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 O R, A 
 
 REVIVAL 
 
 O F 
 
 &carce and Valuable Pieces 
 
 From the Remoteft Antiquity 
 down to the Prefent Times. 
 
 BEING 
 
 A. Collection of Manufcripts and 
 Printed Tra£b, no where to be found but 
 in the Clofets of the Curious. 
 
 By a Gentleman who has made it his Rufinefs to 
 fearch after fuch Pieces for Twenty Years pall. 
 
 All Men receive their Birth from other thingsj 
 But from Himfelf the P H E NIX only fprings y 
 From his own Cinders , balmd in cojlly Spices , 
 
 A Second P H E N IX like the Firft arifes : 
 
 O happy thine own Heir ! What ruins all , 
 
 Adds Strength to thee , refiord by Funerali 
 
 Dry den. 
 
 LONDON\ Printed for Morphew near Stationers Hall. 
 M* DCC. VIE 
 
. . . 
 
< Hi ) 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 By the Undertakers. 
 
 T H E Nature and Extent of this Defign being 
 explain’d fufficiently in the Title-Page, it’s 
 needlefs to infift on it here \ and the Ufeful- 
 lefs of the Work being obvious to every Intelligent 
 Reader, it’s equally needlefs to enlarge upon it. 
 
 A Delign partly of the fame nature, was begun in 
 Holland by the Learned and Induftrious Mr. Le Cltrc 
 in 1703. which has met with fuch Approbation, that 
 it is ftill continu’d and publifh’d there in French , in a 
 fmall Volume in 12 0 . once in half a year, under the 
 Title of Bibliotheque Choifie , i. e. The Select Library* 
 But whereas that Author mixes new Books as they 
 come out, with thofe of an older date, our Defign 
 is only to give fuch as are antient or fcarce; not by 
 way of Abridgment as he does (except they be very 
 bulky) but the Pieces themfelves: And becaufe many 
 don’t underftand French, we fhall from time to time 
 infert fuch of Mr. Le Clerc\ Extra&s as are Valuable 
 andfute our Defign, when we can’t meet with the 
 Books. But for thofe newly publifh’d, either abroad 
 or at home, we leave them to the Works of the 
 Learned , becaufe we would not interfere with the 
 Proprietors of that ufeful Book. And tho we fhall 
 take all poffible care to invade no Man’s Property, 
 
 A 2 ' yet 
 
iv Preface by the ^Undertakers. 
 
 yet we fhall be ready, if any fuch thing happens? 
 to give all reafonable Satisfaction, upon a reference 
 to Indifferent Perfons. 
 
 A Work of this nature requires Impartiality , and 
 as we mix nothing of our own Judgment in it, no 
 maip has reafon to. be offended that we don’t maku 
 the Humour pf ai>y Party a Aule fqrjour t^olledtifcf 
 Unci in this inatt^r we have' no reglrd ter our owi 
 Sentiments, which is the fureft Teft of Impartiality. 
 
 The Geqtleman \yho laid .the Groundwork, of This 
 Befign, has look’d dver all the latecu¬ 
 rious Collection of Pamphlets} and* lince Dr. Seamans 
 Auction, which was the firft, he has attended moil 
 that have been in London ? where he purchas’d - fuch. 
 curious Pieces as he thpught fit for his pqrpofe: |e- 
 lides what he has had from his particular |TiejxL, 
 and other Perfons who were willing to'promote this. 
 Undertaking. And that nothing may be warning 
 to make it compleat, fuch Gentlemen as fiave any 
 thing Scarce and Curious to impart, and will 
 pleas’d to fend it, directed for the Undertakers ' of 
 the JPbenix, to be left at PVW/s. Coffee-Honfe in 
 Alderfratc-ftrect , or give notice where they may be 
 attended, we fhall be ready to wait upon them, and 
 hear their Propofals T In the mean time ’tis thought 
 fit to give this publick notice. That we are already 
 Mailers of a Valuable; Collection for feveral Vo! umes, 
 and.fhall go with all pofiible fpeed upon another, if 
 this meet with a favourable Reception :, which wq 
 can fcarce doubt of, lince this is the-, only method for 
 preferving and making publick- fudi. Valuable Pieces^ 
 as would otherwife be utterly loll, or at leait confin’d 
 to theCIofets of the.Curious: Whereas they may at 
 one time or other be ufeful aild inflrudive to Men of 
 all Ranks and Facultys, and by cofile.qiience anfwer 
 the End of the firlt Publifhers or Compofers. 
 
The feveral Tracts contain’d in 
 this VOLUME. 
 
 ■jtf ■ (ny . 
 
 P Henix u A Letter of, Refolution concerning Origen and the chief 
 of his Opinions. Written to the Learned and moft Inge¬ 
 nious C; L. Efq ; and by him pub lift d, 
 
 2. God's firft Sally out of Himfelf in the Birth of the Vni- 
 verfe. ' 
 
 3 * A De fan about Difpofing the Bible into an Harmony : or 
 An Ejjay concerning the Tranjpofmg the Order of Books 
 and Chapters of the Holy Scriptures, for the reducing of 
 all into a continued Hift ory. o/ 
 
 4. Chriffs Birth Miff-timed • or a Reflation of the Right 
 Honourable the Lord Carew’i Queflion, touching the 
 true time of the Conception and Birth both of John Bap - 
 tifi apd alfo of our Saviour. Proving that Jefiss Chrift 
 was not born in December. By R.S. u 4 
 
 5. The Reformation of the Church in Ireland, during the 
 Reigns of King Henry YIII. Edward VI. and 
 Quehi Mary. I2Q> 
 
 6 . The-Sum and Subftance of the Conference, which it pleas'd 
 his Excellent Majefty to have with the Lords Bifhops and 
 others of his Clergy (f at which moft of the Lords of the 
 Council were prefentj in his Majefty’s Privy Chamber at 
 Hampton Court, Jan. 1603. Contracted by William 
 Barlow, Dotlorof Divinity, and Dean o/Chefter. 139, 
 7. Fragmenta Regalia : or, Obfervations on the Late 
 Qpccn Elizabeth, her Times and Favourites. Written 
 by Sir Robert Nauuton, After of the (pourt of Wards. 
 
 181 
 
 8. John Keymor’s Obfervatm made upon the Dutch Fil¬ 
 ing, about the Tear 1601. 222 . 
 
 9. The Form and Order of the Coronation of Charles \he 
 Second, King of Scotland, England, France, and 
 Ireland ; as it was ailed and done at ■ Scoon, the firft 
 Vayof January, 1651. To which is added, a Sermon 
 preach'd at Scoon, upon that occafion, by Robert Dow- 
 Minifter at Edinburgh, Moderator of the Com- 
 tniffion of the General Affembly. ~ 2 ^ 2# 
 
 A 3 Phenix 
 
vi The Tra£ls contain’d in this Volume. 
 
 Plienix 10. The Anfwer of the States General of the Vnited Provin¬ 
 ces of the Low Countries, to the Declaration of War 
 of the King of Great Britain, Printed in 1674, Pub- 
 tiflSd by their Lord/hips Order . 271. 
 
 11. I he Peoples Antient and 'Juft Liberties ajferted, in the 
 Tryal of William Penn and William Mead, at the 
 Seffions held at the Old Baily in London, the firft , 
 third, fourth and fifth of Sept. 1670. againfl the mofl 
 Arbitrary Procedure of that Court . To which is added. 
 
 An Appendix, by way of Defence for the Prifoners. 304. 
 
 12. The fecond Part of the Peoples Antient and Juft Liber¬ 
 ties ajferted, in the Proceedings againfl, and Tryals of 
 Thomas Rudyard, Francis Moor, Richard Mew, 
 Richard Mayfield, Richard Knowlman, Gilbert 
 Hutton, Job Boulton, Richard Thornton, Charles 
 Banifter, John Boulton, and William Bayly. At 
 the Sejjions begun and held at the Old Baily in London, 
 the lafl Day of the 6 th Month, and there continued tilt 
 the -jth Day of the jth Month next following, in the Tear 
 1670. againfl the Arbitrary Procedure of that Court, and 
 Juflices there. 350. To which is added, an Appendix , 
 
 » by way of Dialogue, in a Plain and Friendly Difcourfe be¬ 
 
 tween a Student in the Laws and Liberties of England, 
 f— and a true Citizen of London. 387. And aljo, The 
 
 Lord Chief Juflice Vaughan’.* Report of Mr. Bufhel\r 
 Cafe . 407. 
 
 13. An Apology or Defence of William the Firfl, of Naflau, 
 Prince of Orange, (&c. in anfwer to the Proclamation 
 againfl, and Profcription of him by the King of Spain. 
 
 To which is prefix'd the f,aid Profcription at length, with 
 feveral Letters and Declarations of the Prince of Orange, 
 
 &c. relating thereunto. 4^0. j 
 
 14. A Narrative of the Proceedings of a Great Council of 
 Jews, affembled in the Plain of Ageda in Hungary, 
 about thirty Leagues from Buda, to examine the Scrip¬ 
 tures concerning Chrifl, on the Twelfth of October 1650. 
 
 By Samuel Brett, there prefent. Aifo a Relation of 
 fome other Obfervations in his Travels beyond the Seas. 543. 
 
 Certain Leters evidencing K. Charles II’s Stedfafinefs 
 in the Proteflant Religion : Sent from the Princefs of Tu- 
 renne, and the Miniflers of Charenton, to fome Per- 
 fons of Quality in London. 
 
 l6 ‘ j A j Trke Relatlon °f the late Kh £ s T>eath. To which are 
 added Copies of two Papers written by the late K. Charles 
 II. of Blejfed Memory, found in the Strong Box. ^ 66 . | 
 
 Ileitis j 
 
CO 
 
 pljcmjt i. 
 
 A Letter of Reflation 
 
 concerning O R. IG E N and 
 the chief of his Opinions. 
 
 Written to the Learned and mofi Ingenious 
 C. L. Efcj ; and by him publish'd. 
 
 To the Reader. 
 
 I 'N conformity to Cuftom, which fends few Books into the World, 
 be they , never fo mean, without fome fair befpeakjng of the 
 Reader, or giving him an account of the Author or his Work 
 it was thought convenient that fome little thing in that kind 
 flm’d be prefix’d to thefe few Sheets, and that I fhou y d do it, who 
 may reafonably be prefum’d to have a greater Knowledgand Intereft in 
 this Affair thanany other . Know therefore , Reader, that fome while 
 ago, upon a certain Occafion, which would be to no purpofe here to 
 mention, there was begot in me a Curiofity to know the Opinions of that 
 pious Father of the Church, the learned Origen: and being neither by 
 natural Temper, nor the way of my Studies, nor condition of Life, ei¬ 
 ther fo punctually inform’d what was in general Efieem accounted 
 Orthodox, or much aw’d by the word-, I fuffer’d that Curiofity to 
 grow fo great in me, that l was even affliHed till it was fatwjy’d. 
 
 B But 
 
2 % To the Reader. 
 
 But having neither Time enough to fpare from my own fecular Imploy- 
 merits, nor Philofophy enough to pierce into thofe recondite Myfteries, I 
 quickly perceiv'd 1 could not by my own Induftry and Meditation come 
 to the end of my Defires. I therefore wrote unto a Friend of mine , 
 
 competently well enabled with thofe Advantages of Leifure and meta¬ 
 physical Knowledge conjuring him, by our long Acquaintance and Friend- 
 to &ive bimfelf the Trouble of fending me an account of fome 
 Queries I there put to him, tending to my Contentment and Satisfaction 
 in this Particular . He, by good hap , having juft before finijh'd a 
 Treatife, which may one day fee the Light to the benefit of the 
 Church, and having nothing new in the Forge, pity'd my Anxiety, and 
 promis'd to do fomething for the Eafe of my Mind, and accordingly 
 fhortly after did me the Honour to fend me the following Papers « 
 Thou may ft eafily imagine I receiv'd fo obliging a Prefent with all due 
 Kefentment, and entertain’d the fair Conceptions in it with extraordi¬ 
 nary Emotion of Spirit: For really feveral Things before lay fo crofs 
 and fcurvily in my Soul, that I too 4 no plectfure to look into it , nay 1 
 was fenfibly pain’d and prick'd when I had the Hardinefs fo to do : 
 But I quickly felt all thofe Vnevennejfes begin to wear away, and e- 
 very thing to range it felf in its right Place and Order, Principles and 
 Conclufions fairly accorded, and a lafiing Peace and Calm ffor fo l 
 boldly prefagdj poffefs’d me throughout. Having receiv'd fo great 
 a Benefit my felf and conjctluring that in this inquifitive Age, the 
 Minds of other Men, as well as mine, might need, and would joy fully 
 receive Relief by the fame means which minifired to my Tranquillity, 
 and having by Trial aloof off, upon fome capable Perfons, found that 
 my Conjecture was real, l thought I fimldbe envious if l did not en¬ 
 deavour to obtain leave of my Friend to make his Papers public ^ 
 Whereupon, after fome time, I refolv’d to give him a Vifit at his 
 Hermitage fas he is wont to call the Place of his Retirement J for 
 the effelling of my purpofe . . Where amongft many learned and pleafant 
 Entertainments, the -clear Witnejfes of a benign Nature, an innocent Con - 
 fcience , and fat isfy'd Under/landing, I mov'd my Defign unto him.. He 
 with an amaz'd Look, ask'd me what 1 meant ? I plainly told him 
 that I meant to do what was in me, that others might receive that Eafe 
 and Benefit which I my felf had felt by his Labour • for others there 
 were in the World, I doubted not, in the fame Condition I was then in, 
 when Irequejled his Afliftance-, and in exchange for his Quefihn, I 
 ask'd him, why he fim'd be fo unwilling to it as his Looks fbew'd him 
 to be ? To which, after fome little Recollettion, The Quefiions difeufs'd 
 in thofe mconfiderable Papers you talk of Creply'd he ) are great and 
 bold, and you mi flake the World if you imagine they will find an equal 
 Hearing ; but are certainly much out in your account, if you think Men 
 will be convinc d of their Truth by fo mean an handling as mine is. For 
 tho I thought that wou'd be enough to entertain your Curiofity a little 
 M the Fit was over, and to offer fome Hints to your more deliberate 
 
 Meditations - T 
 
To the Reader. j 
 
 Meditations ; yet t did not then while I was fcribling of them, much 
 \ lefsnow in my cooler Thoughts, conceive them convi&ive to any who werd 
 not in a very forward Preparation to the Belief of them already, Fot 
 neither are the Foundations of my Reafonings laid low enough, nor firm* 
 ly fettled f being I wat to follow Origen rather than my own In¬ 
 ventionJ nor is the Order of my Conceptions upon any of the Opinions 
 fuch as it ought to be : for I remember very well upon my reading the 
 Papers over after I had finifljd them, I difcerrid fame things in the 
 entrance of a Queflion or an Argument, which by the right Laws of 
 Difcourfe ought to have come behind j and others I faw were caft into 
 the clofe of it, which wou'd have done better farvice more forwardly 
 plac'd. To tell you the Truth, I did not farupuloufly fat my felf any 
 method, but tool £ all Thoughts that came, and as they came fif ho¬ 
 mogeneous to the wholeJ and there upon the Spot fetter'd them id 
 Words, left they might not have been at hand when 1 needed them^ not 
 I been able to recal fuch fugitive Things when their Turn came, My 
 Anfwers to Objetiions have the fame Carelefnefs in them, no applying 
 this or that to fuch or fuch a Propofition, but a diffufa fpeaking to 
 the whole j being loth, as it flm'd feem, to lofe any good Words that 
 came in my Mind, which muft needs render my Anfwer weak rind ob- 
 fcure to ftritt Logical Readers, Many of my Interpretations of Scrip¬ 
 ture are rather extravagant or pleafant, than the ferious Confirmations 
 bf a weighty Caufe, and which affett to make the Holy Penmen of Sa¬ 
 cred Writ fpeak Notions where in all likelihood they never meant it* t 
 am alfa much too fhort in mofi of the Points debated: Which Faults 3 
 tho they be pardonable in a private Letter to a familiar Friend, will be 
 fattifl) and ridiculous in a publifldd Piece, Do you then impartially 
 judg whether fa fhort a Difcourfe, full of fa many and fuch monftrous 
 DefeZls$ pretending the Defence of high and rau'd Myfieries againjt 
 flrong inveterate Prejudices, be hot a thing rather to be laugh'd at $ 
 than receiv'd as ufeful to any better Purpofe, To this I fmilingly re- 
 plfd, that he might be as bold as he pleas'd with his own j yet if he 
 wou'd that I flm'd be of his Mind for the prefant , and acknowledg 
 with him thefe Faults fas he call'd them J I was content, Upn con* 
 dition that lit wou'd take his Papers back > an d met] d them in all the 
 Particulars he was pleas'd to fay they were defective in$ and then 
 give me that leave which I then came to beg. This I prefs'd him td 
 with all earneftnefs poffible, hoping that either he wou'd do it, and fo I 
 might receive his fecond and f as the Proverb fays ) better Cogita¬ 
 tions, whofa firft pleas'd me fo much or elfe that he wou'd be forc'd 
 out of Civility to grant my firft Requeft$ if he wat refalvd to deny 
 the fecond. And it fell out according to my Hope ; for being obftinatelf 
 j fat againft all Preview, partly becaufa he was now more ferioufl) em¬ 
 ploy'd, partly becaufa that wou'd look Uk e an Approbation of OrigenV 
 Opinions, he at laji unwillingly permitted me to do what I wou'd witH 
 that l had. Which I here offer to thy candid A,ecept<tl\ee$ peihg Confi- 
 
 © 2 deni 
 
4 An Account of Origen, 
 
 dent thou wilt not be offended with any thing in it, if thou be'fi of my 
 Humour, to thinly no Opinion formidable which does Honour to 0 od 7 ren¬ 
 ders him mofl amiable to Men , and a fure Objett of our Faith and 
 Hope , which juftifies the Ways of his Providence, and reconciles them 
 with his moft precious Attributes , Equity and Benignity . Farewel. 
 
 C. L. 
 
 A Letter of Refolution concerning ORIGEN 
 anti the chief of his Opinions. 
 
 sir , 
 
 I F the partial Judgment which your Friendfhip makes of 
 me, and the heat of your commendable Curiofity would 
 Suffer you equally and coolly to confider the Undertaker 
 and his Work ; you would, out of Pity to me, and Honour to 
 the great Perfonage you enquire of, expeft no other Letter 
 from me at this tune than one of humble Thanks, for. relea¬ 
 sing me from the Burden your Commands had laid upon me; 
 For verily I much need your Pity and Relief, who am comba¬ 
 ted with two mighty contrary Paflions \ the one an infinite 
 Defire to" do the Father Right, the other as great a Defpair 
 of doing it, from the moft certain Confcioufnefs of my own 
 Inability. And tho by my undertaking of it I fhall reap this. 
 Fruit of having given you an evidence of what Authority 
 your Commands are with me, and how ready I am in the 
 greatest Disadvantages to obey them \ yet I fhall neither Sa¬ 
 tisfy you nor my felf in the Performance, and poflibly be in¬ 
 jurious to his venerable Name, in adding more Envy to his 
 Opinions thro my unskilful Representation of them. But to 
 be bold with you upon.the warrant of our Friendfhip, I think 
 you are not at* prefent capable of any equitable consideration 
 as tot hi;, Particular ; and therefore I do refolve to bear the 
 Necefiity, as well as I may, hoping it will prove a Benefit 
 to me, and Security for the future : for certainly you will 
 not be very forward to impede a Second Task of this nature 
 upon me, who have So ill acquitted my felf in the fir,ft. And, 
 to fhew you how little Power I have over my own Inclinations 
 and Actions, where you are pleas’d to dirett them, I fhall, 
 even contrary to my own Judgment, omit nothing of the Me¬ 
 thod you have Set me, but give you an Account, Such as it 
 will be, of all the Particulars you defire to know, and ac¬ 
 cording to the Order they are in in your Letter \ tho other¬ 
 wise, being left free, I fhould certainly have wav’d the fir ft- 
 
 f ~ of 
 
* and his chiefefi Opinions. 
 
 •of them, and pofiibly the fecond. Five Things then you en¬ 
 quire of: 
 
 1. What Opinion the Antients had of the Worth, Spirit 
 and' Temper of his Perfon. 
 
 2. What they thought of his Dodrine. 
 
 3. What his Dogmata are. 
 
 4. By what Arguments he affected them. 
 
 *5. By what his Adverfaries endeavour’d to confute them, 
 and how I imagine an Origeniji would anfwer to their Objec¬ 
 tions.' 
 
 I N anfwer tothefirft, be pleas’d to receive this Adver- 
 tifement in the fir ft place, which may ferve to arm you a- 
 gainft the Entertainment of a too forward Prejudice againft 
 him. Thofe that are skill’d and well-read in the antient Wri¬ 
 ters of the Church, tell us, that there are very few Records 
 left of him, but fuch as mult be had out of thofe Writings 
 which were on purpofe compos’d to refute his Opinions ; or an 
 leaft out of fuch as colled and amafs together his Opinions 
 without their Confutation, with defign to bid Men beware of 
 them and deteft them. Wherefore it is not to be wondred at, 
 if the Heat of Deputation, or Zeal for what they were per- 
 fuaded was the Truth, make them lbmetimes, in lo pardona¬ 
 ble a Paffion, fpeak fomething more harlhly and tartly of his 
 i Perfon and Opinions, whom they imagin’d the Adversary and 
 Subverterof it. But to the bufinefs: ’Ti$ laid to his Charge 
 that he was carry’d away with too curious an Endeavour of 
 letting no part of Holy Scriptures, how hard foever, go un¬ 
 explain’d, which prov’d his Ruin: That he was very teme¬ 
 rarious, and in his Interpretations faid any thing carelefly 
 what he pleas’d; that he was *o^We/W jy Jbwsei a 
 
 Searcher of Things unfearchable, tmv Wksmiw, 
 
 who fill’d all the World with his Toys and Nugacity, a Fa- 
 | natick, i%iKb<ro<p®-, a Caviller and jeerer at the Simplicity of 
 true Believers, one who thro his carnal Mind and Rea failings 
 could not receive the Grace of the Spirit, an Unbeliever, 
 
 I and the greateftof Unbelievers, a pitiful vain-glorious Man, 
 perverted by his great Skill in the Greek Learning. The Un- 
 pleafantnefs of the Argument tires me already, and my Re¬ 
 verence to the Cenfurers makes me abftain from their Names: 
 j But I fhall recreate your Mind with his more advantageous 
 Pidure, which they drew for him in a dired View of him, 
 without fo oblique a Caft upon his Opinions. And here they 
 reprefent him as one who, both in his Youth and afterwards, 
 willingly and courageoufly fuffer’d many Perfecutions and 
 much barbarous Ufage for the Nanjeof Chrift, and the Holy 
 
 B 3 Dodrine 
 
6 An Account of Origin, 
 
 Dodrine of Faith, being many times drag’d thro the Streets 
 of the City, reproachfully us’d and revil’d, enduring Tor¬ 
 tures unfutterable, envy’d and hated by thofe in Power for 
 his eximious Piety and Learning, who overthrew and confu¬ 
 ted all the He re fies that were m the Church in his time; 
 very well skill’d in the Natures and Properties of Animals 
 and other natural things; who liv’d an Afcetick Life, and 
 thro his excelTiye Stridnefs, fpare Diet, and Abftinence 
 from Animals, ’tis reported, r dvrk wsoflajctt/a/* 
 
 whom none but the Ignorant and Unskilful can deny to have 
 been the Matter of the Churches after the Apofiles, fo well 
 vers’d in the Holy Scriptures, that he had them all without 
 book; and hisKnowledg in them was fo great, that even 
 his Adverfaries wifh’d to have had it. tho with the Envy of 
 bis Name ; whofe continual Study Night and Day was to 
 underftand them, and to explain them to others; and innu¬ 
 merable Treatifes of that kind he pubiilh’d for the good of all 
 Men, befides a multitude of other Writings, to the number 
 of 6000 Volumes in all ; who writ more than other Men can 
 read : and all this Divine Knowledg he had in conjundion 
 with the perfed underftanding of tfie profoundeft Myfteries 
 pf the heft and nobleft Seds of Philofophy, before whom 
 Plotinus himfelf was afham’d to continue his Ledure, fo much 
 did he revere this holy and learned Father. And to be fhort, 
 I refer you to the Encomium given him by Vincentw Lirinenfis, 
 This is a Draught of him from thofe who otherwife were 
 not apt to favour him. And you in taking a view of it, can¬ 
 not but clearly difcoverthefe two things, the Ingenuity and 
 Integrity of thofe who were Enemies to his Dodrine, in 
 that they did not, like the Difputersof After-ages, make all 
 Men ignorant and impious who were not of their Mind ; 
 and the ftupendious worth of Origen , which drew fuch fair 
 Tettimonies of hisperfonal Perfedions even from them, who 
 thro their Dillike of his Opinions, could not poflibly be his 
 profefs’d Encomiafts. And if I fhould add what Intima¬ 
 tions I find of the Efteem had of him by fuch as did not dis¬ 
 approve his Dogmata , you would then fay that he was little 
 lefs than an Apoftle ; but becaufe the witnefs of Friendlhip 
 is fo apt to be partial, and fo lefs credible, I will wave it 3 
 and here make an end of the firft Query. 
 
 T H E fecond is, What they thought of his Podrines ? 
 
 They fay his Herefy, tho entertain’d by the moft emi¬ 
 nent Chrittians, and fuch as profefs’d a Monattick and Ancho- 
 retick Life and Poverty, yet was it 7m,<TMv p orothsttuv pjQ'/pwzo- 
 rifar That his Dogmata concerning Faith and matters of 
 
 higher 
 
and his chief eft Opinions. j 
 
 higher Speculation, are the moft abfurd of any that ever 
 were before or after him, thofe only Opinions of other Se&s 
 excepted, which countenanc’d impure and filthy Praftices: 
 That his Dpftrineof the Refurredion, befide the Nugacity 
 of it, was indeed mere Unbelief; a deceitful Opinion, not 
 maintain’d by Faith, but Syllogifms and Ratiocinations, 
 fubverting the Confeflion of our Faith, 1 % <puV 
 
 rt(juv avpB*fvbvTW' Madnefs, and Ignorance, and Blafphemy ; 
 a putative Refurredion, and only in Appearance, for he 
 did only in Words confefs that Article, but ik Deed and in 
 his Mind deny’d and fubverted it. His Opinion concerning 
 Pre-exiftence , and the happier State of the Soul before fhe was 
 thruft down into thefe inferior parts of the World, they fay, is 
 )i) t{A yntohcyict, without Senfe or Underftanding, 
 t^e Conceit of bad Men, Blafphemy and Stolidity: That the 
 Author of it did imitate the Craft and Deceitfuinefs of the 
 Devil, that old Serpent, who of old deceiv’d Eve y and hill 
 does the Minds of the Simple; That his Dottrine in general 
 is abfurd and pernicious, a Serpentine deadly Poifon, which 
 he vomited into the World to his own Deftru&ion, and theirs 
 who adhere to him. His Doftrineof the Holy Trinity, they 
 fay, is manifeft Blafphemy, and he by it was the Father of 
 Arianifm y and the Root whence all other like Herefies fprang; 
 fo nearly fymbolizing not only with Arm, hut with Emom'ms 
 and Afanichaw alfo, that they who have written againii them 
 have with the fame Labour anfwer’d to his Impieties: An E^ 
 nemyof God and the Church for his molt hateful Opinions; 
 pnd one profefles, in the Word and Faith of a Ohriftian, 
 that his Dogmata are poifonous and contrary to Scripture. His 
 Opinion concerning the happy Reftitution of all Things, and 
 the Liberation of the Punilh’d, whether Men or Daemons, is 
 fiich, that they cannot tell whether they Ihou’d be griev’d or 
 laugh at it. What hath been produc’d upon this fecond In* 
 quiry, I think is fufficient, to let you lee what Opinion lome 
 pious and learned Perfonsof the Church had of Origen's Dpc* 
 trines. I cannot here, as in the former Query, oppofe to this 
 feverer Cenfure one more favourable in his behalf, becaule 
 the more antient Authors, I make ufe of in this whole mat^ 
 ter, were prpfefs’d Enemies to his Dogmata y and I have heard 
 of no other extant which befriend them. Yet fomething 
 you may gather from the firft Teftimony produc’d in this 
 Particular, and add to it, that he hath not wanted fuch as 
 have apologiz’d for him, and defended the Catholicknefs of 
 his Doftrine; Men very eminent in the Church for Place 
 and Dignity, and alfo for their learned Writings, fome where* 
 of are Hill extant, and in great erteem in the World, One of 
 
 B 4 them 
 
8 An Account of Origen, 
 
 them is by his Adverfaries themfelves confefs’d to he Catho* 
 lick in the grand Herefy of all, to wit, that of the Holy 
 Trinity: A fecond was fo good a Chriftian, as to confirm 
 the Truth of his Faith by Martyrdom. That I may not 
 add that fome later Writers, but very learned Men, have 
 defended him too: for I know with fome Men it will be ex¬ 
 ception enough againft their Authority to fay they are Mo¬ 
 dern; with others againft their Reafon to fay. This Man 
 was a Philofopher, thataPapift, a third a Jefuit, the worft of 
 Papifts ; for the Holy Father hath found Defenders a- 
 mongft all thefe forts of Men. But inftead of fuch Tefti- 
 monies of antient Writers, which do as much cry up the 
 Truth and Noblenefs of his Dogmata, as thofe others I have 
 produc’d do reprove their Falfenefs and Contrariety to the 
 Faith of the Gofpel: What if I fhoiild give you a ihort Ht- 
 ftory of their Quarrel againft him and his Opinions ? May 
 not this poffibly fomewhat leffen the Credit of their harder 
 Cenfure ? I will be very brief in it, becaufe I know you 
 would rather hear what his Opinions are, than fee the Con¬ 
 tentions among the venerable Fathers of the Chriftian 
 Church. Origen , according to the Philofophicalnefs of his ex¬ 
 cellent Spirit, had aflferted God to be purely incorporeal and 
 immenfe, and that it was an impious derogation to his moft 
 perfe£t Effence to be limited by any form whatever, and 
 therefore not' by human Shape; however the Scripture does 
 afcribe to him the feveral Parts of human Bodies. And this 
 he did with fome Zeal and Earneftnefs, becaufe fome un¬ 
 learned Monks of Egypt had advanc'd the contrary Opinion, 
 for which they were call’d by him Anthropornorphites . Now 
 as it commonly happens, and as we fee in the Roman Church, 
 that the fame Orders conftantly tranfmit the fame Opinions 
 to all their Succeffors; fo was it amongft thefe ignorant 
 Monks, for the fame falfe Conceit was preferv’d and ftrenu- 
 oully maintain’d amongft them almoft two hundred years af¬ 
 ter. At which time Epiphaniw^ one of that Profeffion, had 
 imbib’d the Error, or at leaft was not much averfe from 
 it; fortho he was without doubt a very pious Man, yet it 
 is apparent enough that he had not much Learning, and 
 therefore was very obnoxious to that dull Hallucination: 
 for his Piety would make him very much revere the plain 
 Declarations of Scripture which countenance it, and his little 
 Learning could not refeue him from the Fallacy. But as 
 tenaciouily as the Monks of his time kept their old Mump- 
 fimut which their Predeceffors had taught them; fo with no 
 lefs' care did other more learned Chnftians retain the true 
 and more reafonable Dc&rinc of Origer., And it is no won- 
 
and his chiefejl Opinions. 9 
 
 der if there was much Contention among# them,and many hard 
 Words given, to the mutual provoking and inflaming one 
 another. It happen’d about this time thy Theophiles Bifhop 
 of Antioch^ an Origenift, and one who had in publick Writings 
 call’d Epiphanies an Herefmrch , had ordain’d one Diofcorw, an 
 Origenift too, Bilhop of Hermopolis , and committed to two of his 
 Brothers the whole management of the Affairs of his own 
 Church : but they being as pious as learned, did much dif- 
 like the Temper and Practices of Theophilus , who was a 
 proud, revengeful, covetous, crafty and turbulent Man; and 
 out of this difguft left him, and retir’d to their Monafteries 
 : again, from whence he had call’d them. He fmelling out 
 
 | what it was that difpleas’d them, inftead of mending his 
 Manners, was refolv’d to be reveng’d of them ; and therefore 
 befides his fending feveral MonkilL Anihropomorpbites into 
 thofe Parts whereto they had retir’d, to kindle that Con- 
 troverfy afrefh, to bring Diofcores and his Brothers into what 
 1 Danger and Envy he could, as holding the blafphemous Opi¬ 
 nion of Origen (for fo he impioufly and again# his Confcience 
 call’d it) he alfo perfecuted them by the arm’d force of Sol¬ 
 diers; fo that they poor Men were conftrain’d to fave them- 
 felves by flying to Conftantinople , where St. Chryfofhm was Bi¬ 
 ll fhop. And tho this holy and wife Prelate would not com¬ 
 municate with ftiem till the whole Caufe was heard and 
 judg’d according to Ecclefiaftical Form; yet the proud Theo- 
 
 I philes having nothing in his Eye but Violence and Revenge, 
 was refolv’d to be reveng’d on him too for giving fhelter to 
 his Enemies. And therefore, thro his malicious Craft, he 
 abus’d the Ample and unwary Zeal of Epiphanies , and infti- 
 | gated him to call a Synod in his See for condemning the 
 •Books of Origen ; fignifying to him withal, that tho he had 
 formerly been of another Mind, yet now he had renounc’d 
 ij that pernicious Doctrine, and was wholly come over to his 
 1 Opinion. By this Device he knew he Ihould be even with 
 all his Enemies together, who all admir’d and reverenc’d the 
 Name and Works of that learned Father. And by the fame 
 great Craft of his, it is thought he drew infst. Jerom alfo in¬ 
 to the fame Confederacy : Which he'might not difficultly 
 do, he being naturally of a very hot and eager Difpofition, 
 I and tho a very learned Man, yet fcarce beyond the bounds 
 of Philology. The Synod was call’d, and the Books con¬ 
 demn’d, according to Iheophilus’s Projeft, who did the feme in 
 his own See too, and made Epiphanim write to Chryfoftom to fol¬ 
 low their Example. But as it feems this Holy Father was 
 not fo forward in the Bufmefs, and therefore the reftlefs Spi¬ 
 rit of Theophilus inftigated Epiphanius to go to Conftantinople , car¬ 
 rying 
 
i© An Account of Origen, 
 
 jying the Decree of the Synod with him, to have it fubfcribtf 
 there. But St. Cbryfoftom refus’d to fubfcribe, judging it very 
 hard and unequal, and not according to the manner of Eccle- 
 iiaftical Cenfures, that a Perfon of fo great Learning and 
 Piety, who had been fo ferviceable to the Church, who liv’d 
 two hundred Years before, whofe Books no Council had 
 condemn’d, ihould now be condemn’d by a fmall pack’d Synod 
 of hisprofefs’d Enemies. But Epiphanius was refolv’d to go 
 thro with his Work, being abetted in it not only by the 
 falfe and implacable Theophilus , but alfo by the Emprefs her 
 felf, and fome potent Men in the Court, and feveral licen- 
 tious Priefts, who had a pique againft Cbryfoftom for his free 
 reproving of their Faults \ and therefore in the moft invidi¬ 
 ous manner he could, before all the People, he recited the 
 Decree, exprefly naming fome of the Origenifts , to wit, thofe 
 whom the wrathful Theophilus fo caufelefly perfecuted, with 
 oblique Reflections alfo upon Cbryfoftom as the Patron of them. 
 And this fervent Zeal of his for the Truth, as he conceiv’d, 
 was the more eafily boil’d up to this irregular height becaufe 
 of fome Difciples of Arius, who fince the Condemnation of 
 their Matter and his DoCtrine, not daring to avow his Herefy 
 under that Title, craftily and moft falfly endeavour’d to pro- 
 pagate it under the unmeet Cover of the plaufible name of 
 Origen. If I was concern’d in the Opinions of Origen more 
 than barely to give you an hiftorical Account of them, or 
 took fo great an Intereft in his Quarrel, as to be an Adver- 
 fary to his Adverfaries, I could mention to you, that Chryfojhm 
 gently fnubbing Epiphanius by Seraphton for this pragmatical 
 Defign of his (as fome would call it) and meddling fo much 
 where he had fo little to do, and kindly bidding him beware 
 left from the Stir and Commotion he had put the People in 
 any danger Ihould redound to himfelf; the good Man forth¬ 
 with upon this advertifement halted from Conftantinople to his 
 own See, but died by the way. I could alfo tell you what be- 
 fel Cyrinus Bilhop of Cbalcedon , a bitter Enemy of Cbryfoftom’ s, 
 when the pack’d Bilhops were there who were to compofe a- 
 nother Synod againft that pious Father. There are not 
 wanting who draw fuch Accidents into Argument againft their 
 unrighteous Proceedings againft two fuch excellent Perfons, 
 and think they were the Rebukes of Providence : But fuch 
 Events are of too lubricous a confideration to be taken notice 
 of by any blit an Adverfary and an Orator ; but I am nei¬ 
 ther in this Work you have impos’d on me. Only this you 
 may plainly gather from what I have now related, that the 
 great Heat and Bitternefs againft the Opinions of Origen h ad 
 fuch beginnings as no Man now would dare to own, vi%. the 
 
 fatisfying 
 
and his chief eft Opinions . H 
 
 latisfying the Revenge of an impious Diffembler, and the 
 difcountenancing a Doftrine which almoftall the Chriitian 
 World believes for true. But the eager Contention againft 
 this one Opinion would neceffarily difcover many others 
 which were like to be fufpetled likewife; for Origen’ s rais’d 
 Genius could not but light on fuch Conclusions as were of an 
 higher and more remote Speculation, which to Heads unus’d 
 to fuch Theories, would firlt appear Arrange, and then 
 falfe ; becaufeweare very unwilling that any thing fhould be 
 true which we never heard of before, and which we do not 
 now underhand. Many of which Cpnclufions fagotted to¬ 
 gether by fome malicious or quarrelfom Reader of his Works, 
 would make fuch a lhow to his Difadvantage in the Judgment 
 of the Simple and Unlearned, that without any fcruple they 
 would be fet againft him as a Man of moft monftrous Con¬ 
 ceits. 
 
 Y Our third Query is. What his Dogmata are ? 
 
 By which Queftion I prefume you do not mean all the 
 Pottrines that are in his Writings, which cannot be found in 
 the common compendious Creed of the Chriftian Church, 
 nor amonglt the Articles of particular Churches, no nor yet 
 in the ufual Syftems of Theology } for it would be as hard 
 to tell you what his Opinion is in all thofe Queftions he pro¬ 
 pounds and difcufles in his Books, as it is unworthy in him 
 who hath heap ? d up feveral of them together as his Opinions, 
 when yet he profefles of them that he does not propound 
 them as the Sentiments of his own Mind, but only as noble 
 and llluftrious Arguments of our Contemplation, very well 
 worthy to be further enquir’d of: but your meaning, I fup~ 
 pofe, is of the moft material of them, and which moil offend 
 our otherways taught Ears. Thofe of this fort may be re¬ 
 duc’d to thele Six, 
 
 i. His Dotlrine concerning the Holy Triqity, among the 
 Hypoftafes whereof, they fay, he puts an Inequality. 
 
 *2. That the Souls of Men do pre-exiit. 
 
 That thro their Fault and Negligence they appear here 
 Inhabitants of the Earth cloth’d with Terreftrial Bodies. 
 
 4. That the Myitery of the Refurrefrion is this, that we 
 lhall be cloth ? d with heavenly or aethereal Bodies. 
 
 5. That after long periods of time the Damn’d (hall be 
 deliver’d from their Torments, and try their Fortunes again 
 in fuch Regions of the World as their Nature fits them for. 
 
 6. That the Earth, after her Conflagration, (hail become 
 ; habitable again, and be the manfion of Men and other Ani¬ 
 mals} and this in eternal Yiciflitudes. 
 
 Thefe 
 
12 An Account of Or i g e N, 
 
 Thefe are the chief Matters wherein Origen is conceiv’d 
 to have mightily tranfgrefs’d ; and of which Jerom fays. 
 Cum k&c rejeceritk & quafi cenforia virgula feparaveritis a fide Ec- 
 defi&j tu to legam cetera: nec venena jam timebo, cum antidotum 
 prabibero. 
 
 H OW he affertsthefe, and upon what Grounds and Rea- 
 fons, is your fourth Query, which in order comes now to 
 be anfwer’d. 
 
 Concerning the Firft of them, whether Origen ever us'd the 
 very Term Inequality or Inequal in his Speculations of that 
 myfterious and bleffed Effence, I cannot fay. Sure I am, I 
 never met with it in his Writings; and, what is a better Ar¬ 
 gument that he us’d it not, none of thofe objeft it to him 
 who have made Collections of his Errors and dangerous 
 Speeches. And therefore if the thing it felf be laid to his 
 Charge, it mult be infer’d from fuch Paffages as thefe they 
 take notice of, and have excerpted out of his Writings, Pater 
 non 'videtur a Pilio y Pater non comprehenditur a Filio , Film , qui eft 
 . imago invifibilx Patrif, comparatus Patri non eft Verity y <&c. But 
 if he did hold a kind of Inequality amongft the bleffed Hypo¬ 
 ftafes of the molt Sacred Trinity, a Man would probably 
 guefs from what he finds in his Writings that his Grounds were 
 thefe. 
 
 i. The Difference of their Effential Characters and Idio- 
 tnata, which is fuch as might eafily induce him to think that 
 the Divine Hypoftafes, which fubftantially were thofe Idioma- 
 ta or Properties, did alfo differ one from another according 
 as the Perfections differ’d fignify’d by thofe Effential Proper¬ 
 ties. They are thefe. Original Goodnefs, or firft Plenitude 
 of Life and Being, All-comprehenfive Wifdom or Reafon, 
 and Demiurgical Love; which tho they all be truly and pro¬ 
 perly univerfal Natures, yet there is manifeftly in the two 
 latter and derivative Hypoftafes a verging towards Particula¬ 
 rity, if compar’d with the firft Primitive Fountain of the 
 Deity; and this drawing towards Particularity is greater in 
 the Third than in the Second. For ajl things are in the Firft 
 in fuch an indiftinCt manner, and in fuch Exuberances flow 
 from him, that our Minds cannot particularly fet out this and 
 that: but emptying himfelf into the Second, we then find 
 them, according to his Name and Nature,limited and bounded 
 and divided into their refpeCtive Reafons and Ideas, but 
 without deftroying his Effential Unity, for he is them all; 
 from whom they being further carry’d. down to the Third, 
 are by his Almighty and never-failing Power diftinCf}y 
 brought forth into vifible Life and Exiftence, ex.a&ly accord- 
 
and his chief eft Opinions • i j 
 
 ing to thofe eternal Reafons and Ideas which fhone into him 
 from the Second, and faithfully govern’d the Operations of his 
 Power. And if we defceni from this higher Metaphyfical 
 Speculation, and take a view of thefe three Excellencies, not 
 as they are Subftances in the Deity, but as Difpofitions and 
 Qualities in created Beings; we cannot but pronounce that 
 there is fuch plain difference in their Notions, that if they 
 were from their accidental Nature exalted into Subftantial 
 life, they would there alfo ftill retain their difference. 
 
 2. There, feems fuch a Neceflity of Nature, that all EfFe&s 
 and Productions whatever, whether voluntary or emanative, 
 fliould decline fomething from the fupereminent Excellency 
 of the Caufe and Producer, that it is lcarce poffible to keep 
 
 | our Minds from thinking but that the Rule holds alfo in the 
 Divine Emanations; efpecially when the very Names of Fa¬ 
 ther and Son , and the Modes of Derivation, being begot by the 
 Father , and proceeding from bothy do fo fairly countenance the 
 j Truth of it. 
 
 3. Tho the Divine Hypoftales be acknowledg’d Three in 
 refpeCt of their proper Eifenccs, ( for fo, for more plainnefs, 
 
 I I fhall crave leave to fpeak) and thofe three different, or aim 
 atque aim ; and not only fo, in regard of three different 
 j Names, or a threefold Order (as the Church hath rightly 
 determin’d, againfl SabelTm, I take it :) yet if we abltrad 
 from them in our Minds their Names and Order, and barely 
 contemplate thofe Effences, we can find nothing in them 
 ( according to the Hypothelis erf fhe Equalifts) why one fhould 
 be call’d the Father or Son rather than another: which mulf 
 needs have feem’d very fiarfh to Origetf s contemplative Spirit, 
 if. not derogatory to him who is Amply Fir ft in that ever- 
 bleffed Triad . 
 
 4. The ftrift Equalifts could not give him any reafon why 
 the Deity was not rather multiply’d into an Infinity of Hy¬ 
 poftafes, than have its Prcfgreffions ftop’d at Three. Nay, it 
 feems neceffary by their Hypothelis, that the Multiplication 
 lhould be Infinite. For the firft Original Good communica¬ 
 ting of himfelf to his firft ProduCliom, according to the ema- 
 native fertility of his own exuberant Fulnefs, if they did as 
 fully receive his Life and Power, as he their Author was him¬ 
 felf poffefs’d of it, the Third would be as able, and by the 
 neceffity of equal plenitude, would be as much conftrain’d ( as 
 I may fo fpeak with reverence) to produce Three more, and 
 fo on perpetually. And for them to fay that the Number was 
 limited to Three by explicit Will and Counfel, is to hazard 
 th$ neceffary Exiftence, and confequently the Divinity of the 
 two latter Hypoftafes, and to induce fuch an Indifferency in- 
 
14 An "-Account of Origen, 
 
 to the firft and earlieft Operations of the Author of all things, 
 as is inconfiftent with infinitely-full Goodnefs. Wherefore 
 Origen was forc’d to conclude that the Number was limited in 
 a Triad by their unequal Declenfion from the Firft, in fuch a 
 meafure and proportion that thofe Three did perfectly com¬ 
 prehend and make up together in their Eflential Idiomata , 
 whatever Perfe&ion goes to the conftituting the entire % 
 or Divine Eflence. 
 
 5. Since God is an Eflence infinitely perfe&, and fince all 
 the Perfections worthy of the Divine Nature, as Goodnefs, 
 Wifdom, Power, &c. are neither of the fame Nature, nor of 
 the fame Worth and Excellency; if every Hypoftafis be eflen- 
 tially all thofe Perfections, they are three Gods; if one be 
 one of them, another be another, they are not eflentially 
 equal. 
 
 6 . He was encourag’d to think thefe his Reafons good, and 
 his Conclufion true, from the fair Confirmations of it in Holy 
 Scripture: ex. gr. My Father is greater than I. l live by the Father. 
 The Son can do nothing of himfelf. 1 can of my felf do nothing. The 
 words that I fpeal^ unto you, 1 fpeaknot of my felf. And of the 
 Holy Ghoft it is faid, that he proceeded from the Father , and is 
 Jent into the World by him. That he is the Spirit of the Son. That 
 he ft) all not / 'peak, of himfelf. He fit all receive of mine. All which 
 places, that I may name no more, do moft naturally imply 
 fome kind of inequality; and after the Reafons given, may 
 pafs for an evident Teftimony of the Truth of Origen" s Doftrine; 
 Which fome Men fay is neceflary to be eftablilh’d and believ’d, 
 left otherwife we be as facrilegious to the Honour and Ma- 
 jefty of the Father of all things, as the antient Hereticks were 
 impudently injurious to the other two blefled and ever-to-be- 
 ador’d Hypoftafes. And if the temerarious and confounded 
 Conclufions of the meddlefom School-men be receiv’d with a 
 like temerity, they think there will be as much need to mul¬ 
 tiply Councils in this latter Age of the Church, to afiert the 
 Honour due to God the Father, as there was of old to reftore 
 the Son and Holy Ghoft to their deferv’d Dignity of Nature in 
 the Beliefs of Chriftians, from whence the faucy Ignorance 
 and Impiety of fome bold Men had detruded them. Thus, 
 Sir, you have fome of thofe Reafons upon which Origen found¬ 
 ed his DoCtrine of Inequality. Which Hypothefis of his he 
 hath fo warily and judicioufly form’d, that it hath been faid 
 by fome, that neither the fubtiler Attacks nor more rude and 
 boilteious Shocks of his Adverfaries have been able hitherto 
 to lhake or diforder it, much lefs utterly to deftroy the Reafon- 
 ablenefs and Concinnity of it. And what fome have too haiirily 
 fancied, and as clamoroufly pronounc’d, vi\. that it made the 
 
 two 
 
twA his chief eft Opinions. 15 
 
 two latter Hypoftafes Creatures, and render’d Tome main parts 
 of the Oeconomy of Chriftianity lefs reafonable and decorous, 
 and was not confifteftt with many places of Scripture have 
 been like ill-planted Ordnance, which made a great noife and 
 rattle indeed, but never touch’d the Fort their murtherous 
 Load aim’d at. 
 
 It is not my bufinefs here to give you a perfeCt Explica¬ 
 tion of the Trinity after the Origenian way ; but by that little 
 hath been now faid, with what I may have poflibly fome time 
 or other more largely difcours’d unto you, your piercing 
 Judgment cannot but plainly fee and be fatisfy’d, that there 
 is nothing in that bleffed Triad he defcribes which can be call’d 
 Creature . Is not every one of them effentially, immutably and 
 independently on any Will endow’d with fuch perfection, and 
 in fuch a degree as is truly and properly Divine ? Are not the 
 Two latter unfpeakably-clofely united with the Firft ? and by 
 their fo near approach to him, who is the pureft Spirit pofli- 
 ble, are not they neceflarily fufceptive of what he Effentially 
 is in a degree infinitely beyond the Comprehenfion of a Man ; 
 as likewiie for the fame Reafon of what one another are ? Are 
 they not alfo by the Divine Excellency of their Natures, the 
 true and adequate Caufes of all Creatures ? How needlefs then 
 and unskilful is tfieir Fear, that they are not by his Hypothe- 
 fis truly and properly God ? And therefore the higheft Parts 
 they bear in the moft wife and gracious Oeconomy of the 
 Gofpel, of being ador’d, worfhip’d, invocated, obey’d, trufted 
 in, and the like, do rightfully belong unto them, not only by 
 a Temporary Conftitution of the Father, but by the Effentiai 
 and Eternal Dignity of their Nature. And the Nature of 
 every Hypoftafis, and their incomprehenfible-near Union one 
 with another confider’d, they will neceflarily have but one 
 Will, and confequently be of equal Power; and the greateft 
 Honour and Service any Creature can poflibly perform, being 
 manifeftly due to the two latter Hypoftafes, they are all truly 
 of equal Glory. Thofe places of Scripture which (I fuppofe) 
 they mean, 1 here are Three that bear witnefs in Heaven, the Father , 
 Son , and Holy Ghofi , which three tv hoj ; I and the Father tv \tryuiv , 
 I am in the Father , and the Father in me, and the like, are fo fole- 
 ly congruous to his Hypothefis, that thofe Phrafes of h eia 
 and tv ktruev are very improper, if every Hypoftafis was per¬ 
 fectly like and equal to the reft, and each of them Effentially 
 endow’d with all thofe Perfections which intirely conftitute 
 the Deity or <7 0£ov. And left any Man fhould yet be fufpi- 
 •cieus of Origen's Mind, befide what he hath more than once 
 in that very Book of his- which moft offends. That the Son it 
 toeternal with the Father , and inseparably united with him t and that 
 
 the 
 
1 6 An Account of Origen, 
 
 the Holy Spirit U not a Creature ; I dare wager my Credit and 
 your Friendlhip, than which there are very few things more 
 valuable to me, that in his excellent Treatife againlt CelJ'ui , 
 he twenty times joins together thefe words ©go* hoy®-, and 
 in feveral of them adds ovtw; or & a*j 3&>* ©go*. For that impi¬ 
 ous Epicurean gave him very frequent occafion fo to do by 
 his foolifh Cavilling and Jeering at our Bleffed Saviour, whofe 
 Glory, as of the only begotten Son of God, his foul and im¬ 
 pure Eyes could not cUfcern through the .Veil of his Humilia¬ 
 tion and Crucifixion. But I am to beg your pardon. Sir, for 
 my heediefnefs in anfwering Obje&ions out of place ; for by 
 your Method that is not to be done till the fifth Query. But 
 my Pen, I know not how, grew warm, and was got fo far 
 before I perceiv’d it was out of the way. If you pleafe there¬ 
 fore to transfer fome few of thefe laid Lines to their proper 
 place in the fifth Query, I fhall take care hereafter not to 
 preoccupate the Order you have fet me. This is all I fhall 
 now fay of his Fir ft Dogma, 
 
 His Second is. That the Souls of Men do pr&exifl. 
 
 Before I fay any thing of this, I am to put you in mind of 
 two Things which concern both this and his other Opinions 
 which follow. The Firft is, that I fo interpret your Com¬ 
 mands to me to write you an Account of thefe Matters,, not 
 as if you expefted from me a ftrhft and accurate Difcourfe of 
 them from their firft and loweft Principles, and thofe Prin¬ 
 ciples philofophically prov’d and confirm’d, and then orderly 
 advanc’d to the very Conclufions afferted by the Father: .but 
 only fuch general Touches at thofe Principles, Phyjical or 
 Metaphyfical , in the lax and diffufe way of a Letter , a's may 
 put you upon a more clofe and methodical Confideration of 
 them; or re-mind you of confuting fuch Treatifes where 
 they are purpofely’and exactly handled. And therefore you 
 will find many things concerning the Nature of the Soul and 
 her Operations, her Union with Matter, with many other 
 incident Speculations, not prov’d by me, but fuppofed, be- 
 caufe they are fully and excellently difcufs’d in the Writings 
 of that learned Gentleman Mr. Afore of Cambridge: whom fince 
 I have here nam’d, I think I fhould be highly ungrateful, if 
 I did not acknpwledg the infinite Obligation I have to you 
 for giving me the firft Notice I had of fo worthy an Author; 
 whofe lately-publifh’d Book of the Immortality of the Soul 9 1 um 
 luckily not having by me at the prefent, the Account I fhall 
 fend you of thofe things you enquire of, which with all helps 
 and advantages would have been imperfcft, is for that rea- 
 fon like to be only not contemptible. The Second Thing I 
 am to mind you of, is out of the Holy* Father , in the beginning 
 
and his chief eft Opinions. 17 
 
 ©f his Book Uiei dfWv' where fetting down an immutable 
 Canoti of neceflary Truths, which the BlelTed Apoftles and 
 Founders of the Chriftian Faith had plainly taught* and 
 the Church receiv’d ; and the contrary to which cannot be 
 admitted, but with the lopping off an Effential part of our 
 Religion ; he then inftancts in many worthy Objects of Con¬ 
 templation, concerning which there is no determinate Decla¬ 
 ration in the divinely-infpir’d Writings of Holy Scripture: 
 but the Truth in fuch things, he fays, was purpofely conceal’d 
 by the Holy Spirit, to excite the Study and Induftry of the 
 Lovers of Truth, and to reward their honed: Labour and pi¬ 
 ous Difquifition, with the finding fo rich a Jewel, and fo preci¬ 
 ous a Treafure. Of this la ft kind, he fays, is this prefent 
 Queition concerning the Soul, Whether fie be traduc'd , or upon 
 occafion thenfirfi created by God , or praexift ; as alfo feveral other 
 of his Dogmata , which are. behind. And to do him right, he 
 propounds all fuch difputable Matters doubtfully, and difcuffes 
 them varioufly, and explicitly tells his Reader that he only ex¬ 
 hibits to him feveral Phantafms, that he may ufe his judg¬ 
 ment about them, and take which he thinks is trued:. Which 
 fingnlar Modefty and Fairnefs in this learned Father, may feem 
 to every candid and ingenuous Man, Apology enough for him 
 where he is conceiv’d to err, and more than enough where he 
 offers, befide fuch probable Reafons, as he does in behalf of 
 thofe Opinions which the World will needs father on him. For 
 the Reafonablenefs of this Opinion which is now before us, I 
 find thefe things in him. 
 
 1. That the Nature of the Soul is fuch as makes her capa¬ 
 ble of exifting eternally backward, as well as forward : For her 
 fpiritual Effence, as fuch, makes it impodible that {he fhould 
 either through Age or Violence be didblv’d, part from part, 
 as it happens in Bodies, where there is no Vinculum palfing 
 through the very Subftance of them to tie and retain one part 
 to another ; and therefore either through the ftiller infinua- 
 tion of other Bodies near them, they infenfibly melt away and 
 decay, or by the ruder dafhes of fuch as knock againft them, 
 are broken all to pieces : Whereas the Soul, as a Spirit, by 
 the advantage of that formal Power and Property of hers, 
 whereby {he is diitinguifh’d from Matter, cannot only pene¬ 
 trate her felf and other Subftances to the preferring her own 
 Continuity; but alfo by her gradual Derivation of part from 
 part, is in her whole Subftance ultimately connected to her in- 
 divifible Head and Centre, as Plotinus fpeaks. Which Centre, 
 being in its very Subftance intellectual, does plainly fhew who 
 is the Father of it, to wit, the Effential Mind and Wifdom of 
 God 5 whofe univocal Productions (as I may fo fpeak) are ac- 
 
 C cording 
 
18 An Account of Origen, 
 
 cording to their meafure and capacity what their Parent is in 
 the moft perfetl: and moft infinite degree conceivable. Life it 
 felf, or eternal Life : and therefore whatever other parts of 
 the Subftance of the Soul neeefiarily proceed and flow 
 from this, can no more be cut off from it, than Indivifible 
 can be divided ; nor no more perifh, than Life it felf can 
 die. We have then here an Elfence capable of eternal Exi¬ 
 gence : and fince the Powers and Operations of Life are not 
 fuch things as can at pleafure be put on and off, like loofe- 
 Jianging Adjuncts, but are intrinfecally made up into the ef- 
 fential Contexture of the Subftance they are in \ fo vital and 
 a&ive a Subftance as the Soul is, is as capable of a&ing ac¬ 
 cording to her Nature, and confequently of feeling and en¬ 
 joying the pleafure of her Life and A&ions from eternal Ages, 
 as Ihe is of bare Exiftence throughout that long Period of Du¬ 
 ration. So that nothing now is wanting to her attual Exi¬ 
 ftence, but his good pleafure, from whom Ihe and all things 
 elfe proceed. I appeal therefore to your own candid Brealt, 
 and that noble Benignity of Mind which is in you, what Kea¬ 
 ton or Caufe can you think of, worthy of God, which will 
 manifeftly affure us that fhe did not actually exift of old ? If 
 you pitch upon the P/dtonic^way, and aflign the production 
 of all things to that exuberant Fulnefs of life in the Deity, 
 wjuch, through the bleffed ■ Neceflity and Constraint of his 
 moft communicative Nature, emptied it felf into all Poflibili- 
 ties of Being, as into fo many capable Receptacles, you mull 
 then pronounce her Exiftence in a fenfe neceftary, and after a 
 fort coeternal with God. But if fuch Exprelfions feem too 
 bold, and the Heats of an Enthufiaftick Fancy, take that more 
 fober Hypothecs, which is built upon the more conceivable 
 Attributes of God, his infinite Goodnefs and Benignity, arm’d 
 with equal Power, and directed by no lefs Wifdom, befide 
 which nothing can be thought on to fit one for ACtion; and 
 then ask your felf, whether if the SubjeCt in queftion be capa¬ 
 ble of exifting and enjoying tome part of that infinite Good¬ 
 nefs, it be not evident from thofe Attributes that it will be 
 made to exift ? that which is infinitely Good, as certainly do¬ 
 ing by a Logical Neceflity every thing that is good, ( no other At¬ 
 tribute gainfaying) as infinite Fire will neeefiarily burn what¬ 
 ever is combuftible, if put to it. Wherefore unlefs God att 
 by fuch arbitrary Humours, as we mortal Men are afham’d of, 
 xls Weakneftes and Imperfections in our felves, there is no 
 doubt to be made but that this Conclufion is true. That the 
 Souls of Men did exift and aCt before this prefent World was 
 fitted for their Habitation *, at leaft, before they were born up¬ 
 on Earth. I have heard feme Meu ferioufly profefs, that 
 
 f . there 
 
and his chief eft Opinions. 19 
 
 there was a'Light and Power in this Argument far more vigo¬ 
 rous and convincing to their Minds, than in the plaineft De- 
 monftration in Euclid* s Elements. But yet they wonder’d not 
 that others weref not mov’d by it, becaufe it requir’d a pecu¬ 
 liar Difpolition of Spirit to feel the force of it. For there are 
 Moral Axioms Noematically true, as well as Geometrical: and as 
 if you imagin a Man fo miferably confounded in his Mind, that 
 the common Notions of Geometry appear’d not certain to him, 
 he muft neceffarily be infenfible of the Evidence of any Pro- 
 pofition in that Science j fo in like manner will it happen to 
 him whofe Soul is fo much out of her natural Order, as to 
 have loft or dull’d, or filenc’d by what way foever her difcri- 
 minative Senfe of what is good, worthy, congruous, and deco¬ 
 rous ; all Argumentations proceeding upon thofe wTi artmtcte, 
 of a diviner Senfe, which to others are Demonftrations, will 
 afFett him no more than in Ape-is taken with the Air of Mo¬ 
 ral Beauty. 
 
 2. The Actions of Providence will not otherwife corre- 
 fpOnd to thofe holy Attributes in the Deity, Righteoufnefs and 
 Benignity , according to which he governs and orders the Affairs 
 of all the World. This Argument he makes ufe of two ways, 
 an his Book againft Ce//w, and in his n«ei viz. in re- 
 
 fpeCt of the Place and Time wherein we are born, and of the 
 Temper and Difpolition of the Body wherewith we are born* 
 As to the Firft of thefe, there is no Man doubts but that 
 Education, Inftitution and Company are of wonderful moment 
 to the making us good or bad. For it is manifeft enough that 
 few are borffinto this World in any higher condition than a 
 poflibility ( as I may fo fpeak ) or capability of being made 
 good and vertuous; which Capability is perfected and actua¬ 
 ted by good Inftruftion and wholefome Precepts afliduonfly 
 inculcated to us, and by exhibiting and commending to us daily 
 Examples of Vertue and Honelty: So that when or where 
 either thefe are wanting, or of little credit and efteem, on 
 the contrary more in ufe' and practice, there feems little lefs 
 than a Neceflity of our running into all Wickednefs and Vice- 
 And if we call to mind the fad Accounts we have met withal 
 in Hiftory, of Times and Places almoft all the World over, 
 over-run with all manner of Barbarity and Luft, adopted even 
 into their Laws, and praCtifed in their moil folemn Religions, 
 how can we but think that the Soul then and there born and 
 living, is inevitably condemn’d to all Iniquity and Impiety ? 
 What Father will care for inftruCtmg his Children in fitch 
 things as are of no ufe, and fmall regard in the place he lives 
 in; efyecially when they will certainly unlearn what he teaches 
 |hem, by the ftronger and more pleafmg Impreffio-ns of publick 
 
 C % ~ Practice? 
 
so An Account of Origen, 
 
 Pra&ice ? And indeed what Father will be fit to teach them, 
 fuch things, who himfelf hath all his life long, in all probabi¬ 
 lity, done the contrary, being carried away in his younger 
 years, as his Children are now, by the popular Stream of 
 his Country’s Vices? Certainly there is very little like¬ 
 lihood he fhould prove a benign, loving, compaflionate, or 
 a juft and upright Man, who by the Laws of the City where 
 he was born, is efpecially train’d up in his earlieft years to the 
 ferity and rage of War, and the Heights of Theft and Cozen¬ 
 age. And as fmall hope is there of his Purity and Chaftity, 
 who is fo foLemnly led, by his Father, it may be, to behold 
 impudent Strumpets ftrip themfelves, and wind their rotten 
 Bodies into all unclean and lafcivious Geftures ; and who with 
 great Devotion facrifices to an allow’d Deity his foul Embra¬ 
 ces of mercenary Harlots. It would be very eafy for me to 
 be copious in this Argument: The Hiftories of all Countries 
 of old, all the Apologies and Deputations of the Primitive 
 Fathers againft the Gentiles , the latter Defcription3 of the 
 Religions and Manners of feveral Barbarous and Idolatrous 
 Parts of the World, not long fince difcover’d or vifited, would 
 afford me too plentiful Matter to fill up a very fad Catalogue of 
 all manner of Iniquity, which hath and doth ftill reign amongft 
 them with little or no -control!. For God therefore to fend 
 out of his pure and holy Hands an immaculate Soul, capable 
 of living elfewhere, and fit for all Vertu'e and heavenly Wif- 
 dom, left the Luff of two brutifh Perfons poflibly fhould come 
 to nothing, and condemn it to an Habitation in fuch Parts 
 of the Earth, where reigns nothing but grofs Ignorance and 
 Vice, by which fhe cannot fail, without a Miracle, to be over¬ 
 born ( having fuch a Principle in her, vivid and vigorous,, to 
 wiich thofe brutifh Depravities are natural and hugely plea¬ 
 ting and that better principle of Life which fhould defend her 
 from them, being fcarce in a poffibility of being awakened 
 Into any conflderable degree of Tower and Energy in fuch an 
 Education and fuch Converfe, and amongft fuch Examples as 
 are above defcrib’d) what is this, fays the Father, but to be¬ 
 tray his own Offspring ( for he is the Father of Spirits) unto 
 unavoidable Mifery; and to put off the chief Excellencies of 
 his moft bleffed Nature, Goodnefs and Righteoufnefs, and to 
 
 f overn the World with lefs Juftice than an ordinary upright 
 lan would do ? You may, if you pleafe, taking occaiion 
 from what hath been faid, carry this Firft Part of his Argu- 
 •ment from Providence further, and enquire how it came to 
 pafs that fo many whole Nations both of old, and at this ^re¬ 
 lent day, were fo over-run with all kind of Barbarity, Ferity, 
 and Beftial Luftj fo utterly eftrang’d from the knowledg of 
 
 t ' Go# 
 
and hu chiefejl Opinions. 2i 
 
 Cod and the love of Vertue, fo abus’d and tyranniz’d ove r 
 by the accurfed Rebels of the Airy Principality, the King¬ 
 dom of Darknefs; laftly, fo quite eftrang’d from themfelves 
 and human Nature, that they feem to have left themfelves 
 " nothing whereby they might be diftinguilh’d from downright 
 Brutes, fave Speech, and a fomething larger and more metho¬ 
 dical Wit and Craft to eompafs the latisfaftion of their dege¬ 
 nerate Appetites. Truly, Sir, if you would form the Idea of 
 human Perfection in no greater Glory, or fet the Attainments 
 of a reafonable Soul at no higher pitch than the certain Know- 
 • ledg of fome of your own vertuous Friends will warrant you 
 to do, in whom ( as you have oft with joy and wonder related 
 to me) appears fo pure and Angelical an Underltanding, fo 
 firm and radicated a Life of all Holinefs and Sanctity, Love 
 and hearty Benignity to all the World, of Juftice and Purity, 
 and whatever is truly Divine: and if you then confider the valt 
 Diffimilitude between this Idea, and the Spirit of fo many 
 whole Nations in the World ; I make no doubt but you will 
 fay, that the Life of Man upon Earth is too fhort fo far to 
 abufe the capacity of what he might come to, as to put him 
 in fo low a degree of Degeneracy as thofe forlorn People con¬ 
 tentedly live in. But not only the degree of their Apoftacy 
 from a divine and intellectual Life, and of their Immerfion in 
 the brutilh and fenfual, is fo wonderful; but their continuance 
 alfo in that wretched Eftate for fo many Ages together, with¬ 
 out any remarkable appearance of Providence for th^ir Deli¬ 
 verance, nay rather with her perfeft leaving them to tire in- 
 folence, fubtilty, and conduCt of the Devil, is .a Yh&nmtnan 
 inexplicable without the Origenian Hypothecs. For fince whole 
 Nations and their continuance are but the Aggregate of fingle 
 Souls born into the World in fuccefiive Generations ; and 
 fince every particular Soul comes into fuch or fuch parts of 
 the Earth with fo vaft difadvantages as is above declar’d: If 
 befide this, the crafty and malicious Serpent hath fuch free 
 Scope to tamper with them, who at the beil are very decei- 
 vable ; it can feem to you little lefs than necelfary but that 
 they fhould be wrought into that enormous lapfe from God, 
 which Hiftory and too fad Experience witnefs they are and 
 have been. Now fince the two great and moft proper Ob¬ 
 jects of the gracious and beneficent Providence of God are the 
 vertuous and faultlefiy-calamitous (of which latter Order thofe 
 miferable Nations would in great meafure be, if Souls did not 
 praeexift) who can doubt but that Providence would very 
 early have appear’d for their Refcue, or rather taken fuch 
 care, that they Ihould not fo much have needed any extraor¬ 
 dinary Afliftance from b?r ? But fince we fee She hath done 
 
 C 3 neither. 
 
22 An Account of Origew, 
 
 neither, and yet are fare that all her ways are gracious and 
 equal, it will be very hard for us to keep our felves from con¬ 
 cluding, That all thofe wretched Souls had of old, by their 
 long Revolt from God, and the Laws of his Righteous King¬ 
 dom, highly deferv’d this Scourge from him, to be fo put out 
 of his Care, as it were, and given up to the barbarous Domi¬ 
 nation of the Devil, the Head and Prince of the unrighteous 
 and rebellious Empire of Darknefs ; and whom they by Choice 
 and AffeCtion fell off to, in other Regions of the World, that 
 him and his Tyranny they Ihould here upon Earth ftill fuffer, 
 whether with or againft their Wills. Exedendum eft tibi quod tute 
 intrifti , is a piece of warrantable Juffice. And fince there is 
 polTibility and hope that the prefent fad part of the Drama, 
 may end, and a more ciiearful Cataftrophe clofe up all, the 
 Benignity of Providence may in due time be as illuftrious as 
 her Jultiee hath been confpicuous. 
 
 I know there are many 'Men who, part out of Piety and 
 Humility, part from a Parrot-like talking fuch words as their 
 Books and Education have taught them, would make no bones 
 of this Difficulty of the Holy Father, but can with very great 
 eafe and fatisfattion of Mind refolve all into the Pleafure and 
 Sovereignty of God, who being the Creator and Lord of all 
 Men, may (they fay) difpofe of them how and where he 
 pleafes. But it would be very well if they were as zealous 
 Patrons of the more excellent Attributes of God, as they are 
 peremptory Affertors of his abfolute Will and power. For 
 then they would both render his Exiftence and Government 
 in the World fo defirable to all Men, that none but the ex- 
 tremely-guilty would wiffi either his not-being, or his non¬ 
 concerning himfclf in the Affairs of Men ; and alfo cut off 
 many fcandalous Occasions of Atheifm and Epicurifm, and 
 fpoil the Profeffed of thofe execrable Mylleries of thofe over- 
 plaufible Pretences they now have and craftily manage a- 
 gainft the Truth. For tell me. Sir, if the Frame of the Bo¬ 
 dies or the Paffions and Affections of Men or Bealls in whole 
 Regions of the Earth, or of many in every Region, were fuch 
 as did plainly ferve for nothing but to incommodate or cru¬ 
 ciate them, or make them an inevitable Prey to others; could 
 you with any reafonable Confidence affirm, that the Goodnefs 
 and Providence of a wife Mind did prefide over their Gene¬ 
 rations ? or think you could reafonably fatisfy the Excepti¬ 
 ons of an Atheift, or an Epicurean, taken from fuch mani- 
 feft Phenomena, by faying God might make them as he plea- 
 fed which were his own voluntary handy-work, ? Iam giad,\ 
 for my own particular^ all things are fo made, that there is 
 no occafion given for any fuch Exception 5 foi* 3 believe me, 
 
and his chief 'eft Opinions. 2j 
 
 if there was, I know not how I fhould behave my felf in fo 
 crofs a rencounter. And may not thefe Men with the fame 
 plaufibility of Reafon, maintain the fame Conclufion from the 
 odd Frame of Things in the Moral World, were it fuch as the 
 Deniers of Praeexilteace muft needs make it ? I think they 
 might do it with far jufter Reafon ; forafmuch as a Man is a 
 far nobler Creature, and the intereft of his Mind and immor¬ 
 tal Spirit much greater and more lafting, and therefore a 
 more proper Objeft of the Care and Providence of God, if 
 any Providence there be. Or are they fo little peremptory 
 in their Aflaults, as to be beaten off by fuch painted Fire, fuch 
 hurtlefs lambent Flames as are call againft them, by thole 
 who oppofe to their Arguments nothing but the Will and So¬ 
 vereignty of God ? For they profefs themfelves well affur’d, 
 that if God be at all, he is infinitely Good and Wife, as well 
 as Powerful and Uncontrollable ; and therefore by the ne- 
 ceffary Conferences of Reafon, wherever he is pretended by 
 any to intermeddle either as to the making or difpoiing of 
 any thing, they expeft to find the Impreffes and Indications 
 of thofe Attributes : but if inftead thereof they find all things 
 quite contrary, it is not in their power to think that God 
 hath had any thing to do there. But whatever ruin their 
 Argumentations from fuch fubftantial Grounds may threaten 
 to the ill-built Fabrick of ordinary Theology, the Houfe of 
 Wifdom and Truth, which hath made Praeexiftence one of her 
 Pillars, ftands as firm as a mountainous Pyramid *, and by that 
 Hypothefis, the great Phenomenon of Providence we have 
 been fpeaking of, is clear and righteous. Neither hath the 
 Atheift or Epicurean any thing coniiderable to fay againft 
 the Truth of it, either as it is a lingle Propofition by it felf, or 
 as an Hypothefis to falve the Phenomena of Providence. Which 
 ftraits of theirs they plainly enough confefs by their either 
 only gravely fmiling at it as an Extravagance, or with a more 
 folemn Brow chaftiiing it as a dangerous Paradox. And truly 
 a dangerous one it is to their pretended and boafted Wifdom ; 
 but to the genuine Plants of heavenly Truth and Divine Know- 
 ledg, ’tis as agreeable and falutary as Showers and Sun-beams 
 are to the growing Spring. 
 
 The Second Part of the Father’s Argument from Providence, 
 is much-what the fame with the firft, mutatii mutandif . For the 
 experience of molt Men can bear witnefs, that there are not 
 flronger Allurements from without to all manner of Viciouf- 
 nefs, than we find Incitations to the fame from our own in- 
 trinfick Conftitution : which ( according to the common Hy¬ 
 pothetic) is not properly our Fault, nor any Fruit of it, nor 
 was it |in our power to prevent it \ yet we are fo fatally in- 
 
 C 4 tangle4 
 
24 An Account of Origen, 
 
 tangled in it, that it is next to a Miracle to rid our felves in 
 any good meafure of its Chains. Is not the World diforder’d, 
 and Society poifon’d, and Mens own particular Peace and Ho¬ 
 nour miferably violated with the baleful Effefts of the four 
 Elements of our Terrellrial Compofition ? whilft fome live 
 even in this World, in a perpetual Fire, and are tormented 
 before their time through Wrathfulnefs and Strifes, Contend- 
 oufnefs and injurious Zeal, which their Choler kindles in them; 
 others on the contrary are drown’d in fottifhnefs and ftupi- 
 dity, and an utter ineptnefs to all things worthy of a Man, 
 by the overflowing of ftupifying Phlegm ; a third fort tofs’d 
 about like feathers with light-mindednefs and admiration of 
 trifles, or wafted into the foul Lake of bodily Pleafures by the 
 ' gufts of reeking Blood ; a fourth confum’d by that flow-de¬ 
 vouring Dernogorgon in the Earthy Melancholy, in which 
 lodg anxious Fear, dark Sufpicion, and fretting Envy. And 
 tho you poilibly may have heard fome Men talk of Liberty and 
 Free-will, and a Sovereign Power in us to keep all thefe rebel¬ 
 lious humours in good order, and that with much eafe, if we 
 would but give our Minds to it; yet if you but coniider whence 
 it is that they talk in that high ftrain, you will begin to think 
 they reckon without their Hoft, and agaiiift Experience. Such 
 Men have a fort of Adverfaries, who from the aflurance of 
 their very Senfes, that there is a great Lapfe and Degene- 
 racy in Univerlal Mankind, do, without all ceremony, bluntly 
 caft the Canfe upon God, or at heft aflign fuch a Reafon of 
 it as their AntagOnifts think comes to the fame; who there¬ 
 fore out of an abhorrency to fuch Blafphemy (as they call 
 it) think it better and more pious to deny the Truth of a 
 manifeft OMervation, than to make God the Author of fo ca¬ 
 lamitous a Phenomenon , Where, by the way, you may obferve, 
 that both fides, by their earneft contention, making good half 
 of their refpeftive Opinions, have, to the free Enquirer and 
 Lover of Truth, facilitated his finding out the true Caufe, 
 which neither contradi&s Experience, nor is injurious to the 
 Glory of the Almighty. But granting to thefe Contenders for 
 Free-will, that fomething of what they plead for is true (as in¬ 
 deed it cannot be deny’d) I yet would ask them, whether or 
 no, the condition of our Nature confider’d, the ftrong inclina¬ 
 tions in us naturally to that which is evil, and thefe ftreng- 
 then’d and further confirm’d for feveral years before we can 
 come to have any confiderable rjfe of our Reafon, or arrive 
 to any Command over our felves; laftly, the way and manner 
 how the Elettions of our Will are perform’d, which we never 
 find free where there is a Cuftom or Paflion againft it, and 
 how corporeal Motions de erjnine the Thoughts and Pafiions 
 
and his chiefejl Opinions, 25 
 
 of our Mind : I ask them whether, thefe things being confi- 
 der’d, it be not hundreds to one odds, that we fhall chufe the 
 ways of Vice rather than Vertue? Or let the difproportion. 
 be as little as they can with any colour pretend, they cannot 
 clear the Goodnefs and Reditude of Divine Providence by 
 their Hypothecs, which thrufts pure and immaculate and moft 
 innocent Spirits into fo great danger of being defil’d and cor¬ 
 rupted by the Paflions of the Body, and of foundly fmarting 
 for it hereafter. But for my own part, I think the Obfer- 
 vation of their Adverfaries is much the truer, that the dis¬ 
 proportion is exceeding great: For fince the ways of Holinefs 
 and Vertue are fo full of Peace and unfpeakable Content¬ 
 ment, and fhine with fo enravifhing and irrefiftible Pulchri¬ 
 tude to prepar’d Minds, and do fo perfectly correfpond to all 
 the Senfes of fo happy a Temper, that we are fully afiur’d 
 our Soul is then as fhe fhould be, and in conjundion with her 
 moft proper Good ; I cannot fee why Men lhould univerfally 
 take the contrary courfe, and that with fo much paflion as 
 they do, jeering at thofe who have made the better choice, as 
 Mad-men or Fools, if there was any Liberty in them worth 
 fpeakingof, to Vertue or Piety. ’Tis true indeed, there is 
 great variety, as to degree, in the backwardnefs of Men to 
 Goodnefs and Vertue, and pronenefs to that which is Evil ; 
 yet thofe who have the care and nurture of Youth, Fathers, 
 Schoolmafters and Tutors, do with one confent arfirm, that 
 they not feldom have fome in their charge, who from their 
 earlieft years are of fo inexpugnable a propenfion to that 
 which is naught, fo wretchlefs and infenfible of all wholefome 
 Counfels, and have their Eyes fo perfectly feal’d up, and their 
 Hearts fo frozen to all impreffions of Vertue and Sobriety, 
 that you may as well read Lectures of Temperance to a Goat 
 or a Boar, and as fuccefsfully teach Goodnefs, Pity and Kind- 
 nefs to a Bear rob’d of her Whelps, or a Tyger inrag’d with 
 Hunger, as think to faften any fuch things upon their blind 
 and obdurate Minds. Whence is this ftrange Phenomenon ? 
 If the Soul was not in the World before fhe was born upon 
 Earth, it is not conceivable how fhe fhould in fo little a time 
 contra# fo peremptory an affedion to Vice, amidft thofe con¬ 
 tinual chidings and reproofs, thofe fharp and painful corredi- 
 pns, thofe feveral ways of ignominious punifhments fhe meets 
 with, thofe advantageous reprefentations made to her of that 
 which is good and laudable, thofe many and earneft invitati¬ 
 ons and allurements of her to embrace it, with all other me¬ 
 thods of a good and prudent Inftitution. That fhe comes 
 pure and undefiled out of the hands of her Creator, all grant; 
 and be this Purenefs what it will, whether with or without: 
 
 thofe 
 
 + 
 
 v 
 
%6 An Account of O k i g e n, 
 
 thofe Natural Notions of what is good and honeft, the bu/ 5 - 
 nefs will be much-what the fame as to our prefent purpofe. 
 For if the latter way be the Truth., even this Negative Purity 
 will leave her in an Indifferency to Vertue or Vice; and there¬ 
 fore if her firft Precepts and earlieft Inculcations be good and 
 vertuous, fhe would be form’d unto Vertue: which yet we fee 
 is fo far from happening to fome (tho the very fame inftrufti- 
 on to ethers proves fuccefsful) that they on the contrary, im¬ 
 patient of every Curb and Rein, and deaf to all Calls and 
 Charms, run headlong into all iniquity. If the former way 
 be true, it would be ftill more wonderful how her firft-appear- 
 ing Inclinations fhould fo eagerly carry her to that which is 
 vicious, contrary to the pofitive Reftraint of her inward Light. 
 But if they fay ( as they generally do) that the Soul her felf 
 is pure and immaculate, but that fhe contrafts this unreclaim- 
 able proclivity to Vice from the Body fhe is put into, befide 
 the ignorance they difeover by fo faying, in the fpeculation of 
 things, in joining fuch ill-agreeing Mates together into one 
 vital Comppfition, where Sympathy and Congruity is the only 
 Vinculum , the. Father asks them how it is confiftent with the 
 Goodnefs and Righteoufnefs of God, the bleffed Spring of all 
 Vertue and Holinefs, and tender Lover of all his Creatures, 
 to put fuch innocent Souls into fuch foul and untam’d Bodies, 
 which fo fatally and necelTarily hurry them to that which alone 
 of all things in the World lie difapproves of, and which he 
 knows will be their utter bane and miferable ruin. And there¬ 
 fore upon the whole of this Second Part of his Argument from 
 Providence he concludes. That fince fo great a part of our 
 pitiable bondage to Vice and Paflion, in the judgment of all 
 tides, proceeds from thefe Bodies of ours; if the Soul was mere¬ 
 ly paffive in being born into this World, and was not before 
 fhe was born here, much of the calamity fhe fufFers from Vice, 
 for which fhe muft fuffer more hereafter, mull: in his judg¬ 
 ment be call upon God : which he thinks is impious to affirm, 
 and utterly contradiftious to his holy Attributes. 
 
 A Third Argument of his I find in St. Jam , from the mif- 
 becomingnefs of the contrary Pofition, which makes the blef¬ 
 fed Majefty of Heaven and Earth diligently wait upon the 
 unclean Embraces of lawlefs Perfons, even to the degenerate 
 vilenefs of Incefi: and Buggery with Beafts, and by a fpecial 
 Aft of Providence carefully to perfeft their impure Rudiments 
 of Life. Which monftrous Indecorum , tho coarfer Spirits are 
 not fenfible of, and think they have anfwer’d the Argument 
 by thofe mean Comparifons of the Sun’s fhining upon Dung¬ 
 hills as well as flowery Meads, and ftollen Seed’s growing as 
 well as that which-- the Sower came juftlv byj yet it was-ex¬ 
 ceedingly 
 
and his chiefefl Opinions. Zj 
 
 eeedingly harfh to the more delicate fenfe of Origen y s Mind, 
 and not to be put off by fuch flight and ill-fitting Similitudes. 
 ’Tis a fhrewd fign that Soul is mucli difcompos’d in her Har- 
 monical Nature, who hath fo far loft her fenfe of proportion 
 natenefs and congruity, as either not to think this is a very 
 humble Office to the Supreme Deity ; or if it be fo, not to 
 feel in her felf a great Relu&ance, to the making God fo 
 particular an Executor of it. If they imagin’d all things were 
 made and order’d by fuch fettled Laws of Nature as might in 
 fome fenfe be call’d Neceffary, this Indecorum would be 
 more tolerable ; but to make God work all things in an exprefs 
 and voluntary way, and with his own hands, as it were, and 
 yet to fancy fofpecial aninterpofal of his Will and Power in 
 fo abhor’d an occalion, is to be very bold with the Sove¬ 
 reign Majefty on High, and to make him do that which they 
 themfelves, were it in their power, would be afham’d to do. 
 And what contrariety would it be to any of the Divine At¬ 
 tributes, or what lofs to the World, if God did not appear in 
 filch unlawful Inchoations of life, but let them come to 
 nought in the end, as they were without his Approbation be¬ 
 gun ? But the true Judgment of this Argument, as I in¬ 
 timated above, is the inward Touch of a Man’s Mind ; which 
 in you I know to be fo comely and graceful, that at the firft 
 Propofal you felt the force of it, and need not that I further 
 inlarge upon it. 
 
 4. Tho Scripture no-where particularly and plainly teaches 
 us when the Soul was firft produc’d and came into Being, 
 yet there are fome paffages in it which favour her Praeexi- 
 ftence. / have glorify'd thee on Earth •, I have finifJPd the WorI> thou 
 gave]} me to do. And now, 0 Father , glorify thou me with thine own 
 felf with that glory I had with thee before the World was. In which 
 Text thefe two Things are plainly enough intimated, the Exi- 
 ftence of the Subjeft of this Glory pray’d for before the World 
 was, and an Intercifion of this Glory for awhile, and Recu¬ 
 peration of it again ; the former whereof, tho it be true of 
 the Divine A by©-, yet the latter is incompetible to him. 
 And the Event plainly fhews the Subject of this Glory : for 
 he that humbled himfelf to the Death of the Crofs, was ex¬ 
 alted by God to be the Sovereign Prince of Men and Angels ; 
 and he that was made in the Likenefs of Man, or finful Flelh, 
 in a vile Body, was invefted with Power to change our vile 
 Bodies into the Similitude of his glorious Body. I came forth 
 from the Father, and am come into the World: again , I leave the 
 World, and go to the Father, Hit Difciples faid unto him, Lo , now 
 fpedkefrthou plainly, and Jpea^eft no Parable, For the opinion of 
 Prasexiftence, but in a fpecial manner of the Soul of the Mef- 
 
 X- 
 
£§ An Ac6ount of Orige N, 
 
 fiah, was the common Doftrine of their Nation ; and that 
 Key eafiiy unlock’d our Saviour’s meaning. Let this mind be 
 in you which was in Chrift Jefm, who being in the form of God, did not 9 
 like Lucifer, thinly equality with God a prey or fpoil to be invaded 
 by him, in that fenfe that Cicero fays of Verres, lib. 5. Omnium 
 bona pr&dam fuam duxit ; but was fo far from affuming that which 
 was not his own, that on the contrary he made "himfelf lefs 
 than indeed he was, and emptied himfelf by taking the form of a 
 fervant, which confifted in his being made in the likenefs of Man , 
 or of one of the Sons of Adam and being found infajhion as d Man, 
 he humbled himfelf yet further, becoming obedient even to death. If 
 this place be to be under ftood of the Humanity of Chrift, 
 nothing can be more plain than that his Soul praeexifted : for 
 otherwufe to be born, tho but in the Likenefs of a Terre- 
 if rial Man, would have been a gain to him, not a diminution; 
 fince there is no good at all in not being , fave to thofe who are 
 extremely miferable. And that it is fo to be underftood, will 
 be very probable, if we but take notice of the importanceof 
 the Phrafes here us’d, and compare them with others in Holy 
 Scripture. ’Ey © £ « -vsrdpxav, is as much as if he had 
 
 Paid, or, after the more Attick Purity, or 
 
 •Iboc-kcA© - «y v 3 or ^sret f §yuv • even as St. Mar in the ftory of 
 the Woman which had the Ilfue of Blood, fays after the Jewifl) 
 way, lv piini alufjO-, but St. Matthew more elegantly 
 cii(/.cppois 7 tt, St, John, after the Seventy, J) c hnc\oi 0 <k, but St. Paul 
 Gzih'JdSlor a very ufual Hebraifm in thefe Holy Writers. 
 The thing fignify’d by the Phrafe in hand is Chrift’s Angelick 
 Purity both in Body and Spirit. This is that Image of God 
 according to which we were all at firft made, and which Chrift 
 had not loft as the reft of his degenerate Brethren had; and 
 this is the Divine Nature we fhall again be made partakers 
 of, when we fhall have efcap’d the Corruption that is in this 
 'World: for the Sons of the Refurrettion are truly the Sons 
 of God, and like unto God. But tho the Humanity of Chrift 
 Was fo truly Deiform, yet he emptied himfelf of this Fulnefs 
 of Life and Glory by taking the Form of a Servant, 
 
 What this means, the Apoftle tells us in another place: 
 The Creature , i. e. Man in the Jewifh Language, fhall be manu¬ 
 mitted. from the fervitude of corruption, and afferted into the glorious 
 liberty of the Sons of God, i. e. Angels, or Angelick Souls, by 
 the redemption of bis Body. So that (jlg is a mortal cor¬ 
 ruptible Body, which the Soul of Chrift voluntarily took upon 
 her, by which he became like unto us mortal Men, as he im¬ 
 mediately adds, b> tuQieofMtjt cLvfyco7m>v 9 which he otherwhere 
 calls opMiw/jut (tkjxdV as, and eixfvet fk wms* And being 
 by this his Servile Schema made lower than the Angels, he was 
 
 put 
 
and his chiefeji Opinions . 29 
 
 put in a capacity of being obedient even unto Death, and. of 
 tailing Death for every Man; and was thereby made perfefily 
 like unto his Brethren, partaking of Flelh and Blood as they 
 did, that he might by Death deftroy him who had the power 
 of Death, as the Apoftle to the Hebrews fpeaks. For without 
 this exinanition of himfelf, and defcent from his JEthereai or 
 Angelical condition, it was not poflible for him to die. I 
 might further add, for the juftifying of this interpretation, 
 that it is not conceivable how the Eternal A'oy@-, who is 
 what he is by an unchangeable and undiminifhable neceflity 
 of Nature, can be faid to empty himfelf y efpecially fince the 
 feveral parts and degrees of the Humiliation here defcrib’d, 
 are fpoken of the fame perfon ; but certainly he that is Life 
 it felf cannot be faid to die, or become obedient to the Death 
 of the Crofs. Neither is it proper nor ufual in Scripture to 
 propound the Deity to us as an Example of Humility ; tho 
 nothing is fo frequent there, nor more congruous than to ex¬ 
 hort us to be conformable to him in Love, Goodnefs and 
 Purity. I fhall fay no more upon this place but this,. That 
 if being in the form of God , be to be expounded of the Soul of 
 Chrill, as in Phyfical Union with the Divine A'oyQ-, yet Hill 
 our Argument for the Praeexiftence of his Soul will be every 
 whit as good \ as is plain at firll fight. I have been fome- 
 thing long upon this Text, but will make amends for it in 
 only pointing, to the reft which countenance this Opinion of 
 Prajexiftence, as all thofe many Texts moft naturally do, which 
 fay Chrift came down from Heaven . For every other Interpreta¬ 
 tion of this Phrafe coming downjrom Heaven , will either be Soci* 
 nian as to the Notion, and a mere Violence as to the Words; 
 or elfe will make the Aoy@- alone to be the Chrift y and him 
 that fills all things to quit a place. 
 
 And certainly fomething in favour of this Opinion may be 
 made of that queftion of the Difciples to our Saviour con¬ 
 cerning the Man that was born blind ; for either he approv’d 
 of the common Opinion as true, or at leaft thought it very 
 liarmlefs, if falfe; lince having fo fair an occafion of re&ifying 
 the common Belief, he yet faid nothing againfl it. I know 
 indeed that the Silence of Scripture and the Arguments from 
 thence, which they call Negative , are efteem’d of little force 
 in Deputation, unlefs in fome certain Cafes. But he that 
 (hall ferioully confider how great a Change does neceffarily 
 follow in the whole Frame of Chriftian Rekgion, from the be¬ 
 ginning to the end of it, by the. taking in or leaving out this 
 Opinion of Praeexiftence, may poflibly be induc’d to think 
 that our Saviour’s faying nothing on fo apt an occafion, is one 
 of thofe Cafes wherein Silence is almoft as argumentative as 
 a positive Approbation* Para- 
 
jo An Account of Origen, 
 
 Parables likewife will not be taken for Arguments: whicli 
 is no ill Rule, if underftood of the minute Circumftances o£ 
 then*, and of fuch parts as the Decorum of an Apologue re¬ 
 quires ; but certainly the whole will argue as well as inftruCt. 
 But I lay no ftrefs upon them, becaufe they may have other 
 true and fober Interpretations ; vet I thought good to caft 
 them in for variety fake, that you may fee how congruoully 
 they may be apply’d to the Doftrine we are upon. The Pro¬ 
 digal Son’s leaving his Father you know is defcrib’d by his 
 going into a far Country, and there wafting his Subltance with 
 riotous Living ; and in his return, his Father fays of him. This 
 my Son was dead, but is alive again, was loft, but is found. 
 The Son of Man is come [Trom Heaven] to fave that which was loft. 
 Jf a Man have an hundred fljeep, and one of them go aft ray, doth he 
 not leave the ninety and nine, andgoeth into the mountains, and fee\eth 
 that which is gone aftray ? For ye were as jbeep going aftray, but are 
 now return'd unto the Shepherd and Biftoop of your Souls . I am the 
 good Shepherd, not an hireling, whofe own the fljeep are not. You 
 may confider thefe places alfo, tho they do not all belong to 
 this head of Parables: I am not fent, but «V to ja 
 
 a^Aoto-- and not for that Nation only , but that he flmld gather to - 
 
 get her in one to tIm* rns ©s£ to TittMefmviJAVd. - and having 
 
 made peace by the blood of his Crofs , by him to reconcile all things unto 
 himfelf, whether things in Heaven, or things in Earth. Dearly be¬ 
 hov'd Brethren, I befeech you as Strangers and Pilgrims, abftainfrom 
 
 ftefljly lufts which war againft the foul - And confefs'd that they 
 
 were Strangers and Pilgrims upon Earth. 
 
 Laftly, The Hiftory of the Creation, cabbaliftically interpre¬ 
 ted, confirms the Truth of Origen's Opinion. And that the 
 Word may not fright you, nor you think I mean by it fanci¬ 
 fully and extravagantly, I will more particularly tell you my 
 meaning ; which is this: So interpreted as becomes the Ma- 
 jefty of that Spirit which dictated it 5 the profound Wifdom 
 and Science of Mofes who wrote it; the Natures of thofe things 
 whofe production is there deliver’d ; laftly, fo as may anfwer 
 that form of delivery which it manifeftly pretends to. For do 
 but read it over, and then tell me whether it does not plainly 
 aim at a Philofophical Method of completely teaching us the 
 Natures and Order of God’s univerfal Creation: and then 
 apply the literal fenfe to this defign, and fee whether that 
 alone does not infinitely fall fhort of it. Therefore neceffarily 
 fome higher fenfe muft alfo be added : which if it be fo ma¬ 
 nag’d as to contain nothing but what is Great and True, an- 
 Iwering the Title of the Sacred Story, and continuedly appli¬ 
 cable to the Letter 5 I Ihould not be very difficult to grant 
 that this is the very thing intended by the Holy Spirit and his 
 
 pen- 
 
and bis chief eft Opinions. 51 
 
 Pen-man Mofes. And that this hath been To done with all 
 thefe Conditions obferv’d, and that the Prwxifience of Souls is 
 found amongft the other noble Dotf rines of that great Phyfi- 
 ologer, Jlfofesy I refer you for fatisfa&ion to the moll judicious 
 and ingenious Effay of the learned Gentleman above-nam’d. 
 This may ferve to let you fee that the Father had very proba¬ 
 ble Reafons for his Second Opinion. 
 
 His Third is this. That thefe praeexifting Souls, through 
 their Fault and Negligence, became Inhabitants of the .Earth 
 in Terreftrial Bodies. 
 
 Which Opinion he grounds upon thefe Confiderations. 
 
 i. That that infinitely full Goodnefs, the firft bleffed Spring 
 and Original of all things, communicated of himfelf in their 
 production to all poflible varieties and degrees of Life, which 
 his effential and eternally-afliftant Wifdom judg’d befi for the 
 things produc’d, and molt fitting and decorous in it felf, fo as 
 they might neither incommcdate one another, nor yet be un- 
 handfomely crowded together without due dillance and difcri- 
 mination of their Natures. In which long Chain of Life and 
 Being, propagated from the higheft to the loweft of all, from 
 the moft incorporeal Deity to Matter it felf, ’tis not to be 
 wonder’d at, nay, ’tis neceffary, that many of the intermediate 
 Effences fhould partake of both the Extremes, and fo there be 
 brought into light Spirits incorporate. But fince few Spirits - 
 after the Firft and Beft are of immutable Purity, and fince 
 every different degree of their changeable Purity is propor¬ 
 tion’d to a correfpondent degree of Purity in Matter ; and 
 fince Matter is actually exiftent in the World according to all 
 degrees of Purity, ’tis not to be wonder’d at neither, that the 
 fame individual Spirit, or fame Order of Spirits, fhould be 
 fometimes united with one fort of Matter, fometimes with 
 another. But whatever happen’d to them afterwards through 
 the Mutability of their Nature, we may be affur’d from that 
 infinite Goodnefs which produc’d them, that they were at firft 
 join’d to the pureft Matter, and plac’d in the beft Regions of 
 the World, that the higheft Life and Purity of Effence they 
 then had made them then fit for. The Souls of Men are one 
 Order of thefe effentially-incorporate Spirits, as both their 
 deep Immerlion into Terreftrial Matter, the Modification of 
 all their Operations by it, and the heavenly Body promis’d 
 us in the Gofpel, as the higheft Perfection of our recover’d 
 Nature, do fufficiently argue. And therefore if our Souls did 
 exift before they appear’d Inhabitants of the Earth, the Sedi¬ 
 ment of the corporeal World, they did exift in a purer Ele¬ 
 ment, to which an higher degree of Life and purer Opera-' 
 tioas, and confeguently greater Happinel% did belong. Who 
 
 then 
 
j2 An Actount of OrIgen, 
 
 then fhoUld turn them out of that better condition, in which 
 the Order and Courfe of Nature, and the internal Congruity 
 of their own Effence had plac’d them ? Certainly not He 
 whole overflowing Goodnefs firft brought them into Life and 
 Being, and who, no doubt, in the firft moment of their Exi¬ 
 gence, fet them to exercife thofe Powers of Life he had given 
 them, in thofe Parts of the World as were moft advantageous 
 for the Happinefs they were capable of. And tho they fhould 
 through the Lapfability of their Nature fall from this emi¬ 
 nent pitch of primitive Felicity, to a ftate lefs happy and per- 
 feft : yet this State being not the loweit and worft of all, and 
 that fame Goodnefs whicli firft made them, and always go¬ 
 verns them, being undiminifhable ; it is almoft as harftTto 
 think he would precipitate them from this fomething better 
 condition into that which is the moft miferable of all, as that 
 he did originally create them in fuch a condition- as was far 
 worfe than what he then judg’d them capable of. And to 
 think that any other external Caufe could do it by Force and 
 Violence, is very unphilofophical, fince there is an inward 
 Saturation of vital Congruity to be firft wrought, before they 
 be fo much as capable of uniting with this or that Element, 
 much lefs of living in it as a Seat and Habitation of a dura¬ 
 ble Life: befides, it feems inconfiftent with that moft wife 
 and gracious Providence which governs the World, that any 
 thing fhould have a power of difpofing of any Being in it, 
 tstyl tIj> ctZ'uur. What then remains, but that through the 
 faulty and negligent ufe of themfelves, whilft they were in 
 fome better condition of Life, they rendred themfelves lefs 
 pure in the whole Extent of their Powers, both Intellectual 
 and Animal, and fo by degrees became difpos’d for the fufcep- 
 tion of fuch a degree of corporeal Life, as was lefs pure indeed 
 than the former, but exactly anfwerable to their prefent diff 
 pofition of Spirit; fo that after certain Periods of Time they 
 might become far lefs fit to aftuate any fort of Matter than 
 the Terreftrial ; and being originally made with a capacity 
 to join with this too, and in it exercife the Powers and Functi¬ 
 ons of Life, it feems neceffary, according to the Courfe of 
 Nature, that they fhould fink into it, and fo appear Terre¬ 
 ftrial Men ? And that this is a very probable Caufe of their 
 becoming Inhabitants of the Earth, the learned Father thinks 
 cannot be doubted, if we confider the neceffary Mutability in 
 created Effences, the Freedom of Will in humane Souls, and 
 the great Sympathy there is betwixt the Parts of the Soul, 
 ( for he, according to the Platonick, Do&rine, thinks the Soul 
 heterogeneous, and nothing is more eafy than to prove {he is 
 fo.) Tor as he often inculcates, Goodnefs and Truth are not 
 
 Eifential 
 
and his chief eft Opinions. 
 
