. 
 
 GROOVED GOUGES. 
 
 The so-called gouges vary from two and three-eighths inches to 
 ten inches in length, with cutting edges from one-half inch to two 
 and one-half inches in width. They are of symmetrical form and 
 are carefully finished. A few of the speci¬ 
 mens are polished over a greater portion 
 of their surface, but the majority are pol¬ 
 ished only for a short distance above the 
 edge upon either side. Type specimen 
 Fig. 50. While it is possible that these 
 implements were used without hafts, it 
 seems more probable that they were lashed 
 to handles and used after the manner of 
 adzes and skin scrapers. The smaller 
 specimens, one of which is represented at 
 the right in Fig. 32, would be of little use 
 without a handle. Gouges and celts are 
 frequently found in New England, having 
 either ridges or a groove upon the back or 
 convex side evidently for the purpose of 
 holding the lashings in place. 
 
 PEAR-SHAPED PENDANTS. 
 
 Many of these puzzling objects were 
 taken from the graves. In several in¬ 
 stances a pendant was, with the exception 
 of the red ochre, the only imperishable 
 object deposited with the dead. Other 
 graves contained two, three and sometimes 
 four or more (see Plate II, also Figs. 14 
 d, e f; 20 cl, e, f, g; 27 d, e , 29 and other illustrations). Their 
 positions in the graves can be studied by referring to the Plates. 
 These pendants occurred outside the deposits of ochre more com¬ 
 monly than the other objects and frequently at varying depths in 
 the same grave This was particularly noticeable at Bucksport. 
 The various theories regarding the probable use of these objects 
 need not be commented upon here. Much has been written upon 
 the subject. The theory generally accepted is that they were used 
 
 Fig. 50. Gouge. Type spec¬ 
 imen. a. Front view show¬ 
 ing groove. 6. Side view. c. 
 End view showing curved 
 cutting edge, j 
 
 430 
 
PREHISTORIC BL’KIAE PEACES IN MAINE. 
 
 47 
 
 as charm stones. Similar pendants are said to be still employed 
 as charms by the modern California Indians. The advocates of 
 this theory forget that ancient stone implements in possession of 
 Indians supplied with tools and utensils of European manufacture 
 are commonly regarded as sacred objects. As an illustration of 
 this it is only necessary to call attention to the fact that many of 
 the grooved stone axes and mauls in use up to 1870 by the Pueblo 
 Indians are now considered sacred, and are deposited upon the 
 altars in sacred ceremonies. Whatever may have been the use of 
 these pendants it is certain that they occupied a prominent place 
 among the implements and utensils used in the practical every-day 
 life of the Indians. 
 
 FIRESTONES. 
 
 Nodules of iron pyrites of different degrees of purity which 
 have mostly changed to limonite or powdered oxide of iron. These 
 objects were once used in pairs or with hammers!ones of felsite 
 for kindling fires. 
 
 The collection comprises a line series of these ancient fire pro¬ 
 ducers in various stages of decomposition. The best preserved 
 examples are illustrated in Fig. 18 /, and in the lower right hand 
 corners of Figs. 19 and 26. The two latter specimens are shown 
 with the felsite hammerstones found with them. In a few graves 
 the hammerstone was accompanied by a small quantity of yellow 
 oxide of iron in powder, the remains of a lump of iron pyrites 
 which have become wholly disintegrated. 
 
 Other graves contained one or two nodules of what had been 
 impure iron pyrites. The bisulphurate of iron having decomposed 
 the impurities remained in the form of a cinder-like crust. 
 
 A few of these implements wmre originally of quartz or other 
 varieties of stone containing the pyrites in disseminated crystals, 
 which have disappeared with the exception of small quantities of 
 yellow powder, leaving variously shaped cavities in the nodule. 
 See Fig. 26, lower right hand drawing. 
 
 Occasionally nothing remained of either nodule except slight 
 traces of the yellow oxide. Several single crumbling nodules 
 were taken from the graves, but it is probable that each of these 
 was originally accompanied by a nearly pure lump of pyrites all 
 traces of which had disappeared. 
 
 From the accounts of various methods of primitive fire-making 
 among historic tribes of America, we learn that fire-making sets 
 
 431 
 
48 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 consisting of nodules of iron pyrites, or pyrites and Hint were used 
 by the Eskimo and the northern rauging tribes of the Athapascan 
 stock, some of the Algonquins and the Beothuks of Newfound¬ 
 land. 
 
 Among the Eskimo the use of pyrites as a means of fire-making 
 ranged “ from north of Dixon’s Sound to Labrador, the following 
 localities being represented, viz.: Slikine River, Sitka, Aleutian 
 Islands, Kotzebue Sound, Point Barrow, the Mackenzie River dis¬ 
 trict, at Fort Simpson, and probably Hershel Island, Pelly Bay, 
 Melville Peninsula, Smith Sound, and Labrador.” 1 
 
 Mr. Lucien M. Turner in a manuscript account of the Aleutian 
 Islanders says: 
 
 “They use the four part drill but they also use pyrites. A stone 
 containing quartz and pyrites is struck against another similar 
 one, or a beach pebble, into a mass of sea bird down sprinkled with 
 powdered sulphur.” 2 
 
 In his account of the Point Barrow Eskimo, Murdoch informs us 
 that “ they used to get ‘ great fire ’ by striking together two pieces 
 of iron pyrites. Dr. Simpson speaks of two lumps of iron pyrites 
 being used for striking fire, but he does not make it clear whether 
 he saw this at Point Barrow or only at Kotzebue Sound. Iron 
 pyrites appears to have been used quite generally among the 
 Eskimo. Bessels saw it used with quartz at Smith Sound, with 
 willow catkins for tinder and Lyon mentions the use of two pieces 
 of the same material with the same kind of tinder, at Iglulik.” 3 
 
 Dr. Franz Boas, writing of the Central Eskimo, tells us that 
 “ wherever Hint and pyrite are to be had these are used for striking 
 fire.”' 1 
 
 The Eskimo of Melville Peninsula, according to Parry, “ use two 
 lumps of common pyrites, from which sparks are struck into a 
 little leathern case . . . containing moss well dried and rubbed 
 between the hands. If this tinder does not readily catch, a small 
 quantity of the white floss of the seed of the ground willow is laid 
 above the moss. As soon as a spark has caught it is gently blown 
 till the fire has spread an inch around, when the pointed end of a 
 
 1 Hough. Fire-making Apparatus in the I". S. National Museum. Smithsonian Re¬ 
 port, U. S. N. Museum, 1S88, p.57'2. 
 
 2 Quoted by Hough. Ibid. p. 576. 
 
 3 Murdoch. The Point Barrow Eskimo. Ninth Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, 
 p.291. 
 
 4 Boas. The Central E.skimo. Sixth Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, p. 526. 
 432 
 
PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 49 
 
 piece of wick being applied, it soon bursts into a flame, the whole 
 process having occupied perhaps two or three minutes.” 1 
 
 “The Canadian and Algouquius strike two pieces of pyrites 
 (pierres de mine) together over an eagle’s thigh, dried with its down, 
 and serving instead of tinder.” 2 
 
 Roger Williams tells us in his account of the construction of a 
 wooden canoe or dug-out that he has “ seene a Native goe into the 
 woods with his hatchet carrying onelya Basket of Corue with him, 
 and stones to strike fire when he had felled his tree.” 3 
 
 The extinct Beothuks of Newfoundland also used pyrites for 
 tire-making. 4 
 
 A comparison of the stones used for fire-making by historic 
 tribes, as above quoted, with those taken from the graves shows 
 the same variations as to material, viz. : pyrites and a flint ham- 
 merstone, nodules of pyritiferous quartz, or nodules of pyrites. 
 
 PEBBLES. 
 
 Probably used as polishing stones, paint pestles and for other 
 purposes. These together with the few objects of uncommon form 
 are described in the foregoing pages. 
 
 RED OCHRE. 
 