 £lfentiai or Subftantial in thefe inferior Natures, fo as that 
 they fhould be in a perpetual Contemplation of them, and un¬ 
 der that moft happy Conftraint of never lofing the fight of 
 their glorious Forms, and of never fwerving from th.ir Laws; 
 but do in a more accidental way belong unto them, and are 
 efficacious in them only upon certain terms and conditions. 
 From which imperfection of their Nature arifes the 
 ( for this, in fome fenfe, is no perfection) and by the too great 
 liberty of that power it eafily happens, that they obferv- not 
 thofe terms and conditions, being drawn away from a prefs 
 and careful attendance to them, by converting to the delight¬ 
 ful Motions of their congenite Bodies : which delight is both 
 natural, and in fome degrees allow’d ; but all corporeal Plea- 
 fare having fomething of Confulion and Difturbance in it, to¬ 
 gether with a ftrong magical Devocation of the Animadverlion 
 to the fenfe of it, they might, in this dark huddle, eafily lofe 
 the fight of thofe Bounds and Limits beyond which they ought 
 not to proceed in the enjoyment of thofe Pleafures they reap 
 from corporeal Life. For it is very hard for the Soul, under the 
 prefent attual Fruition of what is delightful to her, and meet¬ 
 ing with nothing in this her freer indulgency, which by its 
 fharpnefs may check her, not to be tempted a little and a little 
 further, fhe feeling a freedom in her accompanying this her 
 fecret defire and inward prefaces all alpng. This unwarranta¬ 
 ble Liberty is not at firft fo Free, white the Principle of the 
 more divine and intellectual Life is more intire: but this by 
 little and little is weakned by thofe Permiffions we make unto 
 our felves, in favour of our natural Propenfions to corporeal 
 Joy ; and fo the fuperior Life extinguishing by degrees, and 
 the inferior more eagerly kindling, we rufh at laft, without 
 Bounds and Meafure, to take our till of thofe Pleafures, which 
 the lawlefs Motions of the Body we are then united with, offer 
 to our corrupted Senfe. „ But whatever Aberrations we make 
 from the Laws of intellectual Life, the ill effett of them is not 
 confin’d to that chief and principal part of our Soul wherein 
 that Life is feated, but defcends from thence, and fpreads its 
 impure Contagion through all the Seats of inferior Life, by 
 reafon of that clofe Continuity which is in all the parts of the 
 Soul. And whatever happens to her principal part, as the Cen¬ 
 tre of all the reft, does in a correfpondent manner affett thefe 
 which ray from that: For as thefe, in their firft Emanation, 
 were determinately fuch or fuch only, becaufe that from whom 
 they proceeded was of fuch or fuch a degree of Purity and 
 effrntial Power ; fo in all the After-mutations which happen, 
 they conftantly fympathize with one another. For if the in¬ 
 ferior Parts of the Soul deftin’d unto her meaner Functions, 
 
 D do 
 
54 An Account of Orig en, 
 
 do fo punctually obey the moft ftill and filent Volition or Ima¬ 
 gination of that which is Supreme, as we plainly find they do 
 in Pafiions and fpontaneous Motion ; what Wonder is it if the 
 prefent Frame, Habit and Temper of that fupreme Part 
 ( which is certainly more powerful than a Tingle tranfient Com¬ 
 mand ) does mould and form them into a fuitable Temper with 
 it felf ? And therefore if that Central part, by forfaking the 
 Laws of a better Life, become To impure, that her Operati¬ 
 ons in this degenerate condition, would not exceed thofe which 
 may be expected from an Under Handing in conjundion with 
 Earthly Matter ; the parts Derivative will necefiarily be 
 chang’d into a correfpondent Feculency, and To the whole 
 Soul will fink into Terreftrial Matter, for which alone it is 
 now fit, and by her Seminal Reafons, proper to this State, 
 ihape it into the Fabrick of a Terreftrial Man. 
 
 2. And the Father further thinks we ought not to wonder 
 at any thing in this procedure, if we do but read and under- 
 Rand what the Holy Scripture teaches us of the finning An¬ 
 gels ; That they kept not their primitive Excellency, but left 
 their proper Habitations in the Regions of heavenly Light, 
 and are therefore bound ly nlfi ttJ 7with the Chains 
 of fuliginous Air. For what greater Wonder is it that iter eat 
 Genii become Terreftrial Men, than ethereal Angels aereal Dca¬ 
 ptors ? But this parity of Reafon is nor all the alliftance which 
 Origen conceiv’d the Scripture afforded him in this Affertion. 
 For the Sacred Story of Alan in Genefs plainly defcribes a 
 Tranfgreftion, for which he was turn’d out of Paradife, and 
 became Mortal, as the Text fays. Which Hiftory St. Paul car¬ 
 ries further in his Epiftle to the Romans , and fays. That as by 
 one Man fin entredinto the World , and by fin death and mortality y fo alfo 
 did this death and mortality go through all Men y becaufe y or fo far as , 
 all have finned ^ or in his own words more elegantly, 'dams 
 ivls etY8 ?efartf r> eL^a°Tj& <f yJou^ajov eioil A0«, m ety.et§7J04 
 
 0 htdvctlQ-* HjKTTZ'S HS TrdvTtt.S 0 ddya f j(§h cDMsv, if 
 
 rndvris tiu&flcv' And again to the Corinth . As by Man death — 
 and. As in Adam all die— By which places it appears that 
 Adam fin’d, and as a confequent thereof became-Mortal; his 
 Sons alfo fin’d, and Mortality pervaded them too. Now who 
 this Mortal Adam is, whofe Image all that bear are likewife 
 Mortal, the Apoftle tells us in the fame Chapter, to wit, 
 el'i' 0 £c» 7 r(§b bn /Therefore we all become or 
 
 Terreftrial Men by fin. But fince we are.fuch from our firit 
 coming into this Wor.ld, and the fault mull, needs be before 
 the confequents of it, that Sin and Tranfgreffion by which 
 we became fuch, mu ft be look’d for higher, or in Tome former 
 State. X know this conclufnJh would not be thought by many 
 
 f Men 
 
and his chiefefl Opinions. ? 
 
 ^?. r ;8 1 ! tIy deduc’d from thefe places of Scripture: but this 
 ?hfk„ r bC n ° P fe J u r d ‘ ce a gainft i£ - ^ VO" but remember that 
 he gainfayers are of two forts of Divines ; the one thofe who 
 deny this Original and general Depravation of Mankind • the 
 other thofe who afcribe all to the Will and Sovereignty or 
 lmftaken Juftice of God, upon occafion of the perfonal miTcar- 
 riage of the Firit Man that dwelt upon this Earth The hr If 
 of thefe do manifeft Violence (in i/y appwhenfion) to 
 
 a " d Experience: the latter grotly pervert the 
 
 Nature of Things, and rudely dilhonour the Divine Attri¬ 
 butes ; as might with much eafe be Ihewn, if I thought it ne- 
 ceffary to your fugacious- Judgment. ° lC n< ? 
 
 But left I Ihould expole this Dotfrine of the Holy Father 
 
 than ashe e h?n?nf'^Ir 5 ’ t0 u 1 f “i picion of S r «>ter inconcinnity 
 1 an as he himfelf afferted it; 1 am to give you notice ("if I 
 
 have not already fufficiently done it) that this paffin« of the 
 
 u fth r °pefl^ ral 5Ut / S ° f Llfe ’ and dlfe rent 1 Events fit 
 Jieitner perform d m a fnort time, nor ever defcends fo low 
 
 as to deitroy her Rational Nature, or put off Humane Form - 
 both thefe are exprefly deny’d by’him? What the den„th of 
 Nr better States of Life is, he only can truly juds who knows 
 the internal Frame and Conftitution of our Nature and how 
 vital every Congruityof Life is which he hnplamed Tn die 
 
 thr I,' r ’ !e Wh ° re? pr ?f ent Inhabitant in that State of which 
 the queftion is ask’d. But for us Terreftrial Animals, fo per. 
 fetf an Oblivion hath feiz’d on us through the °reat Chan<*“ 
 we underwent in our defcent hither, where we now are fthat 
 
 to m mV ame n ° ° ther reafor O that we are utterly d’ifabled 
 to make any certain Anfwer to fo curious an Enquiry. Only 
 
 of Pudtfifi^Fff ’ t0 eV 'f y remarkable difference 
 oi i urity in the Effence of created Spirits there k t 
 
 rence in Matter exaftly anfwering and fitted thereto; and 
 
 ble is "theft i T 0 ^ PU1 ' e they are > b ? fo much more dura 
 me is their Life, as approaching nearer to, and more fuilv- 
 
 Hmrtf 91 / 1 ! 6 firft and pureft fountain of Life: Upon this 
 H> pothcfis, I fay, we may probably guefs that the ordinary 
 duration of Aereal Life doll far eLled the common lS 
 
 S,i h !j erreft / ia1 ’ as the fubtilt y and tenuity of that Element 
 rftii th S foarfenels of that Matter which the Soul does efpe- 
 cially actuate m our Terreftrial Bodies ; and the Aereal Period 
 tils as far fhort of the Celeftial, as the blended Atmofphere 
 of the pine lucid /Ether. But thefe are mere gueffes and let 
 
 T °J lth y ° U f ° r n ° more ‘ This onl f we know, what tire 
 Life of Man upon Earth commonly is in this Age of the 
 
 ^° r when nd all°tl^ h Fi Iength lC was drawn out in the days of 
 Old, When all the Elements were m their Spring and whole- 
 
 D 2 ■ fome 
 
3 6 An Account of O r i g en, 
 
 fome Verdure, and before the fiery Principle was grown fb 
 potent and copious as- now it is ; and the Gofpel affures lis, 
 that the days of the heavenly or ethereal Life are fo number- 
 lefs, that it is call’d Eternal. The other part of my Adver- 
 lifement was. That the Soul never defcends below her rational 
 Nature, and humane Form. Which I therefore take notice 
 of, becaufe I perceive the Adverfaries of Origen have been 
 fomething. forward to draw this into the heap of their Crimi- 
 t a "ions, that he did hold the contrary. But the Father was 
 ro: fo flight a Contemplator as to believe the Truth of it; 
 and knew better what was the meaning of the Fable in the 
 Pythagoric t Doftrine, and could not*but have obferv’d after 
 what manner Plato talks of it in the Clofe of his Timdtm : who 
 tho he do not (as far as I remember ) call it a Fable; yet it is 
 plain he handles it fo carelelly, compar’d with the other parts 
 of the Dialogue, that there is little doubt to be made but 
 that he held it for one in the literal fenfe. Which will be 
 more probable, if you obferve, that he in that excellent Dia¬ 
 logue does pun&ually follow the Method and Opinions of 17 - 
 Locrenfis in his De Amma Wundt , who does exprefly call it 
 Fabulous. Befide, the learned Father, where he does mention 
 it, difertly affirms* that it is not an Opinion - which he be¬ 
 lieves, but was propounded by him only for the Copia and va¬ 
 riety of difputation. And that he may not feem to have faid 
 this in a colour, and cautioufly for his own fecurity, as St. Je¬ 
 rome very charitably would have him, he does in feveral pla¬ 
 ces upon St* Matthew, and in his contra Celfum, dogmatically de¬ 
 clare, that there is no fuch (UTZVemueLTaftf* 
 
 His Fourth Dogma is. That the Mylfery of the Refurreftion 
 is this, That we fhall be cloth’d with heavenly or aethereal 
 Bodies, properly fo call’d, and in a phyfical fenfe. 
 
 What is the Truth in this Opinion, mult be learn’d from 
 the Faith and Doftrine of the Gofpel, whereof it is fb emi¬ 
 nent an Article, the great @y£eioy of our holy Faith and 
 Obedience ; and the whole Evangelical My fiery, fo far as it 
 refpeds our Good and Advantage, is for the recovery of Man¬ 
 kind to this high pitch of Felicity: and the pious Father does 
 molt willingly refolve his Belief in this Opinion, into the fen- 
 tence of thole infallible Writings. But that you may have 
 a more orderly and demonftrative Under handing of what they 
 teach us in this matter, you are to recall to your Memory 
 fomething of what I have before difcours’d out of the Father, 
 that fo you may with one View fee how coherent his Specu¬ 
 lations ary, and how much they confirm, and are confirm’d, 
 bv the Doftrme of the Gofpel. We have out of him affirm’d. 
 That the Souls of Men are Spirits effentially incorporate; 
 
 t ” That 
 
md hk chief eft Opinions. 
 
 That fuch Spirits depend much in all their Operations on that 
 Body they are united with; That the Elements of ourTerre- 
 ftrial composition are fuch as alnioft fatally intangle us in Vice, 
 Paffion and Mifery ; That thefe Sim Is did exilt and add ( for 
 to what purpofe elfe did they exilt,?>-before they became vi- 
 fible Inhabitants of the Earth ; That therefore they then had 
 at lealt aereal Bodies-; That the purer the Body is the Soul 
 is united with, the purer, more perfedt and happy is her Life 
 and Operations; beiides, i that Supreme Goodnefs which made 
 all things, allures us, tftdt he made a 1-1 things belt at fir Id : 
 And therefore his recovery of us to our la'dHappinefs (which 
 is the defign and purpofe of the Gofpel) mull jreftore us to 
 our better Bodies, and more happy Habitation. In the decla¬ 
 ration of which recovery, if it be found that he promifes u? 
 Celeldial Bodies, ’twill be both according to what our Reafon 
 would expend in fo gracious a delign; and does alfo not ob- 
 fcurely intimate, that Earth was not the firld Element wherein 
 we did exild. Upon thefe Principles the Father eftablilhes the 
 prefent Dogma, feme whereof we have already largely endea¬ 
 vour’d to prove; the reft are plain of themfelves, and con- 
 fefs’d by all, or you know where to have the accurate proofs 
 of them, if you think they can be doubted of: and therefore 
 I fhall leave you to make the bell of them for the advantage 
 of the Father’s prefent Affertion, betaking my felf to fee what 
 Scripture fays in the bufinefs, after I have taken two Argu¬ 
 ments in my way, which I fhall offer to your conlideration in 
 a more carelefs and popular manner. » 
 
 i. He that is a Chriftian and Difciple of the Son of God, \ 
 hath given up hjmfelf to the Obfervation of fuch Laws as re¬ 
 quire of him perfeCd Holinefs and Purity, univerfal Abftinence 
 from all Wrong and Injuftice, hearty and unfeigned Love and 
 Good-will to ail Mankind ; and all this in the inward Affecti¬ 
 on of his Mind, fe as that they become his Nature, and the 
 very Life of his Spirit. He is by the Tenour of that Holy 
 Inftitute to mortify every inordinate Affection, to be dead to 
 the fenfe of bodily Delights, not to be carried away with Self- 
 conceit, and the tickling Air of Fame and Honour from Men, 
 not to be tranfported with Anger, to have no efteem of thofe 
 things the World fo much admires, and fo eagerly purfues. 
 Power and Wealth: but cutoff from all things that are with¬ 
 out, and perfectly commanding all the allow’d Motions and De~ 
 fires of his Natural Spirit, he is folely to live the Life of God 
 with intire Subjection to his Will. But do not all the World 
 complain of the extreme difficulty of the Task? That it is as 
 cruel to their imagination when they think of it, and as pain¬ 
 ful to their fenfe when they go about it, as the violent dif- 
 
 D 3 cifioil 
 
3 8 An Account of Origen, 
 
 cifion of their very Life would be, could it be forcibly tom 
 in pieces ? Not but their Minds are very well fatisfyU of the 
 reafonablenefs and juftnefs of fuch an undertaking, "and their 
 moft inward Light cannot but pronounce, that the poffelfion 
 ot that Life they are call’d to, by the Counfels and Exhorta¬ 
 tions of the Gofpel, would be a State of moft defirable Feli¬ 
 city : fo that if the Law of their Mind had a perfect Sove¬ 
 reignty over the whole Man, the bufinefs was done. But alas 1 
 they are drawn away by the pleading Force of the Magick of 
 the Flefh, and in defpite of all the Succour which their Mind, 
 Reafon and Confidence bring them, are willingly led Captive 
 by an Enemy whom they love. This is the Law in the Members, 
 whofe very Nature is warring and oppofition to th tLaw of the 
 Mind : it is alfo call’d the Will, Senfe, or Affettion of the Plejh, 
 which hath fuch an effential Enmity to God, and whatever is 
 divine, that it can by no means be made fnbjetf to bis Law. For the 
 Body of Death, or the mortal Body, is, according to St. Paul,finful 
 Flejh, in which dwells nothing that is good , and the Law of it is the 
 Law of Sin and Death . And that Members , Pieflj, Body , Death , are 
 to be taken plainly and literally, both St. Paul's Difcourfe makes 
 evident enough, and the Experience and ConfeiTions of Men 
 confirm ; who palpably feel, that their Tranfgredfmg the Laws 
 of God and the Mind, proceeds from the Motions of the Earth¬ 
 ly Body they are cloth’d withal. Now thefe Motions being 
 as natural to it as Defcent is to heavy Bodies, and as necelfa- 
 rily affecting us with the Senfe of Sin, as Fire does with 
 Warmth arid Heat ; it follows, that our Eftabiilhment in a 
 truly divine and finlefs Life, which is the End of Chriftian 
 Religion, cannot be effected but by our obtaining fuch a 
 Body, as is fartheft remov’d from the Nature of our prefent 
 Body of Sin, that is, an heavenly or ethereal One. 
 
 2 . You cannot but have obferv’d, even in thofe who are 
 Jnftruttors of the People in Knowledg and Piety, Men other- 
 wife learned, and of good capacity, a ftrange fatal pronenefs 
 to fuch Opinions, as are as plainly repugnant and contradicti¬ 
 ous to the moft eafy and natural Ideas of our Mind, as any 
 can be : which Opinions, many of them, are concerning fuch 
 Subjects, whofe Worth and Excellency lhould make us very 
 careful whapwe think of them, and hugely tender that we 
 pronounce nothing of them which is injurious or mean ; as 
 God, his Works, and Counfels, what is Holy, Righteous, 
 Comely, Equitable, and the like : whofe Natures rightly 
 known, and according to Truth, bring the greateft Eafe and 
 Satisfaction, ineffable Peace and Quiet, and the moft pure 
 and inraviihing delight that our Minds can receive from any 
 knowiedg whatever, and govern all the Purpofes and Enter- 
 
 ' prizes 
 
md his chief eft Opinions. yg 
 
 prizes of our Soul, all the A&ions of our Lives confidently, 
 quicken and encourage us to all growth and progrefs in Ver- 
 tue, and whatever is good and laudable, and with unlhaken 
 Firmituide fupport our Hope, that our Labours fhall not be 
 in vain $ laftly, which are alfo with abundant Clearness de¬ 
 fined in thofe holy Oracles, which we all believe infallible. 
 Whence is it then,’that all that Light which fnould dire£t us 
 to the Truth of fuch Objects, is not feen ? That we are fo 
 eafily content to want all that Pleafure and Peace arifing from 
 the Knowled'g of their Truth ; and patiently endure to live, 
 aft, and expedt at random, without any diffident Grounds, or 
 coherency of P.eafon ? If the Souls of Men were Effentially 
 unlike one another, or the Ideas of Truth were not every¬ 
 where the fame, my Wonder would quickly ceafe: nay, if thefe 
 erring Perfons were but affefted with their odd Conceits in 
 that moderate degree of Prejudice which Authority is apt to 
 beget in us, where we refpedl the Man who firft deliver’d 
 them to us, I could be content to look for the Reafon of this 
 Phenomenon in the modefty and humble deference of the Mind 
 itfelf: but when I fee them believe fuch grofs Errors with 
 fuch eagernefs of Spirit, and with fo fettled an Affe&ion, and 
 from a congruity and fympathy of vital difpofition, I am at a 
 lofs to find the Caufe any where but in the complexiorial Im¬ 
 purity of their Earthly Bodies ; wliofe foul Steams mixing 
 with, and infecting that fubtile Inftrument the Soul ufes in 
 all her Senfes and Perceptions, and by which all her Operati¬ 
 ons are modified, condemn them fatally to fuch grofs Miftakes, 
 and to an utter Inlenfibility'of the contrary Truths, fo long as 
 they are condemn’d to fee nothing but through fuch a coarfe. 
 Medium, and to labour for Truth with fuch unqualified Inftru- 
 ments. And knowing that not only Vertue and Piety, but 
 alfo Truth and Knowledg are the natural Accomplifhments of 
 the Soul, I conclude according to the Father, That that com¬ 
 plete Pcrfeftion, which by the warrant of the Gofpel w r e hope 
 for in the Refurre&ion, cannot be wrought in us, unlefs we 
 be poffefs’d of fuch a Body, whofe Purity of Temper will be 
 as fubfervient to Truth, as I find the Terreftrial one an hin¬ 
 drance thereto. 
 
 3. I faid at the beginning of this Dogma , That the Truth *of 
 it muft be decided by theTeftimony of Holy Scripture, where¬ 
 of it is fo important a part, and that the Holy Father is moft 
 ready to be concluded by its decifion ; therefore, in the third 
 place, he argues from thence. You know St. Paul , in his firft 
 Epiftle to the Corinthians , hath a Difcourfe on purpofe con¬ 
 cerning the Refurrettion ; from thence therefore, if any where, 
 we may very well hope to find a determination of the matter 
 
 D 4 in 
 
40 An Account of 0 r i g e nJ 
 
 in hand. The Apoftle in that moft excellent and learned 
 Difcourfe, having firft proved the Refurre&ion of our Ever- n. 
 bleffed Lord and Saviour, comes at laft to anfwer the Objefti- 
 ons of fome incredulous or miiinform’d Men in that Church, 
 which he gives us in thefe words, How are the dead raifed up ? 
 and with what bodies do they come ? In which, if there be any 
 feiife or force to make it worthy of an Anfwer from the Apo- 
 ftle, it muft be this, or fome fuch like ; How is it poffible that 
 thofe Bodies fhould rife again and be joyn’d to the Souls that 
 formerly actuated them , which we fee rotted in the Grave, 
 diffolv’d into Dull:, and fcatter’d over the Face of the Earth, 
 or evaporated into Air, and difpers’d as far afunder poflibly rs 
 the Heaven is wide, and undergo Ten thoufand feveral Tranf- 
 mutations, and are adopted into as many feveral Bodies, whe¬ 
 ther Animals or others ? To which the Apoftle anfwers, not 
 by faying the Power of God is infinite, and his Knowledg in¬ 
 finitely diftinft, fo as he can find out and recollect all thofe 
 wandring Atoms, and of them recompofe that Building which 
 once they made: but by calling firft the Objetlor fool, for fo 
 grolly miftaking the Queftion, as if the Chriftians expelled 
 the fame individual Body, made of the fame numerical Parti¬ 
 cles of Matter, which his Objeltion fuppofes; whenas their 
 Dolirine of the Refurretlion is fomewhat like that of a grain 
 of Corn, which mull firft die before any thing fpririg of it, 
 and that which does fpring up from its Death, is another thing 
 from that which was fown and died. And then, Secondly, by 
 further informing him, that the differences of Body ahd Mat¬ 
 ter are far more numerous than he takes notice of; fo that it 
 is fo far from being neceffary, that we fhould have the fame 
 individual Bodies, that there is no necefiity we fhould have 
 Bodies of the fame fort or kind: for the World is better Itord 
 than fo, and contains Celeftial Bodies as well as Terreftrial, 
 of different Worth and Excellency ; and that God who gives 
 us a Body as it pleafes him, is gracioufly pleafed to give us 
 one in the Refurre'ltion of that kind which is moft Excellent 
 and Glorious, vi%, Heavenly and Spiritual: and that tho we 
 have born the Image of the Earthly Adam , having an Earthly 
 Body as he had, yet it is not neceffary we fhall always do fo.; 
 for there is an Heavenly Adam too, the Lord, whofe Image we 
 flail bear , having an heavenly and fpiritual Body as he hath. 
 And left we fhould miftake what he meant by Earthly and 
 Heavenly , Animal and Spiritual Bodies , and transfer thefe words 
 to Difpofitions in the Soul, or ufe them improperly any other 
 way, to the countenancing any grofs or .flow conceit, hO gives 
 us a key of his meaning by this plain and down-right Affir- 
 mat'on. That Flefl and Blood ( a Phrafe well known to fignify 
 
And his chief eft Opinions. 41 
 
 the Earthly Body , and for its fake a Man in fuch a BodyJ cannot 
 come to Heaven, or the Kingdom of God ; for it is impoftible that 
 fuch a Body, which is in its intrinfecal Nature corruptible, 
 Ihould become incorruptible, or be fit to inherit incorruption. 
 And further, you may polfibly not think it a Remark altoge¬ 
 ther impertinent, that if the Apoftle had been of the Mind of 
 p igen’s Adversaries, it would be very hard to imagine why he 
 ihould give fo long, fo diitinrt and particular an Anfwer to 
 the QueJtion. For it may feem more fuitable to the Autho¬ 
 rity of fo great a Perfon, when captioufly ask’d, With what Bo¬ 
 dies do they come ? roundly to have anfwer’d, With the fame they 
 left behind them. 
 
 Another Argument out of the fame Apoftle may be, that in 
 his fecond Epiftle to the fame Corinth. For we tyiowy that if our 
 earthly Houfe of this Tabernacle was diffolved , we have a building from 
 God , an Houfe not made with hands , eternal in the Heavens . For in this 
 ipe groan , earneftly defiring to be clothed upon with our Houfe which is 
 from Heaven. Where are plainly defcrib’d two feveral Houfes, 
 or Bodies, quite different one from the other in their Materi¬ 
 als, Duration, and Benefit to the Inhabitant: the one is call’d 
 Earthly , and a Tabernacle which fhall be diffolv’d, wherein we 
 groan through the burdenfomnefs of it ; the other Heavenly , 
 and Eternal, and hugely advantageous and defirable to us: the 
 former Characters defigning the Body we have here upon 
 Earth, the latter that which we expert hereafter in Hea¬ 
 ven. So that unlefs any thing may be any thing, and the 
 fame thing while the fame be quite another thing, it is not 
 poffible but that that Body we look for in Heaven, or at the 
 Refurrertion, fhould be a quite different thing from that Body 
 of Flefh and Blood we are now clothed with, fince it hath 
 fuch different Properties. For unlefs the coarfe Concretion 
 of Earth, as Earth can be as liquid as JEther , or Heavenly 
 Matter, and that which is in its own nature diffoluble, be eter¬ 
 nal, and be artuadly diffolv’d only to be fet together again, 
 or that we groan through the Oppreffion of that weight which 
 we earneftly defire to be burdened with again, the Body which 
 we have here cannot (according to the Apoftle) be that 
 which we hope to have hereafter. And all the Properties of 
 the former Body will, from its effential Contexture, neceffarily 
 adhere to it wherever it be, and the Properties of the latter 
 are the moft genuine Refults of sethereal Purity; fo that if 
 St. Pauly by the Building we are to have from God, by the 
 Houfe not made with handsy defcribes that Body God will give us 
 in the Refurrertion of the Juft, he fays the fame with the 
 Holy Father, That the Myftery of that happy Time and 
 Change is this, That we fhall then be clothed with heavenly 
 pr ethereal Bodies. This 
 
42 An Account of OrigenJ 
 
 This is fufficient for the proof of this Aflertion out of Scrip* 
 ture: yet if you pleafe you may ovet and above make trial, 
 whether any convenient fenfe can be made of thofe fo very 
 frequent Fhrafes of a mortal body, a corruptible body, a body of 
 death , a vile body, an inglorious and infirm body, a dead body, the 
 flefh of Sin , and the like ; if fuch bodies may be incorruptible* 
 immortal, eternally living, never to die more, refulgent with 
 lucid Glory, like the Body of Chrift, who is the Adam 'tnrvgip- 
 w(§h> in the fame fenfe that the other Adam was ; and 
 laftly, be the Inftruments of perfect Purity, Righteoufnefs and 
 Kolinefs* I perfuade my felt you will find it an hard Task to 
 reconcile fuch difcordant Attributes. But to fay, that whatever 
 the Bodies we have upon Earth be in their own nature, God 
 by his Omnipotent Power can make them fuch as the Gofpel 
 promifes they fhall be at the Refurreflion, and keep them by 
 his Almighty Hand from Death or Decay, is to fay, that Mi¬ 
 racles are very cheap with him; nay further, it is to fay, that 
 God, where he intends us a benefit, will work a perpetual Mi¬ 
 racle to keep us in a worfe ftate than we might arrive to by 
 the ordinary Laws, and Courfe of Nature. For it is demon- 
 ftrable from Philofophy and Apparitions, that an aereal Body 
 will neceffarily fall to our fhare upon the quitting of this we 
 have ; and where the Soul is more than ordinarily advanc’d 
 in the progrefs of an holy and vertuous Life, that aereal Body 
 of hers will be in great difpofition to an aethereal Purity : fo 
 that if the Providence of God’ would not interpofe her felf, 
 but leave things in that ftate they come to by her eternal 
 Laws, it would be much better for fo perfeft Souls to ftay 
 where they are, than to ,be again clothed with Flefh and Blood. 
 For this is plainly to climb downwards, and with pretence of 
 Courtefy ro remand the releas’d Man to his Prifon and Chains. 
 And it is very childifh to think, that Flefh and Blood made 
 gay without, by I know not what imagin’d Light and Glory, 
 is one pin the better for it: For if the Houfe be ruinous in 
 the Materials and Make of it, and fluttifh and unclean within, 
 all the external.Painting and Pargetting imaginable can nei¬ 
 ther feciire the Inhabitants from its Fall, nor make their Dwel¬ 
 ling one jot more wholefome. The Moon, as bright as fhe 
 looks, is as very an Earth as this we tread on, contemn, and 
 defire to leave. But as hard as you will find it to make fenfe 
 of thofe Phrafes above-nam’d, which characterize our Earthly 
 Body, if this Earthly Body is to come to Heaven ; juft fo eafy 
 and natural are the oppofite Expreffions which deferibe that 
 Heavenly Body, which fhall certainly come thither. For both 
 the Duration of it, its refulgent Glory, and its eximious Sub- 
 ferviency to all Purity, Righteoufnefs and Truth, do as pro* 
 
and his chief eft Opinions. 
 
 43 
 
 perly belong to a Body of ^ethereal Purity j and this only, as 
 any natural" Effed whatever, to its true and fpecifick Caufe, 
 as a very little Skill in Philofophy would fatisfy any Enquirer. 
 And what greater Alfuranee can any Man have, that he under- 
 llands any thing he reads, than evidently to fee that the Words 
 are fit and appofite, and the very fame that all Men ufe who 
 write or fpeak perfpicuoufly, and the Things afierted fuch as 
 exactly anfwer to the Nature of Things ? 
 
 Having Scripture fo plainly on our fide ( for fo for decorum 
 fake I muft fpeak, plainly the part of an Origeniji J I think I 
 may be bold to expoftulate with the Adverfaries, and ask 
 them what it is they feek by their fo eagerly-defended Flefhly 
 Body, and what is the prop of their tenacious Confidence ? 
 For ’tis plain that we are nothing, and are concern’d in no¬ 
 thing more than what we are confcious of, Eel and perceive ; 
 That the Soul alone is the Subjed of all Senfe, Perception, 
 Memory, and Attentions; That what fhe perceives by, is nei¬ 
 ther the Flefh nor Blood, no, nor the Brains themfelves, nor 
 any other grofs part of our Bodies, but that purer and fubtiler 
 Matter in us which is call’d Animal Spirits ; That if the Soul be 
 an immaterial Subftance, diftind from the Body, ’tis as eafily 
 conceiv’d, nay more eafily^ how fhe fhould unite with an whole 
 Vehicle of fuch pure Matter, as with her whole Terreftriai 
 Body ; efpecially lhe giving us, even in this Body, a Specimen 
 of that Capacity of hers, by being in her higheft degree of 
 Vitality united with fome portion of that Matter already. 
 What is it then that they exped from the moffc refin’d Flefh 
 and Blood they can imagine, which they may not have with 
 TJfury and Advantage in a Body of purer Confidence ? or what 
 is the Scruple that makes them fo backward in admitting fuch 
 a Body ? To the former Queftion I make no doubt they can 
 anfwer nothing which will not be grofs and ridiculous. To 
 the latter I know they will fay, that the Scripture fays other- 
 wife : we (hall fee that more particularly at the fifth Query. 
 In the mean time confider, O ye fond Doaters on Flefh and 
 Blood, what we have already produc’d out of that Sacred Trea- 
 fury of Truth, contrary to your dull Pretenfions: and further 
 call to mind, that as Scripture calls thofe Bodies we hope for 
 in the Refurredion of the Juft, Celeflial and ' Spiritual > and terms 
 the place of our Abode at that bleffed time, the Kingdom of 
 Heaven, and the Inheritance in Light ; fo Philofophy and 
 Aftronomy can demonstrate, that the Matter of that happy 
 Place is mere Light, and liquid Spirit or ALther. Why then 
 do you pretend mifinterpreted Scripture contrary to all Rea- 
 fon, Philofophy, and your own Benefit, againft Scripture; ha¬ 
 ving Philofophy, and your Advantage^ on its fide ? And fince 
 
 our 
 
 'i 
 
44 An Account of Ok i g e n, 
 
 our prefent Bodies, by which we are Inhabitants of the Earthy 
 are of a Terreftrial Concretion, and confift of fuch Matter 
 which arifes from the Earth, and which after all its Tranfmu- 
 tations, Elutriations and Filiations in the Body, is not purg’d 
 from the coarfe Tintlure it had from its Earthly Original; 
 and fmce the Scripture fays that Angels, the Inhabitants of 
 Heaven, are Spirits, and a Flame of Fire, and are call’d 
 Angels of Light, as Heaven it felf is Light and Fire, andap- 
 pear always in a lucid Form, and that the Devils or Daemons 
 are the Inhabitants of the Air (whom the Stories of Appari¬ 
 tions, and the Confeffionsof Witches, plainly prove to have 
 Bodies of Air) what Cr-offnefs and Madnefs is it to believe 
 wefhallbe Fellow-Citizens of the Angels in the Kingdom of 
 Heaven, and have fuch a Body as the Apoftle calls Heavenly 
 and Spiritual, and yet to interpret that word Heavenly other- 
 wife than in relation to the Subtilty and Tenuity of the Mat¬ 
 ter of Heaven? But to leave thefe <ptXovd and let you fur? 
 ther fee that St. Paul did not only fit at the Feet of Gamaliel, 
 (from whom Mr. Gregory conceives he learn’d the Analogy be¬ 
 tween the germination of a Grain of Corn, and the Refur- 
 re&ion of the Body) but had alfo been admitted into the Py- 
 tbagorick. o[J.cu<,Q£iov> or rather that both he and the Divine Py¬ 
 thagoras were taught by the fame^Spirit of Truth and Ho¬ 
 ly Knowle'Jg ; I will give you a tafte of that great Con- 
 gruity of Phrafe there is in the Delivery of their Doc¬ 
 trine. * And not to trouble you with many Authors of that 
 wav, I will content my felf with Hierocles in his Com¬ 
 mentary on the Golden Verfes , as they are call’d. The 
 body of Fleffr we have here‘upon Earth, he, with St. Paul, 
 •calls Smtop and 4that which the pure and perfec¬ 
 ted Spirits in Heaven have, he with him calls as 
 
 alfo $vtz vlv and&V^AV, which plainly anfwer to St. Paul's 
 7Y\$ Jb'fyr he like wife terms it and v, and 
 
 euSdesav, which is exactly the fame with St. Paul's having put on 
 Immortality , and Eternal , and Heavenly* He fays likewife, that 
 in order to our Heavenly Journy, we muff fir ft t bud 
 azJpLsLT@ r qvenv krjv<hs'£t^kt i and that the <t£[j.a v cannot 
 afcend <r AiSi&ov 7®W» What is this, but that Flefl) and 
 
 Blood cannot inherit the Kingdom of God ? And again,- AwtS 
 
 ypdov eraopLa. \v g> to ’iyn&Tcu WQG'jrvzov to* a 4 y X<? 
 
 endpuLTt £ cohv . ^ ipt tdavXov < 7 go[jlcl* Than which it is not 
 
 poifible to find a better Comment upon that of St. Paul —-* 
 ClotKd upon with our Houfe which is from Heaven , that Mortality 
 
 might be fwallow'd up of Life . Again, -— tv dvtmv npav 
 
 la tvs dxbyv fart ^ vS oA/jc# ffcopiAT®' wynn {fyoir, t"iStoXwov 
 
 *fc dv&gdmS} o$ c/d, A 0}im VficK ^ T®“ mifUKer Su 
 
 Pauls 
 
dnd his chkfefl Opinions. 45 
 
 VauV s outward and inward man, the Earthly and the Heavenly 
 Adam . He fays alfo that the Spiritual Vehicle of the Soul 
 being perfected and purged from all material Unvitalnefs or 
 Mortality, and the lucia Body being rendred pare and defe¬ 
 cate, we are then fit to be admitted into the Company and 
 Converfe of the pure Spirits which have aethereal Bodies, 
 and are then arriv’d to the Angellick Nature ; which in the 
 Words of Scripture is, But ye are come to the City of the Living 
 God , the Heavenly Jerusalem, to an innumerable Company of Angels* 
 
 and to the Spirits op juft men made perfett ,—- They are equal to 
 
 the Angels , and are the Children of God [3*01 in Hkm lft] being the 
 
 Children of the Refurreflion. - - Jf by ary means 1 might attain 
 
 to the Refurredion of the Dead. Not as ip I had already at¬ 
 tain'd, or was already perfefled, Laftly, that I draw the Paral- 
 lelifm no further, in this Theory of Bodies he ufes the Words 
 of and ctWGaVxsah*/. I need not tell you, much lefs 
 
 Ihew you, that he does not ufe fuch Words alone. I fhal! 
 trouble you with no more Examples, thefe being fuff cient, 
 and clear, and appofite enough (chiefly fume of the firft of 
 them, which I efpecially intended) to fhew you the Agreement 
 in Stile between St. Paul and Hierocles. Now the ufe I make 
 of it is this : ’Tis notorioufly known that the Pythagoric\ or 
 Platonic ^ Dotfrine concerning the different Hates of Spirits in¬ 
 corporate, is the fame with Origen's j and that the Words and 
 Phrafes they ufe to exprefs the different nature of the Body 
 by they are cloth’d with, are as fit and proper (if their Doc¬ 
 trine be true) as any that can be invented, is plain to every 
 one that unierflands the ufe of Words. Now that St. Paul 
 fhouli ufe the fame in the fame Matter and Argument, yet 
 not in the fame fenfe, but a quite different one, is the 1110ft 
 unlikely thing in the World ; and beiides, renders all Endea¬ 
 vours of finding his Senfe and Meaning utterly fruftrate, or 
 defperately uncertain. But if St. Paul us’d them in the fame 
 fenfe with thofe Fhilofophers, then it is manifeft that Origen's 
 Doctrine of the Re fur reft ion is the fame with St. Paul% and 
 therefore infallibly true. There is a reverend Docfor of our 
 Church of eximious Piety and Learning (and long may he live 
 to be a Light in this perverfe Generation, and the Envy ©f 
 tl’ofe that are Adverfaries and Afflifters of our dear Mother) 
 whom i haveheard to be of Opinion, that this Hierocles, of 
 whom we have been fpeaking, was aChriftian; and who in¬ 
 tends to increafe the number of his learned and ufeful Wri¬ 
 tings, with a Differtation to prove the fame. If this Report 
 of him be true, I make no doubt but amongft other Argu¬ 
 ments which have perfuaded him to entertain this Paradox, 
 tfee great Agreement in Decline and fhrafe betwixt the holy 
 
 Pea»e| 
 
4 6 Aft Account of Origen, 
 
 Penmen of ^Scripture and that Author, is not the leaft. But 
 to the verifying of my Conjecture, you mult expert, till that 
 reported Work of his fee the Light. 
 
 I come now to the Father’s Fifth Opinion, which is this. 
 That after long Periods of Time, the Damned fhall be deli¬ 
 ver’d from their Torments, and try their Fortunes again in 
 fuch Regions of the World as their Nature and prefent Difpo- 
 fition fits them for. 
 
 There are in fome Men’s Minds wonderful high reaches at 
 great and unufual Objects *, that difpofition of Soul, whence 
 luch extraordinary Oners proceed, you may not improperly 
 call the Magnificence of the Intellect, which often hath fome- 
 thingof Temerity in it, as the Moral Vertue of that Name 
 not leldom hath fome touch of Ambition. But as we are 
 very favourable to this, and apt to- pardon its fmaller Extra¬ 
 vagances for the fake of thofe high Defigns and eminent 
 ■Works to which they adhere 5 fo by the fame Reafon and 
 Juftice ought that other to be candidly fentenc’d by us when 
 it feems to flip, becaufe of thofe rais’d and concerning Difco- 
 veries it makes where it lights right and happily ; efpecially 
 where it feems to have been betray’d by a forward and pious 
 Endeavour of doing Honour to God. Which is Origen 's Cafe 
 here, of whom his greateft Adverfaries cannot in reafon but 
 confefs, that the Firror they conceive him fallen into, in this 
 Opinion, proceeded from his over-great Solicitude of rendring 
 the ways of Providence clear, righteous and benign. Yet 
 this, as ftrange as it looks, hath its Probabilities too, as well as 
 the former. For he look’d upon God as making all things for 
 their Good and Benefit, with this gracious Delign, that they 
 might be happy according to their Place and Order in the in- 
 . finite Orb of Beings. Some whereof would neceffarily be 
 fo far remov’d from the Stability of hisbleffed and immutable 
 Perfe&ion, that he plainly forefaw and wondred not at their 
 future Change and Defcent from their Original Integrity; 
 which tho it would not happen to them without their own 
 fault, yet his molt juft and righteous Eyes could not but more 
 favourably look upon the Mifcarriage, lince it proceeded 
 fomewhat from that Incompolfibility which his own hands had 
 wrought in their Effential Contexture, and from a too free 
 and carelefs ule of fuch natural Powers, and Enjoyment of 
 ■ fuch Delights, as he himfelf had made and permitted to them 
 in due Bounds and Meafures. For it feems true and not dif- 
 honourable to God, that Sin it felf proceeds from no Power 
 of the Sinner’s own making, neither is the Pleafureof it from 
 any Sutablenefs and Congruity which he devis’d ; for he finds 
 them both made ready to his hand; only he was fo carelefs and 
 
 unhappy 
 
and bis chief eft Opinions. 47 
 
 unhappy as to g tranfpofe things from their due Places, and 
 make fuch Combinations of them as were to his own damage 
 *in the Event, ^nd fuch as were not primarily intended by 
 that moft wife and benevolent Mind which made and or¬ 
 der’d all things to the beft they were capable of. That Eter¬ 
 nal Mind therefore making all things out of a Principle of in¬ 
 finite Love, and for the Good and Happinefs of the Things 
 .the-mfeives, and feeing what he had made, and how he had 
 made them, and what was likely to be the Lot of fome of 
 them*from the neceffary Unperfednefs of their Natures, if 
 their future ill hap was like to be infinitely more fharp and 
 dolorous, than all the good they fhould enjoy from him till that 
 Calamity befel them, grateful and ple.afant, his great Com- 
 paflion certainly would have perfuaded him quickly to annihi¬ 
 late them ; or rather his Wifdom would have judg’d it more 
 decorous never to have made them. For affuredly he needed 
 them not in any refped, leaft of all as they were miferable. 
 But we fee fuch mutable Creatures made, and hear nothing of 
 their Annihilation (as indeed it would be very ftrange we 
 fhould; for this would be as much as to fay, God had made 
 fuch Beings as he could not continue in Being with Confiften- 
 cy with his own Attributes; that I may not add that poilibly 
 fuch was the manner of the produdion of all things, as makes 
 Annihilation imporfible) therefore we may be aifur’d there 
 are fuch Referves in his moft wife and gracious Providence, as 
 will both vindicate his Sovereign Goodnefs and Wifdom from : 
 all juft Difparagement, and take fuch Courfe with, and fo 
 difpofeof all his Creatures, as tliey fhall never be but in fuch 
 a Condition, which, all things coniider’d, will be far more eli¬ 
 gible than never to have been. Amongft which Ways and 
 Difpofitions of Providence, wherpin his Wifdom, Reditude 
 and Mercy all concur, Punilhment is not the leaft, nor unpro¬ 
 fitable to be punifh’d. And this Iharper kind of Favour hath 
 a very juft and righteous Place in fuch Creatures as are by 
 . Nature mutable. For this natural Mutability pafs’d not into 
 an adual Declination from their better Principles of Life 
 without their Fault, and fufferinga Pofiibility of being worfe 
 to prevail above an adual Power of continuing better. And 
 therefore Providence hath interwove in the Natures of Things, 
 and all States and Conditions of Life, fuch Acerbities and ln- 
 commodities, as may give check to them when they are de- 
 fcending lower than they ought, and feafonably remind them 
 of the better Condition they have left. But if this gentler 
 Smart and Uneafefulnefs will not reclaim them, but they for 
 all that ftill further purfue forbidden and uncertain Pleasures 
 and think them not dearly bought, tho mix’d with Bitternefs 
 
 yet 
 
 m 
 
 
48 An Account of O-Rigen, 
 
 yet we are not ftraight to conclude that Providence hath gi* 
 ven them over either as utterly unfit for her Care and Difci- 
 pline, or degenerated beyond her power of Cure and Emen¬ 
 dation. For befide her ordinary and natural ways of Nurture 
 and Correction, Hie can and will, when it feems fit or necef- 
 -fary, with a feverer hand fcourge thefe Rebels to her gentler 
 Laws, and Contemners of her milder Rebukes. And fuch 
 will be that Day of fiery Vengeance, when the inferior Ele¬ 
 ments of Nature fhali melt with fervent Heat, the Earth and 
 all the Works thereon be burnt up, and the Air be fill’?! with 
 —fuffocating Smoke which fhe fhali fend up from her inflam’d 
 Entrails. Into which far-fpreading Lake of flow-con fuming 
 Fire and fulphureous Stench, the unreclaimable Devils, and 
 obftinately wicked Men fhali be by the righteous hand of God 
 precipitated. A fad pitiable Fate, and Torture unfufFerable ! 
 but no doubt as juft as great. Juft, I fay, not only accord¬ 
 ing to the Eftimation of mo fern Theology (which from an 
 Excels of Complement to the Juftice of God, becomes almoft 
 as rude and troublefom as the Afs in the Fable, who did not 
 fawn upon, but invade his Mafter, and which tragically pro¬ 
 nounces that the leaft Peccadillo highly deferves the greateft 
 Punifhment conceivable) but alfo in the Compute and Judg¬ 
 ment of that all-righteous Mind, which judges and orders 
 all things by the living Law of Equity. But what tho it be 
 fo great and juft ? is it therefore fo quite different from the 
 reafonof all other Punifhments inflided by God or Man, that 
 there is nothing in it of that End for which they are inflic¬ 
 ted^? They are Curative, and for the Emendation of the Party* 
 fuftering; but this, if it be Eternal, in the Scholaftick Senfe 
 of the Word, leaves no place for the bettering of the Suffe¬ 
 rers, who are never to get out of this inexplicable Labyrinth 
 of Woe and Mifery. Or becaufe this exceeds all other Pu¬ 
 nifhments imaginable, muft it alfo fo infinitely tranfcend the 
 veryMeafures and Proportions of this kind of diftribiiti\re 
 juftice ? If not, whyfhould we think that the Pain and Smart » 
 of it fhali be infinitely great and long, when the Pleafure 
 reap’d by the Tranfgreflion which brought the Punifhment is 
 not in any degree equal ; and when a fhorter Torture may 
 . make the Punilh’d change their Mind, or leave it very pro¬ 
 bable they would do fo, were they out of their Torture, and in 
 an Opportunity to fhew it ? And to imagine that God fuffers 
 any real Injury and Detriment from the Tranfgreflions of a 
 peccable Creature, which muft (fay they) be infinite, be¬ 
 caufe he is fo, and therefore deferve a Punifhment in all re- 
 fpeds infinite, is to talk of God very meanly, and too much 
 after the manner of Men $ and to fet fuch a Rule for the mea- 
 
and his chiefe(l Opinions. 49 
 
 faring the Demerit of a Fault by, as will make all Sins equal, 
 and which they themfelves confefs will not univerfally hold 
 good towards any Perfon befide God, and therefore may be 
 juilly fufpetled to be a falfe one. Now to think thefe mife- 
 rable Souls are fo far amifs as to be beyond the Power of all 
 Redrefsand Reftitution, is to fuppofe God made fome of his 
 Creatures very untowardly; and that when he pronounc’d 
 they were all very goo i, he look’d only upon the Primitive 
 State they were in when they came frefh out of his gracious 
 Hands, and was fo taken with that, that he omitted to calf his 
 all-comprehenfive Eyes to ail poifiblc Conditions they might 
 afterward fall into. For certainly if he had done fo, and feen 
 this never-to-be-ended doom of-intolerable Pain and AnguilTi 
 of Body and Mind, the infinite Compalfionatenefs of his 
 bleffed Nature would fcarcely have given fochearful an appro¬ 
 bation to the Works of his Hands. For none of them are 
 good to him as advantaging him ought; and thofe of them he 
 fore fa w would be fo remedilefly calamitous as this Hypothefis 
 fuppofes, would have been fo far from being good as to them- 
 felves, that it would have been the greateil Favour God could 
 do them, never to have brought them into Being. But then 
 to think they are not beyond the Power of Redrefs and Re¬ 
 covery, and that that great Punilhment they Iha 11 undergo in 
 the end of this World may contribute much thereto ; and 
 yet to imagine they fhall for all this their better Difpofition be 
 iiill kept in it for ever and ever, is to fix fo harfh a Note upon 
 the Mercy and Equity of the righteous Judgof all the World, 
 that the fame Temper in a Man we Ihould for ever execrate 
 and abominate. And that they are in a poflibility of being 
 better, if God fo pleafe and do not purpofely hinder it, is 
 mot improbably concluded by the Father from hence. That 
 Sin, wherein they are fo obdurately fettled, thoit hathextin- 
 guilh’d or filenc’d the Divine Life in them, and for the pre- 
 fent fubje&ed them only to the Senfe, Relifh and Exercife of 
 the Natural or Animal; yet it hath left them their Reafon 
 and Underitanding, fuchasitis, Confiderationand Memory, 
 which like mercenary Soldiers will fight on either fide, and in¬ 
 cline to and ferve that Life which is moft powerful: If there¬ 
 fore the vigorous Alliciency of the brutilh Nature be aba¬ 
 ted, thofe Powers will liften to better Counfels, and refume 
 the Seeds and Inchoatioiurf a better Life and Nature. And 
 certainly a fearching ceaflefs Pain, fpreading thro Soul and 
 Body, mil fo abate and confume all that Joy they formerly 
 took in their brutifh Rebellion, that any OiFerof Releafewill 
 be welcome to them now the Tumult and Hurry of their for¬ 
 mer Lulls and eager Affections is flack’d, which alone before 
 
 E made 
 
'An Account of Origen,' 
 
 made them uncapable of better Advice ; and their clofe-ad- 
 hering Pain, which flicks to them and fcorches them worfe 
 than Hercules '*s Shirt, fhould methinks neceflarily force them 
 to take up ftrong and peremptory Refolutions and Indignation 
 againit thofe Courfes whofe Fruits they now feel fo direful to 
 them. What is it then that fhould make the merciful Gover¬ 
 nor of Heaven, and Earth, and Hell too, the compafiionate 
 Father of Spirits, either forcibly to keep off and prevent this 
 natural courfeof things; or, which is worfe, fuffer thofe 
 Offers and Preparations which it induces for the bettering the 
 prefent Condition of fo great and fo confiderable a part of 
 Ms Creation, and for the putting of them in a way of return 
 to what he at firft made them, to come to nought? If we look 
 but into the natural World, wefhall find that no Difpofition 
 ©f Matter to the Sufception of Life is rendred void and fru¬ 
 strate ; but that there is always ready at hand fo fruitful a 
 Principle, as perfe&s and completes whatever is prefented to 
 its further Vivification: and yet this Principle is but the brute 
 obfcure lhadow of that Almighty Goodnefs and exuberant Life 
 which actuates and manages the moral and intellectual World* 
 Surely then no Preparation happens here which is not carry’d 
 onwards as far as it is capable; efpecially fince this may be 
 done, and yet thefe miferable Souls we are fpeaking of, pay 
 foundly for their rebellious Tranfgreifions by a very long, ex¬ 
 ceedingly great and intolerable Torture "both of Body and 
 Mind. And indeed by how much greater it is, by fo much 
 Mrer may we be that it will fometimes have an end by the ne- 
 ceffityof Nature. Si gravis, brevis , takes place here too ; for 
 it being unconceivable how the Soul fhould fuffer any Pain or 
 Torture but by the harfh and difcordant Motions of the Bo¬ 
 dy wherewith fhe is vitally united, if this Union ever ceafe, 
 lhe will become fenflefs ; and this Union being conditional up¬ 
 on certain Terms on both Tides, and the Conditions being fuch 
 as are not neceflarily at all times prefent to either of them, it 
 may very well be thought that it may be diffolv’d. For if the 
 InduCiio.n of an unnatural Foulnefs and Impurity, or an over- 
 vehement agitation into the Blood and Spirits and other fluid 
 Parts of the Body, if old Age it felf can make the Soul quit 
 her unfit Tenement; what (hall we think fhe will do when it 
 is all on fire, when all the Motions of it are but one continu’d 
 great Pain ? Which Difpofition of Body, when come to its 
 height by long Continuance, is certainly far more contrary to 
 that vital Temper the Soul requires in the Body fhe will living- 
 ly join with, than either Coarfenefs of Blood or Confiimp- 
 \ tion of animal Moifture. For as if an aClually-perceiv’d Plea- 
 fare was that which tempted and dtew ©ut tfte Soul to join with 
 $ her 
 
and his chiefeft Opinions. 51 
 
 her Body, no Man would fay lhe would ever unite with that 
 Body, from whofe crofs Confti(ution fhe Ihould be affe&ed 
 with nought but Pain ; fo where that Congruity in her which 
 difpofes her to that Union is more deeply pitch’d in her im- 
 perceptive Powers, a Man would be apt to think neverthelefs 
 that Ihe could not vitally take hold of any Body from Con¬ 
 junction, with which (he ihould after feel no Motions, but fuch ' 
 as would torture her. And we may eafily perfuade our 
 felves, that that Difpofition of Body which will not prolicite 
 the Soul to join with it when (he. is free, and her unfelt Appe¬ 
 tite catching, cannot for ever tie her to it when forc’d upon 
 her by her fad Fate. And the Matter (he is then furrounded 
 with being all of thatunvital Temper, it feems necefifary *hat 
 Ihe fhould ceafe from all Life and Senfe. So that whitherfoe- 
 ver we look, whether to the gracious Providence of God, or 
 the Necelftty of the nature;of things, we find fome probable 
 hope that the Puniihment of the Damned, as it implies the ' 
 fenfe of Pain, fhall not be eternal in the higheft fenfe of the 
 Word. And the Scripture too may feem to favour us, in that 
 it calls this dreadful doom by the name of Eternal Death, which 
 one would think did very ftrangely fet out that State and 
 Condition wherein is the higheft and moft pungent fenfe ; 
 but it does very appofitely exprefs the fenfe of Origen’s Hypo- 
 thefis, explain’d after the latter and more probable way. But 
 whether their Releafe be by any change wrought in the Difpo- 
 fitionof their Spirits, but without Death, or whether by an 
 Efcape as it were by Dying to the Body fo tortur’d, there is no 
 doubt to be made but that both ways they may come into play 
 again, and try their Fortunes once more in fuch Regions of 
 the World as Providence judges fit for them. For all things 
 were made that they might have their Being; and fuch of them 
 as are capable of Life and Senfe, and yet never exercife it, 
 had as good not be at all, for they would be ufelefs both to 
 themfelves and others: but certainly there never were, nor e- 
 ver will be fuch things in the World, which was created and 
 is govern’d by that Eternal Mind, which does nothing foolifh- 
 ly and in vain. And tho that raging Fire which will, in the 
 confummatiOn of all things, feize upon the Earth, will ren¬ 
 der it and the adjoining Atmofphere unhabitable for the pre- 
 fent; yet that this ruinous Defacement of Things will extend 
 thro the whole Compafs of Nature, is neither the Belief of 
 Chriftians, nor the Affemon of fuch Philofophers as were 
 thro their Skill in the Conftitution of the World fit to judg of 
 fuch Theories. And therefore if any Man can conceive any 
 ©f thefe Souls which fhall be punilh’d in that fulphurous Lake, 
 to emerge out of it. he need not be ut a loft for Habita- 
 
 £2 tiQM 
 
52 An Account of Origek, 
 
 tions for them elfewhere. But if the other way be more pro¬ 
 bable, that .there is no getting out but by Death, which is ra-» 
 ther a Dying in it; yet fince they therefore only die, be- 
 caufe.the Matter all about them is then fuch as they cannot 
 livingly unite with it* tho their radical Principles of Vitality 
 are flail fafe and unperifhable; and fince that Matter which for 
 the prefent is fo deadly, is as capable as ever of fuch Modifi¬ 
 cations as are vital and healthful, and will even by the Courfe 
 of Nature, after long Periods of time, fettle again into fuch 
 a wholefome Temper; What fhould hinder but that tliefe pu- 
 nifh’d Souls, whom long vexing Pain drove from all Com¬ 
 merce with :Matter, and call: them into a fenflefs Sleep, will 
 after their long Inactivity awake again into Life and ACtion, 
 when all things are become fo frefh and fit to receive them? 
 For if Providence hath been fo favourable as to eftablifh fo 
 gracious an Order in the Nature and Courfe of Things, as will 
 lead thofe miferable Spirits to a Releafe at laid, fhe certainly 
 will not be unwilling that they fhould live again, when all 
 things confpire to give them Life, and they continue capable 
 of receiving it. But I am flapping, methinks, before I was 
 aware, into the fixth and iaft Opinion of the learned Father, 
 which is this: : 
 
 That the Earth after her Conflagration fhall become habi¬ 
 table again* and be the Manfion of Men and other Animals, 
 and this in eternal Viciffitud'es.' 
 
 The PMofopher in his Politicks fays, thofe Inftruments are 
 the beft contriv’d, and do their Work beft, which ferve but 
 one EfteCt and End. But furely it is an Argument of a larger 
 and more comprehenfive Wifdom, to make one and the fame 
 thing ferve to feveral good Purpofes; as we fee Providence* 
 hath done both in the Bodies of particular Animals, and alfo 
 of that great and univerfal one, the World. And the fame 
 Courfe fhe takes in the Conflagration of the Earth ; for that 
 one Fire will be the juft'and falutary Punifhmentof rebellious 
 Spirits, and the Reftoration of the Earth grown old and effete, 
 unto an healthful genital Strength and Verdure. And fo won¬ 
 derfully fportful is fhe (as I may fo fpeak with reverence) in 
 the Government of the World, and the Afcents and Defcents 
 of her great Wheel are fo unexpected, and fo feemingly unlike 
 one another (yet the fame Hand and Counfel turns all, and to 
 the fame End) that that very Region of the World, and the 
 Face of Things in it, which even now feem’d miferable and for¬ 
 lorn, and-the Region of Malediction, a Delivery from which 
 was thought well bought at the Price of Death and utter In- 
 fenfihility ; even this. at the next fucceeding Roll becomes a 
 tiounfliing Paradife* thick fet with vi&QlQUS and adorned 
 
 f ~ with 
 
and hu chief eft Opinions. 5^ 
 
 With all the Chatifos and Gaiety of frefh youthful Plea lure. 
 For the Holy Father might think it no extravagant Conjec¬ 
 ture, to imagine that the Procefs and Confequences of that 
 great Fire; will be fomewhat the fame with thofe we daily ob- 
 ferve upon Earth in Bodies fubje&ed to the Operation of Fire. 
 Mo IF of which cbrififrof a twofold Principle, the one more 
 denfe and folid, the other fubtile andtenuious; but when Fire 
 isapply’d to the whole, and fpreais its infmuating a&ive A- 
 toms thro every Commiffure of Parts, where either it finds or 
 can make its way, the finer and more agitable Particles by 
 this new Heat and Motion got amonglt them, iffue out in 
 Smoke and Vapour from thofe Places of Reftraint where they 
 before lay more ftill, into the free and open Air; but the' 
 more heavy and folid are left behind, as which the too fubtile 
 parts of Fire, notwithftanding all their Adivity, could not 
 carry away with them, being overpower’d by their Excefs of 
 Magnitude. And tho we obferve not any further Progrefs in 
 ordinary Fires, and care not what becomes of the evaporated 
 Parts of theconfum’d Body; yet where either Ufe or Curi- 
 ©fity leads our Obfervation on further, and we would not 
 have thofe Parts diffipated and loft, we then find that they 
 which fteam’d forth in a vaporous Rarity, being kept in by 
 fit Receivers, and falling in clofely with one another, do at 
 laft fall down again in a watery Confiftence, retaining the 
 fame nature they had before they were forc’d out of the Body 
 they belong’d to. And if the Return of this defcending Dew 
 was fo order’d, that it might have time enough to infinuate it 
 felf again equally thro all the Vacuities it made in the Body 
 by its Departure, it would no doubt bind and confolidate the 
 loofer Parts thereof, and tincture the whole Concretion with 
 its fpecifick Virtue and Qualities. For this is no more than 
 letting Ground wrought out of heart,lie fallow for fome Years, 
 and it again will anfwer the Hopes, and reward the Labour of 
 its Tiller. Tho this Example of the ordinary Operation of 
 Fire and its Confequences,for many Reafon°,falls fhort of thofe 
 Advantages for Vitality and Fertility which may be expelled 
 from the Conflagration of the Earth; yet as it is, it lets us 
 fee in fome meafure what will be the neceffary efFeft of that 
 piece of Divine Chymiftry, in which Seas and Rivers, and all 
 the evaporable Parts of the upper Region of the Earth (for 
 the metailickRegions below are too folid to be much concern’d 
 in this Matter) and all things thereon, will in a thick con¬ 
 fus’d Cloud mount aloft and cover the Face of Heaven, filling 
 the Air with pitchy Darknefs; but their own Gravity, and 
 that Caufe which limits the Extent of the Atmofphere, will ne- 
 cefiarily keep them below the purer Regions of Heaven or 
 
 £ 3 iEther ; 
 
54 An Account of Origen, 
 
 iFther: fo that rolling up and down in the lower Vault of 
 Heaven, and kept yet from defending by that fmothering 
 Heat that is amongft them, that intenfe Fire under them, and 
 the continual A feent of new vaporous Steams, they will at 
 lalt, when thef-Caufes abate, and themfelves become more 
 crouded and confert thro their exceffive Copioufnefs, fall 
 down in trickling dewy Showers, and mix again with that 
 great Heap of Afhes which covers the Face of the Earth, 
 and make her fruitful and vegetative, and fill her empty’d 
 Channels with wholefome Streams; the Air alfo will be kind* 
 ly cool’d and moiftned by thofe long-defending Showers which 
 pafs thro it. So that fo far as concerns material Preparations 
 of Life, here may be a new World again, if God fo pleafe. 
 And unlefs he purpofely put a flop to the Courfe of Nature, 
 the great Principle of vegetative Life will neceflarily fhape 
 the -Matter, when duly modify’d, into all kind of Trees, 
 Plants, Herbs and Flowers: for the inferior Spirit of the 
 World aids not by Choice, but fatally 5 and being effentially 
 ftor’d with an univerfal Seipinality, will not fail tp bring her 
 Treafure into view, when invited by congruous and fequacious 
 Difpofitionsof Matter. And methinks ’tis very odd there 
 fhould be fo fair and pleafant a Garden, and none to enjoy the. 
 Fruits and Fragrancy of it. But if Philofophy hath rightly 
 determin’d that the Souls of Brutes are Spirits (which for my 
 own part I think is done with demonftrative Evidence; and 
 therefore remain after all Fates whatever undiminifhable and 
 indiflipable in their intire Subftances, we need npt fear thofe 
 pleafant Fruits will grow up and die unenjoy’d. For let the 
 conciliating Principle of Souls and Matter be what it will, 
 either Spennatick only, or Senfitive too, the Souls of Brutes 
 will not fail to unite with it now it is become fo fit. If the 
 former, their Expergefaction into Life will then be as necef- 
 fary as the growth of Herbs and Flowers 5 if the latter, then 
 fmee the Pleafures of fenfitive Life are the top of the Felici¬ 
 ty they are capable of, and confequently their ftrongeft De- 
 fires are bent thitherward and without any check, they will as 
 certainly unite with Matter whereby they may enjoy them, 
 as they will eat Meat call to them when their Appetite is 
 edg’d with a keen Hunger. Butfince the former is more ra¬ 
 tional, and is found in the Souls of Men and Demons, as well 
 as Beafts, what lhould hinder it from having the fame efFedt in 
 all, and fo both Earth and Air be again replenilh’d with their 
 refpettive Inhabitants ? And for the Earth it may further be 
 faid, that the Decorum and Congruity of the thing perfuades it. 
 For fince there feems little lefs than a neceffity that fhe fhould 
 be furniih’d with all manner of Fruits and brute Animals, 
 
and his chief eft Opinions] 55 
 
 an J that the greateft part and chiefeft kinds of thofe Fruits 
 are fuch as are either little regarded or cannot be come at by 
 the Bealls, that I may not add how quickly the Soil where 
 they grow, and the Plants that bear them, will decay and 
 come to nothing without humane Culture; and further, fince 
 many Species of Beafts themfelves feemfo made with relation 
 to Man, that without him they would be ill provided for, or 
 too much expos’d to fuch as would prey upon them, and the 
 exercife of their chief Powers could not be call’d forth, and 
 many Appetites and Affedions, which hugely pleafe them, 
 would find little or no Gratification: This Congruity of 
 Things, I fay, would almoft perfuade one that Man ought al- 
 fo to appear on the Earth, to be the Father of this great Fa¬ 
 mily, the Lord, Governor, Patron and Defender of all the 
 Creatures therein. And there is nothing in the Nature of 
 God to make us doubt of the Truth of thefe pleafant Conjec¬ 
 tures, but much which favours them. For, for thefe better 
 and more perfed Spirits to continue yet in being, and yet to 
 be kept for ever dead and fenfiefs, is to fill the World with 
 that which is perfectly ufelefs and in vain (as I intimated a- 
 bove) and to be capable not only of Life, but alfo upon anew 
 Trial of their Fortune to be in more than a polfibility of mak¬ 
 ing a better Choice than that they paid fo dearly for, and of 
 returning in due time to that Hate of Holinefs and Felicity 
 God made them for (to all which worthy Purpofes they may 
 now have a fair Opportunity) and yet after all this to fay 
 that God is fo far from furthering and helping on thefe hope¬ 
 ful Beginnings, that, on the contrary, by a peremptory Will 
 and violent Hand he llrangles them, is at leaft to fay this. 
 That there is no certain nor probable arguing from the Attri¬ 
 butes of God, by which I, through a certain Infirmity of my 
 Nature, was always the moll ftrongly convinc’d, that I was by 
 any way of arguing whatever. But if a Man may with any 
 probability argue from the Nature of God in fuch Subjeds, 
 and about fuch EfFeds as depend on his Operation; I, in the 
 Perfon of Origen , defire his Adverfaries briefly to compare the 
 ftate of things after the Conflagration of the Earth, with that 
 Which they fay was before any thing was made. God was then 
 infinitely good and kind, and by that his infinite Goodnefs was 
 mov’d to create the World ; fuch is he ftill, for his bleffed 
 Nature is immutable. The Things afterward created by him 
 were not then in Being ; here they are all in Being, and want 
 only his permilfive or ordering hand of Providence. They 
 were then only in a polfibility of being well and happily made ; 
 here they are in the very next ftep to being fo, even by the 
 iieceflary Laws of Nature. Thofe reafonable Creatures he 
 
 £ 4 then 
 
5 6 An Account of Ohigen, 
 
 then made, were not indeed Sinners and Tranfgreffors; yet 
 they were made of fuch a Nature, as they might very likely 
 become fuch afterward; and they have now foundly fmarted 
 for it, and have been affiided even unto Death, and at this 
 term Revenge it felf ftops: Then certainly juft and righteous 
 Punifhment, indicted by the Father of Mercies , and Father of 
 the punifh’d, will not go beyond it; which if it do not, it will 
 be very hard for them to give any tolerable Reafon why the 
 Earth fhall not become habitable again after her Conflagra¬ 
 tion and Purification by Fire, and be the Manfion of Men 
 and other Animals, as well as it was in the firft Production of 
 it. This is the firft Part of the Father’s Opinion. But if 
 this Firft was granted for true, and but one Reftauration of 
 the Earth, and re-planting of her with all her proper Inha¬ 
 bitants, was acknowledged ; he that believes this, would find, 
 no difficulty in believing that eternal Yiciflitude, and infinite 
 Repetition of Conflagrations and Re-produ&ions, which in the 
 Second Part of the Dogma, he afferts. For fince nothing pe- 
 rifhes out of the Compafs of univerfal Nature, neither Spirit 
 nor Matter ; it is plain, there will be always ready at hand 
 both the 'Materials and Inhabitants of the Thoufandth habi¬ 
 table Earth, as well as of the Second: and that molt benign 
 Principle wffiich made and governs all things, is neither lef- 
 fened nor changed at that thoufandth Period, from what he 
 was at the fecond. 
 
 • You may now pofiibly expeCl that the pious Father fhould: 
 confirm his Dodrine out of Scripture, as in moft of the for¬ 
 mer he did. But here he bids you call to mind the Advertife- 
 nient he gave you at the beginning of his fecond Dogma, and 
 confider how neceffary and decorous it was, that the Holy Pen¬ 
 men of Scripture fhould not run out into fuch abftrufe natural 
 Theories, which fo few of thofe they were to Chriftianize 
 would be capable of, but keep themfelves within the Bounds 
 of thofe few plain Articles which were neceffary to the re¬ 
 forming the World, and begetting in the Minds of the fim- 
 pleft a firm hope of Life and Immortality hereafter, and de¬ 
 terring all Men from the Ways of Sin and LFnrighteoufnefs by 
 that fad After-clap they muft exped in the End of this W T orld ; 
 leaving all further Considerations not repugnant to thefe, to the 
 laudable Curiofity of fuch as Nature and Education had fitted 
 for fuch Enquiries. Yet will he not wholly fruftrate your Ex¬ 
 pectation, for I find him making ufe of thefe following places 
 of Scripture in behalf of his Opinion ; Of old haft thou laid the 
 foundation of the Earth , and the heavens are the work of thy hands , 
 They (hall ferifh , but thou endurefi ; yea all them fljall wax old like 
 d Garment: as a Vejhtre jhalt thou change them , and they fhall be 
 
 changed j 
 
and his chitfeft Opinions . £7 
 
 Ranged-, but thou art the fame, Where he fays, fuch a Perilling 
 is exegetjcally fignified, both of the Earth and Regions of the 
 Air, as is coiififtent with but a Change; but where there is 
 only a Change, the Subliance is not deftroy’d. And this Change 
 being as the Change of a Garment, worn out or decaying, fup^ 
 pofes not only a Change for another ( which it certainly does, 
 unlefs lie that hath worn cut one Garment, and after goes 
 naked, be faidto change his Clothes) but alfo fora newer and 
 better. Alfo that of*’St. Paul, The faff.ion of tbit World pajfes 
 away, i. e. like a turning Scene, to exhibit a frefh and new Re- 
 prefentation of Things; and if only the ypput, of this World, 
 or .the prefent outward Drefs and Appearance of Things, go off^ 
 the Subliance is fuppos’d to remain intire. And that of the 
 Prophet Ifaiuh, Behold , I ma\e new Heavens and a new Earth ; and 
 the former /had not be remembred, nor come into mind. How exadly 
 does this agree with his Hypothefis, whether you interpret the 
 latter part of it concerning the Excellency of the vernant 
 Youth and Spring of the renew’d World, above the fqualid 
 and decrepit Age of the old One, or concerning that perfeft 
 Oblivion in the Inhabitants of the New, that ever they liv’d be¬ 
 fore in the Old ? And that new Heavens and new Earth , may be 
 underftood in a Phyfical fenfe, both St. Peter and St. John make 
 it not utterly improbable. For tho our Tranilation feems to 
 lay an Emphafis upon We in that place of St. Peter, as if the 
 expected new Heavens and Earth, according to promife, were 
 thofe Habitations of Glory which Chrift fhall give to his faith¬ 
 ful Subjects in his heavenly Kingdom: yet there is nothing in 
 the Greek which countenances fuch an Emphafis. The whole 
 is plainly thus: That fire fload melt and diffolve all the combuftible 
 Elements of Nature } yet for alt that, according as he hath promifed, 
 we expeft there /had be new Heavens and new Earth , or Heavens and 
 Earth again, whofe Inhabitants {load be better and more righteous than 
 thofe of the decaying and corrupted World are . And the Yilion of 
 a new Heaven and new Earth in St. John, does fo immediately fuc- 
 ceed the univerfal Judgment, and the calling of Death and 
 Hades into the Lake of Fire, that it would almoft perfuade a 
 Man that it is to fucceed it alfo in Order of Time, fince there 
 is fo great a congruity in the thing for it fo to do. For fup- 
 ppfe this Opinion true, and to have been a part of the Apo^ 
 calyptical Yifions, what fitter and more natural place could 
 you afiign it amongft them, than that it now hath, according 
 to our prefent Interpretation ? I will trouble you but with, 
 one Argument more, tho confifting of more Texts than one, 
 but all in the fame Epiffcle of St. Peter : And [pared not the old 
 Worldbut preferved ’'OTAOON NiTE AlKAIOST'NHS 
 ICH'P TKA, having brought the Flood upon the World of the ungodly . 
 
5 o An Account of OrigenJ 
 
 ThU they are willingly ignorant of, that there were of old Heavens and 
 Earth confifting of and placed amidft the Waters by the Word of God . 
 By which confutation of things, the World that then was being overflow'd 
 with Water, periftid. But the Heavens and Earth which now are, by 
 the fame Word are kept in ftore, refervd for fire at the day of judgment 
 and perdition of ungodly Men. To thefe Texts, add that which we 
 cited before ; But we look fir new Heavens, and a new Earth and 
 then compare the feveral Paffages in them one with another z 
 Tor example ; the phyfical State and Conftitution of Things be¬ 
 fore the Flood, is call’d the Old or Original World, the then World , 
 the Heavens and Earth, which were of old; that after the Flood is 
 call’d the Heavens and Earth, which now are ; and in refpeft of 
 the former, might as properly be call’d the new World , as that 
 is call’d the old World in refpett of it : That which is to fuc- 
 ceed the burning of this is (as we have conjectur’d) term’d 
 new Heavens and a new Earth in refpeCt of the Second. The Firft 
 ©f thefe three Worlds is faid to perifh, or be deftroy’d by Wa¬ 
 ter for the punifhment of the ungodly; yet fo, as Noah was 
 preferv’d to be a Preacher of Righteoufnefs, as fome Interpre¬ 
 ters expound it. The Second is faid to be referv’d to the de¬ 
 finition of Fire for the perdition of ungodly Men, that fo 
 the Third may be the Habitation of Righteoufnefs. Now 
 fince they are fo diftintly deferib’d as feveral Worlds; and 
 fince the Changes happening to them are call’d Deftruftions 
 alike, and their Ends are the fame, to wit, the punifhment of 
 the Ungodly: why Ihould we imagine fo vaft a difference, that 
 the Definition of the Firft Ihould be follow’d with a new 
 Plantation of Mankind by Noah and his Sons, of Animals by 
 the Pairs of each kind referv’d in the Ark, and of all kind of 
 Plants by their own fruitful Seminalities, but nothing follow 
 upon the deftru&ion of the Second, but a perfect irrecoverable 
 Excifion of all things ? when yet the way that this is to be 
 deftroy’d by, does as naturally lead to a re-production, as that 
 ©F the other, but after a far longer time. There is one thing 
 more I am to put you in mind of, which I had from a very 
 good hand, concerning one of the Texts above cited, to wit, 
 about that odd difturb’d Order of Words in this Sentence, aAp 
 cydbov N«g e<pv\ct%e‘ for fuch it muft needs: 
 
 feem, according to that' Interpretation which makes it eyJooir 
 and that other which makes him be call’d oyJbQ be¬ 
 cause he was one of the Eight fav’d in the Ark, is harlh, and 
 without Example in Scripture, fo far as I remember. What 
 then if there be a Myftery in the bufmefs ? (as you know 
 Numbers have been commonly us’d to this purpofe by the an- 
 tient Wifdom, both holy and profane) And as Enoch, who was 
 translated, is call’d the feventh from Adam, as a Type of that ex- 
 

 and his chief eft; Opinions. 59 
 
 lifted Sabbatifm in the laft day of the Millennial Hebdmade y 
 and of this World ; fp Noah, who begun the World again, is 
 call’d the Eighth , ( not from Adam ) as a Figure fignifying this. 
 That the fimply-laft Period of this lower World, was not then 
 then come to an End, but was Hill to be counted onward : and 
 the production or drawing out of the Exiftence of Things 
 being here fymbolicaily taught, it would be more exprefly done 
 by reckoning upward in the Numeral Scale, than by begin¬ 
 ning again at the Firft of that long Hebdomade . But enough 
 of thefe fanciful Conjectures, as alfo of the Arguments from 
 Scripture, to confirm this laft Opinion of Origen. Unto all 
 which, if you, in the Perfon of others, make anfwer, and fay. 
 That there is no Neceflity that thefe places Ihould be fo in¬ 
 terpreted as the Father interprets them, but that other 
 convenient Senfes may be put upon them, I am perfectly of 
 your mind: but further reply, Firft, that they whofe Anfwer 
 you have form’d for them, are commonly fo fuperftitious, that 
 they will not admit of a Philofophical conclufion, tho war¬ 
 ranted by the Attributes of God, and Neceflity of Nature 
 rightly underftood, and be fuch as was not decorous nor be¬ 
 coming the fimplicity of the Gofpel, to be exprefly and of fet 
 purpofe taught by the holy Writers of Scripture, who were 
 only to mind the greater and more neceflary DoCtrines of Chri- 
 ftian Faith and Life, unlefs it alfo bring the Teftimonials of 
 Divine Writ. Secondly, Tho thefe Texts Ihould have a more 
 efpecial refpeCt to fome other Senfe than that we have given 
 them ; yet why may it not be that Ours alfo was intended- in 
 fome degree by the Holy Spirit ? For fince the holieft and 
 moft intelleCdual Perfons would be very prone to fall into this 
 Opinion, which they plainly faw fo worthy of God, and con- 
 fentaneous to Reafon; but yet could not but with fome fear- 
 fulnefs fully embrace it, becaufe like to be unufual, and not in 
 general vogue: It is not ftrange that fome places of Scripture 
 Ihould be fo contriv’d, as not obfcurely to fing the fame Note 
 their own Thoughts had been harping on before, and fo give 
 boldnefs and aflurance to their Conceptions; for a little touch 
 or intimation would be enough for them fo well prepar’d afore- 
 hand; and as for others, they either might not be fit for, or 
 not deferve a plainer Inftru&ion. Laftly, Whoever they be, 
 in whofe Name you have made this Exception, of what Church, 
 Seft or Way foever, I doubt ncrt they would have far fewer 
 Articles in their Creeds and Confeflions than they now proba¬ 
 bly have; and muft profefs the Belief of fewer Opinions than 
 now ’tis likely they do, if fo be they thought all groundlefs 
 which were not built on fuch Texts of Scripture as would ad¬ 
 mit of no other tolerable and plauiible Expofition than that 
 
6 o An Account of Orige n, 
 
 they give of them. And therefore I demand of them in th^ 
 Father’s behalf, that which they in Equity ought not to deny 
 him ; That his Opinion Hand as probably true, and the Scrip* 
 tures cited by him as commodioufly interpreted, till fuch time 
 as they bring better Arguments, more agreeing with the Na¬ 
 ture of Things and the Attributes of God, and clearer places 
 of Scripture for the Truth of the contrary. 
 
 I have now given you an Account of thofe Reafons and 
 Grounds the learned and pious Father had for thofe Six capi¬ 
 tal Errors fome of the Antients have charg’d him with, and 
 under which Attainder he ftill lies from their Authority; and 
 have therewith anfwer’d your Fourth Query. Wherein I have 
 punctually obferv’d your Commands, in giving you thofe Rea¬ 
 sons only by which I find him to havO maintain’d his Opini¬ 
 ons ; and have wav’d many other very material or plaufible' 
 Confiderations for confirming the fame, which fome later Au¬ 
 thors have ufed with much danger, I have fear’d, to their lefs- 
 fetled (or as they fpeak now-a-days, free) Readers ; and have 
 alfo omitted thofe Injections, rather than ftudied Thoughts, 
 which my own melancholy Fancy hath oft with too great im¬ 
 portunity obtruded on my Mind : which fometimes are fa 
 ftrong in me (I will not to you dilfemble my infirmity) that 
 all the Charms of Reverend Names, of Churches, of Articles, 
 of Confeifions, of univerfally-approv’d Syitems, have had much 
 ado to expel them, or fo far abate their force, that I was not 
 carried away by them from that liability and fobriety of fpi-. 
 rit, upon which I defire to build all my Conceptions. Be¬ 
 fore I come to your Fifth Query, I mull crave pardon of his 
 venerable Alhes, if I have any where difadvantag’d his Caufe, 
 either by my unskilful Management of his Reafons, or by 
 omitting any more confiderable and convincing than thofe I 
 have produc’d out of his Writings. For the general Opinion 
 of the Learned, that the Tranfiations of them were fo facri- 
 Segioufiy mangled, and perform’d with fo little Judgment and 
 Faithfulnefs, made me never care to look much into them, 
 fince I could not be certain whether I read the Mind of < 9 ri- 
 gstiy or fome very mean Author; and therefore I was now forc’d, 
 that I might obey your Commands in fome meafure, to tum¬ 
 ble them over as my hand led me, and where by chance I 
 fpied any hopes that there was fomething there handled pro¬ 
 per for my purpofe, to ufe the belt judgment I had in con- 
 jeriuring, which was likely to be the genuine iffue of Origen 's 
 contemplative Genius, and" which the fpurious Interpolations 
 of another. In which tumultuary Labour, ’tis no wonder if 
 feveral things efcap’d me, far more fit to appear in his de¬ 
 fence than thefe are, which by chance I light upon* 
 
6 1 
 
 and his chiefejt Opinions. 
 
 Y Our Fifth and la ft Query is. By what Reafons and Argu¬ 
 ments his Adverfaries oppugned his Opinions, and how I 
 imagine an Origenift would anfwer to their Oppoiitions ? 
 
 Truly, Sir, tho I muft praife the Freedom and Prudence 
 which appear in the firft Part of this Query, and which plain¬ 
 ly tell me (tho I well knew it before ) that you are not wil¬ 
 ling to pronounce of any Proportion under debate, till you 
 have clearly feen through it from end to end; and that you 
 are fo diffident of your felf (a fure fignof true Wifdom) that 
 you care not to have a plaufible Opinion come near you, un- 
 lefs you alfo have an Antidote at hand: yet I crave leave 
 freely to tell you, there is fome iniquity in the fecond Part 
 of it, in that it impofes a Perfon upon me which I am unfit 
 to fuftain. But fince I have already atted that part here and 
 there, and am now more fully to do it only for your diver- 
 tifement, without the prefence and confcioufnefs of any other 
 Arbiter, I fhall not be much follicitous what ineptnefs or indeco¬ 
 rum I commit in it; for you cannot for fhame laugh at the 
 ill managery of it, when by your Commands alone I under¬ 
 take it. 
 
 Againft his firft Opinion they objeft. That 5 tis mere Aria- 
 wfm 9 an Herefy condemn’d in the early Age of the Church, 
 when Truth may be fuppos’d to have been free from that Cor¬ 
 ruption or Obfcurity wherewith length of Time, and the im¬ 
 prov’d Craft and Subtilty of interelfed Perfons might after¬ 
 wards debafe or entangle it. 
 
 To this heavy Charge, but laid on at random, I, according 
 to my part, thus anfwer. You cannot but have oft obferv’d 
 how common a practice it is with Men, who either cannot 
 difpute, or begin to be tired with it, to make fhort work with 
 their Adverfaries. by calling them Hereticfs. And that I may 
 jiot trouble you with many Examples, nor fetch them far, call 
 but to mind how frequently you have read and heard two very 
 confiderable Parties in this Nation, both for Learning and 
 Piety, call one the other in their Writings and Sermons, Ma- 
 nichees and Pelagians . And yet both of them difown the Names 
 which their Adverfaries would fix on them, and are affur’d 
 they can demonftrate it is invidioufly, but improperly given 
 them. And this the Origenift will fay is his Mailer’s Cafe. 
 For by what I have faid above in this Opinion, it is manifeft, 
 that he will not, nor cannot fay by his Hypothefis, That it 
 ever was that the Son was not j that he was not before he was born ; 
 that he was made ovruv, or that he is not of the fame Subftance 
 er EJfence with the bather, or is created , or is variable or mutable , or 
 that he is not Qod°f M, iftght of Light , very Qod of very God, So 
 
62 An Account Omo en, 
 
 that if a Man may be bold with, or without the leave of, mind- 
 lefs or heated Declaimers, to think himfelf free from Herefy, 
 when neither the Anathematifms ? nor the Creed of that Council 
 which, if any, is to condemn him, do concern or touch him, 
 Crigen is then pure as Innocence and Truth her felf from this 
 Charge. Which I could very particularly demonllrate, if his 
 Accusers had been pleas’d as particularly to charge him. They 
 have been indeed very forward to catch at one word of his, 
 to wit, ytvn-.c ©s.V, and from thence infer what their humours 
 pleas’d. One of them fays, becaufe he faid yivn 70?, therefore 
 lie denied the Son to be begotten j whenas he often calls the 
 Divine A oyQ- the only-begotten Son of God . Another of them 
 as ralhly concludes that he meant by it created , and yet con- 
 feffes that there are opio^iai ^ o^wpicu b roS £j<w, and that 
 this fame word might have been us’d by another in this mat¬ 
 ter xf oySifV Jidvoiw • but in Origen it mull not fcape fo fairly, 
 but created mull by all means be underftood by it, becaufe he 
 does in many places (yet none of them are produc’d) dmwo- 
 •7£mv t {Aovoycvn &C0V 7$'$ <& tklt&s •S'Sot xl'oi ts ^ »< 7 lag* Which 
 is manifeftly falfe; for he every where calls the A oy<& God, 
 and the Creator of all things *, and, according to his Do&rine 
 of the Holy 'jTrinity, he is fubliantially, etfentially and immu¬ 
 tably fuch, Vnd of the fame Divinity and Effence with the Fa¬ 
 ther, therefore certainly no Creature. And tho Rufina his 
 Tranflations are of no certain credit, yet certainly his appeal¬ 
 ing to Origen s Writings, then extant in their Original, and in 
 the hands of his Adversaries, for his plain affirming the Fa¬ 
 ther and Son to be of the fame Subftance or Effence, is a 
 fufficient Argument that Origen did indeed think fo : unlefs 
 you will think Ruffinw fuch a Fool, as fo confidently to appeal 
 to fuch Teftimonies out of his Writings, whom he would de¬ 
 fend,. as every one might convince of falfity. Nay, Epipban'wt 
 himfelf hath one quarrel with him for the inconlillency of 
 hk Dottrine, in that making the Son of the fame Effence 
 with the Father, he makes him alfo created; but this created is 
 his own Inference from the word ywn-ris (as I faid before) not 
 the Affirmation of Origen, And it may further be faid in his 
 Defence, as to the ufe of this word, what is for the Defence 
 of all the Fathers before the Nicene Council, that they fpoke 
 lefs cautioufly in the Dotlrine of the Trinity. For till the 
 Church had for the fecurity of this Article determin’d, that 
 the Belief and Confeffion of it fhould be in fuch certain con¬ 
 ceiv’d Words, and had forbad the ufe of others which were 
 obnoxious to fuch Interpretations as were injurious to the 
 dignity of any Hypoftafis in it, fuch interdicted Words might 
 ha ye been then harmlefly ufed, which could nop afterwards, 
 
 without 
 
and his chief eft Opinions. 6} 
 
 without great Carelefnefs of Spirit, NegleCf of the Governors 
 of the Church, or Heretical Perfuafion. And particularly 
 this word yumrfa in i ts larg e fenfe, fignifies no more than what 
 is true of any thing whatever that hath a Caufe of its Being 
 and Exiftence; and therefore in thofe early Ages of the 
 Church, which fpoke more Amply and intelligibly, might have 
 been us’d without offence, but certainly did not raife fuck 
 Tragedies in thofe days as afterwards, when Subtilty and 
 Nicenefs about Words had made Men peevifh. For that it is 
 always the fame with kIws and as Tpjphaniw would 
 
 have it, no Critick will grant: for thefe do particularize the 
 way of Production, and that fiich an one as is not competent 
 to the Eternal Son of God, which that other does not ne~ 
 ceflarily. Neither did Origcn 9 for ought that appears, ufe it 
 often : I am fure Eplpbanm takes notice of it only once, to 
 wit, out of his Preface to his Expofition on the Pfalms • And 
 poffibly he did never ufe it at all *, for he himfelf complains 
 that Tome Hereticks corrupted his Writings while he was yet 
 living \ What would they then do, think you, when he was not 
 prefent, who could authentically convince them of their foul 
 dealing ? And it is well known in the Records of Ecclefia- 
 ftical Story, that the Arians would have kept up their blas¬ 
 phemous Error by the venerable Authority of Orlgetu How 
 eafy then was it for them, a crafty and induftrious Genera* 
 tion, and fometimes in great Power, to change ycvvnToc inta 
 ? But why do I trouble you or my felf with lo tedious 
 a. Chafe of a flitting word ? The fubftantial Frame of Origen’s, 
 Hypothecs concerning the Trinity , is fuch in the nature of the 
 thing, as makes it impoffible there fhould be any place foe 
 fufpicion that he thought the Son of God a Creature; unlefs 
 he could think him a Creature, whom by that Hypothecs he 
 acknowledges eternally Exiftent, and effentially and immutably 
 endow’d with Perfections truly Divine in an infinite degree, 
 and to be the Creator of all things. And therefore all thofe 
 Exportations of Epiphanm are loft, as to Origen> by being mifc 
 apply’d. How is he adorable if he be a made God ? Nothing 
 created can be worfhip’d. Does Chrift the Word ever fay, God 
 created me, or my Father created me ? or does God ever fay, I 
 have created the Son, and fent him to you ? How can he be 
 created who fays, I in the Father, and the Father in me, and 
 we two are one? For thefe and fuch like Sayings I am not 
 concern’d in, and therefore let thofe Hereticks, whether An* 
 tient or Modern, anfwer them (if they can) againft whom 
 they are truly levell’d. 
 
 His fecond and third Opinions are fo conjunct, and his Ad- 
 verfaries Arguments againft them, feyerai fo iwdeter* 
 
 WNl|£ f 
 
6\ An Account of 0 r i g e n, 
 
 ininate, that I think it beft to join them both in one, and leattf 
 it to you to diftinguilh which Argument belongs to Which Opi¬ 
 nion. If his Opinion (fay they) of Fr&exiftence and papje of fu- 
 perior Beings into this inferior Life be true, where is then the 
 Benediction to Adam and his Seed, lncreafe and multiply , and re - 
 j plenty) the Earth ? For it would be a Curfe rathe/ than a Ble£ 
 ling, according to him who turns Angels into SoUls, and makes 
 them defcend from their high pitch of Dignity to thefe infe¬ 
 rior Habitations. As if God could not fupply Humane kind 
 with Souls, unlefs the Angels lin’d, and there ,be as many Ruins 
 in Heaven as Births on Earth. The Ambiguity of the word 
 Angels being premis’d, and nothing underftood here by it but 
 humane Souls inhabiting fome purer Regions of the World ; I 
 then anfwer. That this Objection proceeds upon a mifunder- 
 dlanding of Or'tgen' s Hypothecs, as if he made the Generations 
 of Mankind to be fupply’d by the Defcent of fuch Souls or Spi¬ 
 rits into Terreftrial Bodies, while fuch, i. e. while by Con- 
 gruity of Life, they were fit to be the Inhabitants of thofe 
 better Dwellings. This, I confefs, would be a condition they* 
 may juftly wonder God fhouid fo fpecially own and favour by 
 his Benediction. But if through the neceffary Incompoffibility 
 in created Natures incorporate, thofe Spirits which were fome- 
 times Inhabitants of more happy places, and the Eyes and 
 Ears of Providence, and invilible Adminiftrators of the Affairs 
 of fome Parts of her great Kingdom, become, by degrees, af¬ 
 ter long Periods of better Life, fit only for the Terreftrial, 
 which is the Father’s mind : for thefe to be born upon Earth, 
 and reap thofe Pleafures which the eternal Wifdom and Good- 
 liefs, who paffes through all Things and Condition?, and hath 
 left fome Impreffions of himfelf in all, hath imparted to that 
 Life, is neither to make any violent-Breach in Heaven, nor 
 is amf Curfe to thofe defcending Souls. For fuch mutable 
 Cmraires may have fo worn out fome way or other their more 
 perfett Vitality, that the diforder’d Ruins of it may be very 
 uneafy to their fenfe, and a pain rather than any fatisfattion ; 
 and to be awakened into a Life, tho inferior in kind, yet 
 ftronger and fuller in the fenfe of thofe Delights It affords, 
 than the meaneft and loweft Ruins of the fuperior were, may 
 be a releafe and advantage. But if they be born into this 
 World out of the dark Womb of Death and Infenfibility, ’tis 
 then a manifeft Bleffmg to them. And God, who hath fur- 
 nifh’d every kind of Life with its proper and futable Good 
 and Pleafure, may very truly and righteoufly be faid to im¬ 
 part his Benediction to thofe Beings which are vivificated in¬ 
 to it, when they were capable of no better. And whether he 
 made them of fuch a Nature, as to be capable only of one 
 
 condition 
 
and his chief eft Opinions. 65 
 
 condition of Life, and one place of Habitation, or of more, makes 
 no matter, fince by the eternal Laws of Nature or Demerit, 
 they are now become fit only for one; and for this prefent 
 Turn can perform their parts in it as well, and as futably to 
 the Ends of Providence, as if they had been originally made 
 capable of this alone. Shall I call that an Argument, or a 
 pitiful Miftake in St. Jerom , which he hath form’d with a great 
 Ihew of fubtilty and coherence, bringing his Adverfary at laft 
 ( as he imagin’d) to a grofs Abfurdity ? His Words are thefe : 
 Si ammo, fu.it antequam Adam in Paradifo £ the Terreftrial one] 
 formaretur, in quolibet ftatu & or dine, & vixit & egit aliquid ; f ne* 
 que enim pojfumus incorporalem aternam in modum glirium immobilem 
 torpentemque fenfireJ necejfe eft ut aliqua caufa pracejjerit , cur qua 
 prim fine corpore fuit , poftea circundata fit corpore . Et fi anims. eft 
 naturale effe fine corpore , ergo contra naturam eft effe in corpore . Si con¬ 
 tra naturam eft effe in corpore , ergo Refurreftio corporis contra naturam 
 erii . Sed non fiet Refurreftio contra naturam ; ergo juxta fcntentiam 
 veftram corpus quod contra naturam eft refurgens , animam non habebitp 
 I know not what to make of this, nor how to interpret it to 
 as it fhall have any force at all; for if by being without a Body t> 
 he mean a Terreftrial one, I wonder why he Ihould fuppofe 
 that the Origenifts neither had nor could aflign a Caufe, why 
 the Soul, once without a Terreltrial Body, Ihould afterwards 
 be clothed with fuch a Body. For he himfelf takes notice out 
 of Origen of very fufficient Reafons how this Ihould come tp 
 pafs, as I have before Ihew’d. And further. It is itrange he 
 Ihould think it an Abfurdity to an Origenift to deny the Refur- 
 rettion of fuch a Body, whom he knows, and often affirms, 
 makes the Myltery of the Refurreftion to be our Yivification 
 into an aethereal Life, and the obtaining of an asthereal Body. 
 But if by being without a Body , he mean without any body at all, 
 you may juftly wonder at fo great a Forgetfulnefs and Dormi-^ 
 tation in fo acute and diligent a Writer *, who, among ft other 
 of Origen' s Errors or Fancies ( as he calls them ) does more 
 than once take notice of this : That he makes ail created Spirits 
 have Bodies according to the Nature of thofe Regions of the World they 
 live in , and to change them as oft as they do their Manfions , from the 
 higheft Heaven to Earth , the loweft Aboae of all , fo as that they never 
 will be without a Body (if they be alive ) fo long as there is any 
 matter in the World. So that howfoever you interpret him, the 
 Obieftion will be pitifully precarious, or a grofs carelefnefs 
 and inadvertency. Hither muft alfo be refer’d what Epipha- 
 nim and his two Afliftants, Proclus and Methodius , keep fuch a 
 ftir about, to wit, the Coats of Skins, which God in the Story 
 of Adam is faid to make for him, which Origen interpreted Ter- 
 reft rial Bodies , wherewith Adam and Eve were clothed upon 
 
 F their 
 
66 An Account of O r x g e k, 
 
 their Tranfgreffion. But they think ’tis plain from the Order 
 and Words of the Hiftory, that they had fuch Bodies before 
 their Fall, even from their firft Creation ; for God is there 
 faid to form Man out of the du.fi of the ground , and make the Wo¬ 
 man of Adam's Rib *, and when the was brought to him, he 
 faid. This is bone of my bone , and fleftj of my flefh. But what a 
 poor Attempt is this of theirs, to pafs over thofe fubftantial 
 Arguments, by which he maintains the Reafonablenefs and 
 Concinnity of thofe two Opinions, of the Prdexiftence and De- 
 fcent of Souls into Terrejhial Bodies, and to catch at an Interpre¬ 
 tation of a word in fuch an Hiftory as the moft Learned both 
 of Jews and Chrifiians have always acknowledg’d to contain, 
 more Senfes than the plain and literal one ? And in fuch my- 
 fterious Writings, which are to look more ways than one, and 
 handle- Subjects of much different nature ; ’tis not ftrange if 
 there be fomething in the Order wherein they are handled, 
 which may feem perplex’d to thofe who are only for the Li¬ 
 teral fenfe, and who have not the freedom and patience to 
 obferve the Continuity of the Allegory, but fnatch at one 
 . fmgle part of it, and disjoint it from the reft ; and if they 
 cannot 1 tit it to that Order they have fet to themfelves in their 
 Interpretation, prefently rejetf the whole as a perturbed in¬ 
 tricate Fancy. But how congruous all things are in the Cab¬ 
 bala of the Creation, and how naturally one part follows up¬ 
 on another, without Violence to the Letter, you may fully fee 
 in that learned Gentleman’s Cabbalifiical Conjecture, to whom I 
 refer’d you before. And I dare appeal to the Fancy of any 
 Man, tho but meanly capable of understanding what is pro¬ 
 portionate, congruous and appofite, when he hears it, whe¬ 
 ther any thing can be more comely and more expreftive of 
 the Condition of the Soul fallen from her divine and intel¬ 
 lectual State into an animal Condition, than to fay Ihe is then 
 clothed with the Skins of a Brute* And methinks ProcUi , if he 
 underftood himfelf, Ihould have little reafon to quarrel at 
 Ovigenh Allegory, who himfelf makes thefe Coats to lignify 
 w hoy* £Acdv viKgy'Tu\dL They have 
 
 another bout with him concerning this Matter, for affirming 
 that we were turn’d out of Paradife celefiial , before we came to 
 dwell 'upon Earth. For ’tis plain ( fay theyj that Paradife is 
 a pleafant place upon Earth, appointed for the happy and 
 . quiet Habitation of the Saints, from the Rivers of it, Tjgrk 
 and Euphrates , &c» For could the Earth bear the down-pouring 
 Floods of fo much Water, tumbling in fuch heaps from Hea- 
 ' ven ? Do you not fmiie at fuch Arguers ? and I fear you 
 would laugh at me if I fhould induftrioufly fet my felf to an* 
 Carer them* f fcall therefore only mind them of another 
 
 Payadife 
 
and his chief eft Opinions, 6 j 
 
 Paradife fpoken of in the Gofpels, where Chrift prom.ifed the 
 good Thief he fljould be with him ; whither , St. Paul in his Epi- 
 Hles fays, he was caught up ; which St.John alfo calls by the 
 Name of the Paradife of God , fomewh re within the compafs 
 whereof grows the Tree of Life, and whofe Rivers are the Wa- 
 ter of Life. I would know of them likewife what they would 
 anfwer to the Authority, of the belt Jewifj Writers, who ge¬ 
 nerally fay that Paradife is out of this World, and was created 
 before this lower World was. Nay Jerom himfelf here helps 
 Origens Caufe with his Authority, concluding thus from the 
 Words of the Text, Ex quo manifefiifjim'e comprobatur , quodpriuf- 
 quam coelum & terram Dew faceret , Paradifum ante condiderat • 
 ffu&fi. in Gen . But *tis no wonder the Objetfors fhould talk at 
 that rate they do ; for they plainly affirm, that the eternal 
 Habitation of the Bleffed, after the Refurre&ion, (hall be up¬ 
 on Earth. St. Jerom hath other Texts of Scripture againft 
 Praexifence, which in his own Words are thefe: Pater ufque modo 
 operatur, fo ego operor ; and that of Jfaiah, Qui format fpiritum ho - 
 minis in ipjo *, and that in the Pfalms, Qui fingit per fingulos cor da 
 eorum. By thefe places he thinks it appears, that God does 
 daily, as there is occafion, create Souls. To the Firft I an¬ 
 fwer, by demanding what Neceffity there is, that the working 
 here mention’d fhould figgify Creation of Souls ? Are not all 
 the Works of his Providence in continuing Life, Motion, Or¬ 
 der to the World, and every part of it, in governing and ma¬ 
 naging all by his Goodnefs, Power and Wifdom, to their be¬ 
 hoof and advantage, fufficient to verify this Saying, That the 
 Father worketh hitherto ? And does not our Saviour’s adding, And 
 J work. 5 with reference to that beneficent Miracle he had 
 wrought on the Sabbath-day,- plainly intimate what kind of 
 Operation he meant in both ? And if I fhould confront Je- 
 rom’s Expofition with that in Genefis, God refed on the Seventh 
 day from aU his work i ° r that of St. Paul, His works were finifPd 
 from the foundation of the World j I am fure I fhould have Reafon 
 and Philofophy on my fide: and their Exception, that thefe 
 places are to be underftood of the Species of Things, is not 
 lb plainly gather’d from the words, as is my interpreting of 
 my Father worketh hitherto , of his Works of Providence and con¬ 
 tinual Beneficence. His other two places mean no more than 
 this. That God is the Creator and Father of Souls of Spirits, 
 and by his Power over them, moulds, fafhions, and changes them 
 as he pleafes j both which are true, tho the Soul fubnfteft from 
 eternal Ages. You will ask me then, Where lies the Father’s 
 Argument ? Truly, Sir, it is fo thin and evanid a fubtilty, 
 that your great Mind, made for, and ufed to great Objefts, 
 may very likely mifs it; but this it is P He reads the Words 
 
 F 2 thus j 
 
6 8 An Account of Origen, 
 
 thus; Who forms in him the Spirit of Man , not the Spirit of Man 
 which is in him. This would have been pretty, had he firft 
 prov’d by fubftantial Arguments, taken from the Nature of the 
 Soul or Providence, that the Souls of Men could not exift be¬ 
 fore they inform’d a Terreftrial Body ; but having not done 
 that, nor fcarce endeavour’d it, his Argutenefs is ridiculous. 
 For who can doubt, but that the Prophet meant the fame with 
 that more compleat and exprefs Form of Speech-in St. Paul, 
 Who knows the Things of a Man, « ^ to ws tS 
 to aiArJ; If I lhould fay of that elegant Watch you did me 
 the honour to give me, that your own neat and curious Hand 
 wrought and form’d all the Springs and Wheels in it, no Man 
 would be fo mad as to think I meant, that you wrought them 
 within the Cafe: or if I fhould tell you ( which I may with 
 Truth ) that I have been fo oft at Alney-thorpe, that I know all 
 the Inhabitants in it, I hope you would not think that the 
 Image of your noble Perfon was fo feldom in my Fancy; or 
 that I was of fo fantaftick a Memory, that I knew you, and 
 the reft of your Neighbours only, when I was there, but fhould 
 not know you at my own Hermitage, or any where elfe. 
 
 Thefe are all the Objedions they have ( fo far as I remem¬ 
 ber) againft thefe two Opinions of Origen, the Pr&exiftence and 
 Vefcent of the Soul into a Terreftrial Body ; unlefs you will 
 give fo much to the Authority of Jerom in a metaphyfical Ar¬ 
 gument, as to take that magnificent Bravado of his for ano¬ 
 ther ; Quod vos miramini , olim in Platone contempfimus. And do 
 not you think now. Sir, that thefe good Fathers having fo ftre- 
 nuoully and perfpicuoufly (hewn, that thefe two Dogmata are in- 
 confiftent with the Attributes of God, and contrary to the 
 Nature of Things; and having fo plainly demonftrated the 
 Sophifticalnefs of Origens Arguments, and the Inconfequence 
 of his Illations; laftly, having by fo plain and cogent places 
 of Scripture prov’d the contrary Pofitions to be true; do you 
 not think, I fay, that they had reafon to call thefe Opinions 
 of his Ti^(\t(sudv T&jiKohoytAVy Nonfenfe and Stolidity ? I 
 leave you to judge. 
 
 ButT pafs on to their Objedions againft his Fourth Opinion 
 of the Refurredion. Aud here they are more copious, I mean 
 in Arguments taken out of Scripture ; for I do not yet re¬ 
 member, that they make ufe of Ethnick and Secular Philofophy 
 ( as they fpeak) againft it. And indeed, their Arguments are 
 fo numerous, that it is a prejudice againft the Truth of their 
 Came : For tho a Angle Text or two may probably efcape the 
 .Obferyation, even of a diligent Reader ; yet that fuch a Mul¬ 
 titude as they boaft of and oftentate, fhould be all unmark’d 
 by Origen, one fo well vers’d in Scripture, that he had it all 
 
 without 
 
and his chief eft Opinions, 69 
 
 without book; or that he fhould be To ftubborn and p?rvicaci- 
 ous in his falfe Perfuafion, who was fo hearty and fincere a 
 Chriftian, is a very wonderful thing. In many of their Argu¬ 
 ments againft him, they are fo fanciful and allegorical, and do 
 fo toy and fport with a word or two in the Text, that if a Man 
 did not know the perfons, he would certainly conclude either 
 fuch Argumentators, or the Queftion was not ferious; or that 
 they thought their Adverfaries fuch Mufhrooms, fo foft and 
 foolilh, that they would be put off with any thing. Such Ob- 
 jettions as thefe I fhall not trouble you withal; the chief of 
 the other, which have a better Ihow and pretence, I will give 
 you. They fay then. With what Body our Saviour rofe, and 
 afcended into Heaven, with the like fhall we be raifed again, 
 and live in Heaven witty. But he rofe with the very fame 
 Elefh and Blood he had before his Crucifixion, as is manifeft 
 from his fhewing the Print of the Nails, and of theSouldier’s 
 Spear to St. Thomas, and afcended with the fame to Heaven 
 in the fight of his Difciples. To this Origen himfelf anfwers in 
 the Words of Jerom : Hind corpus aliis pollet privi legits, quod de 
 viri Jmine fo car ms voluptate non natum eft, Comedit poft refurreflio - 
 nem fium fo bibit, fo veftitus apparuit, tangcndum fe pr&buit ut du~ 
 bit antibus apoftolis ftdem faceret refurretlionis, Sed tamen non dijfww- 
 labat naturam aerii corporis fo fpintalis: claufts enim ingreditur oftiis , 
 & in frallione pants ex oculis evanefcit. And in other places he 
 adds his being not known of the two Difciples going to Em - 
 mau^, nor of Mary in the Garden, his walking on the Waters, 
 his efcaping from the Multitude, when they led him to throw 
 him headlong from a Rock. Some of which paffages at leaf!: 
 verify Origen' s illud corpus aliis pollet privilegiis ; and the Effects of 
 thefe Privileges are fuch as naturally proceed from Tenuity 
 of Body: For this Difpofition is both eafily mouldable into 
 any Form and Shape by the Fancy, and other natural Powers, 
 of its aduating Spirit; and alfo eafily paffes through fuch 
 Bodies, as to others are impervious, and is devoid of Gravita¬ 
 tion. But Origen no where fays, that the Body of Chrift upon 
 Earth was not truly Fleih and Blood. For he knew well 
 enough, that there is no other difference in Matter, than what 
 it receives from fuch or fuch Modifications of its Parts; and 
 that it is capable of all thefe Modifications, where a fufificient 
 Caufe works upon it; and fuch he very pioully conceiv'd the 
 Soul of our Saviour to be: which could as well fix and corn 
 ftipate the Matter of his Body into a Terrelfrial cralfnefs, as 
 ioofen it into a fpiritual Tenuity ; and when it was wrought 
 into fuch particular Modifications as conftitute the Form of 
 Flefh and Blood, it was then as truly Fiefh and Blood as that 
 is which we mere mortal Men are clothed withal. And the 
 « • ■ f 3 ' • - 5 Oeco- 
 
70 An Account of Origen, 
 
 Oeconomy of his Evangelical Undertaking, both in his'Life 
 and Death, requiring fuch a Body, he very rarely gave any 
 publick Specimen of that mighty Power which was in his quick- 
 ning Spirit; but was content to want the happy Privileges of 
 that freer Life he might have enjoy'd, by exerting that his 
 heavenly Power. For his humble and obedient Soul was re- 
 folv’d to per red: what he had taken upon him, whatever debate- 
 rrient, whatever inconvenience he fhould endure from the 
 weight and preffure of his Servile Schema , And moreover, a 
 firm hope of Life, and bleffed Immortality of the whole Man, 
 being the main End of the Chriftian Myftery, and the palpa¬ 
 ble Evidence thereof in the Perfon of our Lord, being necef- 
 fary to make his Apoftles and Difciples with Boldnefs and Cou¬ 
 rage, and convidive Teftimony, preach the Gofpel in theWorld, 
 ( whom we find fo amazed at his Death and Crucifixion, that 
 th:y knew not what to think of it;) it was therefore neceffary 
 that he fhould exhibit himfelf to them again after his Refur- 
 redion, in-the fame fenfible manner of appearance that he did 
 before his Death : and if with the Prints of his Wounds re¬ 
 ceiv’d at his Crucifixion, ’twouli be the better,, left their back- 
 wardnefs of Belief, in fo ftrange an Event, fhould make any 
 of them ( as it did St. Thomas ) fo curious, as to demand or need 
 fo pundual an afiurance ; for this the Wifdom of his Oecono¬ 
 my requir’d, as well as the other parts of his Condefcenfion. 
 Bur for all this, fome of thofe Inftances Origen takes notice of, 
 as alfo his Transfiguration, do very fairly invite us to believe, 
 that he had that in him which was of fuch fovereign Energy 
 and Life, as could [wallow up what was mortal in Vilhry , and fub- 
 due every thing fo it [elf. And the Exercife of this Power being 
 only reftrain’d for the performing his Temporary Difpenfation 
 upon Earth *, that being ended, who can doubt but that it 
 would then freely break forth, and melt his Body into fuch a 
 rarity and finenefs, as would, like a winged Chariot y carry him 
 from the Earth ? And the Exertion of this Power being fo 
 temper’d, as not forthwith to make his Body pure /Ether y he 
 might as well, for fome time in his Afcent, be corporally be¬ 
 held by his Difciples, as Ghofts and Speftres are, whofe fudden 
 difappzaring does fufficiently manifeft, that they had not fuch 
 Bodies as we Terreftrial Men have. Nay, Epiphanies himfelf, not 
 wont to be very Philofophical, tho he contend for Chrift’s ri- 
 fing from the Dead with the fame Body he had before; yet he 
 prefentlv tells us what Samenefs of Body he means, by acknow¬ 
 ledging that his raifed Body was changed into a fpiritual [ubtilty 
 and tenuity ; by the advantage whereof he entred the Doors, 
 when fhut which ( he fays ) cannot be done by the Bodies we 
 have here, did tv and not having yet attain’d their 
 
 • L • ' fpiritual 
 
and his chief eft Opinions. yi 
 
 fpirifcual Tenuity. He affirms like wife, that the Body which 
 Chrift ffiew’d to St. Thomas , was the fame which was crucified, / 
 but changed into a fpiritual Tenuity; and that which was be-^ ’ 
 fore was then az'viv^udjr/Jv and How far; 
 
 this is from the Origenian Herefy, I leave you to judge ; and fhall 
 let his Adyerfaries fight it out amongft themfelves, hnce I per¬ 
 ceive there is Difieniion amongft them. For it is not die fame 
 individual Particles of Matter that we, in this Queftion, prin¬ 
 cipally deny or difpute about, but the lame Modification an 
 Conliftency of Body with that which is in Fiefh and Blood, £ 
 It may perhaps feem to fome very ftrangely done ot u(that 
 I fay no worfe) who read that the Defcent of Chrift from 
 Heaven was his Humiliation and his taking upon him the'form, 
 of afervam , and being made in the likienefs of fitful fiefh, his exi- 
 nanition ^ yet to be fo defirous to imprifon him ftiil in the fame 
 fervile Condition, and to be unwilling that he fhould refume 
 that antient Glory and Liberty which he had with God before 
 his Incarnation. And if it was done out of half as much Ma¬ 
 lice, as Ignorance, no Man would doubt to pronounce, that it 
 was next to crucifying our Lord afrefl , and putting him to perpetual 
 fhame. After all this which hath been faid, it will mot be ne- 
 ceffary to give a formal Anfwer to the Objector’s Syllogifm. 
 But inftead thereof, I fhall only point at two or three places 
 of Scripture, and leave you to conlider them. The firli man 
 Adam is ^oi’jcoV, the fecond man, the Lord , is yjrstgtj&t©"* But Chrijl 
 being comef or made an High Prieft of good things to come , by a better 
 and more per fell Tabernacle , a xes&TtdinT*, rKiiw, a tzivths tvs x]/- 
 c\us, enter'd into the holy places not made with hands , Heaven it felfi 
 Fiefh and blood fhall not inherit the Kingdom of God. I cannot get it 
 out of my fancy, but that there is an intimation of fomething 
 contrary to the Obje&or’s preteniions in thefe Texts which 
 
 follow.- Jefm the Chrijl come in fiefh . 'Ev mi <mpLc&\/ riff 
 
 cEtfjcoV cv Toils nyd^is tvs mtpxos clvtx, Sec. K at 
 
 &c. I defire you likewife to try if you can make 
 any fenfe of the Sixth of St. John , from the 32d Yerfe, to the 
 end ; which fhall fo naturally agree to the Words, as that which 
 we have aim’d at in our Anfwer to this Objection concerning 
 Chrift’s Body. I am the bread of life which truly came down from 
 Heaven^ which be that eateth thereof flail never die. The bread which 
 I will give is my Fiefh, which I will give for the life of the World . He 
 that eateth my Fleffi, and drinfeth my Blood, hath eternal life, and 
 J will raife him up at the lafl day. Many therefore oj his Difciples , when 
 they heard this , faid y This is an hard faying , who can hear it J But 
 he anfwer’d them. Doth this offend you ? What and if you flail fee 
 the Son of Man afeend up where he was before ? The Spirit is that which 
 quiefynsy the Flefl profiteth nothing , the words which I have fpokp unto 
 
 F 4 you 
 
72 An Account o/Origen, 
 
 you are Spirit and Life. This Chapter is by fome interpreted, 
 of the fymbolical Participation of the Body and Blood of' 
 Chrift, in the Commemoration of his Death: which tho I ac- 
 knowledg to be the higheft, molt folemn and molt ufeful part 
 of publick Devotion that the Chriitian Church ufes*, yet I 
 think I may, without any irreverence to my deareft Lord and 
 Saviour, affirm. That the Effe£t afcrib’d to the Manducation fpo- 
 ken of in this Chapter, i. e. Eternal life , is too great for the 
 Caufe ailigri’d. Others interpret it of Faith in him , and Obedi¬ 
 ence to hts Precepts ; but by fo doing, they do that themfelves, 
 which they cannot away with in others *, to wit, depart from 
 the Letter where there is no need. For the very Letter here 
 is ( as I may fay ) the greateft Myftery of the Gofpel; the 
 Communion of the Body of Chrilt being truly Eternal Life, 
 the End of our Faith, and the Reward and Crown of our Obe¬ 
 dience. And if the word Eating be Tropological, ’tis the mo- 
 deftelb Trope that can be: For what other word could be ufed 
 to exprefs our Participation of a Body, which was to give and 
 prolong Life to him that is made partaker of it, even as our 
 daily Food does to our mortal Flelh ? So that our Expofition 
 adjufting the Caufe and Effeft, and yet keeping to the very 
 Letter, may very defervedly be look’d upon as the true and 
 natural One: which if it be, I leave you to judge, whether 
 we have not fully anfwer’d the Objection, and out of his 
 mouth, who is Truth it felf , fhewn, that it is a great Miftake, 
 and a diminution to his holy Perfon. 
 
 Secondly, They fay that Enoch and Elias were tranflated to 
 Heaven in their Terreftrial Bodies, and there live in the Flefh 
 and Members wherein they were tranflated ; therefore lhall 
 we iikewife have the fame kind of Body there, which we now 
 have upon Earth. To this I anfwer. That that good Provi¬ 
 dence which governs the World, hath in all Ages been fo gra¬ 
 cious to Mankind, that Ihe hath from time to time raifed up 
 fuch holy Men, as Ihould by their excellent Life and Do&rine, 
 teach the Inhabitants of the Earth the Ways of Vertue and 
 Godlinefs, fuch as Plato calls good Souls ^ who leaving their hea¬ 
 venly habitation , were'content to defeend esc twA r r nt$'m(yv } and 
 affuming terreftrial Bodies , underwent all the calamities and difadvan - 
 tages out of hind Good-will to Men , to whom they gave 
 
 Laws , and taught them Philofophy. Or if you fuppofe thefe holy 
 Perfonages, friends of God and Prophets , to have defeended fom'e- 
 what from theSummity of their ethereal Life, and thereby to 
 have had a nearer difpofition and fitnefs to afluate a Terre¬ 
 ftrial Body; yet it was not fo much, but that they recover’d 
 it again before they left the Earth ; and therefore their de¬ 
 parture hence (of feme of them I mean) would not be after H 
 
and his chiefejt Of tnions. 75 
 
 the ordinary way of Men : and the rather, becaufe the Ter- 
 reftrial Life, and the Pleafures of our flefhly Body, do fo ex- 
 tinguifh our Hope and Belief of fomething to come, that we 
 have always need of fuch palpable pledges of continuance in 
 life after this is ended; which therefore Providence mercifully 
 afforded to the Generations of Men, in fuclviike Examples as 
 the Objection inftances in out of the Jertift) Records. But to 
 be Ihort, I fay, that that moft excellent and moft energetical 
 part in us which the Scripture calls Spirit , being throughly en¬ 
 livened, hath a power to quicken any kind of Body it is united 
 with, into a vigour and fubtilty anfwerable to its own Might 
 and Purity; and thofe two holy Perfons, Enoch and Elias , by 
 this advantage of their exalted Spirit, partaking of the like 
 Power and Virtue in good meafure, which we have before 
 lhewn to have been in our Saviour in a moft eminent degree, 
 they might leave the Earth, and afcend to Heaven as he did ; 
 but with no more neceflity, that this fhould be in a Terreftrial 
 Body, as fuch, than that Chrift afcended, and is glorified in 
 fuch a Body. And for Elias , the Chariots of Fire, and Horfes 
 of Fire, mention’d in the Story of his Afcenfion, plainly fignify 
 to the intelligent Reader in what kind of Vehicle he afcended. 
 His Failing forty days, and railing the Widow’s Son, by ftretch- 
 ing himfelf upon him (that I may name no more of his mi¬ 
 raculous Operations ) are an Argument of fome very efficaci¬ 
 ous Principle in him; like as it was in Chrift to cure by a 
 touch , who once faid, that he perceiv'd Virtue was gone out of him . 
 Now wherein this miraculous Power did in great meafure 
 confift, Herod , according to the Opinion of the Jews> informs 
 us; who hearing of the Miracles that Chrift did, faid. That 
 John the Baptift was rifen from the dead ; and therefore wonder-working 
 Powers did ft jew forth themfelves in him . But John did no Miracle 
 in his Life-time; and therefore this Inference of Herod's is not 
 from the Perfon of John at large, but from the Exaltation of 
 Power and Virtue, which he believ’d naturallv accru’d to hint 
 from the Excellency of the State of the Refurreftion. And 
 fomething like this may be faid alfo of Elias ; that he had at¬ 
 tained in fome fort to the Refurretfion of the dead in this life, 
 which in the Jewifl) Notion is the fame with the Vivification of 
 the Body (as is plain in many places in St. Paul's Epiftles) and 
 therefore cannot belong to the Body of Fleffi as fuch, which 
 he every where calls Svyitov and vt&yv. 
 
 Thirdly, They objeft out of St. Pauly This corruptible muft put 
 en incorruptm, and this mortal muft put on immortality • not in general , 
 mortal and corruptible , but this mortal and this corruptible . This is 
 Epiphanius's Obje&ion ; but I think I have intimated already 
 what kind of Individuation of Body he contends for, to wit, 
 
 fuch 
 
 v i • j a f. ; t. *• 
 
74 An Account of Or ig e K, 
 
 fuch as arlfes from the fame numerical Particles of Matter, 
 tho this fame Matter be changed into what Tenuity you pleafe* 
 JEhit this yamenefs of Body does not oppofe the Affertion of 0rigen 9 
 as we have deliver’d it in his fourth Opinion ; which only af¬ 
 firms, that the Bodies we fhall have in the blefled Refurre&i- 
 on, will be of an aethereal fubtilty, without thinking it worth 
 the while to determine whether they fhall become fo tenuious 
 by the change of that Matter which was once terreftrial, into 
 an aethereal Purity, or otherways. And if they can fancy any 
 way whereby that may be done, in that great and neceffary 
 Flux of all Matter in the World, in that infinite difperfion 
 of thofe Parts of Matter which did once meet together, and 
 made up the Body of a Man, in their innumerable AfTumpti- 
 ons and Adoptions into other Bodies ; and this without ma¬ 
 king the Exercife of the Knowledg and P-ower of God nice 
 and punctual to no purpofe, and to no benefit and behoof of 
 thofe Souls for whom he is fuppos’d to make thofe Bodies; if 
 they can fancy any fuch way, they fhall have my free leave (if 
 St. Paul do not fay otherwife) and may be Origeiis too, without 
 much difficulty, who look’d at nothing fo much in his Hypo- 
 thefis of the Refurre&ion, as the Vivification of that Body we 
 fhall then have, into an ethereal Purity. Yet it is not amifs, 
 if they take the Advertifement along with them, which he 
 gives to fuch as fet themfelves to conlider this Article of our 
 Faith, and to anfwer the Objections which fimpler Men make 
 againft the true Notion of it, Xf»i •*} 77 dvja. f (p/XaXiiQn y&t clv- 
 TQV TKTllS T VXV <Z&A Tiff tLV&qd<n<*>$ dydVlfeS At, m&rxu, 
 
 m t Up r dt'x&icov ■zApjJ'vmv, >y (pvxd^A^At \p 7 rc(T&iV ett yxvct- 
 ex&v af]co^f)v voti.ud<rwv aSvvatwv tt, o!(jm jy tzvaJgiuv* But if 
 any fear they fhall lofe themfelves and their proper Per Tona¬ 
 lity in the World to come, unlefs the fame individual Atoms 
 of Matter meet again to conftitute the Body they fhall then 
 have; or if they imagine that Origen ’s way will induce that 
 monftrous Change they fear ; Origen himfelf bids them take 
 heart, and affures them there is no fuch danger. For he thus 
 fpeaks in Methodic, Tho every body, which is continually ta¬ 
 king in and letting out its Parts (as Plants and Animals) ne¬ 
 ver hath the feif-fame Ja imv \A37>K.eiy.ivov for two days together, 
 but like a River, is in perpetual change: yet Peter and Paul 
 remain the fame per Tons, bouh as to their^Souls* which are 
 ftable and without flux ; and alfo as to the 
 tv and all fuch Peculiarities thereof as individuate Pe¬ 
 
 ter and Paul , as to their Bodies. Which individuating 
 he fays,- continues ftill to the Body, even in tht RefurreCiion, 
 but better’d and perfe&ed. And'again, Tho it be necefihry 
 (fays he) that the Soul being in corporeal places* fhould ufe 
 
 a body 
 
and his chief e(l Opinions. 75 
 
 a body futable to the place The is in, as if we were to be aqua- 
 tick Animals, and live in the Sea, we fhould have a body like 
 to what the Fifhes have: To tho for the fame reafon being to 
 be Heirs of the Kingdom of Heaven, and Inhabitants of thofe 
 excellent Regions, it be neceffary that we have fpiritual and 
 heavenly Bodies; yet for all this, our antient etJ'Q- is not de- 
 ftroy’d, tho chang’d into greater Glory, as was the Form of 
 Jefw, Aiojes and Elias in the Transfiguration. Laftly, Upon 
 that place, Flefb and blood cannot: enter into the Kingdom of God ; he 
 fays, tho our Body there fhall not be Flefh, yet the CTAgb of 
 our corporal Perfon remains the fame. For the Father knew 
 that there is fuch a thing as humane Form, in what ftate or 
 place foever the Soul happens to live, and that the particula¬ 
 rizing or individuating Notes of it- proceed from the particu¬ 
 lar Seminal or formative Reafon in the Soul of every individual 
 Man; which being a Power that works fatally, and without 
 Animadveriion, will work alike as to the main Strokes and 
 Lineaments in every kind of Body it operates upon; but where 
 the Matter is more pure and pliant, there no Strokes will mif- 
 carry, or be perverted, but the whole Impreflion will be exaft, 
 and faithfully anfwer the beautiful Idea, according to which 
 the Plaftick works. And the Truth of this he faw confirm’d 
 by many credible Stories of the Apparitions of deceafed Men, 
 which punctually retain’d the well-known Forms they had 
 when they liv’d upon Earth, even in their fluid Vehicles of 
 Air. So that whether that m 70 in St. Paul mean the fame 
 individual Particles of Matter, but chang’d into an aethereal 
 Confiftehcy, as Epiphanm would have it; • or the fame Form, 
 Charafter and Air, which particularize our bodily Perfon ; 
 the Opinion of Origen, according as we haye alferted it, ftands 
 good and unfhaken. But if any Man, out of Heedlefnefs or 
 Prejudice, will venture to flretch the meaning of it further, as 
 if it fignified the fame Modification and Confiftence of the 
 fame Particles of Matter with that they are in, in the Body of 
 Flefh ; he mu ft firft ask our leave to transfer the tsto to l'ome 
 other place, and disjoin it from the words of the Sentence 
 where the Apoftle hath placed it. For if he under ftand any 
 thing of the Nature of Bodies, he cannot but know, that the 
 Body we now have, is therefore corruptible and mortal, be- 
 caufe it is Flefh ; and therefore if it put on incorruption and im¬ 
 mortality. , it mull put off it felf firft, and ceafe to be fief]:. For 
 that which is Efientially fuch or fuch, is fo at all times, and 
 in all places. He that fhould take up in his hand Tome dirty 
 piece of Wood, and tell a By-ftander that he could make that 
 Wood a pure bright Flame, would never perfuade him that 
 it fhould continue Wood ftiH, be he ever fo Ample 5 I think 
 
An Account ^/Origen, 
 
 lie would be more wife and wary than the Satyr was, and not 
 imagine he could handle it now as harmlefly as he might be¬ 
 fore, nor put it to any of thofe U fes it was fit for, before it 
 ■was laid on the Fire : for its Properties are changed, and it is 
 become perfe&ly another thing. Laftly, (that we may make 
 an end of this) they that confider how neceffary it was for 
 the Apoftles, even in their moft Philofophical Doftrines, to 
 ufe a groffer and more palpable way of fpeech, left otherwife 
 their ruder and more unlearned Difciples fhould not be bene¬ 
 fited, will eafily fatisfy themfelves, that this Obje&ion does 
 not fo much as weaken their Opinion, who think it more con¬ 
 gruous to the Nature of things to fay, we fhall not fo much 
 as have the fame Particles of Matter (unlefs by chance) tho 
 fuppofed to be changed into that aethereal Purity which Ori¬ 
 gin contends for. But this is more than out prefent Caufe re¬ 
 quir’d. 
 
 Their fourth Obje-ftion is this Text; If the Spirit of him 
 that raifed Jcfnt from the dead dwell in yon, he that raifed Chrifi 
 from the dead, fhall alfo quicken your mortal Bodies by hu Spirit 
 dwelling in you . By raifing and quieting (they fay) the Re fur- 
 letlion is underftood, and the mortal Bodies to be raifed, and 
 our Bodies of Flefh, which are truly Mortal; therefore in the 
 R.efurre&ion we* fhall have Bodies of Flefh. To this I anfwer, 
 Tirif, that the Verification here mention’d, is not the great 
 Day of Refurre&ion in the End of the World, as he that will 
 take the pains to read from the beginning of the fixth Chap¬ 
 ter, to the end of the eighth, in which the Obje&ion is, will 
 plainly fee. For in this difeourfe St. Paul tells us of two 
 Principles that are in us, the Spirit, Mind, or inward Man, 
 and the Old Man or Flefh ; the Law of the firft, is the Law 
 of Life and Righteo'ufnefs, but of the fecond, the law of Death 
 and Sin. Thefe two Principles are fo contrary, and their 
 Laws fo oppofite to one another, that they cannot both live 
 or reign together ; hence therefore arifes in us great Slavery 
 or Diftraftion: but Chrift was given us of God to free us 
 from the latter, the Law of Death, and to fave us by his Life, 
 who is the Spirit of Life . From whence the Apoftle, according; 
 to his wont, takes occafion to teach us, that whatever happen’d 
 to Chrift, the Captain of our Salvation, to whofe Image we 
 are in all things to be conform’d, the fame is myftically to be 
 wrought in us: fo that as he was crucified and died, fo that 
 which is Mortal in us, the Body of Death and Sin , was to be 
 crucified, and die likewife; and as he was raifed up from the 
 Dead by the Glory of the Father, fo fhould we alfo be to walk 
 in newnefs of Life, and ferve in the newnefs of Spirit, which 
 then we fhall do when that Spirit of Life and Power, which- 
 
 raifed 
 
and his chief eft Opinions . 77 
 
 raifed Chrift from the dead, fhall fo ftrengthen that better 
 Principle in us, which he calls Spirit , and which he fays is Life 9 
 that it with him become the caufe of Life and Vivification 
 to our otherwife mortal Body, and make us alive from the 
 dead unto God. To which Interpretation the Apoftle bears 
 witnefs in giving Thanks to God, that he had deliver d him 
 from the body of Death, or the mortal Body; and in affirming 
 afterwards, that the Law of the Spirit of Life , or quickning Spirit, 
 in Chrift Jefw, had freed him from the Law of Sin and Deaths 
 which is the Law in the Members of the mortal Body, the 
 Body of Sin, or the Flefh of Sin: but certainly the Opera¬ 
 tions of the Spirit of Life , or quickning Spirit, are all vivi- 
 ficative ; and if the SubjeCt upon which they are exercifed 
 be the Body , it will thereby become quickned. Now St. Paul 
 affirming they had patted upon him, does plainly inform us, 
 that the Vivification of the mortal Body , mention’d in the Ob¬ 
 jection, is fomething that is wrought in us in this Life, con¬ 
 trary to what the ObjeCtors pretend. And tho I am the leali: 
 confident of any Man that heartily believes the Scripture, to 
 eltablifh theSenfe and Interpretation of any part of it upon 
 Tittles and Apices; yet having (as I think) given the Sum¬ 
 mary fenfe of the Apoftle in thefe Chapters (of which taken, 
 altogether, a Man may be more affured) and conceiving it 
 very agreeable to Rea ion, I think I may now be bolder to f 
 make my advantage of that, which fingle, and by it felf I 
 Ihould make no great matter of. The words of the Objection 
 are thefe ; If the Spirit of him that raifed up Jefus from the dead 
 dwell in you , he that raifed up Chrift from the dead , % 6 >Q 7 zywrtt til 
 ffapLetjet fhall quicken even your mortal Bodies by 
 hit, or the fame Spirit dwelling in you : i. e. the Spirit of Life 
 and Righteoufnefs fhall exert his vivificative Energy upon 
 thefe mortal Bodies of yours; and they which, without his 
 enlivening Power, only bring forth Fruit unto Death , fhall, by hia 
 Inhabitation in you, have fuch a preparatory Power and Y irtue 
 imparted to them, that Sin ftjall not reign in them , but their 
 Fruits floall be unto Holinefs , while you are conftrain’d to be 
 clothed with them, and the end and perfeCl completion of 
 his Work fhall be eternal Life . The thing it felf, abftraCtei 
 from all full and pregnant Authority of Scripture, is fo rea- 
 fonable to thofe who have confidered and marked in them- 
 felves, with what dependance we a Cl upon fomething in our 
 Bodies, that the leaft intimation from fo authentick Teihimony, 
 might be fufficient to alfure them of the Truth of it. But 
 this fame holy Apoftle, who in the very fame Subject once 
 faid. If ye beany otherwife minded, God will reveal this unto you ; 
 hath himfelf taken further care, that this fo true and fo con¬ 
 cerning 
 
78 Aft Account of O r i g e n, 
 
 cerninga Notion fhould be receiv’d by all with whom his Au¬ 
 thority, or the reafonablenefs of the thing, is of any value. 
 Many places there are in his Epiftles to this purpofe; fomeof 
 them, which I now remember, I fhall give you. And not only 
 they , but we our [elves alfo , who have the firit fruits of the Spirit; 
 even we our [elves groan within our jelves , waiting for the Adoption , 
 
 the redemption of our Body - For we that are in this Tabernacle d* 
 
 groan , being burdened , fo jar as we would be ( I do not fay unclothed , 
 but J clothed upon , that [0 that which is mortal in us might be [wal¬ 
 lowed up of. Life . blow he that hath made , fitted or framed us for 
 this very thing , this viflory of Life, is God, who hath alfo given us, as 
 
 a pledge and part thereof, the earneft of the Spirit.- In whom 
 
 after that ye believed , ye were [ealed with that holy Spirit of Fro • 
 wife, who is the earneft of our inheritance, until the compleat 
 Redemption of the purchafid Poffejfion be effected. With which fame 
 Spirit the eyes of your underfianding being enlightned, you will [now 
 what is the hope of his calling, and what the rich glory of his inheri¬ 
 tance in the holy or heavenly places above, and what is the exceeding 
 greatnefs of his power to us ward who believe ; even fuch and fo great 
 as he wrought in Chriji, raifing him from the dead, and fitting him 
 at his own right hand in the heavenly regions. Which places, if you 
 mind them throughout, cannot but feem to you to intimate a 
 certain Inchoation of the sethereal Life wrought in us by the 
 holy Spirit, by which the Life of Jefus , the heavenly Adam and 
 vivificating Spirit, is manifested even in our mortal Fleflo, For what 
 elfe can be the firjl fruits of the Spirit, where the whole Harveft 
 is the redemption of our body from the bondage of corruption, into the glo¬ 
 rious liberty of the Sons of God, the angelick Inhabitants of the 
 free AEther ? And what elfe can - be the Earneft of the Spirit , 
 where the whole Price is the clothing of us with our houfi from 
 Heaven , eternal and ethereal ? Or what the Earneft of our Inhe¬ 
 ritance, (which ought to be homogeneous with* the whole 
 Sum ) when the Inheritance is the Kingdom of Heaven, the 
 Regions of Light and Glory ? But, fecondly, fuppofmg the 
 laft and final RefurreCtion in the confummation of all things 
 was meant by the Apoftle, it would be fo far from advanta¬ 
 ging the Objettor’s pretenlions, that it would utterly deftroy 
 their Caufe. For if the Body of Flefh be a mortal Body, if 
 it be quickned and made a living or immortal One, it mu ft be 
 made fomething elfe intrinfecally than what it was; but it 
 b-ftng Flefh before, it muft not be Flefh when ’tis enlivened 
 too. For if fuch a Form of Speaking be allow’d, which can 
 reconcile fuch different Attributes and Affections to the fame 
 Subject, farewel all Phiiofophy, and all intelligible Speech 
 ’twixt Man and Man. The fabled Miftakes at Babel, at this 
 rate of fpeaking, would not be Miftakes 5 and by a far lefs Li* 
 
 cenfe 
 
md his chiefefl Opinions. 79 
 
 cenfe than they take to themfelves, it might be defended, that 
 he did right, who being bid reach a Tjwe/, brought a Pick¬ 
 axe ; and the Fox fear’d more than the arbitrarious Power of 
 the Lion, when he fear’d his Ears might be call’d Borns. 
 
 The Fifth Objection may be that known place in Job, which 
 Jerom wonderfully triumphs in, and cannot tell what ground 
 to hand on, for joy he had found an Argument, which fo Itrikes 
 the matter quite dead. And tho Life and Immortality be 
 brought to light through the Gofpel, yet he, in a jolly con¬ 
 fidence, doubts not to fay, NuIIms tam apertepoft Chriftum , quant 
 ifie ante Chriftum de Refurreftione loquitur. But I mull confefs he 
 had great reafon to be fo glad of this place as he is; for that 
 coarfenefs of Spirit which dictated theie words. Is ft non in fexu 
 fuo refurreZlurw eft , fi non eifdem membris qua jacuere in ftercore , fi. 
 non eofdem oculos aperiat ad videndum Deum , quibwi tunc videbat ver - 
 miculos , ubi erit ergo Job ? tollis ea in quibus fubftitit: This Spirit, 
 
 I fay, had need of fupport from fuch an Interpretation as he 
 gives this Text. But he that (hall confider how many feve- 
 ral ways that place is tranflated and interpreted by fuch as 
 are famous for their Skill in the Language, and how many 
 Words they are fain to fupply by mere guefs, to make any fen- 
 tence in it intire and perfeft ; and with what fufpence of Mind 
 they propound to their Readers, either this or that fenfe fo 
 patch’d up by them, will be very difficultly drawn to believe 
 the rifing again of Flelh upon the Authority of Job , unlefs he 
 be interefted by a former Perfuafion, and fo think that all 
 things he reads without, chime after the meafures of his inward 
 fancy. For the holy Man feems to fay no more than this. 
 That tho God had'fc-re afflicted and purfued him as his Ene¬ 
 my, even unto death, tho all his Kinsfolk and Friends had for- 
 faken and abhorred him j yet hill would he truft in God, who 
 he knew was the Patron of the innocent and calamitous, who 
 ever lives, and whofe hand is not ffiortned, that he cannot fave 
 and deliver thofe that hope in him. And tho for the prefent 
 he had hid his Face from him, yet he would at laid confpicu- 
 oufly appear for his Refcue and Redemption. And after my 
 Skin be confum’d, let that which remains of me be by piece¬ 
 meals dcftroy’d likewife ; yet I am confident that I fhall fee 
 him again, who is now withdrawn from me, found and in¬ 
 tire, and that with thefe languiffiing Eyes, which fo long 
 have feen nought but the Wounds of his Indignation. 
 Now the Event exactly anfwering his Hope fo defcrib’d, would 
 probably perfuade a Man, that the Paraphrafe we have given, 
 or fome other like, it, is the true meaning of the words. For 
 the Lord at laft turn’d the Captivity of fob , and then all his 
 Jkinsfolk, and Friends, and Acquaintance, who had farfaken 
 
So An Account of Origen, 
 
 him before in his Calamity, flock’d to him again, to comfort 
 him concerning all the Evil he had undergone, and to con¬ 
 gratulate his deliverance. It may alfo feem a wonderful thing, 
 if this place make fo plainly for them as they brag, that the 
 Jewiff) Writers ihould not interpret it to that fenfe; who, for 
 want of any tolerable Arguments in their Scriptures for the 
 proof of the Refurre&ion, do pitifully and contemptibly catch 
 at every Tittle and Apex of a Letter that looks that way. 
 And the reafon that fome give of this' their Omifiion, to wit, 
 that they were afraid of the word Redeemer , and fo chofe to 
 balk a Text, which would have much confirm’d the Opinion 
 they would gladly have advanc’d, rather than by ufing it to 
 that purpofe, countenance fuch a Notion of their Mejfiah as 
 they lov’d not to hear of, is very flight. For certainly, here 
 is not the leaft intimation of an humble and meek Saviour, 
 whofe Kingdom is not of this World, whofe Spirit and Laws 
 put contempt upon all thofe things which the natural Man 
 fo highly values, who was at laft to be ignominioufly crucified, 
 and to leave the Civil State of the World juft as he found it, 
 and the Jews ftill fubjeft to an Idolatrous Yoke. This is the 
 Scandal and Stumbling-block of the Jews, not the Title of Re¬ 
 deemer ; for certainly the two Difciples, to whom Chrift join’d 
 himfelf as they were travelling to Emmaus , fpoke according 
 to the common Phrafe and Opinion of the Jews , concerning 
 their expeded Mejfiah , when they faid, Wetrufled it had been he 
 which JJmld have redeemed Ifrael . For Redeemer and Redemption , 
 in the fenfe of the Chriftian Myfterv, is not only not incon- 
 fiftent with, but neceffarily requires Chrift’s being condemn’d 
 to death, and crucified ; and yet his Death and Crucifixion was 
 that which made thefe Difciples conclude he could not be the 
 Redeemer of Ifrael. 
 
 I fhall trouble you but with one Objection more againft this 
 Opinion, and it fhall bq that which is drawn from the Juftice 
 and Righteoufnefs of God; which, they fay, cannot ftand, un- 
 lefs the fame Body of Flefh rife again, which was Partner with 
 the Soul in all fhe did, whether good or bad, and accordingly 
 fhare with her either in Reward or Punifhment. For ’tis not 
 equal that that Body which had been induftrious, temperate 
 and chafte, fhould be fupplanted in its hopes by a new-comer, 
 \vhich underwent not any fuch tedious Hardihip and fevere 
 Self-denial; neither is it juft, that that Body which had liv’d 
 in all Debauchery, and Excefs, and Violence, fhould efcape, 
 and another far more innocent be whipped in its ftead. Which 
 Argument Epiphan'w further carries on in fuch ridiculous 
 Schemes of Speech, as for his credit I fhall not produce. That 
 a young Man of a good Fancy, and choice Words, might hand- 
 ^ “ fomly 
 
and his chief eft Opinions, Si 
 
 fomly declaim in this Caufe, I by no means will deny ; but 
 that there is any thing in it befide empty Pomp, built upon. 
 Ignorance, I fear you would not grant. You are not wont 
 ‘to be fo great a Friend to Mr. Hobbes, as to think that Matter, 
 by what 'name foever it be call’d, dead or living , hath any fenfe 
 or perception. at all, much lefs can it be vertuous or vicious^ 
 Yet, upon this fuppofal, their Objedion is made and built; 
 which being grofly falfe, and the wideft Inlet that is unto 
 Atheifm, their ill-fupported Edifice comes tumbling to the 
 ground ; and for the Intereft of Yertue and Religion, they 
 ought not to refent the Ruin. Yet it would be very eafy for 
 me to fliew moreover, from the continual flux and change of 
 our Bodies, that their pretended Juftice would not hold in 
 their way neither ; but the thing is obvious, and cannot efcape 
 your notice. He that prevents the Affaflination of his Prince, 
 by killing the treacherous Murderer, ought, by your Suppofi- 
 tion, to rife again with the fame Sword by his fide where¬ 
 with he did that laudable Adion, as well as with the fam^ 
 Hands which diftributed to the Wants of the Poor ; for one 
 is as much an Inftrument of Vertue as the other, and as fen- 
 Able of Reward. I believe the Matter that makes up the 
 Vehicle of the Devil, is as well content with its Lot, as that 
 which compofes the beautiful Robe of an Angel of Light. 
 But thjs is too much to be faid againft nothing. And I kno^f 
 no other ufe can be made of this Objedion than this* to let 
 you fee that their fo eager and zealous oppofing of Origen did 
 probably proceed only from their not knowing the Natures 
 of Things. For, for want of fome true fetled Notions in their 
 Minds, which might guide their Expofitions of Scripture a*^ 
 right, they were eafily mifs-led by any words they read, and 
 as eafily blurted out very weak and ridiculous Things. Which 
 defed I perceiving in them, gave fo much to their unque- 
 ftion’d Piety and Eminence in ocher kinds of Learning, as not 
 rudely to prefs them in this Queftion, with many Phyfieat 
 Confiderations, which would overthrow the Opinion they 
 contend for from the very Foundations. One whereof Jerom 
 feems to have been aware of; and therefore, to fecu're the 
 Body of Flefl) from Diffolution in the ethereal Regions, he fays,, 
 that lutum carnk in teftam excoqnetur * the beft way I know td 
 keep it unconfum’d in the Fire; and he feems hugely pleas’d 
 with this conceit, and does more than once make ufe or it 
 either as a Subtilty or an Elegance, in his Difcuflibns of the 
 Origenian Errors; If I had a mind td produce ail the abfurd 
 Tallages I obferv’d in him, Epiphanm, and his .two Affiftants,; 
 you would hardly forbear to fay (as Candid and equal a Cen- 
 Turer as you are ) they Were‘ Men' 6f ordinafry Intelled ua Is. 
 
Sa ” An Account of OrigikJ 
 
 But In fhch Subje&s as are beft difcern’d, and trulieft pro¬ 
 nounc'd of,, from a moral fenfe and relifh of Spirit (which is 
 a. Perfetlion far more divine than the other) I do freely ac- 
 kaowledg them very excellent Perfons. . And thus have I, af¬ 
 ter my lax carelefs way, anfwer’d to their chiefeft Objections 
 agaanft Origen* s fourth Opinion. 
 
 * Againft the Fifth, Epiphanm fays not a fyllable, and I think 
 does not Co much as barely name it: and I remember nothing 
 m Jmm about it but fuch Admirations as thefe. That the 
 / Devils flaould become Angels again, and Judas a Saint ! And 
 fince. he-hath been pleas'd to fay no more, I {hall not fay 
 much, but only ask, What difference is there in the diftance 
 feetwixt a Devil made an Angel, and an Angel made a Devil* I 
 am fure the advantage is on the afcending-part, rather than 
 on the defcending: for the Mercy and Companion of God to 
 all the works of his hands, may reafonably be fuppos’d to help 
 them up, tho undeferving ^ but there is nothing in his moft 
 righteous Nature which would calf them down, without their 
 high demerit. But if St. Jerom wondred at this Reftitution 
 as certain, or eafy, or of fhort difpatch, ’tis his own Miftake 
 he wondred at, not Origen* s Opinion, at lead: in the two laft 
 Particulars. What Methodius difputes from the Nature and 
 Rea for* of Pnnifhment againft Origin* s making the Terreftrial 
 Body Avpot £ if it be apply’d to the final Punifhment 
 
 which God will inflict upon all the obdurately-wicked in the 
 end of this World, will as much confirm this fifth Opinion, 
 as he imagined through miffake of the Father’s DoCtrine, and 
 a pedantick Accuracy in the ufe of a word, it would weaken 
 the Third : and fo he really gives the Father as much 
 with one hand, as he but thinks he takes from him with the 
 other. For he very largely difputes in his Sccratical way, tha* 
 all Punifhment is curative, and for the Emendation of the 
 Suffering-party. Some there are that think thofe Phrafes of 
 mmm and w>Kami aiJyiQ-, and the like, cannot be recon¬ 
 cil’d with Origen* s Opinion. But thefe Objectors feem to take 
 • the meaning of the word from Scholaftick Definiti¬ 
 
 ons, rather than from the true and lawful Mafters of Lau- 
 gdag3 9 or the authentick Rule of its popular Ufe. For ’tis 
 nofiprioiifly known that the Jews, whether writing in Hebrew 
 or Greek, do by QTp and atuv mean any remarkable Period 
 or Duration, whether it be of Life, or Difpenfation, or Po¬ 
 lity. Any of which Periods, if plainly computable by a 
 known time, they do then define it by a fet number of years; 
 ebut others, which are not To known, they {imply exprefs by 
 or aiav, leaving the length of them to be determi¬ 
 ned according to the Nature of the Subject matter 5 which, 
 
 where 
 
tnd his chief eft Opinions. S% 
 
 where it is fuch as comprehends more than a (ingle determina¬ 
 ble cticdVy they expreft it in Hebrew by the Phrafe of ly 1 D 
 in Gree\ by «V $ atcha x} £77, or ft* tk cttdvas and «V <uw«i ¥$ 
 atdveov. But by none of thefe Forms do they mean a Scho- 
 laftick Eternity, unlefs the Nature of the thing then exprefsM 
 require fuch an interminable Duration. And hence the Pe¬ 
 riod of this World is call’d aidv «t©-, when yet there is ano¬ 
 ther to fucceed it, a\u>v e*t«V(§f • and as thefe euavis differ, fo 
 would alfo the meaning of atuvt©- be different, according as 
 it was apply’d to the one or other of them. And fo in the 
 plural Chritt is faid to appear and fuffer wvTiKeia r aicovavy 
 when yet the longeft aiuv of all was not then come. And 
 he of whom it was faid. Thy Throne , 0 God , is <r at£va <r& 
 atuvQ-y is yet to deliver up the Kingdom to God. the Rather, and to 
 be fubjelf himfelf to him who did fubjett all things to him : fo that 
 here is plainly an end of that Reign, which is faid to be for 
 ever and ever . And as dvr tuSvQ- does not in Scripture fignify 
 from ad Eternity in the fenfe of the Schools, fo by the fame rea- 
 fon ought not aidva to fignify to all Eternity in the fame no¬ 
 tion : and is not &s aiuva ana ctteovtov all one ? Every Lexico¬ 
 grapher and Expositor will furnifh you with Authorities enough 
 to confirm what I have faid; and I leave you to judg, whe¬ 
 ther the whole Subject matter in this periodical Doom, the 
 Nature of that Fire and its fewel, the Powers of a Spirit in¬ 
 corporate, be not fuch as will inforce us to make it (horter 
 than fome Men do ; who having got eafy ways of alfuring 
 themfelves it (hall not be their portion, do as little pity thofe 
 calamitous Souls, whofe Lot it may be, as they darkly fancy God 
 himfelf does. But tho we from the reafon of Things, and right 
 life of Words, do make it fhorter than they do; yet, according 
 to our Hypothefis, the whole punilhment of Pain and Death 
 will neceflarily be fo long, as may juftly be call’d aiuviQ- in a 
 very high fenfe of the word. But if out of filial regard to 
 the Authority of our dear Mother the Church of England , you 
 are yet fomething backward to give Affent to the Probability 
 of Origeti* s Doftrine; I would have you firft to confider, that 
 all thofe that write and preach in this Nation, are not her 
 Sons, no more than they of Geneva , or Scotland , or New-England 
 are. Secondly, I would fain know why (he, who in her 39 Ar¬ 
 ticles does fo punctually follow the Articles agreed upon in 
 K. Edward's Days, or with very little variation, fhould wholly 
 omit that Article which condemns the Reftorers of this Opi¬ 
 nion, if fhe had thought it ought to have been condemn’d. 
 And the fame may be faid in behalf of the preceding Opinion ; 
 for fhe hath quite left out that Article of &. Edward , where¬ 
 in it is affirm’d, thflt the dead Jfjall be recor d to their own bodies , 
 
 G 2 Jlejb 
 
84 An Account of Origen, 
 
 flefi and bones $ very modeftly and wifely contenting her felf, to 
 impofe no more on the belief of her Sons in this particular, 
 than what the Three Creeds fay of it, which lhe approves of 
 in her Sth Article: but they fay no more, than that there fhall 
 be a Re fur region of the Dead, or Refurre&ion of the Body . 
 
 Epiphanius is alfo filent in the fixth and laft Opinion, and fe- 
 torn fays nothing againft it. Nay, it feem’d fo reafonable a 
 Doftrine, that Proclus, by hisSufFrage, confirms the Truth of 
 it. For to Aglaophon the Origenij in the Queftion about our 
 future Bodies, arguing from the Conflagration of the World, 
 and upon that demanding 01/ nsroia, dh&yoyt) 707 s 7% ozouct]tL ’iovv- 
 tou, when Earth and Air fhall be utterly defac’d, he thus an- 
 fwers, That there fhall indeed be a Conflagration, but not'to 
 confume things, but to perfeft and renew them; for fince it 
 is better they fhould be than not be, (as is plain 4 in that 
 God made them to be, which he would not have done, had it 
 not been the better ) it is better they fhould ever be. And 
 to this fenfe he interprets that of St. Paul , The creature flail be 
 deliver'd from the bondage of corruption ^ and alfo that of Jfaiah , 
 New Heavens and new Earth . Which is juft the fame with that 
 of Sophocles , 
 
 ssa/ v&ivos aicov®- yjjv&'i 
 (t Of tiiv 7rv£$c yt{Mv}cL Snmv&v ydcrri 
 f, ii 3 Co(tM)Q£jx, <pA&% 
 
 **A 7 rx.v]& numy&cx.Y&t 
 
 uav&i Iotc. of a,v 3, &c. 
 
 KAOTetJct 0 td 7 ei 7 ldvf A <l rg/aP A 7 Ttohi 7 lV» 
 
 So that Proclus at leaft grants one new Habitation and Plan¬ 
 tation of the Earth again after the Conflagration. And I 
 efteem it a great Blefling that our Enemies are fo far at peace 
 with us, as either to fay nothing againft us, or in our behalf ; 
 efpecially in thefe two laft Opinions of the Father, which feem 
 the molt bold and venturefome of all the reft. But it’ feems, 
 that as all Truth was not di(cover’d in one Age, but fome- 
 thing of her hid Treafures is purpofely conceal’d to be the 
 Price and Reward of After-inquirers, that fo every Genera¬ 
 tion may have fomething of peculiar Excellency to equal it 
 to thpfe that went before: fo neither is all Error detected 
 and profligated by the Conduft and Courage of the Learned 
 of one Age. And therefore thofe pious and learned Men, 
 whom I have made ufe of for the Refutation of Origen' s Te¬ 
 merities, contenting themfelves with their zealous Endea¬ 
 vours to correft fome of them, have left the reft to be the 
 
 Spoil 
 
and his chiefeft Opinions. 
 
 Spoil of their victorious Succeffors: which, with what Suc- 
 cefs, and by what Arms they have done, is not my purpofe 
 now to fhew. For truly. Sir, I am perfectly tired already, 
 and your Commands, which alone made me hold out fo long, 
 by good hap confin’d my Enquiry to the more antient Wri¬ 
 ters ; which now I have brought to an end : and having 
 given you this Notice, that where I fay St. Jaom is filent, 
 or fays little of this or that Queftion debated ; my meaning 
 is only, that he is^fo in fuch of his Writings, as were pur- 
 pofely compos’d concerning Origen 7 s Dogmata (for what he is 
 occafionally in his other Works, I cannot tell, I neither ha¬ 
 ving them, nor being in a place where I have opportunity 
 to procure them) Having given you this Advertifement, it 
 remains only, that I beg your pardon for the imperfett Refo- 
 lution I have endeavour’d 6f your Queries, and for the care- 
 lefnefs you will difcover in my Style, and the negligent tack¬ 
 ing of Sentence to Sentence, even to the obfcuring my Senfe 
 fometimes ; Faults, I confefs, which might eafiiy be mended ; 
 but not being fo, therefore need your Pardon more : For, 
 to tell you the Truth, I was unwilling to render the whole 
 illegible by too frequent interlining, and very loth to write 
 fo long a Letter over again. Which I defire you to accept 
 of, fuch as it is, as a Teftimony of that great Power your 
 Commands have over me, which you fee I have not detreCled, 
 oven in an Argument where the Sentiments of my own Mind 
 are not at all interefted, For I am. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 Tour, &c. 
 
 pljenit 
 
Identic ii. 
 
 God’s fir ft Sally out of Himfelf, 
 in the Birth of the ZJniverfe, 
 
 T H O GOD was what he is, and in the perfect 
 Fruition of his Grandeur, before his omnipotent 
 Hand had drawn the Creatures out of their Nothing ; 
 yet his Nature requir’d Homage, his Ma- 
 The Motives jefty Service, his Qlory Admiration, his 
 which invited. God Goodnefs Acknowledgment, and his Beauty, 
 to create the Hearts and Affeftions. It was needful, tho 
 World, he were independent of all Beings, Immenfe 
 
 in his Extent, Eternal in his Duration, and 
 Infinite in all his Perfections, that he fhould caufe himfelf 
 to be feen and felt by Emanations out of himfelf. It was 
 not fufficient, (methinks) that God fhould contemplate him¬ 
 felf in the Mirror of his EiTence, and that without iffuing 
 out of himfelf, he lhould beget his Word in the Splendor 
 which flows from his Light. It was not enough to love him¬ 
 felf, and in loving himfelf to produce without Change, Lofs, 
 or Alteration, the facred Fire of his Love. All thefe imma¬ 
 nent and infinite Productions could not- exhauft the Treafures 
 of fo fruitful a Nature: For in giving it felf, it fuffers no de¬ 
 triment, fince amidft thefe Sallies and Emanations, the Father 
 and the Son, in fuch fort, communicate their Nature and Per¬ 
 fections, the Father to the Son, and both to the Holy Ghoft; 
 that all Three by a Common power can aft ad extra> or exter¬ 
 nally *, and they needed to employ but one Angle word to 
 create, not only a World, but even Worlds without endt 
 
 I 
 
God's frjl Sally oat of Himfelf 8 cc. 87 
 
 ^ fancy, that if Nature had had a Being, or 
 could have fpoke, ftie would have addrei's’d Tl)e Sighs of Na~ 
 the Almighty thus: ture . 
 
 Speak, O fpeak (Great God) ftretch forth 
 thy Arm, and call thy Looks out of thy feif; IlTue forth of the 
 Luminous Darknefs, which forms Thee a Day without Night, 
 and a Night more refplendent than the Day* Give fome little 
 paffage to thofe Ejaculations and Flames, which from all Eter¬ 
 nity are inclofed within thy Bofom, and which frame therein 
 a Circle of Light and Love. Thou need’ll but open thy 
 Mouth, and immediately all Creatures will be obedient to thy 
 Commands: The leaft of thy Irradiations will diilipate the 
 Shadows, and open that Abyfs in which they are buried. It 
 is true, that nothing ought to difturb the Peace and Repofe 
 of thy Solitude ; It' is true, thou haft and poffefTeft in thy felf 
 all that can ever be. But thou canft bring it to light, and art 
 able, without noife and diforder, to break that eternal Silence, 
 which hitherto hath made Thee heard but of thy felf. In 
 fine, thou art a God of Love, and this Love would be Captive, 
 if it had not Sallies and Ejaculations. It was not fatisned to 
 remain in thee by Eminence, and, as it were, in the Source 
 of Beauty and Goodnefs; but having made its Folds within 
 it felf by numberlefs Revolutions, it mull defcend upon ex¬ 
 ternal Objefls, to attain that Eftefl and Property which is 
 natural to Love, (vi% .) that amorous Exftacy, that prodigious 
 EfFulion, and that pompous and magnificent Shew, which, to 
 fpeak properly, is the Torch of Love, or rather the Chariot 
 of its Triumph. Upon which, God might have gracioully 
 fpoke thus: 
 
 Well then. Creatures, come forth of the Mafs in which 
 you lie confufed. Heaven, Earth, Sea, Stars, Trees, Fifties* 
 Furnaces of Fire, and Flames; vaft Extents 
 of Air,-Clouds, Abyffes, Precipices; liften to The firfl Alarm 
 the Voice and Command of God, of the of Nature • 
 
 Word, and of their Love. O God! O Power! ' 
 
 O Love ! what Word ? what Speech ? and what Voice ? We 
 muft proceed in Order, and purfue the fame which God him- 
 felf has follow’d. 
 
 The Word was in God the Father , and this Word was God * from 
 that beginning which could never begin, the Common Spirit 
 of God animated the Father and the Son: But, in fine, this 
 glorious and happy Moment, which faw the Birth of Times 
 and Sea foils, being arriv’d j the eternal God feeing no Ob- 
 jefl out of himfelf, which could deferve his Love ; and be¬ 
 tides, this Love being incited by a holy Delire of communi¬ 
 cating it feHy it was requifite to frame a Copy of the Intel- 
 
 G 4 leftual 
 
88 God's firjl Sally out of Himfelf,\ 
 
 leCiual Original, which was in his Idea, and 
 LovetheArchiteU in his heavenly Mind. From that inftant 
 of the World, the World, then but a lively Vacuum , but an 
 univerfal Privation, of Forms and Qualities, 
 was chofen as the blank Table, whereon he refolv’d to draw 
 the firft ftrokes of his Goodnefs. That Nothing which hath 
 but the bare name Men give it, became immediately a fruit¬ 
 ful Abyfs of Eflences, and Nature was ingendred out of it by 
 the foie Power of the Divinity. 
 
 Firft Heaven, Earth , Water, and Darknefs appear’d in an in¬ 
 ftant, as the Field on which all the EjFe&s bf a moft amorous 
 and fage Prodigality were to be difplay’d. It was before any 
 other thing that this dark Compound, this confufed Medley, 
 and this heap of Water and Earth, was the Object of him 
 who alone was able to chafe away its Shadows, and convert 
 Its Duft into Gold and Chriftal. This is the Throne on. which 
 the Title of Sovereign Monarch and Lawgiver iha 11 be feen in- 
 ?rav’d: But what! this Theater is too obfeure to behold 
 therein the Birth of the World ; we muft expeCt the Aurora, 
 and the Rays of the Day. 
 
 The firft Day of Nature-awake, it is time for the World tq 
 the Creation. rife; the Night hath preceded, and twelve 
 Hours are, as it were, already paft, fince 
 Heaven and Earth have been in obfcuuity. Behold the Break 
 of Day; and thofe delightful'Colours, which play upon the 
 Waters, are the Companions of that Light, which in Paleftine 
 hath already opened the Doors and Windows of the. Eaft^ 
 and is going to fpread it felf upon another Hemifphere. 
 Neverthelefs, to finifh this Career, to perfect this Courfe, 
 and to go round the whole Globe twelve Hours more, are re¬ 
 quired And then counting from Evening till Morning, and 
 from Morning till Evening, you (hall find all the Moments, 
 which form the firft Day, a glorious Day, a Day illuftrious 
 for having firft receiv’d the Light, which , gives Glory and 
 Splendour to all Days. God himfelf made even a Stand to 
 behold thefe Lights, and could not contain himfelf from prai- 
 fmg the attractive Charms of this gliftring and pompous Qua¬ 
 lity, which is as the Life of the Eye, and a moft lively Repre¬ 
 sentation of the Spirit. 
 
 The feepnd Day was no lefs glorious : for 
 The fecond Day* It was that in which God choR to raife up 
 ;' the Firmament, like a Circle of Brafs, or r 
 
 rather like a Globe of Gold and Azure, which might ferve 
 to divide the feven Orbs of the Planets from the Empireal 
 Heaven* Now it was in the midft of the Waters that this 
 
 admi= 
 
in the Birth of the Vnherfe. 89 
 
 admirable Work was form’d ; whether they were necefiary to 
 temper the Rays and Orders of the Stars.; .or that the Coiirfe 
 and Revolutions of a moving Body would be more even and 
 free in an Element fo pure and fo pliable to all fort of Moti¬ 
 ons ; Or, finally, whether it were for fome other reafon 
 known only to the incomparable Architect, who caus’d his 
 Power and Wifdom equally to fhine in the Fabrick of the 
 Univerfe. 
 
 The next day God defcended from Heaven 
 upon Earth, and it was on this day he mark’d The third Day, 
 out Bounds and Limits to Rivers, Streams, 
 
 Seas and Torrents; fo that the Waters retiring, fome on one 
 fide, and fome on the other, juft as they were lhut up withiri 
 their Banks, Clifts and Channels, the Earth appear’d, and im¬ 
 mediately her Sides were found pierc’d with Caverns, and her 
 Back loaden with Mountains and Rocks, which rais’d her in a 
 ftately manner. Inftantly her Entrals were fill’d with Stones 
 and Metals: and whilft thofe four great Portions of the Earth, 
 which divide the World, and all the Iflands of the Ocean and 
 Seas, were level’d to ferve for Empires and Pofieflions of Men ; 
 the : Hand of God, as juft as liberal,- did in the Bofom of the 
 Earth uphold the Arches of her Prifons and Dungeons, to 
 the end, that if the Paradife of Eden was a Garden of Delights 
 and Pleafures. Hell, on the contrary, might be an Abode of 
 pread. Horror and Miferv. It was likewife very convenient, 
 that as God had mix’d Lignt with Darknefs, he fhould create 
 wild Places and Defarts to render the Gardens, Fields and 
 Meadows more delightful; and finally, having the very fame 
 Day given Plants, Herbs and Flowers for an Ornament to the 
 Earth, his wife Providence mingled Thorns with Rofes, and 
 the moft wholefom Herbs fprungout of the fame Soil with the 
 Mandrake and Aconite , 
 
 The fpurth.Day having been, as it were, 
 the Chariot of the Sun, Moon, Stars and Pla- The fourth Day » 
 net$ which fhine in the Heavens, may, in 
 (ome manner, he call’d the Day of Days; fince it was the Ori¬ 
 gin of the Fires brightnefs and flames, which are the Soul of 
 the Day. 
 
 Then were the frozen and condenfed Waters gather’d to¬ 
 gether ; with more- Light and Heat to form the Body of the 
 Planets: Next the Sun, Moon and Stars began their Courfes, 
 Periods and Revolutions, and took the Tracks and Ways which 
 were .trac’d out to them from Eaft to Weft; they began like- 
 .wife to call their favourable Afpe&s, and from that time their 
 Influences, fell upon the Earth, and they receiv’d the Orders 
 and £aw$, which they have fince obferv’d fo inviolably, and 
 m i ‘ with 
 
90 God's firjl SaHj oat of Himfelf 
 
 with fo great refpett. But whilft thefe Torches row! over 
 our Heads, for fear left our Eyes ftiould be dazled at fuch lu¬ 
 minous Objetfs, 
 
 Let us turn them upon the fifth Day, 
 The fifth Day. wherein God created the Birds which fly In 
 the Air, and the Fifties which fwim in the 
 Water. One muft here reprefent unto his Thoughts fome 
 fair Summer’s day, and imagine that he fits in the cool upon 
 the Shore of fome Illand ; from thence he muft lift up his 
 Eyes towards Heaven, and behold over head Thoufands of 
 little feather’d Bodies, cleaving the Air with their Wings, 
 piercing the Clouds, and mingling with their Flight the fweet 
 Harmony of their Warblings : He muft afterwards behold 
 at his Feet a River full of Fifties armed with Scales, fome of 
 which cut their Way near the Surface of the Water, and 
 others through the midft of the Waves ; fome fwim aloft 
 againft the Stream and Current, others are carry’d down at 
 the pleafure of the Winds, and by the favour of fo fweet and 
 rapid an Element. 
 
 This is that which God took pleafure to fee and do, five 
 Days after the Creation of Heaven and Earth: This was the 
 Day he chofe to people the Air and Sea with their Guefts, 
 which were in fo great Numbers, as fince it hath not been 
 neceflary to create other Species of Birds and Fifties. But 
 what! the Earth, which ferves for a Bafis and Foundation un* 
 to Sea and Air, would have fome caufe to murmur againft 
 both, and might with reafon complain, as it were, of God her 
 Creator, if ihe were abandon’d, and without Inhabitants. 
 Soft, a little patience : It belongs not unto Creatures to pre- 
 feribe Laws to their Creator. 
 
 Scarce had the Morning brought news of 
 The fixth Day. the arrival of the fixth Day, but at the fame 
 inftant the Earth opened her Eyes unto her 
 Sun, and her Ears unto the Voice of her God. This dull, 
 heavy and infenfible Mafs, not fatisfied to have brought forth 
 Flowers, Plants and Trees, yet farther difplay’d it felf to 
 produce all forts of Beafts and Animals : Behold the Worla 
 in her Cradle, and Nature in her Infancy ; The unmoveable 
 Earth, round about her Center, is fown with Flowers-, tapi- 
 ftried with Turf and Verdures, beautified ‘ with Woods and 
 Forefts *, She is ftately in her Mountains, ipleafant in-her Val¬ 
 leys, delightful in her Meadows; She is rich in her Metals, 
 fertile in her Fruits, and plentiful by her Rivers and-Seas, 
 which inviron her on all parts, and form her a thoufand li¬ 
 quid Tranfparencies. The Air encompafles her on all fides, 
 and ferves her for a Veil to temper the 0?ep*humid Influen¬ 
 ces- 
 
in the Birth of the *Omverfe. 
 
 91 
 
 ces of the Moon, and the too ardent Rays of the Sun. The 
 Heavens, like pendent Roofs and rowling Arches, are ftrew’4 
 with Flowers, Emeraulds and Rubies. What 
 doth remain after all thefe Prodigies of * Hefiod in the 
 Power, and all thefe Works of Love? O Genealogy of falfe 
 Power! O Love ! I cannot condemn his Fan- Divinity, 
 cy who faid, that * Love produc'd Heaven out of 
 a Chaos , and the World out of a confufed and mdigefled Lump . Thefe 
 are the Draughts of a powerful God, which were victorious 
 over the Nothing : Thefe are the conquering Flames of his 
 Love, who hath carried his Rays and Torch, even into the 
 Abyffes of an eternal Negation. 
 
 The World then had not its Origination in 
 the Water, as Thales fuppofed ; nor was the The Errors of fame 
 Impreflion of the Univerfe fram’d in the Air, Philosophers. 
 as Anaximines affirm’d ; Heraclitus was extra- 
 vagant when he taught, that Fire was the Source and Origin 
 of Nature ; And Democritus was a mere Scoffer, and fitter to 
 be laugh’d at himfelf, than to laugh at others ; when he faid, 
 that the World was form’d by an accidental concourfe and 
 mixture of invifible Atoms. No, no; the Beginning of Be¬ 
 ginnings nffiff be without Beginning. But the Heavens , Air, 
 Fire , Earth and Water , the World and Atoms , cannot be from them- 
 felves, and without a Producer; therefore grant, that God alone 
 is the Fountain, Caufe and Origin of the Univerfe. 
 
 Ah then, let the Heavens, and all the Ele¬ 
 ments j Let the Sun and Stars, let the Plants Comfort of Crea* 
 and Herbs, let the Birds and Fifties for ever- tures, 
 more praife and blefs the powerful Hand of 
 the increated Love, who form’d them all out of Nothing. Let 
 the World never have any propeniion, inliinft, or inclination, 
 but to become pliable to the impulfes of its Author. Let the 
 Morning and Evening Stars imitate him, conveying every¬ 
 where their Influences and Light. Let Rain be the Pledg of 
 his Favours, and Dew the Symbol of his Graces. Let Thun¬ 
 der and Lightning be the Heraulds of his Juftice, and the 
 Minifters of his Indignation. Let the gentle Weftern Winds 
 awaken our Hearts, to liften to his moft holy Infpirations. 
 Let his Threats be heard amongft Storms and Waves. Briefly, 
 let the World, and all Nature, be an Altar,whereon Vows and 
 Sacrifices may be continually offer’d to his Law ; and let the 
 Feafl of the fix Days , during which God created the Univerfe, 
 be for ever celebrated. But what, O Lord? Who is it that 
 hath hitherto fpoken ? From whence came this Voice? And., 
 where is the Perfon that can prefent Sacrifices unto thee? 
 The World hath Altars, it hath Water. Fire, Wood and 
 . “ Victims; 
 
^2 God’s fiKj% Sally out of Himfelf 
 
 Vittims: But where is the Prieft? There 
 j$t& necejfaty far wants a Man upon-the Earth ; and without 
 a Man, all thy Works feem not fufficiently 
 perfect. Yes, my God ; this Man, who is 
 to Be the Image of thy Effence, the Accomplilher of thy 
 Commands, and'thy Lieutenant upon Earth, well deferves 
 the la ft-Touches‘of thy Hand; to the end, that after his 
 Creation thou, may’ft continue in the Repofe of thy moft 
 hhly Entertainments. 
 
 Bto>qmncfof Self It almoft incredible how bold and ek> 
 
 4fokk i;,i quent* Men are, when it concerns their own 
 
 Praifes : To hear them fpeak, would not a 
 Map fwear, all the Members of their Bodies are converted 
 fntoTbh^ues,'to piibliiji, : without blufhing, the Advantages 
 of their Kature, above whatever the reft of the World can 
 boaft of, as moft rare and beautiful ? The Earth, fay they, 
 is but an Abode, or rather a High-way,” 
 Excellent Concept which Mil be their Pilgrimage ; The Air 
 ifo&s of divers Au~ and'Sea are but their Harbingers and Hofts \ 
 %hors» Lightnings and Celeftial Flames form but 
 
 a Plan, in which the Features of their 
 Minds appear, as it were, rough-drawn : Arid Heaven it fell 
 Is*but the Haven and Shore, which after the Courfe of fome 
 Months and Years is to 'receive them all. Man, according 
 to their Opinion, is the faireft Piece of the Univerfe, the 
 All of All, and, as it were, the Soul of this World. Anafta* 
 jiM fin his Hbmily of Man’s Creation, obferves fome Lines 
 of Honour and Veneration in his Fabrick. Clemens Alexandria 
 put. compares him to the Thejfalian Centaur, by reafon of the 
 mixture of the Soul, with the Body: And Latlantm Firmianm, 
 Ipeaking of the Compofition of Man, faith. That he is a 
 Work which may rather beget Admiration than Words. 
 Trifmegijhfs calls him the Interpreter of the'Gods ; Pythagoras 
 looks upon him as the Meafure of all things, in whom are 
 found the Longitudes, Latitudes, Altitudes and Profundities 
 of all Beings, Plato cries out, that he .is the Miracle of all 
 'vifible Miracles; Theophrafhts confiders him as the Copy of 
 the Univerfe *, Syttefius Calls him the Horizon of Creatures ; 
 [And Zoroafier, as one tranfported, fcarce finding Words to de¬ 
 scribe him, concludes at laft, That Man is the Portrait of an at - 
 tempting and daring Spirit . Are not thefe very excellent Terms 
 and Lxpreffipns ? which fufficiently evidehce, that albeit thofe 
 Learned Authors did fpeak of Man in general, yet all of 
 them wefe mterefted therein as to their own particular. 
 ;But whatever they have fa id, it is-certain, that of all the 
 
 Encomiums 
 
in the Birth of tht Vniverfe. 
 
 Encomiums can be given to Man, the moll Noble, the mo$t 
 Auguft, the molt Tranfcendent and High is, That Manx the 
 Image of God, the Character of his Sabjlance, and the mofl faithful 
 Copy of his Divinity. I know he hath a Being common With 
 Stones and Marble, a Life common with Plants, a Senfe with 
 Bealts, and an Underftanding which equals;him with the An¬ 
 gels : but he excels them in this. That he was created fr©M 
 God’s Idea, as the moll lively and fenlible Reprefentation g£ 
 his Maker. 
 
 God deliberates upon the Enterprize of this Work, atufr 
 the Council is held in the Conclave of the.moll H-ohy 
 Trinity; the Three Per fans are affembled j Power, Wifdorn 
 and Love take their Seats near the Paradife of Eden. But leaz 
 us not deceive our felves; is it not peradventure God's m* 
 tention to recall into favour thofe proud and rebellious i>pi4 
 rits, whom a lhameful Revolt hath moil jullly precipitated 
 from Heaven to Earth, where they wander as Exiles and Re¬ 
 probates ? At leail would it not fatisfy him to banifh theta 
 from Heaven, and to grant them the World for a Paradife* 
 after fo long and fatal a Captivity ? Nothing lefs, the Aft 
 is pall, the Angels are loft without Redemption, and the,Pan 
 nilhment their Infolence hath merited, will purfue them with* 
 out relaxation, term, or pity. 
 
 It is concerning Man and ha Creation that the Decree is pall 5 
 It is on him God refletieth, and it is he who mull be fubfti- 
 tuted in the place of Angels. It is this Aft which makes the 
 World behold God’s Mailer-piece, the Objeft of his Favour*; 
 and the moll glorious Term of his Power. O Sun ! Hop here 
 thy Courfe, and be witnefs of his Birth, who was the Caufa 
 and End of thine. 
 
 It was, as I conceive, about high Noon, 
 when the Earth was refplendent with Light, TheTime of 'Mauds 
 that this Animated Sun was born. It was by the Creation.. 
 
 Light of Nature’s greateft Bonfire that God 
 vouchfaf’d to ftoop fo low as Earth to take Clay, out of which 
 he form’d the Body of the firfb Mam This Wife and All- 
 knowing Workman, to whom all things are poffible, drew 
 out of Dirt, Mortar and Dull, the Bones which were to be, 
 not only the Piles, Pillars, Bafis and #fcrength of the Body* 
 But even the Inftruments of all its Motions. He added to it 
 Ligaments, Joynts, Cartelages, Nerves, and an Infinity of 
 Fibres, or little Strings, which were to lock the Bones and 
 Members within one another, to be feraceable to all Moti¬ 
 ons, to arm every Part, to keep in or draw fuperrluous Hu¬ 
 mors, or rather, to be" aihlling to its Nourishment. The Body 
 being thus rougherawn } or, as I may--fay, in its firft draught, 
 
 appear’d 
 
94 God’s firjl Sally out of Himfelf 
 
 appear’d at the fame Inftant divided into three Parts, of 
 which the higheft and moft elevated was the Head, the Bulk 
 appear’d in the midft, and the Joynts link’d 
 T7je Oeconomy of together, the Legs and Arms to become 
 humane Bodies. more ufeful to all the extreme Parts. With¬ 
 in thefe Joynts were, as inchafed, ail the In- 
 ftruments of Life. Within the Trunk reign’d the Vital Parts, 
 as the Heart, Lungs, and Liver; about which were found a. 
 thoufand little Veins, and as many little Skins, which are the 
 Channels of the Btood, and of all the Humours. O ftrange ! 
 this little Labyrinth was no ways confus’d. The Heart , tho 
 Monarch and Sovereign in this Empire, difdaiils not to unite 
 it felf with the Liver, and to join by a mutual and reci¬ 
 procal Agreement, its Virtue and Heat, to ad with more 
 force upon the Aliment. From thence iffue a World of in¬ 
 terlac’d Veins, which are to fuck in the pure ft of the Chile, 
 and to difcharge the groffer part, which afterwards conveys 
 it all at leafure into the Bowels : At the fame time the Liver 
 will feparate the Blood, and divide the Humours; and whilft 
 the Heart is diftributing all the Spirits through the Arte¬ 
 ries, left it chance to be over-heated, the more light, hu¬ 
 mid, and fpungy Lungs will give it air, and refrelh it by 
 fuch regular Intervals, as even amidft this palpitation it may 
 receive from the Arteries its pureft Blood, and its moft deli¬ 
 cious Nourilhment. All the reft paifes into the Brain, which 
 is the Summit of this admirable Structure. It is cover’d out¬ 
 wardly with Skin and Hair, and wrapped up within two Pa¬ 
 nicles, which cover its Out-lets, its Subftance, and the Source 
 of all the Nerves. It is in this Fort or Dungeon where the 
 Animal Spirits are to be form’d, which the Senfitive Soul di- 
 ftributes to the Five Senfes ; Spirits which are but Fire and 
 Rays, that very often get loofe, and efcape from the Eyes 
 like Lightnings, and fo many Stars which appear to us at high 
 Noon. 
 
 There is the Seat of the Common Senfe, where all the 
 Nerves of our exterior Senfes meet, through which the Spi¬ 
 rits Aide, and is the way by which the Species pafs, when they 
 are the Meffengers of their Objects. Well may this Part re¬ 
 ceive thefe Images, Out cannot retain them. The Imagina¬ 
 tion then muft be plac’d further within, which colletting 
 and preferving the Species, will borrow part of their Name. 
 Behold the Body thus perfeft , and accompliftsd $ but not to defery 
 all the Bones naked, and a Flelh too lively and bloody, cover 
 it with the whiteft, fmootheft and thinneft Skin that can be. 
 Afterwards fix your Eyes upon his Face, behold his lovely 
 Hair fweetly waving on his Shoulders \ contemplate his 
 
 Fore- 
 
in the Birth of the Vniverfe. 95 
 
 Forehead fmoother than Marble, and his Eye-brows forming 
 an Arch of Ebony over his Eyes; confider his Mouth fur* 
 •rounded with Coral; obferve his Cheeks mix’d with Rofes 
 and Lillies, and fmell his Breath a thoufand times Tweeter 
 than Ambergreafe. In truth, are you not ravifh’d with the 
 Afped of his Eyes, which are the Windows of the Soul , the 
 Doors of Life, and the molt faithful Interpreters of our 
 Minds? What fay you to the difclofure of 
 this living Theater of Choler, of Venge- Theater of Paffi¬ 
 ance, of Pity, of Hatred, of Fury and Love ? ons . 
 
 T>o you fee by their Looks how they rife and 
 fall, how they flatter, how they excite, how they weep, how 
 they fmile, and how they {hew upon their liquid and trans¬ 
 parent Chryftal, all that is difcernable in the World ? But 
 who will wonder at this, fince, in truth, thefe are the two Suns 
 of the Little World , and the Mirror of the Great One, which 
 is to be compriz’d and inclos’d within the Humane Body ? 
 
 Should not the Eyes of all Nature open 
 themfelves here to admire this Miraculous The Mafler-piece 
 Body, and this Prodigy of the Univerfe? of Nature . 
 
 But the thing of greateft Admiration is, that 
 God hath caufed the Soul of Hearts, and the Life of Bodies, 
 to flow into his Mouth and Heart; and that Heaven hath 
 poured the Seed of Immortality into his Breaft . God, by a Divine 
 Breathing, communicated this Fountain of Life, to wit, the 
 Soul , which inftantly made the Image and Pattern of the Di¬ 
 vinity refled on his Face. This heavenly Form, without 
 noife or delay, diffus’d it felf entire into the Body, remain¬ 
 ing neverthelefs whole in every part. God 
 alone knows with how many Lights the The foie Source of 
 Underftanding of Man was illuminated, with Beauty , and of 0* 
 how many Ardors his Will was fired, and peratms . 
 with how many Specie^ his Memory was fib 
 led in a moment. 
 
III. 
 
 A Defign about Difpofing the Bible 
 into an Harmony : or, An Effay 
 concerning the Tranfpofing the Or¬ 
 der of Booby and Chapter? of the 
 Holy Scripture?, for the reducing 
 of all into a continued Hijiory. 
 
 To the Right Honourable the Lords and 
 Commons AlTembled in Parliament. 
 
 I ^ H IS that I now humbly offer to your Hands, hath been long 
 in my Thoughts but much more fince in my Attendance on his 
 JL Majefty s Children, I have f under the Encouragements and 
 'particular Favours of the Right Honourable, my Lord, the Earl of Nor¬ 
 thumberland, to whofe Care Tou have intrufted thofe Royal Pledges J 
 tead thorow the whole Bible in an Expofitory way . I have high Thought i 
 of the [acred Authority of Scripture , I admire the Wifdom of the whole 9 
 and the admirable Confent of all the Parts of it •, and do firmly believe , 
 that the Majefiy of it will triumph over the Attempts of all Anti-Scxiptu- 
 rifis to the contrary, till the Time of our Lord's coming again. 'Tis tht 
 Glory of Chriftian States to maintain and advance it, which was the 
 meaning of thofe Learned Men , who have lately enrich'd the World with 
 that Treafury of the King of France his Bible in Ten Volumes where, in 
 One Frontifpiece, they have reprefented a Table of the Portraiture of Car¬ 
 dinal Mazarine, fupported and mounted by Angels , as being a great 
 
 Patroii 
 
A Deftgn to Harmonize the Bible* tyj 
 
 Patron of that renowned Labour . May your Names alfo be great unto 
 Pofterity , whilfl you promote the Glory of God , and the faving Knowledg 
 of Men , by Works of this nature. The learned Licenfer intimates the 
 difficulty of this , 7 alfo ac\nowledg it- y W with a f I nothing doubt , 
 but under fuch an Influence as Tours it may grow to a full Maturity . 
 
 Your Honour’s moft humble, 
 and moft devoted Servant, 
 
 Sam. Tors he l£. 
 
 The Authority of the Canon of Scripture 0 The Li'J 
 herty of Interpreting it. A Complaint againjl the 
 Abufe of it. The Remedy . 
 
 I T is a receiv’d Principle, even among the Turks them-* 
 felves. That God's Teftimony fufficeth y ( fo tlie Alcoran fpeak- 
 eth, cap. de Aranea, Suffcit Dei teflificatioj and. That God 
 hath made known his Will in Books. The Alcoran gives witnefs to 
 both the Tejlaments , as we call them. And Philip Guadagnoli x thz 
 Arabick,Profejfor at Rome , in his Apology for Chriftian Religion , againft 
 Ahmed the ,Perfian y hath produc’d clear Inftances of fome Para¬ 
 ges, almoft out of every particular Book in the whole Bible* 
 exprefly quoted, or manifeftly alluded unto, in many Chapters 
 of the Alcoran. 
 
 Much more therefore, in the entrance of this Difcourfe 6 i 
 Effay, which I have now undertaken, I will fiippofe it among 
 Chrijtians, to be a Principle that needs not proof, arid.a thing 
 conftantly granted, that the whole Scripture, contain’d in the 
 Canon y Or Number of Books, which. we call Canonical , is the 
 Word of God, divinely. infpired, and left unto us to be the 
 Rule of. Faith and Manners. Under that Title or Rights the 
 Law and the Prophets were deliver’d over from the Jews y the 
 old . and iaithfiil Keepers of them, to the Chriflians y by whoiri 
 both thofe y and the Evangelical or Apoflolical Writings and Declara¬ 
 tions, have been held in poffeffio’n, under the fame Title; in the N 
 feveral Ages fince, even down to thefe days; The^e was ne¬ 
 ver, among the Antienti y any publick Quarrel about that; only 
 (which adds alfo to the .Weight arid ft reiigth Of ( fh'e. Scripture's 
 TitleJ thefe h'av£ been riot a few Quarrels about the Serife« 
 
A Dejign to Harmonize the Bible. 
 
 The Arts that have been us’d by the Romanifts, foe the.fet- 
 ling and eftablifhing the Right of Interpretation upon the Bifloop of 
 Rome, have been well known; whereby they have labour’d to 
 make him the Oracle to the World, as the Turfyh Mufti is (by 
 the relation of BusbequmJ in thofe Parts, finding it to be the 
 moil expedite- way to gain the Opinion of the public^ and au¬ 
 thoris'd Interpreter. But upon the experience of his own, and 
 his Servants readinefs, to make advantage of every thing that 
 hath any likelihood to advance them, and to wrefi and abufe Scrip¬ 
 tures to the maintenance of their Vfurpations ; therefore fo long 
 as there are ( at leaft) reafonable Men in the World, it will al¬ 
 ways prove a broken and entangled Title unto him. 
 
 Who then muft be Judg? There are many that would give 
 it to the Fathers, and that we muft receive their Senfe . But 
 that were to make them not Expounders , but, in a manner. Law¬ 
 givers, I have fpoken fomewhat to this in my Exercitation upon 
 Mai achy^ and in my Hiftorical Preface before Mr. Stock’s Commen¬ 
 tary upon that Prophet, from whence I fhall tranfcribea little : 
 That we regard the Fathers highly, but yield them not the 
 Royalty of a Mint, as Mo may fpeaks. In the very Council of Trent, 
 a Saying of Cardinal Cajetan\ That a new fenfe oj Scripture it 
 not to be rejetfed, tho it be againft the old Dottors, feeing Power is left 
 now alfo to interpret • was by fome much commended, who thought 
 it a Tyranny to forbid the faithful the ufe of their own proper 
 Ingeny. Others indeed oppofed that Saying, accounting Li - 
 cenfe worfe than Tyranny . Among others, Richard of Mans , a 
 Frdncifcan Fryar, went fo far as to fay. That the Dottrine of Faith 
 is now fo clear'd, that we ought to learn it no more out of the 
 Scriptures , which were heretofore read in the Church for in- 
 ftruhion , but now only are read to pray by, not to (ludy. There 
 were not many that adhered to him; the better part deli¬ 
 ver’d themfelves, as Dominick * Soto did: That it was fit to \eep 
 every Wit within limits for Matters of Faith and Manners , but elfe 
 to leave them t) their liberty for the fenfe. Others of them yet 
 more plainly : That it was not fit to refir ain the Vnderfianding of the 
 Scriptures to the Fathers only, whofe Expofitions were for the mof} part 
 Allegorical, feldom Literal, and thofe fitted to their own times. Seeing 
 then the more learned and fiber Party, even among the Roma¬ 
 nics themfelves, have been tender of taking away the Liberty 
 of the Faithful to judg of what is written; far be it from us tQ 
 be worfe than they, or to eretl a Tyranny, by putting the 
 Key of Kmwledg into the hands of any particular Order of 
 Men. 
 
 But what way may be taken, to prevent, that this liberty 
 prove not a mifchief? Of late we have had too fad an experi¬ 
 ence, of tile boldnefs of fifth as pretend to til© Knowledg of 
 
 * A Scriptures* 
 
A Vejign to Harmonize the Bible . 99 
 
 Scriptures. Befides what we hear of, deliver’d here and there 
 in corners ; there is too much witnefs in thofe wea^, fenfelefs and 
 triobolary Pamphlets, which have wafted fo much Paper, and have 
 unmannerly intruded upon the leifures, yea the neceffary buftnefs 
 of all forts of Men of late years; in which, what childiflj and 
 impertinent Allegations of Texts have we found ? what raw and 
 indigefted Collegians from them ? what bandying up and down of 
 incoherent Scripture-words and Sentences ? Many thorow a proud 
 forwardnefs, venture unripe and unexperienced upon the expounding 
 of the Scriptures ■, that, as Eckjw laid, he chofe the Points of 
 Predeftination, that upon them he might exercere juveniles calores , 
 make trial of his youthly Heat; fo thefe take the facred Ora¬ 
 cles of God, upon which to make their raw and imperfett EJfays . 
 And ordinarily, as the mold learned Men are fceptical , and but 
 little pofttive $ fo the weakeft Men are molt magifterial, and cry 
 out like the Mathematician at Athens, I have found, I have found it y 
 when they light upon a Notion which feems new to them; but, 
 it may be, might be had in twenty Authors which they know 
 not. 
 
 But the mold of thofe that are unlearned and unftable, do wreft 
 the Scripture, as the Apoflle fpeaks, thinking they find that in 
 it which is not it. They bring an Opinion with them, and with 
 that they read the Bible all along, imagining that they fee it 
 every where before them ; like the Man of whom the Philyfopher 
 fpake, who thought he faw his own jhape before his Eyes at 
 every Idep he took. A itrong Imagination or Fancy will per- 
 fuade very much, and beguile both the Eye and the Ear : As 
 for inldance; Some, when they look up to the Rac\e, or moving 
 Clouds, imagine them to have the Form of Men, of Armies, of 
 Caftles, Forefts , Landslips, Lions, Bears, &c. where none elfe can 
 fee fuch things, nor is there any true refemblance of fuch 
 [hapes, And for the Ear, when a Man hath fomewhat that rowls 
 and tumbles in his thoughts, he will think, that the ringing of Bells , 
 the beating of Hammers, the report that is made by great Guns, 
 or any other meafured or intermitted Noife, doth articulately 
 found and fpeak the fame which is in his Thoughts. In this 
 fame manner, many perfuade themfelves, that the Scripture re- 
 prefents to them fuch and fuch formed Opinions, while they 
 patch and lay things together, without any reafon *, like Chil¬ 
 dren looking upon a Wall, will fancy an armed Man, or fome 
 other thing, fuch a / pot to be the bull ^ of the Body, fuch 
 another fpot to be the Head, fome other / cratches or flaws to be 
 the Legs or Arms with weapons ; while another perhaps, at the 
 fame time, imagines the fame [pots to refemble a Dragon, and 
 a third that they refemble a Ship, or what elfe may indeed be 
 I moft unlike a Man, We could not have thought what vanity 
 
 H 2 there 
 
io o A Defign to Harmonize the Bible. 
 
 there is in the imagination of Men, if fomewhat had not been 
 teftified to us of old by the Apoftle , who tells us of the Gentiles, 
 how their fooliflj hearts were darhned, Rom. i. ver. 21. and by 
 the Antients, Auguftine , Philaftrius , and others, who have re¬ 
 corded the Jlrange and fenfelejs Dotages of many Heretk\s *, and 
 of late in the ridiculous Papers that have flown about, and bring 
 Scripture with them, but no fenfe *, fancying the holy Word of 
 God, to ftrike, to ring , or chime to their Tunes# The Apoftles, 
 Peter and Jude, fpeak of Dreamers ; fure there are many fuch 
 now. A Man that is awake ( we know ) may think of a 
 golden Houfe, the way to which is paved with Rubies and Saphires, 
 the Wall plaifter'd with Pearl, and the Gate one entire Diamond: 
 but his external Senfes not being hinder’d with other witnefs 
 and information, his internal fenfe gives judgment aright; but 
 when the outward fenfes are lock’d up by fleep, then thofe vain- 
 eft fancies are entertain’d without controul. Such danger is 
 there, when (to ufe the Apoftle 0 s Phrafe, Heb. 5. 14.) Men 
 have not their Senfes exercifed to difcern both Good and Evil. 
 
 But yet a greater Mifchief arifeth out of a corrupt and de¬ 
 prav’d Mind and Affeftion; according to that of S t* Paul, 
 
 1 Tim. 6 . <5. Perverfe difputings of Men of corrupt Minds. When 
 the Appetite or Affettion is eager, and flays not the leifure of de- 
 liberation , but out-runs it, fo as not to be recalled; then the 
 Mind is drawn to be of the fame Opinion with the Appetite, and 
 takes up what is fancied , as true *, and what is affefted , as warran¬ 
 table: that at length the beguiled Man believes himfelf. He that 
 looks upon an unlovely thing with the Eye of Love, thinks it 
 lovely *, fo that what is falfe, feems true to him that ftrongly 
 affetts it. He that is extreamly a-thirft, drinks down that with 
 pleafure, which if he were not fo diftempefd , would offend his 
 tail, and very much naufeate his ftomach. 
 
 1 might inftance in many the like deceits and inconveniences, 
 growing partly from depravednefs of Mind, partly from igno¬ 
 rance, partly from injiability, fuddennefs and hafle. When Men take 
 a [natch, and run away with that which tooths like the fenfe of 
 Scripture , as if they had gotten fomewhat that made much for 
 them, and weary themfelves about them; like the Apes in the 
 « Jfory, who finding a Glo-worm in a cold Night, took it for a 
 fparli of fire , and heaped flicks upon it, to warm themfelves. So 
 do they lofe their labour, who are bufy about founds of Words, 
 and incoherent Scripture-fentences. 
 
 But I have not fpoken all this with a mind to defraud the 
 faithful of their Right , even their Right to judg of what is 
 written. The Sentence of the great Apoftle refolves and di¬ 
 re :ts me in this, who applying himfelf to the Community of Be¬ 
 lievers at Corinth , faith even to all, I /peak as to wife men , judg ye 
 
 what' 
 
. * 
 
 A 'Design to Harmonize the Bible . i oi 
 
 what 1 fay , i Cor. 10. 15. And in after-times, the Chriftians 
 held themfelves in poffeflion of it. Theodoret , in the Fourth 
 Book of his Hiftory > cap. 19. gives us a notable Teftimony. 
 When EitzpdMy the Governor of Alexandria , had thruft out Pe¬ 
 ter, the Orthodox Succeffor of Athanafiw , and had placed Lu- 
 f'm an Arian in that Church; the People having been brought 
 up under Athanafins Doftrine, perceiving contrary Food pro¬ 
 vided for them, they would not hear, but forfook the Eccle- 
 fiaflical Meetings. That which G:.i hath given to the People , let 
 none prefume to take from them. Let us rather renew the 
 Earneftnefs of Chryfoflom, and others of the Antients , to per- 
 fuade and encourage them more to the reading and examining 
 of the Scriptures. Take not away the Boo only fpread it more 
 open. The Miniftry Ecclefiaftical was appointed to this end, and 
 to this end were Gifts given unto Men. 
 