 The use of this pigment seems to have been universal among 
 the Indians whose remains are found in these cemeteries. It varies 
 in color from pink to deep red. In some of the graves only a 
 small quantity had been deposited which the percolating water had 
 mixed with the surrounding sand and gravel. In other graves a 
 quart or more of pure dark red ochre was found with various 
 implements lying upon it or buried within it. Plate II is a photo¬ 
 graphic illustration of a grave containing a large mass of the ochre 
 and a pearshaped pendant. I know of no beds of this pigment in 
 eastern New Eugland, although they may occur in the iron region 
 of central Maine. The ochre may have been brought from the 
 British Provinces. The Beothuks of Newfoundland obtained much 
 of their red paint from Red Ochre Island, Conception Bay. The 
 eastern British Provinces, including Newfoundland, contain large 
 
 1 Parry. Second Voyage, London, 1824, p. 504. 
 
 2 Hough. Fire-making Apparatus in the U. S. National Museum. Smithsonian Re¬ 
 port, U. S. N. Museum, 1S88, p. 572 (Lafitau. Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains). 
 
 3 Roger Williams. A Key into the Language of America, London, 1643. 
 
 4 Journal, Anthrop. Inst. Great Britain and Ireland, v. 5, p. 225. 
 
 P.M. PAPERS 1 28 
 
 433 
 
50 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 deposits of iron and beds of ochre of various shades, and it would 
 not be surprising if in that region there were many localities where 
 red ochre was mined in prehistoric times. 
 
 ESKIMO, ALGONQUIN OR BEOTHUKS. 
 
 The great age of the sixty or more graves described in the fore¬ 
 going pages is evident. The complete decay and disappearance of 
 the skeletons (with the exception of the fragments shown in Fig. 
 11 and small quantities of bone dust in a few graves), the disin¬ 
 tegration of the firestones of pyrites, and the decomposition which 
 many of the implements have undergone when buried many inches 
 beneath the surface, prove the burials to be among the oldest yet 
 discovered upon this continent. 
 
 If the generally accepted theory of the comparatively recent 
 eastward migration of the Algonquin tribes which inhabited New 
 England at the advent of Europeans be correct, the burials in these 
 old cemeteries cannot be attributed to that people. 
 
 The archaeological evidences of the occupation of New England 
 by the Algonquins have, however, been but superficially examined. 
 Most of the shell heaps are apparently of Algonquin origin. 
 Those examined by the author cannot with our present knowledge 
 be attributed to any other people. Even the great oyster shell 
 heaps of Damariscotta contain implements of stone and bone and 
 fragments of pottery of types in common use among the Algou- 
 quins when first known to Europeans. When the vast quantity of 
 material collected by Professor Putnam from these heaps and from 
 many others on the New England coast has been systematically 
 studied it will doubtless throw much light upon the tide-water peo¬ 
 ple or peoples of Maine. 
 
 The few graves containing skeletons which have been discovered 
 along the New England coast are doubtless those of Algonquins. 
 The pipes, pottery, beads and implements found therein are of 
 types common among this people within historic times. The theory 
 that the Skraelings of the Norsemen were New England Eskimo 
 has as yet no archaeological confirmation. It is true that many 
 bone arrow, spear, and harpoon points from the shell heaps are 
 very similar to those used by the Eskimo, but we learn from 
 Hosier's Narrative of Waymouth's Voyage to the Coast of Maine 
 in 1605, that the Indians near Monhegau had [arrows] 
 
 434 
 
PRKHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 51 
 
 “ Big and long with three feathers tied on, and nocked very artificially, 
 headed with the long shank bone of a deer made very sharp with two 
 fangs in the manner of a harping iron. They had likewise darts headed 
 with like bone, one of which I darted among the rocks and it brake not.” 1 
 
 John Josselyn in his Account of Two Voyages to New England 
 informs us that the Indians from their canoes strike the fish with 
 
 “ A kind of dart or staff, to the lower end whereof they fasten a sharp 
 jagged bone . . . with a string fastened to it, as soon as the fish is 
 
 struck they pull away the start', leaving the bony head in the fishes body 
 and fasten the other end of the string to the Canow: Thus they will 
 hale after them to shore half a dozen or half a score great fishes.” 
 
 The polished slate implements of New England are similar to 
 those of the Eskimo. They are also characteristic of the people 
 whose graves are described in this paper and these are certainly not 
 Eskimo graves if judged by the method of burial known to be 
 Eskimo. The people whose remains are found in these cemeteries 
 were evidently not makers of pottery. No potsherds were en¬ 
 countered within the graves or upon the surface of the burial 
 places. Pestles, grooved axes, pipes, perforated gorgets and the 
 so-called ceremonial implements, so common among the Algonquins, 
 were also wanting. 
 
 The following brief extracts from the valuable papers of Mr. 
 T. G. B. Lloyd upon the now extinct Beothuks 2 may throw some 
 light upon the possible origin of these burial places. It is not im¬ 
 probable that the majority of the grooved gouges and polished 
 slate implements found throughout New England and the British 
 provinces were left by this people before being driven eastward by 
 the invading tribes from the west. 
 
 When Cartier and other early explorers visited eastern America 
 they found people inhabiting the island of Newfoundland who 
 were known as the Beothuks or Red Indians. 
 
 “ The epithet 1 Red Indian’ is given to the savages of Newfoundland 
 from their universal custom of colouring their garments, canoes, bows 
 and arrows, and every other utensil belonging to them, with red ochre, 
 obtained by them from Red Ochre Island, Conception Bay.” 3 4 
 
 “They have great store of red ochre, which they use to colour their 
 bodies, bows and arrows, and canoes.” 1 
 
 1 Rosier’s Narrative of Waymoutli’s Voyage to the Coast of Maine in 1605. 
 
 Eastern Times Reprint, Bath, Me., 1S60, p. 25. 
 
 2 These Indians are supposed to have become extinct early in the present century. 
 
 3 T. G. B. Lloyd, The Beothucs. Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great 
 Britain and Ireland. Vol. IV, No. 1, p. 23. 
 
 4 Purchase. Quoted by Lloyd. Ibid. p. 22. 
 
 435 
 
52 
 
 PREHISTORIC BURIAL PLACES IN MAINE. 
 
 From the accounts of the different modes of burial in practice 
 among the Beothuks I quote the following : 
 
 “ The most common method of intermentwas that of placing the body 
 in a wrapping of birch bark and covering it well with a pile of stones, 
 if such it can lie called. But sometimes it was put a foot or more under 
 the surface of the ground before the stones were placed on it, and in 
 one place, where the ground was sandy and soft, the graves were deeper, 
 and on them no stones were placed.” 1 
 
 “ Further information regarding the Red Indian, in the Museum at St. 
 John’s, Newfoundland.— Mr. Alexander Murray, in answer to my queries, 
 says, in a letter, dated March 19th, 1875: ‘ I have made a discovery re¬ 
 garding the Red Indian skull I have. It appears that Dr. Winter, of this 
 place, took it and a thigh bone from the skeleton, which was found on 
 the straight shore opposite the Indian Islands, in Sir Charles Hamilton's 
 Sound. The skeleton, according to Dr. Winter, had been wrapped in 
 birch bark, and buried in a sitting posture, and had various stone imple¬ 
 ments entombed, together with large crystals of iron pyrites to strike lire 
 with when he woke up again. Dr. Winter further states, that the remains 
 bore evidences of having been shot, some large seal- or swan-shot being- 
 found sticking in the bones, some of which and the skull were fractured.” 2 
 
 “During my lirst visit to Mr. John Peyton, in reply to the question, 
 1 How did the Bcothucs obtain lire? ’ he replied, that they iguited the down 
 of the blue jay by sparks struck from two pieces of iron pyrites.” 3 
 
 “ It appears that the Bcothucs did not make any kind of pottery.” 4 
 
 Maj. J. IV. Powell, writing of the language of this little known 
 people, says : 
 
 “ Neither in amount nor quality is the material sufficient to permit liual 
 and satisfactory deductions, yet so far as it goes it shows that the lan¬ 
 guage is quite distinct from any of the Algonquian dialects, and in fact 
 from any other American tongue.” 3 
 
 I am aware that these quotations have but an indirect bearing 
 upon the question of the origin of these graves, still they may 
 serve as suggestions for future investigations. 
 
 > Ibid. p. 32. 
 
 2 T. G. B. Lloyd. On the Beothucs of Newfoundland# Journal of the Anthropolog¬ 
 ical Institute Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. V, No. II, pp. 226-227. 
 