 To this purpofe many have profitably labour’d : The Anti¬ 
 ents fram’d their Commentaries , Enarrations , Scholies , Gloffes , Meta - 
 phrafes, Paraphrafes , Homilies . In the feveral Ages there have 
 been feme or other (as I have particularly mention’d in my 
 fore-nam’d Hiftorical Preface to MalachyJ that have apply’d them- 
 felves to this Work, but more abundantly inthefe later Times. 
 Only, whereas the difficulty and obfcurity of Scripture is in great 
 part, becaufe of the Anticipations , Tranfpofitionsy and Dijlocations 
 of whole BooJ^jy or fame parcels of th z facred Canon-, we are yet 
 wanting to our felves, and to our clear underftanding of the 
 whole Scripture that the whole hath not been digelted into 
 one continued Hifiory , according to the Order of Times , which 
 would make the Work of Commenting and Interpreting much more 
 eafy, and the whole Context altogether more clear. This 
 therefore is it, which I have humbly to offer : 
 
 1. To propofe and open the Defign about the Harmonizing 
 
 of the whole Bible, or the bringing of both the Tefta- 
 ments into one continued Hiftory. 
 
 2. To {hew the Ufefulnefs or Benefit of fuch an Har¬ 
 
 mony. 
 
 3. To difcover the Difficulty of fuch an Undertaking. 
 
 4. To enquire into fome Helps towards it. 
 
 3. To commend it to the Allowance and Care of the Pub- 
 Uck State, 
 
102 A Defign to Harmonize the Bible ; 
 
 An EJfay of the Defign . 
 
 T H E Defign is to lay the whole Story together in a continued 
 Connexion , the or of Books, and all the feve- 
 
 ral parcels difpofed and placed in their proper Order , as the con¬ 
 tinuance, and Chronical method of the Script ure-hijlory requires; To 
 that no fentence nor word in the whole Bible be omitted, nor any 
 thing repeated , or any word inferted , but what is altogether ne- 
 ceflary for Tranfitm . So as feme Chapters , or pieces y be put 
 
 into other places, yea great parts of fome Books, and foipe 
 whole Booths to be woven into the Body of another Book. For 
 the Uluftration of my meaning, I fhall only offer at a general 
 Draughty or imperfeft Effay. 
 
 It miift ne.ceffarily begin with the firft: Book of Mofes, which 
 is Genefis, where fuch anticipations as may be found, are to be 
 refer’d to their own place. As for Example : To make up 
 the 27th and 28th verfe of the firji Chapter of Genefis, with the 
 7th, the 18th and 19th verfes, &c. of the 2d Chapter , together 
 into one relation. Then to continue. Chap . 1. ver. 29, 30, &c. 
 after the end of the 2d Chapter. And to place the three firft 
 verfes of the 2d Chapter at the ending of the 3d. And fo through¬ 
 out the Bible , where any thing is related by Frolepfis or Antici¬ 
 pation. And to place the whole Book of Job (digefted alfo 
 particularly, if there be any Anticipations in it) into the Body 
 of Genefis , either after the Hiftory of A labor *, or next after the 
 33d verfe of the 36th Chapter of Genefis , according as it fhall 
 be judged upon a learned Examination , that after the Opinion 
 of the Hebrews , he was the Third from Nahor ; or after the Opi¬ 
 nion of the Greeks y and th.e Genealogy added in the LXX, at 
 the end of Job, he were the Fifth from Abraham, and Third from 
 Efau, and fo the fame with Jobab , mention’d Gen . 26. 33. Whe¬ 
 ther Mofes wrote the Hiftory of Job, will not be material now 
 to queftion: but however, the Story is to be inferted into that 
 place that fhall be found molt unqueftionably to agree to the 
 Hiflory of his time. 
 
 In this manner to digeft the Books of Exodus, Numbers, Leviti¬ 
 cus , Deuteronomy, and to continue them to the Jlory, placing the 
 feveral Exhortations of Mofes recorded in Deuteronomy , in their 
 own proper times, when the Occafions of fpeaking them there 
 were, if it may be found in Numbers the Hiftory of the Removes , 
 when they were fpoken. And into the Hiftory of Mofes , to 
 infert the 90th Pfalm, if it fhall be concluded to be writ by him, 
 and (as to me it feems moft likely) if it were pen’d upon oc- 
 cafton of that threatning; related Dent . 4. 31. then in that ftory 
 to be conveniently placed. There 
 
A Defign to Harmonize the Bible , 103 
 
 There are fome particular Anticipations in Jofhuah, and fo in 
 the Book of Judges j but thofe being digefted , they, are to be 
 continued fucceffively to the Jlory. And for the whole Book of . 
 Ruth , it may feem fit to be put in theory of Eli , in the be¬ 
 ginning of Samel, if fhe be found to have liv’d, under the time 
 of his Judging Ifrael. 
 
 The Books of Samuel , Kings and Chronicles , will be next in their 
 order , where th e Hiflory of the Kings of the whole People, and 
 after, of the two Kingdoms of Judah and Ephraim, being di- 
 ftindly, and in one relation of their feveral Reign's, made 
 up of the circumflances in the feveral Books brought toge¬ 
 ther : here will be the greateft variety of tranfpofition and in¬ 
 ferring. 
 
 To diftribiite the Pfalms ( fo many as are found to be Da¬ 
 vid's, and whofe argument and occajion may be found) into the 
 Chapters in Samuel , according to the feveral ejiates and pajfa- 
 ges of David’s life, that in his continued Hiftory we may hear 
 him finging anfwerable to the emergencies of Providence, where¬ 
 by we fhall much better know his meaning. As for fuch Pfalms 
 as are thought his, but no fatisfaClion ( fo much as conjectural) 
 concerning the occajion , thofe to be fet at the end of his Life 
 and Reign. The other Pfalms to be djjhibuted to the Time and 
 Stories of their Authors 3 one to Heman , namely, Pfal. 88. one 
 to Ethan , where we find him mention’d in the Kings , namely, 
 Ffal. 89. fome to Afaph j fome haply to the Sons of Korab, that 
 were of the Quire in David's time, namely, Pfal. 42, 43, &c. 
 and haply fome to King Solomon , at leaft one , namely, Pfal. 72. 
 being thought to be of his compofing. 
 
 The Books of Proverbs ( fo many-of the Proverbs as may be 
 judged to be fpoken or collected by Solomon,) Canticles , and Eccle- 
 fiajies , to be put into the Body of the fecond Book of Kings , ac¬ 
 cording to the Times of Solomon's Reign : If the Opinion of 
 fome Rabbins be thought to be followed, that the Song was made 
 when he was young , at his Marriage , the Proverbs cohered in his 
 maturity , Ecclefmftes in his age * thofe Proverbs , ch, 25. ch. 26. 
 ch. 27. ch. 28. ch. 29. to be placed in the Body of the Chro¬ 
 nicles , at the end of the Reign of King Hexekiah. 
 
 The Sermons of the Prophets , to be difpofed into the rimes of 
 the Reigns of thofe Kings under whom they lived. So that if 
 with induftry and diligence the particular times and occafions 
 can be found out, fo accordingly to refer them; placing, it 
 may be, a Chapter or Chapters of one , two or more Prophets con¬ 
 temporary, and prophefying of the fame Subjed, together. 
 And fo in order to the Times , without regard to the order of 
 I Books. And thofe Prophecies , whofe occafions or time cannot be 
 _ judged of, thofe to be placed at the ends of Kings under whom 
 they lived. ' H 4 Egekjd 
 
t 
 
 i©4 A Defign to Harmonize the Bible. 
 
 Ezekiel and Daniel to be inferred about the end, or added aftei? 
 the end of Chronicles, as {hall be maturely confider’d. 
 
 Haggai and Zachary to be interwoven, with the continued Hifto-w 
 ties of Ezra and Nehefniah, into which alfo the whole Book of 
 EJiher is to be wrought: And then Malachj to be placed in the 
 order of his own time. 
 
 As for the' New Testament, the beginning of it, namely, the 
 Hiftory of our Lord's life and [offerings, recorded by four feveral 
 Evangelifts , is already brought together, by many Learned Men 
 into an Harmony, but moft diligently by Chemnitius , fo far a$ 
 he went, and then continued by Lyferus , and after by Gerhard. 
 
 Into the Body of the Hiftory of the Apoflles Alls, are to be 
 diftributed the Epifiles of James, Peter, and efpecially of Paul, 
 in another order than now they lie, according to the times 
 wherein they were writ, which will be applied without much 
 difficulty to his Hiftory within feveral Chapters of the Alls. And 
 the Writings of John will finifh up the whole Hiftory. 
 
 And whereas it may be objected. That the Order of Books 
 and Chapters being fo alter'd and transpos'd, we fhall not know 
 Where to find any thing. 
 
 That may be eafily help’d by marginal Columns, all along 
 throughout, with the Context ; and a Table or Index at the end 
 <pf the whole. In moft places there will need but two Columns , 
 for a great part none at all, where the Hiftory or Book runs a- 
 long without diftocatioh or infertion *, and in no place above four, 
 sis in the Evangelifts , unlefs haply a fifth Column fomewhere 
 there, if it be judged fit to infert Jude' s Epiftle, into the Hi- 
 ftory of the Evangelifts *, concerning which, for the prefent, I 
 finery. 
 
 AXf the end may be an Index of two Columns: In the firft, the 
 Books, Chapters and Verfes in the order as they lie now in the Bi¬ 
 ble : And in the other the Books and Chapters of the Harmony, it 
 being divided into fo marly Books ana Chapters, as may be moft 
 for eafe. J Whereby may prefently be found, in what part of 
 the Harmony, any Chapter, Verfe , or Sentence of the whole Bible 
 liieso As for Example« 
 
 f Genefis. 1 f Harmony 9 7 
 JCho ver. > ^Lib. chi > 
 
 \ la la tO 27*3 C I# Xo S 
 
 \ 
 
 The Harmony being thus framed throughout, there may be 
 Tome marginal direltions where they are neceffary, to give the 
 Kedfons of the Tranfitions^ Infertions^Tranfpofitms^ and of the whole 
 
 Order* - -■*“ r-' , •,' ;■ ■■■*' • ' " pfi ' ;v 
 
 l/nt/Tf • 
 
r 4 p*k» to Harmonize the Etble, 10 5 
 The Benefits. 
 
 T H E benefit of fuch an Harmony will be greater than we can 
 fully comprehend, till we have the ufe of it. It will help 
 much toward the making up an exaller Scripture-Chronology . It 
 will ferve abundantly to the clearing of the genuine and hifio - 
 fical meaning of the Text everywhere. As for inftance : The 
 Sermons of the Prophets , tho they were laid up and preferv’d 
 by the Sanhedrim , are deliver’d unto us in a body, as the learned 
 Elders digefted them; yet they were applied at feveral times, in 
 the feveral emergencies of affairs, of the two Kingdoms of Judah 
 and Ifrael, and upon feveral occafms ; which being found out, 
 will make us as it were prefent Auditors of thofe Prophets , and 
 in the quality of thofe to whom they were dire&ed. So the Pfalms 
 were written by feveral Men, at feveral times , and thofe of Da¬ 
 vid not all at once . We fhall know the temper of their fpirits, 
 upon what motives , upon what re joy tings, upon what fears, or di¬ 
 fir effes, or accidents they were compofed . Take one Example ; 
 Pfal. 90. 10. The Author of that Pfalm pafjionately complains of 
 the fhortnefs and mifery of Man’s years. The days of our years are 
 threefcore years and ten, &c. But it concerns not all Men and Times • 
 Only Mofes, who feems to have been the Author of that Pfalm, 
 complains upon an occafion peculiar to that Time, and that Peo¬ 
 ple whom he govern’d. It was the Word of the Lord concern* 
 ing that generation, when they provofcd him in the Wildernefs, that 
 none of them fhould enter into his refi , nor fee the good Land, 
 but that all their carcafes fhould fall in the defart, that occafi- 
 on’d this complaint. A Jhange and an unufual thing, that of 
 Six hundred thoufand Souls, Men of able confiitutions, and lying 
 under no Epidemical difeaje, none ( except two perfons, Caleb 
 and JofimaJ fhould out-live threefcore and ten years, or at utmoft 
 but fourfcore , that were twenty years of Age at their coming forth 
 of Egypt. We may take another Example Pfal. 27. 13. I had■ 
 fainted, unlefs 1 had believed, to fee the goodnefs of the Lord in the 
 land of the living. What was that Land of the living that Da¬ 
 vid fpeaks of? When he made this Pfalm , he was forc’d from 
 Jerufalem , where he was wont to live in fociety with Men, and 
 now Ihifted up and down among Grotts , and Caves , and Jolitary 
 Holes, as if his dwelling had been among the Sepulchers pf the 
 dead. The occafion then enlightens thePfalm, if we infert it into 
 that part of David's ffory. The literal, hiftorical fenfe of Scrip¬ 
 ture, we muff fir ft build upon \ elfe in Myfieries and Allegories, we 
 may fooner be fine and witty, than found. Jerom confeffeth his 
 m-fxi youthly vanity z in interpreting Obadiafr s Prophecy. When I 
 
IO 6 A Deftgn to Harmonize the Bible . 
 
 was young ( faith he ) / interpreted the Prophet allegorically, becaufl 
 Xwas ignorant of the Hiftory. I thought then I could read a fealed 
 Bool k No man can write fo ill, but fome wilt like it. Such an one 
 praifed it, but I blufljt, 1 now freely profefs, that was the work of my 
 childiflj VJit, this of my mature Age, . Many undertake Scripture as ' 
 if they could read a fealed Book, and perhaps, many praife.them 
 for lofty and raifed Notions ; but where is their Authority, when 
 they lofe the genuine and literal meaning of the holy Pen-man? 
 Jfidore Pelufiota hath obferv’d, That, whereas the -Manichees 
 thought that no part of the Old Tejtament fpake of Chrift •, fome 
 in his time went to the other extream, thinking all to be fpo- 
 ken of him ; and fo brought a difcredit upon the true Tejlimonies, 
 when wrong ones were wrefted. Weakpefs of proof brings the . 
 greateft prejudice agaiiifbthe Truth,: . 
 
 Divines have given out.fome Obfervations, for the underhand-^ 
 ing how Scripture is fulfilled y .either, i, When the thing is dons 
 or conies to pafs, which was meant by the Prophet in his literal 
 and proper fenfe. Or, 2. When that comes to pafs which was 
 fore-fhadowed by the proper and immediate fubjeft of the Prophet’s 
 fpeech. Or, 3, When the thing that happens, was not literally 
 and properly pointed at, nor fore-fhadowed, but aptly and hand- 
 fomely applied to, and compared with fomewhat like it. Or, 
 4* When that which was fore-told or fore-flmdowed, tho it have 
 been already done in part, or have been begun to be done, is after¬ 
 wards done more fully, or elfe more conftantly ; It being poffible 
 that the fame Scripture may be fulfilled often, yea in the fame 
 literal fenfe. Now an Harmonious hiflorifing of the Pfalms and the 
 Prophets , and the like, will lead us more clearly to knqw the 
 immediate Subjeft of what was fpoken, and give us hints to dif- 
 cern what was higher and further meant; yea, poffibly more than 
 wha.t themfelves underftood in the words that themfelves fpake. 
 For the Scriptures being given for the inflruttm and ufe of all 
 fucceeding Ages, it may be that the Prophets knew not all that 
 they deliver'd, and which the fenfe of their words might be 
 afterwards improved unto. Daniel was a Man full of the Spirit 
 of God, and .much travelled in Revelations , yet he knew not 
 the then approaching time of the Jews Liberty, till that in : 
 the firffc of Darius, he learned more than was immediately in- 
 fpired unto him, by Books that had been written by Prophets be¬ 
 fore him, Dan. 9.2. In the firjl year of Darius’s reign , 1 Daniel un¬ 
 derflood by books the number of the years, whereof the word of the Lord 
 came to Jeremiah the Prophet. No doubt he diligently fatisfied 
 himfelf, unto what Year of Jeremy’s publick Miniftry thofe Pre- 
 dift'ms. Chap. 25.11,12. and Chap. 29* 10. were made. Some 
 Prophets knew more, and fome lefs. They faw for after-times, 
 but often, themfelves faw but what concern'd the prefent timfa, 
 
 places , 
 
A Deftgn to Harmonize the Bible. 107 
 
 places, and affairs. It was fa id to Daniel himfelf, Chap. 12.4.. 
 O Daniel , flout up the words , and feal the booh. * vcn to the time of the 
 end. Thefe Myfteries were to be {hut up till thefe later times , 
 concerning which it follows in the fame Verfe, Many jloall run 
 to and fro , and hnowledg jloall be entreated ^ namely, by reading 
 thy Book, when the time of fulfilling comes. There is a 
 Manufcript that offers a pleafant Interpretation of thefe words ; 
 That the opening of the World by Trade, and Navigation , and the en- 
 creafe of Knowledge flmld meet in one Age. The Lord Verulam em¬ 
 brac’d this fenfe, if himfelf invented the Frontifpiece to his Injlau- 
 ratio metgna , where, in a quiet Sea, a Ship is pictured with full-. 
 Jpread Sails , and under it this fame Sentence out of Daniel , 
 Multi pertranfibunp & augebiiur fcjentia . A little before Luther,* 
 when Columbus found out the Indies , there was alfo a general 
 reviving of all Parts (of, Learning . And furely, as our Age hath 
 much advanc’d above what Antiquity knew, fo the Ages after u's: 
 are likely to know wore, even out of the Scriptures , concerning 
 themfelves , and their times. Had Mofes r Abraham (of whom Chrijl 
 faid. He faro his Dyiy, and rejoycedJ David , Ifaiah , Micah , Mala - 
 chy , &c. lived ^ and had they been Ear-witneffes of Chr'ijY s words, 
 and Spectators of his doings, they would better have under- 
 Hood one anothers words, yea, and their own too. But this is 
 the benefit which the defigned Harmony doth promife, that it 
 will bring them nearer together in fellowfliip with themfelves, 
 nearer unto Chrijl and to his ApoJUes Writings , whereby much 
 that we knew not what to think of, will be eajy to us. 
 
 But I will not undertake a further commendation of the Sene* 
 fit , which I do not yet my felf fo fully underftand, nor can ap-? 
 prebend , as when, according to the Defign , the thing it felf {hall 
 be done. They talk much of the Glajfes of thofe curious and 
 excellent Men, Galileus and Gajfendw , &c. that will reftify ma¬ 
 ny of our Errors about the Planets ; but thorow this Glafs we 
 lhall fee into the Heavens of the Scriptures , and every day enrich 
 our felves with new Difcoveries and Obfervations , 
 
 The Difficulty. 
 
 A S I have commended the Benefit , fo I may not deny of 
 conceal the Difficulty of the work. They that have la¬ 
 bour’d in the leffer Harmony , namely, that of the Four Evangelijls y 
 have found it to be no mean labour , nor could they foon put it 
 out of their hands. The Attempts of many upon it, give Te- 
 ffimony of this difficulty. Jacob. D’ Aufoles a Lapeyre, in 1610* 
 reckon’d up twenty known Authors this way. Renhard Lut^ (o- 
 mitted in Lapeyre’s Catalogue) who compiled his Harmony , 156c. 
 
 confeffeth 
 
jo 8 A Defiga to Harmonize the Bible. 
 
 confeffeth he was often at a hand in it. Calvin, who compiled 
 it, 1555* made his way the eafier, by treading after Enter, but 
 yet fometime was forc’d to part, and 20 another Trail. Indeed 
 Andrew Ofiander was willing to perfuaoe himfelf he had over¬ 
 come the Difficulties of it: He faith. That John Schopper , an Ab¬ 
 bot, had fhew’d him two Compilers of it; one an Anonymw , the 
 Other was Zachayias Chryfopo lit anus ^ but they ftuck where Am¬ 
 monias of Alexandria , and after him St. Auguftin , had, namely, 
 at the cure of Peter's Wife's Mother , whether it were before or af¬ 
 ter the Sermon on the Mount. And there he had ftuck an $ fluid 
 too, but that our Cranmer ( being at his Houfe, as he was on 
 his yray, being Embaffador from King Henry the 8th, to the Em¬ 
 peror ) defir’d him to go on. He did fo, and faith, he faw his 
 fcarecrows remov'd: but fome judg of it, that he had better 
 have ftuckj than plunged over. All that did it, met with cenfure. 
 Yincentm Regius finds fault with Janfenm , others with him. 
 John de la Haye at Doway, and Francis de Roia at Toledo, find de¬ 
 fers in all before them: tho fome have profefied more than 
 ordinary diligence, as particularly Tho- Beaux-amis a Carmelite, 
 profeffeth it was the fubftance of twenty fix years labour. J Tis 
 done at length, indeed to good fatisfattion, but not by one 
 hand, but begun by Chemnitins , continued by Polycarp Lyferus, 
 and again continued by D. Gerhard. It cannot then be ex- 
 petted, that this Work now deftgned, fhould on a fudden be done, 
 or done by one hand, being fo much more large , and abundantly 
 more difficult: For in many things there will b,e need of an 
 Elias , as the Jews are wont to fpeak concerning knots that they 
 Cannot untie 9 As for Example ; 
 
 Hot to fpeak of the two Pfalms which Amadeus faith, it was 
 reveal'd to him that they were compofed by Adam , which are in 
 the King of Spain's Library of Manufcripts in the Efcurial: It 
 may notwithftanding, perhaps defervedly be put to the Que¬ 
 zon, Whether the 92c! Pfalm be to be inferted into Adam's 
 Hiftory, feeing many of the Jews thought it was his ; and in 
 the Chaldee it hath this Title, The Praife and Song which the fir ft 
 Man fpake for the Sabbath-day a 
 
 Then, as for the 90th Pfalm , I haye fpoken to it, as compo¬ 
 fed by Mofes ; and fo the Chaldee Title fpeaks. The Prayer which 
 l&ofes the Prophet of the Lord prayedwhen the people of the houfe of 
 Ifrael finned in the defart . But if we fhould follow Jerom's Rule., 
 That all the Pfalms which are without Title , are to be afcribed 
 to the fame Author that is mention'd in the next fore-going *, then 
 the 91ft Pfalm , and nine more that follow, fhould be inferted into. 
 Mofes' s Hiftory. But that Rule will juftly deferve to come 
 snder Queftioiu 
 
 
A Deftgn to Harmonize the Bible. 
 
 Then, Whereas the Vatican Septuagint do infert the Pro¬ 
 verbs of Agnr and Lemuel , Prov. 30. and 31. between Chap. 24. 
 and 25. it will require an Examination, 1. Whether Agnr 
 were fome wife and godly Man in Solomon's time, or before ; 
 or rather, whether he were not Solomon himfelf, call’d Agnr 5 
 The Collett or, the Son of Ja\eh, that is, David ; The Vomiter , 
 becaufe as it was faid of the later Poets,\ that they licked up 
 Jfiomer's vomit, fo Solomon gather’d up what David had let fall 
 in many occafional Sentences; or elfe. The Son of Vomit, an He¬ 
 braism (i.J fo full, that he could not hold, but muft needs vent 
 and utter what he had to fay: according to that, Pfal. 45. 1. 
 My heart is enditing, or boileth and bubleth up a good matter: Or 
 Agnr ( i.) Solomon the Satyr, fo the Phrafe is alfo us’d among 
 the Latins, Evomere aliquid in aliqnem. The Character of a 
 great part of that 30th Chapter being Satyrical, may rather 
 Srengthen that Conjecture. But it is left to the Queftion, 
 2. Whether Lemuel, Chap. 31. be Solomon, who, they faid* had 
 eight Names, or elfe King Hezelftah, as it might feem, becaufe 
 the Proverbs of this Chapter are brought in after, and in order 
 to thofe which his fervants copied out, as is noted chap. 25. 1. 
 But thefe, and an hundred more Queries, will require Solu¬ 
 tion to the framing of fuch a work. 
 
 The ProfeJJor of any Faculty, befides Divinity, may without 
 much Skill in any Profeffion but his own, truly underftand the 
 genuine Rules or Precepts of it; all his Learning elfe, is but Orna¬ 
 ment to him: Asa Phyfitian needs not Hiftory, Mathematickj, &c. 
 as neceffarily to inable him to his Faculty. But the very literal 
 fenfe of much in Scripture ( which is the Divines Canon f cannot 
 be rightly underftood, without variety of Reading and Learn¬ 
 ing in other Faculties and Sciences. And to the collating of Scrip¬ 
 tures, and reducing parcels to the Order of Hiftory, there will 
 need both much fagacity and induftry, and a competent know- 
 ledg in the Kites and Cufloms civil of all the neighbour Nati¬ 
 ons : together with humane Hiftories, of thofe and the fucceed- 
 ing Times; as likewife an acquaintance with the fewifb 
 Laws; and.haply the Time of fome of the Prophets will be 
 known only by the Charatterifms of Language, peculiar to fuch 
 and fuch different Ages. 
 
 The 
 
11 b A Deftgn to Harmonize the Bike'. 
 
 The Helps. 
 
 T il E Helps towards this Work* mull be from fuch as have 
 diligently written the Ecclefiaftical Chronology , fuch as are 
 Vers’d in Rabbinical and Talmudic\ Learning. Among others, 
 Plantavitiw his Florilegium Rabbinicum , efpecially the third Tome , 
 where we have the Bibliotheca. Rabbinica. Such as have ftudied 
 the Jewifh Laws and Rites ; V Empertur, fo far as he hath gone 
 t>e legibm hebr&orum Forenfibm 3 Corn. Bertram de Politeia Judaica $ 
 Car.Sigonius de Republica Hebr&orum\ M. Selden in many of his 
 learned Books, will be of much ufe. And haply fuch as have 
 confined themfelves to particular Arguments, tending to the 
 clearing of fome Scripture-Antiquities , may be of fervice. Peter 
 Faber his Agoniflicon about Sports and Olympic ^ Games. Nicolaus 
 Caujjin of Hieroglyphic\s and /Enigmas. Briffonius and Roa for 
 the Cuftoms of Marriage, &c. Janus Cornarus , of Things be¬ 
 longing to Vines, according to the Scripture. George Longus of 
 Milan , concerning fignatory Rings. Such as have writ of Stones 
 and Minerals , of Weights and Measures , of Treaties and Covenants , 
 of the Jewiflj Kalendar , and of the Jubilees , and many fuch 
 other Arguments according to the Scripture. Theodoret , Me- 
 lanthon , and Moller have done fomewhat by way of conjecture, a- 
 bout the occafion of divers of the Pfalms. Petrus Aureolus in his 
 Compendium Bibliorum , Georg. Ederus , Counfellor to the Emperors 
 Ferdinand the fir ft, and Maximilian the fecond, in his Oeconomia 
 Bibliorum , T he Taurine Divines in the Preface to their Verfion : 
 Solomon Glajfius in his Trail de methodo S. Scr. And Eufcbius Nie - 
 rembergius , de Origine S. Scrip, efpecially in his 9th and 10th 
 Books ; and divers Authors of that kind, have fomewhat con¬ 
 cerning the Pen-men of holy Writ, and their times. But where¬ 
 as no Man hath yet thought of the main defign , much lefs at¬ 
 tempted any thing in direct tendency to it, it mull be expected, 
 that the way will be rough and uneven , full of bracks and thickets , 
 and in which the Undertakers mull be pardon’d, if haply they 
 may fometimes lofe their way. 
 
 The Recommendation. 
 
 B U T fome Helps there are, and if the St Be may pleafe to 
 look upon it with favour and encouragement , fomewhat may 
 be done to the great Service of the Churches of Chrift, not 
 only for the Eafe of the Miniftry, which Ofiander faith was the 
 Reafon why he fet upoa the Harmony of the Evangelifts , but for 
 
 the 
 
A Defign to Harmonize the Bible. i j i 
 
 the abundant encreafe of faving Knowledg of all Chrifiians , who 
 will find the benefit of.it being done, which, I doubt, I am not 
 fo happy in my exprejfms , as to make it plain enough in the De- 
 fign. And the very labour and fearch will yield comfort all a- 
 long, to fuch as may be employ’d in it, as George Wyrth profef- 
 feth ; that in his Old Age , when he had ferv’d as a Phyfitian in 
 Brujfels , and in Ring Philip the Second’s Court many years, he 
 apply’d himfelf to the difficult collating of the Evangelijls ( be¬ 
 ing then turn’d Proteftant) for his laft Refreffiments. Let 
 the State only pleafe to make it their care , after the example of 
 fome Kings and Repub licks that have done fuch like Works of 
 general ufe for the Advance of Learning and Divine Know¬ 
 ledg, and they will find fome Men very learned of their own 
 Order; befides, many in the Profeflion of Divinity, and others 
 of private Quality, that will contribute much Affiftance to it. 
 
 Perhaps it may be thought a daring and bold Defign: I 
 humbly fubmit it to the Judgment of Men learned. , and godly 
 mfe, who will pardon an Error (if it beany) of earneft affetlion 
 to the advance of holy Scripture-knowledg : which is the <*reateft 
 Treafury of heavenly Wijdom and Science , that the whole Earth 
 hath in keeping ; and of which we cannot put too high a value. 
 iLet me, by way of Conclufion , add fom<^ jull CharaZlers of the 
 whole Bible , and the particular Books * fome of which I have 
 gather’d from the Antients , and others, but many of then* 
 holding out their own Evidence. 
 
 The whole Bible. The Soul's food : fo Athanafius . 
 The common Shop of Soul-pbyfick • fo Bafil. 
 
 The invariable Rule of Truth : fo Irmus. 
 
 The Divine's Balance : fo AugujUn . 
 
 i. In refpetf of the dilating of it: It is. 
 The Library of the Holy Ghoft . 
 
 ChriJVs Aphorifms. 
 
 The Alls and Statutes of the higheft Parliament* 
 God's Mint-houfe. 
 
 The Signet of God's right-hand . 
 
 The Epiflle of God to the World. 
 
 The Court-roll of God y s Fines and Amercements* 
 
 2 . In refpeft of its Worth \ It is* 
 A ftately Palace. 
 
 A fruitful Field. 
 
 The true Hefperides . 
 
 The inejlimable Pearl, 
 
tti 
 
 A Defign to Harmonize the Biblei 
 
 3. In refpeft of its Ufe ; It is* 
 
 The Touch-Jione of Error. 
 
 The Key of the Sheep-fold* 
 
 The Glafs of Life . 
 
 The Weather-glafs . 
 
 The Chriftians Magazine. 
 
 The Armory. 
 
 Genefis. The Cabinet of greateft Antiquities^ 
 
 Exodus. The facred Rule of Law and Juftice® 
 Leviticus. The holy Ephemerides. 
 
 Numbers. God’s Arithmetick. 
 
 Deuteronomy. The faithful Monitor. 
 
 Jofhuah. The holy Wat. 
 
 Judges. The Mirror of Magiftrates and Tyrants® 
 Ruth. The Pifture of a pious Widow* 
 
 “ A } SacredPoliticks - 
 
 Chronicles. The holy Annals. 
 
 Nchemiah ^ An Idea Church arid State Reformation^ 
 
 Hefter. The great Example of God’s Providence® 
 Job. The School of Patience. 
 
 The Soul’s Soliloquies. 
 
 \ The little Bible. 
 
 Pfalms. The Anatomy of Confcience. 
 iThe Rofe-garden. 
 
 ^The Pearl-Ifland. 
 
 Proverbs. Divine Ethicks, Politicks., OecOnomicks® 
 Ecclefiafies. Experience of the Creature’s Vanity,' 
 Canticles. The myftical Bride-Song. 
 
 Jfaiah. The Evangelical Prophet. 
 
 Jeremiah. The Pathetical Mourner* 
 
 Lamentations . The Voice of the Turtle. 
 
 Ezekiel. Urim and Thummim in Babylon . 
 
 Daniel. The Apocalypfe of the Old Teftamentc 
 Hofea. Sermons of Faith and Repentance. 
 
 JozL The Thunderer. 
 
 Amos. The Plain-dealing Reprover. 
 
 Obadiah * Edom's Whip. 
 
 Jonah . The Prophetical Apoftle, of the Gentiles® 
 Mjcah. The Wife-men’s Star. 
 
 Nahum. The Scourge of Affur. 
 
 Habakffk* The Comforter of Captives. 
 
 Zephaniah . Preparation for fad Times® 
 
 Haggat\ 
 
A Defign to Harmonize the Bible . 113 
 
 Haggai. Zeal for God’s Houfe. 
 
 Zachariah. Prophetick Hieroglyphicks. 
 
 Malachy . The Bound-Hone of the two Teftaments. 
 Matthew. ^ 
 
 Mark. / The four Trumpeters proclaiming the 
 LuJ^e. c Title of the great King. 
 
 John. J 
 
 Ath. The Treafury of Ecclefiaftical Story. 
 
 Romans. The Principles of Chriftian Faith. The 
 Catholick Catechifm. 
 
 1 Corinthians. Apoftolical Reformation. 
 
 2 Corinthians. A Pattern of juft Apologies. 
 
 Galatians. The Epiftle to the Romans Epitomiz’d. 
 Ephefians. The opening of the great Myftery of Sal* 
 
 vation. 
 
 Philippians . An Apoftolical Paraenefis. 
 
 Gotofians. A brief Rule of Faith and Manners* 
 
 1 TheJJalonians. Pra&ick Theology. 
 
 2 Theffalonians. Polemick Theology. 
 
 1 Timothy . The facred Paftoral. 
 
 2 Timothy. The Title of the Scripture pleaded. 
 
 Titus. Agenda , or Church-Orders. 
 
 Philemon. The Rule of Relations. 
 
 Hebrews. A Commentary upon Leviticus. 
 
 James. The golden Alphabet of a Chriftian.’ 
 
 1 Peter. A Theological Summary. 
 
 2 Peter. The Encouragement of a Spiritual Warrior. 
 
 1 John. The Glafs of Love, or Charity. 
 
 2 John . The Pattern of a pious Matron. 
 
 3 John. The Mirror of Hofpitality. 
 
 Jude. A Pi&ure of falfe Prophets. 
 
 Revelation. Daniel Redivivm. The opening of the 
 Treafury of future Events. 
 
 1 
 
 p&enfc 
 
( H4 ) 
 
 ^entjc iv. 
 
 CHKISTs Birth Mifs-tim'd ; 
 
 OR 
 
 A Refolution of the Right Honour¬ 
 able the Lord CarewY Quejlion, touch¬ 
 ing the true time of the Conception and 
 'Birth both of John Baptijl, and alfo of 
 our SaYiour. Proving that Jefus (fbrifl 
 was not born in December. By R. S. 
 
 S e c T. I. The Preface. 
 
 Right Honourable r 
 
 S Eeing we all agree in the Subftance, and differ 
 only three Months in the Circumftance of Time, 
 (premifing that of TuU/s Loquendum ut vulgus , 
 fentiendum tamen ut fapkntes ) for that I am careful 
 chat the ieaft Schifm fliould be made in Chrift’s Tunica> 
 which is feamlefs and Vnica : I have fent your Ho¬ 
 nour this Refolution, not out of Beroaldus^ Bucholceri 
 and Broughton , but out of the facred Scriptures , which 
 we are commanded to ftarcbj efpecially in difficult 
 Points, 
 
 SfigTjJ 
 
Chrift*s Birth Mifs-tinfd, 11 j 
 
 Sect. II. 
 
 The true Time of Chrift's Nativity Evidenced. 
 
 T H E Conception of John Baptijl was in tho Month of June % 
 as the Hebrews reckon their Months; therefore Chrift’s 
 Conception mu ft needs be in the fixth Month following Jme t 
 which is December, where we ignorantly make his Birth, 
 i. The Confequentof the Major is proved, for that John 
 Baptijl was fix Months elder than Chrift, as appears Lufe i. 
 
 And behold thy coufin Elizabeth, fie hath alfo conceived a Son 
 in her old Age, and this is her fixth Month, which was called barren. 
 Now compare the §5, v, with the precedent 2 6 . v. and it 
 will appear that this lixth Month of John's Age in his Mo¬ 
 ther’s Womb, was the fame fixth Month in which the Angel 
 Gabriel was fent to the Virgin Mary , and in which Ihe conceived 
 Chrift, as the words (hew, v. 2And in the fixth Month , (viz, 
 in which John wa$ fix Months old) the Angel Gabriel was Pent 
 from God to a City of Galilee named Nazareth to the Virgin Mary, 
 fac. And i'. 51. hh MetYage is declar’d to be this; For lo thou 
 flhilt conceive in thy Womb , and bear a Son, (ind foalt call his name 
 JejUs, The Virgin then conceived Jefus in the fame fixth 
 Month of John's Age, John was then fix Months old at Chrift’s 
 Conception : Therefore Chrift was confequentlv conceived 
 in December after, and not Born then, as the Calculation is 
 (groundlelly) made, 
 
 2. Now that John's Conception was in June (and not his 
 Birth, as we make it) is proved by the Courfe of Abia, being 
 the eighth Courfe of the twenty four Courfes of the Priefts, 
 as is proved, 1 Chro . 24. 10, Thefeventh Lot fell to Hakkoz, the 
 eighth to Abia. Now Zacbarias the Father of John Baptijl 
 was of this eighth Courfe or Lot of Abia , Luke 1.^. Jn the 
 time of Herod King of Judea, there was a certain Prieft named Za- 
 chanas of the Courfe of Abia, and his Wife was of the Daughters 
 of Aaron, and her name was Elizabeth, and they had no Child, 
 v. 6 . and v, 13. The Angel Gabriel, v. 19. told him; Thy Wife 
 Elizabeth (ball bear thee a Son, and thou jhalt call his name John, 
 And v. 23. And when the Days of his Office was fulfilled, he de-= 
 farted to his own Houfe. And v, 24. And after thofe days , his Wife 
 Elizabeth conceived, after the end of his eighth Courfe, in the 
 beginning of July , after our Accompt ; for their June con* 
 tains part of our July, And fie hid her (elf five Months , faying. 
 And v. 25, in the fixth Month after Elizabeth' s Conception, 
 the Angel was fent to Mary to tell her of her Conception 
 
 l 2 Chrift* 
 
n 6 Cdrift's Birth Mifs-timd. 
 
 Chrift. Now for as much as the Jews did begin to reckon their 
 Years from the Month of Nifan or A bib, part of our March and 
 April, which wa$ the firft of the Months of the facred Year 
 fmce their going out of Egypt, as appears, Exed. 12. 2. This 
 Month flail b'e unto you the beginning of Months, it flail be unto you. 
 the firfl Month of the Tear . Now Chap. 1 3. 4. Mojes tells you 
 what Month he means (by this Month) This day came ye out 
 in the Month of Abib ; the Month Corn began to Ear, con¬ 
 taining part of our March, and part of our April. Now begin 
 thou thy reckoning from Abib or March , giving and allowing 
 to every Lot or Courfe of the twenty four Courfes of the 
 Priefts one Fortnight, (for there were twenty four Courfes of 
 Priefts, and but twelve Months, therefore every Prieft muft 
 needs ferve a Fortnight for his Courfe, for twenty four Fort¬ 
 nights make twelve Months;) and fo the eighth Fortnight 
 or Courfe (hall fall to Abia, of which Zachary was, which was 
 in June, after the Hebrews, accompt. 
 
 For two Courfes in March, and two Courfes more in April 
 following, make four Courfes, two more in May make fix, 
 and two more in June make eight. The eighth Abia's Courfe, 
 of which Zachanas was. I conclude then John's Conception 
 to be in June, where we make his Birth, which in truth was 
 in March following. And fo confequently Chrift’s Conception 
 was in December, lix Months after. John's Conception, in which 
 December we make Chrift’s Birth ; which Birth of Chrift was 
 in truth in September following, in the Feaji of Tabernacles, be¬ 
 ginning at the fifteenth of September, and lafting eight Days, 
 till the end of the twenty fecond Day ; in which Feaft time 
 of eight Days, Chrift pitched in the Tabernacle of his Flefl amongfl 
 us, as appears, John 1. 14. And the word was made Flefl , 
 [f. IfMvcotnv Iv nfltv] and pitched his Tabernacleamongft us : He be¬ 
 came a Sc smite. Thus behold the fweet Harmony between the. 
 Type and the thing typified, for Chrift came not to break the 
 Law, but to fulfil it. 
 
 And thus defiring your Honoui* to vindicate my Credit 
 from the unjuft imputation that fome, peradventure feeing 
 this, may lay upon me as a Broacher of Novelties, in that I en¬ 
 deavour to wade further in the Originals, and paralleling of 
 Scriptures than the Vulgar do, having written this to fatisfy 
 your Honour^ re^ueft only, I reft now and ever. 
 
 Tour Honour''s obliged in all 
 
 Duty and Service , 
 
”7 
 
 Chrift's Birth Mifs-tim'd. 
 
 Sect. III. 
 
 Of the occafion of this Err or } the invalidity whereof 
 is manifefied . 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 S Aint Chryfoftom, miftaking the Story of Zachary, John's Fa¬ 
 ther, was the oecafion of this Error in Circumftance of 
 Time. For he fuppofed that Zachary miniftred in the Prieft’s 
 Office in the feventh Month, which is September, and four¬ 
 teenth Courfe of the Priefts, and notin the fourth Month 
 June, and eighth Courfe, which is the Truth ; thus we fol¬ 
 lowing his Calculation, Chrift’s Conception was in March , 
 and his Birth in December , as we commonly reckon. Now 
 that which deceived the golden-mouth’d Father, (tho all is 
 not Gold that glifters) was this: Chryfoftom fuppofed, (as 
 Arias Montana* the Popilh Spaniard doth, that Zachary was the 
 High Prieft, and therefore the Courfe of his Minilfry muft 
 needs be on the tenth of September the feventh Month, be- 
 caufe on that Day only, called (lom HaccippurimJ 
 the Day of Expiation of Sins and Reconciliation, HL-s-,- 
 the High-Prieft muft go into the Debyr, the Ora- ^ ’ 
 
 cle, or Santiam Santiorum , once a Year only. Now I will 
 ffiew you Chryfoftom 3 s ground for thefe two things that moved 
 him to think, i. That Zachary was High Prieft. And 2. 
 -That therefore confequently he muft on the tenth of September 
 go into the S anti am Santfornm. 
 
 Drufm on Luke 1. 5. faith thus. In Hiftoria Hebraica Johan¬ 
 nes Baptiftes vocatur (Cohen Gadol,) hoc eft mag- . , _ 
 
 nus facer do s : qua vox aque figniftcat Pontijtcem maxi- 
 mum & Principem facer dot am. Therefore it’s probable that 
 Zachary was Princeps Sacerdotam, which he might be, and yet 
 not Sacerdos maximus. For tho thefe two words Sacerdos maxi- 
 mas, and Princeps Sacerdotam be often promifcuoully ufed one 
 for the other, yet the diftiniftion is plain in Scripture that 
 Princeps Sacerdotam CTJnOrf (Sar Haccohanim ,) was the 
 I chief Prieft only of everyone of the twenty four Claffes or 
 Courfes of Priefts ; and fo it’s likely that Zachary was the 
 Prince of the Priefts, of his eighth Courfe of Abia. But 
 j Sacerdos maximus, or Pontifex, is he that is Head of all the 
 i twenty four Claffes and Orders of Priefts, which Zachary was 
 not; for thefe reafons. 
 
 I 3 
 
 Firft, 
 
jiS Chrift's Birth Mifs* tim'd. 
 
 Firft, Becaufe he is called, Luke i. 5. hfzvf rit, a certain 
 Prieft, therefore not Pentifex maximus^ for had it been cer¬ 
 tain that Zachary had been High Prieft, Luke wou’d have fo 
 friled hinT, and not have fpoken uncertainly of a certain and 
 known Dignity in the Pronoun indefinite, [r U qutdam ] which 
 indefinite Pronoun [rftj he prefently defines, faying, Of 
 the courfe of Abia. bo v. 8. it’s faid of Zachary, that while 
 he executed the. Priejl's Office before God, And St. Luke doth not 
 Pile him with the High-Priejl's Office \ which Title of Dignity 
 to omit, had been an indignity offered by St. Luke to %a» 
 chary. 
 
 Secondly , for that it is faid, v. 8. that his Lot was to burn In- 
 cefife when he went into the Temple of the Lord . And v. 11. that 
 there Appeared an Angel to Zachary, Jlanding on the right fide of the 
 Altar of Incenfe , For thefe two reafon^ Chryfoftom and Arias 
 think Zachary to be an High Prieft, whereas all Jews know, 
 that the Candlejlick, Table , and Altar of Incenfe were* without 
 the S anil uni San thrum, (not within, as they fuppofe) and there¬ 
 fore being placed without, they were daily gone unto by Za¬ 
 chary, and other Sacrificers in their Courles. And thus much 
 pf Chryfoftom’s and Arias Mont anus's. Grounds, no folider than 
 an Iriflj Quagmire to truft to. 
 
 Thirdly, Mr. Broughton faith, that there was an Old Record in 
 Greek found at Rome f as the Romanifts fay, but it is not now ex¬ 
 tant to be (hewedJ that mentmeth Zachary to have minjjired in the 
 jeventh Month. And thus all Error cometh from Rowe,-that 
 bitter Star, Wormwood, call into the Fountains of the Scriptures 
 and Univeriities, to corrupt and bitter them, not to better 
 them, as Mofes Tree did the Waters of bitter Marah . Now i 
 will add, after Confutation pi the Error, a probable Confir* 
 ination of the Truth. 
 
 The Rabbins in Midraff) Rabba conclude, that the Meflias mufi 
 be born in the Month ALthanim or Tifri*, that is, in September, the 
 Month of Strengths , full of Fendsto teach of the Mefiias. And fo 
 agreeably we find in Mofes , that the Three chief Anniverfary- 
 f (fails do foretel and typify out ChrilPs times, 
 
 }. Their Paffover, and our Eafter, prefiguring his Death, falls 
 out fitly in the firft Month for redemption from Egypt* and of 
 pur redemption by Cnrift. 
 
 •2. Their Feaf} of Weekly or Harveft, fifty Days after the Paff- 
 pver, or joy of the Law, when the Eire of the Law was given 
 Jfrael : jumps' with our Pentecoft, pr Whitfontide , when the fiery 
 Iaw of the Spirit waj given by Jeffis j-n cloven'Tongues, 
 
Qhrift's Birth Mifs*tim'd. i r 9 
 
 3. The Feafi of dwelling in Tabernacles ©n- the 15 th of Septembers 
 for eight Days, is (tiitable to odr Lord’s pitching lFi the Taber”’ 
 nacle'of his Flefh amongll us, or his Nativity in September, the 
 firft Month after the Creation. 'The Tea It of joyful Medita¬ 
 tion of God’s dwelling in the Cloud among!! Jjrael, is a Me¬ 
 morial of Chrift"dwelling fit tl?er fifth with us, John 1. 14. 
 And the Word was made flcjb, and he pitched his Tabernacle amongji hs . 
 So in 1 Kings 8.-3,- this is plainly typified. Solomon brings- tjie- 
 Ar\ and Tabernacle into the Temple, in the feventh Month, 
 call’d AEtkanim or September % Month of Strength anl Fruits; 
 and the C#mif£/m/TprcadtheIr Wings over the Ark. This Ar\ 
 and Thbernacle was the Type of the ArJ^and Tabernacle of Chr iff s 
 Body: The bringing in of this Tabernacle into the Temple, 
 the coming of Chrift into the World , in the Temple of Zorobabel, 
 under which' he v r as boim, preached, and w r rought Miracles. 
 And the Cherubinis are the Angels, fpreading their Wings of 
 Protection over him, proclaiming him, fmging at his Tirth. 
 And this was in the Month /TLthanim or September (the Month 
 of Strengths, or Fruits and Feafts) wherein Clirilt was born^ 
 bringing Strength, and Fruits of Right eon fnefs, into the 
 World. 
 
 And thus having fhew’d your Honour the fweet Hanxtony 
 between the Type and the thing typified ; The FeaJ } of Tabernacles 
 in September , and Chrift in the fame time pitching iii this'TT- 
 bernacle of his Flcjh y among!! us; The Content between: the 
 Hifiory and the Myfcry : I conclude with that of the Apoftle, 
 Great ts\the Myfiery of Godlinefs , God manifefi in the Flefih. For 
 tjre true Calculation of the Months, confult with Alufijiei 
 Calendar mm Hebraicum, 
 
( 120 ) 
 
 ifyttujc v. 
 
 - ——----- ■ * 
 
 The Reformation of the Church in 
 Ireland, during the Reigns of 
 King Henry VIII. Edward VI, 
 and Queen Mary. 
 
 Wherein are fe deral material Tafffagcs (omitted hy 
 other Hiftorians) concerning the Manner how that 
 Kjngdom was frjl converted to the Protefiant Re¬ 
 ligion ; and how by the fpecid Providence of God f 
 Dr. Cole, a bloody Agent of Jl^Mary, was pre¬ 
 vented in his Defigns againft the Protejlants there. 
 
 Set forth in the Lfe and Death of George 
 Brown tffometime Archbifhop of Dublin ,who was 
 the fir ft of the Romiftj Clergy in Ireland that 
 threw off the Popes Supremacy, and forfook the 
 Idolati out Wofhip of Rome; with a Sermon 
 of his , on that Subject. 
 
 G stEORGE BROWNE, by Birth an Engliflman , of the 
 Order of St, Auguftin in London , and Provincial of the 
 S’ Fryars of the fame Order in England r , being a Man 
 * of a meek and peaceable Spirit, was prefer’d to the 
 Archiepifcopal See of Dublin by King Henry the Eighth, and 
 confecrated before his Arrival into Ireland , by Thomas Archbi- 
 fhop of Canterbury , two other Bilhops affifting him, viz. John 
 then Bilhop of Rochejler , and’ Nicholas then Bdhop of Salisbury, 
 on the 19th of March, Amo 1535. 
 
 The 
 
The Reformation of theCbttrch^&c. \ 2 i 
 
 The Reverend James Vfloer, late Primate of Armagh , amongft 
 his Memorials of Ireland , gives this holy Father this Defcripti- 
 on. George Browne was a Man of a cheerful Countenance, in 
 his Ads and Deeds plain down-right, to the Poor merciful and 
 compiffionate, pitying the ftate and condition of the Souls, of 
 the People, advilihg them, when he was Provincial of the Au- 
 gufiin Order in England , to make their Applications folely to 
 Chrift; which Advice coming to the Ears of, Henry the Eighth, 
 he became a Favourite, and upon the deceafe of John Allen, 
 late Archbilhop of Dublin , became his Succeflor. Within five 
 years after that he had enjoy’d that See, he ( much about the 
 time that King Henry the Eighth began to demolifh the Prio¬ 
 ries, Abbeys and Monafteries, formerly built by the Romifh 
 Clergy, within thefe His Majefties Dominions of England and 
 IrelandJ caus’d all Superftitious Reliques and Images to be re¬ 
 mov’d out of the two Cathedrals in Dublin, and out of the reft 
 of the Churches within his Diocefs ; he caufed the Ten Com* 
 mandments, the Lord’s Prayer, and the Creed, to be placed, 
 being gilded and in Frames, about the Altar in the Cathedral 
 of C hrtj} -Church in Dublin : he was the firft that turn’d from the 
 Romilh Religion of the Clergy here in Ireland , to embrace the 
 Reformation of the Church of England j for which Faff he 
 was by Queen Mary laid afide, and his Temporality taken from 
 him, yet he patiently endured AfRi&ion for the Truth to the 
 end. 
 
 Upon the Reformation of King Henry the Eighth in England, 
 and at his Renouncing the Papal Power or Supremacy of Rome , 
 the Lord Thomas Cromwell , then Lord Privy Seal, wrote unto 
 George Browne , then Archbilhop of Dublin , fignifying from his 
 Highnefs (then terming the King by that Title) that he was 
 fallen abfolutely from Rome in Spiritual Matters within his 
 Dominion^of England, and how it was his Royal Will and Plea- 
 fure to have his Subjeds there in Ireland to obey his Com¬ 
 mands, as in England ; nominating the faid George Browne Arch- 
 bifhop, one of his Commiflioners for the Execution thereof, 
 who, in a fhort fpace of time, wrote to the Lord Privy Seal, 
 as follows: 
 
 My moft Honoured Lord, 
 
 Y Our humble Servant receiving your Mandate r as one of His High* 
 nefs’s Commiffioners , hath endeavour'd, almojl to the danger and 
 hazard of this Temporal Life , to procure the 
 Nobility and Gentry of this Nation to dueObe - * George Cromer then 
 dience, in owning of his Highnefs their Jupream Archbilhop of Ar- 
 Head , as well Spiritual as Temporal 5 and do find magh . 
 much oppugning therein , efpeciaUy by my * Brother 
 
 Armagh, 
 
122 The Reformation of 
 
 Armagh, frh bath been the main oppugner, and fo bath withdrawn. 
 Prof of hit Suffragans and Clergy within his See and Jurifdtlfm he 
 mack a Speech to them , laying a Curfe on the People whofoevef ftoould 
 earn his Highnefs Supremacy * faying, that Jfle, as it is in their Iriffr 
 Chronicles? Infula facra ? belongs to none but to the Bifhop of Rome, 
 and that it was the Bifhop 0/Rom eh Predecejfors gave it to the King’s 
 Anceftory. There be two Mejfingers by the Priefls of Armagh, and 
 by that Archbijhop , now lately fent to the Biffjop of Rome. Tour Lord - 
 jbrp may inform his Highncfs that it is convenient to cad a Parliament 
 rir this Nation , to pap's the Supremacy by Afl for they do not much 
 matter his Highnefs’s Commiffion which your Lordfhip fent ns over. This 
 1 ft and hath been for a long time held in Ignorance by the Romilll Or¬ 
 ders ; and as for their Secular Orders , they be in a manner as ignorant 
 m the People, being not able to fay Mafs, or pronounce the Words, .they 
 not Rowing what they themfelves fay in the Roman Tongue : The 
 Common People of this Ife are more jealous in their Blindnefs, than the 
 Saints and Martyrs were in Truth at the beginning of the Oofpel. I 
 fend to you, my very good Lord, thefe things , that your Lord ft ip and his 
 Highncfs may confult what is to be done. It is fear’d O Neal will be 
 order'd by the Biftjop of Rome to oppoje your Lord ftp's Order from the 
 King's Highncfs for the Natives are much in Numbers within his 
 Powers . I do pray the Lord Chrijl to defend your Lord flap from your 
 Enemies « 
 
 Dublin 4. Kalend. Decemb. 153 5. 
 
 The Year following a Parliament was call’d in Ireland , the 
 Lord Leonard Grey being then King Henry's Vice-Roy of that 
 • Nation, in which George Browne, then being not miny Months 
 .above a Year in his Archiepifcopal Chair in Dublin, Hood up 
 and made this fhort Speech following: 
 
 My Lords and Gentry of this His Ma jetties 
 Realm of Ireland. 
 
 B Ehold , your Obedience to your King, is the Obferving of your God 
 and Saviour Chrifl ; for He, that High Prieft of our Souls , paid 
 Tribute to Caefar ftho no Chriftian) Greater Honour thenfurely ts due 
 to your Prince His Highncfs the King, and a Chriftian one . Rome and 
 her Biftoops, in the Father's days , acknowledged Emperors, Kings and 
 Princes, to be Supreme over their Dominions, nay Chrift’s own Vicars \ 
 and it is as much to the Bifhop of Romeh' frame, to deny whap their 
 precedent Bifhops owned-, therefore his Highnefs claims but what be 
 can juftify the Bifhop Elntheriiis gave to St. Lucius the fir ft Chriftian 
 of the %itains; fo that I full without fir up le Vote his Highnefs 
 
the £hurch in Ireland. 
 
 *2? 
 
 King Henry my Supreme over Ecclefiaftick Matters at well at Tempo* 
 mly and Head thereof, even of both Ifies, England and Ireland, and 
 that without Guilt op Conference, or Sin to God *, and he who will not 
 pafs this Alt, as I do, is no true Subjell to His Highnefs. 
 
 This Speech of George Browne ftartled the other Biffiopsand 
 Lords fo, that at laff, through great difficulty, it palled; upon 
 which Speech Juftice Brabazon feconded him, as appears by his 
 Letter to the Lord Thomas Cromwell, then Lord Privy Seal of 
 England ; which Original is in that famous Library of Sir Robert 
 Cotton, out of which Sir James Ware , that learned Antiquary, 
 tranferib’d the fame. 
 
 Within few years after that the Aft of Supremacy had pafs'd 
 in Ireland, we do find a Letter written by George Browne to the 
 Lord Cromwell , complaining of the Clergy how they fell off 
 from what had pafs’d, and how the Bifhop of Rome had con¬ 
 triv’d Matters againft the then Reformation: Collefted by 
 Sir James Ware , out of an old Regiftry, fome time in the Cu- 
 liody of Adam Loftus, Hugh Corwin's Succeffor, and alfo Arch- 
 bifhop of Dublin* 
 
 Right Honourable and my Angular good Lord, 
 
 I Acknowledg my bounden Duty to your Lordfidp's Good Will to me, 
 next to my Saviour Chriji's, for the Place I now pojfefs ; I pray 
 God give me his Grace to execute the fame to his Glory and his Higfs* 
 nefs's Honour, with your JLordfhip's InfiruUions . The People of this 
 
 Nation be jealous, yet blind and unknowing ; moft of the Clergy, as 
 your Lordfldp hath had from me before, being ignorant, and not able to 
 Jpeaf right Words in the Mafs or Liturgy, as being not sill'd in the 
 Latin Grammar ; fo that a Bird may be taught to /peak with as much 
 fenfe as feveral of them do in this Country. Thefc forts, tho not Sc ho* 
 lars, yet are crafty to co^en the poor Common People , aad to diffuade 
 them from following his Highnefs's Orders: George, my Brother of 
 Armagh, doth underhand occajjon Quarrels , and is not a [live to exe* 
 cute his Highnefs's Orders in his Diocefs . 
 
 I have objerv'd your Lordfidp's Letter of fommiffion, and do find 
 feveral of my Pupils leave me for fo doing . I will not put others in 
 their Livings till I do know your Lordfidp's Pleafure ; for it is meet / 
 acquaint you firfi, the Romiffi Rdiques and Images of both my Cathe* 
 dial/ in Dublin, of the Holy Trinity and of St. Patrick'*, tool * 
 iff the Common People from the true Worjhip ; but the Prior and the 
 Dean find them fo fweet for their Gain, that they heed not my Words ; 
 Therefore fend in your Lord fid p's, next to me, an Order more full, and a 
 Chide to them and their Canons, that they might be remov'd. Let the 
 Order be, that the Chief Governors may ajjijl me in it. The Prior and 
 
 Dean 
 
124 The Reformation of 
 
 Dean have written to Rome, to be encourag'dand if it be not kin¬ 
 dred before they hai/e a Mandate from t he Biflop of Rome, the People 
 will be bold , and then tug long before his Highnefs can fubmit them to 
 his Grace's Orders, The Country Folf here much hate your Lordfloip * 
 and defpitefully call you, in their Irifh Tongue , the Blackfmith’s 
 ’Son. ^ 
 
 The Duty of Norfolk is by Armagh, and that Clergy ,„ defird to 
 dffifi them , not to fuff.'ey his Highnefs to alter Church-Rules here in 
 Ireland : As a Friend , I defire your Lordfhip to loo\ to your Noble 
 Per {on for Rome hath a great tyndnefs for that Duty ffor it is 
 fo taltyd here J and will reward him arid his Children. Rome hath 
 great Favours for this Nation , purpofely to oppofe his Highnefs : and fo 
 having g't, fines the Aft pajfed, great Indulgences for Rebellion * there¬ 
 fore my hope is lof yet my Zeal is to do according to your Lord flip's 
 Orders . God tyep your Lordfhip from your Enemies here and in Eng¬ 
 land. Dublin the 3 d. Kalends April, 1538. 
 
 To the Lord Privy Seal Your Lordfhip’s at 
 
 his Honourable good Commandment, 
 
 Lordjhip's , 
 
 Ex Autographo. George Browne . 
 
 Soon after this Letter had been written, News came to the 
 Caftle of Dublin, t hat the Bifhop of Rome had fent over a Bull 
 of Excommunication of all thofe who had or fhall own the 
 King’s Supremacy within the irifh Nation j which caufed the 
 Archbifhop to write accordingly. 
 
 Right Honourable, 
 
 IK if / Duty premifed , it may pie afe your Lordfhip to be advert/fed, 
 XVjL fit hence my laft there has come to Armagh and his Clergy a 
 private Commiffion from the Bifbop of Rome, prohibiting his Gracious 
 Highnefs's People here in this Nation to own his Royal Supremacy , and 
 joyning a Curfe to all them and theirs , who flail not within forty days , 
 confefs to their Confejfors , f after the publifling of it to them) that they 
 have done amifs info doing : the fubfance , its our Secretary hath tr an fa¬ 
 ted the fame into Englirn, is thus, 
 
 cc T A, B, from this prefent hour forward, in the prefence of 
 “ X the Holy Trinity, of the Bleffed Virgin Mother of God, 
 c<r of St. Peter , of the Holy Apoftles, Arch- 
 The Form of , their “ angels, Angels, Saints, and of all the Holy 
 Confefion to their “ Hoft of Heaven, fhall and will be always 
 Popifl Prieft . “ obedient to the Holy See of St. Peter of 
 
 u Rome , and to my Holy Lord the Pope of 
 
 “ Rome 
 
the Church in Ireland. 125 
 
 ■$ Rome and his Succeffors, in all things, as well Spiritual as 
 « Temporal, not confenting in the leafb that his Holinefe 
 « fhall lofe the leaft Title or Dignity belonging to the Pa- 
 pacy of our Mother Church of Rome, or to the Regality 
 <c of St. Peter, 
 
 “ I do vow and fwear to maintain, help and aflift the juft 
 tc Laws, Liberties and Rights of the Mother Church of 
 cc Rome . 
 
 « I do likewife promife to confer, to defend and promote, 
 « if not perfonally, yet willingly, as in ability able, either by 
 « Advice, Skill, Eftate, Mony or otherwife, the Church of 
 “ Rome and her Laws againft all whatfoever refilling the 
 fame. 
 
 tc I further vow to oppugn all Hereticks, either in making 
 cc or fetting forth Editis or Commands contrary to the 
 & Mother Church of Rome *, and in cafe any fuch to be 
 ** moved or compofed, to refift it to the uttermoft of my 
 <£ power, with the firft convenience and opportunity I can 
 * c poflible. 
 
 I count and value all Ads made, or to be made, by He- 
 retical Powers of no force or worth, or be pradifed or 
 <c obeyed by my felf, or by any other Son of the Mother 
 * c Church of Rome . 
 
 I do further declare him or her. Father or Mother, 
 C( Brother or Sifter, Son or Daughter, Husband or Wife, 
 * c Uncle or Aunt, Nephew or Neece, Kinfman or Kinfwo- 
 man, Mafter or Miftrefs, and all others, neareft or deareft: 
 Relations, Friend or Acquaintance whatfoever, accurfed, 
 “ that either do or fhall hold, for the time to come, any 
 Ecclefiaftical or Civil Power, above the Authority of the 
 i( Mother Church, or that do or fhall obey, for the time to 
 “ come, any of her the Mother of Churches Oppofers or 
 <£ Enemies, or contrary to the fame, of which I have here 
 cc fworn unto : fo God, the Bleffed Virgin, St. Peter, St. PMil , 
 K and the Holy Evangelifts help, fac. 
 
 Hit Highnefs , Vice-Roy of this Nation , is of little or no power 
 with the old Natives j therefore your Lordfnp will expett of me wo 
 more than I am able i This Nation is poor in Wealth, and not fuffi- 
 cient now at prefent to oppofe them: It is observ'd, that ever fince 
 bis Highnefs Anceflors had this Nation in pojfejjion , the old No* 
 fives have been craving Foreign Powers to AJJiJ} and Rule them% 
 and now both Englifh Race and Irifh begin to oppofe your Lor dr 
 /hip's Orders, and do lay afide their National old Quarrels , which 
 1 fear will , if any thing will , caufe a Foreigner to invade this Na¬ 
 tion ; I pray God I may be a falfe Prophet j yet your good Lord- 
 
1 26 The Reformation of 
 
 /hip muft pardon my Opinion , for 1 write it to your Lsrdftnp as (t 
 Warning* 
 
 Dublin, May 1.538. Tour humble and true Servant, 
 
 To the Lord Privy Seal George Browne. 
 
 with fpeed. 
 
 Upon the Feafl: of St. John Baptift following, the Paid George 
 Browne feiz’d on one Toady 0 Brine, one of the Order of St. Wan¬ 
 ds, who had Papers from Rome, as follows, being fent to the 
 Lord Privy Seal by a Special MefTenger. 
 
 My Son 0 Neal , 
 
 T Hou and thy Fathers were all along faithful to the Mother Church 
 of Rome : His holinefs Paul, now Pope , and the Council of 
 the Holy Fathers there , have lately found out a Prophecy , there remain¬ 
 ing\ of one St. Lacerianus, an Irifh Bifijop of Cafhell ; wherein he 
 faith, That the Mother Church of Rome falleth, when in Ireland 
 theCatholick Faith is overcome: Therefore for the Glory of the 
 Mother Church, the Honour of St. Peter ■, and your own Securenefs, 
 fupprefs Herefy and his Holinejs's Enemies for when the Roman Faith 
 there perifJjeth , the See of Rome falleth alfo : Therefore the Council 
 ef Cardinals have thought fit to encourage your Country of Ireland, 
 fas a [acred IjlandJ being certified , whiljl the Mother Church hath a 
 Son of Worth as your fe If, and of thoje that JJjall fuccour you , and join 
 therein , that Jhe will never fall, but have more or lefs a holding in 
 Britain, in fpite of Fate. Tbits having obeyed the Order of the moft 
 /acred Council , we recommend your Princely Perfon to the Holy Trinity, 
 ef the Bleffed Virgin , of St. Peter, St. Paul, and of all the heavenly 
 Moft of Heaven , Amen* 
 
 Rome 4 Kalemi. EpifcopUS Metenlis.' 
 
 May 1538. 1 
 
 Upon further Examinations and Searches made, this Thady 
 O Brine was Pillory’d, and confin’d a Prifoner until his High- 
 nefs’s further Order for his Trial ; but News coming over, 
 that he muft be hang’d, he made himfelf away in the Caftle 
 of Dublin, on the Eve of the Feaft of St. James ; yet his dead 
 Corps was carried to the Gallows Green and hang’d up, and 
 after there buried: But it was Paid, by the Regifter of St. Fran* 
 eis'i Monaftry of Dublin , that they brought hitn from thenc^ 
 %ad buried, lum in that Metnaftry, 
 
the Church in Ireland. 
 
 127 
 
 George Browne having enjoy’d the See of Dublin feven years, 
 or thereabouts. King Henry the Eighth, upon the Dilfolution 
 of the Abbeys, Priorysand Monaftrys here in Ireland, chaaa’4 
 the Priory of the BDjfed Trinity of Dublin into a Deanery and 
 Chapters; fmce which Mutation, it hath generally bore the 
 Name of Chrifl-Chufch. 
 
 Upon this Alteration, as it appears upon Record, this Ca¬ 
 thedral conlifted of a Dean and Chapters, a Chanter, a Trea- 
 furer, iix Vicars, Chorals, and two Singing-Boys, allowing to 
 them two 45 l. 6 s. Englifh f durante benephcitoJ which Sum 
 his Daughter Queen Mary confirm’d for ever, having con¬ 
 firm’d the Deanery, yet with Alterations, as the was "a Ro¬ 
 ma nift. 
 
 This Cathedral continued after this faid Form (tho not in 
 Popery) even until King James\ Days, who then alter’d .all 
 what King Hem) and his Daughter had done; and upon this 
 lecond Alteration he conftituted a Dean, a Chanter, a Chan¬ 
 cellor, aTreafurer, three Prebends, fix Vicars, Chorals, and 
 four Singmg-Boys ; ordering likewise, that the Archdeacon 
 of Dublin mould have a Place in the Choir, and a Vote in the 
 Chapters. As fox a further Defcription of this Cathedral 
 we fhali omit it; having relerved the fame for a large Nam- 
 live of the faid Cathedral, in a Book which is ready for tho 
 Frets, entituled. The Antiquities of the City of Dublin. 
 
 •• Kin § Henr > the Eighth deceafing, and his hopeful Off¬ 
 spring, King Edward the Sixth, fucceeding within a Ihort fpace 
 attei Ins Royal Father’s Death, that hopeful Prince ( by the 
 , of ^ Priv Y Council) began to conlider what good 
 •Effects the Translation of the Holy Bible had done, alfo how 
 much it had enlightned the Dnderftanding. of his Subie&s t 
 they alter d the Liturgy-Book from what King Henry had for- 
 merly punted and eftablifh’d, caufing the fame to be printed 
 m Englilh, commanding the fame to be read and fun° in the? 
 -leveral Cathedrals and Parifh-Churchrs of England, fox th<? 
 common Benefit of the Nobility, Gentry and Commonalty 5 
 and that his Subjects of Ireland might likcwife participate of 
 the fame Sweetnefs, he fent oyer Orders to his Vi.ce-Roy 
 Sir Anthony St. Legsr, then being Lord Deputy of that Nation* 
 that the lame be forthwith there in Ireland obferv’d within 
 their fevcral Bilhopricks, Cathedrals and Parith-Churches 5 
 which was fir ft obferv’d in Chrifl-Church at Dublin, on the Feaft 
 o after 1551, before the laid Sir Anthony , George Browne, and 
 the Mayor and Bailiffs of Dublin 9 John Lockwood being then 
 Peas 9t the laid Catbetai. * J * 
 
128 
 
 The Reformation of 
 
 The Tr(inflation of the Copy of the Order for the 
 Liturgy of the Church of England, to be read 
 in Ireland, runs as follows. 
 
 ED WA K D by the Grace of God, foe. 
 
 <6 \/^ 7 ^ ereas our Gracious Father, King Henry the Eighth 
 “ V V of happy Memory, taking into confideration the 
 <c Bondage and heavy Yoke that his true and faithful Subjects 
 <c fuftain’d under the JurifdRtion of the Bilhop of Rome , as 
 “ alfo the Ignorance the Commonalty were in ; how feveral 
 iC fabulous Stories and lying Wonders milled our Subjects in 
 <c both our Realms of England and Ireland , grafping thereby 
 cc the means thereof into their hands, alfo difpenling with 
 <c the Sins of our Nations by their Indulgences and Pardons 
 <c for Gain, purpofely to cherilh all evil Vices, as Robberies, 
 Rebellions, Thefts, Whoredoms, Biafphemy, Idolatry, foe. 
 <c He, our Gracious Father King Henry of happy Memory, 
 <c hereupon diffolv’d all Priorys, Monaftrys, Abbeys, and other 
 pretended Religious Houfes, as being but Nurferie^ for 
 Vice or Luxury, more than for facred Learning; He 
 therefore, that it might more plainly appear to the World, 
 <c that thofe Orders had kept the Light of the Gofpel from 
 his People, he thought it moil fit and convenient for the 
 <c Prefervation of their Souls and Bodies, that the Holy 
 “Scriptures Ihould be Tranllatcd, Printed and placed in all 
 “ Parilh - Churches within his Dominions, for his faithful 
 “ Subjects to encreafe their Knowledg of God, and of our 
 “ Saviour Jefus Chrift. We therefore, for the general Be- 
 4:4 nefit of our Well-beloved Subjefts Understandings, when 
 €e ever aflembled or met together in the faid feveral Parifh- 
 “ Churches, either to pray or to hear Prayers read, that they 
 “ may the better join therein, in Unity, Hearts and Voice, 
 “ have caus’d the Liturgy and Prayers of the Church to be 
 “ tranllated into our Mother Tongue of this Realm of Eng - 
 <( land , according to the Alfembly of Divines, lately met with- 
 ^ in the fame for that purpofe. We therefore Will and 
 * c Command, as alfo Authorize you, Sir Anthony St.Leger Knight, 
 cc our Vice-Roy of that our Kingdom of Ireland , to give fpe- 
 “ cial notice to all our Clergy, as well Archbifljops , BijJjops , 
 " Deans , Archdeacons, as others our Secular Parijio-Friejls within 
 
 « that 
 
the Church in Ireland. 129 
 
 K that-our faid Kingdom of Ireland , to perfeft, execute and 
 “ obey this our Royal Will and PLeafure accordingly.' 
 
 Given at our Manner of Greenwich^ Febr . 6. in the Fifth 
 year of our Reign. 
 
 E. K. 
 
 To our Trufty and Well-beloved Sir Anth. St. Lcger Knight , our 
 Chief Governour of our Kingdom of Ireland. 
 
 Several Golletiiofis from Anthony Martin, 
 formerly Bijhop of Meath. 
 
 B Efore Proclamations were iffued out, Sir Anthony St. Leger, 
 upon this Order, call’d an Affembly of the Archbifhops 
 and Bilhops, together with other of the then Clergy of Ire¬ 
 land ; in which Affembly lie fignified unto them, as well His 
 Majefty’s Order aforefaid, as alfo the Opinions of thofe Bilhops 
 and Clergy of England , who had adhered unto the Order: fay¬ 
 ing, tha£ it was His Majefty’s Will and Pleafure, confenting 
 unto their ferious Confiderations and Opinions, then afted 
 and agreed on in England as to Ecclefiaftical Matters, that 
 the fame be in Ireland fo likewife celebrated and performed. 
 
 Sir Anthony St. Leger having fpoken to this effetd, George Dow- 
 dall } who fucceeded George Cromer in the Primacy of Armagh , ftood 
 lip, who (through his Romijb Zeal to the Pope) labour’d with 
 all his power and force to oppofe the Liturgy of the Church, 
 that itjmight not be read or fungin the Church; faying, Then 
 fhall every illiterate fellow read Service ( or Mafs ) as he in 
 thofe days term’d the word Service. 
 
 To this Saying of the Archbifhop’s Sir Anthony reply’d, No, 
 your Grace is miftaken, for we have too many illiterate Priefts 
 amongft us already, who neither can pronounce the Latin, nor 
 know what it means, no more than the Common People that 
 hear them *, but when the People hear the Liturgy in Englilh, 
 they and the Prieft will then underftand what they pray for. 
 
 Upon this Reply, George Dowdall bad Sir Anthony beware of the 
 Clergy’s Curfe. 
 
 Sir Anthony made anfwer, I fear no ftrange Curfe, fo Jong 
 as I have the Bleffing of that Church which I believe t'o be 
 the true one. 
 
 The Archbilhop again faid, Can there be a truer Church 
 than the Church of St. Peter , the Mother Church of Home I 
 
 K Sir 
 
i jo The Reformation of 1 
 
 Sir Anthony returned this Anfwer: I thought we had been at! 
 of the Church of Chrift ; for he calls all true Believers in 
 him his Church, and himfelf the Head thereof. 
 
 The Archbifliop reply’d, And is not St. Peter the Church of 
 Chrift? 
 
 Sir Anthony returned this Anfwer: St. Peter was a Member 
 of Chrift’s Church ; but the Church was not St. Peter 1 s, nei¬ 
 ther was St. Peter , but Chrift , the Head thereof. 
 
 Then George Dowdall , the Primate of Armagh, rofe up, and 
 feveral of the Suffragan Bilhops under his Jurifdiftion, faving, 
 only Edward Staples , then Bifhop of Meath , who tarried with 
 the reft of the Clergy then affembled, on the Kalends of 
 March , according to the Old Stile, 1551. But if we reckon as 
 from the Annunciation of our Lady, which was the 25th of 
 March , it was 1550. 
 
 Sir Anthony then took up the Order, and held it forth to 
 George Browne Archbifhop or Dublin , who ( ftanding up) receiv'd 
 it, faying, This Order, good Brethren, is from our Gracious 
 King, and from the reft of our Brethren, the Fathers and 
 Clergy of England , who have confulted herein, and compar’d 
 the Holy Scriptures v/ith what they have done ; unto whom 
 I fubmic, as Jefus did to C&far, in all things juft and lawful, 
 making no queftion why or wherefore, as We own Him oitr 
 true and lawful King. 
 
 After this, feveral of the meeker, or moft moderate of the 
 Bilhops and Clergy of Ireland cohered with George Browne, the 
 Archbilhop of Dublin: amongft whom Edward Staples Bifhop of 
 Meath, who was put out from his Bifhoprick, for fo doing, in 
 Queen Mary's days on the 29th of June 1554. John Bale , who 
 on the fecondof February 1552. was Confecrated Bifhop of Offory 
 for his Fidelity, and afterwards by Queen Mary expulfed. 
 Alfo Thomas Lancafter Bifhop of Kildare , who was at the lame 
 time put from his Bifhoprick, with feveral others of the Cler¬ 
 gy, being, all expulfed upon Queen Mary' s coming to the 
 Crown. 
 
 When thefe Paffages had paffed, Sir Anthony was in a Ihort 
 time after recall’d for England , and Sir fames Crofts of Hereford - 
 ftme Knight, placed Chief in his ftead; who began his Go¬ 
 vernment from the 29th of April x 5 < 1. 
 
 Sir James Crofts , upon his coming over, endeavour’d much 
 for the perfuading of George Dowdad to adhere to the Order 
 afprefaid.*, but Dowdall being obftinate, his Majefty and the 
 Learned Privy-Council then of England , ( for his perverfenefs) 
 upon the 20th of Olhber following, took away the Title of 
 Primate of all Ireland from him, and conferred the lame on 
 George Browne then Archbilhop of Dublin , and to his Succeffors,. 
 
 
the Church iti Ireland. ijt 
 
 by reafon that he was the firft of the irifl) Bifhops Who em¬ 
 braced the Order for Eftablifhing of the Englijh Liturgy and 
 Reformation in Ireland: Which Place he enjoy’d during the 
 remainder of King Edward's Reign, and for a certain time 
 after; as you fhall know further in it's due courfe and piace. 
 
 , Alterations following one after another, (even upon this 
 Reformation of the Church of EriglandJ and the Title of Pri¬ 
 macy being difposM of, as we have already mention’d, unto 
 George Browne aforefaid ; fome Writers faying that George Dow - 
 datt was banifh’dy others that he was not, but Went voluntarily 
 6f his own Will; yet, not to difpute the Cafe, another Arch- 
 bifhop was confecrated in lieu of him, tho then living; by 
 which it was then held lawful: As alfo, that conftitucing of 
 Archbifhops and Bifhops was in the Power of Kings, and not 
 in the Power of Popes, or of the Bilhop of Rome, which 
 would be much to the Abafement of the Powers of the 
 Crown of England ever to refign, or to acknowledg to the 
 contrary* 
 
 . Hugh Goodacre , Batchelor of Divinity, was confecrated Arch- 
 bifhop of Armagh by the faid George Browne , together with Johii 
 Bale Bifhop of OJJory (already mention’d) in Chrift-Chiirch in 
 Dublin, on the fecond of February, Anno 1552. Thomas Bifhop of 
 Kildare , and Eugenini Bifhop of Down and Com oi aflifting him j yet 
 notwithftanding Hugh Goodacre" s Confecration, George Browne then 
 held the Title Of Primacy of all Ireland. 
 
 This Reformation and Alteration having not time to fettle, 4 
 6r to take root, it Was foon quafh’d and pull’d down by that 
 lamentable Lofs of that hopeful Prince King Edward the Sixth, 
 Who died at Greenwich the 6th of June, 1553. 
 
 Upon King Edward's Deceafe, the Council having met to 
 eonfult together upon the Affairs 6f thefe Dominions, as alfo 
 how they might confirm and eftablifh what they had already 
 ordered and enatled, as well in Ecclefiaftical Matters as Tem¬ 
 poral, a Divifion foon fprung up; fome being for the Choice 
 of the Lady Jane Gray, others for Queen Mary . At laft, upon 
 conclufion, Mary the King’s Sifter was voted Queen, upon the 
 Propofals and Proiilifes which fhe made to the C6uncil, to 
 confirm all that had been perfe&ed by her Father King Henry 
 the Eighth, and her Brother King Edward and his Honoured: 
 Council.' v , 
 
 After fhe had been cr own’d and enthron’d,' (lie, for the fpace 
 of th^ee or four Months, feem’d moderate to the Proteftant; 
 Reforihers, yet all that while combining with Kerne and her 
 Emiffaries \ but having- accomplish ft her Defignsi fhe revok’d 
 her fair Promifes; ( which with Papifts is-a Rule) effeemrng 
 It no Sin’to break' Contrails’or C^enapts" With He/e tricks’and 
 
i j 2 The Reformation of • 
 
 Proteftants, numbred with fuch fort of People, efpecially with 
 Papifts, thefe Promifes vanilh’d : and then began the Komifl) 
 Church not only to undo what King Henry, and his Son King 
 Edmtrd , had reform’d, but to profecute the Reformers and 
 Reformed with Fire and Faggot. 
 
 But, to our purpofe, upon the nth of November, Anno 1553. 
 (he recall’d Sir James Crofts, and Cent over Sir Anthony St. Leger, 
 Lord Deputy into Ireland . This Sir Anthony had not been'half 
 a year Chief Governour of Ireland , before Queen Mary revok’d 
 the Title of Primacy from George Browne, ex-pulfing Hugh Good- 
 acre out of the Archbilhoprick of Armagh , and recalling George 
 Dowdall to his See, and reftoring him to the Primacy of all 
 Ireland, as formerly *, which Title hath ever fince flood firm 
 in Armagh , without any Revocation, either by Queen Elizabeth, 
 or by any of her Succeffors. 
 
 George Browne, upon this Revocation, was by George Dowdalt 
 expulfed, and not thought fit to continue in his See of Dublin, 
 as being a married Man*, and it is thought, had he not been 
 married, he had been expul fed, having appear’d fo much for 
 the Reformation, in both thefe former King’s days. Upon the 
 expuiflngof this George Browne , all the Temporalities belonging 
 to the Archbilhoprick were difpofed of unto Thomas Lockwood , 
 then Dean of Chrijl-Chmch in Dublin. It having been an anti- 
 £mt Cuflom ever upon the Tranllation or Death of any of 
 thofe Archhilhops, to depofit the Temporalities into the hands 
 of the Priors, formerly of that Cathedral, when it was a Prio¬ 
 ry, and call’d by the name of the Cathedral of the Blejfed Tr\~ 
 diy« And it is obfervable, the laft Prior became the firft Dean 
 upon the alteration, as aforefaid. 
 
 The See of Dublin, after this Expulfion, lay vacant for two 
 years or thereabouts, until Hugh Corrin, alias Corwine, was pla¬ 
 ced therein : This Hugh was born in Wefimoreland, a Do&or of 
 the Law, being formerly Archdeacon of Oxford, and Dean of 
 Hereford', he, was confecrated Archbilhop of Dublin in the Ca- 
 tkedralof St* Faul\ in London, on the 8th of September, Anno 1555. 
 He after, upon the 13th of the fame Month, was by Queen 
 Alary made Chancellor of Ireland ; and upon the 25th of the 
 faid September, he receiv’d this Letter from the Queen, di- 
 t® Thomas Lockwood, the Dean of Chrijl-Church ; it being 
 an antient Cuflom formerly to recommend the Archbilhop, 
 wkenfoever conflicted for that See, to the Prior of that faid 
 Cathedral*. • . . .. . ■ .. 
 
 &aeett 
 
the Church in Ireland, 
 
 m 
 
 Queen Mary V Letter to the Dean and Chapter of 
 Chrift-Church in Dublin, to receive the Arch- 
 hifhop of Dublin honour ably , and with due re - 
 fpetf. Copia vera, ex Libro nigro SanQss 
 Trinitatis Dublinii 
 
 MART the Queen. 
 
 T Rufty arnd Well-beloved , We greet you well, and fora/much as the 
 Right Reverend Father in God , our Right Trufty and Well-belo¬ 
 ved Councilor the A'rchbifhop of Dublin, being lately chofen for that 
 See , rcpaireth fpeedily to that our Realm of Ireland, as wed to re fide. 
 upon the Cure of hit Bifioopricwhich now of long time hath been def\i - 
 tute of a Catholic £ Bifhop , as alfo to occupy the Office of our High Chan¬ 
 cellor of that our Realm $ albeit wc have good hopes ye will in all things 
 of your [elves carry your [elves towards him as becometh you , yet to the 
 intent he might the better govern the Charge committed unto him , to the 
 Honour of Almighty God , and for the remain of our Service , We have 
 thought fit to require and charge you, that for your part ye do reverently 
 receive him , honour and humbly obey him in all things , as appertaineth 
 to your Duties , tending to God's Glory , our Honour , and the Common Weal 
 of that our Realm *, whereby ye [hall plea[e God , and do its acceptable 
 Service ; 
 
 Given under our Signet at our Mannor of Greenwich , the 
 2,5th of September , in the fecond and third Years of our Reign. 
 
 To our Trufty and Well-beloved the Dean and 
 Chapter of the Cathedral of Chrift- 
 Church, within our Realm of Ireland. 
 
 I have here inferted this Letter upon two Accounts: Firft, 
 as being a Record remaining in the Cathedral; Secondly, be- 
 caufe there hath been fome difcourfe of late,whether the Arch- 
 bilhop of Dublin had power herein, or whether it was upon 
 King Henry's Mutation made a Deanery, as Whitehall Chappel 
 is, and no Cathedral; but by this Letter it {hews it is both 
 ftill a Cathedral, and fubjetf to the Archbifhop of Dublin . 
 
 George Browne liv’d not long after the Confecration of this 
 Hugh Corwine \ y#t I have, among my Manufcripts, a Writing 
 of a Papift, who would fain have perfuaded'the World, that 
 this George Browne died through Joy, having had a Bull from 
 fhe Pope to be relior’d to his See of Dublin: which muft needs 
 
 K 3 be 
 
1^4 The Reformation of 
 
 be falfe, upon this account of Sir James fare’s, who writeth 
 thefe very words of him, m his Book entitled De Prafulibas 
 Hibernia, pag. 120. 1554* Circa tertians Georgia Browr.ew ft quod 
 conjugates ejjet J per Dowdallum Archiepijcopum Armacbamun fo alios 
 Delegatos exauthoritatws eft-, otherwise th.\ Pope, if he had 
 granted fuch a Bull, mu if like wife have difpenfed with his 
 Marriage, it being contrary to the Romijb Tenents for Biihops 
 to marry. Having related thus much of George Browne, and 
 of Ecclehaftical Matters during his Life, we ihall proceed a 
 little further concerning a fhort Sermon of his, preached unto 
 the People in Chrifl-Church , upon the firft Sunday after Eafter , 
 Amo 1551. being a Copy of the fame given to Sir James Ware 
 Knight, by Anthony Martin late Biihpp of Meath , who formerly 
 was Tutor to the faid Sir James Ware, when he was a Student 
 In Trinity-College, Dublin . 
 
 The Text, Pfal. up. Ver. 18. 
 
 0 [en fnine eyes , that I may fee the wonders of thy Law. . 
 
 41 "J-'HE Wonders of the Lord God have for a long time 
 A been hid from the Children of Men, which hath hap- 
 
 * ned by Rome’s not permitting the Common People to read 
 
 * the Holy Scriptures ; for to prevent you, that you might 
 
 * not know the comfort of your Salvation, but to depend 
 
 * wholly on the Church of -Rome, they will not permit it to 
 c be in any Tongue but in the Latin, faying. That Latin was 
 
 * the Roman Tongue : But the wonderful God infpir’d the 
 g Holy Apcftles with the Knowledg of all Languages, that 
 c they might teach all People in their proper Tongue and 
 
 * Language, which caused our wife King Henry, before his 
 
 * Death, to have the Holy Scriptures tranflated into the 
 15 Englilh Tongue, for the good of his Subjects, that their 
 ‘ Eyes may be opened to behold the wondrous things out of the Law of 
 
 * the Lord. But there are falfe Prophets at this iniiant, anid 
 
 * will be to the end of the World, that (hall deceive you with 
 c falfe Doctrines, expounding this Text, or that, purpofely 
 
 * to confound your Understandings, and to lead you captive 
 
 * into a Wildernefs of Confufion, whom you fhail take as 
 
 * your Friends, but they fhail be your greateS: Enemies, fpeak* 
 
 * iug again# the Tenerits of Rome, and yet be fet on by Rome $ 
 c thefe Ihall-be a rigid People, full of Fury and Eiivy. 
 
 c But, to prevent thefe things that are to come, obferve 
 1 Chriil and his Apoifles: Let all things be done with decency , with 
 
 * mildnefs , and in order-, fervently crying unto God, Open thou 
 
 ? mine eyesz that l may behold the mndrm things cut of thy Law 9 
 v - '• ■ . ' : v« . ■ - ' c there 
 
 1 : • t 
 
the Church in Ireland. 135 
 
 ;• -then fliould you rightly keep the law and the Prophets. 
 
 * It is the part of a Prince to be wife, for he hath a great 
 
 < Charge to Rule and Govern a Nation : Your late Avmg 
 
 * foreieeing Rome and her Pope’s Intentions, how-that be m - 
 4 tended to inflave his Subje&s, and to keep them in the Hate 
 4 of Ignorance, confulted with the Learned of his Realm, 
 4 knowing that Youtli might quickly be wrought on ; there- 
 4 fore he prepar’d before his Death a wife and learned fort 
 4 of Counlellors for his Son’s Overfeers; not trailing to one 
 4 or' two, but to feveral, that he might the better rule his 
 4 People, whofe Eyes the Lord God Almighty hath opened 
 4 betimes, to behold his wondrous Worlds. 
 
 4 Tho the Words of my Text be plainly thus ("Open thou 
 4 mine eyesJ the meaneft of you that hear me have Eyes-; 
 4 but the true meaning of the Words is. Endue us with Un- 
 4 derftanding: for a Fool hath Eyes, and fees Men, Women, 
 4 Bealls, Birds, and other things, but yet wants Underftand- 
 4 ing : So when we fay. Open thou our Eyes , we defire the Lord 
 4 God to inftruft and teach us the Knowledg of his Laws. 
 
 4 When you were lately led in Blindnefs, your Eyes beheld 
 f the Images that then Hood in feveral of the MonaHeries 
 4 and Churches until they were remov’d; yet all this while 
 4 were your Underftandings blinded, becaufe ye believ’d in 
 4 them, and plac’d your Trull in them. 
 
 4 Suppofe an Artifl or Workman make an Image either of 
 4 Man or Woman, and at laft a Clergy-man of Rome give it 
 4 fucli a name, calling it St. Peter y or St. Faul t or St. Alary, 
 4 or St. Anne ; mull not that Man, tho he behold his own 
 4 handy-work and knows in his heart that it was his own 
 4 work, be blind, and void of Reafon, and Underftanding of 
 4 the*Law of God, and of the wondrous things that are contain'd 
 4 in the Law of the Lord ? Yes furelv, he mull be blind, and 
 4 void of Reafon, and of the true Faith, that would worihip 
 4 the fame. 
 
 4 The Workman carv’d the Eyes, but thefe Eyes fee not; 
 4 he likewife carv’d the Ears, but they hear not; the Note, 
 4 and it fmells not; the Mouth, and it neither breathes nor 
 4 fpeaks ; the Hands, they feel not ; the Feet, but they Hand 
 4 Hock Hill. 
 
 4 How therefore can your Prayers be acceptable unto this 
 4 Image, that fees you not approaching towards it, that hears 
 
 * you not when you pray to it, that fmells not the fweet Smells, 
 4 be they of Myrrhe or Franlyncenfe, burning before it ? How can 
 4 it abfolve you, when the Mouth is not able to lay. Thy fins 
 
 < are forgiven thee ? And if you place a certain Sum of Mony 
 
 « in the Palm of the Hand of that Image; come you again 
 " 4 4 to 
 
i $6 The Reformat bn of 
 
 « to morrow, the Mony, it is true, {hall find a cuftomer, but 
 c the Image never the wifer, who took it; and if you defire 
 c to have it come unto you, it cannot without help: There- 
 c fore the Workman that made this Image is as blind, as 
 c deaf, as dumb, and as void of fenfe as the Image it felfj and 
 e fo be ye all that put your Trull in them. 
 
 4 Therefore of late, new Artificers, by Springs, have made 
 4 artificial ones, which for a certain time IhaU move, and ye 
 4 fhall believe it to be real and-certain: But beware, good 
 * people, for they be but lying Wonders, purpofely that ye 
 4 may break the Law of God. And thus hath the Devil de- 
 4 vifed a lying Wonder, that ye may be deluded to break the 
 4 Law of the Lord ; which is, Thou fjjalt not mal^e unto thy f elf 
 4 any Graven Image . O Lord, open thou our Eyes t our Ears , and 
 4 our Vnderftanding, that we may behold the wondrous things that are 
 4 in thy Law, The Law of God is an undefiled Law . Oh! why 
 c fhould we be fo wicked, then as to defile that Law, which 
 4 the Almighty God fifth made fo pure without ' blemifh. 
 
 4 Jefus came to fulfil the Law , and not to abolifli the Law . But 
 4 there are a new Fraternity of late fprung up, who call 
 4 themfefves Jefuits, which will deceive many, who are much 
 4 after the Scribes and Pharifees manner amcfagft th e Jews : 
 
 4 They fhall flrive to abolilh the Truth, and lhall come very 
 4 near to do it; for thefe forts will turn themfelves into fe* 
 
 4 Veral Forms; with the Heathen, an Heathenift ; with Athe- 
 4 ills, an Atheift ; with the Jews, a Jew r ^ and with the Re- 
 4 formers, a Reformade,’ purpofely to know your Intentions, 
 
 4 your Minds, your Hearts, and your Inclinations; and there- 
 4 by bring you at lall to be like the Fool, that [aid in his hearty 
 4 There was no God . Thefe lhall fpread over the whole World, 
 
 4 fhall be admitted into the Council of Princes, and they ne- 
 4 ver the wifer .; charming of them, yea, making your Prin- 
 4 ces reveal their hearts, and the fecrets therein unto them, 
 4 and yet they not perceive it: which will happen from fal- 
 c ling from the Law of God, by negleft of fulfilling of the 
 4 Law of God, and by winking at their Sins. Yet in the end, 
 4 God to jullify his Law, fhall fuddenly cut off this Society, 
 4 even by the hands of thofe who have moll fuccour’d them, 
 4 and made ufe of them ; fo that at the end they fhall become 
 4 odious to all Nations : They lhall be worle than Jews, ha- 
 6 ving no relting-plaee upon the Earth, and then fhall a Jew 
 4 have more favour than a Jefuit. Now, to arm you all, good 
 € Chriftians, againil thefe things that are to come,~lell 
 4 ye be led into temptation ; cry unto the Lord your God, 
 4 and heartily pray that he would be fo merciful unto you, 
 6 as to open the eyes of your underftanding, that you may behold the 
 
 4 wonders 
 
the Church in Ireland. 157 
 
 « wonder s. and pleafanfnefs that , is in his Law. Which God of fiis 
 VMercy grant that you'may all do. 
 
 Thus concluding with th£ Ads and Deeds of this Reverend" 
 Father, we (hall end with,Queen Afar/s'Defigns, how fhe.in¬ 
 tended to have perfecuted tjre Prote Hants in Ireland, but was by 
 Providence prevented ) as' you fliall further know by this fol¬ 
 lowing Relation, being averred by feveraL (iifficient Perfons, 
 as well Ecclefialiical as Civil. 
 
 Queen Mary having dealt feverely with the Proteftants Tft 
 EMlandy about the latter end of her Reign, figned a Connnil- 
 fion for to take the fame conrle with then! in Ireland: and to 
 execute the fame with greater force, lhe nominates Dr. Cole 
 one of the CommifTioners, fending the CommilTion by this 
 Do&or, who in his Journey coming to CheJler , the Mayor of 
 that City hearing her Ma jelly was fending-a Meffenger into 
 Ireland) and he being a Churchman, waited on the Dodtor, 
 who, in difcourfe with the Mayor, taketh.outof a Cloak-bag 
 a Leather Box, faying unto him. Here is aCommiJJion that jhall 
 Idjh the Hereikks of Ireland, calling the Proteftants by that 
 Title. The good Woman of the Hoilfe being well affedied.to 
 the Proteltant Religion, and alfo having a Brother named 
 John Edmonds of the fame, then a Citizen in Dublin , was much 
 troubled at the Dodpr’s words; but watching her conveni¬ 
 ent time, whilit the Mayor took his leave, and the Dodor 
 complementing him down the Stairs, fhe opens the Box and 
 takes the CommilTion out, placing in lieu thereof a Sheet of 
 Paper with a Pack of Cards, the^Knaveof Clubs faced up- 
 permoft, wrapt up. The Dodor coming up to his Chamber, 
 fufpeding nothing of what had been done, put up the Box 
 as formerly. The next day, going to the Water-Tide, Wind 
 ..and Weather fervinghim, he fails towards Ireland , and landed 
 on the 7th of October , 1558. at Dublin) then coming to tire 
 Caftle, the Lord Fit ^-Walters being Lord Deputy, lent for him 
 to come before him and the Privy Council ) who coming in, 
 after he had made a Speech, relating upon what account he 
 came over, he prefents the Box unto the Lord Deputy; who 
 caufing it to be opened, that the Secretary might read the 
 Commilfion, there was nothing lave a Pack of Cards, with 
 the Knave of Clubs uppermolt; which not only ftartled the 
 Lord Deputy and Council, but the Dodor, who affured them 
 he had a CommilTion, but knew not how it was gone : Then 
 the Lord Deputy made anfwer, Let ns have another Commijfion , 
 and we will flmffie the Cards in the mean while . The Dodor be¬ 
 ing troubled in his Mind, went away, and returned into Eng- 
 
I j8 The Re formation of the Church ? 8rc, 
 
 fami} and coming to the Court, obtain’d another Commffiioij; 
 but ftaying for a Wind at the Water-fide, News came untP 
 that the Queen was dead; and thus God prefer v’d the 
 
 JProteftants in Ireland. 
 
 This, is a Copy of Richard Earl of Cork? $ Memorials, as 
 alfb of Henry Vfher, (ometime Lord Primate of Armagh , being 
 alfo entred amongft Sir James Ware's Manufcripts, who hath 
 often heard the late James Vfher y Nephew to the faii Henry y 
 and alfo Primate of Armagh , aver the fame, and wondred that 
 ~Mr«- Fox had not inferted it in his Alls and Monuments y there is 
 jet living a Reverend Father of the Church, Henry now Lord 
 Bifbop of Meath, who can affirm this Relation from the faid 
 Jams Vfljery late Lord Primate of all Ireland 
 
 Upon the recalling, of the Lord Fit^- Walters into England 9 
 Queen Elizabeth, who fucceeded her Sifter, difcourfmg with 
 the ©id Lord, concerning feveral Palfages in Ireland ; amongft 
 ether Difcourfes, he related the aforefaid paffage that had 
 feapned in Ireland: which fo delighted the Queen, that her 
 Majefty lent for the good Woman, named Elizabeth Edmonds , 
 isit by her Husband named Matterfload, and gave her a Penfipn 
 ©£' Forty pound durante vita,^ for faring her Proteftant SubjetU 
 cC Ireland 
 
 
VI. 
 