 3 Ibid. p. 225. 4 Ibid. p. 220. 
 
 6 J. W. Powell. Indian Linguistic Families. Annual Report of the Bureau of 
 Ethnology. Vo). VII, pp. 57, 5S. 
 
 136 
 
ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND ETHNOLOGICAL PAPERS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PEABODY MUSEUM. 
 
 — Harvard University — 
 
 Vol. I. No. 7. 
 
 A PENITENTIAL RITE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ANCIENT MEXICANS 
 
 ZELIA NUTTALL 
 
 Honorary Assistant in Mexican Archaeology 
 
 WITH 5 PLATES AND 8 TEXT ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Published by the Museum 
 Cambridge, Mass. 
 December, 1904 . 
 
PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 Whatever views may be held concerning the religion of the 
 Ancient Mexicans; whether we adopt the ideas promulgated 
 by the Berlin school of Mexican mythology, which speaks of 
 a Mexican “pantheon,” and crowds its labyrinthian passages 
 with innumerable “gods” and “goddesses;” or whether, as 
 many analogies indicate, the Ancient Mexican sociological and 
 religious system was a development on the same lines of thought 
 which produced that of the Zuhi and Pawnee people of today, 
 there is one point on which all must agree, namely, that the 
 Ancient Mexicans practised their religion with a zeal and de¬ 
 votion worthy of a better cause. 
 
 It was not only the priesthood which subjected itself to a 
 stern discipline which enforced prolonged fasts and excruciating 
 self-torture, but the painful rite of drawing blood from one's 
 body and offering it to the deity, commonly practised by all 
 persons, young and old, was a feature of everyday life. Some 
 time ago, whilst making a special study of the rituals of the 
 Ancient Mexicans, I collected and translated, from the works 
 of various writers, a number of passages relating to the native 
 rite of drawing blood from the ear, the tongue, and other 
 parts of the body. The fact that, in passages describing the 
 rite of blood-sacrifice, the piercing or cutting of the helix of 
 the ear is usually mentioned first, tends to show that a par¬ 
 ticular sanctity or significance was associated with this partic¬ 
 ular organ. The precedence accorded to this rite, which must 
 not be confounded with the ceremonial of piercing the lobe 
 of the ear for the purpose of wearing ear-ornaments, is par¬ 
 ticularly interesting in connection with Miss Alice Fletcher’s 
 recognition of the importance attached to the ceremonial 
 piercing of the ear amongst the tribes of the Siouan group. 
 
 439 
 
4 
 
 PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 It has seemed to me that the most satisfactory method of 
 presenting the material which I have collected from the writ¬ 
 ings of Friars Sahagun, Motolinia, Duran, Mendieta, the 
 Chronicles of Tezozomoc and other authorities, would be to 
 present literal translations of such passages as best preserve 
 details and local coloring. 
 
 In honor of the Lord of the Night, this being one of the 
 
 many titles bestowed upon Tezcatlipoca, the Lord of the 
 North, of the Underworld, etc., a festival was held once or 
 twice a year on the day Nahui Ollin. According to Sahagun 
 the priests fasted during the four days preceding this festival 
 and, at noon, blew conch-shells, flutes, and whistles, and then 
 passed slender twigs or sticks through their tongues. An 
 interesting bas-relief preserved at Jalapa (Fig. 1) illustrates 
 440 
 
PENITENTIAL HITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 5 
 
 this painful rite, the most graphic description of which is given 
 by Friar Mendieta in his Historica Ecclesiastica Indiana 
 (chap, xvn): ‘ ‘At Tlaxcalla . . . the priests . . . performed an 
 unheard of and horrible self-sacrifice . . . the servitors of the 
 temple brought together a great quantity of sticks, as long as 
 an arm and as thick as a wrist. These had been manufactured 
 by a number of carpenters who had prepared themselves for 
 doing so by fasting and praying during five days. The master 
 stone workers, after praying and fasting, also made many 
 black obsidian knives which were to be used in perforating 
 the tongues of the priests and which, after having been sanc¬ 
 tified, were laid on a clean cloth. ” 
 
 “They first performed a dance with songs and beating of 
 drums. Then a master who was an expert in this office came 
 with the obsidian knife, and made a large opening in the 
 tongue of each of the principal priests . . . The Achcauhtli, 
 or high priest then drew through his tongue, on that day, four 
 hundred of those sticks. Other old, practised and strong- 
 minded priests, imitating his example, also drew the same 
 number of sticks through their tongues. The less aged priests 
 used three hundred sticks, some of which were either as thick 
 as a thumb, as a great toe or as the index and middle finger 
 together. Younger priests did not employ more than two 
 hundred sticks, but all according to their strength and valor, 
 performed this rite, at the termination of which their aged 
 leader intoned a chant, although he could hardly raise his 
 voice on account of his lacerated tongue. All made efforts, 
 however, to sing and offer sacrifices and then those of the 
 temple began an eighty day fast during which, at intervals of 
 twenty days, they drew the sticks through their tongues four 
 times . . .” 
 
 In chapter xviii Mendieta specially describes the ear sacri¬ 
 fice performed by the priests who fasted during periods of four 
 years and who, at intervals of twenty days, passed through 
 the holes, cut in their ears, sixty pieces of cane, as long as an 
 arm, some thick and some thin. “These blood-stained offerings 
 were placed in a heap, in front of the idols and were burnt at 
 the end of the four years . . .” Friar Sahagun relates that, 
 every day of the year, the priests offered blood from their ears 
 
 441 
 
6 PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 to the sun at sunrise and also at noon, on the day Nahui Ollin, 
 when all persons, old and young, also drew blood from their ears 
 in strictly observed silence and in front of the sculptured and 
 painted image of the Sun which was in the temple named 
 Quauhxicalco. This image, the Friar adds, represented the sun 
 as a human face encircled with rays. The partly unpublished 
 MS. of Sahagun’s work, preserved in Florence, contains an in¬ 
 teresting illustration to this passage, in which the image of 
 the sun is held by a man whose body is partly hidden, and two 
 men, seated opposite to each other in the foreground, are in 
 the act of piercing the helices or external borders of their ears 
 (Fig. 2). On the same day and at the same hour, blood was 
 
 also drawn from the ears of “babes in their cradles,’’who were 
 thus made to participate in the general blood-offering. All 
 adults made offering of their blood during five days preceding 
 the fixed festivals held at intervals of twenty days. The men 
 made incisions in their ears and painted lines on their faces 
 with the blood thus obtained. The lines they drew were 
 straight and extended from the eyebrow to the jaw-bone. 
 The women drew circles on their faces and, as an act of special 
 devotion, sometimes offered blood in this way during a consecu¬ 
 tive period of eighty days, cutting themselves at intervals of 
 three or four days. This ceremony was named Nenacaztequi- 
 liztli (lit. the ear-cutting). 
 
 Another rite, named Tlazcaltiliztli, was performed, as an 
 
 442 
 
PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 7 
 
 act of homage to the sun or to the element fire, whenever any 
 one finished building a new house, or when the sign of the sun 
 reigned in the native Calendar. 
 
 This rite consisted in drawing a drop of blood from the ear 
 and catching it on the nail of the first finger and filliping it 
 towards the sun or into the fire. 
 
 Sahagun distinctly states that this rite was the same as 
 that named Acxoiatemaliztli which he describes as follows: 
 “As an act of devotion some offer their blood in the temples 
 during the vigils of the festivals. In order to make their offer¬ 
 ing more acceptable they first went and gathered branches of 
 the wild laurel named Acxoiatl which grows in great quantities 
 in their woods, and brought them to the calpulcos or houses 
 of communal government, situated in their respective quarters 
 
 Fig. 3. 
 
 of the city. There they took two of the sharp points of the 
 agave leaf and drew blood from their shins, then carried these 
 blood-stained points to the temple where they offered them to 
 the god to whom they rendered devotion on a sort of circular 
 cushion or mat made of the young branches of the wild laurel.” 
 Sahagun’s association of this ceremony with the drawing of 
 blood from the ear, is corroborated by an illustration contained 
 in the Anon. Hispano-Mexican MS. preserved in the National 
 Library at Florence entitled ‘ ‘ The Book of the Life of the An¬ 
 cient Mexicans” (Fig. 3). 
 
 This represents a step-pyramid surmounted by an image of 
 the “Lord of the North or of the Underworld,” and the per- 
 
 443 
 
8 
 
 PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 formance of what the text designates as “a penitential rite” in 
 his honor. 
 
 The penitents who are respectively piercing tongue and ear, 
 also exhibit bleeding wounds in other parts of their bodies. At 
 the base of the pyramid, on a mat of leaves presumably of the 
 wild laurel, lies the ball of woven grass, which Sahagun names 
 the “gacatapayolli,” in which two agave points are sticking. 
 
 The above illustration accords with Friar Duran’s statement 
 (Historia, vol. 11 , p. 195) that, at a certain festival, “all priests 
 and dignitaries took small obsidian sacrificial lancets and made 
 incisions in their tongues, ears, breasts, arms, and legs. Some 
 penitents pierced the ears and pushed many reeds through the 
 opening — others perforated their tongues and drew a number 
 of straws through them . . .” The above references to the rite 
 as being penitential are corroborated by Duran’s distinct state¬ 
 ment that, “according to the number of grave offences com¬ 
 mitted by a penitent, he or she took a number of straws, of the 
 kind used for making brooms, each one a handbreadth in length. 
 With these he went to the temple, perforated his tongue with a 
 lancet and passed the straws through it, and then threw these 
 in front of the idol . . . Later on, the priests gathered up all 
 these blood-stained straws and burnt them in what was called 
 the ‘divine brazier,’ after which the penitents were declared 
 free of their offences.” 
 
 The same author describes (vol. 11 , p. 244) as follows, the 
 penitential rites performed by the priesthood during the festival 
 Etzalqualiztli:—“The priests fasted for four days, and each 
 night, after midnight, went to where the agave points were kept 
 which had been cut on the previous day and had been brought 
 sticking into pieces of the fleshy agave leaf. They then cut 
 their ears"'with small obsidian knives and stained their faces 
 and the agave points with blood. According to the devotion 
 of each priest the number of the agave points he stained with 
 his blood was five or more or less.” Elsewhere it is stated that 
 each priest carried with him a piece of the flesh}’’ part of the 
 agave leaf, into which he stuck the thorns used in performing 
 the penance. The duty of collecting and preparing the agave 
 leaf points used in the performance of penitential rites de¬ 
 volved upon the larger boys who were being educated, by the 
 priesthood, in the Calmecac. According to the Codex Ramirez 
 444 
 
PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 9 
 
 (Ed. Jose Vijil, p. 113): “after the performance of certain rites, 
 the priests went, at midnight, into a wide room in which there 
 were many seats” — a fact to which I will revert further on. 
 “ The priests, being seated, took either an agave point or an ob¬ 
 sidian lancet and pricked or cut their ankles. They then 
 smeared their blood on their temples as well as on the agave 
 points or lancets and stuck these into the prepared grass balls, 
 which were afterwards usually placed between the turrets on 
 the wall enclosing the courtyard. These balls were allowed to 
 remain there so that all should see that the penitential rite had 
 been duly performed by the priests on behalf of the people.” 
 
 “In the great temple there was always a large number of 
 these lancets and agave points because those stuck in the grass 
 balls were constantly being removed and replaced by others. 
 They were never used twice and were preserved with great rev¬ 
 erence, in memory of the blood offering made to their god.” 
 The foregoing mention that the thorns were reverently pre¬ 
 served is of special importance and is further corroborated by 
 Friar Sahagun’s statement that Vitztepeoalco, the name of the 
 23rd edifice of the great temple, signified literally: the place 
 wherein the thorns or agave points are thrown. This structure 
 is, moreover, described as “a square, surrounded by a low wall, 
 into which the priests cast the agave points with which they 
 had performed penance. Pieces of green reeds or cane, stained 
 with blood, were also thrown there, as an offering to the gods.” 
 
 A perusal of the following detached quotations teaches fur¬ 
 ther that, in Ancient Mexico, according to circumstances, the 
 performance of the rite of blood sacrifice, constituted an act of 
 humility, of thanksgiving, of penitence, or of propitiation. A 
 passage in the Chronicle of Tezozomoc (p. 639) relates how 
 certain representatives of a conquered tribe, on reaching the 
 Mexican capital, first went to the temple of Huitzilopochtli 
 where, “as a sign of true humility and abasement, they pierced 
 their ears, arms, the calves of their legs with agave points and 
 then betook themselves to the house of Montezuma.” Duran 
 records (vol. i, p. 424) that on a certain occasion, the Mexican 
 ruler “bled his ears and limbs as an action of thanksgiving” 
 and it was possibly as such that the rite was solemnly per¬ 
 formed by the newly elected rulers of Mexico during the elabo- 
 
 445 
 
10 PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 rate ceremonies which accompanied their inauguration. The 
 following curious details are preserved in Duran’s account of 
 the preparation made for the ceremonies of Montezuma’s in¬ 
 auguration. “On the floor of the temple, near the brazier, 
 were laid the royal robes and diadem, an incense-burner and 
 three sharp-pointed bones . . . After his investment with the 
 royal insignia Montezuma burned incense in honor of the god 
 of fire and then pierced his ears with the sharp-pointed ocelot 
 or tiger bone, incised the fleshy part of his arm with the puma’s 
 bone, and his shins with the eagle’s bone.” Later, in the great 
 temple, on the “Stone of the Eagles,” he again drew blood 
 from the same parts of his body, with the same bone instru¬ 
 ments, observing the same order. In the discourse addressed 
 to him on this occasion by the ruler of Tezcoco, Montezuma is 
 exhorted to attend to his new duties, one of which was the 
 observation of the stars, another that of sacrificing his blood 
 and offering it to the gods on behalf of the people. Monte¬ 
 zuma’s use of an ocelot bone for piercing his ears is corrobo¬ 
 rated by Tezozomoc who repeatedly alludes (pp. 573,577,587) 
 to the thin, sharp instruments made of ocelot or puma bones, 
 which were used by the same ruler for bleeding his ears and 
 limbs. In describing the inaugural festivities of Tizoc, Duran 
 states that the sharp ocelot bone instrument used by the ruler 
 was “garnished with gold” (vol. 11 , p. 310). Finally the same 
 author relates of Ahuitzotl that: — “after sacrificing quails be¬ 
 fore the idol of Huitzilopochtli, he asked for the bone of an 
 ocelot. An extremely pointed and sharp one having been 
 handed him, he perforated the helix of his ears, ... his arms 
 and legs . . . (vol. ii, p. 376). On another occasion, however, 
 when Ahuitzotl entered the temple at Chaleo in which the idol 
 of Tezcatlipoca was a special object of worship, he “sacrificed 
 a number of quail and then, asking for an eagle’s bone, bled 
 his ears, arms, and shins . . .” (vol. i. Duran, p. 378). 
 
 The following passage demonstrates that the performance 
 of the rite was supposed to insure success in the hunt. “On 
 the seventh day of the hunters’ festival, Quecholli, there was a 
 great gathering in the courtyard of the temple of Huitzilo¬ 
 pochtli. A large number of arrows were ceremonially manu¬ 
 factured and all participants” cut and bled their ears. If any 
 446 
 
PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 11 
 
 one omitted this rite he was fined by the men named Tepan- 
 mani who took his mantle from him and never returned it. 
 All of the youths assembled were sent up to the temple of 
 Huitzilopochtli where they were obliged to cut their ears and 
 anoint their faces and brows with their blood. “This rite was 
 called moma^agio (lit., the deer sacrifice), because it was per¬ 
 formed with reference to the deer the youths were going to 
 hunt.” (Sahagun, book i, chap. xxxm). 
 