 The Sum and Sub fiance of the Con¬ 
 ference, which it fleasd his Ex¬ 
 cellent Majefty to have with the 
 Lords Bijhofs, and others of his 
 Clergy (at which mofl of the 
 Lords of the Council were prefent) 
 in his Majefty s Privy Chamber at 
 Hampton Court, fan. 14.1603. 
 
 Contrasted by William Barlow, 
 Doctor of DiVinity, and Dean of Chefter. 
 
 To the Reader. 
 
 T HIS fopy of the Conference in January loft hath been long 
 expelled, and long fince it was pnift/d, Im¬ 
 peachments of the divulging were many y Ardiiepif. 
 two main above the reft: One , his untimely Death , Cantuar. 
 who prft impos'd it upon me, with whom is buried the 
 tnoft famous Glory of our Englifh Church , and the moft kind Encou¬ 
 ragement to Pains and Study: A Man happy in his Life and 
 peath 5 loved of the bell while he liv’d, and heard of Cod 
 
 for 
 
£4° Dr. BarlowV Account of the 
 
 for his Deceafe; molt earneftly defiring, pot many days be¬ 
 fore he w-as ftricken, that he might not yet live to fee this 
 Parliament, as near'as it was. 
 
 The other , an Expectation of this late Comitial Conference, 
 much threatned before, and triumph'd in by many as if that Regal 
 and mo ft honourable Pxpceedine fimld r thereby have receiv'd his Com - 
 terblafi for being too forward. But his Majeflfs Conftancy having by 
 the laji added Oomfirrt and 'Strength Jo -fittyfr former, which now at 
 length comes abroad ; therein, Good Reader , thou mayft both fee thofe 
 huge pretended Scandals .(for which our -flour if mg Church hath been 
 fo long difturb'd) objected and removed and withal behold the exprefs and 
 vive Image of a mpji learned and judicious King; who ft manifold Gifts 
 of Grace and Nature, my jeahf meafure of Gift is not able to delineate, 
 vor am I willing to enumerate » becaufe I have ever accounted the per - 
 final Commendation of living Princes^ in men of our fort, a verbal 
 Symony. Such Flies, there are too -many, which puff the Sl^in, but 
 taint the Fleff. His Majefiy's humble Deportment in thofe Sublimitys, 
 will-be the eternizing of his Memory, the rather, becaufe 
 tIv orGov, to digeft fo great Felicity without Surfeit of Sur- 
 quedry, is a Virtue rare in great Perfonages and that which the 
 Kingyof Heaven fear'd , even the King of his own choice would want * 
 The more eminent he is in ad Princely Qualities, the happier floall we 
 ■he : Our Duty, as we are Chriftians, is Prayer for him ; as we are 
 Subjefts, Obedience to him ; as we are Men Acknowledgment 
 of our fettled State in him. Our Vnthanlffulnefs may remove him, 
 ant did the Mirror of Princes , our late Famous Elizabeth. She rejls 
 with God •, the Phenix of her Afloes reigns over us, and long may be 
 fo do to God's Glory, and the Church's Good * which his excellent Knaw- 
 ledg beautifies, and Government adjoin'd will beatify it. A Hope of 
 this lafi we conceive by his writen EWiA/jcor $ a Specimen of the other 
 in ^ Interlocutory Conference ; whereof take this , which h 
 printed , but as an ExtraCf wherein is the Subfiance of the whole. 
 Intercourfe of speeches, there occafion'd, would caufe Prolixity with - 
 out Profit 9 What every Man [aid, point device, I neither qould, 
 nor cared to obferve. The Vigor of every Objection, with the Sum 
 of each Anfwer, I guefs,I jnifs not: For the firft day, I had no 
 help beyond mine own*-, yet fome of good place and underftanding have 
 feenit , and not control"d it, except for the Brevity : 
 f Ep. Londr . for the two lajf, out of divers * Copies, I have fe~ 
 Deans of Chr. ■ leded and order'd what you here fee. In them all , 
 Church, Win-, next unto God, the King's Majefty alone mufi tjave 
 cheit. Windfor, the Glory : Tet to jay, that the prefent State of 
 Archdeacon of cur Church is very much oblig'd to the Reverend Fa* 
 Nottingham, thers, my Lords of London and Winton, their 
 and mine own. Pains and Dexterity in this bufinefs •, were neither 
 Detraction from other, nor Flattery of them . 
 
 His 
 
Conference at Harnpton*Court, i6of. 141 
 
 His Highnefs purpofed to compofe all Quarrels of this kind • whereby, 
 and fuppoftng he bad fettled all matters of the Church , it pleas'd him 
 fo fo fegnify by Proclamation after it was done *, but there is a Triple 
 Generation in the world , of whom the Wife Man fpeaketh, Prov.3.0. 
 12,13,14. Marry, I fay nothing C for even private Speeches cannot now 
 pafs without the fmear of a Black Cole) in one rank whereof you 
 may place our Hercules Limbomaftix, whom it might have pleas'd 
 without this Gnathonical Appeal, to have refeed in his Mfee fey's Deter¬ 
 mination ; and being a Synoptical Theologue, \v w kath and an¬ 
 gry that he was not fo, %clt &faT0[JWvf have learn'd the difference in 
 Divinity between viam Regis and viam Gregis. 
 
 Many Copies of divers forts have been feattefd and fent abroad, 
 feme partial, feme untrue, feme flanderous. What is here fet down , 
 for the Truth thereof fljall be jufeify’d: the only, wrong therein is to 
 his Excellent Mfeefty, a Syllable of whofe admirable Speeches it was 
 pity to lofe *, his words, as they were utter'd by him, being as Solo* 
 mon. [peaks , like Apples of Gold with Pidures of Silver. And 
 therefore I requeft thee, good Reader , wloen thou comefe to any of his 
 Highnefs's Speeches, to turn Martial ’s Apoferophe upon me, 
 
 Tu male jamrecitas, incipit effe tuns. 
 
 And I will take it kindly. If thou be honefi and courteous, thou wilt 
 reft fatisfy'd, and that is my Content. To lay a,Pillow for a Dog, 
 fates neither with my Leifnre nor Purpofe. Farewel. 
 
 Thine in Chrift Jefus, 
 
 W. BARLOW. 
 
 The Firfl Da/s C o n f e r e n c e. 
 
 T HE Day appointed was, as by his Majelly’s Procla- 
 mationwe all know, Thurfday the 12 th of January $ 
 on which there met at Hampton-Court by nine of the 
 clock,. all the Bilhops and Deans fiunmon’d by Letters, name¬ 
 ly, the Archbilhop of Canterbury , the Bilhops of London , Dur¬ 
 ham, Winchefter, Worcefter, St. Davids, Chichefler, Car life, and 
 Peterborow ; the Deans of the Chappel, ChrijbChurch, Wo% 
 cefler , Wefeminfter, Pauls, Chefler, Windfor, with Dr. Field, and 
 Dr. King Archdeacon of Nottingham: Who, tho the night be¬ 
 fore they heard a rumor that it was defer’d till the fourteenth 
 day, yet according to £he firft Summons, thought it their Duty 
 
 to 
 
14* Dr. Barlow’* Account: of, the 
 
 to offer themfeives to the Ring’s Prefer, ce, which the y did. 
 At which time it pleas’d his Highnefs to/iignify to the Bilhops, 
 That the Day having prevented or deceiv’d him, he would 
 have them return on Saturday next following. On which day 
 all the Deans and Dodors attending my. Lords the Bilhops into 
 the Prefence Chamber, there we found ■fitting upon a Form, 
 Dr* Remolds , Dr. Sparks> Mr. Knew; fib , and Mr* Chaderton, 
 Agents for the Millenary Plaintiffs. The Bilhops entring the 
 Privy Chamber, ltaid. there, till Commandment came front 
 his Alajefty, that none of any fort Ihould be prefent, but 
 only the Lords of the Privy Council, and the Bilhops, with 
 five Deans, of the Chappel, rVeJiminjler , Pauls , WeJhhejierj 
 Salisbury ; who being call’d in, the Door was clofe Ihut by my 
 Lord Chamberlain. 
 
 After a while his excellent Majefty came in, afnd having 
 pafs’d a few pleafant Gratulations with fome of the Lords, he 
 fat down iri his Chair, remov’d forward from the Cloth of 
 State a pretty diftance ; where beginning with a moft grave 
 and princely Declaration of his general drift in calling this 
 Alfembly, ‘ no noval Device, but according to the Example 
 
 * of all Chriftian Princes, who in the Commencement of their 
 
 * Reign ufually take the firft courfe for the eftabliftring of 
 K the Church, both for Dottrine and Policy, to which the 
 
 * very Heathens themfelves had relation iri their Proverb, 
 
 * A Jove principium ; and particularly in this Land, King 
 5 Henry VIII* toward the end of his Reign: after him. King 
 
 * Edward VI. who alter’d more ; after him, Queen Mary , 
 4 who revers’d all ; and laft the Queen of famous Memory; 
 4 fo his Highnefs added (for it is worth noting, that his Ma- 
 jefty never remember’d her, but with fome honourable Addi¬ 
 tion) c who fettled it as it now ftandeth: Wherein hb faid 
 4 that he wa$ happier than they, in this, becaufe they were 
 4 fain to alter all things they found eftabliih’d, but he< faw 
 
 * yet no caufe fo much to alter and change any thing, as' 
 
 * to confirm that which he found well fettled already; W hich 
 ‘ State, as it feem’d, fo affe&ed his Royal Heart, that it 
 4 pleas’d him both to enter into a Gratulation to Almighty 
 
 * God (at which words he put off his Hat) for bringing him 
 s into the Promifed Land, where Religion was purely pro- 
 c fefs’d, where he fat among grave, learned, and reverend 
 f Men; not, as before elfewhere, a King without State, with- 
 « out Honour, without Order, where beardlefs Boys would 
 
 * brave him to his face. And to allure us; that he call’d not 
 4 this Alfembly for any Innovation, acknowledging the Go- 
 1 vernment Eccleiiadical, as now it is, to have been approv’d 
 
 by manifold Blefiings from God himfelf, both for the Increafe 
 
 r«. 
 
Conference at Hampton-Court, i 6 c$. 145 
 
 * of tie Gofpel, and with a moft happy and glorious Peace - 
 4 yet becaufe nothingtcould be fo abfolutely order'd, but fcme- 
 
 * thing might be added afterward thereunto; and in any 
 
 * State, as in the Body of Man, Corruptions might infenfibly 
 
 * grow, either thro Time or Perfons * and in that he had 
 
 4 receiv’d many Complaints fince his firft entrance into the 
 
 5 Kingdom, efpecially thro the Diffenfions in the Church, of 
 4 many Diforders, as lie heard, and much Difobedience to the 
 4 Laws, with a great falling away to Popery; his purpofe 
 4 therefore was, like a good Phyfician, to examine and try 
 4 the Complaints, and fully to remove the occafions thereof, 
 4 if they prove fcandalous, or to cure them if they were dan- 
 ‘ gerous; or if but frivolous, yet to take knowledg of them, 
 
 * thereby to ca'ft a fop into Cerberus's mouth, that he may ne- 
 
 6 ver bark again: his meaning being, as he pleas’d to profels* 
 
 4 to give fattiousSpirits no occafion hereby of boafting or glory, 
 
 4 for which caufe he had call’d the Bifhops in feverally by them- 
 4 felves, not to be confronted by the contrary Opponents, 
 
 * that if anything fhouldbe found meet to be redrefs’d, it 
 4 might be done (which his Majefty twice or thrice reiterated, 
 
 * as occafion ferv’d) without any vifible Alteration. 
 
 And this was the Sum, fo far as my dull Head could con¬ 
 ceive and carry it, of his Majefty’s general Speech. In par¬ 
 ticular he fignify’d unto them, 4 the principal matters, why 
 4 he call’d them alone, with whom he would confute about 
 4 fome fpecial Points, wherein himfelf defir’d to be fatisfy’d. 
 4 Thefe he reduc’d to three Heads.* Firft, concerning the 
 4 Book of Common Prayer, and Divine Service ufed in this 
 4 Church. Secondly, Excommunication in the Ecdefi&ftiati 
 4 Courts. Thirdly, the providing of fit and able Ministers 
 
 * for Ireland . 
 
 4 In the Book he requir’d Satisfaction about three things. 
 c Firft, about Confirmation : (i.) For the Name, if arguing 
 4 a confirming of Baptifm, as if this Sacrament without juc 
 4 were of no validity, then were it blafphemous. (2-) For 
 
 * the Life, firft brought upon this occalion; Infants being 
 
 * baptiz’d, and anfwering by their Patrini , it was necefary 
 4 they fliould be examin’d, when they came to years of Dif* 
 ‘ cretion, and after their Profeflion made by them felves, to be 
 ^ confirm’d with a Blefiing or Prayer of the Rifhop, laying his 
 
 * hands upon their Heads ; abhorring the Abufe in Popery, 
 4 where it was made a Sacrament and Corroboration to Baptifm. 
 
 6 The fecond was for Abfolution, which how we us’d it in 
 4 our Church, he knew not: He had heard it. liken’d to the 
 4 Pope’s Pardons, but his Majefty’s Opinion was, that there 
 
 * being only twa kinds thereof from God, the one gene- 
 
144 Dr. Barlow’/ Account of the 
 
 6 ral, the other particular ; for the firft,. all Prayers a.ncf 
 c Preachings do import an Abfolution; for the fecond, it is 
 4 to be apply’d to fpecial Parties, who having committed' a 
 
 Scandal, and repenting, are ‘abfolv’d: otherwife, where 
 G there preceSes not either Excommunication or Penance, 
 4 there needs no Abfolution. 
 
 4 The third was private Baptifm; if private for place, his 
 4 .Majefty thought it agreed with the Life of the primitive 
 6 Church; if for Perfons, that any but a lawful Mmifter 
 c might baptize any where, he utterly dillik’d: and in this 
 6 point his Highnefs grew fomewhat earned: againft the bapti- 
 4 zing by Women and Laicks. 
 
 4 The fecond Head was Excommunication, wherein he 
 4 offer’d two things to be conlider’d of 5 firft the Matter, 'fe- 
 4 condly the Perfon. In the Matter ; firft, whether it were 
 4 executed (as it is complain’d) in light caufes: fecondly, 
 4 whether it were not ufed too often. In the Perfons * firft, 
 4 why Laymen, as Chancellors and Commilfaries, ffioulddoit? 
 4 Secondly, why the Bifhops themfelves, for the more Dignity 
 4 to fo high and weighty a Cenfure, fhould not take unto them, 
 
 4 for their Afliftants, the Dean and Chapter, or other Mi- 
 4 nifters and Chaplains of gravity and account ; and fo like- 
 4 wife in other Cenfures, and giving of Orders, &c ? 
 
 The la ft for Ireland, his Majefty referred, as you fha 11 in 
 the laft day’s Conference hear, to a Confultation. His High- 
 nefs (to whom I offer great wrong, in being as Fhocion to 
 Vemojihenes , Koym > the Hatchet to cut ffiort fo amiable 
 
 a Speech) having ended, the Lord Arch-Bifhop, after that 
 on his Knee he had fignified how much this whole Land was 
 bound to God, for fetting over us a King, fo wife, learned 
 and judicious, addreffed himfelf to inform his Majefty of 
 all thefe points in their feveral order. 
 
 And firft, as touching Confirmation, he fhewed at large the 
 Antiquity of it, as being ufed in the . Catholick Church ever 
 fmce the Apoftles time, till that of late fome particular 
 Churches Jiad unadvifedly rejeded it. Then he declared the 
 lawful ufe of it, agreeable to his Majefties former Speech, 
 affirming it to be a mere Calumniation, and a very untrue Sug- 
 geftion, if any had inform’d his Highnefs, that the Church of 
 England did hold or teach, that without Confirmation, Baptifm 
 was impeded, or that it did add any thing to the Virtue and 
 Strength thereof. And this he made manifeft by the Rubricks 
 in the Gommunion-Book fet before Confirmation, which were 
 there read. 
 
 My Lord of London fucceeded, faying. That the Authority 
 of Confirmation did not depend only upon{he Antiquity and 
 
 Pradice 
 
Conference at Hampton-Court, i<5oj. 145 
 
 Praftice of the primitive Church, which out hf Cyprian , Ep.73. 
 and Hieron, adverfw Luciferian, he lhew’d, but that it was an 
 Inftitution Apoftolical, and one of the particular Points of 
 the Apoftles Cat.echifm, fet down and named in exprefs* words, 
 Heb. 6 . 2. and fo did Mr. Calvin expound that very place, who 
 wilh’d earneftly the Reftitution thereof in thofe Reformed 
 Churches, where it had been abolilh’d. Upon which place 
 the Bilhop of CVzr/// 7 e alfo infilled, and urg’d it both gravely 
 and learnedly. His .Majelly call’d for the Bible, read the 
 place of the Hebrews, and approv’d the Expofition. 
 
 Something alfo \ the Bifhop of Durham noted, out of the 
 Gofpel of St. Matthew , for the Impofition of Hands upon 
 Children. The Conclufion was, for the fuller Explanation 
 (that we make it not a Sacrament, or a Corroboration to a 
 former Sacrament) that it fhould be conlider’d of by their 
 Lordlhips, whether it might not without alteration (whereof 
 his Majelly was Hill very wary) be intitled an Examination 
 with a Confirmation. 
 
 Next in order was the point of Abfolution, which the Lord 
 Archbilhop clear’d from all Abufe or Superllition, as it is ufed 
 in our Church of England ; reading unto his Majelly both the 
 Confeflion in the beginning of the Communion Book, and the 
 Abfolution following it, wherein, faith he, the Minifter doth 
 nothing elfe but pronounce an Abfolution in general. His 
 Highnels perufed them both in the Book' it felf, liking and 
 approving them, finding it to be very true, which my Lord 
 Archbilhop faid. But the Bilhop of London llepping for¬ 
 ward, added, it becometh us to deal plainly with your Majelly ; 
 there is alfo in the Communion Book another more particular 
 and perfonal Form of Abfolution, prefcribed to be ufed in 
 the Order for the Yifitation of the Sick. This the Ring re¬ 
 quir’d to fee, and whilll Mailer Dean of the Chappel was 
 turning to it, the faid Bilhop alledg’d, that not only the Con- 
 feftions of Augufta , Bohemia , Saxony, which he there cited, do 
 retain and allow it; but that Mr. Calvin did alfo approve fuch 
 a general kind of Confeftion and Abfolution, as the Church 
 of England ufeth; and withal did very well like of thofe 
 which are private, for fo he terms them. The faid particular 
 Abfolution in the Common Prayer Book being read, his Ma¬ 
 jelly exceedingly well approv’d it : adding, c That it was 
 c Apoftolical, and a very good Ordinance, in that it was given 
 ‘ in the name of Chrift to one that defir’d it, and upon the 
 * clearing of his Confcience. 
 
 The conclufion was, that it Ihould be confulted of by the 
 Bilhops, whether unto the Rubrick of the general Abfolution, 
 thefe words, RemiJJionof Sins , might not be added for explana¬ 
 tion fake. L In 
 
146 Dr. Barlow’* Account of the 
 
 Iii the third place, the Lord Archbilhop proceeded to fpealr 
 of private Baptifm $ Ihewing his Majelly, that the Admini- 
 iixation of Baptifm by Women and Lay-perfons was not al¬ 
 low’d in the Practice of the Church, but enquir’d of by 
 Bilhops in their Vifitation, andcenfur’d; neither do the words' 
 in the Book infer any fuch meaning. Whereunto the 
 King excepted, 4 urging and prelTing the words of the Book, 
 
 * that they could not but intend a Permiflion, and fuffering of 
 4 Women and private Perfons to baptize. Here the Eilhop of 
 Worcefler laid, that indeed the words were doubtful, and might 
 be prefs’d to that meaning \ but yet it feem’d by the contrary 
 Pratliceof our Church (cenfuring Women in this cafe) that 
 the Compilers of the Book did not do intend them, and yet 
 propounded them ambiguoufly, becaufe otherwife perhaps the 
 Book would not have then pafs’d in the Parliament (and for this 
 conjecture, as I remember, he cited the Tellimony of my Lord 
 ABp of TorJ^J whereunto the Bp of London reply’d, that thofe 
 Learned and Reverend Men ? who framed the Book ef Common 
 Prayer,intended not by ambiguous terms to deceive any,but did 
 indeed by thofe words intend a Permiflfiomdf private Perfons, 
 to baptize in cafe of necdlity, whereof their Letters were 
 Witneffes : fome parts whereof he then read, and withal de¬ 
 clar’d that the fame was agreeable to the Practice of the an- 
 tient Church; urging to that purpofe, both A&s 2. where 
 3000 were baptiz’d in one day, which for the Apollles alone 
 to do, was impoffible, at leaft improbable \ and befides the 
 Apollles, there were then no Bilhops or Priells: and alfo the 
 Authority of Tertuttian , and St. Ambrofe in the fourth to the 
 Epbefians , plain in that point; laying alfo open the Abfurdities 
 and Impieties of their Opinion, who think there is no neceflity 
 of Baptifm. Which word NeceQity, he fo prefs’d not, as if 
 God without Baptifm could not fave the Child: but the cafe 
 put, that the State of the Infant dying unbaptiz’d beiyg un¬ 
 certain, and to God only known ; but if it die baptiz’d, there 
 is an evident affurance that it is fav’d \ Who is he that having 
 any Religion in him, would not fpeedily, by any means, pro¬ 
 cure his Child to be baptiz’d, and rather ground his Action 
 upon Chrift’s Promife, than his Omilfion thereof upon God’s 
 fecret Judgment? 
 
 His Majelly reply’d, frit to that place of the Atls, 4 That 
 * it was an Alt extraordinary, neither is it found Reafoning. 
 4 from things done before a Church be fettled and grounded, 
 4 unto thofe which are to be perform’d in a Church ftablilh’d 
 4 and flourilhing. That he alfo maintain’d the Neceflity of 
 4 Baptifm, and always thought, that the place of St. 'jfohn, 
 4 Niji qiiis renatw frnlt ex aqna > {yc* was meant of the Sacra- 
 
 4 ment 
 
Conference at Hampton-Courr, 1603. 14^ 
 
 * ment of Baptifm, and that he had fo defended it againft 
 4 fom$ Minifters in Scotland. And it may feem Strange to you 
 1 my Lords, faid his Majefty.* that I, who now think you la 
 c England give too much .to Baptifm, did fourteen months agO 
 
 * ii x'Scotland argue with my Divines there for afcribing too 
 4 little to that Holy Sacrament. Infomuch that a pert Mi- 
 4 nifter ask’d me, if I thought Baptifm fo neceffary, that if it 
 4 were omitted, the Child Ihould be damn’d : I anfwer’d him* 
 4 No,; but if you, being call’d to baptize the Child, tho pri- 
 ‘ vately, Ihould refufe to come, I think you (hall be damned; 
 4 But this Neceffity of Baptifm his MajeSty fo expounded 
 4 that it was neceffary to be had where it might be lawfully 
 4 had, id eft, minifter’d by lawful Minifters, by whom alone 
 
 * and by no private Perfon, he thought it might not in any 
 4 cafe be adminifter’d ; and yet utterly diflik’d all Rebap- 
 4 tization, altho either Women or Laicks had baptized; . 
 
 Here the Bifhop of Winchefter fpake very learnedly and ear¬ 
 nestly in that point, affirming, that the denying of private Per¬ 
 sons, in cafes of neceliity, tp baptize, were to crofs all Anti¬ 
 quity ; feeing that it had been the antient and common Prac¬ 
 tice of the Church, when Minifters at fuch times could not be 
 got, and that it was alfo a Rule agreed upon among Divines, 5 
 that the Minifter is not of the Effenceof the Sacrament. His 
 Majefty anfwer’d, 4 Tho he be not of the Effence of the Sa- 
 
 * crament, yet is he of the Effence of the right and lawful 
 4 Miniftry of the Sacrament, taking for his ground the Com- 
 4 miffion of Chrift to his Difciples, Mat, 28; 20. Go preach and 
 4 baptise. 
 
 Theiffue was a confutation, whether into the Rubrick of 
 private Baptifm, which leaves rt indifferently to all Laicks oe 
 C lergy, the words, Curate or lawful Afiniller , might not be ,in^ 
 ferted ; which was not fo much ftuck at by the Biffiops; Arid 
 fo his Majefty proceeded to the next point, about Excommu¬ 
 nication in caufes of leffer moment; firft, whether the Name 
 might not be alter’d, and yet the fame Cenfure be retain’d; 
 Or Secondly, whether in place of it, another Coercion equi¬ 
 valent thereunto might^not be invented and thought of; A 
 thing very eafilv yielded unto of all fides, becaufe it had beeri 
 long and often defir’d, but could; not be obtain’d from her 
 Majefty, who refold’d to be ftill fempet eadem , and to alter 
 nothing which ffie had once fettled. 
 
 And thus the Wednefday fucceeding being appointed for the 
 exhibiting of their Determinations in thefe points, and the 
 Monday next immediately following this prefent day, fof the 
 Opponents to bring in their Complaints, we were difmifs’d 
 after three hours and more fpent, Which were fob# goue,- 
 
 h 7 AW 
 
148 Dt\ Barlow’* Account of the 
 
 *0 admirably both for Underftanding, Speech, and Judgment 
 did his Majefty handle all thofe Points, fending us away, not 
 with Contentment only, but Aftonifhment; and, which is pi¬ 
 tiful you will fay, with lhame to us all, that a Ring brought 
 up among Puritans, not the learnedft men in the world, and 
 fchool’d by them; fwaying a Kingdom full of bufinefs and 
 troubles, naturally given to much Exercife and Repaft, fhould 
 in points of Divinity fhew himfelf fo expedite and perfeft, 
 that the greateft Scholars, and moft induftrious Students there 
 prefent might not outftrip him. But this one thing I might 
 npt omit, * that his Majefty fhould profefs, howfoever he liv’d 
 * among Puritans, and was kept for the moft part as a Ward 
 c under them, yet fince he was of the age of his Son, ten years 
 c old, he ever diflik’d their Opinions 5 as the Saviour of the 
 World faid, Tho he lived among them , he was not of them . 
 
 Finis prima diei . 
 
 The Second Dafs Confere n c e. 
 
 O N Monday, January 16. between eleven and twelve of 
 the clock, were the four Plaintiffs call’d into the Privy 
 Chamber (the two Bilhops of London and Winchefler being there 
 before) and after them all the Deans and Dotiors prefent, 
 which had been fummon’d, Patr. Galloway , fometime Minifter 
 of Perth in Scotland , admitted alfo to be there; the King’s 
 Majefty entringthe Chamber, prefently tcok his Chair, placed 
 as the day before (the noble young Prince fitting by upon a 
 Stool) where making a ftiort, but a pithy and fweet Speech, 
 to the fame purpofe which the fir ft day he made, a nz* ‘ of 
 4 the end of the Conference, meet to be had, he faid, by 
 c every King at his firft entrance to the Crown; not to in- 
 6 novate the Government prefently eftablifh’d, which by long 
 Experience he had found accompany’d with fo Angular Blef- 
 * lings of God forty five years, as that no Church upon the 
 c face of the Earth more flourifh’d than this of England . But 
 * firft to fettle an uniform Order thro the whole Church: 
 « Secondly, to plant Unity for the fupprefling of Papifts and 
 c Enemies to Religion : Thirdly, to amend Abufes, as natural 
 to Body? Politick and corrupt Man, as the Shadow to the 
 £ Body, which once being enter’d, hold on as a wheel, his 
 « motion once let going. And becaufe many grievous Com- 
 € plafnt& had been made to him, fince his firft entrance into 
 ' * J the 
 
Conference at Hampton-Court, 1603. 149 
 
 e the Land, he thought it beft to fend for fome, whom his 
 c Majefty underftood to be the moft grave, learned* and mo- 
 * deft of the aggrieved fort, whom being there prefent, he 
 ‘ was now ready to hear at large what they could objeft or 
 f fay; and fo will’d them to begin. Whereupon they four 
 kneeling down, Dr. Reynolds the Foreman, after a ftiort Pream¬ 
 ble gratulary, and fignifying his Majefty’s Summons, by virtue 
 whereof they then and there appear’d, reduced all matters 
 diflik’d or queftion’d into thefe four Heads: 
 
 1. That the Do&rineof the Church might be preferv’d in 
 Purity according to God’s Word. 
 
 2. That good Paftors might be planted in all Churches fo 
 preach the fame. 
 
 3. That the.Church-Government might be fincerely mi- 
 niftred, according to God’s Word. T 
 
 4. That the Book of Common Prayer might be fitted to 
 more increafe of Piety. 
 
 1. For the fifft, he moved his Majefty, that the Book of 
 Articles of Religion, concluded 1562. might be explain’d in 
 places obfcure, and enlarg’d where fome things were defective. 
 For Example ; whereas Alls 16. the words are thefe ; After 
 we have receiv'd the Holy Ghoft , we may depart from Grace : Not- 
 withftanding the meaning be found, yet he defir’d that, be- 
 caufe they may leem to be contrary to the Doffirine of God’s 
 Predeftination and Eleftion in the,17th Article, both tbofe 
 words might be explain’d with this or the like addition. Yet 
 neither totally , nor finally ; and alfo that the nine Affertions Or- 
 thodoxal, as he term’d them, concluded upon at Lambeth , might 
 be infefted into that Book of Articles. 
 
 2. Secondly, Where it is fa id in the 23d Article, c That it is 
 c not lawful for ! any Man to’ take upon him the Office of 
 ‘ Preaching or Adminiftring the Sacraments, in the Congre- 
 c gation, before he be lawfully call’d; Dr. Reynolds took ex¬ 
 ception to thefe words. In the Congregation ; as implying a Law- 
 fulnefs for any Man whatfoever, out of the Congregation, to 
 Preach and Adminifter the Sacraments, tho he had no law¬ 
 ful Calling thereunto. 
 
 Thirdly, In the 25th Article, thefe Words touching Con¬ 
 firmation, grown partly of the corrupt following the Apoftles, 
 being oppolite to thofe in the Collett of Confirmation in the 
 Commifnion-Book; upon whom, after the Example of the 
 Apoftles, argue, faith he, a Contrariety each toother: The 
 firft, confefiing Confirmation, to be a deprav’d Imitation of 
 the Apoftles: The fecond, grounding it upon their Exam- 
 
 h 3 pie, 
 
1^0 Dr ? BarlowV Account of the 
 
 pie, A 8 , 8. and 9. as if the Bilhop, in Confirming of Children, 
 did by his Impofing of Hands, as the Apoftles in thofe places, 
 
 f ive the.vifible Graces of the Holy Ghoft ; and therefore he 
 eftr’d that both the Contradiction might be confider’d, and 
 this ground of Confirmation examin’d. 
 
 Thus far Dr. Reynolds went on without any interruption • 
 But here, as he was proceeding, the Bifhop of London , much 
 moved to hear thefe Men, who fome of tnem the Evening 
 before, and the fame Morning, had made femblance of join¬ 
 ing with the Bifhops, and that they fought for nothing but 
 Unity, now thrive to overthrow (if they could) all at once, 
 cut him off , and kneeling down, molt humbly defir’d his 
 Majefty, firft, That the antient Canon might be remember’d 
 which faith, that Schifmatici contra Epifcopos non funt audiendi . 
 Secondly, That if any of thefe Parties were in the Number 
 of the Thoufand Minifters, who had once fubfcrib’d to the 
 Communion-Book, and yet had lately exhibited a Petition 
 to his Majefty againfl it, they might be remov’d, and not 
 beard, according to the Decree of a very antient Council; 
 providing, that no Man fhould be admitted to fpeak againft 
 that, whereto he had formerly fubfcrib’d. Thirdly, He put 
 'Dr, Reynolds and his Affociates in mind, how much they were 
 bound to his Majefty’s exceeding great Clemency, in that they 
 were permitted, contrary to the Statute, 1 Eli to fpeak fo freely 
 againft the Liturgy and Difcipline eftablilh’d, Laftly, Foraf- 
 jnuch as that he perceiv’d they took a courfe, tending to the ut¬ 
 ter overthrow of the Orders of the Church, thus long continu’d, 
 be delir’d to know the End which they aim’d at, alledging a 
 place out of Mr. Cartmight ; affirming, that we ought rather 
 to conform our felves in Orders and Ceremonies to the fafhi- 
 pn of the Turksj than to the Papifls: which Pofition, he doubt- 
 pd, they approv’d; becaufe, contrary to the Orders of the 
 iJniverfities, they appear’d before his Majefty in Turky- 
 Gowns, not in their Schplaftical Habits, ,'forting to their 
 Degrees. 
 
 His Majefty perceiving my Lord of London to fpeak in fome 
 Paffion, faid, c That there was in it fomething which he 
 * might excufe, fomething that he did miflike: Excufe his 
 * Palfton he might, thinking he had juft Caufe to be fo mov’d, 
 c both in refpeft that they did thus traduce the prefent well- 
 4 fetled Church-Government ; and alfo, did proceed in fo in- 
 * direft a courfe, contrary to their own pretence, and the in- 
 « tent of that meeting alfo. Yet he miflik’d his fudden in- 
 • terruption of Dr. Reynolds , whom he fhould have fuffier’d to 
 * have taken his courfe and liberty \ concluding, that there is 
 
Conference at Hampton-Court, 160$. 15c 
 
 *>no Order, nor can be any effedual Iffue of Difputation, if 
 
 * each Party might not be futFer’d, without chopping, to fpeak 
 x at large what he would. And therefore willed, that either 
 
 * the Dodor fhould proceed, or that the Bifhop would frame 
 x his Anfwer to thefe Motions already made; altho, fait£ his 
 c Majefty, fome of them are very neediefs. It was thought 
 fitter to anfwer, left the Number of Objedions increafmg, 
 the Anfwers would prove confus’d. 
 
 Upon the fir ft Motion, concerning falling from Grace: The 
 Bifhop of London took occafion to lignify to his Majefty, how 
 very many in thefe days, negleding Holinefs- of Life, pre¬ 
 fum’d too much of perfifting in Grace, laying all their Reli¬ 
 gion upon Predeftination, If I fhall be fav’d, I fhall be fav’d ; 
 which he term’d a defperate Doctrine, fhewing it to be con- 
 traryto good Divinity, and,the true Doctrine of Predeftina- 
 ition; wherein we fhould reafon rather afcenderJ than defcen - 
 dendo , thus: I live in Obedience to God, in Love with my 
 Neighbour ; I follow my Vocation, therefore I truft that 
 <aod hath elected me, and predefti#ted me to Salvation: 
 Not thus, which is the ufual courfe of Argument, God hath 
 predeftinated and chofen me to Life; therefore tho I fin never 
 ■fo grievoufly, yet I fhall not be damn’d: For whom he once lo - 
 •veth, he loveth to the end . Whereupon he fhew’d his Majefty 
 out of the next Article, what was the Dodrine of the Church 
 of England , touching Predeftination, in the very laft Para¬ 
 graph ; fell, We muft receive God’s Promifes, in filch wife, as 
 they be generally fet forth to us in Holy Scripture, and in 
 our doings, that the Will of God is to be follow’d, which we 
 have exprefly declar’d unto us in the Word of God : which 
 ‘ part of the Article his Majefty very well approv’d ; and af- 
 
 * ter he had, after his manner, very Angularly difcours’d on 
 
 * that place of St. Paul , Work, out your Salvation with fear and 
 ‘ trembling ; he left it to be confider’d, whether any thing 
 
 * were meet to be added, for the clearing of the Dodor’s 
 
 * Doubt, by putting in the word Often , or the like ; as thus: 
 
 * We may often depart from Grace; but in the mean time 
 € wilh’d, that the Dodrine of Predeftination might be very 
 < tenderly handled, and with great difcretion ; left on the one 
 f fide, God’s Omnipotency might be call’d in queftion, by im- 
 
 * peaching the Dodrine of his eternal Predeftination; or, on 
 
 * the other, a defperjte presumption might be arrear’d, by 
 f inferring the neceffary Certainty of Handing and perfifting 
 
 * in Grace. 
 
 To the fecpnd it was anfwer’d, that it was a vain Objedion, 
 becaufe, by the Dodrine and* Pradice of the Church of Eng - 
 land} none but a licenfed Minifter might preach, nor either 
 
 L 4 pubilckly 
 
152 Dr. Barlow V Account of the 
 
 publickly or privately adminiftcr the Eucharift, or the Lord’s 
 Supper. c And as for private Baptifm, his Majefty*anfwer’d, 
 
 * That he had taken. Order for chat with the Bifhops al- 
 c ready. 
 
 In the third Poipt ( which was about Confirmation) was 
 obferv’d either Curiofity or Malice ; becaufe the Article 
 which was there prefently read, in tliofe words ; c Thefe five, 
 c commonly cei\YA ) Sacraments •, that is to fay, Confirmation , Fe~ 
 c nance , Orders , &c. are not to be accounted for Sacraments of 
 
 * the Gofpel: being fuch as have grown partly of the cor- 
 c rupt following the Apoftles, foe, mlinuateth, that the ma¬ 
 king of Confirmation to be a Sacrament, is a corrupt Imitation ; 
 but the Communion-Book aiming at the right ufe, and proper 
 courfe thereof, makes it to be according to the Apoftles Ex¬ 
 ample: which his Mnjefty obferving, and reading both the 
 
 . places, concluded the Objection to be a meer Cavil. And this 
 was for the pretended contradiction. 
 
 Now, for the ground thereof, the Bifhop of London added. 
 That it was not fo mgfh founded upon the places in the Alls 
 of the Apoftles, which fome of the Fathers had often fhew’d ; 
 but upon Neb. 6 . 2. where it is made, as the firft day he had 
 laid, a part of the Apoftles Catechifm *, which was* the Opi¬ 
 nion, befides the Judgment of ijie Holy Fathers, of Mr. Calvin 
 and Dr. the one upon Neb. 6, 2. as upon Saturday, he had 
 declar’d; the other upon Ads 8. verfe 27. where, with St. An- 
 gufiine , he faith, that we do not in any wife miflike that anti- 
 ent Ceremony ( of Impofition of Hands, for ftrengthning and 
 confirming fuch as had been Baptiz’d ) but ufe it in our lelves, 
 being nothing elfe but, as St. Auflin affirmeth. Prayer over a 
 Man to be ftrengthned and confirm’d by the Holy Ghoft ; or; 
 to receive increafe of the Gifts of the Holy Ghoft, as St. Am- 
 brofe faith ; and a little after alludeth unto Neb. 6. 2, &c. Nei¬ 
 ther need there any great proof of this (faith my Lord) for 
 Confirmation to be unlawful,*, it was not their Opinion who 
 objetfed this, as he fuppos’d : This was it that vex’d them, 
 that they had not the ufe thereof in their own hands, every 
 Paftor in his Parifti to confirm, for then it would be account¬ 
 ed an Apoftolical Inftitution ; and willed iDr. Reynolds to fpeak 
 . herein what he thought: who feem’d to yield thereunto, re¬ 
 plying, That fome Diocefs of a Bifhop, having therein Six 
 hundred Parifh-Churches ( which Number caus’d the Bifhop 
 of London to think himfelf peffonally touch’d, becaufe in his 
 Diocefs there are 609, or thereabouts) it was a thing very 
 inconvenient to commit Confirmation unto the Bifhop alone, 
 (uppoling it im polftble that he could take due Examination of 
 
 them 
 
Conference at Hampton Court, 1605. 155 
 
 them all which came to be confirm’d. To the Fad, my Lord 
 of London anfwer’d, for his Ma jelly’s Information, That the 
 Bifhops, in their Vifitations, give out notice to them, who arc 
 defirous either to be themfelves, or to have their Children 
 confirm’d, of the place where they will be ; and appoint ei¬ 
 ther their Chaplains, or fome other Miniflers, to examine 
 them which are to be confirm’d, and lightly confirm none, 
 but either by the Teftimony or Report of the Parfons or 
 Curates where the Children are bred, and brought up. To 
 the Opinion hereply’d, That none of all the Fathers ever 
 admitted any to confirm but Bifhops alone ; yea, even St. Je- 
 rom himfelf, tho otherwife no friend to Bifhops, by reafon of 
 a quarrel between the Bifhop of Jerusalem and him ; yet con- 
 feffeth, that the execution thereof was reftrain’d to Bifhops 
 only. Ad honor cm potius Sacerdotii , qudm ad legu necejfitatem „ 
 Whereof, namely of this Prerogative of Bifhops, he giveth 
 this reafon ; Ecclefia fain* in fummi Sacerdotii dignitate pendit 5, 
 cui fi non exors -qu&dam fy ab omnibus eminens detnr poteftas, tot in 
 Ecclefiis cfficerentur fchifmata , quot Sacerdotes. My Lord Bifhop of 
 . Wincbefier challeng’d Dr. Reynolds , willing him, of his Learning, 
 
 ! to fhqw wherever he had read, that Confirmation was 'at all 
 ns’d in antient Times by any other but Bifhops; and added 
 withal, that it was us’d, partly to examine Children, and af- 
 . ter Examination, by Impofition of Hands ( which was a Ce¬ 
 remony of Bleffing among the Jews ) to blefs them and pray 
 over them ; and partly to try whether they had been baptiz’d 
 , in the right Form or no. For, in former Ages, Baptifm was 
 . adminiftred in divers forts : fome gave it. In nomine Patris fy 
 . Filii^ &c. Others, In nomine Patris majority Filii minority as the 
 Arians did: Some, In nomine Patris per Filium ^ in Spirit u fantto - 7 
 Others, not in the Name of the Trinity, but in the Death of 
 • Chrift, ifpc. Whereupon Catholick Bifhops were conftraiipd 
 to examine them who were Baptiz’d in remotis , far from them, 
 how they were taught to believe concerning Baptifm: If it 
 were right, to confirm them ; if amifs, to inllrutt them. 
 
 Has Majefty concluded this Point, firft by taxing St. Jerom 
 for his Affertion, that a Bifhop was not Divina Ordinationis ; 
 
 . (the Bifhop of London thereupon inferring, That unlefs he 
 could prove his Ordination lawful out of the Scriptures, he 
 would not be a Bifhop four Hours) which Opinion his Ma- 
 c jelly much diftafted, approving their Calling and Ufe in the 
 c Church, and clos’d it up with this fliort Aphorifm, No Bi- 
 c /loop, no King . Secondly, For Confirmation, his Highnefs 
 ‘ thought, that it forted neither with the Authority, nor De- 
 * cency of the fame, that every ordinary Pallor fhould do it ; 
 ‘ and therefore faid 3 That for his part, he meant not to take 
 
 ; t&at 
 
154 Dr . Barlow V Account of the 
 
 f that trom the Bifhops, which they had fo long retain’d an^ 
 
 * ^joy’d ; feeing, as it plea fed him to add, as great reafon, 
 
 * tb at none fhould confirm without the Bilfeop’s Licenfe, as 
 
 * none lhould preach without his Licenfe : and fo referring, 
 
 * as the day before, the word Examination to be added to the 
 
 * Rubrick, in the Title of Confirmation in th$ Conimunion- 
 
 * Book, if it were thought good fo to do, Hp. willed Dr.Rey- 
 nolds to proceed. 
 
 Who after that he had deprecated the Imputation of Schifin, 
 with a Proteftation, That he meant not to gall any Man, go- 
 eth onto the 37th Article, ‘wherein he faid thefe words, 
 
 * The Bilhop of Rome hath no Authority in this Land, not to 
 ■* be fufficient, unlefs it were added, nor ought to have. 
 Whereat his Majefty heartily laugh’d, and fo did the Lords : 
 the Ring adding an Anfwer, which the Rhetoricians call \y&- 
 ’vnyaL thif%x,ov* c What fpeak you of the Pope’s Authority here ? 
 
 * Habemm jure quod habemut •, and therefore, in as much as it is 
 
 * faid, he hath not ; it is plain enough, that he ought not to 
 
 * have. 
 
 This, and fome other Motions, feeming both to the King 
 and Lords very idle and frivolous, occafion was taken, in fome 
 by-talk, to remember a certain description, which Mr. Butler 
 of Cambridge made of a Puritan ; •mt. A Puritan is a Proteftant 
 frayed out of his Wits., But my Lord of London there ferioufiy 
 put his Majefty in mind of the Speeches, which the French 
 Embaifador Mr. Rogne gave out concerning our Church of 
 England , both at Canterbury after his Arrival \ and after, at the 
 Court, upon the view of pur folemn Service and Ceremonies; 
 narpely, that if the Reformed Churches in France had kept the 
 fame Orders among them which we have, he was allured that 
 there would have been many Thoufands of Proteftants more 
 there, than now there are: And yet our Men ftumble and 
 ftrain at thefe petty Quillets, thereby to difturb and difgracp 
 the whole Church? 
 
 After this the Do&or mov’d that this Propolition, The In* 
 tention of the Minifter k not of the Ejfence of the Sacrament , might 
 be added unto the Book of Articles *, the rather, becaufe that 
 fome in England had preach’d it to be Effential. And here 
 again he remembred the nine Orthodoxai Aflertions con¬ 
 cluded at Lambeth ? ‘ His Majefty utterly diflik’d that firft 
 
 * part of the Motion, for two Reafons; Firft, thinking it un~ 
 
 « fit to thru ft into the Book every Polition negative, which 
 
 * would both make the Book fwell into a Volume as big as 
 < the Bible, and alfo confound the Reader ; bringing, for 
 
 * Example, the Courfe of one Mr. Craig, in the like cafe, in 
 
 * Scotland 3 who with his, I renounce and abhor bk Deflations and 
 
 ~ - ~ v -- c Abretim - , 
 
Conference at Hampton-Court, 1603. 155 
 
 * Abrentmciations y did fo amaze the fimple People, that they, 
 
 4 not able to conceive all thofe things, utterly gave over all, 
 
 4 falling back to Popery, or remaining Hill in their former 
 4 Ignorance. Yea, if I, fa id his Majefty, Ihould have been 
 4 bound to his Form, the Confeftion of my Faith muft have 
 f been in my Table-book, not in my Head, But becaufe you 
 4 fpeak of Intention , faith his Highnefs, I will apply it thus: 
 
 € If you come hither with a good Intention, to be inform'd 
 « and fatisfy’d where you lhall find juft Caufe, the whole Work 
 4 will fort to the better eflfeft: but if your Intention be to 
 4 go as you came ( whatfoever fhall be faid) it will prove 
 4 that the Intention is very material and effential to the end 
 4 of this prefent Aftiop. To the other part, for tfie nine 
 Aflertions, his Majefty could not fuddenly anfwer, becaufe he 
 underftood not what the Do&or meant by thofe Aflertions or 
 Proportions at Lambeth but when it was inform’d his Majefty, 
 that by reafon of fome Controverfies arifing in Cambridge 
 about certain Points of Divinity, my Lord’s Grace afiembled 
 fome Divines of efpecial Note, to fet dow r n their Opinions, 
 which they drew into nine Aflertions, and fo fent them to 
 the Univerfity, for the appeafing of thofe Quarrels: Then his 
 Majefty anfwer’d, Firfr, That when fuch Queftions arife 
 among Scholars, the quieteft Proceeding were, to determine 
 the min the Univerflties, and not to fluff the Book with all 
 conclusions Theological. Secondly, The better courfe would 
 be to punifh the Broachers of falfe Doctrine, as occafion Ihould 
 be offer’d ; For were the Articles never fo many and found, 
 who can prevent the contrary Opinions of Men till they be 
 heard ? 
 
 Upon this the Dean of St. Paul* s kneeling down, humbly 
 defir’d leave to fpeak, fignifying unto his Majefty, that this 
 matter fomewhat more nearly concern’d him, by,reafon of 
 Controverfy between him and fome other in Cambridge , upon 
 a Propofition which he had deliver’d there ; Namely, that 
 whofoever (altho before juftified) did commit any grievous Sin, 
 as Adultery, Murder, Treafon, or the like, did become, ipjofatto s 
 fubjeft to God’s Wrath, and guilty of Damnation, or were in a 
 ftate of Damnation (quoad prafentem ftatum ) until they repented; 
 adding hereto, that thofe which were called and juftified accord¬ 
 ing to the purpofe of God’s Election, however they might, and 
 fometime fall into grievous Sins, and thereby into the pre¬ 
 fent ftate of Wrath and Damnation^ yet did never fall, either 
 totally from all the Graces of God, to be utterly deftitute of 
 all the Parts and Seed thereof, nor finally from Juftification, 
 but were in time renew’d, by God’s Spirit, unto a lively Faith 
 and Repentance \ and fo juftified from thofe Sins, and the 
 v^*- ' Wrath, 
 
156 Dr. BarlowV Account of the 
 
 Wrath, Curfe, and Guilt annex’d thereunto, whereunto they 
 are fallen, and wherein they lay, fo. long as they were with¬ 
 out true Repentance for the lame. Againft which Doftrine, 
 lie faid, that fome had oppofed ; teaching, that all fuch per¬ 
 rons as were once truly juftified, tho after they fell into, never 
 fo grievous Sins ; yet remain’d ftili juft, or in the ftate of Ju¬ 
 stification, before they actually reperited of thofe Sins’; yea, 
 and tho they never repented of them, through forgetfulneft 
 or fudden death, yet they fhould be juftified and faved with¬ 
 out Repentance. c la utter dillike of this Doftrine, his Ma- 
 
 * jefty entred into a longer Speech of Predeftination and Re- 
 « probation than before, and of the neceffary conjoyning Re- 
 c pentance and Holinefs of Life with true Faith; concluding, 
 c that it was Hypocrify,. and not true juftifying Faith, which 
 c was fevered from them: For altho Predeftination and Ele&T 
 c on depend not upon any Qualities, A&ions, or Works of 
 « Man, which be mutable, but upon God’s eternal and irnniu* 
 « table Decree and Purpofe ; yet fuch is the Neceflity of Re- 
 « pentance, after known Sins committed, as that, without if, 
 « there could not be, either Reconciliation with God, or Re- 
 
 * million of thofe Sins., 
 
 Next to this. Dr. Reynolds complain’d, that the Catechifm 
 in the Common-Prayer-Book was too brief; for which one by 
 Mr. Nowell, late Dean of St. Paul’ s, was added, and that too 
 long for young Novices to learn by heart: Requefted there¬ 
 fore, that one uniform Catechifm might be made, which, and 
 none other, might be generally receiv’d. It was demanded of 
 him. Whether if, to the fhort Catechifm in the Communion- 
 Book, fomething were added for the Dofirine of the Sacra¬ 
 ment, it would not ferve ? His Majefty thought the Doffor’s 
 Requeft very reafonable : but yet fo, that he would 
 
 < have a Catechifm in the feweft and plaineft Affirmative 
 « terms that may be; taxing withal, the Number of igno- 
 c rant Catechifms fet out in Scotland , by every one that was 
 
 * the Son of a Good Man : Infomuch as, that which was 
 
 < Catechifm-Do&rine in one Congregation, was in another 
 
 < fcarcely accepted as Sound and Orthodox ; wifhed therefore, 
 « one to be made and agreed, upon, adding this Excellent, 
 
 * Gnomical and Canon-like Conelufion, That in Reforming of 
 
 * a Church, he would have two;Rules obferv’d; Firft, that 
 4 old, curious, deep and intricate, Queftions might be avoided 
 « in the fundamental Inftruffion of a People. Secondly, That 
 « there fhould not be any fuch .departure from the Papifts in 
 
 * all things, as that, becaufe we, in fome Points agree with 
 6 them; therefore we fhould be accounted to be in an Error. 
 
 To 
 
Conference at Hampton*Coutt, 160 f. 157 
 
 To the former, Dr. Reynolds did add the Prophanation of 
 the Sabbath-day, and Contempt of his MajeSty’s Proclamati¬ 
 on, made for the Reforming of that Abufe, of which he ear¬ 
 nestly deiir’d a ftraighter courfe for Reformation thereof ; and 
 wnto this he found a general and unanimous Affent. 
 
 After that, he mov’d his Majeiiy, that there might be 
 a New Tranllation of the Bible ; becaufe, thofe which were 
 allow’d in the Reign of King Henry the Eighth, and Edward 
 the Sixth, were corrupt, and not anfwerable to the Truth of 
 the Original. For Example ; Firft, Galat . 4. 25. the Greek 
 word avwr/H is not well translated, as now it is; Bordereth f 
 neither expressing the force of the word, nor the Apoftle’s 
 fenfe, nor the Situation of the place. 
 
 Secondly, Pfalm 105.28. They were not obedient ; The Ori¬ 
 ginal being. They were not disobedient. 
 
 Thirdly, Pfalm io6.-v.erfe go. Then flood up Phinehas , and prayed- 
 the Hebrew hath it, Executed judgment. To which motion there 
 was, at the prefent, no gainfaying, the Objections being tri¬ 
 vial and old, and already in Print, often anfwer’d; Only 
 my Lord of London well added. That if every Man’s humour 
 Should be follow’d, there would be np end of Translating. 
 
 * Whereupon his Highnefs wifh’d, that fome efpecial pains 
 ‘ Should be taken in that behalf for one uniform Translation 
 
 * (profeSSing that he could never yet fee a Bible well translated 
 6 into Englijh ; hut the worft of all his Majefty thought the 
 f Geneva to be) and this to be done by the Bell Learned in 
 *■ both Univerlities ; after them to be review’d by the Bilhops, 
 
 * and the chief Learned of the Church; from them to be-pre- 
 
 * fented to the Privy Council ; and laftly, to be ratify’d by his 
 c Royal Authority ; and fo this whole Church to be bound un- 
 ‘ to it, and none other. Marry, withal he gave this Caveat, 
 
 <■ (upon a word caft out by my Lord ..of London ) that no margi- 
 f nai Notes Should be added, having found in them which are 
 « annex’d to the Geneva Translation (which hefaw in a Bible 
 
 * given him by an Engliflj Lady) fome Notes very partial, un- 
 *■ true, Seditious, and favouring too much of dangerous and trai- 
 c torous Conceits. As for example, the firft Chapter of Exodus 
 « and the nineteenth Yerfe, where the marginal Note alloweth 
 « Difobedience unto Kings. And 2 C hr on. 15,16. the Note 
 
 * taxeth Afa for depofing his Mother only, and not killing her. 
 
 * And fo concludeth this point as all the reft, with a grave and 
 
 * judicious Advice. Firft, that Errors in matters of Faith 
 
 < might be reftify’d and amended. Secondly, that matters 
 
 < indifferent might rather be interrupted, and a glofs added; 
 « alledging from Bartolw de Regno , that as better a King with 
 
 * fome weaknefs than ftill a Change; fo rather a Church with 
 
 ‘ fome 
 
158 Dr. Barlow’* Account of the 
 
 « fome faults than an Innovation. And Purely, faith his Ma« 
 
 * jefty, if thefe be the greateft matters you be griev’d with, 
 
 * I need not have been troubled with fuch Importunities and 
 
 * Complaints, as have been made unto me; fome other more 
 
 * private courfe might have been taken for your Satisfa&ion ; 
 4 and withal looking upon the Lords, he fhook his r Head, 
 
 * finding. 
 
 The la ft Point (noted by Dr. Reynolds') in this fir ft Head, 
 for Doctrine, was, That unlawful and feditious Books might 
 be fupprefs’d, at leaft reftrain’d, and imparted to a few : for 
 by the liberty of publifhing fuch Books fo commonly, many 
 young Scholars, and unfettled Minds in both Univerfities, and 
 thro the whole Realm, were corrupted and perverted ; naming 
 for one infcance that Book entitled, De jure Magijiratus in Sub- 
 ditos, publifh’dof late by Ficlerus a Papift, and apply’d againft 
 the Queen’s Majefty that laft was, for the Pope. The Biftiop 
 of London fuppofing, as it feem’d, himfelf to be principally 
 aim’d at, anfwer’d rirft to the general, that there was no fuch 
 licentious divulging of thofe Eooks, as he imagin’d or com¬ 
 plain’d of; and that none, except it were fuch as Dr. Reynolds , 
 Who were fuppos’d would confume them, had liberty by Autho¬ 
 rity to buy them. Again, fuch Books came into the Realm 
 by many fecret Conveyances; fo that there could not be a 
 perfect notice had of their Importation. Secondly, to the 
 particular Inftance of Ficlerw , he faid that the Anthor De 
 Jure y fyc. was a great Difciplinarian ; whereby it did appear 
 what advantage that fort gave unto the Papifts, who mutatk 
 prfonky could apply their own Arguments againft Princes of 
 the Religion: but for his own part he faid, he detefted both 
 the Author and the Applier alike. My Lord Cecil here taxing 
 alfo the unlimited Liberty of the difperfing and divulging thefe 
 Popiffi and feditious Pamphlets, both in Paul's Churchyard 
 and the Univerfities, inftanc’d one lately fet forth and pub- 
 lifh’d, namely. Speculum Tragkum ; which both his Majefty 
 and the Lord H. Howard y now Earl of Northampton term’d a 
 dangerous Book, both for Matter and Intention. And the 
 Lord Chancellor alfo dividing all fuch Book into Latin and 
 Englifl,)y concluded, that thefe laft difpers’d, did moft harm. 
 Yet the Lord Secretary affirm’d, that my Lord of London had 
 done therein what might be for the fupprefling of them ; and 
 that he knew no man elfe had done any thing in that kind but 
 he. At length it pleas’d his excellent Majefty to tell Dr. 
 Reynolds , 6 That he was a better Collegeman than a Statef- 
 
 * man ; for if his meaning were, to tax the Biffiop of London 
 
 * for fuffering thofe Books, between the Secular Priefts and 
 
 * Jefuits, lately publifh’d, fo freely to pafs abroad ; his Ma» 
 
 5 jefty 
 
 / 
 
Conference at Hampton-Court, 1603. 159 
 
 * jefty would have him and his Affociates to know, and willed 
 « themalfoto acquaint their Adherents and Friends abroad 
 4 therewith, that the faid Biffiop was much injur’d and flan- 
 
 * der’d in that behalf, who did nothing therein but by war- 
 4 rant from the Lords of the Council; whereby both a Schifra 
 
 * between them was nouriffi’d, and alfo his Majefty’s own 
 
 * Caufe and Title handled. The Lord Cecil affirming there¬ 
 unto, that therefore they were tolerated, becaufe in them 
 was the Title of Spain confuted. The Lord Treasurer added, 
 That;Dr. Reynolds might have obferv’d another ufe of thofe 
 Books, that now by the Teftimony of thofe Priefts them- 
 felves, her late Ma jefty and the State were clear’d of that 
 Imputation, of putting Papifts to death for their Confciences 
 only, and for their Religion, feeing in thofe Books they them- 
 felves confefs, that they were executed for Treafon. Dr. Rey¬ 
 nolds excus’d himfelf, expounding his Complaint, not meant 
 Of fuch Books as had been printed in England , but fuch as 
 came from beyond the Seas, as Commentaries both in Philo- 
 fophy and Divinity. And thefe were the parts of the firlt 
 Head, concerning Purity of Do&rine. 
 
 Touching Pallors 
 
 To the fecond general Point concerning the planting of 
 Minifters learned in every Pariffi ; it pleas d his Majefty to 
 anfwer, 4 That he had confulted with his Biftiops about that, 
 4 whom he found willing and ready to fecond him in it; ih- 
 4 veighing herein again ft the Negligence and Careleffneis 
 1 which he heard of many in this Land : but as fubita Evaata r 
 
 * tio was periculofa , fo fubita mutatio . Therefore this matter 
 4 was not for a prefent Refolution, becaufe to appoint to e- 
 4 very Pariffi a fufficient Minifter, were impoflible j the Uni-» 
 4 verfities would not afford them. Again, he had found al- 
 4 ready that he had more learned Men in this Realm, than he 
 4 had fufficient Maintenance for; fo that Maintenance muft 
 4 firft be provided, and then the other to be required. 
 4 In the mean time, ignorant Minifters, if young, to be re- 
 4 mov’d, if there were no hope of their Amendment *, if old, 
 4 their Death muft be expe&ed, that the next courfe may be 
 4 better fupply’d ; and fo concluded this Point with a moft 
 4 religious and zealous Proteftation, of doing fomething daily 
 4 in this cafe, becaufe Jerufalem could not be built up in a day. 
 TheJBiffiopof Winchefter made known to the King, that this 
 Inefficiency of the Clergy, be it as it is, comes not by the 
 Biffiops Defaults, but partly by Lay-Patrons, who prefent very 
 
 mean 
 
1 60 Dr. Barlow’* Account of the 
 
 mean Men to their Cures ; whereof in himfelf he fhew’d art 
 fnitance, how that finee his being Bifhop of Winehefter , very 
 fewMarfersof Arts were prefented to good Benefices: part¬ 
 ly, by the Law of the Land, which admitteth of a very mean 
 and tolerable Sufficiency in any Clerk ; fo that if the Bilhop 
 fhould not admit them, then prefently a Qjtiirc impedit is fenc 
 out again# him. 
 
 Here my Lord of London kneeling, humbly defir’d his Ma- 
 jefty (becaufe he faw, as he laid, it was a time of moving 
 Petitions) that he might have leave to make two or three. 
 Firft, that there might be amongft us a Praying Miniftry 
 another while: for whereas there are in the Miniftry many 
 excellent Duties to be perform’d, as the abfolving of the Pe¬ 
 nitent, praying for and Hefting of the People, adminiftring 
 of the Sacraments, and the like ; it is come to that pafsnow, 
 that fome fort of Men thought it the only Duty requir’d of a 
 Minifter, to fpend the time in fpeaking out of a Pulpit; 
 fometimes, God wot, very indifcreetly and unlearnedly : and 
 this with fo great injury and prejudice to the Celebration of 
 Divine Service, that fome Minifters would be content to walk 
 in the Churchyard till Sermon time, rather than to be prefent 
 at publick Prayer* He confefs’d, that in a Church new to 
 be planted, Preaching was inoft neceffary ; but among us, 
 now long eftablilh’d in the Faith, he thought it not the only 
 neceffary Duly to be perform’d, and the other to be fo pro¬ 
 fanely negletfed and contemn’d. Which Motion his Majefty 
 liked exceeding well, 4 very acutely taxing the Hypocrify of 
 
 * our times, which placeth all Religion in the Ear, thro which 
 
 * there is an eafy Pailage ; but Prayer, which expreffeth the 
 ~ c Heart’s Affe&ion, and is the true Devotion of the Mind, as 
 4 a matter putting us to overmuch trouble (wherein there 
 
 ■< concur, if Prayer be as it ought, an impartial Confideration 
 
 of our own Eftates, a due Examination to whom we pray, an 
 ( humble ConfefTion of our Sins, with an hearty Sorrow 
 c for them, and Repentance not fever’d from Faith) is ac- 
 4 counted and ufed as the Leall part of Religion. 
 
 The fccond was, That till fuch time as learned and fuftb 
 cient Men might be planted in every Congregation, thai 
 godly Homilies might be read, and the number of them in¬ 
 creas’d; and that the Opponents would labour to bring them 
 into credit again, as formerly they brought them into con¬ 
 tempt. Every man, faith he, that can pronounce well, can¬ 
 not indite well. 
 
 4 The King’s Majefty approv’d this Motion, efpecially where 
 ‘ the Living is not fulficient for Maintenance of a learned 
 f Preacher; asalfo in places where plenty of Sermons are, as 
 
 i in 
 
Conjehme at Hampton-Court, i6oj. 16 1 
 
 * in rile City and great Towns. In the Country .Villages, 
 
 * where Preachers are not Hear together, he could wi!h 
 
 * Preaching; but where there are a multitude of Sermons, 
 
 * there he would have Nomilks to be read divers times; and 
 c therein he ask’d the Alient of the .Plaintiffs, and they con- 
 ‘ fefs it. A preaching Miniitry, -faith his Ma jelly, was’bell; 
 ’‘'but where'it might not be had, godly Prayers and Exhor- 
 
 * tations did much good, if hat that may be done, let it, and 
 4 let the ireft that cannot, be .tolerated. Soriiewhat was here 
 fpoken by the Lord Chancellor, of Livings rather wanting 
 Learned Men, than Learned Men Livings. Many, in the Uni- 
 “verfities pining, Maflers, Batchelors, and Upfwards ; wiihing 
 therefore, tftat fome might have .Angle Coats, before others 
 had Doublets: And here his LordlhipIhewed the Coutfe, that 
 he had ever taken, in bellowing the King’s Benefices, My Lord 
 of Lortdon commending his Honourable Care that way; withal 
 excepted, that a Doublet was neceffary in cold Weather: The 
 Lord Chancellor reply’d, That he did it not for diflike of the 
 Liberty of our Church, in granting one Man two Benefices, 
 but out of his own private purpofe and practice, grounded 
 upon the forefaid Reafon, 
 
 The lafb Motion by my Lord of London was. That Pulpits 
 might not be made Pafquils, wherein every humorous or dif- 
 contented Fellow might traduce his Superiors. s Which the 
 ‘ King very gracioully accepted, exceedingly reprovihg that 
 ‘ as a lewd Cullom; threatning, that if he fhoald but hear 
 4 of fuclra one in a Pulpit, he would make him an Example ; 
 
 * concluding with a fage Admonition to the Opponents, that 
 ‘ every Man fhould follicit and draw his Friends to make 
 € Peace ; and if any thing were amifs in the Church-Officers, 
 4 not to make the Pulpit" the place of perfonal Reproof, but 
 ‘ to let his Majelly hear of it; yet by degrees. 
 
 4 Firll,. let complaint be to the Ordinary of the place, from 
 1 him to go to the Archbifhop; from him, to the Lords of his 
 
 Ma jelly’s Council; and from them, if in all thefe places no 
 ‘ remedy is found, to his own felf. Which Caveat his Majefiy 
 put in, for that the Bifhopof London had told him, that if he 
 left himfelf open to admit of all Complaints, neither his Ma- 
 jelly Ihould ever be quiet, nor his Under-Officers regarded; 
 feeing that now already no fault can be cenfured, but prefently 
 the Delinquent threatneth a Complaint to the King : and for 
 j aninftance, he added, how a Printer, whom he had taken 
 faulty, very lately anfwer’d him in that very kind. 
 
 Dr. Reynolds cometh now to Subfcription (which concerneth 
 the fourth General Head, as he firll propounded it, namely, 
 Ths Communion Bool^J taking occafion to leap into it here, as 
 
 M making 
 
162 Dr. Barlow’* Account of the 
 
 making the urging of it to be a great Impeachment to % 
 learned Miniftry ; and therefore intreated it might not be 
 exacted as heretofore, for which many good Men were kept 
 out, others remov’d, and many difquieted. To fubfcribe ac¬ 
 cording to the Statutes of the Realm, namely, to the Articles 
 of Religion, and the Ring’s Supremacy, they were not un¬ 
 willing. The reafbn of their Backwardnefs to fubfcribe o- 
 therwife was, firft the Book Apocryphal, which the Common 
 Prayer Book enjoin’d to be read in the Church, albeit there are 
 in fome of thofe Chapters appointed, manifeft Errors, dire idly 
 repugnant to the Scriptures: the particular inftance, which 
 he then infer’d, was Ecclw, 48. 10. where he charg’d the Au¬ 
 thor of that Book, to have held the fame Opinion with the 
 Jews at this day, namely, that Elm in perfon was to come 
 before Chrift \ and therefore as yet Chrift, by that reafon, 
 not come in the flefti: and fo eonfequently it imply’d a Denial 
 of the chief Article of our Redemption. His reafon of thus 
 charging the Author was, bscaufe that Ecclus. ufed the very 
 word of Elias in perfon , which the Prophet Malachi , chap. 4. 
 doth apply to an Elias in refemblance which both an Angel, 
 Lulee 17. and our Saviour Chrift, Mat, 11. did interpret to be 
 John Baptifi. The Anfwer was, as the Objection, twofold. 
 Firft, General, for Apocryphal Books \ the Bifhop of London {hew¬ 
 ing, firft, for the Antiquity of them, that the moft of the 
 Obje&ions made againft thofe Books, were the old Cavils of 
 the Jews, renew’d by St. Jerom in his time, who was the firft 
 that gave them the name of Apocrypha ; which Opinion, upon 
 Ruffinw’s Challenge, he after a fort difclaim’d ; the rather, 
 becaufe a general Offence was taken at his Speeches in that 
 kind ; firft for the continuance of them in the Church, out of 
 Kimedoncm and Chemnitiws , two modern Writers. 
 
 The Bifhop of Winton remember’d the Diftindion of St./<?- 
 rom ; Canonici funt ad inf ormandos mores, non ad confirmandam fidem : 
 which Diftindtion, he faid, muft be held for the jiiftifying of 
 fundry Councils. His Majefty in the end faid, 4 he would 
 6 take an even order between both *, affirming, that he would 
 € not wifh all Canonical Books to be read in the Church, unlefs 
 there were one to interpret, nor any Apocrypha at all, where- 
 
 * in there was any Error but for the other, which were clear 
 4 and correfpondent to the Scriptures, he would have them 
 € read : for elfe, faith his Majefty, why were they printed ? 
 4 and therein fhew’d the ufe of the Books of Maccabees, very 
 
 * good to make up the Story of the Perfection of the Jews ; 
 
 * but not to teach a Man either to faerifice for the Dead, or 
 4 to kill himfelf. 
 
 And 
 
Conference dt Hamptori-Court, i8oj. 1 6 $ 
 
 'Arid here hi» Highnefs arofe from his Chair, and Withdrew 
 hlmfelf into his inner Chamber a littJe fpace. In the mead 
 time a great queftioning was amongft the Lords, abotft that 
 place ot Ecdw. with which, as if it had. been their rei and 
 uplhot, they began afrelh, at his Majefty’s return; who feeing 
 4 them fo to targe it, and ftand upon it, calling for a Bible^ 
 
 4 firft IheW’d the Author of that Book, who he was, 1 then the 
 * caufe why he wrote that Book ; next analiz’d the Chapter 
 4 it felf, fh’ewing the Precedents and Confequents thereof | 
 
 4 laftly, fo exdttly and Divine-like unfolded the Sum of that 
 4 place, arguing and demonftrating, that whatfoever Ben Si «* 
 
 4 rach had faid there of EliotElias had iri his own perfon^ 
 
 4 while he liv’d, perform’d and accomplilh’d. So' that the 
 SufurrHt at the firft mention was not fo great, as the AfrOtiiAr- 
 ment was now at the King’s fudden and found, and indeed 
 admirable an Interpretation : Concluding firft with a ferioug 
 CheOk to Dr. Rfyndlds; That it was not good to rmpofe upon a 
 irian that was dead, a Senfe never meant by him. Secondly^ 
 with a pleafant Apojhophe to the Lords; What , trow ye , tnakc 
 thefe men fo angry with Ecclefiafticus ? By My Sdul I thitilf he wok 
 a Bifhop , or elje they would never ufe him fo. But for the general^ 
 it was appointed by his'Majefty, that Du Reynolds fhould nOt& 
 thofe Chapters in the Apocrypha Book, where thofe offeniive 
 places Were, and flioutd bring them unto the Lord Archbiffropi 
 of Canterbury againft Wcdnefday next; and fo he was willed 
 to goon.: 
 
 The next Scruple againft Subfcripthti was : That 61d btdtiib* 
 bit pofita, that in the Common Prayer Book it is twice fet 
 down, Jefm faid to hit Difciples ; when as by the next Original 
 it is plain, that he fpake to the Pharifees . To which it was 
 anfwer’d, that for ought that could appear by the places, he 
 might fpeak as well to his Difciples , they being prefent, as td 
 the Pharifees , But his Majefty keeping an even hand; Wilted 
 fhat the word Difciples fhould be omitted, and the words JefiU 
 faid, to be printed iri a different Letter, that might appear: 
 not to be a part of the Text*; 
 
 The third Objection againff Subfcription, were Interrogatories: 
 in Raptifm , propounded to Infants, which being a profound 
 £oint, was put upon Mr. Kncwflubs to pur file; who in a lohg 
 and perplex’d Speech faid fomething out of AujUn, that Bajtt- 
 tare was Credere ; but wjiat it was, his Majefty plainly coflfefs’d. 
 Ego non intelligo and asked the Lords, what they thdurgh't he 
 meant. It feem J d that one prefent conceiv’d him; hi he 
 ftanding athis back, bad him urge that Pirn £¥, Vrge that Punff* 
 that it a good Point . My Lord of Wititon arming at his'riTennirig^ 
 Slew’d him the ufe thereof out of S VAttftiny and' added the 
 M 7 Father’s' 
 
164 Dr . Barlow’i Account of fhe 
 
 Father’s reafon for it, Qui peccavit in altero, credat . in alter0 ; 
 which was feconded by his Majefty (whom it pleas’d, for the 
 reft of the matters which follow’d, himfelf alone to anfwer ; 
 and juftly might he appropriate it to himfelf, for none prefent 
 were able with quicker Conceit to imderftand, with a more 
 fingular Dexterity to refute, with a more judicious Refolution 
 to determine, than his Majefty : herein being more admirable, 
 that thefe Points, wherein fome thought him prejudicial to 
 the contrary, all of us fuppos’d him to have been but a Stran¬ 
 ger to them, he could fo intelligently apprehend, and fo rea¬ 
 dily argue about them) it was, I fay, feconded by his Majefty: 
 
 6 Firft, by reafon that the Queftion fhould be propounded to 
 * the Party whom it principally concern’d. Secondly, by 
 e example of himfelf, to whom Interrogatories were pro- 
 c pounded when he was- crown’d in his Infancy, King of 
 6 Scotland. .»• -,! . 
 
 And here his Majefty (as hereafter at the end of every 
 Obje&ion he did) asked them, whether they had any more 
 to lay. 
 
 Mr. Knew Mr took exceptions at the Crofs in Baptifni, be¬ 
 ing in number two. iff, The Offence of weak Brethren, 
 grounded upon the words of St. Paul , Rom. -14. and 1 Cor . 8. 
 vix. the Confciences of the Weak not to be offended. Which 
 places his excellent Majefty anfwer’d moft acutely, beginning 
 with that general Rule of the Fathers: 4 Dijlingue tempora , 
 
 4 concordabunt Scriptur& ; Ihewing here the difference of thofe 
 4 times and ours, then a Church not fully planted nor fettled, 
 
 4 but ours long ftabliih’d and fiourilhing; then Chriftians new- 
 4 iy call’d from Paganifin, and not thoroly grounded; which is 
 4 not the cafe of this Church, feeing that Heathenilb Do&rine 
 4 for many years has been hence abandon’d. 2/y,With a Queftion 
 4 unanfwerable, asking them how long they would be Weak? 
 
 4 Whether 45 years were not fufficient for them to grow ftrong ? 
 6 qdly Who they were pretended this Weaknefs : For we, faith 
 4 the King, require not now Subfcription of Laicks and Idiots, 
 4 but Preachers and Minifters, who are not ftiil, I trow, to be 
 4 fed with, milk, but are enabled to feed others, qt/j/y, That 
 4 it was to be doubted fome of them were ftrong enough, 
 
 4 if not headftrong ; and howfoever they in this cafe pretended 
 4 Weaknefs, yet fome, in whofe behalf they now fpake, 
 
 4 thought themfelves able tot.each him, and all the Biftiops 
 4 ©f the Land. 
 
 His Objetlion againft the Crofs confifted of three Interro¬ 
 gatories : Firft, Whether the Church had power to inftitute 
 an external fignificant Sign ? To which was reply’d, i/f, That 
 hemiftookthe Ufeof the Crofs with us. which was not ufed 
 
 1 in 
 
Conference at Hampton-Court, i6of. 1 6 $ 
 
 in Baptifm, any other wife than only as a Ceremony, idly, By 
 their own example, who make Impofition of Hands, in their 
 Ordination of Pallors, to be a Sign fignificant. 
 
 Thirdly, in Prayer, faith, the Biihop of Winton, the kneeling 
 on the ground, the lifting up of our Hands, the knocking of 
 our Breads, are Ceremonies fignificant ; the fir ft, of our Hu¬ 
 mility coming before the mighty God ; the fecond,of our Con¬ 
 fidence and Hope; the other of our Sorrow and Deteftation 
 of our Sins: and thefe are and may lawfully be ufed,, Laftly* 
 Mr. Dean, of the Chappel remember’d the Practice of (he 
 Jews, who unto the Inftitution of the PafTover, prefcribed 
 unto them .by Mofes, had, as the Rabbins witnefs, added both 
 Signs and Wofds, eating four Herbs, and drinking Wine, with 
 thefe words to both. Take and eat thefe in remembrance , &c. 
 Drink this in remembrance, &c. Upon which Addition and Tra¬ 
 dition of theirs, our Saviour inftituted the Sacrament of his 
 laft Supper, in celebrating it with the fame words, and after 
 the fame manner ; thereby approving that Fatt of theirs in 
 particular, and generally, that a Church may inftitute and 
 retain a Sign fignificant; which fatisfy’d his Majefty exceeding 
 well. 
 
 And here the King defir’d to have himfelf made acquainted 
 about the Antiquity of the Ufe of the Crofs, which Dr. Rey¬ 
 nolds confefs’d to have been ever fince the Apoftles times ; but 
 this was the difficulty, to prove it of that antient ufe. in Bap¬ 
 tifm. For that at their going abroad, or entering into the 
 Church, or at their Prayers and Benedi&ions, it was ufed by 
 the Antients, requir’d no great proof. But whether in Bap¬ 
 tifm, Antiquity approv’d it, was the doubt call in by Mr. 
 Dean of Sarum , whom his Majefty fingled out, with a fpecia! 
 Encomium, that he was a man well vers’d in the Antients r 
 Which doubt was anfwer’d, obfignatis tahulif , by the Dean of 
 Wejiminfler (whom the King’s Majefty, upon my Lord of Lon¬ 
 don's motion, willed to fpeak to that point) out of TertuUian , 
 Cyprian , Origen , and others, that it was ufed in Immortali lavacro 5 
 which words being a little defcanted, it fell from one, I think 
 it was my Lord of IVinchefter , obiter , to fay, that in Conftantine's, 
 time it was ufed in Baptifm. c What, quoth the King, and 
 ‘ is it now come to that pafs, that we fhall appeach Conflantine 
 ( of Popery and Superftition ? If then it were ufed, faith his 
 ‘ Majefty, I fee no reafon but that ftill we may continue it. 
 
 Mr. Knervftubs’s fecond Queftion was, That put cafe the 
 Church had fuch power to add. fignificant Signs, whether it 
 might there add them, where Chrirt had already ordain’d one ; 
 which he faid was no lefs derogatory to Chrift’s Inftitution, as 
 he thought, than if any Potentate ‘of this Land fhould pre~ 
 
 M 3 fume 
 
s 66 Dr , Barlow^ Account of the 
 
 fume to add his Seal to the Great'Seal of England . To which 
 Lis Majefty anlwer’d, c that the cafe was not alike ; for that 
 f nofignor thing was added to the Sacrament, which was 
 
 * fully and perfectly finifb. ? d ? before any mention of the Crofs 
 
 * is • made ; for Confirmation whereof, he willed the place 
 
 ? to he read, - 
 
 Laftly, if the Church had that Power alfo, yet the grcateil: 
 Scruple to their Confcience was, how far fuch an Ordinance 
 of- the Church was to bind them, without impeaching their 
 Chrifr ian Liberty? Whereat the King, as it feem’d, was 
 much moved, and told him, c he would not argue that Point 
 f with him, but anfwer therein, as Kings are wont to fpeak 
 G in Par liament, Le Roy s'avijera ; adding withal, that it fmell’d 
 c very rankly of Anabaptifm: comparing it to the Ufage 
 c of a beardlefa Boy (one Mr. John Blacl^J who the laft Con* 
 f ference his Majeliy had with the Jvlinillers of Scotland , in 
 
 * December 1602. told him. That he would hold Conformity 
 
 * with his Majelly’s Ordinances, for matters of Do&rine ; but 
 f for matters of Ceremony, they were to be left in Chriftian 
 ? Liberty to every man, as he receiv’d more and more Light 
 
 * from the Illumination of God’s Spirit: Even till they go mad, 
 
 * quoth the King, with their own Light. But I will none of 
 •f that; I will have one Dodrine, and one Difcipline, one 
 •? Religion in Subllance and in Ceremony ; and therefore I 
 f charge you never to fpeak more to that point (how far you 
 
 * are bound to obey) when the Church hath "ordain’d it. 
 (And To asked them again, if they had any thing elfe to fay. 
 
 Dr. Reynolds objeded the Example of the Brazen Serpent, 
 demolifh’d and ftampt to ponder by Ne^echiab, becaufe the 
 (People abus’d it to Idolatry, wiihing that in like fort the 
 Crofs Ihould be abandon’d, becaufe in the time of Popery it 
 (had been fuperftitioufly abus’d. Whereunto the King’s Ma- 
 jefty anfwer’d divers ways; Fir ft, quoth he, tho I be fuffi- 
 
 I ciently perfuaded of the Crofs in Baptifm, and the com* 
 5 inendable CJfe thereof in the Church fo long; yet if there 
 
 * were nothing elfe to move me, this very Argument were 
 ■? an Inducement to me for the retaining of it,- as it is 
 
 * no\y by Order eftabliih’d.’ For inafmuch as it was abu- 
 
 * fed; fbyou fay, to Super ftition in time of Popery, it doth 
 
 * plainly imply, that it was well u fed before Popery. I will 
 65 tell you, I have lived among this fort of men (fpeaking to 
 £ the Lords and Bilhops)' ever fincel was ten years- old; but 
 
 * I may fay of my fel£ as Chrifr did-of himfelf, Tho I lived 
 ** among them, yetfmee I had Ability to judg, I y^as never 
 c pf-them ; neither did anything make me more to condemn 
 5 and'cteil ibeir amrfcj than tha$ they dicj peremptorily 
 
 II foil . :.i ' .: ; 
 
Conference tt Hampton-Cdurt, 160J. i 6 -j 
 
 * difallow of ail things, which at all had been ufed in Popery. 
 
 * For my part, I know not ho w to anfwer the Objection of the 
 
 * Papifts, when they charge us with Novelties ; but truly to 
 ‘ fell them, that their Abufes are new, bur the things which 
 ‘ they abufed, we retain in their primitive Ufe, and forfake 
 
 * only.the novel Corruption. By this Argument we might 
 ‘ renounce the Trinity, and all that is Roly, becaufe it was 
 ‘ abufed in Popery: and (fpeaking to Dr. Reynolds merrily) 
 ‘ they ufed to wear Hofe and Shops in Pppery, therefore 
 ‘ you fhall now go barefoot. 
 
 ‘ Secondly, quoth his Majefty, what refemblance is there 
 ‘ between the Brazen Serpent, a material vifible thing, and 
 ‘ the Sign of the Crofs made in the Air ? 
 
 ‘ Thirdly, I am given to unierftand by the Bifhops, and I 
 ‘ find it true, that the Papifts themfelves did never aferibe 
 ‘ any Power or fpiritual Grace to the Sign of the Crofs in 
 ‘ Baptifm. 
 
 ‘ Fourthly, you fee that the material Crofies, which in 
 c time of Popery were made, for men to fall down before 
 ‘ them, as they pafs’d by them to worihip them (as the Ido- 
 ‘ latrous Jews did the Brazen Serpent) are demQlifh’d, as. 
 ‘ you defire. 
 
 The next thing which was objefled, was the wearing of 
 the Surplice, a kind of Garment, which the Priefts of Ifis 
 ufed to wear. c Surely, faith his Majefty, till of late I did 
 ‘ not think that it had been borrow’d from the Heathen, be? 
 
 ‘ caufe it is commonly term’d, a, Rag of Popery , in fporn; but 
 ‘ were it fo, yet neither did we border upon HeatheniPn Na^ 
 
 ‘ tions, neither are;any of them converfant with, us, or com- 
 ‘ morant amongft us, who thereby might take juft occafion 
 
 * to be ftrengthned, or confirm’d in Paganifm ; for then there 
 ‘ were juft caufe to PupprePs the wearing it; but feeing it 
 ‘ appear’d out of Antiquity, that in the Celebration of Divine 
 ‘ Service, a different Habit appertained to the Miniftry* 
 
 ‘ and principally of white Linen ; he Paw no reafon, but that 
 
 * in this Church, as it had been for comelinefs and for order 
 
 * fake, it might ftill be continued. This being his conftant 
 ‘ and refolute Opinion, That no Church ought further to 
 
 | * feparate it Pelf from the Church of Rome , either in Doftrine 
 ; ‘ pr Ceremony, than fhe-had departed fromherfelf, when the 
 j ‘ was in her ftourifhing and beft Efface, and from Chrift her 
 
 * Lord and Head. And here again he ask’d yihut more they 
 ‘ had to fay. 
 
 D** Reynold $ t6ok exceptions at thole wards in the Common 
 Prayer Book^ of Matrimony, With my Body I thee worfloip. His 
 tyajelty looking upon the place ; '* I was "made believe, faith 
 
 M 4 * he. 
 
x68 Dr. Barlow 's'Account of the 
 
 4 he, that the Phrafe did import no lefs than Divine Worfhip 
 4 and Adoration : But by the Examination I find, that it is 
 4 aa nfual Englifh term, as a Gentleman of Worjhip , &c. and 
 the fenfe agreeable unto the Scripture’s Giving honour to the 
 c Wife, &c. But turning to Dr. Reynolds ( with fmiling, faith 
 c his Majefty ) Many a Man fpeaks of Robin Hood , who never 
 € fhot in his Bow: If you had a good Wife your felf,you would 
 6 think all the Honour and Worihip you could do to her, were 
 ‘ well bellow’d. 
 
 c The Dean of Savum mention’d the Ring in Marriage; 
 
 4 which Dr. Reynolds approv’d, and the King confefs’d that he 
 4 was Married withal*, and added, that he thought they would 
 c prove to be fcarce well Married, who are not Married with 
 c a Ring. 
 
 c He likewife fpake of the Churching of Women, by the 
 c name of Purification ; which being read out of the Book, his 
 c Majefty very well allow’d it, and pieafantly faid, That Wo- 
 4 men were loth enough of themfeives to come to Church; 
 c and therefore he would have this, or any other occalion, to 
 c draw them thither. 
 
 And this was the Subftance and Sum of that Third general 
 Point. At which paufe, it growing toward night, his Ma¬ 
 jefty ask’d again, if they had any more to fay ? If they had, 
 becaufe it was late, they ftiould have another day: but M. 
 Dr. Reynolds told him. That they had but one Point more, 
 which was the laft General Head. But it pleas’d his Majefty, 
 firft to ask, what they could fay to the Corner’d Cap ? They 
 all approv’d it : 4 Well then, laid his Majefty, turning him. 
 c felf to the Bifhops, you may now fafely wear your Capsc 
 c But I fhall tell yon, if you fhould walk in one Street in Scot - 
 c land, with fuch a Cap on your Head, if I were not with you, 
 
 £ you fhould be ftoned to Death with your Cap. 
 
 In the fourth General Head, touching Difcipline, Dr. Rey¬ 
 nolds firft took exception to the committing of Ecclefiaftical 
 Cenfures unto Lay-Chancellors: His Reafon was. That in 
 the Statute made in King Henryh time for their Authority, 
 
 £ that was Abrogated in Queen Mary' s time, and not revived 
 in the late Queen’s days; and Abridg’d by Bifhops themfeives 
 1571. ordering, that the faid Lay-Chancellors Ihould not Ex¬ 
 communicate m Matters of Correction; and Anno 1584, and 
 x <5 89. not in Matters of Inftance, but to be done only by 
 them, who had Power of the Keys. His Majefty anfwer’d, 
 
 6 He had already conferred with his Bifhops about that Point, 
 f and that fuch order fhould be taken therein, as was conve- 
 . / nient; willing him in the mean time, to go to fome other 
 
 matter, if he had any. Then he defireth, that according to. 
 
 certain' 
 
Conference at HamptorvCourt, 160}. 169 
 
 certain Provincial Constitutions, they of the Clergy might, 
 have Meetings once every three Weeks : Firft, in Rural 
 Deanries, and therein to have Prophecying, 
 according as the Reverend Father Archbifhop i Cor. 14, 
 GrtndaU, and other Bilhops defir’dof her late Ma¬ 
 jefty. Secondly, That fuch things as could not be refolv’S 
 upon there, might be referred to the Archdeacon’s Vilitation ; 
 And fo, Thirdly, from thence to the Epifcopal Synod, where 
 the Bifhop, with his Presbytery, Should determine 
 ail fuch Points, as before could not be decided. Atts 21 • 
 
 At which Speech, his Majefty was fomewhat ftirred 
 yet, which is admirable in .him, without Pafiion, or Ihew 
 thereof ; thinking that they aimed at u Scotilh Presby¬ 
 tery, which, faith he, as well agreeth with a Monarchy, as 
 God and the Devil. 4 Then and Tom, and Will, and 
 
 4 Dicl ^ fhall meet, and at their pleafures cenfure me and my 
 Council, and all our Proceedings: Then Will, fhall hand up 
 4 and fay, It muft be thus: Thien Dick, fhall reply, and fay, 
 
 4 Nay, marry, but we will have it thus. And therefore, here 
 4 I mult once reiterate my former Speech, Le Roy s’ avifera * 
 
 4 Stay, I pray you, for one fcven years, before you demand 
 4 that of me ; and if then you find me purfy and fat, and my 
 4 Wind-pipes ftuif’d, I will perhaps hearken to you : For let 
 4 that Government be once up, I am fure I lhall be kept in 
 4 breath ; then fhall we all of us have work enough, both our 
 4 hands full. But, Dr. Reynolds , till you find that ! grow lazy, 
 
 4 let that alone. 
 
 And here, becaufe that Dr. Reynolds had twice before ob¬ 
 truded the Ring’s Supremacy ; Firft, in the Article concern¬ 
 ing the Pope ; Secondly, in the Point of Subfcription his 
 * Majefty at thofe times faid nothing: But now growing to 
 4 an end, he faid, I fhall fpeak of one Matter more ; yet fome- 
 4 what out of order: but it skilleth not. Dr. Reynolds , quoth 
 4 the King, you have often fpoken for my Supremacy; and it 
 4 is well: But know you any here, or any elfewhere, who like 
 4 of the prefent Government Ecclefiaftical, that find fault, 
 4 or dillike my Supremacy ? Dr. Reynolds faid, No. Why then, 
 4 faid his Majefty, I will tell you a Tale. After that the Re- 
 4 ligion reftor’d by King Edward the Sixth was foon over- 
 4 thrown by the Succeftion of Queen Mary here in England, we 
 4 in Scotland felt the elFeft of it. Whereupon Mr. Knox writes 
 4 to the Queen Regent, ( of whom, without Flattery, I may 
 4 fay, that lhe was a vertuous and moderate Lady) telling her, 
 4 that lhe was Supreme Head of the Church; and charg’d her 
 4 as lhe would anfwer it before God’s Tribunal, to take care 
 
if © Dr. Barlow*.? Account of the 
 
 * of Ghrift’s Evangii, and of* fuppreffing the Popifli Prelates, 
 
 * who withftood the fame. But how long, trow ye, did this 
 
 5 continue ? Even fo long, till by her Authority, the Popiffj 
 
 * Bi(hops were reprefs’d, he him (elf, and his Adherents, were 
 
 * brought in, and well fetled, and by thefe means made ftrong 
 
 * enough to undertake the Matters of I^efornjation them- 
 
 * ffcfyes. Then lo, they began to make finall account qf her 
 4 Supremacy, nor would longer reft on her Authority, but 
 
 * took the Caufe into their own hand, and according to that 
 
 * more light, wherewith they were iUuminated, made a fur- 
 
 * ther Reformation of Religion. How they us’d that poor 
 
 * Lady, my Mother, is not unknown, and with grief I may 
 4 remember it; Who, becaufe Ihe had not been otherwife in- 
 4 ftru&ed, did defire only a private Chap pel, wherein to ferve 
 4 God after her manner, with fome few feleaed Perfons j but 
 4 her Supremacy was not fufficient to obtain it at their hands: 
 4 And how they dealt with me in njy Minority, you ail know \ 
 c it was not done fecretly 5 and tho I would, I cannot conceal 
 ? it. I will apply it thus; And then putting his Hani to 
 4 his Hat, his Majefty faid, My Lords the Bilhops, I may 
 
 * thank you, that thefe Men do thus plead for my Supremacy, 
 € They think they cannot make their Party good agiinft you, 
 4 but by appealing unto it, as if you, or fome that adhere un- 
 < to you, were not well aife&ed towards it. But if once you 
 
 6 were QUt, and they in place, I know what would become of 
 4 my Supremacy. No Bifhop, no King, as before I faid. Nei? 
 
 * ther do I thus fpeak at random, without ground ; for I have 
 4 obferv’d, fince my coming into England , that fome Preachers 
 c before me, can be content to pray for James King of Eng- 
 6 land, Scotland , France and Ireland , Defender qf the Faith; 
 e but as for fupreme Governor, in all Caufes, and over all Per- 
 6 fons ( as well Ecclefiaftical as Civil) they pafs that over with 
 4 filence; and what Cut they have been of, I after learned. 
 After this, asking them, If they had any more to objeft ? and 
 Dr. Reynolds anfweririg, >|o •, his Majefty appointed the next 
 Wednefday for both Parties to meet before him ; and rifing 
 from his Chair, as he was going to his inner Chamber, 4 If 
 4 this be all, quoth he, that they have to fay, I lhaH make 
 4 them conform themfelves, or I will harry them out of this 
 
 * Land, or elfe do worfe. And this was the Sum of the 5 e? 
 cond Day’s Conference ; which raifed fuch an admiration in 
 the Lords, in refped of the King's lingular Readinefs, and 
 exa£t Knowledg, that one of them faid, He was fully per? 
 fuaded his Majefty fpake by the Inftinft of the Spirit of God, 
 My Lord Cecil! acknowledg’d^ that very much we are beimd 
 
Conference at Hampton-Court, \6o $. xj% 
 
 to God, who had given us a King of an underftanding Heart, 
 My Lord Chancellor palling out of the Privy Chamber, faid 
 unto the Dean of Chefter , Handing by the Door, I have often 
 heard and read, that Rex ejt mixta perfonacum Sacerdote ; but ][ 
 never fiw the Truth thereof till this day. 
 
 Surely, Whofoever heard his Majefty, might juftly think, 
 that Title did more properly fit him, which Eunafm gave to 
 that famous Rhetorician, in faying, that he was, fiiCuoQnM 
 
 59 57 fc£i 77 a]SV y.xa&ov, A Living Library, and a 
 Walking Study. 
 
 Finis fecunda Vie to 
 
 The Third Day's Conference. 
 
 U Pon Wednefday, January 18. all the Bifhops aforenam’d, 
 attended at the Court, and the Deans: who were all 
 call’d into the Privy Chamber j and whofo dfe my Lord Arch- 
 bifhop appointed, ( for fuch was his Majelly’s pleaYure) where¬ 
 upon the Knights and Dottors of the Arches, vj^ Sir Daniel 
 Dunne, Sir Thomas Crumpton , Sir Richard Swale, Sir John Bennet , 
 and Dr. Drury entred in. As foon as the King was fet, the 
 Lord Archbilhop prefented unto him a Note of thofe Points, 
 which his Majefty had referred to their Confideration upon 
 the firft Day, and the Alteration, or rather Explanation of 
 them in our Liturgy. 
 
 1. Abfolution or Remiflipn of Sins, in the Rubrick of Abi 
 folution. 
 
 2. In private Baptifm, the lawful Minifter prefent. 
 
 3. Examination, with Confirmation of Children. 
 
 4. Jefua faid to them, twice to be put into the Dominical 
 - :i Gofpels, inftead of Jefws faid to his Difciples. 
 
 4 His Majefty here taking the Common-Prayer-book, and 
 f turning to private Baptifm, willed, that where the Words 
 f were ( in the Rubrick, the fecond Paragraph ) They Baptise 
 * not Children , now it ihould be thus read j They cauje not ChiU 
 ? dren to be Baptised. And again, in the fame Paragraph, for 
 c thofe words, Then they Minifter it ; it Ihould be. The Curate , or 
 ‘ lawful Minifter prefent , floall do it on this fajhion . Concluding 
 
 three 
 
 ? very gravely, that in this Conference, he aim’d at 
 
 ? Things principally. Firft, The fetting down of Words fit 
 c - 1 • ■ 0 — * ’ • ' * ’ * • * • 
 
 L 
 
 §99 convenient* Ccitfiiving how Things n?ight 
 
nS3a ^ms 
 
 172 Dr, Barlow 5 / Account of the 
 
 4 be bell: done, without appearance of alteration. Tirirdiy 9 
 
 * Pra&ifed, that each Man may do his Duty in his place* 
 
 4 After this, his Majeify fell into difcourfe about the High 
 4 Commifiion ; wherein he faid, that he underftood how the 
 4 Parties named therein, were too many and too mean; that 
 *. the Matters they dealt in were bafe, and fuch as Ordinaries 
 
 * at home, in their Courts, might cenfure; that the Branches 
 c granted out to the Bifhops, in their feveral Dioceffes, were 
 
 * too frequent and large. To which my Lord’s Grace am 
 fwer’d feverally. Fir ft. For the Number, it was requilite it 
 fhould be great; for otherwife, he muft be forc’d, as oft-times 
 now it fell out, to fit alone ; becaufe, that albeit all the Lords 
 of the Privy-Council were in, all the Bifhops, many of the 
 Judges at Law, and fome of the Clerks of the Council, yet 
 very few, or none of them, fitting with him at ordinary times, 
 fome of meaner place, as Deans, and Doctors of Divinity, and 
 Law, muft needs be put in ; whofe Attendance his Grace 
 might with more Authority command and expeft. Secondly, 
 For the Matters handled therein, he faid. That he oftentimes 
 had complained thereof, but faw that it could not be reme¬ 
 died; becaufe, that the fault may be of that nature, as that 
 the ordinary jurifdi&ion might cenfure it: But eftfoons it falls 
 out, that the Party delinquent is too great, and fo the Or¬ 
 dinary dare not proceed againft him; or fo mighty in his 
 State, or fo wilful in his Contumacy, that he will not obey 
 the Summons or Cenfure; and fo the Ordinary is forc’d to 
 crave help at the High Commilfion. To the third, his’Grace 
 faid, that it concern’d not him to make anfwer thereunto, for 
 fuch Commiffions have been granted againft his Will often¬ 
 times, and without his Knowledg for the 1110ft part. My Lord 
 Chancellor therefore offer'd it to his Majefty’s Wifdom to con- 
 fider, if fuch Commiffions fhould not be granted to any. Bi- 
 
 * fhop, but fuch as have the largeft Dioceffes, which his Ma- 
 
 * jefty well approv’d ; and added withal, that thofe Bifhops 
 4 who have in their Dioceffes the moft troublefome and re- 
 
 * fra&ory perfons, either Papifts, or Puritans: But of this, as 
 4 alfo of the other things found fault with herein, he willed 
 e thofe to confult, to whom fhould be appointed the Review 
 c of the Commilfion. And here that Point had ended, but 
 that one of the Lords (I think verily rather upon mifinfor- 
 mation, than fet-purpofe) pleafed to fay, That the proceeding 
 thereby, was like unto the Spanifl) Inquifition, wherein Men 
 '■were urg’d to fubfcribe more than Law requir’d; that by the 
 Oath Ex Officio, they were inforc’d to accufe themfelves; that 
 they were examin’d upon 20, or 24 Articles^ upon the fudderi* 
 
 without 
 
Conference at 'Hatnptoii'Gbuft, 16 17 j 
 
 without deliberation, and for the moil part againlt themfelvesx 
 Bor the Evidence thereof, a Letter was ihewed of an antiemt I 
 Honourable Counfellor, written to the Lord Archbifhop, Anns 
 15.84. of two Minifters of Cambridge(hire, then or thereabouts, 
 examin’d upon many Articles, and in the end depriv’d. The 
 Lord Archbifhop anfwer’d, firft, to the matter; that in the 
 manner of proceeding, and examining, his Lordfhip was de¬ 
 ceiv’d ; For if any Article did touch the Party any way, ei¬ 
 ther for Life, Liberty, or Scandal, he. might refufe to.antwerj 
 neither was he urg’d thereunto. Secondly, To the Letter* 
 being in a Caufe twenty years fince determin’d, he could not 
 anfwer the particulars; but if hisAnfwer to that Letter were 
 found out, he doubted not, but as it did fatisfy that Honour¬ 
 able Counfellor when he lived, fo it would alfo fufficiently 
 clear this Complaint before his Majefty. 
 