 During the fifteenth festival period named Panquetzaliztli, 
 the following rite was performed “by those women who were 
 going to sacrifice slaves. They went to bathe in the stream 
 which flowed past their dwellings, each woman carrying four 
 agave points. Before bathing they cut their ears and after 
 smearing blood on the agave points they cast one of them into 
 the water; they stuck one in the bank of the river, and offered 
 the remaining ones to the idol in the adjacent oratory. . . ” 
 
 Sahagun relates that when the youths who were being edu¬ 
 cated in the Calmecac, wish to perform voluntary penance, 
 they “set out alone and walked towards the hills, woods and 
 rivers. Each one carried pine torches, a bagful of copal gum, 
 an incense burner, a conchshell trumpet, and agave points. 
 When he reached his destination he bled himself with the latter 
 and inserted them into the grass ball, and then returned home¬ 
 ward, alone, blowing his conchshell.” It is also recorded that 
 the priests of the Calmecac used the agave points in inflicting 
 such minor punishments upon their pupils as pricking their 
 ears or bodies, or beating them with nettles. In the description 
 of a certain festival it is recorded that the priest used a flint 
 knife to cut the ears of the youths who displayed a lack of self- 
 control and succumbed to fatigue on reaching the summit of 
 the temple after a certain race. The same priests are said to 
 have tortured their prisoners by “piercing their ears, arms, 
 and legs with agave points, making them cry out in pain. ’ ’ 
 
 The following passage affords a somewhat more pleasing 
 glimpse into the life of Ancient Mexico: 
 
 ‘ ‘ Every fourth year, in the last day of the eighteenth festi¬ 
 val period named Izcalli, the ears of all children born during 
 the preceding three years were bled. This rite was performed 
 by means of a sharp bone instrument and the wound was sub- 
 
 447 
 
12 PENITENTIAL RITE OP THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 sequently dressed with parrots’ down and pine-pitch.” The 
 children’s parents appointed so-called "aunts and uncles” 
 to act as "sponsors” during the operation, after which they 
 made offerings of a paste made of the seeds of a kind of salvia, 
 named Chian. In recognition of their services the parents 
 presented an "uncle” with a red or fallow Tilmatl or mantle 
 and an "aunt” with a Huipil or sleeveless upper garment. 
 The friar records that, while their ears were being pierced, the 
 children made a great outcry, and that, immediately afterwards, 
 their sponsors led them to a bonfire prepared for the purpose 
 around which they were made to walk. They were then taken 
 to their respective homes, where their sponsors feasted with 
 them and all danced and sang together. At noon all returned 
 to the temple with jars of pulque, the native agave-wine, and 
 there performed a dance the sponsors carrying their respective 
 charges on their backs. Then each child was given some pulque 
 in a tiny bowl, for which reason the festival was also known as 
 "the intoxication of the children.” 
 
 In the description of the same quadriennial festival in Serna’s 
 "Manual de los Ministros,” chap xi, it is stated that besides 
 piercing the ears of the girls and boys, the high priest perforated 
 the lower lip of the boys so that they could subsequently wear 
 lab rets. 
 
 Sahagun alludes to the latter custom in the appendix to 
 book ii of his Historia where he states that it was "in honor 
 of the devil, that the natives pierced their ears and wore ear¬ 
 rings and pierced their lower lip and wore labrets;” operations 
 which were respectively designated by the Nahuatl words: 
 Nenacazxapotlaliztli (lit., the car perforating) and Netenxapot- 
 laliztli (the lip perforating). 
 
 While it is thus evident that the ceremonial piercing of the 
 ears and of the lips was associated with religious or supersti¬ 
 tious ideas, it is evident that, in the case of the little children, 
 all was done in order to palliate the pain inflicted and to make 
 the occasion one of festivity and rejoicing. 
 
 We are indebted to Serna for the record of the peculiar cir¬ 
 cumstance that during the joint festival of Chicome Xochitl— 
 Seven Flower, the patron of the painters, weavers and embroi¬ 
 derers, and of Xochiquetzal, the inventress of weaving, the 
 448 
 
PENITENTIAL HITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 13 
 
 principal offering made by their devotees was blood drawn 
 from the fingers or eyelids. 
 
 During the third movable festival all married people made 
 offerings of blood drawn from the left breast or from their eye¬ 
 lids, the blood being caught on strips of paper which were then 
 thrown into earthen jars and burnt in front of certain idols. 
 
 In the “Book of the life of the Ancient Mexicans”, published 
 by the University of California, and elsewhere, it is recorded 
 that men, desiring offspring, offered blood drawn from their 
 organs of generation. 
 
 During the sixth movable festival those who rendered 
 homage to the god Quetzalcoatl sent to the temple what are 
 described by Serna as “small salt-cellars” containing eight 
 to ten drops or more of their own blood, absorbed by means of 
 strips of paper which were subsequently burnt, with copal gum, 
 on the altars of the temple. The allusion to tiny earthen 
 vessels in connection with similar blood-offerings naturally sug¬ 
 gests an explanation for the purpose of the small terra-cotta 
 dishes and particularly of the enigmatical receptacles with two 
 deep holes which are found at Teotihuacan in great numbers. 
 
 The question as to the origin of the peculiar sanguinary rites 
 of the Ancient Mexicans is next to be considered. According to 
 Friar Duran, the custom of piercing the flesh with agave points 
 was first taught to the priesthood by “Quetzalcoatl of Tula” 
 (vol. ii, p. 244) and his testimony agrees with that of the com¬ 
 mentator of the Codex Telleriano Remensis. Other evidence 
 tends to prove, however, that the origin of the rite was as¬ 
 signed by the Ancient Mexicans to remotest antiquity and 
 to the gods themselves. In the creation-myth as recorded 
 in chap, vii of the Codex Fuenleal,* the gods Quetzalcoatl 
 and Tlalocantecuhtli “fasted and drew blood from their ears” 
 before creating the sun and the moon. In chap, viii it is related 
 that later on, at a certain date, the god Camasale (Camaxtli) 
 also named Mixcoatl, “performed penance with agave leaf 
 points, drawing blood from his tongue and ears, and for this rea¬ 
 son it is customary to draw blood from the same whenever one 
 made any petition to the gods.” 
 
 *The Codex Fuenleal or “Historia de los Mexicanos por sus pinturas,” published 
 in Vol. ii of the Anales del Museo Nacional, 1882. 
 
 449 
 
14 
 
 PENITENTIAL BITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 Sahagun’s version of the creation of the sun and moon (book 
 vii, chap, ii) differs from the foregoing and relates that it was 
 Nanaoatzin who, ‘‘after offering agave points stained with his 
 blood and stuck into grass balls,” voluntarily cast himself into 
 the fire and became the sun; while Tecuciztecatl. following 
 his example became the moon. 
 
 1 rom Bishop Diego de Lancia, who devotes a whole chap¬ 
 ter to the “Cruel and obscene rites of the Yucatecs,” we learn 
 that similar forms of self-torture were practised in Yucatan. 
 1 he eai-sacrifice is described as follows; ‘‘They sometimes 
 made an offering of their own blood by making incisions all 
 around the external border of their ears, leaving the lacerations 
 as records ol their penance” (ed. Brasseur de Bourbourg, 
 p. 161). Bishop Lauda expressly states that “the women of 
 T ucatan did not make blood-offerings although they were very 
 
 Fig. 4. 
 
 devout.” It is therefore remarkable that the Maya Codex, 
 named Troano, contains representations of three men and one 
 woman in the act of piercing their left ears, from each of which 
 a stream of blood falls into what are presumably small bowls 
 placed in front of each penitent (Fig. 4). The finely carved 
 bas-relief from Menche (Yaxchilan) which was presented to 
 the British Museum by Dir. Alfred P. Maudslay proves that 
 tongue-perforation was also practised in the Usumasinta valley. 
 It represents a seated personage in the act of drawing a cord, 
 with thorns, through his protruding tongue. 
 
 Briefly summarized; the foregoing evidence establishes that 
 while blood was drawn from different parts of the body and 
 offered to the gods, it was the ear-sacrifice that constituted 
 450 
 
PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 15 
 
 the salient characteristic features of the ancient native religion, 
 being practised in every day life, by persons of all ages. After 
 having been offered, the blood-stained pieces of cane, agave 
 points, obsidian lancets or straws employed in the performance 
 of the penitential rite were carefully preserved. In some cases 
 the instruments themselves, in others strips of paper saturated 
 with blood, were burnt, and their ashes deposited in some sacred 
 spot. It is recorded that a feature of the great temple of Mexico 
 was the square enclosure into which were thrown the agave 
 points, etc., used by the priests in performing penitential rites. 
 No documentary evidence has, however, as yet been found 
 indicating the place where the high-priests and rulers preserved 
 their blood offerings after performing rites, which, in their case 
 were of such special sanctity. 
 
 On the other hand the National Museum of Mexico possesses 
 some monuments exhibiting sculptured representations of the 
 performance of the ear-sacrifice which yield valuable informa¬ 
 tion on the subject. 
 
 fig. 5. 
 
 I he first (Fig. 5) is the well-known historical bas-relief rep¬ 
 resenting the Mexican rulers Tizoc and his successor Ahuitzotl, 
 
 451 
 
16 PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 each with an incense-burner at his feet in the act of piercing 
 their helices. Between them and on a stand surrounded by 
 laurel leaves, lies the round cushion into which two bone instru¬ 
 ments with handles in the form of a flower, are inserted. A 
 stream of blood falls, from each ear, into an open jaw carved 
 in the symbolical border beneath the figures. The date recorded 
 in the bas-relief is that of the dedication of the Great Temple 
 and it is evident that this sculptured slab must have been in¬ 
 serted in some wall or monumental structure. Besides com¬ 
 memorating the historical event and the performance of the 
 sacred rite it may have also marked the site where the blood 
 offerings of both rulers were reverently deposited. Figure C 
 (a and b) represents the square stone box which is preserved 
 at the National Museum of Mexico and has been identified by 
 different authorities as a funeral urn, or “a receptacle for the 
 
 Fie. 6. 
 
 blood of human victims.” The fact that a seated, one¬ 
 footed personage (a) in the act- of piercing his ear is carved on 
 one of its sides, and that on the opposite side (&) is carved the 
 grass cushion into which bone instruments are inserted appears 
 to me to establish, beyond a doubt, that the stone receptacle 
 was destined to receive the blood-offerings of the high-priests and 
 rulers who performed the ear-sacrifice represented, in carving, on 
 the box itself. An interesting detail is that, behind the seated 
 figure, the form of a serpent is distinguishable, whose tail and 
 head, with a recurved armlike projection, studded with star-sym¬ 
 bols are like those of the twin serpents on the great Calendar Stone. 
 The symbols of fire, carved on the two sides of the box, and the 
 star-symbols accompanied by conventionalized flowers, which 
 452 
 
PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 17 
 
 figure at each side of the bone instruments, furnish evidence 
 that the rite was associated with the god of fire and the festival 
 of Flowers, Xochilhuitl, at which a certain form of star-wor¬ 
 ship took place. It was on this festival that, once a year, certain 
 loaves of bread, named Xonecuilli, were eaten. The shape 
 of these loaves resembled that of the constellation Citlal-xone- 
 cuilli, Ursa Major or Minor, described as ‘ ‘ situated in the trumpet 
 of the North and composed of seven stars, which formed a sepa¬ 
 rate group and are resplendent” (Sahagun, book vii, chap. 
 hi). 
 
 The low square hollow stone “seat" preserved at the Royal 
 Ethnographical Museum at Berlin (Fig. 7) is of particular interest 
 
 Fig. 7. 
 
 in connection with Sahagun’s statement, cited above, that the 
 hall in which the priests assembled to perform the penitential 
 rites, “contained many seats,” . . . This object was obviously 
 associated with such rites, because its front is carved with a rep¬ 
 resentation of the familiar grass cushion and the sacrificial bone 
 instruments. Its top and back are covered by the figure of a 
 large scorpion whose tail ends in a tecpatl or flint-knife, the 
 native symbol for the North. This carved scorpion, before which 
 lie the woven grass ball and the bone instruments, is particularly 
 significant because Sahagun distinctly states that the Mexicans 
 
 453 
 
18 PENITENTIAL KITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 gave the name of “Citlal-colotl,” = Star-scorpion, to the 
 northern constellation, Ursa Major, “because it resembled the 
 figure of a scorpion’’ (op. cit. book vii, chap.iv). The exist¬ 
 ence, in Mexico, of a similar hollow stone cube, much too small 
 to have been used as a seat, but which exhibits, on its sides, 
 two penitents piercing their ears and on its top a shallow cir¬ 
 cular receptacle, throws some doubt as to the Berlin Museum 
 “seat” having really been intended as such. 
 
 The most important monument, which exhibits proof of 
 having been associated with the native penitential rite and 
 star-cult is the great statue of a crouching ocelot or native tiger 
 (PI. I, 1, 2, 3), which was discovered in December 1901 in the 
 courtyard of the new Palace of Justice in the City of Mexico, 
 by Captain Diaz, the son of the President. 
 
 This imposing monument which is the finest piece of animal 
 sculpture that has as yet been found on the American Conti¬ 
 nent, is of particular interest, on account of its form and the 
 association of the Mexican god Tezcatlipoca not only with the 
 ocelot but also with the constellation Ursa Major. 
 
 According to the well-known myth, Tezcatlipoca, when 
 cast down from heaven by Quetzalcoatl, “fell into the water 
 where he transformed himself into an ocelot” and arose to kill 
 certain giants. During the period of six hundred and sixty- 
 six years Tezcatlipoca “went about in the form of an ocelot” and 
 all “this appears in the sky for they say that, the constellation 
 Ursa Major descends to the water because it is Tezcatlipoca and 
 is on high in memory of him.”* 
 
 While the foregoing myth suffices to show that the great 
 statue of an ocelot must have been considered as an image of 
 the god Tezcatlipoca. the fact that, his insignia are worn by 
 the two personages which are carved in bas-relief on the bot- 
 
 *Historia de los Mexicanos par sus pinturas, Auales del Museo Nae.ional, vol. n, 
 p. 88. The Spanish text is as follows: — Quecjalcoatl fue sol y dexalo de ser Tez¬ 
 catlipoca porque le dio con un gran baston y lo derribo en el agua y alii se hizo tigre 
 y salio a matar los gigantes, y esto paresce en el cielo, porque dizen que la Ursa Ma¬ 
 yor se abaxa al agua porque es Tezcatlipoca y esta alta en memoria del.. . y ansi 
 andava liecho tigre ...” In my publication, “The Fundamental Principles of Old and 
 Xew World Civilizations” (vol. 2 of the Peabody Museum Papers), by some unac - 
 countable mistake, which I deplore, the name Huitzilopochtli was substituted for that 
 of Quetzalcoatl in my quotation,of the above myth on page 8. 
 
 454 
 
PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 19 
 
 tom of the deep circular receptacle in the back of the statue 
 positively proves the association of the god with the monument. 
 
 The relative proportions of the latter and of the stone recep¬ 
 tacle, as shown in Pl. I, 1, 2, 3 reveal that this was an accessory 
 only.* 
 
 The bas-relief carved on its bottom clearly indicates the pur¬ 
 pose for which the receptacle was destined (Fig. 8). 
 
 It represents two seated personages in the act of piercing 
 
 their ears with bone instruments. In front of each is an object 
 of the shape of an isosceles triangle, into which four agave thorns 
 are inserted. 
 
 As in the case of the penitent carved on the stone box (Fig\ 
 6a) both individuals are minus one foot, with the peculiarity 
 
 *Itwas strictly in accordance with native usage to make some form of receptacle 
 in stone idols, for the reception of different kinds of blood-offerings. “The Book of 
 the Life of the Ancient Mexicans,” for instance, describes how howls of human blood 
 were poured on the head of a certain idol which presumably had, like a native stone 
 image in my possession, a bowl-like hollow on its head. 
 
 455 
 
20 
 
 PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 that in one ease the right foot and in the other the left foot is 
 missing. This seemingly insignificant detail assumes a certain 
 importance when it is realized that it recurs in the two fig¬ 
 ures sculptured in bas-relief on the rocks at the Penon Viejo, 
 situated near the City of Mexico (PL n, 1, 2) both of which 
 likewise display the same insignia as the two personages carved 
 on the bottom of the receptacle. A comparison of PI. ii, 1 
 with the carved personage to the right in Fig. 5, reveals a 
 striking identity, for in both cases the left foot is missing, the 
 same feather head-dress, with Tezcatlipoca’s hieroglyph (the 
 Smoking Mirror) at its side and a recurved ornament above the 
 forehead, is worn and the identical nose-ornament and band over 
 the face is displayed. As carved on the rock the personage thus 
 arrayed, like the similarly one-footed victors on the Stone of 
 Tizoc, is erect, armed with spears, and grasps the hair of a 
 warrior who bends before him and lowers the bundle of spears 
 held in the left hand, his right hand being uplifted and holding 
 the atlatl or spear-thrower in the position for throwing the spear. 
 