 My Lord of London , for the matter of Subfcription, (hewed 
 his Highnefs the three Articles, which the Churchmen of 
 England are to approve by Subfcribing; namely, the King’s 
 Supremacy; the Articles of Religion ; and the Book of Com¬ 
 mon-Prayer. All which it pleas’d his Majefty himfelf to read, 
 and (after a little glance given, that the mention of the ( 
 Oath Ex Officio, came in before his due time) he dilated, Firft^ 
 how neceffary Subfcript ion was, in every well-govern’d Church $ Jk,, v 
 that it was to be urg’d for the keeping of Peace : For as Laws 
 to prevent Killing, did provide there (hould be no Quarrelling § 
 fo, to prevent greater Tumults in the . Church, Subfcription 
 was requifite. Secondly, Becaufe the Bilhop is to anfwer fo£ 
 every Minifter, whom he admitteth into his Diocefs, it were 
 fitteft for him to know the Affedion of the Party before his 
 admittance ; the bed way to know him, and to prevent future 
 Fadions, was to urge his Subfcription at his firft Entrance : 
 
 For, Turpin e)icitnr, qnam non admittitnr hofpes . Thirdly, As 
 Subfcription was a good means to difcern the Affedion of Per- 
 4 fons, whether quiet or turbulent; withal, it was the priaci? 
 
 4 pal way to avoid Confufion: concluding, that if any, after 
 c Things were well order’d, would not be quiet, and mew his. 
 
 4 Obedience, the Church were better without him, he were 
 4 wprthy to be hang’d. Prallat ut pereat unw, qnam unitas . 
 
 Touching the Oath, Ex Officio, the Lord Chancellor, and 
 after him the Lord Treafiirer, fpake both for the Necefiky 
 and Ufe thereof in divers Courts and Cafes. 4 But his Ex- 
 * cellent Majefty preventing that old Allegation, Nemo cogitnr 
 4 detegere fuam turpitudinem , faid, That the Civil Proceedings 
 4 only punifh’d Fads; but in Courts Ecclefiaftical, it was re- 
 4 quiiite, that Fame and Scandals (hould be look’d unto. That 
 4 here was neceffary, the Oath Compurgatory, and the Oath Ex. 
 
 4 Officio 
 
i74 Dr. BarlowV Actount of the 
 
 c Officio too ; and yet great Moderation fhould be us’d, Firft,, 
 
 ♦ In gravioribw crinurubM : And Secondly, in fuch, whereof 
 ‘ there is a pub lick Fame. ^ Thirdly, In diftinguilhing of pub-. 
 ‘ lick Fame* either caufed by the inordinate Demeanor of 
 
 ♦ the Offender, Or railed by the undifereet proceeding in trial 
 ‘ of the Fatt: As,- namely in Scotland , where the lying with 
 ‘ a Wefich (tho done privately, and known, or fCarce fuf- 
 ‘ pended by two or three perfons before) was made openly 
 
 known to the King, to the Queen, to the Prince, to many 
 ‘ hundreds in the Court, by bringing the Parties to the Stool 
 ‘ of Repentance, and yet perhaps be but a fufpicion only- 
 ‘ And here his Majefty fo foundly defcrib’d the Oath Ex OJfi - 
 ‘ do: Firft, For the Ground thereof. Secondly, The Wif- 
 ‘ dom of the Law therein. Thirdly, The Manner of pro- 
 ‘ Ceeding thereby, and the neceffary and profitable Effect 
 ‘ thereof in fuch a compendious* but abfolute Order y that 
 ‘ all the Lord^, and the reft of the prefent Auditors, ftooct 
 ‘ amaz’d at it. The Archbifhop of Canterbury laid, that un¬ 
 doubtedly his Majefty fpake by the fpecial Affiftartce of God’s! 
 Spirit; The Bilhop of London upon his Knee protefted, that 
 his Heart melted within him, ( as fo, he doubted not, did the 
 Hearts of the whole Company) with joy, and made hafte to 
 acknowledg unto Almighty God, the fingular Mercy we have 
 receiv’d at his hands, in giving us fuch a King, as, fince 
 Chrift’s time, the like, he thought, had not been ; whereunto 
 the Lords, with one Voice, did yield a very aftettionate Ac¬ 
 clamation. The Civilians prefent confeffed, that they could 
 not in many Hours warning, have fo judicially, plainly, and" 
 accurately, and in fuch a Brief deferib’d it. 
 
 After this, his Majefty committed fome weighty Matters 
 
 ♦ to be confulted of, by the Lords and Bifhops: Firlty For 
 
 ♦ Excommunication, in Caufes of lefs moment; the Name 
 ‘ or Cenfure to be altered. Secondly,' For the High Com- 
 € million, the Quality of the Perfons to be nam’d, and the 
 « Nature of the Caufes to be handled therein. Thirdly, For 
 < Recufant Communicants: For there are three forts, faith- 
 
 ♦ his Majefty, of the Pa pills : Some, Firft, which come to' 
 
 ♦ Sermons, but not to Service and Prayer : Secondly, Some 
 
 ♦ which come to both of them, but not to the Communion. 
 
 ♦ Thirdly, A Number which abftain from all. That Inquiry 
 1 might be made of all thofe, who were of the firft, feeond, 
 
 ♦ or third Rank *, concluding therein, That the Weak were 
 
 ♦ to be inform’d, the Wilful to be punilh’d." 
 
 Here my Lord Chancellor mention’d the Writ, De Excom~ 
 mmicato capkndo , which his Honour fa id did moft affright the 
 Papifts* of all other Punifhments 5 becaufe, by reafon of that, 
 
 they 
 
Conference at Hampton-Court, i 6 of. 175 
 
 they were many ways difabled in Law : Therefore lie would 
 take Order, if his Majefty fo pleas’d, to fend that Writ out 
 againft them freely, without charge 5 and if they were not exe¬ 
 cuted, his Lordlhip would lay the Under-Sheriffs in Prifon ; 
 and to this the Ring alfented. 
 
 ‘ The fourth Thing to be confulted was for the fend* 
 
 * ing and appointing of Preachers into Ireland ; whereof, faith 
 
 * his Majefty, I am but half a King* being Lord over their 
 
 * Bodies; but their Souls feduced by Popery, he much pitied ; 
 
 * affirming, that where there is not true Religion, there can 
 
 * be no continued Obedience: Nor for Ireland only, but for 
 
 * fome part of Wales, and the Northern Borders, fo once 
 
 * call’d, tho now no Borders : The Men to be fent, not to 
 
 * be factious, or fcandalous; for Weeds will be Weeds, where- 
 
 * foever they be, and are good for nothing, but to be pick’d 
 
 * over the Wall; therefore they Ihould Angle out Men of Sin- 
 
 * cerity, of Knowledg, of Courage. 
 
 ‘ The laft was, for Provifion of fufficient Maintenance for 
 
 * the Clergy; and withal, for the planting of a learned and 
 
 * painful Mmifter in every Parifh, as time fhall ferve. 
 
 To every of thofe, his Majefty willed, that feveral Gom- 
 
 * miffioners of his Council and Bilhops fhould be appointed 
 
 * by the Lords, upon the diffolving the Afiembly prelent. 
 
 And thus having conferred of thefe Points with the Bilhops, 
 
 and referred other-fome of them, as you heard, to Special 
 Committees ; his Majefty willed, that Dr, Reynolds, and his Af- 
 fociates, Ihould be call’d in ; to whom he prefentiy fignified 
 what was done, and caufed the Alterations,* or Explications, 
 before named, to be read unto them. A little difputing there 
 was about the Words in Marriage, With my Body I thee Worfljip ; 
 and arguing no other thing to be meant by the word Worjhip , 
 than that which St. Paul willeth, 1 Cor, 7.4. the Man there¬ 
 by ackowledging, that hereby he worlhippeth his Wife, in that 
 he appropriateth his Body unto her alone ; nor any more thaa 
 that which St. Peter counfelleth, 1 Pet . 3. 7. That the Man 
 Ihould give honour to his Wife, as the weaker Veffel; yet for 
 their fatisfatlion, Ihould be put in, With my Body I thee worjhip 
 and honour , if it were thought lit: and fo his Majefty (hut up 
 
 * a h with a moft pithy Exhortation to both fides for Unity, 
 c perfuading Diligence in each man’s place, without Violence 
 
 * on the one Party, or Difobedience on the other; and wil- 
 ‘ ted them to deal with their Friends abroad to that pur- 
 
 * pofe: For his Majefty feared, and had fome experience, 
 
 * that many of them were ticklilh and humorous; nor that 
 4 only, but Labourers to pervert others to their fancies. He 
 t now that the Exceptions againft the Commuiuon-Book,’ 
 
 f were 
 
176 Dr. Barlow’i Account of the 
 
 * were matters of ’Weaknefs: Therefore, if the Per Ions' re- 
 
 * iufrant be difcreet, they will be won betimes, and by good 
 
 * perfuafions; if undifcreet, better they were remov’d ; for 
 
 * many, by their factious Behaviour, were driven to be Pa*- 
 4 pifts. Now then of their Fruits lie lhall judg them ; Obe- 
 4 dience and'Humility being marks of honelt and good Men. 
 ‘ Thofe he expe&ed of them, and by their Example and 
 4 Perfuafion of all their fort abroad ; for if hereafter, things 
 
 * being thus well order’d, they fhould-be' unquiet, neither his 
 f Majefty nor the State had any caufe to think well of them. 
 To which they gave all their unanimous Affent, taking ex¬ 
 ception agairlft nothing that was faid or done, but promifed to 
 perform all Duty to the Bifhops, as their Reverend Fathers’, 
 and to join with them againft the common Adverfaries, and 
 for the Quiet of the Church. 
 
 - Only, Mr. Chatterton of Emanuel College, kneeling, requefted; 
 that the Wearing of the Surplice, and the Ufe of the Crofs 
 in Baptifm, might not be urg’d upon fome honeft, godly, and 
 painful Miniftefs in fome Parts of Lancaflnre; who feared, that 
 if they fhould be forced unto them, many whom they had 
 won to the Gofpel, would Hide back, and revolt unto Popery 
 again; and particularly, inftanced the Vicar of Ratefdale, (he 
 could not have light upon a worfe) for not many years be¬ 
 fore, be was prov’d before my Lord Archbilhop, as his Grace 
 there teftifted, and my Lord Chancellor, by his unfeemly and 
 unreverent LJfage of the Eucharift, dealing the Bread out of 
 a Basket, every Man putting in his- hand, and taking out a 
 piece, to have made- many loath the Holy Communion, and 
 wholly refufe to come to Church. His Majefty anfwer’d, 
 > That it was not to his purpofe, and he durft anfwer for the 
 L Bifhops, that it was not their intent, prefently, and out of 
 c hand, to inforce thofe things, without fatherly Admonitions, 
 6 Conferences and Perfualions premifed; but wifhed, that it 
 
 * fhould be examined, if thofe Men by their Pains and Preach- 
 4 ing had converted any from Popery, and were withal Men 
 4 quiet of difpofition, honeft of life, and diligent in their 
 
 * calling ; if fo, Letters fhould be written to the Bilhop of 
 
 * Cbefter ( of whom his Majefty gave a very good Teftimony ) 
 c to that purpofe: If not, but that they were of a turbulent 
 4 and oppofite fpirit, both they and other of that unquiet 
 4 humor fhould prefently be enforced to a Conformity. And 
 x fo for that Point, it was concluded, that my Lord Arcli- 
 4 bilhop Ihould write to the Bilhop of Cbefter, his Letters for 
 4 that matter. 
 
 My Lord of London repiieth. That if this were granted, the 
 .Copy of thefe Letters (efpecially if his Majefty had written. 
 
Conference it Hampton-Courf, \ 6 of. 177 
 
 &s at fir ft it was propofed ) would fly over all England , and 
 then other, for their Confines, would make, the fame requeit; 
 and fo no fruit fhould follow of this Conference, but things 
 would be worfe than they were before. Therefore he humbly 
 defir’d his Majefty, that a time fhould be limited, within 
 which compafs they fhould conform themfelves. 6 To which 
 4 his Majefty readily affented, and willed* that the Bifhop of 
 
 * the Diocefs fhould fet them down the time, and in the mean 
 
 * while confer with them ; and if they would not yield j what- 
 ‘ foever they were, to remove them, after their time expired. 
 
 No fooner was that Motion ended, but down falls Mr. knew- 
 Jiubs ; and he requefts the like favour of Forbearance, for fome 
 honeft Minifters in Suffol^-, telling the King, it would make 
 much againft their Credits in the Country, to be now forc’d to 
 the Surplice, and the Crofs in Baptifm. My Lord’s Grace was 
 anfwering ; ‘ Nay, .faith his Majefty, let me alone with him. 
 
 < Sir, faith the King, you fhew your felf an uncharitable Man j 
 
 * we have here taken pains, and in the end have concluded 
 
 < of an Unity, and Uniformity * and you, forfooth, mufti pre- 
 ‘ fer the Credits of a few private Men, before the general 
 ‘ Peace of the Church. This is juft the ScotiJJj Argument i 
 c For when any thing was there concluded, which difliked 
 1 fome humors, tl^e only reafon why they would not obey, was, 
 
 * it ftood not with their credits to yield* having fo long time 
 
 * been of the contrary Opinion. I will none of that, faith 
 c the King ; and therefore, either let them conform them- 
 1 felves, and that Ihortly, or they fhall hear of it. My Lord 
 Cecill put his Majefty in mind, of a word his Highnefs had 
 us’d the day before ; namely, of Ambling-Communions; fay¬ 
 ing, That the Indecency thereof was very offenfive, and had 
 driven many from the Church. And here Mr. Cbatterton was 
 told of Sitting-Communions in Emanuel College ; which he 
 faid was fo, by reafon of the Seats, fo placed as they be ; yet, 
 that they had fome Kneeling alfo. 
 
 Finally, They jointly promis’d to be quiet and obedient, now 
 they knew it to be the King’s mind to have it fo. His Ma- 
 jefty’s gracious Conclufion was fo piercing, as that it fetch’d 
 Tears from fome on both fides. My Lord of London ended all, 
 in the Name of the whole Company, with a Thanksgiving 
 unto God for his Maj'efty, and a Prayer for the Healfii and 
 Profperity of his Highnefs, our gracious Queen, the young 
 Prince, and ail their Royal Iffue. 
 
 His Majefty departed into the Inner Chamber :■ All the 
 Lords went prefently to the Council-Chamber,, to appoint" 
 Commiflfioners, for the feverai matters before referred* 
 
17§ Dr. BarlowV Account of the 
 The Preface. 
 
 M Any Copies were fent me, whereof fome were fo fhmelefly untrue, 
 and I ajfure you fo obfcene , that 1 thinly his Majefty would have 
 been as much offended with me for Printing, as with the Authors for 
 X>ifperfing them. I have chofen thereof the beft and cleanlieft , which 
 do here-under follow. 
 
 I give no Cenfure, neither kpow I the Difperfers $ let the Reader con¬ 
 fer and judg. Re&um eft judex fui & obliqui. 
 
 The Firft Copy. 
 
 January 15. 1603. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 I Cannot conceal from you the good Succefs, which it hath 
 pleas’d God to fend us, by the Conference which his Majefty 
 had with the Bifhops at the Court. There appear’d none 
 but the Bifhops, which were with the Ring above three Hours- 
 Cant. Lond. Win. fell down on their Knees, and delir’d, that all 
 things might remain, left the Papifts fhould think we have 
 been in an Error. The King reply’d, that in 42 years Cor¬ 
 ruptions might creep in. He fpake of Confirmation, private 
 Baptifm, the Crofs, Dumb Miniftrv, Non-refidence, the 
 Courts, which he promifed to amend ; efpeeially he fpake 
 bitterly againft private Baptifm, faying, He had as lieve an 
 Ape as a Woman fhould Baptize his Child *, and againft Courts, 
 which, he laid, he would put down. The Lord Chief Juftice, 
 and The Lord Keeper, fpake much againft them, and the Lord 
 Cecill againft Excommunications by Lay-men. Mr. Dean of 
 the Chappel, fpeaking fometbing to the King in his Ear, the 
 Bifhop of London infolently faid unto him, Dr. Montague , lpeak 
 out, that we may hear you, and feek not to crofs us. At their 
 departure they faid, That if the King fhould ufe the Mini-* 
 4ters in fuch fort as they were ufed, they would be too in- 
 folent. The King faid, they were his Subjects; and if he 
 would not hear them, then they had juft Caufe to complain. 
 The Bifhops brought forth many Popifh Arguments, which the 
 King very earneftly anfwer’d^and learnedly, more than ten 
 times calling them Papifh Arguments, and faid, by thofe Rea- 
 ferns they might prove Popery. The Bifhop of Wmhejler laid. 
 
 That 
 
Conference at Hampton-Court, 1605. 179 
 
 That if he took away private Baptifm, he overthrew all Anti¬ 
 quity. The Bifhop of Peterborow brought forth a foolifh Ar¬ 
 gument, with much difgrace to himfelf. The Bifho.ps having 
 taken Wednefday to conlider of the King’s Speech, the Mini¬ 
 fters came to the King on Monday at Nine of the Clock. 
 Honeft Men about the Court are comforted. Conformitans 
 hang down their heads, and the Bifhop’s Men curfe the Pu¬ 
 ritans. 
 
 Sic explicit pritna dies . 
 
 Another Copy. 
 
 I Have fent you the Declaration of the Conference ; the 
 which was in this manner. The firft day the Bilhops of 
 Canterbury , London , and I Vinchefter t making earneft fait, that all 
 things might Hand ds they did, left the Pa pills fhould take 
 offence, who might fay, We would perfuade them to come 
 to a Church, having Errors in it ; and the Puritans will fay* 
 they have been persecuted long. The King anfwer’d, That 
 the belt State would gather Corruptions; and that it was no 
 Argument for them to fay, They would not be cured of the 
 Pox, becaufethey had had it 30. years. He concluded againft 
 AbColution, Confirmation, and private Baptifm, the dumb 
 and fcandalous Ministers, Pluralities, the Courts, and the 
 Authority of the Bifhops by the High Commiffioners, &c* 
 The fecond Day the Minifters were convented before the 
 King, who anfwer’d fearfully and modeftly : The Bifhop of 
 London behav’d himfelf infolently, faying, Thefe are Cart¬ 
 wright's Scholars, Schifmaticks, Breakers of your Majefty’s 
 Laws; you may know them by their Turky-Gowns, and filk 
 Turky Grogoram. The third Day they met all, where the 
 King fpake much to Unity, that they might join againft 
 the Papifts. All the three Days the King behav’d himfelf 
 admirable to the Beholders, granting to the Minifters their 
 earneft requeft, that the Ceremonies of the Crofs in Baptifm* 
 and the Surplices reverent for Antiquity, fhould not be urg’d 
 upon the Confciences of the Minifters; fo that they were 
 peaceable Men, and; that they fhould have time to confider 
 Of them ; many hundreds being refolv’d rather to have loft 
 their Places, than to ha ve yielded to .thofe Silperftitions againft 
 which they had preached* The laft Day the Bifhop of Can¬ 
 terbury was intreated, to be a means that the Ceremonies might 
 not be preffed % But he anfwerd, They had been urg’d as ne- 
 
 N 2 ’ ceffary^ 
 
180 Dr. BarlowV Account , &c. 
 
 ceffary, and fhould be fo ftill. But it pleas’d God to move hi* 
 his Majefty to a more peaceable Courfe. The Bilhop of Pe¬ 
 ter borow came in with his Argument about Baptifm, which the 
 Ring made void to his great Reproach. The King faid many 
 times, that the Bifhop’s Reafons were Popifh, and that they 
 might eftablifh Popery by them. It is thought that the King 
 will be fhortly in Huntingtonflrire. The Lord Chancellor, the 
 Lord Cecllly the Lord Chief Juftice, and the Attorney-General, 
 muft fet down fome Courfe for the High Commiflion, and 
 the Spiritual Courts. 
 
 A Third Copy* 
 
 Some of the Speeches that are hruted upon M. Doff or 
 Reynolds^ Return to Oxon, concerning the late 
 Conference before bis Majefty. 
 
 i. *T"*Hat the King’s Majefty did gratify Mafter Dr. Reynolds 
 
 1 in every thing which he propos’d 5 or that Dr. Reynolds 
 obtain’d and prevail’d in every thing he did defire. 
 
 2. That if any Man report the contrary, he doth lye, or that 
 they fhould give him the Lye, from Mr. Doctor Reynolds . - 
 
 3. That thefe things, now obtain’d by the Reformers, were 
 but the beginning of Reformation : the greater Matters are 
 yet to come. 
 
 4. That my Lord of Winton ftood mute, and faid little or 
 nothing. 
 
 5. That my Lord of London call’d Dr. Reynolds Schifmatick 
 indeed (he thanks him for it) but otherwife faid little to 
 purpofe. 
 
 6. That the King’s Majefty us’d the Bilhops with very hard 
 words, but imbraced Mafter D'c., Reynolds > and us’d moft kind 
 Speeches to him. 
 
 7. That my Lord of Canterbury , or my Lord of London , falling 
 on his Knees, befoitght his Majefty to take their Caufe into 
 his own hands, and to make fome good End of it, fuch as 
 might ftand with their Qredit;. 
 
 picnic 
 
( i8i ) 
 
 pjeittc vii. 
 
 Fra gmenta Regalia: 
 
 O R, 
 
 Observations on the Late Queen 
 Elizabeth, Her Times and 
 Favourites. 
 
 Written by Sir Robert N a u n T o n, 
 Majler of the Court of Wards. 
 
 T O take herein the Original, fhe was Daughter to 
 Henry VIII. by Anne Bullcn, the fecond of fix Wives, 
 which he had, and one of the Maids of Honour to 
 the divorced Queen Katherine of Aufiria , or (as they now Rile 
 it) Infanta of Spain, and from thence taken into the Royal 
 Bed. 
 
 That ihe was not of a mo ft Noble and Royal Extrafl by her 
 Father, will not fall into queftion ‘ for on that fide there was 
 difimbogued into her Veins, by a Confluence of Blood, the 
 very Abftraft of all the greateft Houfes in Chrilfondom . And 
 remarkable it is (concerning that violent Defertion of the 
 
 N 3 Royal 
 
it2 Fragmenta Regalia ; or, 
 
 Royal Hpufe of the Britans, by the Invalionof the Salons, and. 
 afterwards by the Conqneft of the Normans) that by their* 
 Vicilfitude of Times, and thro a difcontinuance (almoft a 
 thou land years) the Royal Scepter fhould fall back into the 
 Current of the old Bririfh Blood, in the perfon of her* renown’d 
 Grandfather, Henry VII. together with whatsoever th ^German, 
 Hot man, Burgundian, CaiUhan,' and french Atchievements, with 
 the Intermarriages whidh eight hundred years had acquir’d, 
 incorporated, and brought back into the old Royal Line. 
 
 By her Mother (he was of no Sovereign Defcent, yet Noble, 
 and very antient in the Name and Family of Butten ; tho fome 
 erroneouliy brand it with a Citizen’s Rife or Original, which 
 was yet but of a fecond Brother, who as it were divining the 
 Greatnefs and Luftre to come to his Houfe, was fent into the 
 City to acquire Wealth, ]ad adijicandum antiquum domum ; unto 
 whofe Atchievements (for he was Lord Mayor of London J fell 
 in, as it was aver’d, both the Blood and Inheritance of the 
 eldeft Brother, for want of Iffue Male ; by which Accumula¬ 
 tion the Houfe within a few Defcents mounted in culmen honor is * 
 and was fuldenly related to the beft Families of England and 
 Ireland , as Howard , Ormond, skekyile , and divers others. Hav¬ 
 ing thus touch’d, and now leaving her Strip, I come to her 
 Perfon, and as Ihe cam to the Crown by the Peceafe of her 
 Brother and Sifter. Under Edward, (he was his, and one of the 
 Darlings of Fortune; forbefides the conlideration of Blood, 
 there was between thefe two Princes a Concurrency and Sym¬ 
 pathy in their Natures and Affections together, with the 
 cele(dal Bond (Conformity in Religion) which made them 
 one and Friends ; for the Ring ever pall’d her his fweeteft and 
 deareft Sifter, and was fcarce his own man, fhe being abfent \ 
 which was not fo between him and the' Lady Mary, 
 
 Under her Sifter (he found her condition much alter’d : for 
 it was refolv’d, and her Deftiny had decreed to fet her an Ap- 1 
 prentice in the School of Affliction, and to draw her thro the 
 Ordeal fire of trial, the better to mould and falhion her to Rule 
 •and Sovereignty : which finifb’d, and Fortune calling to mind, 
 that the time of her Servitude was expir’d, gave up her In¬ 
 dentures, .and therewith deliver’d up into her cuftody a Scep¬ 
 ter, as a Reward for her Patience: Which was about the 
 16th year of her Age; a time in which, as for Externals, fhe 
 was full blown, fo was Ihe for her Internals grown ripe, and 
 feafprfd with Adverfity, and in the exercife of her Virtue 
 For it fe ms Fortune meant no more, than to (hew her a 
 piece of her Variety, and Changeablenefs of her. Nature, and 
 fo to, conduti her to her deftin’d Felicity* • ■ 
 
 She 
 
Obfervations on ^Elizabeth, &c. 18^ 
 
 She was of Perfonage tall, of Hair and Complexion fair, 
 and therewith well-fa vour’d, but high-nos’d, of Limbs and 
 Feature neat ; and, which added to the Luftre of thofe 
 exterior Graces, of Stately and Majeftick Comportment; 
 participating in this more of her Father than Mother, who 
 was of an inferior allay, plaufible, or as the French hath it, 
 more debonair and affable; Virtues which might well fute 
 with Majefty, and which defcending as hereditary to the 
 Daughter, did render her of a more fweet Temper, and en¬ 
 dear’d her more to the love and liking of the People, who 
 gave her the Name and Fame of a molt gracious and popular 
 Prince; the Atrocity of her Father’s Nature being rebated 
 in hers, by the Mother’s Tweeter Inclinations: for to take, and 
 that no more than the Charader out of his own mouth. He 
 never /pared Man in his Anger , nor Woman in his Ln\\. 
 
 If we fearch further into her Intellectuals and Abilities, 
 the whole courfe of her Government deciphers them to the 
 Admiration of Pofterity ; for it was full of Magnanimity tem¬ 
 per’d with Juftice and Piety ; and to fpeak truly, noted but 
 with one Actor Taint, all her Deprivations either of Life or 
 Liberty, being legal and necellitated. She was learned (her 
 Sex and the time confider’d) beyond common belief; for Let¬ 
 ters about this time, and fomewhat before, began to be of 
 efteem and in fafhion, the former Ages being overcaft with the 
 milts and Fogs of the Roman Ignorance: and it was the maxim 
 that over-ruled the foregoing times, That Ignorance was the Mo¬ 
 ther of Devotion. 
 
 Her Wars were a long time more in the auxiliary part, in 
 afiiftance of foreign Princes and States, than by Invalion of 
 any; till common Policy advis’d it for a fafer way to ftrike fir ft 
 abroad, than at home to expert the War, in all which fhe was 
 felicitous and victorious. 
 
 The Change and Alteration of Religion, upon the inftant 
 of her Acceiiion (the Smoke and Fire of her Sifter’s Martyr¬ 
 doms fcarcely quench’d) was none of her lea ft remarkable 
 Accounts. But the Support and Eftablilhment thereof, with 
 the means of her Subfiftance amidft fo powerful Enemies a- 
 broad, and thofe many domeftick Practices, were (methinks) 
 Works of Infpiration, and of no human Providence; which 
 on her Sifter’s departure, fhe molt religioully acknowledg’d, 
 aferibing the Glory of her Deliverance to God alone ; for 
 fhe receiv’d the News both of the Queen’s Death, and her 
 Proclamation by the general Content of theHoufe, and the 
 publick Suffrage of the People ; whereat falling on her knees 
 (after a good time of Refpiration) fhe utter’d this Verfe of 
 the Pfalms, A Domino fatlum eft iftud, fo eft mirabile in oculis 
 
 N 4." noftris: 
 
184 Fragmenta Regalia ; or, 
 
 neftris : which we find to this day on the Stamp of her Gold, 
 with this on her Silver, PofuiDeum adjutorem meum. 
 
 Her Minifters and Inftruments of State, fuch as were Par*- 
 tkipes Cur arum, and bare a great part of the Burden, were 
 many, and thofe memorable: but they were only Favourites, 
 not Minions ^ fuch as atted more by her own Princely Rules 
 and Judgments, than by their own Wills and Appetites, which 
 file obferv’d to the lafi. For we find no Gavefton , Vere , or 
 Spencer , to have fway’d alone, during 44 years, which was a 
 well-fettled and advis’d Maxim ^ for it valu'd her the more, 
 it aw’d the moftfecure, and it took beft with the People, and 
 it ftarv’d all Emulations, which are apt to rife and vent in ob- 
 loquious Acrimony (even againft the Prince) where there is 
 only a Major Palatii. 
 
 The principal Note of her Reign will be, that fiie ruled 
 much by Faff ion and Parties, which her felf both made, up* 
 held, and weaken’d, as her own great Judgment advis’d ; for 
 I diffent from the common receiv’d Opinion, that my Lord 
 of Leicefter was abfolute and above all in her Grace. And tho 
 I come fomewhat fhort of the knowledg of thofe Times, yet 
 (that I might not rove, and (hoot at random) I know from 
 alfur’d Intelligence that it was not fo. For proof whereof 
 (among many that I could prefent) I will both relate a fiiort, 
 .and therein a known Truth. And it was thus : Bowyer, a Gen¬ 
 tleman of theBlack Rod,being charg’d by her exprefs Command 
 to look precifely to ail Admifiions into the Privy Chamber, one 
 day ftaid a very gay Captain, and aFollower of my Lord of Lei¬ 
 cefter, from entrance, for that he was neither well known, nor a 
 fworn Servant to the Queen. At which repulfe the Gentleman 
 bearing high on my Lord’s Favour, told him, he might per- 
 chance procure him a Difcharge. Leicefter coming into the 
 contefiation, fa id publickly, (which was none of his wont) 
 That he was a Knave, and fhould not continue long in his 
 Office. And fo turning about to go into fhe Queen, Bowyer 
 (who was a bold Gentleman, and well belov’d) ftept before 
 him, and fell at her Majefty’s feet, related the Story, and hum¬ 
 bly crav’d her Grace’s plea fare, and whether my Lord of Lei- 
 cefie-r was King, or her Majelly Queen: whereuntofhe reply’d, 
 with her wonted Oath ( God's Death J my Lord, I have wijWd 
 you need, but my Favour is not Jo locft up for you, that others fhall 
 not parta\e thereof • for I have many Servants , unto whom I have , 
 and will at my pleafure bequeath my Favour, and likewife refume the 
 fame ■, and if you think to rule here, 1 will take a courje to fee 
 you forth-coming • I will have here but one Miftrefs , and no 
 A!after : and look, that no id happen to him, left it be feverely re¬ 
 quired at your hands . Which fo quell’d rny Lord of Leicefter , 
 that his feign’d Humility was long after one of his beft Vir¬ 
 tues. 
 
Obfervutmson ^Elizabeth, &c. 185 
 
 tues. Moreover, the Earl of SuJJex, then Lord Chamberlain, 
 was his profefs’d Antagonift to his dying day: And for my 
 Lord of Hunfdon , and Sir Thomas Sackyile, after Lord Treafurer 
 (who were all Contemporaries) he was wont to fay of them. 
 That they were of the Tribe of Dan , and were noli me t anger? s ; 
 implying, that they were not to be contefted with, for they 
 were indeed of the Queen’s near Kindred. From whence, 
 and in more Inftances, I conclude that fhe was abfolute and 
 fovereign Miltrefsof her Graces ; and that all thofeto whom 
 fhe diftributed her Favours, were never more than Tenants at 
 Will, and ftood on no better ground than her Princely Plea- 
 fure, and their own good Behaviour. And this alfo I prefent 
 as a known Obfervation, that fhe was (tho very capable of 
 Counfel) abfolute enough in her own Refolutions; which was 
 ever apparent even to her la ft, in that her Aver fion to grant 
 Tyrone the leaft drop of her mercy, tho earneftly and frequent¬ 
 ly advis’d, yea wrought on by the whole Council of State, 
 with very many prefling Reafons, and as the State of her 
 Kingdom then ftood (I may fpeak it with alfurance) neceflita- 
 ted Arguments. 
 
 If we look into her Inclination, as it is difpos’d either to 
 Magnificence or Frugality, we fhall find in them many notable 
 Considerations: for all her Difpenfations were fo pois’d, as 
 tho Difcretion and Juftice had both agreed to ftand at the 
 Beam, and fee them weigh’d out in due proportion; the Matu¬ 
 rity of her Years and Judgment meeting in a concurrency, and 
 at iuchan Age asfeldom lapfethinto Excefs. 
 
 To confider them apart, we have not many Precedents of 
 her Liberality, or of any large Donatives to particular men, 
 my Lord of EJJ'ex Book of Parses only excepted, which was a. 
 Princely Gift / and fome few more of a letter fize to my Lord 
 of Leicefter , Jfatton, and others. Her Reward confifted chiefly 
 in Granjtrof Leafes, of Olfices, and Places of Judicature; 
 but for ready Mony, and in any great Sums, fhe was very 
 fparing: which we partly conceive was a Yertue rather drawn 
 out by neceffity, than her nature; for fhe had many layings 
 out, and to her la ft period. And I am of opinion with Sir 
 Walter Rawleigh, that thofe many brave men of our times, and 
 of the Militia , tailed little more of her Bounty, than in her 
 Grace and good Word with their due Entertainment; for fhe 
 ever paid the Soldiers well, which was the Honour of her 
 times, and more than her great Adverfary of Spain could per¬ 
 form. So that when we come to the confideration of her 
 Frugality, the Obfervation will be little more, than that her 
 Bounty and It were fo woven together, that the one was futed 
 by an honourable way of fpending, the other limited by a ne- 
 ceflitated way of fparing. The 
 
i 26 Fragmenta Regalia; or. 
 
 The Irijh A&ion we may call a Malady, and a Confumpticm 
 ©f her times; for it accompany’d her to her end, and it was 
 ©f fo profufeand vaft an Expence, that it drew near a Diftem- 
 perature of State, and of Pafiion in her felf; for toward her 
 feft, fhe grew fomewhat hard to pleafe. Her Arms being 
 accuftom’d to Profperity, and the Irijh Perfecution not an¬ 
 swering her Expectation, and wonted Succefs for a good while, 
 it was an unthrifty and inaufpicious War, which did much 
 diftitrb, and miftead her Judgment: and the more, for that it 
 was a Precedent which was taken •out of her own Pattern. 
 For as the Queen (by way of diverfion) had at the coming to 
 the Crown, fupported the revolted States of Holland ; fo did 
 the King of Spain turn the trick on her felf towards her going 
 ©ut, by cherifhing the Irijh Rebellion : Where it falls under 
 confideration, what the State of the Kingdom, and the 
 Crown Revenues were then able to embrace and endure. If 
 we look into the Eftablifhment of thofe times, with the Lift 
 of the hifh Army, confidering the Defeatments of Blactyater, 
 with all precedent Expences, as it ftood from my Lord of 
 EJJex's Undertaking to the Surrender of Kingfale under the Ge¬ 
 neral Mount joy y and fomewhat after, we fhall find the Horfe 
 and Foot Troops, were far three or four years together much 
 about 20000. Which, befides the Naval Charge that was a 
 Dependent on the fame War, in that the Queen was then 
 forc'd to keep in continual pay a ftrong Fleet at Sea, to attend 
 the Spanifb Coafts and Ports, both to alarm the f Spaniard, and 
 to interrupt his Forces design’d for the Irijh Affiftance : fo 
 that the Charge of that War alone did coft the Queen 300000/. 
 per annum at leaft ; which was not the Moity of her other 
 Disburfements. An Expence which (without the publick Aid) 
 the State and the Royal Receipts could not have much longer 
 endur'd • which out of her own frequent Letters and Com¬ 
 plaints to the Deputy Momtjoy , for caihiering part of that Lift 
 as foon as he could, may be collected 5 for the Queen was then 
 driven into a ftrait. 
 
 We are naturally prone to applaud the Timesbehind us, and 
 to vilify the prefent; for the current of her Fame carries it 
 to this day 3 how royally and vidoriouily lhe liv'd and dy'd, 
 without the grievance and grudge of the People. Yet that 
 Truth may appear without Retraction from the Honour of fo 
 great a Princefs, it is manifeft fhe left more Debts unpay’d, 
 taken upon the Credit of her Privy Seals, than her Proge¬ 
 nitors dii, or could have taken up that way in a hundred 
 years before her : Which was an inforc'd piece of State, to 
 lay the burden on that Horfe that was beft able to bear it, at 
 the dead lift, when neither her Receipts could yield her Re- 
 
Obfervations on ^Elizabeth, &c. 187 
 
 lief at the pinch, nor the Urgency of her Affairs endure the 
 Delays of Parliamentary Afliltance; and for fuch Aids it is 
 likewife apparent, that the receiv’d more, and with the Love 
 of the People, than any two of her Predeceffors that took 
 moft. Which was a Fortune ftrain’d out of the Subjed, thro 
 the plaufibility of her Comportment, and as I would fay with¬ 
 out offence, the prodigal Diftribution of her Graces to ail 
 forts of Subjeds; for I believe no Prince living that was fo 
 tender of Honour, and fo exadly ftood for the Prefervation 
 of Sovereignty, was fo great a Courtier ofy her People, 
 yea of the Commons, and that ftoopt and defcended lower in 
 prefenting her Perfon to the publick view, as fhe paft in her 
 Progreffes and Perambulations, and in the Ejaculation of her 
 Prayers on her People. And truly tho much may be given in 
 praifeof her Magnanimity, and therewith comply with her 
 Parliaments, and for all that come off at laft with Honour and 
 Profit; yetmuftweafcribe feme part of the Commendation 
 to the Wifdom of the times, and the Choice of Parliament- 
 men : For I find not that they were at any time given to any 
 violent or pertinacious Difpute, Eledions being made of 
 grave and difereet Perfons, not fadious and ambitious of 
 Fame, fuch as came not to the Houfe with a malevolent Spi¬ 
 rit of Contention, but with a Preparation to confult on the 
 publick Good, rather to comply than conteft with her Ma- 
 jefty. Neither do I find that the Houfe was at any time 
 weaken’d and pefter’d with the Admiffion of too many young 
 Heads, as it hath been of later times. Which remembers me 
 of Recorder Martin s Speech, about the tenth of our late So¬ 
 vereign Lord King James\ when there were accounts taken of 
 forty Gentlemen, not above twenty, and fome not exceeding 
 fixteen : which mov’d him to fay. That it was the antient 
 Cuftom for old Men to make Laws for young ones; but that 
 then he faw the cafe alter’d, and that there were Children 
 eleded into the great Council of the Kingdom, which came 
 to invade and invert Nature, and to enad Laws to govern 
 their Fathers. Sure we are, the Houfe always took the com* 
 moil Caufe into their conlideration, and they faw the Queen 
 had juft occafion and need enough to ufe their Affiltance. 
 Neither do I remember that the Houfe did ever capitulate, 01? 
 prefer their private Affairs to the publick, <£rc. The Queen’s, 
 Neceflities but waited their times, and in the firft place gave 
 their Supply, and according to the Exigency of her Affairs ; 
 yet fail’d not at laft to obtain what thc*y delir'd. So that the 
 Queen and her Parliaments had ever the good fortune to de¬ 
 part in love, and on reciprocal terms: Which are Confidera- 
 tions that have not been fo exadly obferv’d in cur laft Affem- 
 
 blies. 
 
 1 
 
it8 Fragmenta Regalia ; or, 
 
 blies, as they might, and I would to God they had been. For 
 eonfidering the great Debt left on the King, and in what In? 
 cumbrances the Houfe it felf had then drawn him, his Ma¬ 
 jefty was not well us’d; tho I lay not the 'blame on the whole 
 Suffrage of the Houfe, where he had many good Friends. For I 
 dare avouch, had the Houfe been freed of half a dozen of 
 popular and difcontented Perfons, fuch as (with the Fellow 
 that burnt the Temple at EphefwJ would be talk’d of, tho but 
 for doing of mifchief ; lam confident the King had obtain’d 
 i that which in reafon, and at his firil Aceeffion, he ought to 
 
 have receiv’d freely and without any condition. But pardon 
 the Digreffion, which is here remember’d, not in the w r ay of 
 Aggravation, bnt in true Zeal to the publick Good, and pre- 
 fented as a Caveat to future times; for I am not ignorant how 
 the Spirit of the Kingdom now moves to make his Majefty 
 amends on any occafion, and ho>v defirous the Subjeft is to 
 expiate that Offence at any rate ; may it pleafe his Majefty 
 gracioufly to make trial of his Subjects Affedion, and at what 
 price they now value his Goodnefs and Magnanimity. But to 
 our purpofe: The Queen was not to learn, that as the Strength 
 of her Kingdom conlifted in the multitude of her Subjects, 
 fo the Security of her Perfon relied in the Love and Fidelity 
 of her People, which fhe politickly affeded (as it hath been 
 thought) fomewhat beneath the height of her Spirit and na¬ 
 tural Magnanimity. Moreover, it will be a true Note of 
 her Providence, that fhe would always lillen to her Profit ; 
 for fhe would not refufe the Informations of mean Perfons, 
 with purpos’d Improvement, and had learn’d the Philofophy 
 of Hoc agere, to look into her own Work: of the which there 
 if a notable Example of one Carwardeti , an Under-Officer of 
 the Cuftom-houfe, who obferving his time, prefented her 
 with a Paper, ffiewing how ffie was abus’d in the under-renting 
 of her Culloms; and therewithal humbly defir’d her Majefty 
 to conceal him, for that it did concern two or three of her 
 great Counfellors, whom Cuftomer Smith had bribed with 
 •200 L a man, fo to lofe the Queen 2000/, per arm . Which 
 being made known to the Lords, they gave ftrid order, that 
 Carwarden fhould not have accefsto the Back-ftairs, till at lali 
 her Majefty fmelling the craft, and miffing Carwctrden , fhe fent 
 for him back, and encourag’d him to Hand to his Information; 
 e which the poor man did fo handfomly, that within the fpace 
 
 of ten years he brought Smith to double his Rent, or to leave 
 the Culloms to new Farmers. So that we may take this alib 
 into Obfervation, that there were of the Queen’s Council that 
 were not in the Catalogue of Saints. 
 
 Now 
 
Obfervations on Elizabeth, &c. i$<f 
 
 - Now as we have taken a view of fome particular Notions of 
 her Times, her Nature, and Neceffities, it is not without the 
 Text to give a fhort touch on the Helps andAdvantages of her 
 Reign, which were without parallel; for fhe had neither Huf- 
 band. Brother, Sifter, nor Children to provide for, who as 
 they are Dependents of the Crown, fo do they neceffarily 
 draw maintenance from thence, and do oftentimes exhauft and 
 draw deep, efpecially when there is an ample Fraternity of 
 the Blood Royal, and of the Princes of the Blood, as it was 
 in the time of Edward the Third, and Henry the Fourth. For 
 then when the Crown cannot, the Publick ought to give them 
 honourable Allowance \ for they are the Honour and Hopes 
 of the Kingdom, and the Publick which enjoys them, hath alike 
 Intereft in them, with the Father that begot them: And our 
 Common Law, which is the Heritance of the Kingdom, did 
 ever of old provide Aids for the Primogenitures , and the eldeft 
 Daughter. So that the multiplicity of Courts, and the great 
 Charge which neceffarily follow a King and Queen, a Prince, 
 and the Royal Iffue, was a thing which was not in rerum m~ 
 tura during the fpace of forty years $ and which by time was 
 worn out of memory, and without the coufideration of the 
 prefent times. Infomuch that the Aids given to the late and 
 right Noble Prince Henry y and to his Sifter the Lady Elizabeth* 
 were at fir ft generally receiv'd for Impofitions of a new Coi¬ 
 nage. Yea the late Impofitions for Knighthood (tho an an- 
 tient Law) fell alfo into the imputation of a Tax of novelty ; 
 for that it lay long cover’d in the Embers of Divilion, between 
 the Houfes of Tork. and Lancafter , and forgotten or conniv’d 
 at by the fucceeding Princes. So that the ftrangenefs of the 
 Obfervation, and the difference of thofe latter Reigns, is ; 
 That the Queen took up beyond the Power of the Law, which 
 fell not into the murmur of the People; and her Succeffors 
 nothing but by Warrant of ^he Law, which neverthelefs was 
 conceiv’d (throdifufe) to be injurious to the Liberty of the 
 Kingdom. 
 
 Now before I come to any further mention of her Favourites, 
 (for hitherto I have deliver’d but fome obvious Paffages, there¬ 
 by to prepare and fmooth a way for the reft that follows) it is 
 requilite that I touch on the Reliques of the other Reign; I 
 mean the Body of her Sifter’s Council of State, which fhe 
 retain’d intire, neither removing nor difcontenting any, altho 
 fhe knew them averfe to her Religion (and in her Sifter’s time 
 perverfe towards her Perfon) and private to her Troubles and 
 lmprifonment: A Prudence which was incompatible with her 
 Sifter’s nature ; for fhe both difhpated and perfecuted the 
 major part of her Brother’s Council. But this will be of cer¬ 
 tainty. 
 
190 Fragmenta Regalia ; or, 
 
 taintyy that how compilable foever and obfequiotts fRe found 
 them, yet for a good fpace (he made little ufe of their Coun- 
 fels, more than in the ordinary courfe of the Board; for the 
 held a dormant Table in her own Princely Breaft, vet lhe 
 kept them together, and their places without any fudden 
 change. So that we may fay of them, that they were of the 
 Court, not of the Council; for whilft lhe amuz’d them with 
 a kind of permiffive Difputation concerning the Points contro¬ 
 verted by both Churches, lhe did fet down her own Relerva- 
 tions,withont their privity,and made all her Progrelfions Grada¬ 
 tions; but fo that the Tcnentsof her Secrecy, with inteht of 
 her Eftablifhment, vvere pitcht before it was known where the 
 Court would fet down. Neither do I find that any of her 
 Sifter’s Council of State were either repugnant to her Reli¬ 
 gion, or oppos’d her Doings CEnglefolrfy Mafter of the Horfe, 
 excepted) who withdrew himfelf from the Board, and Ihortly 
 after from out of her Dominions; fo pliable and obedient 
 they were to change with the times, and their Princes i and 
 of this there will fall in here a Relation both of Recreation 
 and known Truth. 
 
 Fowlet Marquifs of Winchefter , and Lord Treafurer, having 
 ferv’d then four Princes in as various and changeable feafon, 
 that I may well fay, Time nor any Age hath yielded the like 
 Precedent: This Man being noted to grow high in her Favour 
 (as his Place and Experience requir’d) was queftion’d by an 
 intimate Friend of his, how he ftood up for thirty years to¬ 
 gether amidft the Changes and Reigns of fo many Chancellors 
 and great Perfonages. Why, quoth the Marquifs, Ortm fum 
 ex falice , non ex qitercu ; 1 was made of the pliable Willow , not of tht 
 Jhbborn Oak* And truly the old man hath taught them all, 
 efpecially William Earl of Pembroke ; for they two were always 
 Of the King’s Religion, and over-zealous Profeffors. Of this 
 it is laid, That being both younger Brothers (yet of Noble 
 Houfes) they fpent what was lett them, and came on truft 
 to the Court; where, upon the bare ftock of their Wits, 
 ihey began to traffick for themfelves, and profper’d fo well, 
 that they got, fpent, and left more than any Subjects from the 
 Norman Conqueft to their own times. Whereunto it hath 
 been prettily reply’d, That they liv’d in a time of Diffolu- 
 tion. To conclude then; of any of the former Reign, it isf 
 faid, that thefe two liv’d and dy’d chiefly in her favour. The 
 latter, upon his Son’s Marriage with the Lady Katherine Orey^ 
 was like utterly to have loft himfelf; but at the inftant of the 
 Confummation, apprehending the Infafety and Danger of an 
 Intermarriage with the Blood Royal, he fell at the Queen’s 
 feet, where he both acknowledg’d his Preftrmption with tears. 
 
Obfervttions oaQ^ Elizabeth, &c. 191 
 
 and pro}e#ed the Caufe and the Divorce together; and fo 
 -quick he ivas at his work (for it ftood him upon) that upon 
 Repudiation of the Lady* he ciapt up a Marriage for his Son, 
 the Lord Herbert , with Mary Sidney Daughter to Sir Henry Sid¬ 
 ney , then Lord Deputy of Ireland: The Blow falling on Ed¬ 
 ward late Earl of Hereford , who (to his coft) took up the 
 divorc’d Lady, of whom the Lord Beaucbampe was born, and 
 William Earl of Hereford is defcended. 
 
 I come now to prefent thofe of her own Ele#ion, which 
 foe either admitted to her Secrets of State, or took into her 
 Grace and Favour ; of whom, in their order, I crave leave 
 to give unto Pofterifcy a cautious Defcription, with a fhort 
 Character or Draught of the Perfons themfclves : For with' 
 ©ut offence to others, I would be true to my felf; their Me* 
 mories and Merits diftinguifhing them of the Militia , from 
 t\vtTogati\ and of thefe fhe had as many, and thofe as able 
 Minifters, as any of her Progenitors. 
 
 Leicester. 
 
 T T will be out of doubt, that my Lord of Leicefter was one 
 I of the firft whom (he made Mafter of the Horfe: He was 
 the youngeftSon (then living) of the Duke of Northumberland^ 
 beheaded primo Maria ; and his Father was that Dudley , which 
 our Hiftories couple with Empfon , and both fo much infum’d 
 for the Caterpillars of the Commonwealth, during the Reign 
 of Henry the Seventh. Who being of Noble Extra#, was 
 executed the firft year of Henry the Eighth ; but not thereby 
 fo extin#, but that he left a plentiful Eftate, and fuchaSon, 
 who (as the V ulgar fpeaks it) could live without the Teat : 
 For out of the Allies of his Father’s Infamy, he rofe to be a 
 Duke, and as high as Subje#ion could permit, or Sovereignty 
 endure. And tho he could not find out any Appellation to 
 affume the Crown in his own Perfon,. yet he proje#ed, and 
 very nearly efFe#ed it for his Son Gilbert, by Intermarriage 
 with the Lady Jane Grey , and fo by that way to bring it about 
 into his Loins. Obfervations, which tho they lie behind us, 
 andfeem impertinent to the Text, yet are they not much ex¬ 
 travagant ; for they muft lead and {hew us how the After- 
 Paflages were brought about with the Dependences, and on 
 the Hinges of a collateral Workmanfhip. And truly it may- 
 amaze a well-fettled Judgment to look back into thofe times, 
 and to confider how this Duke could attain to fuch a pitch of 
 Greatnefs, his Father dying in ignominy, and at the Gallows, 
 bis Eftate confiscate, and tot for peeling and polling, by the 
 
 Clamour 
 
*9 2 Fragmenta Regalia; or. 
 
 Clamour and Crudfige of the People. But when we 
 better think upon it, we find that he was given up, 
 but as.a Sacrifice to pleafe the People, not for any Offence 
 committed againft the Perfon of the Ring *, fo that upon the 
 matter he was a Martyr of the Prerogative, and the Ring in 
 honour could do no lefs than give back to his Son the Privi¬ 
 lege of his Blood, with the Acquirings of his Father’s Pro* 
 feifion ; for he was a Lawyer, and of the Ring’s Counfel at 
 Law, before he came to ]be ex interioribw Confilits : where be- 
 fides the lickings of his own fingers, he got the Ring a Mafs 
 of Riches ; and that ; not with the hazard, but the lofs of his 
 Fame and Life, for the Ring’s Father’s fake. Certain it is, 
 that his Son was left rich in Purfe and Brain, which are good 
 Foundations, and full to Ambition; and it may be fuppos’d, 
 he was on all occafions well heard of the Ring, as a Perfon of 
 mark and compaflion in his eye : but I find not that he did 
 put up for Advancement, during Henry the Eighth’s time, tho 
 a vaft Afpirer and provident Storier. It feems he thought 
 the Ring’s Reign was much given to the Falling Sicknefs; but 
 efpying his time fitting, and the Sovereignty in the hands of 
 a pupil Prince, he thought he might as well then put up for 
 it as the beft. For having then poffeffion of Blood, and a 
 Purfe, with a Head-piece of a vaft extent, he foon got Ho* 
 nour \ and no fooner there, but he began to fide it with the 
 beft, even with the Protestor : and in conclufion got his and 
 his Brother’s Heads ; ftill afpiring, till he expir’d in the lofs 
 of his own. So that Pofterity may, by reading the Father. 
 and Grandfather, make judgment of the Son: For we fhall 
 find that this Robert (whofe Original we have now trac’d, the 
 better to prefent him) was Inheritor of the Genius and Craft 
 of his Father ; and Ambrofe , of the Eftate j of whom, hereafter 
 we fhall make fome fhort mention. 
 
 We take him now as he was admitted into the Court, and 
 the Queen’s Favour, where he was not to feek to play his 
 part well and dexteroully. But his play was chiefly at the Fore¬ 
 game, not that he was a Learner at the latter, but he lov’d 
 not the After-wit. For they report (and I think not un¬ 
 truly) that he wasfeldom behind-hand with his Gamefters, and 
 that they always went away with the lofs. 
 
 Hp was a very goodly Perfon, and fingular well-featur’d y and 
 all his Youth well-favour’d, and of a fweet afpeft, but high¬ 
 foreheaded, which, aslfhould take it, was of no difcomraen- 
 dation : but towards his latter end (which with old Men was 
 but a middle Age) he grew high-colour’d and red-fac’d. So 
 that the Queen in this had much of her Father; for (except¬ 
 ing fome of Irer Kindred, and fome few that had handfom 
 * Wits 
 
Obfervnttons on Elizabeth, &c. 19 ^ 
 
 Wits in crooked Bodies) Ihe always took Perfonage in the way 
 of her Election ; for the People have it to this day in proverb. 
 King Harry Loved a Man . Being thus in her Grace, (he call’d 
 to mind the Sufferings of his Anceftors, both in her Father’s 
 and Sifter’s Reigns, and reftor’d his and his Brother’s Blood; 
 creating Ambroje, the elder, Earl of Warwick and himfelf 
 Earl of Leicefter , &c. And he was exprimitfa, or of her firft 
 choice; for he refted not there, but long enjoy’d her Favour, 
 and therewith much what he lilted, till Time and Emulation 
 (the Companions of Great ones) had refolv’d on his period ; 
 and to cover him at the fetting in a cloud at. Cornbury , not 
 by fo violent a Deat\ and by the fatal sentence of Judi¬ 
 cature, as that of his Father’s and Grandfather’s was, but as 
 it is fuggefted, by that Poifori. which he had prepar’d for 
 others : wherein they report him a rare Artift. I am not 
 bound to«ive credit to all vulgar Relations, or to the Libels 
 of the Times, which are commonly forc’d, and fallify’d fu- 
 tabie to the Moo\is and Humours of Mrn in paffion and dis¬ 
 content ; but that which leads me to think him no good 
 Man, is (amongft others of known Truth) that of my Lord 
 of Effix’s Death in Ireland , and the Marriage of his Lady yet 
 living •, which I forbear to prefs, in regard that he is long 
 iince dead, and others living, whom it may concern. 
 
 To take him in the Obfervations of his Letters and Wri¬ 
 tings (which Ihould beft fet him off ) for fuch as fell into my 
 hands, I never yet faw a Stile or Phrafe more feemingly Re¬ 
 ligious, and fuller of the Strains of Devotion ; and were they 
 notfincere, I doubt much of his Well-being : And I may fear 
 ! he was too well feen in the Aphorifms and Principles of A7- 
 ! cholas the Florentine , and in the Reaches of Cdtfar Borgia . And 
 1 hitherto I have only touch’d him in his Courtlhipi 
 
 . I conclude him in his. Lance: He was fent Governour by 
 the Queen to the United States of Holland , where we read not 
 of his Wonders ; for they fay that he had more of Mercury 
 than Mars , and that his Device might have been, without pre¬ 
 judice to the Great Cdtfar 9 Veni , Vidb> Kedii . 
 
 Sussex. 
 
 H I S Corrivalbefore mention’d, was Thomat Radcliff Earl 
 of Sujfex w , who (in his Conftellation) was his dired Op- 
 polite, for he was indeed one of the Queen’s Martia lifts, and 
 did very good fervice in Ireland at her iirffc Accefiion ; till lhe 
 recall’d him to the Court, where fhe made him Lord Cham¬ 
 berlain ; But he play’d not his game with that Cunning and 
 
 O Dexterity 
 
194 Fragmenta Regalia; or. 
 
 Dexterity as Leicefter did, who was much more the facete 
 Courtier, tho Suffix was thought much the honefter Man, 
 and far the better Soldier; but he lay too open on his guard. 
 
 He was a goodly Gentleman, and of a brave^noble nature, 
 true and conllant to his Friends and Servants ; he was alfo of 
 a very noble and antient Lineage, honour’d thro many De- 
 fcents by the Title of Vifcounts Fit^walters. Moreover, there 
 was fuch an Antipathy in his Nature to that of Leicefter' s, that 
 being together in Court, and both in high Imployments, they 
 grew to a direft Frowardnefs, and were in continual oppo- 
 iition *, the one fetting the Watch, the other the Centinel, 
 each on the other’s Actions and Motions. For my Lord of 
 Suffix was of a great Spirit; which, backt with the Queen’s 
 fpecial Favour, and fupported by a great and antient Inheri¬ 
 tance, could not brook the other’s Empire : Infomuch as the 
 Queen upon fundry occafions had fomewhat to do to appeafe 
 and attain them, till Death parted the Competition, and left 
 the place of Leicefter , who was not long alone without his 
 Rival, in Grace and Command. And to conclude this Fa¬ 
 vourite, it is confidently affirm’d, That lying in his laft Sick* 
 nefs, he gave this Caveat to his Friends: I am now faffing into 
 another World , and 1 muft now leave you to your Fortunes , and to 
 the Queen's Grace and Goodnefs ; but beware of the Gipfy (mean* 
 ing Leicefter J for he will be too hard for you all t Tou fyow not the 
 Be aft fo well as Ido, 
 
 Lord Burleigh. 
 
 I Now come to the next, which was Secretary William Cedi: 
 
 For on the death of the old Marquifs of Winchefter , he came 
 tep in his room. A Perfon of a molt fubtil and aftive Spirit ; 
 •who‘flood not altogether by the way of Conllellation, 
 and making up of a Part and Faction ; for he was wholly in¬ 
 centive to the Service of his Miltrefs, and his Dexterity, Ex¬ 
 perience, and Merit, challeng’d a room in the Queen’s Fa¬ 
 vour; which eclips’d the others over-feeming Greatnefs, and 
 made it appear that there were others that fleer’d and flood 
 at the Helm befides himfelf; and more Stars in the Firmament 
 of her Grace than Vrfa major , or the Bear with the ragged 
 gtafF. 
 
 He was born (as they fay) in Lincolnftjire * but as fome upon 
 knowledg aver, of a younger Brother of the Cecils of Hertford - 
 flnre \ a Family (of my own knowledg) tho now private, yet 
 of no mean Antiquity : who being expos’d, and fent to the 
 City, as poor ©eattenjqj qfe $q cjq younger Sons, he 
 
 cam? 
 
Obfervutions on ^Elizabeth, &c. 195 
 
 came to be a rich man on London Bridg, and purchafmg in 
 Lincolnflme, where this man was born, he was fent to Cambridge, 
 then to the Inns of Court, and fo. he came to ferve the Duke 
 of Somerfet , in the time of his Protect or (hip, as Secretary. 
 And having a pregnancy to great Inclinations, he came by 
 degrees to a higher Conversion with the chiefeft Affairs of 
 State and Councils. But on the Fall of the Duke he Hood 
 fome years in umbrage, and without Employment, till the 
 State found and needed his Abilities. And tho we find not 
 that he was taken into any place during Mar ?s Reign, unlefs 
 (as fome have faid) towards the laft ; yet the Council on fe- 
 veral occafions made ufe of him: And at the Queen’sentrance 
 he was admitted Secretary of State; afterwards he was made 
 Matter of the Court of Wards, then Lord Treafurer; a Per- 
 fonof molt requittte Abilities : and indeed the Queen began 
 then to need, and to feek out for Men of both Garbs. And 
 fol conclude, and rank this great Inftrument of State among 
 thcTogati ; for he had not to do with the Sword, more than 
 as the great Paymafter and. Contriver of the War, which 
 Ihortly follow’d, wherein he accomplilh’d much thro his 
 Theoretical Knowledg at home, and his Intelligence abroad, 
 by unlocking the Counfels of the Queen’s Enemies. 
 
 We mutt now take (and that of Truth) into obfervation. 
 That until the Tenth of her Reign, her Times were calm 
 and ferene,tho fometimes a little overcaft,as the moft glorious 
 Sunrilings are fubjed to fhadowings and droppings in; for the 
 Clouds of Spain, and Vapors of the Holy League, began then 
 to difperfe and threaten her Serenity. Moreover, Ihe was then 
 to provide againft fomeinteftine Storms, which began to ga¬ 
 ther in the very Heart of herKingdom,all which had a relation 
 and corrrefpondency each with the other to dethrone her, 
 and todifturb the publick Tranquillity, and therewithal (as a 
 principal Work) the Eftablilh’d Religion ; for the name of 
 Recufant began then, and firft to be known in the World, and 
 till then the Catholicks were no more than Church-Papiits, 
 but were commanded by the Pope’s exprefs Letters to appear, 
 and forbear Church going, as they tender their Holy Father, 
 and the Holy Catholick Church their Mother. So that it 
 feems the Pope had then his aims to take a true mutter of his 
 Children; but the Queen had the greater advantage, for Ihe 
 likewife took tale of her Apoftate Subjeds, th^ir Strength, 
 and how many they were that had given up their Names unto 
 Baal ; who then, by the hands of fome of his Profelytes, fix’d 
 his Bulls on the Gates of Faul's, which difchargM her Subjeds 
 of all Fidelity, and laid fiegc to the receiv’d Faith, and fo 
 under the Veil of the next Succeffor, to replant the Catholick 
 
 O 2 Reli- 
 
1 96 Fragments Regalia; or. 
 
 Religion* So that the Queen had then a new Task and Work 
 in hand, that might well awake her bell Providence/and re¬ 
 quir’d a muller of Men of Arms, as well as Courymips and 
 Counfels *, for the Times began then-to be quick and adlive, 
 fitter for ilronger Motions than thofe of the Carpet and 
 Meafure. -Audit will be a true Note of her Magnanimity, 
 That Ihe lov’d a Soldier, and had a propenfion in her Nature 
 to regard, and always to grace them ; which the Courtiers 
 taking into obfervation, took it as an Invitation to win Ho¬ 
 nour, together with her Majelly’s Favour, by expofing them- 
 felves to the Wars, efpecially when the Queen’s and the Affairs 
 of the Kingdom hood in fome necehity of a Soldier. For we 
 have many Instances of the Sallies of tlie Nobility and Gentry, 
 yea and out of the Court, and her Privy Favourites (that 
 had any Touch or TindLire of Mars in their Inclinations) and to 
 Heal away without licence, or the Queen’s privity; which had 
 like to have coll fome of them dear: io predominant were their 
 Thoughts and Hopes of Honour growing in them ; as we may 
 truly obferve in the Expeditions of Sir Philip Sidney , my Lord 
 of Effex, Aountjoy, and divers others, whofe Abfence, and the 
 manner of their Eruptions, was very diftaftful to her. Where¬ 
 of I can here add a true, and no impertinent Story, and that 
 of the laft Mountfy \ who having twice or thrice floln away 
 into Britany (where under Sir John Norris he had then a Com* 
 pany) without the Queen’s leave and privity, fhe fent a Mef- 
 fenger unto him, with a llrift Charge to the General to fee 
 him fent home. When he came into the Queen’s prefence, 
 fhe fell into a kind of Reviling, demanding how he durll go 
 over without her leave : Serve me fo 3 quoth Ihe, once more 9 
 and lay you fajl enough for running. Tou will never leave till 
 you are knockt on the head y as that inconfiderate Fellow Sydney was . 
 Tou floail go when I fend you : In the mean time fee that you lodg in 
 the Court (which was then at WhitehallJ where you may follow 
 your Book > read and difcoUrfe of the Wars . 
 
 But to our purpofe : It fell out happily to thofe, and (as I 
 may fay) to thofe Times, that the Queen, during the calm 
 of her Reign, was not idle, nor rockt afleep with Security; 
 for Ihe had been very provident in the Reparation and Aug¬ 
 mentation of her Shipping and Ammunition. And I know 
 not, whether by a Forefight of Policy, or an Inllindl, it 
 came about, or whether it was an Adi' of her Compalfiont 
 But it is moll certain, that Ihe fent. Levies, and no fmajl 
 Troops to the Afliftance of the Revolted States of Holland, 
 before ihe had receiv’d any Affront from the King of Spain , 
 that might deferve or tend to a Breach in Hollility; which 
 the Papills to this day maintain, was the Provocation, and 
 * ‘ Caufe 
 
Obfervations on ^Elizabeth, &c. 197 
 
 Caufe of the after Wars. But omitting what might be faid 
 to this Point, thofe A J etherland Wars were the Queen’s Semi¬ 
 naries, and the Nurferies of very many brave Soldiers; and 
 fo were likewife the Civil Wars of France (whither (he fent five 
 leveral Armies) the Fencing-Schools that inur’d the Youth 
 and Gallantry of the Kingdom: And it was a Militia , where 
 they were daily in acquaintance with the Difcipline of the 
 Spaniards , who were then turn’d' the Queers inveterate 
 Enemies. 
 
 And thus have I taken into obfervation, her Dies ffalcmif, 
 thofe years of hers which were more ferene and quiet than 
 thofe that follow’d ; which tho they were not lefs propit ious, 
 as being touch’d more with.the point of Honour and Victory; 
 yet were they troubled, and ever clouded over, both with do- 
 meftick and foreign Machinations : and it is already quoted, 
 they were fuch as awaken’d her Spirits, and. made her caft 
 about how to defend, rather by offending, and by the way of 
 diverfion to prevent all Invafions, than to expert them ; 
 which was a piece of Policy of the Times. And with this I 
 have noted the Gaufes or Principia of the Wars following, and 
 likewife pointed to the Seed-plots, from whence (he took up 
 thofe Brave Men and Plants of Honour, which atted on the 
 Theatre of Mars, and on whom (he difpers’d the Rays of her 
 Grace; which were Perfons in their kinds of rare Virtues, 
 and fuch as might, out of height of merit, pretend Intereft 
 | to her Favour : of which Rank, the number will equal, if not 
 exceed that of the Gownmen; in recount of whom I proceed 
 With Sir Philip Sydney. 
 
 j 
 
 Sir Philip Sydney. 
 
 II 
 
 H E was Son to Sir Henry Sydney , Lord Deputy of Ireland, 
 and Prefident of iVales , a Perfon of great Parts, and in 
 no mean Grace with the Queen. His Mother was Sifter to 
 my Lord of Leicefier , from whence we may conje&ure, how 
 i the Father ftood up in the place of Honour and Employment; 
 fo that his Defcent was apparently noble on both tides. For 
 his Education, it was fuch as Travel and the Univerfity could 
 afford, or his Tutors infyfe : for after an incredible Proficiency 
 in all the Species of Learning, he left the Academical Life for 
 1 that of the Court; whither he came by his Uncle’s Invitation, 
 fam’d afore:hand by a noble Report of his Accomplilhments, 
 by which, together with the ftate of his Perfon, fram’d by a na¬ 
 tural propenlion to Arms, he foon attracted the good Opinion 
 •f all men, and was fo highly priz’d in the good Opinion of 
 
 O 3 __ the 
 
198 Fragmenta Regalia; or, 
 
 the Queen, that {he thought the Court deficient without him. 
 And whereas, thro the Fame of his Deferts, he was in the 
 Election for the Kingdom of Poland, fhe refus’d to further his 
 Advancement, not out of emulation, but out of fear to lofe 
 the Jewel of her Times. He marry’dthe Daughter and foie 
 Heir of Sir Franck Walfmgham , then Secretary of State ; a 
 Lady deftinated to the Bed of Honour, who (after his deplo¬ 
 rable Death at Zutphen in the Netherlands, where he was Go- 
 vernour of Flying, and at the time of his Uncle’s being 
 there) was marry’dto my Ford of EJfex, and fince his death 
 to my Lord of St. Albans ; all Perfons of the Sword, and 
 otherwife of great Honour and Vertue. 
 
 They have a very quamt and fadious Figment of him; 
 That Mars and Mercury fell at variance, whofe Servant he 
 Ihoulibe. And there is an Epigrammatift* who faith, That 
 Art and Nature had fpent their Excellencies in his falhioning, 
 and Daring they fhould not end what they begun, they be- 
 ftow’d him on Fortune; and Nature hood muzing,and amaz’d 
 to behold her own work. But thefe are the Petulancies of 
 Poets. 
 
 Certain it is, he was a noble and matchlefs Gentleman ; 
 and it may be jultly faid without Hyperboles of Fidion, as 
 is was of Cato Vtkenfis , that he feem’d to be born to that 
 only which he went about, verfdtilk ingenii , as Plutarch has it. 
 But to fpeak more of him, were to make him lefs. 
 
 •Sir Francis Walsing ham. 
 
 S I R Franrn Walfjgham , as we have faid, had the honour to 
 be Sir Philip Sydney's Father in Law : He was a Gentleman 
 at fir ft of a good Houfe, but of a better Education, and from 
 the Uniyerfity travel’d for the reft of his Learning. He was 
 doubtlefs the beft Linguift of his times, but knew beft how 
 toufehisown Tongue, whereby he came to be imploy’d in 
 the chiefeft Affairs of State. He was fent Ambaftador into 
 France, and ftaid there Ledger long, in the heat of the Civil 
 Wars, and at the fame time that Monjieur was here a Suiter to 
 the Queen; and, if I be net miftaken, he play’d the very 
 fame part there, as ftnee Gundamore did here. At his return, 
 he was taken principal Secretary, and was one of the great 
 Engines of State, and of the Times, high in the Queen’s 
 Favour, and a watchful Servant over the Safety of his 
 Miftrefs, 
 
 They note him to have had certain Curiofities, and fee ret 
 ways of Intelligence above the reft ; but I muft confefs I am 
 
Obfervatio/ts on ^Elizabeth, &c. 199 
 
 to feek wherefore he fuffer’d Parry to play fo long on the 
 Hook, before he hoifed him up ; and I have been a little curi¬ 
 ous in the fearch thereof, tho I have not to do with the Ar+ 
 cana Imperii . 
 
 For to know is fometimes a Burthen; and I remember, that 
 it was Ovid's Crimen ant Error , that he faw too much. But I 
 hope thefe are Collaterals of no danger : But that Parry ha¬ 
 ving an intent to kill the Queen, made the way of his Ac- 
 cefs, by betraying of others, and’impeaching of the Priefts of 
 his own Correfpondency,and thereby had Accefs and Conference 
 with the Queen, and alfo oftentimes familiar and private Con¬ 
 ference witm IValfingham, will not be the Query of the Myftery ; 
 for the Secretary might have had end of difeovery on a fur¬ 
 ther maturity of the Treafon: but that after the Queen knew 
 Parry's intent, why Ihe fhould then admit him to private Dif- 
 courfe, and Walfmgbam to fuffer it, confidering the condition 
 of ail Aflailjngs, and to permit him to go where, and whither 
 he lifted, and only on the Security of a dark Sentinel iet 
 over him, was a piece of reach and hazard, beyond my ap- 
 prehenfion. 
 
 I muft again profefs, that having read many of his Letters 
 (for they are commonly fent to my Lord of Leicefter and Bur¬ 
 leigh out of France ) containing many fine Paflages and Secrets ; 
 yet if I might have been beholden to his Cyphers (whereof 
 they are full) they would have told pretty Tales of the Times. 
 But I muft now clofe up, and rank him amongft the Togati , yet 
 chief of thofe that laid the Foundation of the French and Dutch 
 Wars; which was another piece of his Finenefs, and of the 
 Times, with one Obfervation more: That he was one of the 
 great Allays of the Aufterian Embracements; for both him- 
 felf, and Stafford that preceded him, might well have been 
 compar’d to the Fiend in the Gofpel, that fowed his Tares in 
 the night; fo did they their Seeds of Divifion in the dark ; 
 and it is a likely Report that they father on him, at his re¬ 
 turn, that he faid to the Queen, who had fome fenfibility of 
 theSpaniffo Defigns on Frame: Madam, I befeech you.be con¬ 
 tent not to fear, the Spaniard hath a great Appetite, and an 
 excellent Digeftion; but I have fitted him with a Bone for 
 this Twenty years, that your Majefty fhall have no caufe to 
 doubt him, provided that if the Fire chance to flack, which I 
 have kindled, you will be ruled by me, and now and then call 
 in fome Englifh Fewel, which will revive the Flame, 
 
 O4 JWIL- 
 
 ( 
 
20o 
 
 Fragments Regalia; or, 
 
 Willoughby. 
 
 M Y Lord Willoughby was one of the Queen’s firft Sword- 
 men ; he was of the antient Extrait of the Bartues , but 
 more ennobled by his Mother, who was Diitcheft of Suffolk, 
 
 He was a great Matter of the Art Military, and was fent 
 General into France, and commanded the Second of, five Armies, 
 that the Queen fent thither in Aid of the French . I have heard 
 it fpoken, that had he not flighted the Court, but applied 
 himfelf to the Queen, he might have enjoy’d a plentiful Por¬ 
 tion of her Grace ; and i;c was his Saying (and it did him n® 
 good) That he was none/of .the Reptilian intimating, that he 
 could not creep on the ground ; and that the Court was not 
 his Element: For indeed-, as he was a great Soldier, fo was 
 he of a fuitable Magnanimity, and. could not brook the Obfe- 
 quioufnefs and Alliduity gf the Court; and as he then was 
 famewhat defcending from Youth, happily he had an Atiimam 
 reverend /,* and to make a fare'Retreat. 
 
 Sir Nicholas Bacon. 
 
 I Come to another of the Togati , Sir Nicholas Bacon , an arch 
 piece of Wit and Wifdom ; he was a Gentleman, and a 
 Man of Law, and of great Knowledg therein ; whereby,-to¬ 
 gether with his other Farts of Learning and Dexterity, he 
 was promoted to be Keeper of the Great- Seal; and being of 
 Kin to the Treafurer Burleigh, had alfo the help of his hand 
 to bring him into the Queen’s favour; for he. was abundantly 
 Pattious,. which took much with the Queen, when it was fuited 
 with the feafon, as he was-well able to judg of his Times. 
 He had a very quaint Saying, and he us'd it often to good 
 purpofe. That he lov’d the jell well, but not the'Lofs of his 
 Friend: He would fay, and that tho he knew it, Vnufquifque 
 fua fortune'faber, was a true and good Principle; yet the moft 
 in number were thofe that marred themfelves : but I will 
 never forgive that Man that lofeth himfelf, to be rid of- his 
 jefE 
 
 He was Father to that refined Wit, which fineg hath afted 
 a difafterous Part on the publick Stage, and of late fate in 
 his Father’s room as Lord Chancellor. Thofe that lived in his 
 A^e, and from whence I have taken this little Model of him, 
 give him a lively Character, and they decipher him for ano¬ 
 ther Solon, and the Sytnon of thofe Times; fuch a one as Oedipus 
 
 was 
 
Obfervations on Elizafystfc, &c. 201 
 
 was in diffoiving of Riddles,; dou^^ t he f .w^s. as able an In- 
 ftrument, and it was his Commend#^, t^#*'his Head was . 
 the Mawl ( for it was a .great one ) and* therein, he 
 Wedg, that entred the knotty pieces,wiuch ^aine-to the Ta¬ 
 ble: And now I muft again fall back, to fmooth and plain a 
 way to the reft that is behind, but not from the purpofe. 
 
 There were, about theie Times, two Rivals in the Queen’s 
 favour, old Sir France Knowles, Comptroller of the Houle, and 
 Sir henry Norris, whom fhe call’d up at a Parliament, to lit with 
 the Peers in the higher Houfe, as Lord A orris of Rycott , who 
 had married the Daughter and Heir of the-old Lord Williams 
 of Tame\ a noble Perfon, and to whom in the Queen’s adver- 
 fity, Ihe had been committed to fafe Cuftody, and from hinu 
 had receiv’d more than ordinary Obfervances. Now fuch 
 was. the Goodnefs of. the Queen’s Nature, that Ihe neither 
 forgot the good Turns received from the Lord Williams , nei¬ 
 ther was ihe unmindful of this Lord Norris, whofe Father, in 
 her Father’s time, and in the bulinefs of her Mother, died in 
 a noble Caufe, and in the Juftification of her Innocency. 
 
 Lord Norris. 
 
 M Y Lord Norris had by this Lady an ample Ififue, which 
 the Queen highly refpetted; for he had fix Sons, and 
 all Martial brave Men : The firft was William , his eldeft, and 
 Father to the late Earl of Barkjhive ; Sir John, Vulgarly call’d- 
 General Norris ; Sir Edward, Sir Thomas, Sir Henry, and Maximi¬ 
 lian ; Men of an haughty Courage, and of great Experience 
 in the Condutl of Military Affairs: and to fpeak in the Cha¬ 
 mber of their Merit, they were fuch Perfons of fuch Re¬ 
 nown and Worth, as future Times muft, out of Duty, owe them 
 the debt of an honourable Memory. 
 
 Knowles. 
 
 S I R Francis Knowles was fomewhat of the Queen’s Affinity, and 
 had likewife-no incompetent Iffue; for he had alfo William 
 his eldeft, and ft nee Earl of Banbury , Sir Thomas, Sir Robert , and 
 Sir Francis, if I be not a little miftaken in their Names, and 
 Marfhalling; and there was alfo the Lady Lettice, a Sifter of 
 thefe, who was firft Countefs of Effex, and after of Leicefter: 
 and thefe were alfo brave Men in their Times and Places; 
 but they were of the Court and Carpet, not led by the Ge¬ 
 nius of the Camp. 
 
2o2 Fragmenta Regalia; or. 
 
 Between thefe two Families, there was (as it falleth out 
 amongft great Ones, and Competitors for favour) no great 
 Correfpondency; and there were fome Seeds, either of Emu¬ 
 lation, or Diftruft, call between them ; which had they not 
 been disjoyn’d in the Refidence of their Perfons, (as it was 
 the Fortune of their Employments ) the one fide attending 
 the Court, the other the Pavillion, furely they would 
 have broken out into fome kind of Hoftility, or at leaft 
 they would have wreftled one in the other, like Trees, in- 
 circled with Ivy/; for there was a time when (both thefe 
 Fraternities being met at Court) there paffed a Chal¬ 
 lenge between them at certain Exercifes ( the Queen and 
 the Old Men being Spettators) which ended in a flat quarrel 
 amongft them all: and I am perfuaded (tho I ought not to 
 judg ) that there were fome Relicks of this Feud, that were 
 long after the Caufes of the one Family’s (almoft utter) Ex¬ 
 tirpation, and of the other’s Improfperity: For it was a known • 
 Truth, that fo long as my Lord of Leicefter lived, who was 
 the main Pillar of the one fide, as having married the Siller, 
 none of the other fide took any deep rooting in the Court; 
 tho otherwife they made their ways to Honour by their Swords ; 
 and that which is of more note ( confidering my Lord of Lei- 
 cefter’s ufe of Men of Arms, being fhortly after fent Gover- 
 nour to the Revolted States, and no Soldier himfelf) is that, 
 he made no more account of Sir John Non if, a Soldier then 
 defervedly famoufed, and trained from a Page, under the 
 Pifcipline of the great Captain of Chrillendom, the Admiral 
 Caftillon, and of Command in the French and Dutch Wars al¬ 
 moft Twenty years. It is of further Obfervation, That my 
 Lord of Ejjex ( after Le'urefter's deceafe ) tho initiated to Arms, 
 and honoured by the General in the Portugal Expedition, 
 whether out of Inftigation (as it hath been thought) or out 
 of Ambition and Jealoufy, to be eclipfed and over-lhadowed 
 by the Fame and Splendor of this great Commander, loved 
 him not in Sincerity. Moreover, certain it is, he not only 
 crufht, and ( upon all occafions ) quell’d the Growth of this 
 brave Man, and his famous Brethren, but therewith drew on 
 his own fatal End, by undertaking the Irijh A&ion, in a time 
 when he left the Court empty of Friends, and full fraught 
 with his profefs’d Enemies. But’I forbear to extend myfelf 
 in any further Relation upon this Subjeft, as having left fome 
 Notes of Truth in thefe two noble Families, which I would 
 prefent, and therewith touch’d fomewhat, which I would not, 
 if the Equity of the Narration would have admitted an in? 
 termiflion. 
 
 Sir 
 
Observations on ^Elizabeth, &c. aoj 
 
 Sir John Perrot. 
 
 S I R John Perrot was a goodly Gentleman, and of the Sword: 
 
 and as he was of a very antient Defce'nt, as an Heir to 
 many Abftratts of Gentry, efpecially from Guy de Bryan of Law- 
 hem', fo was he of a vaft Eftate, and came not to the Court 
 for want. And to thefe Adjunfts, he had the Endowments of 
 Courage, and height of Spirit, had it lighted on the Allay of 
 Temper, and Difcretion; the Deleft - whereof, with a native 
 Freedom, and boldnefs of Speech, drew him on to a clouded 
 fetting, and laid him open to the Spleen and Advantage of liis 
 Enemies; amongft whom Sir Chriflopher Hatton was profelt. He 
 was yet a Wife man, and a brave Courtier, but rough, and 
 participating more of aftive than fedentary Motions, as be¬ 
 ing in his Conftellation dertinated for Arms. There is a Query 
 of fome Denotations, how he came to receive his Foil, and 
 that in. the Cataftrophe ; for he was ftrengthned with honour¬ 
 able Alliances, and the privy Friendlhips of the Court. 
 
 My Lord of Leicefter and Burleigh were both his Cotemporaries 
 and Familiars, but that there might be (as the Adage hath it) 
 Faliity in Friendfhip; and we may reft fatisfied, that there is 
 no difpute againft Fate. 
 
 They quote him for a Perfon that loved to ftand too much 
 alone, and on his own Legs, of too often Receffes, and difcon- 
 tinuance from the Queen’s Prefence; a fault which is incom¬ 
 patible with the ways of Court and Favour. 
 
 He was fent Lord Deputy into Ireland , (as it was thought ) 
 for a kind of Haughtinefs of Spirit, and Repugnancy in Coun- 
 fels: or, as others have thought, the fitted Perfon then to 
 bridle the Infolency of the Irijh; and probable it is, that both 
 thefe ( confidering the fway that he would have at the Board, 
 and Head in the Queen’s) concurred, and did a little con- 
 fpire his Remove, ana his Ruin. But into Ireland he went, where 
 he did the Queen very great and many Services, if the furplu- 
 fage of the Meafure did not abate the value of the Merit, as 
 after-times found that to be no Paradox ; for to fave the 
 Queen’s Purfe ( which both her felf and my Lord Treafurer 
 Burleigh ever took for good Services ) he impofed on the Iri/h 
 the Charge of bearing their own Arms ; which both gave 
 them the Poffeffion, and taught them the ufe of Weapons, 
 which prov’d in the ead a moft fatal Work, both in the pro- 
 fufion of Blood and Treafure. 
 
 But at his return, and on fome account fent home before 
 touching the State of the Kingdom, the affiduous Teitimonies 
 
 of 
 
2©4 Fragments Regalia ; or, 
 
 of her Grace towards him, till by hi& Retreat to his Caftfe at 
 Cary, where he was then building, and out of defire to be in 
 Command at home ( as he had been abroad ) together with 
 the hatred and practice of Hatton, then in high favour, whom 
 not long before he had too bitterly taunted for his Dancing ^ 
 he was accufed of High-Treafon, and for high Words, and a 
 forged Letter, condemn’d; tho the Queen, on the news of his 
 Condemnation, fwore by her wonted Oath, That they were all 
 Knaves. And they deliver with affurance, that on his Return 
 to the Tower, after his Trial, he faid.in Oaths, and in Fur$* 
 to the Lieutenant Sir Owen Hopton, What, will the Queen fuffer 
 her Brother to be offer’d up as a Sacrifice to the Envy of myr 
 frisking Adversaries? Which being made known to the Queen, 
 and the Warrant for his Execution tender’d, and fomewhat 
 enforc’d, fhe refus’d to fign it, and fwore he fhould not. dye* 
 for he was an honed, and a faithful Man. And furely, tho 
 not altogether to fet up our Reft and Faith upon Tradition, 
 and upon old Reports, as that Sir Thomas- Perrot his Father was 
 a Gentleman of the Privy-Chamber to Henry the Eighth, and 
 in the Court married to a Lady of great Honour, of the King’s 
 familiarity, which are prefumptions of fome implication: But 
 if we go a little further, and compare his Fi&ure, his Quali- 
 ties, Gefture, and Voice, with that of the King’s, which Me¬ 
 mory retains yet amongft us, they will plead ftrongly, that, he 
 w&s a fubreptitious Child of the Blood-Royal. 
 
 Certain it is,, that he liv’d not long in the Tower ; and that 
 after his deceafe, Sir Thomas Perrot his Son ( then of no mean 
 Efteem with the Queen ) having before married my Lord of 
 EJfex’s Sifter, fince Countefs of Northumberland, had reftitution 
 of all his Lands, tho after his deceafe alfo (which immediate¬ 
 ly followed ) the Crown refumed his Eftate, and took advan¬ 
 tage of the former Attainder. And to fay the Truth, the 
 Prieft’s forged Letter was, at his Arraignment, thought but as 
 a Fiction of Envy, and was foon after exploded by the Prieft’s 
 own confeflion. But that which moft exafperated the Queen, 
 aAd gave advantage to his Enemies, was ( as Sir Walter Raw~ 
 jeigh takes into his Observation) Words of Difdain; for the 
 Queen by fharp and reprehenfive Letters had nettled him, and 
 Inertly after fending others of Approbation, commending his 
 Service, and intimating an Invafion from Spain *, which he no 
 fooner perus’d, but he faid publickly in the great Chamber 
 at Dublin .* Lo, now fhe is ready to pifs her felf for fear of the 
 Spaniard, I am again one of her white Boys. 
 
 , Words which are fubjeft to a various conftruftion, and 
 tended; to forne disreputation of his Soveraign,^ and fuch as 
 may ferve for Infer urf ion to Perfons in place of Honour and 
 
 Command, 
 
Obfervitions on Elizabeth, &c. 205 
 
 Command, to beware of the Violences of Nature, but efpe- 
 dally of the Exorbitances of the Tongue. And fo I conclude 
 him with this double Obfervation ; the one of the Innoiehcy 
 of his Intentions (exempt and clear from the guilt of TreafonJ 
 and Difloyalty ; the other of the Greatnefs of his Heart ; for 
 at his Arraignment he was fo little deje&ed, by what might 
 be alledg’d and prov’d again# him, that he rather grew trou¬ 
 bled with Choler, and in a kind of exafperation defpifed' his 
 Jury, tho of the Order of Knighthood, and of the Special 
 Gentry, claiming the Privilege of Trial by the Peers, and Ba¬ 
 ronage of the Realm. So prevalent was that of his native Ge¬ 
 nius, and the Haughtinefs of his Spirit, which accompanied 
 him to. his laft, and (till any diminution of Courage) it brake 
 in pieces the Cords of his Magnanimity, for he died fuddenl.^ 
 in the Tower; and when it was thought the Queen did intend 
 his Inlargement, with the reftitution of his Poffeflions, which 
 were then very great, and comparable to mo# of the Nobility. 
 
 Hatton. 
 
 S I R Chrljlopher Hatton came into the Court as his Oppofite; 
 
 Sir John Perrot was wont to fay, by the Galliard, for he came 
 thither as a private Gentleman of the Inns of Court in a. 
 Mask ; and for his Activity and Perfon, which was tall and 
 proportionable, taken into her favour. He was fir# made Vrc6- 
 Chamberlain, and fhortly afterward advanc’d to the Place of 
 Lord Chancellor : A Gentleman, that betides the Graces of 
 his Perfon and Dancing, had alfo the Adjuncts of a ftrong 
 and fubtil Capacity, one that could foon learn the Difcipline 
 and Garb both of the Times and Court. The Truth is, hie 
 had a large proportion of Gifts and Endowments, but tob 
 much of the feafon of Envy; and he was a mere Vegetable of 
 the Court, that fprung up at Night, and funk again at tits 
 Noon. 
 
 Lord Effingham. 
 
 M Y Lord of Effingham, tho a Courtier betimes; yet I find 
 not, that the Sunfhine of her favour broke out upon 
 him, until (he took him into the Ship, and made him High 
 Admiral of England. For his Extract, it may fuffice that he 
 was the'Son or a Howard, and of a Duke of Norfolk. 
 
 And for his Perfon, as goodly a Gentleman as the Times had 
 any, if Nature had not been more incentive to compleat his 
 
 Perfon, 
 
20 6 Fragmenta Regalia; or, 
 
 Eerfon, than Fortune to make him Rich; for the Times con- 
 fidered which were then a&ive, and a long time after lucra¬ 
 tive, he died not Wealthy* yet the honefter Man; tho it feems 
 the Queen’s purpofe was to tender the occafion of his Advance¬ 
 ment, and to make him capable of more Honour, which at his 
 •return from Cadi^ Adion (he conferred upon him, crea¬ 
 ting him Earl of Nottingham , to the great difeontent of his 
 Colleague, my Lord of Ejjex , who then grew acceffive in the 
 Appetite of her favour*, and the Truth was, fo exorbitant in 
 the limitation of the Soveraign Afped, that it much alienated 
 the Queen’s Grace from him, and drew others, together with 
 the Admiral, to a Combination, and to confpire his Ruin. 
 And tho I have heard it from that Party (I mean of the Ad¬ 
 miral’s Fadion ) that it lay not in his proper Power to hurt 
 my Lord of Effex } yet he had more Followers, and fuch as 
 were well skill’d in fetting of the Gin : But I leave this to 
 thefe of another Age. 
 
 It is out of doubt, that the Admiral was a good, honeft, and 
 a brave Man, and a faithful Servant to his Miftrifs * and fuch 
 a one as the Queen, out of her own Princely Judgment, knew 
 to be a fit Inftrument for that Service: for (he was no ill Pro¬ 
 ficient in the Reading of Men, as well as Books, and his fun- 
 dry Expeditions, as that afore-mention’d, and 88, do both 
 exprefs his Worth, and manifeft the Queen’s Truft, and the 
 Opinion fhe had of his Fidelity and Condud. 
 
 Moreover, the Howards were of the Queen’s Alliance and 
 Confanguinity by her Mother, which fwayed her AlFedion, 
 and bent it toward this great Houfe ^ and it was a part of her 
 natural Propenfion to grace and fupport antient Nobility, 
 where it did not intrench, neither invade her Intereft: for on 
 fuch Trefpaffes fhe was quick and tender, and would not fpare 
 any whatfoever, as we may obferve in the Cafe of the Duke, 
 and my Lord of Hereford , whom fhe much favour’d and counte¬ 
 nanc’d, till they attempted the forbidden Fruit: the fault of 
 the laft, being in the levereft Interpretation, but a Trefpafs 
 of Incroachment ; but in the firir it was taken for a Riot 
 againft the Crown, and her own Soveraign Power $ and, as I 
 have ever thought, the caufe of her Averfion againft the reft 
 of the Houfe, f and the Duke’s great Father-in-law Fit^AUen, 
 Earl of arundel , a Perfon of the fir ft Rank in her Affedions 
 before thefe and. fome other Tealoulus made a ft para tion be¬ 
 tween them, this noble Lord, and the Lord Tnomas Howard^ 
 fince Earl of Suffolk* handing alone in her Grace, the reft 
 in Umbrage. 
 
 Sir 
 
Obfervitions on Elizabeth, &c. 207 
 
 Sir John Packxngton. 
 
 § 1 R John Pacl^ington was a Gentleman of no mean Family, 
 and of Form and Feature no way defpifable; for he wa>& 
 a brave Gentleman, and a very fine Courtier; and for the time 
 which he ftaid there ( which was not lafting) very high in her 
 Grace: but he came in, and went out, and through difafliduity 
 drew the Curtain between himfelf, and the Light of her Grace 5 
 and then Death overwhelm’d the Remnant, and utterly de¬ 
 priv’d him bf recovery. And they fay of him, that had he 
 brought lefs tto the Court than he did, he might have carried 
 away more than he brought, for he had a time on it, but m 
 ill husband of opportunity. 
 
 Lord Hunsdon. 
 
 M Y Lord of Hunfdon was of the Queen’s neareft Kindred, 
 and on the deceafe of Suffex , both he and his Son took 
 the place of Lord Chamberlain: he was a fall Man to his 
 Prince, and firm in his Friends and Servants; and tho he 
 might fpeak big, and therein would be born out, yet was he 
 not the more dreadful, but lefs harmful, and far from the 
 practice of my Lord of Leicefter ’s Inftruftions, for he was down¬ 
 right. And I have heard thofe that both knew him well, and 
 merrily of him. That his Latin, and 
 ms Dimmulation, were both alike; and that his cuftom of 
 owearing, and obfcenity in Speaking, made him feem a worfe 
 Chnltian than he was, and a better Knight of the Carpet 
 than he mould be. As he lived in a ruffling-time, fo he loved 
 5>word and Buckler-men, and fuch as our Fathers were wont 
 to call Men of their hands ; of which fort, he had many 
 brave Gentlemen that followed him, yet not taken for a po¬ 
 pular and dangerous Perfon: and this is one that flood a- 
 monglt the Tigati, of an honeft flout Heart, and fuch a one 
 ™ (upon occafion ) would have fought for his Prince, and his 
 Country ; for he had the Charge of the Queen’s Perfon, both 
 tn the Court, and in the C^rnp at TilforJ? 
 
 R AW- 
 
208 Fragmenta Regalia; or, 
 
 R a w L E i g h. 
 
 S IR Walter Rawleigh was one that (it Teems) Fortune had 
 pickt out of purpofe, of whom to make an Example, or 
 to ufe as her Tennis-Ball, thereby to fhew what fhe could do, 
 for ihe tofs’d him up of'notlung, arid to and fro to Greatnefs j 
 and from thence down to little more, than to that wherein fhe 
 found him ( a bare Gentleman ) not that he was lefs, for he 
 Was well defeended, and of good Alliance, but poor in his be¬ 
 ginnings. And for my Lord of Oxford’s Jeft of him ( the Jack, 
 and an (Jpftart) we all know, it favours more of Emulation, 
 and his Humor, than of Truth; and it is a certain Note of 
 the Times, that the Queen in her choice never took into her 
 favour a mere new Man, or a Mechanic!*, as Comines obferves 
 of Lewis the Eleventh of trance, who did ferve himfelf with 
 PerfonS of unknown Parents, fuch as was Oliver the Barber, 
 whom he created Earl of Dunoyes , and made him Ex [ecretis Con - 
 fdiis, and alone in his favour and familiarity. His Approaches 
 to the Univerfity, and Inns of Court, were the Grounds of his 
 Improvement *, but they were rather Excurfions, than Sieges^ 
 or Settings down, for he flaid not long in a Place ; and being 
 the youngeft Brother, and the Houfediminifh’d in Patrimony, 
 he forefaw his own riefliny, that he was firft to rowl (through 
 want and difability to fubiift otherways) before he could come 
 to a repofe, and as the Stone doth, by long lying, gather Mofs; 
 He firft expos’d himfelf to the Land-fervice of Ireland, (a Mi¬ 
 litia J which then did not yield him Food and Rayment, (for 
 It was .ever very poor) nor had he patience to flay there, (tho 
 Ihortly after he came thither again) under the Command of 
 my Lord Grey, but with his own Colours flying in the Field, 
 having in the interim call a new Chance, both in the Low- 
 Countries, and in a Voyage to Sea ; and if ever Man drew 
 Vertue out of NecefTity, it was he * therewith was he the 
 great Example of Induijry. And tho he might then have ta¬ 
 ken that of the Merchant to himfelf. Per mare, per terras, currit 
 mercator ad Indos \ he might alfo have faid, and truly with the 
 Philofopher, Omnia mea mecum porto: For it was a long time 
 before he could brag of more than he carried at his Back ; and 
 when he got on the winning-fide, it was his Commendation 
 that he took pains for it, and underwent many various Ad¬ 
 ventures for his After-perfection, and before he came into the 
 publick Note of the .World. And that it may appear how he 
 came up f per arduaJ per varios cafus, per tot dijerimina rerum, not 
 pulled up by Chance, or by any gentle admittance of Fortune, 
 
Obfervations on ^Elizabeth, &c. 209 
 
 I will briefly defcribe his native Parts, and thofe of his own 
 acquiring, which were the hopes of his rifing. 
 