 The flate, I Tecpatl, carved beneath this group corresponds 
 to A. D. 1480 in which year, according to the Aubin MS. the 
 Mexicans conquered the people of Quauhnahuac or Cuernavaca, 
 in this case the island town situated in the lagoon of Xochi- 
 milco and depicted in the Map by Alonzo de Santa Cruz preserved 
 at the University of Upsala, Sweden. The reader is referred 
 to the Chronicle of Tezozomoc for an interesting and graphic 
 account of the warfare waged by the Mexicans upon the Tec- 
 panecans and inhabitants of Xochimilco, etc., at this period, 
 which resulted in their complete subjugation. 
 
 A comparison of the figure to the left in Fig. 8, with PI. n, 2, 
 reveals that, in both cases also, the right foot is missing, a simi¬ 
 lar head-dress with Tezcatlipoca’s glyph is worn and as far as 
 can be distinguished the face bands are alike. 
 
 In PI. ii. 2, the individual also stands, but is unarmed and 
 grasps what appears to be a tree, in blossom, issuing from a 
 circle in a square—evidently the hieroglyph of a locality. The 
 semi-effaced date carved beneath this figure which incontestably 
 belongs to the same period as PI. ii, 1, seems to be the year III 
 Tochtli — corresponding to 1482, a date two years later than 
 that carved on PI. ii, 2. 
 
 456 
 
PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 21 
 
 The striking identities which have been pointed out and 
 especially that of the same feet being missing, appear to jus¬ 
 tify the inference that the two individuals carved on the bot¬ 
 tom of the receptacle in the ocelot’s back were historical person¬ 
 ages, represented as wearing divine insignia, in accordance with 
 established custom. The peculiarity that, in the group, both 
 figures display both rows of teeth causes it to appear as though 
 they wore death-masks under their face-bands -— a fact which 
 is explainable since one of Tezcatlipoca’s titles was “Mictlan- 
 tecuhtli,” or the “Lord of the North,” the Underworld, and 
 by extension, of the dead who go there. 
 
 The indications that the above individuals were historical 
 personages not only accord with the evidence furnished by the 
 commemorative tablet described above (Fig. 5) but suggest the 
 interesting explanation that the sculptured ocelot was also com¬ 
 memorative and possibly votive, and dates from after the year 
 1482. The view that the ocelot was an actual image of the god 
 Tezcatlipoca and that the ear-sacrifice was particularly associa¬ 
 ted with his nocturnal worship, is sustained by the following 
 significant details. 
 
 A critical examination of the sculptured ocelot discloses 
 that the large side whiskers at each side of its head are undoubt¬ 
 edly purely conventional. The ocelot does not possess them 
 in reality and their existence could not have been suggested 
 to the sculptor by a study of the animal from life. Thus far 
 no other similar representation of an ocelot with side whiskers, 
 is known to exist in Mexican carving or painting — the usual 
 mode of figuring the sparse bristly hairs on the upper lip of the 
 ocelot being more true to life. 
 
 Strange to say, the only similar instance I have found, of 
 the ocelot with conventionalized whiskers, is that carved on a 
 slab discovered by Dr. Le Plongeon at Chichen Itza, Yucatan.* 
 
 While this remarkable coincidence, which is in keeping 
 with other analogies between Chichen Itza and Mexican art, 
 furnishes fresh food for reflection, it is well to bear in mind 
 that other sculptured representations of the ocelot also exist 
 at Chichen Itza and do not exhibit the conventional feature. 
 
 •An illustration of this slab was first published by Dr. Le Plongeon opposite to p. 
 85 in “The Sacred Mysteries of the Mayas.” New York, 1886. 
 
 457 
 
22 PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 What is more: The only native American beast of prey which 
 possesses a similar hairy fringe is the wild cat, the lynx or Felts 
 rufus , which is remarkable for its brilliant eyes and habit of 
 prowling about at night. 
 
 Whilst the possibility naturally suggests itself that the 
 native sculptor might have purposely combined the features 
 of both beasts of prey in order to add to the impressiveness of 
 his statue, the indications are that his aim was not to produce 
 a naturalistic image but an imposing idol of Tezcatlipoca under 
 the form the god had according to the myth assumed and borne 
 for ‘ ‘ six hundred and sixty six years. ’ ’ 
 
 A side light is thrown upon the symbolism of the hirsute 
 appendages and the reason for their presence by one of the bas- 
 reliefs carved on the remarkable stone box* which belonged to 
 the late Senor Islas de Bustamante, the photographs of which 
 are published here, for the first time (Plates hi, iv and v). 
 
 The bas-relief (PI. hi, 2), exhibits a seated personage with 
 crossed and sandalled feet, in the act of piercing his ear with 
 the usual bone instrument. To his right lies a smoking incense- 
 burner whose handle terminates in a serpent’s head. To his 
 left, standing upright, is the same pointed object which figures 
 in the bas-relief on the bottom of the receptacle in the back of 
 the ocelot. It is noticeable that this object is of the same form 
 and exhibits the same markings, resembling a woven pattern, 
 that recur on the four agave points stuck into it. This circum¬ 
 stance and the incisions at its base and side appear to indicate 
 that it was the thick fleshy top of an agave leaf such as Sahagun 
 describes as having been used by the priesthood as cushions 
 for the thorns employed in performing their penance. 
 
 The most important and interesting features in connection 
 with the seated figure are that lie not only displays a peculiarly 
 shaped beard, resembling the hairy appendages of the ocelot 
 statue, but is also associated with the ocelot itself. At the 
 back of his head, above his left hand, the head of an ocelot is 
 visible, whose skin hangs behind his back, the tail ending below 
 his knee. Besides this the personage wears leggings made of 
 the spotted ocelot skin and a rattlesnake girdle from which 
 hang two conventionalized hearts. 
 
 * Dimensions: 34 X 52 centimetres, interior depth lGcentimetres, exterior height 20 
 centimetres. 
 
PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 23 
 
 It is interesting to find that in a note written beneath its 
 photograph the late Sehor Islas de Bustamante, independently 
 identified the above figure as a representation of ‘ ‘ Ocelotl- 
 Tezcatlipoca, ’ ’ or Tlatoca-ocelot, lit. the Lord Ocelot (a title 
 which is also recorded by Serna in chap, ix) and described as 
 wearing "the beard of the mask of Tezcatlipoca.’’ Pointing- 
 out that in the above figure, as in the ocelot statue, there is 
 a combination of the ocelot, the beard and the ear-sacrifice, 
 I will briefly review the sculptured figures on the other three 
 sides and on the interior and exterior base of fhe stone box 
 under discussion. 
 
 Plate hi, 1, exhibits a seated personage in the same attitude 
 and with the same accessories as in Fig. 6 , but displaying the 
 same head-dress with Tezcatlipoca’s glyph, and the same face 
 markings as those of the left figure of the group in the ocelot 
 receptacle (Fig. 8). A noticeable difference is that, in one case 
 the right and in the other the left foot is missing. 
 
 A third seated and one-footed personage also exhibiting 
 Tezcatlipoca’s insignia, is carved on the side of the stone box 
 (PI. v, 1) which has unfortunately been mutilated, a hole hav¬ 
 ing been bored through it and a lead pipe inserted by a prev¬ 
 ious owner, in order to employ the box as a water fountain. 
 The symbols carved on the fourth side of the box (PI. iv, 1) 
 closely resemble those on the stone box of the National Museum 
 (Fig. 6). 
 
 The grass ball which figures in both of these recurs on the 
 bottom of the stone box under discussion (PI. iv, 2), while a 
 remarkable and unidentified monster, covered with spines, and 
 figured as on water, covers the exterior of its base (PI. v, 2). 
 
 A resume of the foregoing archaeological material brings 
 out the interesting fact that there are known to exist no less 
 than ten sculptured representations of individuals perform¬ 
 ing ear sacrifice. 
 
 In the case of the commemorative slab the personages are 
 unquestionably historical and the performance of the rite asso¬ 
 ciated with the dedication of the Great Temple of Mexico. The 
 two one-footed personages carved on the bottom of the recep¬ 
 tacle of the ocelot statue appear to be identical with the con- 
 
 459 
 
24 
 
 PENITENTIAL KITE OP THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 querors carved on the rocks at the Penon with the dates I 
 Tecpatl and III Tochtli (A.D. 14S0 and 1482). 
 
 These conquerors, like the sixteen carved on the so-called 
 “Stone of Tizoc,” the penitents carved on the bottom of the 
 ocelot receptacle and those on the exterior of two of the stone 
 boxes described, making a total of 2+16 + 2+1-1-3 = 24 
 individuals, are, with only one exception, one-footed, while all 
 exhibit the insignia of the god Tezcatlipoca. This overwhelm¬ 
 ing evidence, by the way, amply substantiates my identification 
 of the one-footed god depicted in the Codices as Tezcatlipoca.* 
 The sixteen one-footed warriors on the “Stone of Tizoc” and 
 those on the Penon rocks — all of which may, possibly, repre¬ 
 sent one and the same person — either prove that a native 
 conqueror existed who was actually one-footed and had adopted 
 the insignia of Tezcatlipoca, or that it was customary, in repre¬ 
 senting living personifications of the god, to emphasize one of 
 his symbols, the lame foot, even if the mutilation did not exist 
 in reality. 
 
 I am indebted to Father Hunt Cortes for the interesting 
 fact which he has also published, that after having been tor¬ 
 tured by the Spaniards, the unfortunate Quauhtemoc the last 
 of Mexican rulers, was named Xonecuiltzin = the lame lord; 
 a title or nickname which may well have previously been be¬ 
 stowed on other personages equally lame. 
 
 To Don Mariano Rojas, the oldest inhabitant of the town 
 of Tepoztlan (Morelia) in which the Nahuatl language is not 
 only spoken, but cultivated I am indebted for the interesting 
 personal communication that one of his earliest recollections 
 is that of his old grandfather pointing out to him the seven stars 
 of the constellation of Ursa Major and telling him that its name 
 was Xonecuilli. 
 
 This valuable testimony in conjunction with Sahagun’s 
 statement that “the stars which are in the mouth of the trum¬ 
 pet of the North were named citlal-xonecuilli and that the 
 
 *See Fundamental Principles of Old and New World Civilizations, p. 10, etc. Dr. 
 Theodor Preuss has criticised this identification of mine, stating his opinion that in 
 a certain case, the god appeared to he “Tlauizpantecuhtli.” I merely point out here 
 that tlie latter name is a title only: “the lord of the dawn” and that, in several pub- 
 lications, Professor Seler has observed that “Tlauizpantecuhtli not only wears the 
 same insignia as Tezcatlipoca but may be regarded as a form of this god.” 
 
 4G0 
 
PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 25 
 
 natives figured its seven stars in a group of the shape of an S, 
 definitely associates the name Xonecuilli with one or both of the 
 Ursa constellations,* and with Tezcatlipoca who is found fig¬ 
 ured in painting and sculpture as a Xonecuiltzin or “lame 
 lord.” 
 
 While the bas-relief figures described definitely connect 
 one-footedness with Tezcatlipoca, they also prove the asso¬ 
 ciation of the ocelot with this god. The representation of the 
 ear-sacrifice on the exterior of three and interior of one in the 
 stone receptacles clearly indicates, moreover, the purpose for 
 which the latter were destined; namely to contain the blood¬ 
 stained thorns, sticks or papers, which constituted the sacred 
 offerings, or their ashes.f 
 
 In conclusion: The main result of the foregoing investiga- 
 
 *Rejecting Saliagun’s testimony in this case and stating that the friar “could not 
 have meant what he wrote,” Professor Seler prefers to adopt the statement on the 
 subject made by Don Hernando Alvarado Tezozomoc who is supposed to have been 
 born in 1520 and to have written his work at the age of 78. 
 
 In Tezozomoc’s description of the ceremonies held in honor of the inauguration of 
 Montezuma II as ruler of Mexico, he gives a lAsumfi of the exhortation addressed to 
 the new ruler by the twelve electors. In this Montezuma is enjoined particularly to 
 yield homage, at the break of day, to “the star Xonecuilli, which is the cross of St. 
 Jacob, which is in the region of the South, in the direction of the Indies and the 
 Chinas.”— (Cronica Mexicana, p. 574.) 
 
 I cannot but think that Professor Seler and his follower Dr. Preuss will find it 
 difficult to persuade American scholars to accept as authentic the Mexican priest’s 
 allusion to “the direction of the Indies and Chinas;” to interpret this direction as 
 that occupied by a Southern constellation; and to prefer Tezozomoc's evidence so 
 clearly tinged with European influence, to that preserved in the notes written by 
 Friar Sahagun under the dictation of the aged and most learned of native chieftains 
 whom he gathered around him in Texcoco and questioned about their ancient beliefs, 
 etc. 
 
 fin a recent publication, the Spanish translation of which was published in the 
 Anales del Museo Nacional de Mexico (tomo vn, p. 260), Prof. Edward Seler, on ac¬ 
 count of the carved feather-frieze on the interior wall of the receptacle in the Ocelot 
 statue’s back, pronounces ex cathedra , thatthis monument is a “Quauhxicalli” or vase 
 destined to hold the hearts of human victims. In making this identification Pro¬ 
 fessor Seler entirely overlooks what appears to be so obvious a fact, namely that the 
 scene carefully depicted on the bottom of the receptacle furnishes more important 
 testimony as to the object for which it served than the decorative feather frieze, which 
 is a mere accessory. It stands to reason that a “vase of the eagles destined to receive 
 the hearts and blood of human victims,” would be more likely to exhibit carved rep¬ 
 resentations of eagles, human hearts and human sacrifices, than the images of two 
 persons in the act of drawing blood from their ears. 
 
 What is more: in treating of this native statue ofan ocelot Professor Seler ignored 
 the relation of this animal to Tezcatlipoca, just as he passed over in silence not only 
 the existence but the prevalence of the rite of ear-sacrifice in his discussion of its 
 performance by the two sculptured personages whom lie identifies as “gods” or 
 “Tezcatlipoca under two forms.” 
 
 461 
 
26 
 
 PENITENTIAL RITE OF THE ANCIENT MEXICANS. 
 
 tion is a recognition of the hitherto disregarded fact that the 
 rite of voluntarily drawing blood, principally from the ear, was 
 a feature of every-day life in Ancient Mexico which was per¬ 
 formed by young and old. It is but just to recognize what 
 a meritorious deed the Spanish Conquerors performed when 
 they summarily abolished so barbarous a practice, which, of 
 itself, sufficed to fill them with disgust for the native ritual. 
 
 The other results obtained are the certainty that the three 
 stone boxes described and possibly the “seat” in the Berlin 
 Museum, as well as the receptacle in the back of the ocelot statue, 
 were destined to hold ear-blood offerings made to Tezcatlipoca; 
 that the ocelot-statue was an image of this god under the form 
 he had mythically assumed for 666 years; that a close chain 
 of evidence connects Tezcatlipoca with the circumpolar con¬ 
 stellations and establishes his identity as the one-footed or lame 
 star-gocl of the Codices, the personification of Xonecuilli or of 
 Ursa Major, who, like pole-star gods in other parts of the world, 
 was conceived by the Mexicans as fastened by one foot to the 
 pole and performing a perpetual circuit around it by means of 
 the foot which remained free. 
 
 462 
 
Peabody Museum Papers. 
 
 Vol. I, No. 7, Pl. I. 
 
 Fig.1. 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
 Fig. 3. 
 
Fig. 1. Fig. 
 
 Peabody Museum Papers. 
 
Peabody Museum Papers. 
 
 Yol. I. Mo. 7, Pl. III. 
 
 Fro. 1. 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
Peabody Museum Papers. 
 
 Vol. I, No. 7, Pi.. IV 
 
 Fig. 1. 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
Peabody Museum Papers. 
 
 Vol. 1, NO. 7, PL. V. 
 
 Fig. 1. 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 


 
 
 

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