 He had in the outward Man, a good Prefence, in a liand- 
 fortie and well-conipafted Perfon ; a ftrong natural Wit, and 
 a better Judgment, with a bold and plaufible Tongue, where¬ 
 by he could fet out his Parts to the beft advantage : and to 
 thefe he had the Adjuncts of fome general Learning, which 
 by diligence he enforc’d to a great Augmentation and Per¬ 
 fection ; for he was an indefatigable Reader, whether by Sea 
 or Land, and none of the leait Obfervers both of Men, and 
 the Times: and I am confident, that among the fecond Cau- 
 fes of his Growth, that Variance between him and my Lord 
 Grey, in his Defcent into Ireland , was a Principal $ for it drew 
 them both over to the Council-Table, there to plead their 
 Caufe, where (what advantage he had in the Caufe, I know 
 not, but) he had much the better in the telling of his Tale; 
 and fo much, that the Queen and the Lords took no flight 
 Mark of the Man, and his Parts : for from thence he came 
 to be knt>wn, and to have accefs to the Queen, and the Lords. 
 And then we are not to doubt how fuch a Man would comply, 
 and learn the way of Progreflion ; and whether or no my Lord 
 of Leicefier had then calf in a good word for him to the Queen, 
 which would have done no harm, I do not determine : But 
 true it is, he had gotten the Queen’s Ear at a trice, and lhe 
 , began *> be taken with his Elocution, and loved to hear his 
 Reafons to her Demands j and the Truth is, Ihe took him for 
 a kind of Oracle, which nettled them all : yea, thofe that he 
 relied on,‘ began to take this his fuddea Favour for an Alarm, 
 and to be fenlibie of their own fupplantation, and to project 
 his, which made him Ihortly after fing, Fortune my Foe , &c. 
 So that finding his Favour declining, and falling into a Re- 
 cefs, he undertook a new Peregrination, to leave that Terra in - 
 firma of the Court for that of the Wars, and by declining 
 - himfelf, and by abfence to expel his and the Palfion of his 
 Enemies: which, in Court, was a ftraage device of recovery, 
 but that he knew there was fome ill Oiiice done him, that he 
 durft not attempt, to mind any other ways than by going a- 
 fide, thereby to teach Envy a new way of Forgetfulnefs, and 
 not fo much as to think of him, howfoever he had it always 
 in mini never to forget himfelf. And his device took fo well, 
 that at hiS return he came in ( as Rams do, by going back¬ 
 ward) with the greater %ength, and fo continued to her lair, 
 great in her Grace, and'Captain of the Guard, where I muft 
 leave him ; but with this Obfervation, That tho he gained 
 much at the Court, yet he took it not out of the Exchequer, 
 or merely out of the Queen’s Purfe, but by his Wit ? - and the 
 
 V help 
 
2io Fragmenta Regalia; or, 
 
 help of the Prerogative ; for the Queen was never prpfufe in 
 the delivering out of her Treafure, but paid many, and molt 
 of her Servants part in Mony, and the reft with Grace; which, 
 as the Cafe ftood, was taken for good Payment, leaving the 
 Arrear of Recompence due to their Merit, to her great Suo 
 ceffor, who paid them all with Advantage,. 
 
 Grevih. 
 
 S I R Full i GrevtU , fince Lord Brook , had no mean Place in 
 her Favour ; neither did he hold it for any fhort Term ; 
 Tor if I be not deceiv’d, he had the longeft Leafe, and the 
 finootheft Time, without Rub of any of her Favourites. He 
 came to the Court in his Youth and Prime, or that is the time 
 or never ; he was a brave Gentleman, and honourably de^ 
 fcended from Willoughby Lord Brook, and Admiral to Henry the 
 Seventh ; neither illiterate, for he was, as he would often pro* 
 fefs, a Friend to Sir Philip Sydney, and there are of his, now 
 extant, fome Fragments of his Poems, and of thqfe Times, 
 which do intereft him in the Mufes, an 4 which (hew, the 
 Queen’s Hletlion had ever a noble Conduit; and it motions 
 more of Vertue and Judgment, than of Fancy. I find that he 
 neither fought for, or obtain’d any great place or Preferment 
 in Court, during all the time of his Attendance; neither did 
 lie need it, for hp came thither backt with a plentiful For¬ 
 tune, which, as himfelf was wont ro fay, was the better held 
 together by a fingle Life; wherein he liv’d aftd dy’d a conda&t 
 £ourtier of the Ladies* 
 
 Essex. 
 
 M Y Lord of Effex (as Sir Henry Wottcn,z Gentleman of great 
 Parts, and partly of hii Times and Retinue, ob'fervcs) 
 had his Introdu&ion by my Lord of Leicejler , who had married 
 pis Mother; a Tye of Affinity, which, be fides a more urgent 
 Obligation, might have invited his Care to advance him, his 
 Fortune being then (and through his Father’s infelicity) 
 grown low ; but that the Son of a Lord Ferrers of Charley 
 Vifcount Hertford, and Earl of EJfex {who was of the antient 
 Nobility) and formerly in the Queen’s good Grace, could not 
 have a Room in her Favour, without the Affiftance of Leicefhr % 
 was beyond the Rule of her Nature; which, as I have dfe* 
 where taken into Obfervation, was ever inclinable to Favour 
 *he >Je&lity. Sure it is* tot m fcQm Court, 
 
Obfer'untions on ^Elizabeth, &c. 211 
 
 but he took with the Queen and Courtiers; and I believe 
 they all could not chufe but look thro the Sacrifice of the ba¬ 
 ther on his living Son, whofe Image, by the remembrance of 
 former Paffages, was afrefh (like the bleeding of men mur¬ 
 der’d) represented to the Court, and offer’d up as a Subject 
 of Companion to all the Kingdom. There was in this young 
 Cord, together with a moft goodly Perfon, a kind of Urba¬ 
 nity or innate Curtefy, which both won the Queen, and too 
 much took upon the People, to gaze upon the new adopted 
 Son of her Favour. And as I go along, it were not annfs to 
 Uke intobhfi-rvation two notable Quotations: The firft was & 
 violent Indulgency of the Queen (whjch is incident to old Age, 
 where it encounters with a pleaiing and futable Object) co¬ 
 wards this Lord ; all which argu’d a Non-perpetuity : The 
 fecond was a Fault in the Object of her Grace, my Lord 
 himfelf, who drew in too faft, like a Child fucking an over* 
 uberous Nurfe. And had there been a more decent Decoium 
 ©bferv’din both, or either of thofe, without doubt the Unity 
 of their Affections had been more permanent, and not fo in 
 and out as they were, like anlnftrumenfill-tun’d, and lapling 
 to Difcord. 
 
 The greater Error of the two (tho unwillingly) I am con- 
 ftrain’d to impofe on my Lord of EJfex, or rather on his Youth ; 
 and none of the leaft of his Blame, on thofe that ltood Cen- 
 tinels about him, who might have advis’d him better; but 
 that like men intoxicated with hopes, they likewife had fuckt 
 in with the moft, and of their Lord’s receit, and fo like Ctfar 
 tpoald have all or none: a Rule quite contrary to Nature, and 
 the moft indulgent parents, who tho they may exprefs more* 
 Affeftion to one in the abundance, of Bequefts, yet can¬ 
 not forget fome Legacys, juft Diftributives, and Dividends to 
 others of their begetting. And how hateful Partiality proves* 
 every day’s Experience tells us ; out of which, common Con- 
 fideration might have fram’d to their hands a Maxim of more 
 diferetion for the Conduct and Management of their now; 
 graced Lord and Mafter. 
 
 But to omit that of Infufion, and to do right to Truth, 
 ay Lord of Effex (even of thofe that truly lov’d and honour’d 
 him) was noted for too hold an Ingroffer both of Fame anct 
 Favour; and of this, without offence to the Living, or tread¬ 
 ing on thefacred Urn of the Dead, I (hall prefent a Truth, 
 and a Paflage yet in memory. 
 
 My Lord Mount)oy y who was another Child of her Favour, 
 feeing newly come to Court, and then but Sir Chariot Blunt (for 
 my Losd WilTtam , his elder Brother, was then living) had the 
 fortune one day to tun very weft % TUt, ^nd the Queen 
 £ £ 
 
212 Fragmenta Regalia; or, 
 
 therewith was fo well pleas’d, that fhe fent him, in token of 
 her Favour, a Queen at Cheffe of Gold richly enamel’d, which 
 his Servants had the next day fatten'd on his-Arm with a 
 Grimfon Ribband ; which my Lord of £j ([ex, as he pafs’d thro 
 the Privy Chamber, efpying, with his Cloke caft under his 
 Arm, the better to commend it to the view, inquir’d what it 
 was, and for what caufe there fix’d. Sir Full ^ Qrevill told him. 
 That it was the Queen’s Favour, which, the day before, and 
 after the Tilting, ihe had fent him. Whereat my Lord of 
 EJJex , in a kind of Emulation, and as tho .he would haye li¬ 
 mited her Favour, faid. Now I perceive every Fool muft have a 
 Favour, This bitter and publick-Affront came to Sir Charles 
 Blunt's Ear, who fent him a Challenge, which was accepted by 
 my Lord; and they met near Maribone-F ar\, where my Lord 
 was hurt in the Thigh, and difarm’d. The Queen miffing' 
 the Men, was very curious to learn the Truth; and when at 
 laft it was whifper’d out, fhe fwore by God’s Death it was fit 
 that fome one or other fhould take him down, and teach him 
 better manners, otherwise there would be no Rule with him. 
 And here I note the Inition of my Lord’s Friendfhip with 
 Mountjoy, , which the Queen her felf did then conjure. 
 
 . Now for Fame we need not go far: for my Lord of EJJex 
 having born a grudg to General Nonis , who had unwittingly 
 offer’d to undertake the Action of Britany with fewer men than 
 my Lord had before demanded;-on his return with Victory, 
 aul a glorious Report of his Valour, he was-then thought the 
 only man for the IriJJj War : wherein my Lord of EJJex fo" 
 wrought, by defpifing the number and quality of Rebels, that 
 Norris was fent over with a fcanted Force, join’d with the Re¬ 
 licks of-the veteran Troops.of Britany, of fet purpofe (as it 
 fell out) to ruin Norris ; and the Lord Burrows , by my Lord’s 
 .procurement, fent at his heels, and to command in chief, and 
 to (Confine Norris only to his Government at Munjier : which 
 brake the great Heart of. the General, to fee himfelf under¬ 
 valu’d and undermin’d by my Lord,and Burrows ; which was, as 
 the Proverb fpeaksit, Imberbes docere Senes . 
 
 MyLord Burrows in the beginning of his Perfection dy’d; 
 whereupoii the Queen was fully bent to have fent over Mount - 
 joy, -which, my > Lord J EJJex utterly diflik’d, and oppos’d with 
 many Reafons, and by Arguments of Contempt agamtt Mount- 
 joy, his therk pro.fefs’d Friend and Familiar ;! fo predominant 
 were his Words, to reap the Honour of doling up that War, 
 and all other. , * . : 
 
 • Now the way being open’d and plain’d by his own Workman* 
 fhip, and fo handled that none.durtt: appear to Rand for the 
 place; at laft,with much adq.iiq obtain’d;his own ends, and 
 
 " withal 
 
Obfervztions on jE^Elifcabetb, &c. 213 
 
 withal his fatal Deftru&ion, leaving the Queen and the Court 
 (where he flood firm and ,impregnable_ir) r her Grace) to men 
 that long had fought and watch t their times, to give him the 
 trip, and could never find any opportunity, but this of his 
 Abfence, and of his own creation. And thefe' are the. true 
 Obfervations of his Appetite and Inclinations, which were not 
 of any true proportion, but carry’cl and transported with 
 an Over-defire and Thirftinefs after Fame;, that deceitful 
 Fame of Popularity, and to help on his. Cataflrophe. I ob- 
 •ferve.likswife two forts of People that had a hand in his Fall; 
 'the firft was the Soldiery,, which all flockt unto him, as fore¬ 
 telling a Mortality, and are commonly of blunt and toq rough 
 Counfels, and many times diflonant from the tun? of the 
 Court and the State : the other fort were of his Family, h;s 
 Servants, and his own Creatures; .filch as were bound by the 
 Rules of Safety, and Obligations of Fidelity, to have* look’d 
 , better to the fleering of that Boat wherein they thcmfelves 
 were carry'd, and not have fuffer’d it to float and run on 
 ground, with thofe empty Sails of Fame and Tumor of po¬ 
 pular Applaufe. Methinks one honelF man or other,. that had 
 but the Office of brufhing his Clothes, might have whifper’d 
 in his ear : My Lord, look, to it, this Multitude that follows you, 
 will either devour you , or undo you ; ftrive not to rule , and over-rule 
 all, for it will cojl hot water , and it will -procure Envy: and if 
 needs your Genius mu (l have it fo, let the Court , and the Queen's 
 Prefence be your Station. But, as I have fa id, they had- fuckt 
 too much of their Lord’s milk, and inftead of withdrawing, 
 they blew the Coals of his Ambition, and infus’d into him 
 too much of the Spirit of Glory; yea, and mix’d the Good- 
 • nefs of his Nature with a Touch of Revenge, which .is ever 
 accompany.’d with a Deftiny of the fame fate. And of this 
 number there were Tome of infufferable Natures about him, 
 that towards his iaft gave defperate Advice, fuch as his Inte¬ 
 grity abhor’d^ and his Fidelity forbad; amongft whom Sir 
 .Henry Wotton notes, (without injury) his Secretary Cuffe r a vile 
 man, and of a perverfe nature. I could alfo name others, 
 who when he was in the right courfe of Recovery, and fet¬ 
 tling to Moderation, would not fuffer a recefs in him, but 
 Hir'd ,up the Dregs of thofe. rude Humours, which by time 
 and his affli&ion, out of his own Judgment, he fought, to re¬ 
 pose, or to give them all a -vomit. And thus 1 conclude 
 this noble Lord,, as a mixture between Profperity and Adver- 
 fity; once the Child of his great Miftrifs’s Favour, but the 
 Son of Bel Iona «, 
 
 P 3 
 
 B U C.K ; 
 
214 
 
 Fragtflcnta Regalia; or, 
 
 .Buckhurst. 
 
 M Y Lord of Buctyurjl was of the Noble Houfe of the 
 Sickyills, and of the Queen’s Confanguinity. His Fa¬ 
 ther was Sir Richard Sackyitl ,• or, as the People then call’d him, 
 Ftll-Saclz, by reafon of his great Wealth* and the vaft Patri¬ 
 mony which he left to this his Son ; whereof he fpent in his 
 Youth the beft part, until the Queen by her frequent Admo* 
 ritions diverted the Torrent of his,Profufion. 'He was a very 
 fine Gentleman of Perfon, and Endowments both of Art and 
 Nature, both without meafare magnificent, till on the. turn 
 of his Humour, and the Allay that his Years and good Conn- 
 fels had wrought upon thofe immoderate Courses of his 
 Youth, and that height of Spirit inherent to his Houfe: And 
 then did the Queen, as a moft judicious and indulgent Prince, 
 when Ihe fnv the mart grow ftay’d and fettled, give him her 
 Afiiftance, and advanc’d him to the Treafurefhip $ where he 
 made amends to his Houfe for his mifpent time, both in the 
 Jncreafement of Eftate and Honour, which the Queen con- 
 fer’d on him, together with the opportunity to remalce himfelf, 
 and thereby to fhew that this was a Child, that (hould have 
 a fhare in her Grace, and a tafte of her Bounty. 
 
 They much commend his Elocution, but more the Excel¬ 
 lency of his Ptfn ; for he was a Scholar, and a Perfon of a 
 *juick Difpatch (Faculties that yet run in the Blood) and 
 they, fay of him, that his Secretaries did little for him, by 
 way of Indi&ment, wherein they could feidom pleafehim, he 
 was fo facete and .choice in his Phrafe and Stile ; and for his 
 JMfpatches, and the content he gave to Suiters, he had a 
 Pecorum feldpm fmce put in pratlice: for he had of his At¬ 
 tendants that took into Roll the Names of all Suiters, with 
 the date of their firft Addreftes, and thefe in their order had 
 hearing; fo that a fjrefh man could not leap over his head, 
 that was of a more antient edition, except in the urgent Af¬ 
 fairs of State. I find not that he was any ways infnar’d 
 in the Fa&ions of the Court, which were all his times itrong, 
 and in every man’s note; the Howards and the Cecil/s of the. 
 »ne part, my Lord of Eflex, &c„ os the other part; for he 
 held the Staff of the Treafsry faft in his hand, which once 
 in the year made them all beholden to him. And the truth 
 is (as he was a wife i«ian and a ftout) he had no reafon to be 
 $ Partaker ; for he ftood fure in Blood, and in Grace, and 
 was wholly intentive to the Queen’s Service. And fuch 
 fv&e his Abilities, that (he receiv’d aflidioas Proofs of his 
 
Obfervations on ^Elizabeth, &c. 215 
 
 Sufficiency ; and it hath been thought, that fhe might have 
 more cunning Inftruments, but none of a more ftrong Judg- 
 ment and Confidence inf his ways; which are Symptoms of 
 Magnanimity and Fidelity, whereunto methinks this Motto 
 j hath fome kind of reference, Aut mhyuam tentes y aut perfice : 
 As tho he would have character’d in a word the Genius of hi* 
 Houfe, or exprcfs’d fomewhat of an higher Inclination, than 
 lay within his compafs. .That he was a Courtier, is appa¬ 
 rent \ for he flood always in her eye and fayouu 
 
 Lord M o u n t j o r. 
 
 M Y Lord Mountpy was of the antient Nobility, but utterly 
 deceiv’d in the Support thereof, Patrimony, thro his 
 Grandfather’s Excefs in the ACtion of BuHen y his Father’s 
 Vanity in the fearch of the Philofopher’s Stone, and His Bro¬ 
 ther’s untimely Prodigalities; all which feem’d by a joint Con- 
 fpiracy to ruin the Houfe, and altogether to annihilate it. 
 As he came from Oxford , he took the Inner Templ£ in his 
 way to Court; whither no fooner came, but (without asking) 
 he had a pretty ftrange kind of Admiffion, which I hav© 
 heard from a difcreet man, of his own, and much more of thfc 
 Secrets of thofe Times. He was then much about twenty- 
 years of age, of a brown Hair, a fweet Face, a moft neat 
 Compofure, and tall in his perfon. The Queen was then at 
 Whitehall , and at dinner, whither he came to Tee the fafhion 
 of the Court. The Queen had foon found him out, ani with, 
 a kind of an affeCted Frown, ask’d the Lady Carver what lie 
 was. She anfwer’d, fhe knew him not. Infomuch as an In¬ 
 quiry was made from one to another, who he might be; till 
 at length it was told the Queen, he was Brother to the Lori 
 William Monntpy . This Inquifition, with the Eye of Majefty 
 fix’d upon him (as fhe was wont to do, and to daunt men fhe 
 knew not) Hir’d the Blood of this young Gentleman, info- 
 much as his Colour came and went: Which the Queen ob- 
 ferving, call’d him unto her, and gave him her Hand to kil>, 
 incouraginghim with gracious Words, and new Looks; and 
 fo diverting her Speech to the Lords and Ladies, fhe laid. 
 That Ihe no fooner obferv’d hirn, but that fhe knew there was 
 in him fome noble Blood; with fome other Expreffions of 
 Pity towards his Houfe. And then again demanding his Name, 
 fhe faid. Fail you not to come to the Court , and I will betbinl ^ my 
 fiff hm to do you good . And this was his Inlet, and the Be¬ 
 ginnings of his Grace ; where it falls into confederation, that 
 tho he wanted act Wit and Courage, for he had yery fine At- 
 
 P 4 tra&ionj* 
 
2 i 6 Fragmerita Regalia ; or, 
 
 tra&ions, arid being a good piece of a Scholar, yet were theV 
 accompanyU.with the Retratlives of Bafhfulnefs, and a na* 
 tural Modefty, which (as the Tone of his Houfe, and the Ebb 
 of his Fortune thenflood) might have hinder’d hisProgref- 
 fion, had they not been reinforc’d by the Infufion of Sove¬ 
 reign Favour, and the Queen’s gracious Invitation. And 
 that it may appear how low he was, and how much that he- 
 retick Neceflity will work in the Dejeciion of good Spirits* I 
 can deliver it with affurance, that his Exhibition was very 
 fcant until his Brother dy’d, which was fhortly after his Ad- 
 miflion to the Court; and then was it no more than a thou¬ 
 sand Marks per ann. wherewith he liv’d plentifully in a fine 
 way and garb, and without any great Sullentation, during all 
 her times. And as there was in his nature a kind of Back- 
 wardnefs, -which did not befriend him, nor fuit -with the Mo¬ 
 tion of the Court \ fo there was in him an Inclination to Arms, 
 with a humour of travelling, and gadding abroad j which had 
 mot fome wife Men about him labpur’d to remove, and the 
 Queen her fslf laid in her Commands, he would (out of his 
 natural; Propenfion) have marr’d his own market. For as he 
 was grown by reading (w hereunto he was much addicted) to 
 the Theory of a Soldier, fo was he ftrongly invited by his 
 Genius to the Acquaintance of the Practice of the War, 
 which were the caufes of his Excurfions. For he had a Corn- 
 pan y in th t Low Countries , from whence he came over with a 
 noble Acceptance of the Queen, but fomewhat reliefs \ and in 
 honourable Thought he expofed himfelf again and again, and 
 -would prefs the Queen with the Pretences of vifiting his Conn 
 pany fo often, that at length he had a flat Denial; yet he 
 dtole over with Sir John Norris into the j\ttion of Britanj (which 
 was then a hot and arrive War) whom he would always call 
 his Father, honouring him above all men, and ever bewailing 
 his end 5 fo contrary he was in his Efleem and Valuation of 
 this great Commander, to that of his Friend, my Lord of 
 Ejfex : till at laft the Queen began to take his Deceflions for 
 Contempts, and confin’d his Residence to the Court, and-her 
 own Prefence. And upon my/Lord of Ejfex’s Fall (fo confix 
 dent Ihe was in her own Princely Judgment, and Opinion flie 
 had conceiv’d of his Worth and Condutd) fhe would have 
 this noble Gentleman, and none other, to flnifh.and bring the 
 Irifl) War to a propitious end: for it was a Prophetical Speech 
 pf her own. That it would be his Fortune and his Honour 
 to cut the Thred of that fatal Rebellion, and to bring her in 
 Peace to the Grave. Where fhe was not deceiv’d ; y for he 
 atchieyed it, but vyith much pains and parefulnefs, and not 
 without the Fears, and many Tealoufies of the Court and 
 
 . . ’; Tiui.eS| 
 
Ohfervitms on /^Elizabeth, &c. 
 
 Times, wherewith the Queen’s Age, and the Malignity of 
 her Tetting Times were replete. And To I come to his deat 
 Friend in Court, Mr. Secretary Cecill, whom in his long: Ab- 
 fencefrom Court he ador’d as his Saint-, and courted for his 
 only Maecenas, both before and after his Departure from Court* 
 and during all the times of his Command in Ireland ; well 
 knowing "that it lay in . his power, and by a word of-hi* 
 mouth, to make or mar him. 
 
 C E C X LI;. 
 
 S I R Robert Cecil l , fince Earl of Salisbury , was the Son of the 
 Lord Burleigh, md the Inheritor’ of hisWifdom, and by 
 degrees Succefior of his Places and Favours, tho not of his 
 Lands ; for he had Sir Thomas Cecill his elder Brother, fince 
 created Earl of Exeter . He was firft Secretary of State, then 
 Mailer of the Wards, and in the laft of her Reign came to 
 be Lord Treaftirer: all which were the Steps of his Father’s 
 Greatnefs, and of the Honour he left to his Houfe. For his 
 Perfon he was not much beholden to Nature, tho fomewhat 
 for his Face, which was the beft ( part of hisOut’fide; but foy 
 hislnfide, itmaybefaid, and that'without a Solcecifm, that 
 he was his Father’s own Son, and a pregnant Proficient in all 
 Difciplirie of State. He was a Courtier from his Cradle, 
 which might have made him betimes ; yet at the Age of 
 Twenty and upwards he w&s much fhort of his After-proo^ 
 but expofed ; and by change of Climate he foon made fhow 
 what he was, and would be. He lived in thofe times wherein 
 the Queen had moft need and ufe of Men of weight*, and a- 
 mongft able ones, this was a Chief, as having his Sufficiency 
 from his Inftrudions that begat him, the Tutorlhip of the 
 Times and Court, which were then the Academies of Art 
 and Cunning. - For fuch was the Queen’s condition from the 
 tenth or twelfth of her Reign, that lhe had-the Happinefs 
 to hand up (whereof there is a former Intimation) tho Envi¬ 
 ron’d with more Enemies, and affaulted with more‘dangerous 
 Pra&ices, than any Prince of her Times, and of many Ages 
 before. Neither muft we in this her Prefervation attribute 
 too much to human Policy, for that God in his omnipotent 
 Providence had not only ordain’d thofe fecundary means, is 
 Inftrumentsaf the Work ; but by- an evident Manifeftation, 
 that the fame Work which fhe a&ed, • was a well-pleafing Ser¬ 
 vice of his own, out of a peculiar Care had decreed the Pro¬ 
 tection of the Work-Miflrifs, and thereunto added his abun¬ 
 dant Bldfing upon all, and whatfoever fhe undertook. Which 
 is an Obfervatioii of Satisfaction to my felf, that fhe was in 
 r- n . - • * . . - - the 
 
s 18 Fragmenta Regalia; or, 
 
 rite rig'it, the to others now breathing under the fame Form 
 and Frame of her Government, it may not feem an Animad- 
 verfion of any worth; but I leave them to the peril of their 
 own Folly. And fo again to this great Mafter of State, and 
 the Staff of the Queen’s declining Age $ who tho his little 
 crooked Perfon could not promife any great Supportation, yet 
 it carry’d thereon a Head, and a Headpiece of a vaft content. 
 And therein it feems Nature was fo diligent to compleat one, 
 and the heft part about him, as that to the Perfection of his 
 Memory ana Intellectuals, fhe took care alfo of his Senfes, 
 and to put into him Linceos oculos, or to pleafure him the more, 
 borrow’d of Argus fo to give unto him a profpedive fight; and 
 for the reft of his Lnlitive Vertues, his Predecefior Walfmgham 
 had left him a Receipt, to fmell out what was done in the Con¬ 
 clave. And his good old Father was fo well feen in the Ma- 
 ihematicks, as that he could tell you throughout all Spain, 
 every Part, every Ship, with their Burdens, whither bound 
 with Preparation, what Impediments for Diverfion of Enter- 
 jsrifes, Counfels, and Refolutions. And that we may fee, as 
 m a little Map, how docible this little man was, I will pre¬ 
 fers a tafte of his Abilities. 
 
 My Lord of Vevonflme, upon the certainty the Spaniard 
 would invade Ireland with a ftrong Army, had written very 
 earneftly to the Queen and the Council, for fuch Supplies to 
 be timely fent over, that might enable him to march up to 
 the Spaniard , if he did land, and follow on his Profecution 
 againft the Rebels. Sir Robert CeciU , befides the general Dif- 
 jjatchof the Council, as he often did, wrote this in private j 
 for thefe two began then to love dearly. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 O VT of the abundance of my Affettton, and the Carel have of 
 your well-doing, l mujt in private put you out of doubt (for £ 
 fear, I know you cannot be otherwife fenfible than in the way of Ho¬ 
 nour ) that the Spaniard will not come unto you this year ; for £ 
 have it from my own, what Preparations are in all his parts , and 
 what he can do : far be confident, he beareth up a Reputation by feemwg 
 to embrace more than he can gripe . But the next year be ajfured he wid 
 <eaft over unto you fome forlorn Hopes, which how they may be rein - 
 forget beyond bis prefent Ability, and his firjl Intention, I cannot as yep 
 make any certain Judgment • But I believe out of my Intelligence , 
 that you may expett their landing in Munfter ; and the more to difiraH 
 you, in feveral places , as at Kingfale, Beerhaven, Baltimore ; 
 where you may be jure (coming from Sea) they will JjrJl fortify, and 
 (earn the Strength of the Rebels, before they dare take the field. How* 
 $ewr f> ( kpw) yog mffnop lejfen your Care 9 neither your De~ 
 
 1 ~~ V .. fences f 
 
Obfervatims on ^Elizabeth, &c, 219 
 
 fences ; and whatever liei within my power } to do Ton and the M* 
 
 Jjcl ^ fervice , reft thereof affured. 
 
 And to this I would add much more, but it may as it is 
 fuffice to prefent much, as his Abilities in the Pen, that he 
 was his Crafts-mafter in foreign Intelligence; and for do* 
 meftick Affairs, as he was one of thofb that fat at the Stern 
 to the laft of the Queen, fo was he none of the leaft in Skill* 
 and in the true ufe of the Compafs. And fo I (hall onlf via* 
 dicate the Scandal of his Death, and conclude him $ for he 
 departed at Sr. Margarets near Marlborough , in his return Front 
 the Bothy as my Lord Vifcount Cranborne, my Lord Clifford his 
 Son, and SoninLlw, my felf, and many more can witaefsr 
 but that the day before he founded in the way, was taken out 
 of the Litter, and laid into his Coach, was a Truth* Out of 
 which that Falfliood concerning the manner of his Death had 
 its derivation, tho nothing to the purpofe, or to the prejudice 
 of his Worth. * 
 
 V E R E. 
 
 S I R Franck Vere was of the ancient ini the moft: noble E& 
 traft of the Earls of Oxford ; and it may be a queftion* 
 whether the Nobility of his Houfe, or the Honour of his 
 Atchievements, might moft commend him; but that We have 
 an authentick Rule to decide the Doubt; 
 
 Warn genw <fy proavos > (£r qua non fecimia ipft 9 
 Vix ea noftra voco* 
 
 For tho he were an honourable Slip of that antient Tree of 
 Nobility (which was no difadvafitage to his Vertue) yet he 
 brought more Glory to the Name <^f fere, than he took of Blood 
 from the Family. He was amongft the Queen’s Sword-mei* 
 inferior to none, but fuperior to many ; of whom it may be 
 faid, To fpeak much of him were the way to leave out fome- 
 thing that might add to his Praiftr, and to forget more 
 that could add to his Honour. I find not, that he cam© 
 much to the Court, for he lived almoft perpetually in the 
 Camp ; but when he did, no man had more of the Queen’s Fa- 
 vour, and none lefs envy’d, for he feldom troubled it with 
 the Jealoufy and Alarms of Supplantation : his way was ano* 
 ther fort of undermining. They report that the Queen, as 
 ihe loved "Martial Men, would court this Gentleman, as fooi* 
 as he appear’d in her prefenee ; and furely he was a Soldier 
 of great worth, and commanded thirty years in {he Jcrvice of 
 
Fragme'Ata Regalia ; or, ; ; 
 
 £h& States, and twenty- years over tile £nglifl> in chief, as 
 the "Queen’s General : And he that had feen the. Bat¬ 
 tel of Newport, might there beft have" taken him, and his 
 JNoble Brother my Lordot: Tilbury, 'tothc'Hfew I;: 1 
 
 W OR C ES T E R. 
 
 % ; * J 4'C ?‘l J •• : - . . i 
 
 Lord of Worcgfler I have here put toft, but not tea ft 
 in the Queen’s favour. He was of. the antient .and 
 noble .Blood of the Beaufort,*, and of her Grandfather’s Line 
 by theMotheig which'the Queen could; never forget, efpe- 
 cially where there was a concurrency of ( old Blood with Fide¬ 
 lity, a; Mixture which ever forted with: the Queen’s Nature. 
 And tho there might appear fomething ih: this Houfe which 
 ■might avert her Grace' (tho not to fpeakofmy Lord himfelf, 
 but with due Reverqnc.e and Honour) I mean Contrariety or 
 Sufpxcioh of Religion/ yet the Queen ever xefpe&ed this 
 Houfe, and principally this Noble Lord, whom fhe firft made 
 Mafter of the Horfe, and then admitted of her Council of 
 State. In his Yputh (part-whereof he fpent before he came 
 to refide at Court) he was a very fine Gentleman, and the 
 beft Horfeman and Tilter of' the Thues,' which were thSn 
 the manlike and noble Recreations of the Court, and fuch as 
 took up the Applaufeof Men, as well as the Praife and Com¬ 
 mendation of the Ladies... And when years had abated thefe 
 Exercifes of Honour, .he ^*ew then to be a faithful and pro¬ 
 found Counfellor; and as I have plac’d him laft, fo was he the 
 laft Liver of all the Servants of-her Favour, and had the Ho¬ 
 nour to fee his renown’d Miftrefs, and all of them laid in the 
 places of. their, reft 5 and for himfelf, after a Life of a very 
 noble and remarkable Reputation, he dy’d rich, and in a 
 . peaceable old Age : A F^te (that I make the laft, and none 
 of the flighteft Obfervations) which befel not many of the 
 reft ; for they expir’d like .unto Lights blown out, with the 
 Snuff ftinking, not commendably extinguifh’d, and with of¬ 
 fence to the Standers by 
 
 And thus have I deliver’d up this my poor Effay ; a little 
 Draught of this great Prince fs, and her Times, with the Ser¬ 
 vants of her State and Favour. I cannot fay^ I have finifti’d 
 it; for t ,1 know how defective and imperfeti; it is, as limbed 
 only in the original Nature, not without the a&ive Blemifhes, 
 andfo left it as a Task fitter for remote times, and the Sallies 
 of fome bolder Pencil to correft that which is amifs, and 
 draw the reft up to the life, as for me to have endeavour’d it. 
 
Obfervations cm Q^Etizabeth, &c. 221 
 
 I took it to confideration how eafily I might have dafht in 
 too much of the ftrain of Pollution, and thereby have de¬ 
 fac’d that little whirir is'done: For-P profefs I have takeir 
 eare fo to mafter my Pen, that I might not (ex animo y or of 
 fet purpofe) difcolour. Truth, or any of the parts thereof, 
 otherwise than in concealment. ,Haply there are ibme who 
 will not appfbve of thIsMode%, btiC willcenfureme for Pu¬ 
 sillanimity,, and with*great cunning; Artifts attempt to draw 
 their Line further out at large, "and upon this of mine, 
 which may with fomewhat more eafe be effe&ed, for that the 
 Frame is ready made to their hands ; and then haply I could 
 araw'ohe in the midItoP theirs, but that Modefty in me for- 
 bids the Defacements of men departed, whofe Pofterity yet 
 remaining, enjoys the Merit of their Virtues, and do' ftiH 
 live in their Honour. And I had rather incur the Ceitfui 
 of Abruption, than to be confcious, and taken in the manner 
 of finning, by eruption, and of trampling on the Graces of 
 fcerfons at reft, which living we durft not look in the face, 
 nor make our Addreffes to them, otherwife than with due 
 Regards to their Honours, and Renownto their Vertues. 
 
 Jpljnttt 
 
John Keymor’s Obfervation 
 made tifon the Dutch tijbing, 
 about the Tear 1601. 
 
 Qemonjlrating that there is more Wealth rah*A 
 out of Herrings and other hifk in his Ma¬ 
 jesty's Seas, by the Neighbouring Nations, in 
 one Tear, than the Kfng of Spain hath from 
 the Indies in four: 
 
 'And that there were Twenty Thoufand Ships and 
 other Veffels, and about Four Hundred Thoufand 
 People then Jet on work both by Sea and Land ; 
 and maintain’d only by Fifhing upon the Coajls of 
 England, Scotland, and Ireland. 
 
 B EING deiirous to look intothe World, to get know- 
 ledg for my Country’s good, I traveFd France , Germany , 
 and divers other piaces and Free States, I found in 
 Lubecl^ 700 great Ships, in tfamborougb about 600: Embden lately 
 a Fifher-Town, within the memory of Man not known to 
 &T«6» Sjufjj Jan 149®, s§ WH *1 belwgs *? a ? 
 
 zP&wai s 
 
Obftrvution on the Dutch Fffiing. 22$ 
 
 England. Holland , not fo big as one of your Ma jelly’s Shires,, 
 eighteen Dutch miles long, and five broad, hath about it 30 
 walled Towns, 400 Villages, and 20000 Sail of Ships and 
 Hoys; which is more than England , France , j Portugal, 
 
 Italy , Scotland , Denmark , Poland, Sweden , and Ruffin have, ail 
 put together: and builds every year 1000 new Ships, having 
 in their Soil neither Matter to build them, nor Merchandizes 
 to fet them forth. Standing in admiration how this might be, 
 
 I trac’d the Countries twice over from Town to Town, and 
 from thence along his Majefty’s Sea-Coaft of England, Scotland* 
 and Ireland ■, where 1 found not only an Indian Fleet of 40 or 
 50 Sail, with < or 6000 People yearly employ’d in this your 
 Fifhing, one of the greateft Sea-bufineffes of the World 5 but 
 at the lea ft 20000 Sail, and above 400000 Perfons of all Na¬ 
 tions fet on work in his Majefty’s Seas, about taking thofc 
 innumerable Richesof Herrings and other Fifh, which offer 
 themfelves to his Majefty’s Kingdoms above all Nations, 
 
 Th e Hollanders have above 4100 fifhing Ships and Veffels; 
 whereof 100 Dogger-boats, 700 Pinks and Well-boats, 70^ 
 Strand-boats, 400 Evers, and 400 Galliots, Drivers, and Tod- 
 bouts , and 1200 Buffes. Since 1 follicited this, to have 20s 
 Buffes built for England, the Hollanders have made 800 new 
 Buffes more; in all belonging to Holland 4100 Buffes, and other 
 fifhing Ships. 
 
 The 1500 Strand-boats, Even, Galliots, Drivers, and Tod- 
 fcoats fifh upon their own Coafts; and every of them fets on 
 work one other Veffel to fetch Salt and tranfport Fi(h into 
 other Countries; fo are there 3000 Yeffels, and 40000 Perfons 
 employ’d and maintain’d by fifhing upon their own Coafts. 
 
 The 700 Pinks and Well-boats from 60 to 100 Tuns a-piece. 
 Dogger-boats of about 150 Tuns a-piece, do fifti altogether 
 Upon the Coafts pf England and Scotland for Cod and Ling only 2 
 hnd every of thefe do fet on work one other Yeflel, to fetch 
 Salt and tranfport Fifh into other Countries, after they are 
 brought into their own Countries, out of his Majefty’s Seas. 
 
 The 2 qoo Buffes from 60 to 100 and 200 Tuns a-piece, are 
 employ’d only to take Herrings about Baugbamnefs in Scotland,&\t 
 along the Coafts of England to the Thames mouth, from June t» 
 November 26 weqks; and one of their great Buffes do take 8, 12^ 
 or 20 Laft of Herrings at a Draught in one night, and carries 
 into their own Country 40, 50, or 100 Laft in a Bufs. An<l 
 our Fifhing continueth but fcvea weeks with fmall Crayets ani 
 Cobles, from 5 to 10, 20 Tuns, when the Herrings come 
 borne to our own Road ftead, and we take 1,2, or 3 Lalls in 
 # flight* and vvhea we bring home feven, it is a great wonder# 
 
224 Ob few at ion on the Dutch Fifhing. 
 
 Befides the number taken by their 2000 BufTes, the Hoi - 
 landers have above 400 other Vefles, call’d Gaynes and Evers, 
 which do take Herrings at Yarmouth , and there fell theni, and 
 carry away ready mony ; they have yet 500 other Ships ufual- 
 ly trading every year to Londtn with Cod and Ling taken in 
 his Ma jelly’s Seas, as alfo other parts of England , and here 
 Tell them, and carry away moft fine Gold, which is made into 
 bafe Gold beyond Seas; a great hurt to the Wealth and 
 Strength of our Land, and hinderance to Navigation and Mari¬ 
 ners, and Employment of the Poor of this Nation. 
 
 The Hollanders have made a Law in their own Country, that 
 we (hall fell no White Herrings nor other Fifh there (upon 
 penalty of Gonfifcation) becaufe they will have no other 
 Nation to ferve their Country with Filh, but what they take 
 themfelves ; as well for the Increafe as Maintenance of Navi¬ 
 gation, and fetting their People on work. Hamborough like- 
 wife hath made an Order that we fhall fell no Herrings there, 
 before their BufTes be come from fifhing, and have fold all 
 theirs. Thus they take Herrings in his Ma jelly’s Seas, make 
 Laws to crofs and hinder us in our own Sales, for the inriching 
 and ftrengthning themfelves, and the increafing their Ships 
 and Mariners. 
 
 Th t Hollanders do take in the time of 26 weeks with 2000 
 BufTes, about 300000 Lafts (12 Barrels to the Laft) which are 
 fold to the Merchants at 10 or 12 L the Laft, the Filherman’s 
 price, which amounteth to three Millions and 60 cooo/. The 
 Merchants tranfport and fell them into Pomerland , Spruceland 9 
 Folandy Denmar £, Lkfland , Ru(fia y Sweden , Germany , Brabant , 
 Flanders , France , Lukeland , feme into England, and other parts ; 
 and fo fell them from 16, to 18, 20, 30, and 36 /. the Laft, 
 and more, which I cannot efteem to be fold for lefs than five 
 millions of pounds. All this Benefit they make yearly of 
 Herrings taken out of his Ma jelly’s'Seas. 
 
 - Befides the Bulfes of France , Hamborough , and Embden , the 
 Hollanders with their 2000 BufTes do get the Hart of us for the 
 Herring-filhing nineteen weeks, and-every Bufs doth take her 
 felf twice or thrice full; and they do ferve near twenty King¬ 
 doms, Dukedoms, and Free States in the Eaft and bjorth-Eall 
 Regions, before our great Fifhing begins at Yarmouth . And 
 before our Filhing be ended, the Sound and the Rivers that 
 way are frozen, fo we cannot pals, nor vent into thofe places. 
 
 For Cod and Ling they fend forth about 1000 Sail from 50 
 to 100 Tun a-piece, every Ship making four or five, and fome 
 fix Voyages in a year, where our final! Crayets feldom make 
 two Voyages. Which huge quantity of Fifh and Herrings 
 taken in his Ma jelly’s Seas, they carry into their own Country, 
 
Obfervation on the Dutch Fifhing, 225 
 
 and afterwards by their own Shipping tranfport them into 
 foreign Kingdoms, fo much to their exceeding advantage, 
 that in fhort time they will be able to eat all our Shipping out 
 at Sea, as may be conjectur’d by their former Increafe 111 fo 
 few years. 
 
 Betides the principal Adventurers, I noted that thoufands of 
 Men, their Sons, Daughters, and Maid-fervants, which take 
 40 s. or 3 /. wages in a year, fome of them have 5 /. 10 /. and 
 20/. Adventure,, and more, in the Buffes ; whereby they 
 grow to great WeaJth before they come to be married ; be- 
 iides the Men-Servants. 
 
 The Return of Merchandize, Wares, and Coin, for Her¬ 
 rings and other Fifh (out of other Countries) is fo great, 
 that it maketh the Bank for Coin, and Staple for all kind of 
 Merchandize in Holland , where nothing groweth but a few 
 Hops, Mader, and Cheefe ; fo they make the Commodities 
 of other Kingdoms ferve their turns, to fet their Ships and 
 People on work, wherewith they enrich and ftrengthen them- 
 felves, to the admiration of all Nations. The States of Hol¬ 
 land receive more Duties and Cuftoms for Lafts of Herrings, 
 Fifh, and other Profits ihwards and outwards in one year, 
 than all the Cuftoms of England come unto in two years. 
 There was paid above 300000/. fourteen years paft, befides 
 theCuftomof all other Merchandize, for Excifes, Licences, 
 Waftage, and Laftage. 
 
 It is molt evidently true, that his Majefty’s Seas are far 
 richer than the King of Spain's Indies ; and there is more made 
 of Fifh taken by the French, Bifcainers , Portuguefe , Spaniards , 
 
 | Hollanders , Hamburghers , Bremers , Embdeners , Scotifh, Irifij , and 
 | Englifl, i, in one year, than the King of Spain hath in four years 
 out of the Indies . For there are about 20000 Ships and Veffete, 
 
 ' and above 400000 Perfons fet on work, and maintain’d only 
 by the Fifhing upon the Coafts ©f England , Scotland , and Ire¬ 
 land ; fuch an excellent Jewel have neighbouring Princes and 
 States upon his Majefty’s Seas. 
 
 There were in Holland 126000 Mariners twenty years paft, 
 fince which time their Shipping and Mariners are mightily in- 
 ; creafed ; every Town is grown as great again as they were he- 
 I fore the Wars, and beautify’d with an infinite number of fump- 
 I tuous Buildings, enrich’d with all kind of Merchandizes and 
 I Coin; and where they had but one Haven in a Town before 
 the Wars, they have now two or three, and yet not able to 
 hold their Ships, if they were all at home at one time. And 
 they employ’d daily much of their ftudies to open the Gap of 
 Traffick, and to make fulnefs of Trade, becaufe itjnaketha 
 ij ricirCommonwealth; and they fpare for no Coft, nor d~ny 
 
 any 
 
22 6 Qbfervation on the Dutch Fijhing. 
 
 any Privileges that may advance Trade, and defend them 
 from their Enemies, whereby they prevail greatly. 
 
 Thefe Herrings are fent Southward, by 20, 30, or 40 Laft 
 in a Ship, and make rich Return for Herrings,- with Oil, 
 Wine, Prunes, Hony, Wool, and fuch-like Commodites, as 
 France, Spain, and Portugal yield, with much Coin. 
 
 For the Straits they load 60 or 70 Laft of Red Herrings 
 in a Ship, returning for Herrings, Velvets, Sattens, and all 
 manner of Silks, All urns. Currants, and fuch Wares as thofe 
 parts yield, with much Coin. 
 
 Into the Eaft Countries they load 50 or 60 Laft of Herrings 
 in a Ship, making up their Lading with French and Italian Mer¬ 
 chandize, which they brought home for Herrings ; and return 
 for Herrings from the Eaft Countries, Corn, Wax, Flax, 
 Hemp, Pitch, Tar, Soap-afhes, Iron, Copper, Deal, Clap¬ 
 board, Wainfcot, Mafts, Timber for Houfes, Shipping, Wa¬ 
 terworks, Polijl) Dollars, and Hungary Guilders. 
 
 Upon the River of Rhine towards Weefel , and Cologn , and 
 Frankfort, other Veffels call’d Lurdains, drawn up with Horfes, 
 containing 3, 400, and fome 5 and 600 Tuns a-piece. The 
 Skippers have no other Houfes with their Wives and Chil¬ 
 dren to dwell in, and are born in them, and go always with 
 them. Thefe Veffels carry up 50 or 60 Laft of Herrings a- 
 piece, andBarrel’d Fifh, and ftore of Salt upon Salt, return¬ 
 ing for the fame Commodities, Iron, Steel, Glafs, Milftones, 
 Rhenifh Wines, Battery, Plate for Harnefs, with other Mu¬ 
 nition \ Silks, Velvets, Buratoes, Ralh, Fuftians, and other 
 Commodities, from Frankfort Mart, and other places of Ger¬ 
 many ; as thofe Parts yield ftore of Cafliars, Guilders and rich 
 Dollars. The fame kind of Veffels pafsup to Lukeland in like 
 fort, and thefe do make but one Voyage in a year, but very 
 rich. 
 
 To Brabant and Flanders they load 20 and 30 Laft of Herrings 
 in a Ship, returning for the fame moft part Coin, fome quan¬ 
 tity of Tapiftry, Says, and Hulft Hops. 
 
 Beftdes, of thofe Herrings and Fifh taken in his Majefty’s 
 Seas (and none other) are vented in great abundance into Gre- 
 cia, Alexandria, Venice, Leghorn, and all over the Mediterranean 
 Seas, and other parts even as far as Brazil. 
 
 In^o the Eaft Kingdoms and Dukedoms, the Hollanders vent 
 above. 100000 Laft in a year, and we not 80 Laft. At Roan 
 this laft year we had not 80 Laft, and the Hollanders had and 
 Ibid there 3000 Laft, and fo in other parts accordingly. 
 
 Thus are we eaten out of Trade, and the Bread taken out 
 of our mouths in our own Seas, and the great Cuftoms carry’d 
 from his Maiefty’g Coffers to foreign Princes and States, by 
 
 * tfce 
 
Obfervntion on the Dutch Fifhing. 227 
 
 the greatnefs of their Buffes, and the multitudes they take 
 19 Weeks before our great Fifhing begins at Tarmouth y and 
 our Fifhing lafteth but 7 Weeks with (mall Crayets and Go¬ 
 bles, where their great Buffes continue the Herring-Fifhing 
 26 Weeks together. 
 
 So it appears how they make the Commodities of other 
 Nations ferve their turns to enrich themfelves, and increafe 
 their Shipping and Mariners, and to fet their People on 
 work to good benefit, to enlarge their Cities and Towns, and 
 to lfrengthen and fortify themfelves exceedingly ; and what 
 an infinite ilore of Wealth they bring into that fmall Coun¬ 
 try, having fo flender a foundation as Fifhermen, is admirable 
 to behold. 
 
 Thus they make their Landmen Seamen, their Seamen 
 Fifhermen, their Fifhermen Mariners, Mariners Merchants, 
 and of their Merchants Statefmen, to govern and make their 
 Country profper by long experience. 
 
 It folioweth, that one Bufs of 100 or 80 Tuns imploy- 
 eth three Ships, fets on work and maintaineth both at Sea and 
 Land above 400 Perfons, and 30 feveral Trades and Occu¬ 
 pations ; that it may evidently appear how the 1000 Sail of 
 Pinks, Welboats, and Doggerboats, and their 2000 great 
 Buffes, do fet on work 200000 Perfons, and 7200 Sail of 
 Ships of the Hollanders , by Fifhing upon his Majelly's 
 Coafts. 
 
 Firft, She fets on work in her own Hull, within her felf, of 
 Mariners and Fifhermen 40. 
 
 Secondly, She imployeth three Ships befides her felf, one 
 * to fetch home Salt into their own Country, another to carry 
 forth Barrels and Salt into her at Sea, and to bring her Her¬ 
 rings back into her own Country; and the third, to tranf- 
 port her Herrings beyond the Seas: and in three Ships and 
 Buffes 100 Mariners are imploy’d. Thus are three Ships and 
 100 Perfons bufied at Sea by one Bufs. 
 
 Thirdly, At Land of Spinners and Hemp-winders to make 
 Cables and Cordage, likewife Yarn Twine, andThred for the 
 making of Nets and Lines, Weavers to make Sail-cloth, 
 Viewers, Packers, Tellers, Dreffers, Couchers to make the 
 Herrings lawful Merchandizes; Tanners to tan their Nets 
 and Sails, Saltmen to make Salt upon Salt, Coopers in great 
 abundance to make Barrels, Block and Bowl-Makers for 
 Ships, Porters, Keelmen, Lightermen, and Labourers to be 
 imploy’d in carrying and removing; as alfo Hewers and 
 Squarers of Timber, Sawyers of Planks, Carpenters, Ship¬ 
 wrights, Smiths, Sledgmen, Carmen, Boatmen, Brewers, 
 Bakers, and a number of other perfons, too tedious to repeat, 
 
 Q. 2 The 
 
72% Ohfervmon on the Dutch F ifhing. 
 
 The Sailfmen and the Mariners, with divers others, depend¬ 
 ing upon this unsearchable bufinefs, there cannot be lefs than. 
 200; To that with the former, there are 300 Perfons, and three 
 Ships let on work by one Bufs. 
 
 And yet bdldes all thefe that work, they have their 
 Wives, Children, and Families hardly to foe numbred, that 
 neither do nor can work, and yet are maintain’d, and live 
 wealthily out of this one Bufs; the Merchants, Sailfmen,; 
 Owners of Ships, Mailers, Mariners and Fifhermen cannot 
 deny this. 
 
 I have feen of Englift), Scotift. ), French, Hollanders, Embdeners , 
 Bremers, Hamburghers, and others, near 3000 Sail hilling at one 
 time, upon the Coaft of Scotland, Shetland, Orkney, Cattney , North - 
 farrel , Fowl-lfle, and divers other places. 
 
 All the Buffes of Holland, France, Embden and Hamborough 
 have their firft Lading of Herrings near Baughawanes ; and a- 
 bove ioco Sail of Pinks, Welboats, Doggerboats take Cod,Ling, 
 and other Fifh there. Furthermore, All the great Staple- 
 Ling, called Holland Ling, taken only by the Hollanders, are 
 gotten about thefe Illes,. wherewith they ferve all Chriften- 
 dom. 
 
 From the Staple near Berwick, all along the Coaft of Eng¬ 
 land to the Thames Mouth, are innumerable fhoals, and va¬ 
 riety of. Fifh ; belides the multitude of Cods, Lings and Her¬ 
 rings, as Mackerels, Whitings, Haddock, Soals, Thornback, 
 Fioith, Scate, Brett, Gurnet, Turbutt, Plaice, Congers, Butts, 
 and others innumerable. 
 
 From the Thames Month, all over the Coafts of Kent, Suffix, 
 Hampfure, Wiltshire , and Dorfetflme, not fuch fiore .of Cod, Ling, 
 and Herrings; yet the like variety of other Fifh (and more) 
 as the eyes of the Fifh mongers of London , the Country, and 
 their Fifhermen, can tellify. 
 
 Ail over the Coafts of Devonftnre and Cornwall , exceeding 
 great, (boats and variety of Fifh, with Pilchards and Herrings ; 
 the Lft year in June, fuch multitudes of Herrings came fo 
 near the Shear of Ciaveriy-Key, and all over thofe places, that 
 the People went with that.fmall provifion of Nets they had, 
 and took and. drew them up the Land in fuch plenty, that 
 they were'fold for 4the Thoufand, the number of a Bar¬ 
 rel , md were fuch Lore, that they gave them to their Hogs 
 to eat, and buried the reft in the ground, for lack of Salt and 
 Barrels to preferve them, 
 
 Alfo about 20 Miles from thence, there was abundance of 
 Herrings fpread the Seas; hut the People took no more than 
 they could Ypend presently, for lack of provifion to take and 
 preferve them | of which there is great want about England . 
 
 From 
 
Qbfervation on the Dutch Ftfhing, 229 
 
 From the Mouth of Severn, round about the. Coaft of 
 Wales, Hollihead, Weftchefter, Leverpool , and fo along the 
 Coafts of England to Scotland , there is ftore and variety of 
 Fifh. 
 
 All over the Coaft: of Ireland, Galloway , Siege, and the Coafts 
 of Connaught to Balliftamm, the Band, and the North of Ire¬ 
 land, Longford, Karickjergus, and Strengford, there is ftore and 
 variety of Fifh ; beftdes the multitude of Cods, Lings y Her¬ 
 rings, Salmons, Seals, Porpofes, Wherpool, and Dogtiih. 
 
 In the Mouth of Ireland, not far from Dunegal, there are 
 fuch multitudes of Herrings, that it is hardly to be believed,' 
 fo big and large, that three Herrings make a Yard in length. 
 From Carlingford to Dundalk, the Bay of Dublin, and Watford, 
 Waterford, Bear-haven, Crool^haven, and fo round about the Coaft 
 of Ireland, the like variety, and Fifh in abundance. 
 
 The French, Hollanders, Embdencrs, Bremeners, Hamburgers, and 
 others, fifh upon the Coaft of England, Scotland, and Ireland: 
 and this is the difference between them and us, they go forth 
 in June to feek the Shoals of Herrings -, and having found 
 them, do dwell amongft them, coming along with them until 
 November, taking them in great abundance ; and we ftay till the 
 Herrings come home to our own Coaft, and fome time fuffer 
 them to pafs by us before we look out, and lb lofe God’s 
 Blefting. 
 
 All theft? Nations do beat upon all his Majefty’s Coafts for 
 Fifh, with great Ships take and carry away innumerable 
 Riches, when our little Boats, Crayets, and Cobles, dare not 
 look out at Sea but in fair Weather ( for in foul Weather the 
 Sea fwalloweth them up) neither dare they fifh far from 
 the Shore in fair Weather, their Boats afe fo ilender and 
 flight. 
 
 The People of Ireland, and round about the Coafts of 
 England, after they have been at Sea, and brought home their 
 Veffels full of Fifh, will not go to Sea again for more till 
 thofe be fpent, and they in debt, till Necellity compels them, 
 unlefs it be fome few, and they profper; yet they are loth to 
 take too much, left it fhould be too cheap, for they never feek 
 other Markets but their own: and our Filhermen go to Sea 
 over-night to take Fifh to ferve the Markets the next day, 
 and fome at three a Clock in the morning go to fetch Fifh, 
 and yet return home at nine a Clock in the lame morning, to 
 ferve their Market with their Boats full, laden with Cod and 
 Ling, and other Fifh, and then to the Alehoufe, drinking day 
 and night, till all be fpent, and they in debt, and can be no 
 longer trufted, and then to Sea again for more. This is the 
 life of thefe people, where great Riches are to be gotten. 
 
Obfervation on the Dutch Fijhing. 
 
 Such an excellent Benefit hath God fent his Majefty and 
 his Kingdoms ; as, let all the Kingdoms in Chriftendom be 
 put together, they are not able to compare with the Fifhing 
 upon thefe Coafts, nor yet the Spanijh Indies ; I fpeak it know^ 
 ingly. 
 
 And further. Let all the Mines of thefe Kingdoms, as Lead, 
 Tin, Iron, Copper, Allum, yea, Cloth amLWool, be put to¬ 
 gether ; yet, the Fifhing will do more good to his Majefty’s 
 Kingdoms than all thefe, in thefe four Points. 
 
 Firft, For the Augmentation, Maintenance, and Increafe of 
 Navigation and Mariners, which hath ever been held a fpe- 
 cial Jewel for England . 
 
 Secondly, In bringing in to his Majefty and Kingdoms, great 
 Riches of all kinds, and making fuch ftrength of Ships and 
 Mariners, as will make all Nations of the World to vail the 
 Bonnet to England . 
 
 Thirdly, For the bringing in, and making Imployment for 
 all People, both young and old ; for the keeping of them 
 from begging and healing, and other diforders: And hereby 
 his Majelly fhall make exceeding great Trade and Trarfick 
 within this Land, upon the Seas, as the like hath never been 
 effe&ed by any King of England for the general Good. 
 
 Fourthly, For the bringing in, and making all things plenty, 
 and caufing many Store-houfes in England to be eretted and 
 filled full of Fifh, to ferve our felves, and tranfport into other 
 Kingdoms ; like as Blackwell-Hall in London , and other places in 
 England are with Cloth, which continually are emptied, and 
 yet are always filled. 
 
 It is molt evident true (God be thanked) that there is 
 Fifh and Herrings enough, and Vent enough for us all, if we 
 had as many Buffes as they - y for the 20 hundred great Buffes 
 belonging to Holland , France , Embden , and Ham through, and a- 
 bove 2co new Bulfes which they build and increafe yearly, 
 (all not able to ferve Chriftendom with Fifh and Herrings) 
 they are fcarce and dear in moft Foreign Kingdoms in Lent\ 
 and afterwards few or none to be had until Auguft . For in 
 the Eaft and North - Eaft Regions, and fo in moft Foreign 
 Kingdoms and Dukedoms, the Herrings are every day’s meat 
 Winter and Summer, as well to make them drink as to fuffice 
 their Appetites ; in fuch exceeding requeft are the Herrings, 
 that there is great Utterance for them in all Parts through 
 Chriftendom, and in the Heathen Countries : So that if we 
 had 20 Score Buffes, and increafe them to 20 Hundred; yet 
 is there Vent enough, and Herrings enough for us all to take 
 Upon Ilia Majefty’s Coafts, God continue it. 
 
Qbfervation on the Dutch Fifting. 2^i 
 
 And for as much as God hath fent this excellent Bleffing 
 to his Ma jelly above all other Kings; and that this huge 
 quantity of Fifh and Herrings do offer themfelves to his Ma* 
 jelly’s Kingdoms beyond all Nations; and that it is manifeft 
 that the Trade of Filhing is Work-mailer to all other Trades, 
 and by that means the Dutch increafe their Farthings to 
 Pounds, and their Pounds to Thoufands; and what fruitful- 
 nefs is in their Country ? And not a Beggar there, every 
 one getting his own Living, is admirable to behold ; that 
 the Poor man, tho he be Blind, and have but one Hand, will 
 get his own Living by turning the Wheel for making Cables 
 and Cordage ; and another that has not one Leg, will get his 
 own Living, fitting on a Seat, with Knitting, and making of 
 Nets and Hooks; every Boy and Wench, from io and iz 
 years, and upwards, will get their own Living by Winding 
 Hemp, Spinning Yarn, making Twine and Thread for Nets. 
 So Idlenefs, Beggary, and Penury, will be driven out of this 
 Land, by commodious Conllitutions, as in other places they 
 do ; which never any Statute heretofore made could bring to 
 pafs, to the great Glory of God, and Comfort of his Majelty’s 
 Subjects. 
 
 - CL4 
 
 Pjntic 
 
( 2?2 ) 
 
 pjtltft ix. 
 
 The Form and Order of the Coronation 
 of C h a r. l e s the Second , King 
 of Scotland, England, France 
 and Ireland; as it was a&ed and 
 done at Scoon, the firfl Day of 
 January, 1651. 
 
 The Coronation of Charles the Second, &c. 
 
 F Irft the King’s Majefty, in a Prince’s Robe, was con¬ 
 duced from his Bed-chamber, by the Conftable on his 
 Right hand, and the Marfhal on his Left, to the Cham¬ 
 ber of Prefence ; and there was placed in a Chair, under a 
 Cloth of State, by the Lord of Angus, Chamberlain appointed 
 by the King for that day: and there, after a little Repofe, 
 the Noblemen, with the Commiffioners of Barons and Bur¬ 
 roughs, enter’d the Hall, and prefented themfelves before his 
 Majefty. 
 
 Thereafter the Lord Chancellor fpoke to the King to this 
 purpofe : Sir, l Tour good Subffts defne Tou may be Crowned, as the 
 Righteous and Lawful Heir of the Crown of this Kingdom } That Tou 
 would maintain Religion , as it k presently profeffed, and eftablifhed ; 
 Conform to the National Covenant , League and. Covenant, and accord¬ 
 ing to Tour Declaration at Dumferling, in Auguft laft Alfo, that 
 Tou would be gracioujly pleas'd to receive them under Tour Highnefs’s 
 
 Fro . 
 
The Form and Order of the Coronation , 8 tc. 23 j 
 
 Protection, to govern them by the Laws of the Kingdom, and, to defend 
 them in their Rights and Liberties, by Tour Royal Power: offering them- 
 [elves in mojl humble manner to Tour Majefty, with their Vows, to be - 
 [low Land, Life , ip/m* e//i? i* in their power for the Maintenance of 
 
 Religion, for the Safety of Tour Majefty's Sacred Perjon, and Mainte¬ 
 nance of four Crown , which they intreat Tour Majefty to accept, and 
 pray Almighty God, that for many years Tou may happily enjoy the fame . 
 
 The King made this Anfwer : 1 do efteem the Affettions of my 
 good People, more than the Crowns of many Kingdoms ; and [hall be 
 ready, by God's Ajfiflance, to beftow my Life in their Defence ; Wi firing 
 to live no longer than 1 may fee Religion, and this Kingdom flourift) in 
 all Happinefs. 
 
 Thereafter, the Commiflioners of Burroughs and Barons, 
 and the Noblemen accompanied his Majefty to the Kirk of 
 Scoon, in Order and Rank according to their Quality, two and 
 two. The Spurs being carried by the Earl of Eglington. Next, 
 the Sword by the Earl of Rothes. Then the Scepter, by the 
 Earl of Crauford and Lindefay . And the Crown by Marquis of 
 Argile, immediately before the King. Then came the King, 
 with the great Conftable on his Right hand, and the great 
 Marfhal on his Left, his Train being carried by the Lord Ere - 
 slftne, the Lord Montgomery , the Lord Newbottle, and the Lord 
 Machlene , four Earl's eldeft Sons, under a Canopy of crimfon 
 Velvet, fupported by fix Earl’s Sons; to wit, the Lord Drum¬ 
 mond, the Lord Carnegie, the Lord Ramfey, the Lord Johnftoun 9 
 the Lord Brechin , the Lord Tefter ; and the fix Carriers fup¬ 
 ported by fix Noblemen's Sons. Thus the King’s Majefty en¬ 
 ter’d the Kirk. 
 
 The Kirk being fitted, and prepared with a Table, where¬ 
 upon the Honours were laid, and a Chair fet in a fitting place 
 for his Majefty’s hearing of Sermon, over againft the Mini- 
 lder; and another Chair on the other fide, where he receiv’d 
 the Crown ; before which there was a Bench decently co¬ 
 ver’d, as alfo for Seats about for Noblemen, Barons, and Bur- 
 geffes. And there being alfo a Stage in a fit place, erected 
 of 24 Foot fquare, about four Foot high from the ground, 
 cover’d with Carpets, with two Stairs, one from the Weft, 
 another to the Eaft: upon which great Stage, there was ano¬ 
 ther little Stage erefled, foine two Foot high, afcending by 
 two Steps; on which the Throne or Chair of State was fet. 
 
 The Kirk thus fittingly prepar’d, the King’s Majefty en- 
 tereth the fame, accompanied as aforefaid, and firft fetteth 
 himfelf in his Chair, for hearing of Sermon. 
 
 All being quietly compos’d unto Attention, Mr. Robert Dow- 
 glas. Moderator of the Commiffion of the General Affembly, 
 after incalling upon God by Prayer, preach’d the following 
 Sermon. . . " r . A 
 
2 J4 A Sermon at the Coronation of 
 
 A S E rmon preach’d at Scoon, 
 Jan. i. 1651. at the Coronation of 
 Charles the Second. 
 
 By Robert DorvgUs ,Minifter at Edinburgh, Modera¬ 
 tor of the Commiffion of the General Aflembly. 
 
 2 Kings XF. Verf. 12, I 7* 
 
 r .And he brought forth the Kin ft Son , and put the Crown 
 upon him , and gave him the ‘fefiimony 5 and they made 
 " him King , and anointed him , and they clapt their hands 
 and Jaid , God fave the King. 
 
 [And Jehoiada made a Covenant between the Lord , and the 
 King 3 and the People , tk# fky /kzdd k the Lord's pea * 
 pie , between the King alfo and the People. 
 
 I N this Text of Scripture, you have the Solemn Enthroning 
 of Joa/fc, a young Ring, and that in a very troublefome 
 time; for Athaliah , the Mother of Ahaziah, had cruelly mur¬ 
 der'd the Royal Seed, and ufurp’d the Kingdom by the fpace 
 of fix years. Only this young Prince was preferv’d by Jeho- 
 fijeba, the Sifter of Ahaziah , and Wife to Jehoiada the High- 
 Prieft, being hid with her in the Houfe of the Lord all that 
 time. 
 
 Good Interpreters do conje&ure, tho Joafh be call’d the Son 
 of Ahaziah , that he was not his Son by Nature, but by Sue- 
 ceflion to the Crown. They fay, that the Race of Solomon 
 ceafed here, and the Kingdom came to the Pofterity of Na¬ 
 than, the Son of David. Becaufe, 2 Chron. 12.9. it is faid, The 
 houfe of Aha?iah had no power to keep the Kingdom , which they con¬ 
 ceive to be for the want of Children in that Houfe 5 and be¬ 
 caufe of the abfurdity and unnaturalnefs of the faft, that Atha- 
 Huh the Grandmother fhould have cut off her Son’s Children. 
 I fhall not ftand upon the matter 5 Only I may fay* if they 
 
 were 
 
Kjng Charles II. in Scotland. 23 5 
 
 were Aha?) ah's own Children, it was a moft unnatural and cruel 
 Fa^t of At halt ah to cut off her own Pofterity. 
 
 For the U fur pation, there might have been two Motives. 
 1. It feemeth, that when Ahaxtah went to Battel, Athaliah was 
 left to govern the Kingdom 5 and her Son Ahaziah being {lain 
 before his return, foe thought the Government fweet, and 
 could not part with it; and becaufe the Royal Seed flood in 
 her way, foe cruelly deftrov’d them, that foe might reign with 
 the greater freedom. 2. She was earneft to let up a falfe 
 Worihip, even the Wcrfhip of Baal , which foe thought could 
 not be fo well done, as by cutting off the Royal Race, and 
 getting the foie Power in her Hand, that foe might do what 
 foe pleas’d 
 
 Tiie Bufinefs you are about this day is not unlike. You are 
 to inveft a young King in the Throne in a very troublefome 
 time 5 and wicked Men have rifen up, and ufurp’d the King¬ 
 dom, and put to Death the late King moft unnaturally. The 
 like Motives feem to have prevail’d with them. 1. Thefe 
 Men by Falfoood and Diffimulation have gotten Power in 
 their hands, which to them is fo fweet, that they are unwil¬ 
 ling to part with it: And becaufe the King and his Seed 
 flood in their way, they have made away the King, and dis¬ 
 inherited his Children, that the foie Power might be in their 
 hand. 2. They have a Number of damnable Errors, and a 
 falfe Worfoip to fet up *, and intend to take away the Ordi¬ 
 nances of Chrift, and Government of his Kirk. All this can¬ 
 not be done, unlefs they have the foie Power in their hands; 
 and this they cannot have, till the King and his Pofterity be 
 cut off. But I leave this, and come to the prefent Solemnity. 
 There is a Prince to be inthron’d, good Jehoiada will have 
 the Crown put upon his Head. 
 
 It may be queftion’d, why they went about this Coronation 
 in a time of fo great hazard, when Athaliah had reign’d fix 
 years? Had it not been better to have defeated Athaliah , and 
 then to have crowned the King ? Two Reafons may be ren^ 
 der’d, why they delay not the Coronation. 1. To crown the 
 King, was a Duty they were bound to ; Hazard foould not 
 make them leave their Duty. They did their Duty, and left 
 the fuccefs to God. 2. They crowned the young King, to 
 endear the People’s Affe&ions to their own native Prince, 
 and to alienate their Hearts from her that had ufurp’d the 
 Kingdom. If they had delay’d, the King being known to be 
 prel'erv’d, it might have brought on, not only Compliance 
 with her, but all'o Subje&ion to her Government, by refting 
 in it, and being content to lay afide the righteous Heir of the 
 Crown, * 
 
A Sermon a? the Coronation of 
 
 The fame is’ obferv’d in our Cafe, and many wonder that 
 yon fbould Crown the King in- a dangerous time, when the 
 Ufnrpers have fuch Power in the Land - y the fame Reafons 
 may ferve to anfwer for your doing, i. It is our neceffary 
 Duty to Crown the King upon all hazards, and to leave the 
 fuccefs to God. 2. It appeareth now, it hath been too long 
 delay’d. Delay is dangerous, becaufe of the Compliance of 
 &me 7 and Treachery of others* If it fhall be delay’d longer, 
 it is to be fear’d, that the moft part fhall fit down under the 
 fhadow of the Bramble , the deitroying Ufurpers. 
 
 I Come to the particular handling of this prefent Text, and 
 to fpeak from it to the prefent Time: I have read the 12th 
 and 1.7th Yerfes becaufe of thefe two which meet together, 
 the Crowning of a King, and his renewing the Covenant. 
 Amongft many particulars which may be handled from the 
 Text, I fhall confine my felf to thefe Five. 1. The Crown 5 
 Me put the Crown-upon hi* Head . 2. TheTeftimony; He gave him 
 
 the TejUmony* 3. The Anointing *, They Anointed him. Thefe 
 three are in the 12th Verfe. As for that which is fpoken of 
 the People’s Joy, we fhall give it a touch when we come to 
 the People’s Duty. 4. The Covenant between God, and the 
 King, and the People: Jehoiada made a Covenant between God 
 and the King y and the People y that they flmld be the Lord’s People . 
 5. The Covenant between the King and the People ; Between 
 the King alfo and the People; both in the 17th Yerfe. 
 
 Firit, The Crown is put upon his Head. A Crown is the 
 moll: excellent Badg of Royal M a jelly. To difcourfe on 
 Crowns in a State-way, I fhall leave unto States-men, and lay 
 only thefe Three before you of the Crown. 
 
 I. In putting on of the Crown, it would be well faftned. 
 For Kings Crowns are oftentimes tottering j and this is a 
 time wherein they totter. There are two Things which make 
 King’s Crowns to totter. Great Sins, and great Commotions 
 and Troubles: take heed of both. 
 
 1. There are many Sins upon our King and his Family. 
 Sine will make the fureft Crown, that ever Men let on, to 
 totter. The Sins of former Kings have made this a totter¬ 
 ing Crown. I fhall not infill here, feeing there hath been a 
 foLemn Day of Humiliation through the Land, on Thursday laft, 
 for the Sins of the Royal Family. I wilh the Lord may blefs 
 it 5 and defire the King be truly humbled for his own Sins, 
 and the Sins of his Father’s Houfe, which have been great. 
 Beware of putting on thefe Sins with the Crown ; for if you 
 put them on, all the Well-wilhers to a King, in the Three 
 Kingdoms, will noj; be able to hold on the Crown, and keep 
 
Kjng Charles II. in Scotland. 237 
 
 it from tottering ; yea, from falling- Lord, take away the 
 Controversy with the Royal Family, that the Crown may he 
 faftned lure upon the King’s Head, without falling or ‘tot¬ 
 tering. 
 
 2. 'Troubles and Commotions in a Kingdom, make Crowns 
 to totter. A Crown at the beft, and in the molt calm 
 Times, is full of Trouble ; which if it were well weigh’d (by 
 "Men, there would mot be Such hunting after Crowns. I read 
 of a great Man who, considering the Trouble and Care that 
 accompanied a Crown, Said, He would not take it up at his 
 Foot, th® he might have it for taking. Now if a Crown at 
 the beft be fo full of Troubles, what fhall one think of a 
 Crown at the worft, when there are fo great Commotions* 
 wherein the Crown is diredily aim’d at ? Surely it muft be 
 a tottering Crown at the leaft, efpecia-lly when former Sins 
 have brought on thefe Troubles. As the remedy of the for- 
 mer is true Humiliation, and turning unto Cod; So the re¬ 
 medy of the latter, is Pfal. 21. 3.' (fpeakingof David 1 s Crown) 
 Thou fetteft a Crown of pure Gold upon hk Head . God let on Da¬ 
 vid’s Crown ; and therefore it was fetled, not with Handing .of 
 many Troubles. Men may fet on Crowns, and they may be 
 thrown off again : But when God fetteth them on, they wifi 
 be faft. Enemies have touched the Crown of our King, and 
 caften it off in the other Kingdom, and have made it totter 
 in this Kingdom. Both the King who is to be crown’d, and 
 you who are to crown him, Ihould deal earneftly with God, t& 
 let the Crown on the King’s Head, and to keep it on againft - 
 all the Commotions of this Generation. 2. A King Should 
 efteem more of the People he reigneth over, than of his 
 Crown : Kings ufe to be fo taken up with their Crowns, that 
 they defpife their People. I would have a King following 
 i Chrift, the King of his People, who faith of them, Ifa.62.^ 
 Thou ft alt be a Crown of Glory in the hand of the Lord , and a Royal 
 Diadem in the hand of thy God . Chrift counteth his People his 
 Crown and Diadem ; So Ihould a King efteem the People of 
 the Lord, over whom he ruleth, to be as his Crown and Dia¬ 
 dem ; take away the People, and a Crown is but an empty 
 j Symbol. 3. A King, when he getteth his Crown on his Head* 
 ftiould think at the beft, it is but a fading Crovtn. All the 
 Crowns of Kings are but fading Crowns *, therefore they 
 Should have an eye upon that Crown of Glory that fadeth not away^ 
 
 1 Pet. 4. and upon a Kingdom that cannot be ftaken , Heb. 12-28- 
 That Crown and Kingdom belongeth not to Kings as Kings., 
 •but unto Believers ; and a believing King hath this comfort, 
 that when he hath endured a while , and been tried , he ftall receive the 
 Crown of Life t which the Lord hath Vromifed to them that love him* 
 
 IL Tbe 
 
2 jS A Sermon at the Coronation of 
 
 II. The fecond Thing in this Solemnity, is the Teftimony \ 
 by this is meant the Law of God, fo call’d, becaufe it teftifi- 
 eth of the Mind and Will of God. It was commanded, Dent, 
 
 17. 18,19. ^ Jen the tOng flail fit upon the Throne of his Kingdom 3 
 he flail mite a Copy of the Boo f of the Law, and it flail be with him , 
 that he may read therein all the days of his life . The King fhould 
 have the Teftimony for thefe three main Ules. 
 
 1. For his Information in the Way of God, Dent. 17. 19. 
 This Ufe of the King’s having the Book of the Law is ex- 
 prefted, That he may learn to fear the Lord his God: The Reading 
 of other Books may do a King good for Government, but no 
 Book will teach him the Way of Salvation, but the Book of 
 God. Chrift biddeth fearch the Scriptures , for in them ye thinly to 
 have eternal life , and they teftify of me , Joh. 5.39. He is a bleffed 
 Man who meditateth in the Law of the Lord day and night , Pfal. 1. i. 
 King David was well acquainted herewith, as appeareth, Pfal . 
 
 119. Kings fhould be well exercifed in Scripture. It is re¬ 
 ported of Alphonfus , King of Aragon , that he read the Bible 
 fourteen times, with Gloffes thereupon. I recommend to the 
 King, to take fome Hours for reading Holy Scripture: It will 
 be a good means to make him acquainted with God’s Mind, 
 and with Chrift a Saviour. 
 
 2. For his direftion in Government. Kings read Books that 
 they may learn to govern well, which I condemn not; but all 
 the Books a King can read, will not make him govern to pleafe 
 God, as this Book; I know nothing that is good in Govern¬ 
 ment, but a King may learn it out of the Book of God. For 
 this Caufe Joftma is commanded, Jofh. 1. 8. That the Boo\ of the 
 Law fhall not depart out of his mouth and he is commanded to 
 do according to that which is written therein . He fhould not only do 
 himfelf that which is written in it, but do and govern his 
 People according to that is written in it. King David knew 
 this Ufe of the Teftimony, who faid, Pfal. 119. 24. Thy Tefii- 
 monies are my delight , and my Counfellors. The beft Counfels that 
 ever a King getteth, are in the Book of God *, yea, the Tefti- 
 monies are the belt and fureft Counfellors: becaufe, altho 
 King’s Counfellors be never fo wife and trufty, yet they ufe tj 
 not to be fo free with a King as they ought: But the Scripture 
 will tell Kings very freely both their Sin and their Duty. 
 
 3. For Prefervation and Cuftody. The King is Cuftos utriuf- 
 que TabuU ; the Keeper of both Tables: Not that he fhould 
 take upon him the Power to difpenfe the Word of God, or 
 to difpenfe with it: But that he fhould preferve the Word 
 of God, and the true Religion according to the Word of God, 
 pure, intire, and uncorrupted, within his Dominions, and 
 tranfmit them fo to Pofterity $ and alfo be careful to fee his 
 
 Subjects 
 
Kjng Charles H. in Scotland. 639 
 
 Subjefts obferve both Tables, and to punifh the Tranfgreffors 
 of the fame. 
 
 III. The third Thing in this Solemnity is, the Anointing of 
 the King. The Anointing of Kings was not abfolutely ne- 
 ceffary under the Old Teftament; for we read not that all the 
 Kings of Judah and Ifrael were Anointed. The Hebrews ob¬ 
 ferve, that Anointing of Kings was ufed in three Cafes. 
 
 1. When the firffc of a Family was made King, as Saul , David* 
 2. When there was a Queftion for the Crown, as in the Cafe 
 of Solomon and Adonijah. 3. When there was an Interruption 
 of the Lawful Succeffion by Ufurpation, as in the Cafe of Joajfh 9 
 there is an Interruption by the Ufurpation of Athaliah ; there¬ 
 fore he is Anointed. If this Obfervation hold, as it is pro- 
 bable, then it was not abfolutely neceffary under the Old Te- 
 I ftament; and therefore far lefs under the New. 
 
 Becatife it may be faid, That in our Cafe there is an Inter¬ 
 ruption by Ufurpation, let it be coniider’d, That the Anointing 
 under the Old Teftament was Typical; altho all Kings were 
 not Types of Chrift, yet the Anointing of Kings, Prieits, and 
 Prophets, was Typical of Chrift, and his Offices: But Chrift 
 being now come, all thefe Ceremonies ceafe; and therefore 
 the Anointing of Kings ought not to be us’d in the New Te¬ 
 stament. 
 
 If it be faid, Anointing of Kings hath been in ufe among 
 Chriftians, not only Papifts, but Proteftants; as in the King¬ 
 dom of England , and our late King was Anointed with OyL 
 It may be reply’d, They who us’d it under the New Tefta¬ 
 ment, took it from the Jews , without warrant. It was moft 
 in ufe with the Bifhops of Rome y who, to keep Kings and Em¬ 
 perors fubjeft to themfelves, did fwear them to the Pope, 
 when they were Anointed, (and yet the Jewiflj Priefts did ne¬ 
 ver fwear Kings to themfelves) As for England , altho the Pope 
 was caften off, yet the Subjection of Kings to Biftiops was ftill 
 retain’d; for they Anointed the King, and fware him to the 
 Maintenance of their Prelatical Dignity. They are here 
 who were Witneffes at the Coronation of the late King. The 
 Bifhops behoved to perform that Rite, and the King behoved 
 to be fworn to them. But now, by the Bleffing of Cod, Po¬ 
 pery and Prelacy are remov’d : The Bifhops, as Limbs of An- 
 tichrift, are put to the Door; let the Anointing of Kings with 
 Oyi go to the Door with them, and let them never come in 
 again. 
 
 The Anointing with material Oyl, maketh not a King the 
 Anointed of the Lord, for he is fo without it. He is the 
 Anointed of the Lord, who by the pivine Ordinance and Ap¬ 
 pointment is a King, Ifa* 45. x« God called Qrw his Anointed ; 
 
 - • yet 
 
240 A Sermon at the Coronation of 
 
 yet we read not that he was Anointed with. Oyl. Kings are 
 the Anointed of the Lord, becaufe by the Ordinance of the 
 Lord, their Authority is facred and invioiaole. It is enough 
 for us to have the Thing, tho we want the Ceremony *, which 
 being laid afide, I will give fome Obfe'r'vations of the Thing. 
 
 1. A King being the Lord’s Anointed, lhould be thinking 
 upon a better Unftion, even that Spiritual Unction wherewith 
 Believers are Anointed, which you have 1 John 2. 27. The 
 Anointing ye have received of him , abideth in you . And 2 Cor. 1.21. 
 He that hath anointed w, is God, who hath alfo J'ealed us. This 
 Anointing is not proper to Kings, but common to Believers. 
 Few Kings are fo Anointed. A King lhould Itrive to be a 
 good Chriftian, and then a good King: The Anointing with 
 Grace, is better than the Anointing with Oyl. It is of more 
 Worth for a King to be the Anointed of the Lord with Grace * 
 than to be the greateft Monarch of the World without it. 
 
 2. This Anointing may put a King in mind of the Gifts, 
 wherewith Kings lhould be indu’d, for difeharge of the Royal 
 Calling. For Anointing did iignify the Gifts of Office. It is 
 faid of Saul , when he was anointed Ring, as 1 Sam . 10. 9. 
 Cod gave him another heart. And Chap. 11.6. The Spirit of God came 
 upon him. It is meant, of a heart for his Calling, and a fpirit 
 of Ability for Government. It lhould be our defire this day, 
 that our King may have a Spirit for his Calling, as the Spirit 
 of Wifdom, Fortitude, Juftice, and other Princely Endow¬ 
 ments. 
 
 3. This Anointing may put Subjefis in mind of the Sacred 
 Due of the Authority of a King. He lhould be refpefted as 
 the Lord’s Anointed. There are divers forts of Perfons that 
 are Enemies to the Authority of Kings: As, 1. Anabaptifts , 
 who deny there lhould be Kings in the New Teftament. They 
 will have no Kings,, nor Civil.Magiftrate. 2. The late Photi - 
 mans , who fpeak refpeftfully of Kings and Magiftrates, but 
 they take away from them their Power, and the Exercife of 
 it in the Adminiltration of Juftice. 3. Thefe who rife againft 
 Kings in open Rebellion, as Abfalom and Sheba , who faid, What 
 have we to do with David, the Son of Jefle ? To your Tents , 0 Ifrael. 
 
 4. They who do not rebel openly,yet they defpife a King in their 
 heart, like the Sons of Belial , 1 Sam. 10. laft, who faid of Saul , 
 after he was anointed King, Shall this Man fave us i And they de• 
 fpifed him , and brought him no Prefents . 
 
 All thefe meet in our prefent Age. 1. Anabaptifts, who 
 are againft the Being of Kings, are very rife : Y ou may find, 
 to your great Grief, a great Number of them in that Army, 
 that have unjuftly invaded the Kand 8 who have trampled upon 
 
 the 
 
Kjng Charles II Tin Scotland. 241 
 
 the Authority of Kings. 2. There are alfo of the fecon^ 
 fort, who are fecretly Photinians in this Point; they allow ot 
 Kings in Profeflion, b it they are againft the Exercife of their 
 Power in the Adminiftration of Juftice. 3. A third fort are 
 in open Rebellion, even ail that Generation which are rifen 
 up, not only againft the Perfon of the King, but Kingly Go¬ 
 vernment. 4. There is a fourth who profefs they acknowledg 
 a King, but defpife him in their heart, faying, Shall this Man 
 favc ns d I wifh all had David's Tendernefs, whofe heart [mote 
 him when he did but cut off the lap of Saul's garment j that we may 
 be far from cutting off a lap of that juft Power and Great- 
 nefs which God hath allowed to the King, and we have bound 
 our felves by Covenant not to diminilh. 
 
 I have gone through the three Particulars contain’d in 
 ver. 12. I come to the «ther two in ver. 17. which appertain 
 alfo to this day's Work: For our King is not only to be crown¬ 
 ed, but to renew a Covenant with God and his People, and 
 to make a Covenant with the People. Anfwerable hereto, 
 there is a twofold Covenant in the Words; one between God, 
 and the King and the People ; God being the one Party, the 
 King and the People the other. Another between the King, 
 and^ the People; the King being the one Party, the People 
 the other. The Covenant with God is the fourth Particular 
 propounded to be fpoken of. The Sum of the Covenant ye 
 may find 2 Kings 23. 3. in Jofiah his renewing the Covenant, 
 To wall^ after the Lord , and l^eep his Commandments and Tejiimonies 
 with all thy heart , and to perform the words of the Covenant. The 
 renewing of the Covenant was after a great Defe&ion from 
 God, and the fetting up of falfe Worlhip. The King and the 
 People of God bound themfelves before the Lord, to fet up 
 the true Worlhip, and to abolilh the falfe. Scotland hath a 
 preference in this before other Nations. In time of Defetdion 
 they have renew’d a Covenant with God to reform all: And 
 becaufc the King, after a great Defection in that Family, is 
 to renew the Covenant, I lhall mention fome Particulars from 
 the League and Covenant. 
 
 1. We are bound to maintain the True Reform’d Religion in 
 Doftrine, Worlhip, Difcipline and Government eftablilh’d in 
 this Kingdom, and to endeavour the Reformation of Religion 
 in the other two Kingdoms, according to the Word of God, 
 and the Example of the beft Reformed Kirks. By this Arti¬ 
 cle the King is oblig’d, not only to maintain Religion as it 
 is eftablifh’d in Scotland , but alfo to endeavour the Reforma¬ 
 tion of Religion in,, his other Kingdoms : The King Ihould 
 confider well, when it lhall pleafe God to reftore him to his 
 
 R Govern'' 
 
242 A Sermon at the Coronation of 
 
 Government’' there, that he is bound to endeavour the Efta- 
 blifhment of the Work of Reformation there, as well as to 
 maintain it here. 
 
 2« According to the fecond Article, the King is bound, with* 
 Out refped of perfons, to extirpate, Popery, Prelacy , Superftition , 
 Herefy, Schifm and Prophanenefs , and whatsoever ftiall be found 
 contrary to Sound Dc&rine, and the Power of Godlinefs; and 
 therefore Popery is not to be fuifer’d in the Royal Family, nor 
 within his Dominions: Prelacy , once pluckt up by the root, is 
 not to be permitted to take root again; all Herefy and Error 
 whatfoever mult be oppofed by him to the utmoft of his power; 
 and by the Covenant the King mu ft be far from Toleration of 
 any falfe Religion within his Dominions. 
 
 3. As the People are hound to maintain the King’s Perfon 
 and Authority in the Maintenance of the True Religion and 
 Liberties of the Kingdom : So the fcng is bound with them 
 to maintain the Rights and Privileges of the Parliament, and 
 Liberties of the Subjects, according to the third Article. 
 
 4. We are bound to difcover, and to bring unto condign 
 Punifhmcnt ajl fuch as have been, or (hall be. Incendiaries , Ma¬ 
 lignant or evil Inftruments, in hindering the Reformation of 
 Religion, dividing the King from the People, or one of the 
 Kingdoms from another, or making any Fadfon or Parties a- 
 rnongft the People. Hereby the King is bound to have an eye 
 upon fitch, and neither allow of them, nor comply with them, 
 but to concur according to his power to have them cenfured 
 and punifb^d, as is exprefs’d in the fourth Article. I lhall 
 funt up all this, That a King entring in Covenant with God* 
 fhould do as Kings did of old, when they entred into Cove¬ 
 nant ; they and their People went on in the Work of Refor¬ 
 mation, as appeared! here, verfe 8. And all the people of the Land 
 went into the houfe of Baaf and braise it down , &c. And Godly 
 Jofut\ when he entred in Covenant, made a thorow Reforma¬ 
 tion. There is a fourfold Reformation in Scripture, and con¬ 
 tain’d in the League and Covenant. X. A Perfonai Reforma¬ 
 tion. 2. A Family-Reformation. 3. A Reformation of Judi¬ 
 catories. 4. A Reformation of the whole Land. Kings have 
 had their hand in all the four, and therefore I recommend 
 them to our King. 
 
 i. A Perfonai Reformation. A King fhould reform his own 
 Life, that he may be a Pattern of God line Is to others$ and 
 to this he is tied by the Covenants. The Godly Reformers 
 of Judah were Pious and Religious Men. A King Ibould not 
 follow Machiavel his Counfel, who requireth not that a Prince 
 fhould be truly Religious, but faith, that a fhadow of it, and 
 external Simulation are fufticient s A devililb Counfel, and 
 
 $ 
 
KJng Charles II. in Scotland. 245 
 
 it is juft with God to bring a King to the fhadow of a Kingdom* 
 who hath but the ftiadow of Religion. We know that diffem- 
 bling Kings have been punifh’d of God; and let our King know, 
 that no King but a Religious King can pleafe God. David is 
 highly commended for Godlinefs. Herek}ah y a Man eminent 
 for Piety, Jofiah, a young King, commended for the Tender- 
 nefs of his Heart, when he heard the Law of the Lord read : 
 He was much troubled before the Lord, when he heard the 
 Judgments threatned againft his Father’s Houfe and his Peo¬ 
 ple. It is earneftly wilh’d, that our King’s Heart may be ten¬ 
 der, and he truly humbled before the Lord for the Sins of 
 his Father’s Houfe, and of the Land ; and for the many Evils 
 that arc upon that Family, and upon the Kingdom. 
 
 2. A Family-Reformation. The King fhould reform his 
 Family after the Example of Godly Kings. Afa> when he en- 
 tred in Covenant, fpared not his Mother’s Idolatry. The 
 Houfe of our King hath been much defiled by Idolatry. The 
 King is now in Covenant, and to renew the Covenant, let the 
 Royal Family be reform’d - y and that it may be a Religious 
 Family, wherein God will have pleafure, let it be purged, 
 not only of Idolatry, but of Prophanenefs and Loofenefs, which 
 hath abounded in it. Much hath been fpoken of this matter, 
 but little hath been done in it. Let the King and others, who 
 have charge in that Family, think it lieth upon them as a duty? 
 to purge it. And if you would have a Family well purg’d and 
 conftitute, take David for a Pattern, in the purgation and con- 
 ftitution of his, Pfalm to. The fro ward heart , wicked perfons andt 
 flanderers h: will have far from him , but hk eyes are upon the faithful 
 of the Land , that they may dwell with him , If there be a Man 
 better than the other in the Land, he fhall be for the King 
 and his Family: Ye may extend this Reformation to the 
 Court. A prophane Court is dangerous for a King ; it hath 
 been obferv’d as a provoking Sin in England , which hath drawn 
 down Judgment upon King and Court, as appeareth this day# 
 It is to be wifh’d that fuch were in the Court, as David fpeak- 
 eth of in that Pfalm, Let the King fee to it, and refolve with 
 David , Pfal. ioi. 7. That he who worketh deceit , fall not dwell 
 within his houfe: and he who telleth lies , fall not tarry in hk fight . 
 
 3. Reformation in Judicatories. It fliould be carefully feen 
 to, that Judicatories be reformed; and that Men fearing God, 
 and hating Covetoufnefs, may be placed in them. A King in 
 Covenant Ihould do as Jehofhaphat did, 2 Chron . 19. 5,6,7. He 
 fet Judges in the Land y and fasd y Take heed what you do: Te judg noP 
 for Men 9 but for the Lord y who k with you in judynwt* Wherefore 
 now let the fear of the Uui be before you, 
 
 R 2 
 
 #• T*£ 
 
244 ^ Sermon at the Coronation of 
 
 4. The Reformation of the whole Land. The King’s Eye 
 lhould be upon it, 2 Chron . 19.4. Jehofloaphat went out through the 
 people, from Beerflxba to mount Ephraim , and brought them back to the 
 Lord God of their fathers . Our Land hath great need of Refor¬ 
 mation ; for there is a part of it, that hath fcarce ever yet 
 found the benefit of it; they are lying without the Gofpel. 
 
 It will be a good Work for a covenanted King to have a care, 
 that the Gofpel may be preached through the whole Land: 
 Care alfo would be taken, that they who have the Gofpel, may 
 live fuitably thereto. 
 
 If a King would be a thorow Reformer, he mull be reform’d 
 himfelf, otherways he will never lay Reformation to heart. 
 To make a King a good Reformer, I wifh him thefe qualifi¬ 
 cations according to the Truth, and in Sincerity, wherewith 
 they report Trajan the Emperor to have been indued. He 
 was, 1. Devote at home. 2. Courageous in War. 3. Juft in 
 his Judicatories. 4. Prudent in all his Affairs. True Piety, 
 Fortitude, Juftice, and Prudence, are notable Qualifications 
 in a Prince, who would reform a Kingdom, and reform well. 
 
 Y. I come now to the fifth and laft Particular •, and that 
 is the Covenant made between the King and the People. 
 When a King is crowned, and received by the People,, there 
 is a Covenant or mutual Contract between him and them, 
 containing Conditions mutually to be obferv’d. Time will not 
 buffer to liifift upon many Particulars, I fliall only lay before 
 you three. Firft, It is clear from this Covenant, That a Kin^ 
 hath not abfolute Power to do what he pleafeth; he is tied 
 *o Conditions by virtue of a Covenant. Secondly, It is clear 
 from this Covenant, That a People are bound to obey their 
 King in the Lord. Thirdly, I lhall prefent the King with di¬ 
 rections, for the right Government of the People, who are 
 bound to obey. 
 
 I. It is clear. That the King’s Power is not abfolute, as 
 Kings and flattering Courtiers apprehend ; a King’s Power is a 
 limited Power by this Covenant. And there is. a threefold Li^ 
 mitation of the King’s Power. 
 
 x. In regard' of Subordination. There is a Power above 
 his, even God’s Power, whom he is oblig’d to obey • and to 
 whom he muff give an account of his Adminiftration. Ye 
 heard yefterday that Text, By me Kings reign , Prov. 8. 15. 
 Kings have not only their Crowns from God, but they muft 
 reign according to his Will, which is clear from Rom . 13. 4. 
 He is call’d the Minifter of God : He is but God’s Servant. 
 I need not ftay upon Kings gad Qthgq will acknow- 
 |gdg thi* ymjdajiong 
 
 4 Is 
 
K^ing Charles II. in Scotland. 245 
 
 2. In regard of Laws. A King is fworn at his Coronation 
 to rule according to the Handing receiv’d Laws of the King” 
 dom. The Laws he is fworn to, limit him, that he cannot 
 do againft them, without a finful Breach of this Covenant be¬ 
 tween the King and the People. 
 
 3. In regard of Government. The total Government is 
 not upon a King. He hath Counfellors, a Parliament, or 
 Eftates in the Land, who fha're in the burden of Government. 
 No King fhould have the foie Government. It was never the 
 mind ol thefe, who receiv’d a King to rule them, to lay all 
 their Government upon him, to do what he pleafeth, with¬ 
 out controulment. There is no Man able alone to govern all. 
 The Kingdom fhould not lay that upon one Man, who may 
 eafily mifcarry. The Eftates of the Land are bound in this 
 Contract, to bear a burden with him. 
 
 Thefe Men who have flatter’d Kings, to take unto them an 
 abfolute Power to do what they pleafe, have wronged Kings 
 and Kingdoms. It had been good, that Kings of late had 
 carried themfelves fo, as this Queftion of King’s Power might 
 never have come in debate; for they have been great lofers 
 thereby: Kings are very defirous to have things fpoken and 
 written to hold up their arbitrary and unlimited Power ; but 
 that way doth exceedingly wrong them. There is one, a. 
 learned Man, I confefs, who hath written a Book for the 
 Maintenance of the abfolute Power of Kings, call’d Defcnfio 
 Regia, whereby he hath wrong’d himfelf in his Reputation, 
 and the King in his Government. As for the Fatt in taking 
 away the Life of the late King (whatever was God’s Juftice 
 in it) I do agree with him to condemn it, as a moft unjuft 
 and horrid Faff, upon their part who did : But when he 
 cometh to fpeak to the Power of Kings, in giving unto them 
 an abfolute and illimited Power, urging the damnable Maxim, 
 Qyod libet licet , he will have a King to do what he pleafeth 
 intpune , and without controulment 5 in this I cannot but diffent 
 from him. 
 
 In regard of Subordination, fome fay. That a King is counta¬ 
 ble to none but God : Do what he will, let God take order 
 with it. This leadeth Kings to Atheifm, let them do what 
 they pleafe, and take God in their own hand. In regard of 
 taws, they teach nothing to Kings but Tyranny : And in re¬ 
 gard of Government, they teach a King to take an arbitrary 
 Power to himfelf, to do whaf he pleafeth without controulment;. 
 How dangerous this hath been to Kings, is clear by fad ex¬ 
 perience. Abufe of Power, and Arbitrary Government, hath 
 been one of God’s great Controverfies with our Kings and 
 PredecefTors ; God in his Juftice, becaufe Power hath been 
 
 JR 3 abufed. 
 
24 6 
 
 A Sermon at the Coronation of 
 
 abufed, hath thrown it out of their hands: And I may con- 
 fidently fay, That God’s Controverfy with the Kings of 
 the Earth, is for their Arbitrary and Tyrannical Govern¬ 
 
 ment. 
 
 It is good for our King to learn to be wife in time, and 
 know, that he receivetli this day a Power to govern, but a 
 Power limited by Contract; and thefe Conditions he is bound 
 by Oath to ftand to. Kings are deceiv’d, who think that the 
 people are ordain’d for the King, and not the King for the 
 People. The Scripture Iheweth the contrary, Row. 13. 4. 
 The King is the Mnijkr of God for the Peopled good, God will 
 not have a King in an arbitrary way to encroach upon the 
 PofTeflions of Subjects, £^.4$. 7, 8. A portion is appointed for 
 the Prince . And it is faid. My Princes flail no more opprefs my 
 People * and the reft of the Land flail he give unto the Houfe of 
 Ifrael, according to their Tribes. The King hath his diftin# 
 Poffelfions and Revenues ffom the People’s: He muft not op¬ 
 prefs and do what he pleafeth, there muft be no Tyranny 
 upon the Throne. 
 
 I defire not to fpeak much of this Subje#. Men have been 
 very tender in meddling with the Power of Kings; yet feeing 
 thefe days have brought forth Debates concerning the Power 
 of Kings, it will be neceffary to be clear in the matter. Ex¬ 
 tremities would be fhun’d. A King Ihould keep within the 
 bounds of the Covenant made with the People, in the Exer- 
 cife of his Power. Concerning the laft, I fhall propound 
 thefe three to your confideration. 
 
 1. A King abufing his Power, 'to the Overthrow of Reli¬ 
 gion, Laws,"and Liberties, which are the very Fundamentals 
 of this Contra# and Covenant, may be control’d and oppos’d: 
 And if he fet himfelf to overthrow all thefe by Arms, then 
 they who have power, as the Eftates of a Land, may and 
 ought to refift by Arms; becaufe he doth, by that Oppolition, 
 break the very Bonds, and overthroweth all the Effentials of 
 this Contra# and Covenant. This may ferve to juftify the 
 Proceedings of this Kingdom againft the late King, who in a 
 hoftile way fet himfelf to overthrow Religion, Parliaments, 
 Gaws, and Liberties. 
 
 2. Every Breach of Covenant, wherein a King faileth, 
 after he hath enter’d in Covenant, doth not diffolve the Bond 
 pf the Covenant* Neither Ihould Subje#s lay afide a King 
 for every Breach, except the Breaches be fuch as overthrow 
 the Fundamentals of the Covenant with the People. Many 
 Examples of this may be brought from Scripture. I fhall 
 give but one: King Afa enter’d lolemnly in Covenant with 
 God and his People, 2 Chron.i$. After that he falleth in grofs 
 
 Tranf- 
 
Kjng Charles II. in Scotland. 247 
 
 Tranfgreffions and Breaches, 2 Ckron. 16 . He affociates him- 
 felf and enter’d in League with Benhadad King of Syria, an 
 Idolater; he imprifon’d Haxiani the Lord’s Prophet, who re¬ 
 prov’d him, and threaten’d Judgment againft that AfTociation 5 
 and at the fame time he opprefs’d fome of the People: And 
 yet, for all this, they neither lay a fide, nor count him an 
 Hypocrite. 
 
 3. Private Perfons fhould be very circumfpeft about that 
 which they do in relation to the Authority of Kings. It is 
 very dangerous for private Men to meddle with the Power of 
 Kings, and the fufpending of them from the Exercife there¬ 
 of. I do ingenuoufly confefs, that I find no Example of it. 
 The Prophets taught not fuch Doftrine to their People, nor 
 the Apoftles, nor the Reformed Kirks. Have ever private 
 Men, Paftors, or Profeffors, given into the Eftates of a Land 
 as their Judgment, unto which they refolv’d to adhere. That 
 a King fhould be fufpended from the Exercife of his Power ? 
 And if" we look upon tbofe godly Pallors who liv’d in King 
 James* s time, of whom one may truly fay, more faithful men 
 liv’d not inthefe la ft times; for they fpar’d not to tell the 
 King his faults to his face ; yea, fome of. them fufFcr’d Per¬ 
 fection for their Honefty and Freedom : yet we never read, 
 nor have heard, that any of thofe godly Pallors join’d, with o~ 
 ther private men, did ever remonftrate to Parliament or Eftate* 
 as their Judgment, That the King fhould be fufpended from 
 the Exercife of his Royal Power. 
 
 II. It is clear from this Covenant, that People fhould obey 
 their King in the Lord: For as the King is bound by Cove¬ 
 nant to make ufe of his Power to their Good, fo are they 
 bound to obey him in the Lord, in the Exercife of that Power. 
 About the People’s Duty to the King, take thefe four Obferr 
 vations. 
 
 1. That the Obedience of the People is in fubordination 
 to God: for the Covenant is firft with God, and then with the 
 King, If a King command any thing contrary to the Will 
 of God, in this cafe Peter faith, It U better to obey God than Man . 
 There is a Line drawn from God to the People; they are 
 loweft in the Line, and have Magiflrates fuperior and fupreme 
 above them, and God above all. When the King commandeth 
 the People that which is lawful and commanded by God, then 
 he fhould be obey’d, becaufe he ftandeth in the right Line 
 under God, who hath put him in his place. But if lie com¬ 
 mand that which is unlawful, and forbidden of God, in that 
 he fhall not be obey’d to do it, becaufe he is out of his line. 
 That a King is to be obey’d with this Subordination, is evi¬ 
 dent from Scripture ; Take one place for all, Rom, 13. At the 
 
24§ Sermon at the Coronation of 
 
 beginning ye have both Obedience urg’d to Superior Power 
 as t ie Ordinance of God, and Damnation threaten’d againft 
 thofe who refill the lawful Powers. 
 
 It is faid by fome, that many Minillers in Scotland will 
 not have King Jefws, but King Charles to reign. Faithful 
 men are wrong’d by fuch Speeches, I do not underftand thefe 
 men. For if they think that a King and Jejut are inconfiltent, 
 then they will have no. King. But I fhall be far from enter¬ 
 taining fuch Thoughts of them. If they think the doing of 
 a necelfary Duty for King Charles , is to prefer his Intereil to 
 Chrift’s, this alfo is an Error. Honeft Minillers can very 
 well difeern between the Intereil of Chrift and of the King. 
 I know no Minillers that fet up King Charles with prejudice 
 to Chrift’s Intereil. 
 
 There are three forts of Perfons who are not to be allow’d 
 in relation to the King’s Intereil. (i.) Such as have not been 
 content to oppofe a King in an evil courfe (as they might law¬ 
 fully do) but contrary to Covenant, Vows, many Declara¬ 
 tions, have call off Kings and Kingly Government. Thefe 
 are the Salaries. (2.) They who are fo taken up with a King, 
 as they prefer a King’s Intereil to Chrift’s Intereil *, which 
 was the Sin of our Engagers. (3.) They who will have no 
 Jiuty donefco a King, for fear of prejudging Chrift’s Intereil. 
 Thofe are to be allow’d, who urge Duty to a King in fub- 
 ordination to Chrift. 
 
 I fhall defire that men be real, when they make mention of 
 Chrift’s Intermit: For thefe three mention’d, profefs and pre¬ 
 tend the Intereil of Chrift. The Settarics cover their dellroy- 
 ing.of Kings with Chrill’a Intereil *, whereunto indeed they 
 have had no refpscl, being Enemies to his Kingdom, and 
 Experience hath made it undeniable. The Engagers alledg’d 
 they were for Chrift’s Intereil, but they mifplac’dit: Chrift’s 
 Intereil fhould have gone before, but they drew it after the 
 Intereil of a King.; which evidenc’d their want of due Re- 
 fpeft to Chrift’s Inter reft. As for the third, who delay Duty 
 for fear of preferring the King’s Interefts to Chrift, I IhaJl 
 not take upon me to judg their Intentions; I wifll they have 
 charity to thofe who think they may do Duty to a King in 
 fubordination to Chrift, yea that they ought and fhould do 
 Duty, whatever mens fear of the prejudice may follow. 
 
 If tobe againft the fufpendingof the King from the Exer- 
 cife of his Power, and to be for the crowning of the King 
 according to the publick Faith of the Kingdom, he firll per¬ 
 forming all that Kirk and State requir’d of him, in relation to 
 Religion and Civil Liberties: If this be, I fay, to prefer a 
 K IK G to CHRIST , let all men that are unbiafs’d be 
 
Kjng Charles II. in Scotland. 249 
 
 Judges in the cafe. We fhall well avow, that we crown a 
 King in fubordination to God, and his Intereft in fubordinatioa 
 to Chrift’s ; which we judg not only agreeable to the Word 
 of God, but-alfo that we are bound exprefly in the Covenant 
 to maintain the King, in the Prefervation and Defence of the 
 True Religion and Liberties of the Kingdom, and not to di- 
 minifh his juft Power and Greatnefs. 
 
 2. That the Covenant between God, and the King and the 
 People, goeth before the Covenant between the King and the 
 People ; which lheweth that a People’s entring Covenant with 
 God, doth not leffen their Obedience and Allegiance to the 
 King, but increafeth it, and maketh Obedience firmer: be- 
 caufe we are in covenant with God, welhouldthe mote obey 
 a covenanted King. It is a great error to think that a Cove¬ 
 nant diminifheth Obedience ; it was ever thought cumulative. 
 And indeed true Religion layeth ftritd Ties upon Men, in 
 doing of their Duty : Rom. 13.5. We muft needs be fkbjett , not 
 only for Wrath , but alfo for Conference fake. A Neceffity to obey 
 is laid upon all. Many Subje&s obey for Wrath, but the 
 Godly obey for Confcience fake. 
 
 3. That a King covenanted with God, fhould be much re- 
 fpededby his Subjects ; they Ihould love him: There is an 
 inbred Affection in the Hearts of the People to their King. 
 In the 12th Verfe it is faid. That the People ctap'd their hands 
 for Joy , and faid, God fane the King . They had no fooner feen 
 their native Kinginftall’d in his Kingdom, but they rejoic’d 
 exceedingly, and falutedhim with Wifhes of Safety. What¬ 
 ever be mens Affections or RefpeCts this day to our King, 
 certainly it is a Duty lying onus, both to pray for and rejoice 
 in his Safety. The very end that God hath in giving us Kings, 
 maketh this clear, iTim.2. 1,2. That voe may live under them 
 in Godlinefs and HoneJ}y+ And therefore Prayers and Supplica¬ 
 tions are to be made for all Kings, even for thofe that are not 
 in covenant, much more for thofe that are in covenant. You 
 are receiving this day a crowned covenanted King; pray foF 
 faying Grace to him, and that God would* deliver him and 
 \is out of the hand of thefe cruel Enemies, and biefs his Govern¬ 
 ment, and caufe us to live a quiet and peaceable life under 
 him in all Godlinefs and Honefty. 
 
 4. That as the King is folemnly fworn to maintain the 
 Rights of the Subjects againft Enemies, and is bound to ha¬ 
 zard his Life, and all that, he hath, for their defence ; fo the 
 People are alfo bound fo maintain his Perfon and Authority, 
 and to hazard Life, and all that they have, in defending him. 
 
 I lhall not take the Queltion in its full latitude, taking in 
 what a People are bound to, in pursuing a King’s Right in ano- 
 ’ ' ther 
 
25° -d Sermon at the Coronation of 
 
 gfref Nation > which is- net otfr preferrt Queftiom Our Q^e- 
 ffeio-n is, what a People Ihould do, when a Kingdom is unjultiy 
 invaded by a foreign Enemy, which feeks the Overtlirow of 
 Religion, King, and Kingdom ? Surely, if Men *be ty’d to 
 any Duty to a King and Kingdom, they are ty’d in this cafe, 
 f have two forts of Men to meet with here, who are deficient 
 in doing, this covenanted Duty ; i. Thole who do not ad 
 Sgainft the Enemy., 2. Thofe who do ad for the Enemy. 
 
 1. The firftl meet with, are they who ad not, but lie by 
 to behold what will become of all. Three forts of men aft 
 not for the Defence of an invaded Kingdom; 1J} y Thofe who 
 withdraw themfelves from publick Counfeis, as from Parlia¬ 
 ment or Committee of Eftates* This withdrawing is not to 
 afb 2 dljfy Thefe ad not, who upon an appreheniion of the 
 defperate date of things, do think that all is in fuch a condition; 
 by the prevailing of the Enemy, that there is no Remedy - 7 
 and therefore that it is belt, to lit ftill and fee how things go* 
 $dly. They who do not ad, upon fcruple of Confidence. I 
 mall ever refped Tendernejfs of Confcience, and wilh there 
 fee no more but Tendernefs. If there be no more, men will 
 Hrire to have their Confidences well inform’d. 
 
 They may befuppofed to fcruple upon one of thefe grounds. 
 t* Toad in fuch a Caule, for the King’s Intereft; Sure I am, 
 fhis was a doubt before, but all feem’d to agree to ad for the 
 Ring’s Interell in fubordrnation to Chrilt, and this day there 
 is no more fought. We own the King’s Interelt, only in Sub¬ 
 ordination to thrift. Or 2. To join to him with fuch In¬ 
 struments as are Enemies to the work of God, Our An¬ 
 swer to the Eliates- Query refolves, that fuch ihould not be 
 trufted: But we do not count thefe Enemies, who profefs Re¬ 
 pentance, and declare themfelves folemnly to be for the Caufe 
 and the Covenant; and do evidence it by their willingnefs to 
 fight for them. If it be faid their Repentance is but counter¬ 
 feit, we are bound to think otherwife in Charity, till the con¬ 
 trary be feen. No man can judg of the Reality of Hearts; 
 for we have now found by Experience, that men, who have 
 been accounted above all exception, have betray’d their Truft. 
 If any who have not yet repented of their former courfe 
 .Jfeeuld beintrufted, we fliall be furry for it j and plainly fay, 
 that it ought not to be. 
 
 But I think there muflrbe more in this, that men fay they 
 cannot ad: For my felf, I love not that word in our cafe. 
 It is too frequent, He cannot aft, and He cannot aft . I fear there 
 be three forts of Perfons lurking under this cover *. ift x Such 
 as are PujiUonimtu , who have no courage to aid againft the 
 Enemy. The word Is true of them. The; cmwt becaufe 
 
KJng Charles II. in Scotland. 251 
 
 they dare mt att. 2 dly, Such , as are felfifh men, ferving their ^ 
 Idol Credit . He hath been a man of Honour, and how he 
 feareth here will be no credit to fight again# the prevailing 
 Enemy ; therefore he cannot ail, and fave hh credit. Be 
 who thou wilt that hath this before thee, God lhall blaft thy 
 Reputation. Thou fhalt neither have Honour nor Credit, to 
 do a right turn in God’s Caufe. $dly, Such as are Compilers, 
 who cannot aft, becaufe they have a purpofe to comply. 
 There are that cannot aft in an Army, but they can betray 
 ail Army by not afting. There are that cannot aft for Safe¬ 
 ty of a Kingdom, but they do betray it by not afting., In 
 a word, there are thofe who cannot join to aft with thofe 
 whom they account Malignants (I fpeak not of declar’d and 
 known Malignant *) but they can join with Salaries, open and 
 declared Enemies to Kirk, and Kingdom. I wifh Subjefts, who arfc 
 bound to fight for the Kingdom, would lay by that Phrafe of 
 not afting, which is fo frequent in the mouth of Compli. 
 ers, and oftenfive to them who would approve themfelves 
 in doing Duty for endanger’d Religion, King, and Kingdom. 
 
 That Men may be more clear to aft, I lhall offer to your 
 Confideration fome Paffages of Scripture about thofe who do 
 aft again# a common Enemy. 
 
 1. Judges 5. There are many reprov’d for lying ftill, while 
 an Enemy had invaded the Land ; as Reuben with his Divifions, 
 Gilead , Dan , and A flier, feeking themfelves; all are reproved 
 for not joining with the People of God, who were willing to 
 jeopard their Lives again# a mighty oppr effing Enemy. But there 
 is one Paffage concerning Men ver. 23. which fitteth our 
 purpofe *, The Angel of the Lord jaid 9 Curje ye Meroz, Curfe ye 
 bitterly the Inhabitants thereof • thef came not to the help of the 
 Lord , to help the Lord againft the Mighty. What this Mero\ was, 
 is not clear; yet all Interpreters agree, that They had oppor* 
 tunity and power to have join’d with and help’d the People 
 of God, and it is probable they were near the place of the 
 Fight. They are curfed for not coming to the help of the 
 Lord’s People. This may be apply’d to thefe i/i the Land, 
 who will not help the Lord againft the Mighty. 
 
 2. Another Paffage you have, Numb. 23. Reuben and Gad 
 having a multitude of Cattel, and having feen the Land of 
 Gilead , that it was a place for Cattel, they defire of Mofes 
 and the Princes, that that Land be given them, and they 
 may not pafs over Jordan , ver. 6 , 7. Mofes reprov’d them in 
 thefe words *, Shall your Brethren go to War, and Jhall ye fit ft i lid 
 Wherefore di[courage ye the Hearts of the Children of Ifrael ? Verfe 
 16, 17, i&. Reuben and Gad make their Apology, fhewingthat 
 they have no fuch Intention to fit ftill, only they defire 
 
 ' ~ ' r ~ their 
 
zfz A Sermon at the Coronation of 
 
 their Wives and little ones may ftay there-, they themfelves 
 promife to go over Jordan armed before IJ'rael , and not return 
 before they were poflefs’d in the Land. Then Mofes faid 
 unto them, ver. 20,21, 22. If you do fo, then this fhall be your 
 Fojfeffion; but ver. 23. if you do not fo, behold ye have finned againft 
 the Lord, and be fare your Sin fhall find you out. 
 
 . I may apply this to them that cannot aft; Will ye lit Hill 
 when the reft of-your Brethren are to hazard their Lives a- 
 gainft the Enemy ? We have reafon to reprove you. If 
 Mofes, that faithful Servant of God, was ftill jealous of Reuben 
 and (dad, even after their Apology and Promife to aft (for he 
 faith, if you do not Jo J have- not honelt and faithful Servants of 
 God ground to be jealous of their Brethren who refufe to aft? 
 Let them apologize what they will for their not afting, I fay 
 they fin againft the Lord, and their Sin fhall find them out. It 
 will be clearly feen upon what intention they do not aft. 
 
 * 3. A third Paftage is in 1 Sam. 23. 26. Saul hath David in¬ 
 clos’d that he can hardly efcape ; in that very inftant there 
 cometh a Meffenger to Saul , faying, verfe 27. Hafte thee and 
 come, fir the Philiftines have invaded the Land. At the hearing of 
 this Mefluge, verfe 28. Saul return'd from purfuing after David, 
 and went againfi the Philiftines. It is true, the Lord did provide 
 for his Servant Davidds Efcape by this means ; but if you con- 
 fider Saul, he took it not fo. Nothing moved him to leave 
 this Purfuit, but the Condition of the Land, by the invading 
 of an Enemy. 
 
 Three things might have mov’d Saul to ftay and purfue David. 
 
 1. He hath him now in a ftrait, and hath fuch advantage, 
 that lie might have thought not to come readily by the like. 
 
 2. That altho the Philiftines be Enemies, yet David is the 
 moft dangerousJEnemy ; for he aimeth at no lefs than the 
 Crown. It were better to take Conditions of the Enemy, 
 than to differ David to live, and take the Crown. 
 
 3. He might have faid. If I leave David at this time, and 
 fight with the Philiftines , and be beaten, he will get a power 
 in his hand to undo me and my Pofterity. Thefe may feeni 
 ftrong Motives, but Saul is not moved with any of thefe. The 
 prefertt Danger is the Philiftines invading the Land: and this 
 Danger is to be oppofed, come of the Danger from David 
 what will. As if Saul had faid, I will let David alone, I will 
 meet with him another time, and reckon with him-, now 
 there is no time for it, the Philiftines are in the Land, let tis 
 make haft againft them. I wifh that many of our Country¬ 
 men had as great Love to their Country, and as publick a 
 Spirit for it, as this profane King had j then there would not 
 be & many Queftions for afting^ as men make this day. 
 
 4 The 
 
Kjng Charles II. in Scotland. 25 j 
 
 The Objections I have been touching are in men’s Thoughts 
 and Heads. Firft, fome fay now the Malignants are under, 
 for this Enemy is their Rod, it is belt to put them out ot 
 having any power. Yea, there are fome who would more 
 willingly go to undo thofe, whom they account Malignants* 
 than againft the common Enemy who are wafting the Land. 
 If they had Saul ’s Refolution, they would fay, the PhilijHnes 
 are in the Land, let them alone, we will reckon with them at 
 another time; we will now go againft the common Enemy. 
 
 They have alfo the fecond Objection: The Malignants are 
 more dangerous Enemies than the Sectaries. I lhall not now 
 compare them at equal diftance, and abftraCt from the prefent 
 Danger; But I {hall compare them in the prefent pofture of 
 Affairs. I am fure the Sectaries having power in their hands, 
 and a great part of the Land in their poffeffion, are far 
 more dangerous than Malignants, who have no power for the 
 prefent ; and therefore the Refolution (hould be. The Secta¬ 
 ries have invaded the Land, and are deftroying it, let us go 
 againft them. 
 
 The third Objection weigheth much with many; The Ma¬ 
 lignants being employ’d to fight for their Country, may get 
 fuch power in their hands, as may hurt the -Caufe. For an- 
 fwer, i/f, The Refolution given to .the Query of the Eftates, 
 provideth againft that ; for therein is a Defire that no fuch 
 Power fhould be put into their hands. 2 dly y This Fear goeth 
 upon a fuppofition that, they do not repent their former courfe. 
 This is an uncharitable Judgment. We are bound to he 
 more charitable of men profefling Repentance ; for with fuch 
 we have to do only. And to fpeak a word by the way, to you 
 who have been upon a malignant courfe ; Little good is ex¬ 
 pected from you, I pray you be honeft and difappoint them. 
 I wifti you true Repentance, which will both difappoint them* 
 and be profitable to your felves. I defire it may be con- 
 
 fider’d, whether or not fear of a Danger to come from Men, 
 if they prevail againft the common Enemy, being only 
 clothed with a capacity to fight for their Country, be an Ar¬ 
 gument of rifing to oppofe a feen and certain Danger coming 
 from an Enemy clothed with Power, and ftill prevailing. I 
 conceive it ought to be far, from any, to hinder Men to de¬ 
 fend their Country in fuch a cafe. I confefs indeed, the 
 Caufe which we maintain hath met with many Enemies which 
 have been againft it, which require much tendernefs. There¬ 
 fore Men arc to be admitted to Truft, with fuch Exceptions 
 as may keep them out who are ftill Enemies to the Caufe of 
 Clod, have not profefs’d Repentance, renounc’d their former 
 CuurfeSv and declar'd themfelves for Caufe and Covenant, I 
 V : * - *- ~ ^ doubt 
 
254 ^ Sermon at the Coronation of 
 
 doubt not but it lhall be found, that the admitting of fuch to 
 fight in our cafe, as it ftandeth, is agreeable to the Word of 
 God, and is not againft the former publick Refolutions of 
 Kirk and 4 State. 
 
 The fecond fort of Perfons we are to meet with, are fuch 
 as aft for the Enemy againft the Kingdom. If they be curs’d 
 who will not come out to help the Lord againft the Mighty, 
 what a Curfe fhall be upon them, who help the Mighty a- 
 gainft the Lord, as they do who aft for the Enemy? Three 
 ways is the Enemy help’d againft the Caufe and People of 
 God. 
 
 1. By keeping Correfpondence with them, and giving them 
 Intelligence: There is nothing done in Kirk or State, but 
 they have Intelligence of it: A bafer way hath never been 
 ufed in any Nation. Your Counfelsand Purpofes are made 
 known to them. If there be any fuch here (as I fear there be) 
 let them take this to them, they are of thofe who help the 
 Mighty againft the Lord , and the Curfe fhall ftick to them. 
 
 2. By ftrengthening the Enemies hands with Queftions, 
 Debates, and Determinations, in Papers tending to the jufti- 
 fying of their unjuft Invalion. Whatever .hath been mens 
 Intentions in taking that way, yet the thing done by them 
 hath tended to the advantage of the Enemy, and hath di¬ 
 vided thofe who Ihould have been join’d in the Caufe, to the 
 great weakning of the Kingdom ; and this interpretatively is 
 to aft for the Mighty againft the Lord. 
 
 2. By grofs Compliance with the Enemy, and going into 
 them * doing all the evil Offices they can againft their native 
 Kingdom. If Mero ^ was curs’d for not helping, lhall not thefe 
 perfidious Covenant-Breakers, and treacherous Dealers againft 
 a diftreffed Land, be much more accurfed for helping and 
 afliftinga deftroying Enemy, fo far as lieth in their power? 
 ffa. gi. 3. may be truly apply’d to them who are helping 
 Strangers, Enemies to God, his Kirk and Religion *, Both he 
 that belpeth (hall fall , and he that if holpen ft)all fall down , and 
 they all ft)all fall together. 
 
 III. The third particular about this Covenant refteth to be 
 fpokenof; to wit, fome Direftions to the King, for the right 
 performing his Duty : whereof I lhall give feven. 
 
 1. A King meeting with many difficulties in doing of Duty, 
 by reafon of ftrong Corruption within, and many Tentations 
 without, he Ihould be careful to feek God by Prayer for Grace 
 to overcome thefe Impediments, and for an underftanding 
 Heart to govern his People. Solomon having in his Option to 
 ask what he would, he ask’d an underftanding Heart, to go 
 in and out before his People5 knowing that the Government 
 
KJng Charles II. in Scotland. 255 
 
 of a People was a very difficult work, and seeded more than 
 ordinary Underftanding. A King a Foe hath many Enemies 
 (as onr King hath this day) and a Praying King is a Prevailing 
 King. A fa when he had no do with a mighty Enemy, 2 Chroiu 
 14. pray’d fervently* and prevail’d. Jehofhaphat was invaded 
 with a mighty Enemy, 2 Chron. 20. he pray’d and did prevail, 
 Hezekiah pray’d againlt Sertttcberib’ shuge Army* and prevail’d* 
 2 Chron. 32, 
 
 Sir, you have many Difficulties and Oppofitions to meet 
 with : Acquaint your felf with Prayer; Be inftant with God, 
 and he will fight for you. Prayers are not in much requeft at 
 Court; but a covenanted King mull bring them in reque§, 
 I know a King is burden’d with a multiplicity of Affairs, and 
 will meet with many Diversions: But, Sir, you mull not be 
 diverted ; take hours and let them apart for that Exercife ; 
 Men being once acquainted with your way, will not dare to 
 divert you. Prayer to God will make your Affairs eafy all the 
 day* I read of a King of whom his Courtiers faid. He fpoke 
 ofener with God, than with Men. If you be frequent in 
 Prayer, you may expert the Bleffmg of the i&off High upon 
 your felf and upon your Government. 
 
 2. A King mu ft be careful of the Kingdom which he hath 
 fwohi to maintain. We have had many of too private a 
 Spirit, by whom Self-interelt hath been prefer’d to the ptft> 
 lick. It becometh a King well to be of a publick Spirit, to 
 care more for the* Publick than his own Interelf. Senates and 
 States have had Motto’s written over the doors of the Meeting- 
 places : OvertheSenate-Houfeof Rome was written, Afe quid 
 Refpublica detrimenti capiat: I lhall wifh this maybe writteg. 
 over your Aftembfy-Houfes j but there is another which I 
 would have written with it, Ne quid Ecclefia detrimenti capiat , Be 
 careful of both; let not Kirk nor State fuffer hurt; let them go 
 together. The beft way for Handing of a Kingdom, is a well* 
 conftitute Kirk. They deceive Kings, who make them believe 
 that the- Government of the Kirk, I* mean Presbyterian 
 Government, cannot fute with Monarchy. They fute weft, 
 it being the Ordinance of Chrift, rendring to God what is 
 God’s, and to Cdtfar what is C&far y s. 
 
 Sir, Kings who have a tender Care of the Kirk, Ifa. 41. 3* 
 are call’d Nurfmg Fathers. You would be careful that the Gof- 
 pel may have free Paffage thro the Kingdom, and that the 
 Government of the Kirk may be preferv’d intire, according to 
 your foiemn Engagement. The Kirk hath met with many 
 Enemies, as Papifts , Prelatijls y Malignant s y which I pafs as 
 known Enemies. But there are two forts more, who at this 
 would hs e&isfuDy look'd on* 
 
 iff, Seftarh? 
 
25 6 \ A Sermon at the Coronation of 
 
 if}. Sectaries, great Enemies to the Kirk,, and to all the Or¬ 
 dinances of Chriit, and more particularly^) Presbyterian Gq- 
 x^ernment, which they have and would have altogether de- 
 ftroy’d. A King fhould fet himfelf againft thefe, becaufe they 
 are Enemies as well to the King as to the -Kirk, and ftrive to 
 make both fall together. 
 
 2 dly, Eraftians, more dangerous Snares to Kings, tha n Secta¬ 
 ries ^ becaufe Kings can look well enough to thefe, who are 
 againft themfelves and their Power, as Sellaries, who will have 
 no King; but Eraftians give more Power to Kings than they 
 fhould have, and are great Enemies to Presbyterian Govern¬ 
 ment : For they would make Kings believe, that there is no 
 Government but the Civil, and deriv’d from thence; which 
 is a great wrong to the Son of God, who hath the Govern¬ 
 ment of the Kirk diftinCI from the Civil, yet no ways preju¬ 
 dicial to it, being fpiritual, and of another nature. Chrift 
 did put the Magiftrate out of fufpicion, that his Kingdom was 
 prejudicial to Civil Government, affirming, My Kingdom is not 
 of this world. This Government Chrift hath not committed 
 to Kings, but to the Office-bearers of his Houfe ; who in re¬ 
 gard of Civil Subjection are under the Civil Power as well as 
 others, but in their Spiritual Adminiftration they are under 
 Chrift, who hath not given to any King upon earth the Dif- 
 penfation of Spiritual things to his people. 
 
 Sir, you are in Covenant with God and his People, and are 
 oblig’d to maintain Presbyterian Government , as well againft 
 Eraftians as Sectaries, I know this Eraflian Humour aboundeth 
 at Court. It may be fome endeavour to make your Reproach 
 upon that, for which God hath punifh’d your Predeceffors. 
 Be who he will that, meddlet fi with this Government to over¬ 
 turn it, it ffiall be as heavy to him as the burdenfom Stone 
 to the Enemies of the Kirk; They are cut in pieces , who burden 
 themjelves with it, Zach. 12. 
 
 3. A King in Covenant with the People of God, fhould 
 make much of thofe who are in Covenant with him; having 
 in high eftimation the faithful Servants of Chrift, and the 
 godly People of the Land. It is rare to find Kings Lovers of 
 faithful Minifters and pious People. It hath been the fault 
 of our own Kings to perfecute the Godly. 
 
 (1.) Let the King love the Servants of Chrift, who fpeak 
 the Truth. Evil Kings are branded with this, that they con¬ 
 temn’d the Prophets: 2 Chron. 25. when Amaftah had taken the 
 Gods of Seir, and fet them up for his Gods, a Prophet came 
 to him, and reprov’d him, unto whom the King faid. Who 
 made thee of the King's Council ? Forbear , left thou. be. J.mitten • 
 This Contempt of the Prophet’s Warning, is a Fore-runner 
 
Kjng C.hahe s’ II. in: Scotland. 2 57 
 
 tof .following Deft^a£\ion. Be a careful Hearer of God's 
 Word; take with RepFoofy. efteem of it, as David did, PfaU 
 141. 5. An excellent Oil , which flail not .break, the Head . To 
 make much of the faithful Servants of Chrift, will be an Evi¬ 
 dence of Reality. 
 
 (2.) Let the King efteem well of godly Profeffors. Let 
 Piety be in account. It is a fault very common, that pious 
 Men, becaufe of their confcieritious and it rift walking, are; 
 hated by the- Profane, -who love to live loofly. It is ufual with 
 Profane Men, to labour to bring Kings unto a diitafte of the 
 Godly; efpeejaily when Men who have profefs’d Piety, be- 
 co;ne fcandalous: whereupon they are ready to judg all pious 
 Men to be like them, and take occafion to fpeak evil of Piety* 
 I fear at this ; time, when Men who have been commended for 
 Piety, have fain foully, and betray’d their Truft ; thatmen will 
 take advantage to fpeak againft the Godly of the Land. Beware 
 of this, for it’s- Satan;s Policy to put Piety, out of requeft* 
 Let not this move any :; Fall who .will* -Piety is ftil] the lame* 
 and pious men wiil make Confcience both of their ways ancl 
 truft. Remember they are precious in God’s eyes, who,will 
 not fufFer men to defpife them, without their Rewards Sir, 
 let ; not your Heart be from the Godly in the Land, What* 
 ever hath fain out at this time, I dare affirm, there are verf 
 many really Godly Men, who by their Prayers are fupporting 
 your Throne, 
 
 4. A Kingjhould be careful whom he -putteth in Places of 
 Truft, as a main thing for the Good of the Kingdom. It is 
 a Maxim, That Truft lhould not be put in their hands who 
 have opprefs’d the People, . or have betray’d ..their Truft, 
 There is a Paffage in Story meet for this purpofe : One Sept - 
 miw Arabituf*, a Man famous, or rather infamous, for Oppref* 
 fion, was put out of the Senate, but re-admitted. About this 
 time Alexander Sevems being chofen to the Empire, the Se¬ 
 nators did entertain him with publick Salutations and Congra¬ 
 tulations. Severn efpying Arabinws amongft the Senators, 
 cry’d out, 0 Numina / Arabiim non folum vivit , fed in Senatum 
 lenit. Ah! Arabinus not only livethy but he. it in the Senate* Out 
 of juft Indignation he could not endure to fee him. As all 
 are not meet for Places of Truft in Judicatories, fo all are 
 not meet for Places of Truft in Armies. Men would be cho¬ 
 fen, who are godly and able for the Charge. 
 
 But there are fo me who are not meet for Truft : i. They 
 who are godly, but have no Skill or Ability for the Place. A 
 man may be a truly godly man, who is not fit for fuch a Place ; 
 and no wrong is done to him, nor to Godlinefs, when the 
 Bace is deny’d to him. I wonder how a godly Man can take 
 
 § upon 
 
258 A Sermon at the Coronation of 
 
 upon him a Place, whereof he hath no Skill. 2. They who 
 have neither Skill nor Courage, are very unmeet ; for if it 
 be a Place of ever fo great moment, Faint-heartednefs will 
 make them quit it. 3. They who are both skilful and ftout, 
 yet are not honeft, but perfidiousgnd treacherous, fhould have 
 no Truft at all. 
 
 Of all thefe we have fad Experience, which fhould not 
 move you to make choice of profane and godlefs men, by 
 whom a Bleffing is not to be expected ; but 'it fhould move 
 you to be wary in your Choice. I am confident fuch may be 
 had, who will be faithful for Religion, King, and Kingdom. 
 
 There hath been much Debate about the Exercife of 
 the King’s Power, yet he is put in the Exercife of his Power, 
 and this day put in a better capacity to exercife it by his Co¬ 
 ronation. Many are afraid that the Exercife of his Power 
 fhall prove dangerous to theCaufe; and indeed J confefs there 
 is a ground of fear, when we confider how this Power hath 
 been abus’d by former Kings. Therefore, Sir, make good ufe 
 of this Power, and fee that you rather keep within bounds, 
 than exceed in the Exercife of it. I may very well give fuch 
 a Cotmfel, as an old Counfellor gave to a King of France . He 
 having fpent many years at Court, defir’d to retire into the 
 Country for enjoying privacy fit for his Age ; and having ob¬ 
 tain’d leave, the King his Mafter requir’d him to fet down 
 and write fome Advice of Government, to leave behind him ; 
 which he out of modefiy declined. The King would not be 
 deny’d, but left with him Pen and Ink, and a Sheet of Paper. 
 Pie being alone, after fome Thoughts wrote with fair and le¬ 
 gible Characters in the head of the Sheet, Modw ; in the 
 middle of the fheet, Modw, and in the foot of the fheet, 
 Madm ; and wrote no more in all the Paper, which he wrap’d 
 up and deliver’d to the King : meaning that the beft Counfel 
 he could give him, was. That he fhould keep temper in all 
 things. Nothing more fit for a young King, than to keep 
 temper in all. Take this Counfel, Sir, and be moderate in 
 the ufe of your Power. The beft way to keep Power, is 
 Moderation in the ufe of it. 
 
 6* The King hath many Enemies, even fuch as are Enemies 
 to his Family, and to all Kingly Government, and are now- 
 in the Bowels of this Kingdom, wafting and deftroying. Be- 
 ftir your felf according to Vows and Oaths that are* upon you, 
 to be active for the Relief of Chrift’s Kingdom, born down 
 by them in all the three Kingdoms; and for the Relief of 
 this Kingdom gjrievoufly oppress’d by them. We fhall earneft- 
 ly defire, that God would put that Spirit upon our King, 
 now enter’d upon pubUck government, which he hath puc 
 
 * 
 
Kjng Charles ir. in Scotland. 259 
 
 Upon the Deliverers of his People from their cruel Op- 
 jjreffors. 
 
 In fpeaking of the King’s Behaviour to Enemies', one thing 
 J cannot pafs. There is much fpoken of a Treaty with his 
 Enemy. I am not of the judgment of fome, who diftinguifl^ 
 a Treaty before Invafion, and after Invafion; and fay, Treat¬ 
 ing is very lawful before Invafion, becaufe it is fuppofed there 
 is little wrong done j but after Invafion, when a Kingdom is 
 wrong’d, and put to infinite Lodes, they fay a Treaty is to 
 befhun’d: But in my judgment a Treaty may be lawful after 
 Invafion, and Wrongs fuftain’d. The end of War is Peace, 
 neither fhould Defire of Revenge obftrud it, providing it be 
 fuch a Treaty and Peace, as is not prejudicial to Religion, nor 
 to the Safety of the Kingdom, nor to the undoubted Right 
 of the King, nor the League and Covenant whereunto we are 
 lolemnly engaged. 
 
 But I mult break off this Treaty with a Story related in 
 Plutarch . The City of Athens was in a great ftrait, wherein 
 they knew not what to do. Themiftocles in this ftrait faid, he 
 had fomething wherein to give his Opinion, for the behoof of 
 the State ; but he thought it not fit to deliver himfelf pub- 
 lickly. AriJlicteSy a man of great Truft, is appointed to hear 
 him privately, and to make an account as he thought meet. 
 When Ariftides came to make his Report to the Senate, he told 
 them, That Themiftocles’ s Advice was indeed profitable, but 
 not honeft 5 whereupon the People would not fo much as hear 
 it. There is much whifpering of a Treaty, they are not 
 willing to fpeak publickly of it. Hear them in private, and 
 it may be the belt Advice fhall be profitable, but not hondf. 
 If a Treaty fhould be, let it be both profitable and honeft, 
 and no Lover of Peace will be againft it. 
 
 7. Seeing the King is now upon renewing of the Cove¬ 
 nants, it would be remember’d, that we enter into Covenant, 
 according to our Profeffion therein, with Reality, Sincerity, 
 and Conltancy; which are the Qualifications of’good Cove¬ 
 nanters. Many doubt of your Reality in the Covenant: Let 
 your Sincerity and Reality be evidenc’d by your Stedfuftnefs 
 and Conftaney j for many have begun well, but have not been 
 conftant. 
 
 In the Sacred Hiftory of Kings y we find a Note put upon 
 Kings according to their Carriages. One of three Sentences 
 written upon them: 1. Some Kings have this written bn them, 
 i/e did evil in the fight of the Lord . They Neither begin well, 
 nor end well. Such a one was Aha% King of Judah , and di¬ 
 vers others in tha{ Hiftory. 2 dly, Others have this written 
 
 S 2 on 
 
%6 q A Sermon at the Coronation of 
 
 on them. He did that which wot right in the fight of the Lord, but 
 not with a perfett Heart . Such a one was Amafiah Ring of 
 Judah , 2 Chron. 25. 2. he was neither fincere nor conftant : 
 When God blefs’d him with Victory.againft the Edomites , he 
 fell foully from the true Worfhip of God, and fet up the Gods 
 of Edom . 3 dlj, A third Sentence is written upon the godly 
 Rings of Judah ; He did right in the fight of the Lord , with a per - 
 fe ft Heart, as A fa, He^ekiab, Jeho/baphat, ‘and Jofiah. They 
 were both fincere and conftant. Let us neither have the firft 
 nor the fecond, but the third written upon our King; He did. 
 right in the fight of the Lord, with a perfeft Heart . Begin well, 
 and continue conftant. 
 
 Before I dole, I fhall take leave to day before our young 
 King two Examples to beware of, and one to follow: The 
 two warning Examples, one of them is in my Text, another in 
 our own Hiftory. 
 
 The firft Example of JoafJj ; he began well, and went on 
 in godly Reformation all the days of Jehoiada: But it is ob- 
 ferv’d, 2 Chron . 2. 17. after the days of Jehoiada , the Princes 
 of Judah came and did obeifance to the Ring, and he heark- 
 ned unto them, ver. 18. It appeared they had been at wait 
 till the Death of Jehoiada , and took that opportunity to deftroy 
 the true Worfhip of God, and fet up falfe Worfhip, flattering 
 the Ring for that effeft : for it is faid, They left the Houfe of 
 the Lord, and ferved Groves and Idols ^ and were fo far from be¬ 
 ing reclaim’d by the Prophet of the Lord that was fent unto 
 them, that they .confpir’d againft Zechariah the Son of Je - 
 hoiada , who reprov’d them mildly for their Idolatry, and ftoned 
 him with Stones, and flew him at the Ring’s Commandment. 
 And ver . 22. it is faid, Joafh remembered not the Kindnefs that 
 Jehoiada his Father had done to him , but flew his Son. 
 
 Sir, take this example for a Warning. You are oblig’d by 
 the Covenant to go on in the Work of Reformation. It may 
 be fome Great ones are waiting their time, not having op¬ 
 portunity to work for the prefent, till afterward they may 
 make obeifance, and perfuade you to deftroy all that hath 
 been done- in the Work of God thefe divers years. Beware, 
 of it, let no Allurement of Perfuafion prevail with you to 
 fall from that, which this day you bind your felf to maintain. 
 
 Another Example I give you, yet in recent memory, of 
 your Grandfather Ring James . He happen’d to be very young, 
 in a time full of Difficulties; yet there was a godly Party in 
 the Land, who did put the Crown upon his Head. And when 
 he came to fome years, he and his People enter’d in a Co¬ 
 venant with God : He was much commended by godly and 
 faithful Men, comparing him To young Jofiah Handing at 
 
K^tng C h a r l e s IT. in Scotland. 2(51 
 
 the Altar, renewing a Covenant with God. And he hjmfelf 
 did thank God, that he was born in a Reformed Kirk, better 
 reform’d than England , for the'y retain’d many Popilh Cere¬ 
 monies ; yea, better reform’d' than Geneva, for they keep fome 
 Holy-days: Charging his People to be conftant, and promi- 
 ftnghimfelf to continue in that Reformation, and to maintain 
 the fame. Notwithftanding of all this, he made a foul De¬ 
 fection : He remember’d not the Kindnefs of them who had 
 held the Crown upon his Head ; yea, he perfecuted faithful 
 Minifters, for oppofing that courfe of Defection. He never 
 refted till he had undone Presbyterian Government and Kirk- 
 Affemblies, fetting up Bifhops, and bringing in Ceremonies, 
 againft which he had formerly given large Teftimony. In a 
 word, he laid the Foundation, whereupon his Son, our late 
 King, did build much mifehief to Religion all the days of 
 his Life. 
 
 Sir, I lay this Example before you the rather, becaufe it 
 is fo near you, that the Guiltinefs of the Tranfgreflion lieth 
 upon the Throne and Family, and it is one of the Sins for 
 which you have profefs’d Humiliation very lately. Let it be 
 laid to heart, take warning, requite not faithful mens Kind- 
 nefs with Perfecution ; yea, requite not the Lord fo, who 
 hath preferv’d you to this time, and is fetting a Crown upon 
 your Head. Requite not the Lord with Apoftacy and De¬ 
 fection from a fworn Covenant, but be ftedfaft in the Cove¬ 
 nant, as you would give Teftimony of your true Humiliation 
 for the Defection of thofe that went before you. 
 
 I have fet up thefe two Examples before you, as Beacons to 
 warn you to keep off fuch dangerous Courfes, and fhall add 
 one for Imitation j which, if follow’d, may happily bring 
 with it the Bie/Ting of that godly man’s adherence to God. 
 The Example is of Hezehiah, who did that which was right in the 
 fight of the Lord ; 2 Kings 18. 5,6. It is faidof him, He trufted 
 in the Lord God of Ifrael, and he clave unto the Lord, and departed 
 not from following him , but l(ept his Commandments. And verfe 7. 
 The Lord was with him 7 and he profper'd whitherfoever he went 
 forth . 
 
 Sir, follow this Example, cleave unto the Lord, and depart 
 not from following him, and the Lord will be with you, and 
 profper you whitherfoever you go. 
 
 To this Lord, from whom we expeCt a Blefling on this day’s 
 Work, be Glory and Praife forever. Amen . 
 
262 The Manner of the Coronation of 
 
 S ERMON being ended. Prayer was made for a Blefllng 
 upon the Do&rine deliver’d. 
 
 The King being to renew the Covenants, firft the National 
 Covenant, then the folemn League and Covenant were di- 
 ftinttly read. 
 
 After the reading of thefe Covenants, the Minifter pray’d 
 for Grace to perform the Contents of the Covenants, and for 
 faithful Stedfaftnefs in the Oath of God ; and then (the Mini¬ 
 vers and Commiflioners of the General Affembly, defil’d to be 
 prefent, ftanding before the Pulpit) he miniftred the Oath 
 unto the King *, who kneeling, and lifting up his right Hand, 
 did fwear in the words following ; 
 
 1 Charles King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, do 
 affure and declare , by my folemn Oath , in the Frefence of Almighty 
 Gad , the Searcher of Hearts, my Allowance and Approbation of the 
 National Covenant , and of the Solemn League and Covenant jtbovci 
 written,, and faithfully oblige my Self to profecute the Ends thereof in my 
 Station and Calling *, and that l for my '/elf and SuccejJ'ors, floall confent 
 and agree to all Alls of Parliament enjoining the National Covenant, 
 and of the Solemn League and Covenant , and fully eftablij)’> Pres by-, 
 terian Government , the Direliory of WorflAp, Confeffion of faith, and 
 Catechjfms in the Kingdom of Scotland, as they are approv'd by the 
 General Affemblics of this Kir £ and Parliament of this Kingdom: 
 And that I fjjall give my Royal AJfent to Alls and Ordinances of Par - 
 li ament, paffed or to be paffed , enjoining the fame in my other Dominions : 
 And that I Jhall obferve thefe in my own Prallice and Family, andfloall 
 never ma\e oppofition to any of thefe , or endeavour any Change thereof. 
 
 After the King had thus folemnly fworn the National Cove¬ 
 nant, the League and Covenant, and the King’s Oath fub- 
 join’d unto both, being drawn up in a fair Parchment, the King 
 did fubferibe the fame in prefence of all. 
 
 , Thereafter the King afeendeth the Stage, and fitteth down 
 in the Chair of State, 
 
 Then the Lords, Great Conftable, and Marfhal, went to 
 the four corners of the Stage, with the Lyon going before 
 them; who fpoke to the People thefe words : Sirs , I do pre - 
 fent unto you the King , Charles, the rightful and undoubted Heir of the 
 Crown and Dignity of this Realm : This day is by the Parliament of 
 this Kingdom appointed for his Coronation \land are you not willing tq 
 have him for your King ., and become Subyells to his Commandments ? 
 
 In which Atlion the King’s Majefty ftopd up, fhowing him- 
 felf to the People in each corner: And the People exprefs’d 
 their W illifignefs by chearful Acclamations, in thefe words^ 
 God fave the King, Charles the Second* There- 
 
Kjng Charles II. in Scotland. 26 $ 
 
 Thereafter the King’s Maje fty, fupported by the Conftable 
 and Marfhal, cometh down from the Stage, and fitteth down 
 in the Chair, where he heard the Sermon. 
 
 The Minifter, accompany’d with the Minifters before men¬ 
 tion’d, cometh from the Pulpit toward the King, and requi- 
 reth, if he was willing to take the Oath, appointed to be taken 
 at the Coronation. 
 
 The King anfwer’d, He was moft willing. 
 
 Then the Oath of Coronation, as it is contain’d in the 
 eighth Aft of the firft Parliament of K. James, being read by 
 the Lyon, the Tenour whereof fblloweth: 
 
 B Ecaufe that the Increafe of Vertue, and fupprejfing of Idolatry, 
 craveth, That the Prince and the People be of one perfeft Reli¬ 
 gion, which of God's mercy is now prefently profefs'd within thk 
 Realm : Therefore it it ftatuted and ordain'd, by our Sovereign Lord, 
 my Lord Regent, and three Eflates of this prejent Parliament, That 
 all Kings, Princes , and JVtagifirates whatfoever, holding their place, 
 which hereafter at any time flail happen to reign, and bear rule over 
 this Realm, at the time of their Coronation , and receit of their Princel 
 Authority, make their faithful Promife in the prefence of the Eternal 
 God That enduring the whole courfe of their Lives , they flail ferve 
 the fame Eternal God to the uttermofi of their power, according as he 
 hath requir'd in his moft Holy Word, reveal'd and contain'd in the 
 Hew and Old Teftaments : And according to the fame Word, Jhall main¬ 
 tain the true Religion of Chrift Jefus, the Preaching of his Holy Wordy 
 and due and right Miniftration of the Sacraments now receiv'd, and 
 preach'd within this Realm . And ftjall abolifl) and gain-jtafifi all 
 falfe Religions , contrary to the fame: and ft)all rule the People com¬ 
 mitted to their charge, according to the Will and Command of God re* 
 veal'd in his forefaid Word, and according to the loveable Laws, and 
 Conftitutions receiv'd in this Realm, no ways repugnant to the faid 
 Word of the Eternal God ; and floall procure to the uttermoft of their 
 Power, to the Kirk °f God, and whole Chriftian People, true and per- 
 fell Peace, in time coming . The Right and Rents, with all juft 
 Privileges of the Crown of Scotland, to preferve and keep inviolated, 
 neither fhaU they transfer, nor alienate the fame. They ff;all forbid 
 and reprefs in all Eftates and Degrees, Rcaf, Oppreffm, and all ikind 
 of Wrong . In all Judgments they flail command and procure that 
 Juftice and Equity be kept to all Creatures, without exception , as the 
 Lord and Rather of Mercies be merciful unto them : And out of their 
 funds and Empire they (Joall be careful to root out all Her eticks, and Ene¬ 
 mies to the true Warftnp of God, that flail be convilt by the True 
 Kirk of God of the aforefaid Crimes : And that they flail faithfully 
 affirm the things above-written by their folrnn Oath . 
 
 S 4 
 
 The 
 
2^4 Tf e Manner of the Coronation of 
 
 The Minifter tender’d the Oath unto the Xing, who kneel¬ 
 ing, and holding up his Right hand, fwore in tkefe words; 
 By the Eternal and Almighty God, who liveth and reigneth for ever , l 
 ffjallobferve and keep all that is contain'd in this Oath. . 
 
 This done, the Ring’s Majefty fitteth down in his Chair, and 
 fepofeth hi r;felf a little. 
 
 Then the Ring arifeth from his Chair, and' is 'difrobed by 
 the Lord Great Chamberlain of the Princely Robe, where¬ 
 with he entred the Kirk, and is invefted by the Laid Chamber* 
 lain in his Royal Robes. "/! 
 
 Thereafter, the King being brought to the Chair on th& 
 North-fide of the Kirk, fupported as formerly, ’the Sword was 
 brought by Sir William Cockburn of Langtown Gentleman-Ufher, 
 from the Table, and deliver’d to Lion Ring of Arms, who gi- 
 veth it to the Lord Great Conftable, who putteth the fame 
 in the King’s hand, laying. Sir, Receive this Kingly Sword, for the 
 defence of the Faith of Chri]i, and Protection of his Kirk.,, and of the 
 true Religion, as it is preferitfy profeffed within this Kingdom, Mid ack‘ 
 cording to the National;Covenant,’ ] and League and-Covenant, and for- 
 executing Equity and Jufrice, and for punijl.mcnt of all iniquity and in - 
 juft reel 
 
 This done, the Great Conftable receiveth the Sword from 
 the King, and girdeth the fame about his fide. 
 
 Thereafter the King litteth down in his Chair; and then 
 the Spurs were put on him by the Earl-Marlhal. 
 
 Thereafter, Archibald Marquis of Argyle, having taken the 
 Crown in his hands/the Minifter prayed to this purpofe: 
 
 That the Lord would purge the Crown from the furs and tranfgreffi - 
 ws of them that did reign before him : That it might be a pure Crown * 
 That God would fettle the Crown upon the King's Head: And fince Aten 
 that'fet it on, were not able to fettle it ; that the Lord would put it 
 on, and preferve it. And then the faid Marquis put the Crown 
 on the King’s Head. 
 
 Which done, Lion King of Arms, the Great Conftable Hand¬ 
 ing, by him, caiifeth.an Herauld to call the whole Noblemen 
 one by one, according to their Ranks; who coming before the 
 King kneeling, and with their Hand touching the Crown on 
 the king’s Head,' fwore thefe words * By the Eternal and AN 
 mighty God, who liveth 'and reigneth for ever, 1 frail fupport thee to 
 my utmo ft. And when they had done, then all the Nobility 
 held up their hands, and fware to be loyal and true Subjetfs, and 
 faithful to the Crown .' 
 
 The Earl-Marfhal, with the Lion,- going to the four Cor¬ 
 ners of -the Stage, the Lion proclaimeth the Obligatory Oath 
 of the People. And the People holding up their hands all 
 the time, did fwea'r, ■ By the Eternal and Almighty G(J± who liveth 
 
 and 
 
Kj»g Charles II. in Scotland. 265 
 
 and reigmth for ever , we become pur Liege-men, and Truth and Faith, 
 fljall bear unto you, and Live and die with you againfi all manner of 
 folks what fever , in your fer vice, according to the National Covenant, and 
 folemn League and Covenant . 
 
 Then did the Earls and Vicounts put on their Crowns: and 
 the Lion likewife put on. his. 
 
 Then did the Lord Chamberlain loofe the Sword wherewith 
 the King was girded; and drew it, and deliver’d it drawn into 
 the King’s hands, and the King put it into the hands of the 
 great Conftable to carry it naked before him. 
 
 Then John Earl of Crawford and Lindfay took the Scepter* 
 and put it' in the King’s Right hand, faying, Sir , receive this 
 Scepter , the fign of Royal Power of the Kingdom, that you may go¬ 
 vern your feIf right, and defend all the Chrijiian People committed by 
 God to your charge, punif/wg the wicked, and protecting the juft. 
 
 Then did the King afcend the Stage, attended by the Offi¬ 
 cers of the Crown and Nobility, and was inftalied in the 
 Royal Throne by Archibald Marquis of Argyle, faying, Stand 
 and hold fafl fyom henceforth, the place whereof you are the Lawful 
 and Righteous Heir, by a long and lineal Succeffion of your Fathers, 
 which is now delivered unto you by authority of Almighty God . 
 
 When the King was fet down upon the Throne, the Mini- 
 fter fpoke to him a word of Exhortation, as followeth. 
 
 Sir, Tom are fet down upon the Throne in a very difficult time : I 
 ft)all therefore put you in mind of a Scriptural expreffion of a Throne , 
 1 Chron. 29.23. It is faid, Solomon fate on the Throne of the 
 Lord. Sir, you are a King, and a King in Covenant with the Lord ; 
 if Ton would have the Lord to own you to be his King , and his Throne 
 to be your Throne, 1 defire you may have fome thoughts of this ex¬ 
 preffion. 
 
 1. It is the Lord's Throne ; Remember you have a King above you f 
 the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, who commandeth Thrones : He 
 fetteth Kings and Thrones , and dethroneth them at his pleafure: There¬ 
 fore ta\e a word of advice: Be thankful to him, who hath brought you 
 through many wanderings to fet you on this Throne: Kifs the Son, left he 
 he angry ; and learn to ferve him with fear, who is terrible to the Kings 
 of the Earth, 2. Tour Throne is the Lord's Throne , and your People 
 the Lord's People: Let not your heart be lifted up above your brethren % 
 X)eut. 17. 20. They are your brethren, not only ftefl) of your ftefh 9 
 hut brethren by Covenant with God ; let your Government be refrefhing 
 unto them, as the rain on the mown grafs, 3. Tour Throne vs the 
 Lord's Throne ; beware of making his Throne a Throne of Iniquity : 
 There is fuch a Throne , Pfal. 94.20. which frameth mifchief by a 
 Law : God will not own fuch a Throne , it hath no feilowftnp with 
 him . Sir , tfyere is too much iniquity upon the Throne by your Predecef- 
 fors, who framed mifchief by a law j fuch Laws as have been deftruttive 
 
 L • _ • . 'J v. .. r ~- » • . • . ' 
 
The Manner of the Coronation of 
 
 to Religion, and grievous to the Lord's People : Ton are on the Throne* 
 and have the Scepter $ beware of touching mischievous Laws therewith. 
 But as the Throne is the Lord's Throne , let the Laws be the Lord's 
 Laws , agreeable to his Word ; fuch as are terrible to evil doers , and 
 eomfor table to the godly , and <t relief to $e poor and oppreffed in the 
 Land . 4, The Lord's Throne putteth you in mind whom you ffjall have 
 
 about the Throne ^ wicked Counfellors are not for a King upon the Lord's 
 Throne: Solomon knew this , who [aid, Prov. 25. 5, Take away 
 the wicked from before the King, and his Throne lhall be efta- 
 blilh’d in Righteoufnefs. *And Prov. 20. 8. A King upon the 
 Throne fcattereth away all evil with his eyes. 5. The Lord's 
 Throne putteth you in mind , that the Judgment on the Throne flmld 
 he the Lord's ; take the Exhortation , Jer. 22. from the beginning ; the 
 Prophet hath a Command to go to the Houfe of the King of Judah y and 
 fay , Hear the Word of the Lord , 0 King of Judah , that fitteth upon 
 the Throne , and thy Servants , and thy people ; Execute ye Judgment and 
 Righteoufnefs , and deliver the Spoil out of the hand of the Oppreffor e 
 and do no wrong , do no violence to the Stranger , the Fatherlefs y ' nor 
 the Widow , neither jhed innocent blood in this place. If ye do this 
 thing indeed , then fhall there enter by the gates of this Houfe y Kings 
 fitting upon the Throne of David. But if ye will not hear thefe words 9 
 I fwear by my felfi faith the Lord , This houfe fiall become a deflation . 
 And ,ver. 7. I will prepare Deftroyers againft thee . 
 
 Sir, Deftroyers are prepar’d for the Injuftice of the Throne; 
 I intreat you, execute righteous Judgment; if you do it not, 
 your Houfe will be a Defolation: But if you do that which is 
 right, God lhall remove the Deftroyers, and you lhall be efta- 
 folilVd on your Throne: and there fhall yet be Dignity in yoijr 
 Houfe, for your Servants, and for your People. 
 
 Laftly, If your Throne be the Throne of the Lord, take a 
 word of Encouragement againft Throne-Adverfaries. Your 
 Enemies are the Enemies of the Lord’s Throne: Make your 
 Peace with God in Chrift, and the Lord lhall fcatter your Ene¬ 
 mies from the Throne, and he lhall magnify you yet in the 
 fight of thefe Nations, and make the milled People fubmit 
 themfelves willingly to your Government. Sir, If you ufe 
 well the Lord’s Throne, on which you are fet, then the twcs 
 words in the place cited, 1 Chron. 29. 23, fpoken of Solomon fit¬ 
 ting on the Throne of the Lord, He profpeed, and all Ifraet 
 obey’d him, lhall belong unto you ; your People Ihgll obey 
 you in the Lord, and you fhall profper in the fight of the Na¬ 
 tions round about. 
 
 Then the Lord Chancellor went to the four Corners of the 
 Stage, the Lion King of Arms going before him ; and pro¬ 
 claim’d hfs Majefty’s free Pardon to all Breakers of Penal Sta¬ 
 tutes, and made| offer thereof. Whereupon the People cried, 
 
 God fave the King. * Tl^ert 
 
King Charles II. in Scotland. 267 
 
 Then the Kin-, fupported by the great Conftable, Marfhal, 
 and accompanied with the Chancellor, arofe from the Throne, 
 and went out at door prepared for that purpofe, to a Stage, 
 and fhoweth himfelf to the People without, who clapped 
 their hands, and cried with a loud Voice, a longtime, God 
 fave the King* 
 
 Then the King returning, and fitting down upon the 
 Throne, deliver’d the Scepter to the Earl of Crawford and 
 Lindfay> to be carried before him. Thereafter the Lion King 
 of Arms rehearfed the Royal Line of the Kings upward, to 
 Fergus the firft. 
 
 Then the Lion called the Lords one by one, who kneeling, 
 and holding their hands betwixt the King’s hands, did fwear 
 thefe words *, By the Eternal and Almighty God y who liveth and reign - 
 eth for cver y 1 become your Liegeman y and Truth and Faith jhall bear 
 unto you , and live and dye with you , againfl all manner of folios what¬ 
 soever , in your fervice y according to the National Covenant , and folemn 
 League and Covenant. 
 
 And every one of them kiffed the King’s left Cheek. 
 
 When thefe Solemnities were ended, the Minifter ftanding 
 before the King on his Throne, pronounced this Blelfmg. 
 
 The Lord blefs thee , and fave thee $ the Lord hear thee in the day of 
 trouble *, the Name of the God of Jacob defend thee : the Lord fend thee 
 he Ip from the S anSaary y and flrengthen thee out of Sion. Amen. 
 
 After the BlelTing pronounc’d, the Minifter went to the Pul¬ 
 pit, and had the following Exhortation, the King fitting frill 
 Upon the Throne. Ye have this day a King Crowned, and 
 entred into Covenant with God, and his People ; look, both 
 King and People, that ye keep this Covenant, and beware of 
 the breach of it. That you may be the more careful to keep 
 it, I will lay a few things before you. 
 
 I remember when the Solemn League and Covenant was 
 entred by both Nations, the Commiffioners from England be-< 
 jng prefent in the Eaft Kirk of Edinburgh , a paffage was cited 
 out of Nekem. 6. 13. which I fhall now again cite. Nehemiah 
 required an Oath of t ie Nobles and People, to reftore thq. 
 mortgaged Lands, which they promifed to do: after the Oath 
 was tendred, in the 13th Yerfe he did ihake his Lap, and faid. 
 So God fhake out every man from hit houfe y and from bn labour , that 
 performeth not hit promife y even that be he fhaken out and emptied , and 
 all the Congregations faid , Amen. Since that time many of thofe 
 who were in Covenant are fhaken out of it, yea, they have 
 fhaken off the Covenant, and laid it afide. It is true, they 
 are profpering this Day, and think that they profper by lay¬ 
 ing afide the Covenant: but they will be deceiv’d $ that word 
 ifnoken then, (hall not fall to the ground j Cod fhall ihake 
 
268 A Sermon M the Coronation of 
 
 them out of their pofleflion, and empty them for their perfi- 
 dious Breach of the Covenant. 
 
 The fame I fay to King and Nobles, and all that are in Co¬ 
 venant. If you break that Covenant, being fo folemnly 
 fworn, all thefe who have touch’d your Crown, and fworn to 
 fupport it, fhall riot be able to hold it on ; but God will fhake 
 it off, and turn you from the Throne: And ye Noblemen* 
 who are affiftant to the putting on of the Crown, and fetting 
 the King upon the Throne •, if ye fhall either afiift, or advife 
 the King to break the Covenant, and overturn the Work of 
 God, he fhall fhake you out of your Poffeffions, and empty you 
 of all your Glory. 
 
 Another paifage I offer to your Confideration, Jer.i 4. S. 
 After that Zedelfiah had promifed to proclaim Liberty to all the 
 Lord’s People, who were Servants, and entred in a Covenant, 
 he and his Princes, to let them go free, and according to the 
 Oath had let them go ; afterwards they caufed the Servants 
 to return, and brought them in fubje&ion, ver. n. What 
 followeth upon this Breach ? Ver. 15,16. Te were now turned , and 
 had done right in my fight in proclaiming liberty: but ye turned , and 
 made them fervants again. And therefore, ver. iS, 19,20, 21. / 
 will give the men who have tranfgrejfed my Covenant , who have not 
 performed the words' of the Covenant which they made before me, when 
 they cut the Calf in twain , and paffed between the parts thereof I will 
 even give them into the hands of tfoeir enemies , into the hand of them 
 that peek, their life, even Zedekiah and his Princes. If the Breach 
 of a Covenant, made for the Liberty of Servants, was fo ptl- 
 nifh*d, what fhall be the Punifhment of the Breach of a Co¬ 
 venant for Religion, and Liberty of the People of God ? 
 There is nothing more terrible to Kings and Princes, than 
 to be given into the hands of Enemies, that feek their life. 
 If ye would efcaps this Judgment, let King and Princes keep 
 their Covenant made with God: Your Enemies, who feek 
 your Life, are in the Land ; if you break the Covenant, it 
 may be fear’d, God will give you over unto them as a Prey: 
 But if ye yet keep Covenant, it may be expefted, God will 
 keep you out of their hands. 
 
 Let not the place ye heard opened be forgotten; for in it 
 ye have an Example of Divine Juitice againft Joafh and the 
 Princes, for breaking that Covenant, 2 ebon. 24. 23. The 
 Princes, who indeed that Breach, are deftroy’d. And in the 
 24thYerfe .it is faid, The Army of the Syrians came with a J,mall 
 company of men , and the Lord deliver'd a very great Hoft into their 
 hands \ becaufe they had for fallen the Lord God of their Fathers : fo 
 they executed judgment againft Joafh. And verfe 25. His own fer- 
 %/ants confpired again/} him , and flew him on his bed^ &c. The Con- 
 4 • . * ' fpiracy 
 
Kjng Charlf/s II. in Scotland- 269 
 
 piracy of Servants or Subjefts againft their King, is a wicked 
 courfe : But God in his righteous Judgments fufFereth Sub¬ 
 jects to confpire and rebel againft their Princes, becaufe they 
 rebel againft God : And lie fuffcreth Subjects to break the 
 Covenant made with a King, becaufe he breaketh the Cove¬ 
 nant made with God. I may fay freely, that a chief caufe o£ 
 the Judgment upon the King’s Houfe, hath been the Grand- 
 fether’s Breach of Covenant with God, and the Father’s follow¬ 
 ing his fteps, in oppofing the Work of God, and-his Kirk with¬ 
 in thefe Kingdoms: They broke Covenant with God, and 
 Men have broken Covenant with them ; yea, moft cruelly and 
 perfidioully have invaded the Royal Family, and trodden upon 
 all Princely Dignity. 
 
 Be wife by their Example. You are now fitting upon the 
 Throne of the Kingdom, and your Nobles about you ; there 
 is one above you, even Jefiit the King of Sion ; and I, as his 
 Servant, dare not but be free with you. I charge you Sir,in 
 His Name, that you keep this Covenant in all Points ; if you 
 break this Covenant, and come againft this Caufe, I allure 
 you the Controverfy is not ended between God and your Fa¬ 
 mily, but will be carried on to further weakning, if not the 
 overthrow of it: But if you fhall keep this Covenant, and 
 befriend the Kingdom <*f Chrift, it may be from this day God 
 lhall begin to do you good; altho your Eftate be very weak, 
 God is able to raife you, and make you to reign, maugre the 
 oppofition of all your Enemies: Andhowfoever it fhall pleafe 
 the Lord to difpofe, you fhall have peace toward God, through 
 Chrift the Mediator. 
 
 As for you who are Nobles and Peers of the Land, your 
 fhare is great in this Day of Coronation; ye have come and 
 touched the Crown, and fworn to fupport it; ye have hand¬ 
 led the Sword and Scepter, and have fet down the King upon* 
 his Throne. 
 
 1. I charge you keep your Covenant with God; and fee 
 that ye never be moved your felves to come againft it in any 
 Head or Article thereof j and that ye give no Counfel to the 
 King to come againft that DoCtrine, Worfhip, Government 
 and Difcipline of the Kirk, eftablifii’d in this Land, as yotf 
 would efehew the Judgment of Covenant-breakers. If the 
 King and ye, who are engag’d to fupport the Crown, con- 
 fpire together againft the Kingdom of Chrift; both ye that 
 do fupport, and he that is fupported, will fall together. I 
 prefs this the more, becaufe it is a rare thing to fee a King 
 and Great Men for Chrift *, in the long Catalogue of Kings, 
 which ye have heard recited this Pay, there will be found 
 few who have been for QmfL 
 
 2. r 
 
2 jo A Sermon at the Coronation , &c. 
 
 2. I charge you alfo, becaufe of your many Oaths to the 
 3 Upg, that you keep them inviolably. Be faithful to him ac¬ 
 cording to your Covenant, the Oaths of God are upon you ; 
 if directly' or indirectly you do any thing again# his (landing, 
 God, by whom ye have fworn, will he avenged upon you for 
 the Breach of his Oath. 
 
 And now I will clofe up all in one word more to You, Sir : 
 You are the only Covenanted King with God and his People 
 in the World : Many have obftruCied your Entry in it; now 
 feeing the Lord hath brought you in over all thefe Obftru&i- 
 6ns, only obferve to do what is contained therein 5 and it (hall 
 prove a happy Time for You and Your Houfe. And becaufe 
 you are entered in Times of great difficulty, wherein fmall 
 itrength feems to remain with you in the eyes of the World, 
 for recovering your juft Power and Greatnefs 5 therefore take 
 the Counfel which David, when he was dying, gave to his Son 
 Soldmot ?, 1 Kings 2. 2, 3. Be firong^ and \bow thy [elf a Man , and 
 keep the Charge of the Lord thy God, to walf^in hit ways, and keep 
 his Commandments , that thou ma/Jl proffer in all that thou do'ji, and 
 whuherfoever thou turnefi thy felf. 
 
 After this Exhortation, the MinifteV clofed the whole Acti¬ 
 on with Prayer *, and the 20th Pfalm being fung, he difmiffed 
 the People with the Bleffing. 
 
 Then did the King’s hlajefty defcend from the Stage, with? 
 the Crown upon his Head and receiving again the Scepter 
 in his Hand, returned with the whole Train in fo'lemn man¬ 
 ner to his Palace, the Sword being Carried before him. 
 
 $>&ente 
 
lljentr x. 
 
 The A nswer of the St ate f-General 
 of the Vnited Provinces of the 
 Low-Countries, to the Declara¬ 
 tion of War of the King of Great 
 Britain. Printed in 1674. 
 
 Pub lift'd by Their Lordftifs Order. 
 
 T HE States-General of the Vnited Provinces of the Low- 
 Countries ; T& alt to whom thefe jhalt come, Greeting, 
 The Hopes we had hitherto, that Our continual feek- 
 ing of Peace would, in time, prove more fuccefsful and that 
 the reiterated Inftances of the Prince of Orange fhould at lait 
 carry it above the Arts which have been us’d againft us, have 
 kept us from publilhing fooner an Anfwer to the Declaration 
 of War of his Majefty of Great Britain * r Being unwilling t© 
 encreafe the Feud, or to let the whole World fee at what rate 
 fo great a King hath been abus’d, by the publilhing in hie 
 Name of a Manifeft , wherein Truth is what hath been leaft 
 aim’d at, and which is all full of things that deferve fo little 
 to bear in the Front fo Ilhiftrious a Name. 
 
 But fince all our Endeavours, as w'ell as thofe of the Prince 
 of Orange> have prov’d fruitlefs ; and that our moft earneft 
 Suits are not only re jetted with Scorn, but are alfo look’d up¬ 
 on as Injuries, as it appears by the Exceptions that have been 
 
 taken 
 
2 7 2 The Anfiver of the States General 
 
 “■aken at the refpefttul Letter we had written to his faid Ma- 
 ^efty, the care we are bound to have of our Honour, and 
 what we owe to our Subjects, doth not give us leaye to defer 
 afiy”longer the laying of our Innocence open, and to make- 
 known to all Europe the Juftice of our Arms, which we’ll be al¬ 
 ways ready to lay dawn as fotm as the Violence of our Ene¬ 
 mies fhall ceafe y as we did not take them up, but out of an 
 unavoidable neceiTity. 
 
 Howbeit, before we go further, we think it neceflary to de¬ 
 lire his Majefty of Great Britain to be perfuaded, that our in- 
 tefiKdnTs not to offend his Royal Perfon, for which we have' 
 ever had, and will Hill have, all imaginable Refped, altho 
 the ..ftrength of Truth doth conftrain us to difown moft of 
 what-his-Minifters have perfuaded him to aver. 
 
 We do alfo defire all thofe of the Englijh Nation, into whofe 
 hands- thefe may come, to read them with an impartial Mind, 
 and to Peek only the Truth in them, without confidering it 
 co’fnes from' Enemies, lince we bear, that Title with much re¬ 
 gret ; and that we defire nothing more .earneftly, than to fee 
 c£if felyes united again with.a Nation, to which we are fink’d 
 by the facred Bond of the fame Religion, befides a joint In- 
 tereft in feveral other re fpefts. 
 
 Englifh Declaration. 
 
 W E have been always fo jea¬ 
 lous for the Quiet of Chri - 
 ftendow, and Jo careful not to In¬ 
 vade any other Kingdom or State , 
 that We hope the World will do 
 ‘Us the Jkjlice to believe , that it 
 is nothing but inevitable Neceffity 
 forceth Vs to the Kefolution of ta¬ 
 king up Arms. 
 
 Immediately upon Our Rcftau- 
 ration to Our Crowns , the firfi 
 work We * undertookvuas the efla- 
 blifiring of Peace , and the fetling 
 a good Correfpondence between Vs 
 and Our Neighbours ; and in par¬ 
 ticular , Our care was, to conclude 
 a frill League with the States- 
 General of the Vnited Provinces , 
 
 upon 
 
 a N s w E R. 
 
 W E never intended to 
 call in queftion the, 
 peaceable and generous Inten¬ 
 tions of the King of Great Bri¬ 
 tain ; and we are enough per¬ 
 fuaded, that all the mifunder- 
 ftanding that hath been be¬ 
 tween us fince his Reftoration, 
 hath proceeded only from the 
 Counfels of ill-affected Fer- 
 fons. But by reafon that to 
 what concerns the Perfon of 
 his Majefty, (which we do not 
 gainfay) they add feveral 
 groundlefs Accufatipns rela¬ 
 ting to ourfelves, a fhort and 
 faithful Account of what hath 
 pafs’d moft coniiderable before 
 the 
 
to the Eflglifh Declaration of War. 27 ? 
 
 upon fuch equal Terms, as would \ the Treaty of Breda, will fuffi- 
 
 certainly not have been broken, if 
 any Obligations could have kept- 
 them within the bounds of Friend - 
 /hip or Juftice. 
 
 This League was maintain'd in¬ 
 violable on Our part. But in the 
 Tear 1664. we were fined up by 
 the Complaints of Our People, and 
 the unanimous Vote of Both Our 
 Houfes of Parliament •, finding it a 
 vain Attempt to endeavour the Pro- 
 fperity of Our Kingdoms by peace¬ 
 able ways at home, whilft Our 
 Subjells were fill expos'd to the 
 Injuries and Oppreffions of thofe 
 States abroad. 
 
 That whole Summer was fpent 
 in Negotiations and Endeavours on 
 Our fide, to bring them to reafona- 
 ble Terms, which wtwithflanding 
 all We could do, proved at length 
 ineffeZlual for the more we pur - 
 fued them with friendly Propofiti- 
 ons, the more obflinately they kept 
 off from agreeing with ns. 
 
 Vpon this enfued the War in the 
 Tear 1665. and continued to the 
 Tear 1667. in all which time Our 
 Vittories and their Lofj'es were me¬ 
 morable enough, to put them in 
 mind of being more faithful to 
 their Leagues for the future. But 
 inftead of that, the Peace was no 
 fooner made, but they returned to 
 their ufual cuflom of breaking Arti¬ 
 cles, and fupplanting our Trade. 1 
 
 ciently demonstrate which of 
 both Parties hath moft endea¬ 
 vour’d to preferve a fair Cor- 
 refpondence, and who have 
 fought Peace with the greateft 
 reality and zeal. 
 
 When his Majefty of Great 
 Britain was miraculoufly called 
 again by his Subjects to the 
 Government of his Kingdoms, 
 he was pleafed to make choice 
 of one of our Towns to receive 
 the Deputies that were fenc 
 to him, and ftay’d with us till 
 all things were ready for his 
 Tranfportation. During the 
 faid time, we endeavour’d to 
 give him all pollible Demon- 
 ftrations of Our refpett to his 
 Perfon, and of the fervent de¬ 
 lire we had to purchafe his 
 Friendlhip, and to preferve 
 the fame inviolable. And what 
 we did in that refpeft, prov’d 
 fo acceptable to his Majefty, 
 and did fo far perfuade him of 
 the fincerity of our intentions, 
 that he was pleafed to acknow- 
 ledg it much beyond what we 
 expelled 5 and affured us, with 
 the mold obliging Expreflions, 
 that he was refolved, and did 
 earneftly defire to enter with 
 our State into a ftritler Alli¬ 
 ance than any of his Prede- 
 ceffors had done, and that h 
 
 did hope his Reftoration would 
 be of no lefs advantage to the Inhabitants of our Provinces 
 than to his own Subjects, and that- they Ihould all tafte the 
 fruits of it with an equal fatisfa&ion : Adding to this, that 
 he fhould not without jealoufy fee us prefer the Friendlhip or 
 Alliance of any other Prince before his. Several general Pro- 
 pofals and Proje&s of Treaties were made even at that time ^ 
 aftei^which we fent a folemn Embaffy to put an end to what 
 had been already propos’d, and to offer on our part all that 
 
 T was 
 
274 The Anfiver of the States General 
 
 was both reafonable and fealable. But our Embaffadors were 
 no fooner arriv’d, but they perceiv’d a great Alteration in the 
 Mind and Inclinations of his faid Majefty, and found that 
 fome ill-affe&ed Perfons had poffefs’d him againft us fince he 
 had left the Hague: So that inftead of concluding the Alliance 
 which he had propos’d to us Himfelf, he began to fide with 
 other Princes againft us. And in particular, tho the War we 
 had with Portugal was moft juft and moft warrantable, yet he 
 openly threatned to break with u£ if we did feek any longer, 
 by way of Arms, a reparation of the Wrongs we had receiv’d 
 from that Crown. 
 
 In the mean time, our Embaffadors did not intermit their 
 Inftances, and prefs’d with all poffible Zeal for the concluding 
 of a ftriCler Alliance with the Crown of England: But after 
 feveral Objections and Difficulties rais’d by that Court, upon 
 the Articles which our Embaffadors had propos’d, in confor¬ 
 mity to the ProjeCf that had been made, whilft his Majefty 
 was ftill at the Hague ; the Commiflioners with whom they 
 treated, offer’d, them at laft, after above a Year’s delay, the 
 Treaty which was concluded in the Year 1654 with Cromwell: 
 And this Treaty could not be confirm’d neither, but with 
 much difficulty and trouble, and with the addition of feveral 
 Points, that tnade it more difadvantagigus to us than the very 
 Treaty of 1654. 
 
 At laft, having overcome all thofe Difficulties, and given 
 to the Ring of Great Britain fo clear Proofs of the fingular 
 Efteem we had of his Friendfhip, we thought thereby to have 
 laid the Foundation of a firm and durable Peace, and did 
 hope the Engli/fj Minifters would have contributed on their 
 part, as we did on ours, to extinguifh the leaft Sparks of Di£ 
 cord : But the Treaty was no fooner concluded, than they be¬ 
 gun to renew and fet on foot certain Pretenfions, that were 
 regulated in general by the Treaty, but not perfectly ended. 
 And whilft the Embaffador Downing made a great Noife in the 
 Hague , of a few groundlefs Demands of fome private Mer¬ 
 chants, they fent a Fleet to poffefs themfelves of feveral Pla¬ 
 ces belonging to us upon the Coaft of Gainey, and of all the 
 New Netherlands •, and that in the midlt of a fetled Peace, with¬ 
 out a previous Declaration of War, and without any denial on 
 our part, to give them fatisfaftion upon any Complaint they 
 had made : and afterwards they feiz’d all our Merchant Ships 
 that fail’d along their Coaft. 
 
 Thefe Exceffes were follow’d by a Declaration of War ; 
 during which, we may truly fay, we never refus’d to hearken 
 to any Overture of Peace that was made to us, either by Prin¬ 
 ces and States, or by any other unconcern’d Perfons; But, to 
 
 the 
 
to the Englifh Declaration of War. 275 
 
 the contrary, we let no opportunity flip of making Overtures 
 of Peace our felvcs, upon the leaft glimpfe of hopes it might 
 be done with fuccefs. Having in order to that kept our Em- 
 baffador in England, during the beft part of the War; and ha¬ 
 ving ftill, fmce his coming away., offer’d from time to time to 
 his Majefty of Great Britain, the very Alternative upon which. 
 Peace was at laft concluded (which was either to keep what 
 had been conquer’d on either fide, or to reftore all recipro¬ 
 cally) without feeking to make any advantage of the Con¬ 
 junction of France , which had then declar’d in our behalf. 
 
 All this doth fufficiently fliew how zealous we have always 
 been for Peace $ and even without any other proof, one may 
 eafily imagine we’ll ever be defirous of what is the true Foun¬ 
 dation of the Happinefs of our Country, as it is. the Support 
 of our Trade. 
 
 All thofe that are in any meafure acquainted with the hate 
 of our Affairs, can’t but know that a War by Sea, fuch as this 
 we are engag’d in now, is of all Rocks, that which at all times 
 we*ll avoid with the greateft Care •, and that nothing but an 
 inevitable Neceflity can bring us to the Taking up of Arms; 
 in cafe they will but grant us ever fo little Prudence and 
 Wifdom, altho they would not own we keep our Treaties ( as 
 we may truly fay we have ever done) out of a Principle of 
 Conference and Honour. And therefore the Proofs which 
 England doth inffance in, of our averfenefs to Peace, and of 
 the perpetual Infra&ion of our Treaties, muft needs carry a 
 ilrong Demonftration with them, to make good a Paradox 
 that is fo much againll all Senfe and Reafon. Let us then 
 examine in order thofe pretended Infraftions , and fee how far 
 the Compilers of the Matiifejio do make it appear wc have vio¬ 
 lated the Peace of Breda, 
 
 F O R Inf\ance\ The States were 
 particularly engag'd in an Ar¬ 
 ticle of the Treaty at Breda, to 
 Jend Commifjioners to Vs at Lon¬ 
 don, about the Regulation of our 
 Trade in the Eaft-Indies: But 
 they were fo far from doing it upon 
 that Obligation , that when we fent 
 over Our Ambajfador to put them 
 in mind of it, he could not in three 
 years time get from them any fa - 
 trifattion in the material Points, 
 n»r a forbearance of the Wrongs 
 which Our Subfetts receiv'd in 
 thofe Parts . 
 
 T H E firit Infra&ion they 
 complain of, and which 
 in all likelihood ought to be 
 very confiderable, fince it leads 
 the Van, hath four feveral 
 Branches: 1. That we were 
 bound by the aforefaid Treaty 
 of Breda, to fend Commilfioners 
 to London, to regulate the Eaji - 
 India Trade \ which we have 
 not done. 2. That this forc’d, 
 the King of Great Britain to 
 fend us an Embaffador, to put 
 us in mind of what we had 
 T 2 promis’d. 
 
236 The Anfwer of the States General 
 
 promis’d. 3. That the fa id Embaffador could not in three 
 years time get from us any fatisfattion in the material Points; 
 nor, 4. A forbearance of the Wrongs which the Subje&s of his 
 faid Majefty receiv’d in thofe Parts. 
 
 Whereupon we can’t but take notice, that this, in all pro¬ 
 bability, is the fir ft Manifejlo in the World that ever began with 
 an Article, whereof every part is a mere Suppofition ; and 
 wherein, of all the Matter of Faft that is alledg’d, there is 
 not the leaft Point agreeable to Truth. For, 1. Let the whole 
 Treaty of Breda be read and examin’d with Care, no Claufe 
 will be found whereby either in exprefs or equivalent Terms, 
 we were bound to fend Commiffioners to London $ much lefs to 
 fend any thither for the Regulation of the Eajl-India Trade, 
 which is not fo much as mention’d in all the Treaty. Which 
 makes us wonder at the furprizing Boldnefs of thofe who dare 
 publifh and aver, in the fight of all Europe , a thing which doth 
 confute it felf; and the Falihood whereof may be evinc’d, by 
 producing only the very Treaty they do quote and ground 
 themfelves upon. 2. How is it poffible the Ring of Great 
 Britain fhould fend us an Ambaffador, to put us in mind of 
 that which never was, and which we could not have promifed, 
 fince it had hot been fo much as fpoken of? 3. What Effen- 
 tial Points could have been mov’d upon an imaginary Claufe 
 an.l Engagement ? and there being nothing in that refpeft 
 agreed upon by the Treaty of Breda , what jfatisfattion could 
 they demand from us ? 4. We may with Sincerity and Truth 
 affirm, that hitherto we have not heard that our Eajl-India 
 Company, fince the laft Peace, hath done any wrong to, or 
 committed any Violence againft the Subjefts of the Ring of 
 Great Britain ; and withal, that his Embaffador never complain’d 
 to us of it in the leaft; which undoubtedly he would have 
 done, if there had been any ground for it. But to demonftrate 
 farther the Injuftice of this Complaint, and how ill grounded 
 it is, we are affured from good hands, that the Committee of 
 the Englifl) Eaft-lndia Company, having been defir’d by the 
 Court to bring in their Grievances, with a Lift of the Inju» 
 ries they had receiv’d in the Indies fince the Treaty of Breda ; 
 they anfwer’d in writing, They had receiv’d none. 
 
 But what is little lefs furprizing than all the reft, is, that 
 they lay to our charge to have violated the Treaty of Breda 
 in relation to the Eajl-India Trade, which is not mention’d in 
 it, inftead of returning us Thanks for what we have done in 
 that refpeft, without being bound to’t by any Treaty; and 
 merely to let the Ring and all the Englijl j Nation fee at what 
 rate we were willing to purchafe and to preferve their Friend* 
 ihip. In few words, the thing was thus , 
 
to the Englifh Declaration of War. 277 
 
 The Peace which was treated of at Breda, being much de- 
 fir’d by the greateft part of Europe, and the time being too 
 fiiort to enter into a particular Negotiation for a Treaty of 
 Marine between England and us, it was agreed to make ufe 
 provilionally of that which we had concluded with France in 
 the Year 1662, beginning from the 26th Article, to the 42d 
 inclulively; it being refolv’d at the fame time that, after the 
 Peace concluded, Commifiioners Ihould be chofen on both 
 Tides to agree upon a more particular Regulation of Marine, 
 for the reciprocal Eafe and Convenience of the Merchants of 
 both Nations: Which kind of Treaties being only to deter¬ 
 mine the Contraband Goods, and to prevent the Interruption, 
 which War commonly caufeth in the Trade of Neutral Nati¬ 
 ons, is altogether different from a Regulation of Trade in the 
 Eafl-Indies, Moreover, the Winter following England having 
 defign’d the Prefervation of the Spanifl) Netherlands , and having 
 Tent us Sir William Temple to enter into a Negotiation with us 
 in order to it, we concluded in a little time three feveral 
 Treaties with him ; vi^» The one a Defenfive League between 
 Us ; The other for the Defence of the Low-Countries , which 
 afterwards was call’d the Triple Alliance ; and the third an 
 abfolute Treaty of Marine^ which was concluded on the r 7 of 
 February 1668, and which left no room for the Nomination of 
 the Commifiioners that had been fpoken of at Breda , fince 
 this Treaty had fettled what they fhould have treated about, 
 and that there was nothing to be added to a formal and ab¬ 
 folute Regulation. 
 
 After the Conclufion of this Treaty, Tome Englift,) Merchants 
 did reprefent to the Court, that fome Articles of it were 
 doubtful and impra&ichble ; whereupon Sir William Temple de¬ 
 liver’d us a Memorial, dated the 26th of November 1668, with¬ 
 out mentioning therein the Eaft-India Trade: and on the firft 
 of December following he gave pur Commiffioners two Articles 
 of the Treaty of Marine , which were complain’d of, and added 
 to them four Articles more, to be as a Rule between the two 
 Companies in their Eaft-India Trade ; but which, in truth, 
 were mere Demands the Englifl.) Company made for their pri¬ 
 vate advantage. Whereupon we muft not omit, that neither 
 in the Memorials which the faid Embaffador gave us, nor in 
 all the Conferences he had with our Deputies, he never men¬ 
 tion’d in the leaft the Treaty of Breda , and did never ground 
 his Demands either upon the faid Treaty, or upon any other 
 Engagement or Obligation on our part. 
 
 The whole was imparted to our Affembly on the very fame 
 day; where after a ferious Debate, altho we might have re¬ 
 fus’d to make any Alteration in a Treaty which had been Con- 
 
 T 3 eluded 
 
278 The Anfmr of the States General 
 
 eluded iind Ratified in the ufual Forms: That withal, as to 
 what relate.! to the Articles which the Englifh Eafi-lndia Com¬ 
 pany had procur’d to be deliver’d to us, we were not bound 
 by any Treaty, or other Engagement, to enter with them into 
 a Regulation of the Eaft-India Trade, much lefs to grant them 
 feveral Points, which were all for their private- advantage, 
 without any poffibility for us to reap reciprocally the leal! 
 benefit of the faid Regulation; which was alfo diretlly con¬ 
 trary to the Laws generally receiv’d in, and to the common 
 ufe of the Indies. And laftly, that they complain’d of no wrong 
 ( as indeed they could not have done it with any Juftice) done 
 to them by our Company : And thus had fo much the lefs 
 caufe to urge for a more particular Regulation, whillt there 
 was no necelfity for it. Yet we thought fit to pafs by all thofe 
 Confiderations, and to give to his Majefty of Great Britain , and 
 to all the Eng(ijb Nation, this new Proof of the fingular Efteem 
 we had of their Friehdihip, and of our defire to tie the Knot 
 of our Union yet fuller, and to make it, if it were pofhble, 
 indiffoluble. Upon which ground we order’d our Commiffio- 
 ners to prepare an Anfwer to the Propofals of the aforefaid 
 Embaffidor, and to confer with him in order to a fpeedy con- 
 clufion of that Work. And all we can fay in general of the 
 faid Negotiation, the Particulars whereof would be too tedi¬ 
 ous for thofe that are not vers’d in thofe matters, is. That of 
 four principal Points which were propos’d by the faid Em¬ 
 baffador, we granted and agreed upon three ; and without re¬ 
 ceding the fourth, we only defir’d a further clearing of fame 
 ambiguous Claufes one of the Articles contain’d *, which, in¬ 
 stead of fettling a good Correfpondence between the two Com¬ 
 panies, might have occafion’d new Debates, and have prov’d of 
 dangerous conference. 
 
 And the better to evidence how defirous we were to give 
 all poffible fatisfa&ion to England , being ferifible that the Let¬ 
 ters which were written on both Tides, did not fufficiently clear 
 all Doubts, we Tent the Sieur Van Beutiingen chiefly to put an 
 end to the faid Treaty between the two Companies. But 
 whether the English Minillers, who were appointed to treat 
 with him as Commiffioners, were unwilling to explain them- 
 felves mope particularly upon the ambiguous Claufes, where¬ 
 of a further clearing was demanded, left they lhould difeover 
 the unjuft Senfe wherein they intended to take them after¬ 
 wards ; Or that they were afraid left the conclufion of that 
 Treaty fhould have united more ftridly both Nations, and fo 
 might have prpv’d a new Obftacle to the War they already 
 delign’d at that time, the faid Van Beuningen could obtain no 
 pofitiye Anfwer upon what he defir’d, apd came back without 
 
 any 
 
to the Englifh Declaration of War. ,279 
 
 any progrefs made in his Negotiation; which could not be 
 renew’d iince, by reafon of the mifunderftanding, which ftill 
 encreas’d from that time, unto the breaking out of the War. 
 
 I N the Weft-Indies they went a 
 little farther : For by an Arti¬ 
 cle in the fame Treaty, we were to 
 reflore Surinam into their hands ; 
 and by Articles upon the place con¬ 
 firm'd by that Treaty, they were 
 to give Liberty to all Our Sub- 
 jells in that Colony, to tranfport 
 tfjemJelves and their Efiates into 
 any other of Our Plantations . In 
 purfuance of this Agreement , We 
 deliver'd up the Place, and yet 
 they detain'd all Our Men in it ■, 
 only Major Banifter they fent away 
 Prifoner, for but defiring to remove 
 according to the Articles • Our 
 
 Ambajfador complaining of this be¬ 
 haviour, after two years follicita - 
 tion, obtain'd an Order for the per¬ 
 formance of thoje Articles : But 
 when We fent Commiflioners , and 
 two Ships to bring Our Men away, 
 the Hollanders (according to their 
 former prallice in the bufmefs of 
 Poleroon for above forty years 
 together J fent private Orders con- 
 tradillory to thofe they had own'd 
 to Vs in public^ *, and fo the only 
 effell of Our Commiffmers journey 
 thither, was to bring away fome 
 few of the poorefi of Our Subjells, 
 and the Prayers and Cries of the 
 mojl confiderable and wealthieft of 
 them, for relief out of that Cap¬ 
 tivity. After this. We made Our 
 Complaints by Our Letter in Au- 
 guft lajl to the States General, 
 wherein We defir'd an Order to 
 their Governours there, for the full 
 obfervance of thofe Articles \ yet to 
 this time We could never receive 
 cjk word of anfwer or fattsfaHion. 
 
 S Vrinam is a Colony upon the 
 Coaft of Guiana in America, 
 which did belong to t\\e Englijl), 
 and which fome Ships we had 
 fent thither, mafter’d daring 
 the late War, on the 6th of 
 March 1667. N. S. 
 
 At the taking of it, our Offi ¬ 
 cers granted to the Inhabitants' 
 a Capitulation; wherein, a- 
 mgngft other things,it was ex- 
 prefs’d, that whenever any of 
 the faid Inhabitants ffiould 
 have a mind to remove out of 
 the Colony, they ffiould have 
 leave to fell their Eftates \ and 
 that in fuch cafe the Gover- 
 nour ffiould take care for their 
 Tranfportation, together with 
 their Eftefts, at a reafonable 
 Rate. 
 
 After we had had the faid 
 Colony fome Months in our 
 poffeffion, the EngUJJj Forces 
 conquer’d it again. But as by 
 the Treaty of Breda it was a* 
 greed to furrender recipro¬ 
 cally, and transfer to each o- 
 ther all Right of Soveraignty 
 to the Places which were pof- 
 fefs’d on either fide on the 
 44 dPfay 1667, and that we 
 were then yet in poffeffion of 
 Surinam , the faid Colony did 
 belong to us, and was to be 
 reftor’d us by the Treaty afore- 
 faid ; as it was at laft ( after- 
 long delays, and many reitera¬ 
 ted Inftances from us) by vir¬ 
 tue of an Order of the King 
 of Great Britain , dated the 8th 
 of July 1668. 
 
 T 4 Being 
 
2S0 The Anftver of the States General 
 
 Being thus poffcfs’d again of the faid Place, one Banifter , who 
 commanded there at the time onr Officers brought the laid Or¬ 
 der of the Ring of England for the reftitution of it, declar’d to 
 our Governour, that he intended to leave the Colony, and en¬ 
 joy the benefit of the aforefaid Capitulation *, which indeed 
 he might lawfully do. But not being fatisfied with demand¬ 
 ing for himfelf what would not have been denied him, he 
 ailed as if he had been ft ill Governour of the Colony, and 
 demanded in a very high manner the fame permiffion, in the 
 name of feveral Planters, as their Deputy, and thereunto by 
 them authoriz’d. Whereupon the Governour aforefaid being 
 inform’d, that the faid Banifter did Night and Day cabal in the 
 Colony, and us’d in a feditious manner both Promifes and 
 Threats to affociate to him as many as he could, and engage 
 them to go away with him; and looking upon fuch a carriage- 
 as dire illy contrary to the Soveraignty which had been tranf- 
 fer’d to us by the Treaty of Breda , by virtue whereof all the 
 Inhabitants of the faid Colony were become our Subjects, and 
 conlequently could not meet together, nor aid as a Body with¬ 
 out our leave, much lefs to make themfelves Heads of Parties, 
 and to cabal againft our Intereft, as tffie faid Banifter had done ^ 
 our faid Governour not thinking fit to punifh him himfelf, fent 
 him to us to infUtl upon him what Punifhment we fhould think 
 convenient. Upon his Arrival, Sir William Temple having fpo- 
 ken to us in his behalf, we granted him his liberty: And al- 
 tho the Inhabitants of Surinam , by their being become our 
 Subje£ls, had loft all. Right of applying themfelves to any 
 other Authority but our own, and fo, that no Foreign Prince 
 could with any Juftice make himfelf Judg of any former Ca¬ 
 pitulation *, Our Subjects having no lawful way to go out of 
 our Territories but by asking our leave, which alfo we may 
 affirm, never to have denied to any of the Inhabitants of that 
 Colony that have apply’d themfelves to us, or to our Officers: 
 Yet to let his Majefty of Great Britain fee how ready we were 
 to comply with him, and how far we were from defigning to 
 ufe our new Subjells with any rigour, or to deny to them the 
 leaft of the Privileges which were promifed them in our name, 
 we confented to enter with his Majelty’s Embaflador into a 
 Negotiation upon the laid matter, and to regulate with him 
 the manner how the aforefaid Capitulation fhould be execu¬ 
 ted. Upon this feveral Difficulties did arife; The Court of 
 England endeavouring to ftrain the words of the Capitulation 
 beyond their true fenfe, thereby to deiiroy as much aS they 
 could our laid Colony, and asking every day fomewhat new ; 
 whilft the intention of thofe that govern’d was not to com- 
 pole Differences in an amicable way, but rather to leave ftill, 
 
 ' ' with 
 
to the Englifli Declaration of IVar. 281 
 
 with much Art, fame Seed of Diflenfion, thereby to have an 
 opportunity of making a noife, and by their falfe Complaints 
 to perfuade the Englijh Nation, we were ftrange Tyrants who 
 kept their Countrymen in a barbarous Captivity, without 
 being moved by their Prayers and Crys. Whereas we may 
 truly fay, that excepting Banijier , we have heard of no Englifli 
 man at Surinam that detir’d to remove, without being there¬ 
 unto induc’d either thro the Promifes or Threats of tome of 
 the Agents from England. 
 
 The fir ft Difficulty was concerning the Slaves, which Ba- 
 nifter, with his Affociates, did pretend they might carry off, 
 and take along with them, by virtue of the Capitulation ; 
 altho it be plain both by the Words of the Capitulation afore- 
 faid, and by the Teftimony of our Officers that fign’d it, that 
 no fuch Privilege had been granted to them. But at lair, to 
 oblige as much as we were able his Majefty of Great Britain , 
 we yielded that Point, and confented to what his faid Ma¬ 
 jefty defil’d of us, how prejudicial foever the thing was to us. 
 
 But as the Intention of the Court of England , was only 
 either to deftroy our Colony, or to force us to deny them 
 fomewhat that might give them a pretence of complaining 
 of us, tho never fo unjuftly* they did not think to have done 
 their work by carrying away from us a very great number of 
 Slaves. And forefeeing we would not be long without buying 
 nevy ones in ftead of them, they thought upon a new way to 
 deftroy our Sugar-Works, which they were forc’d to leave 
 behind, and deiir’d afterwards they might carry away the 
 Coppers and other neceffary Utenfils for the making of Sugar ; 
 altho in the Common Acceptation, thro all the Colonies of 
 America , and by the manner they were faften’d and fix’d, they 
 were properly a part of the Sugarworks, and therefore not 
 tranfportable in thCir nature. This Demand was fo unrea- 
 fonabLe, and fo foreign to all that was fpecify’d in the Capi¬ 
 tulation, that we had but too much caufe wholly to rejed it. 
 But ftill to demonftrate what value we did fet upon the 
 Priendfhip of the King of Great Britain , and how far we were 
 willing to condefcend even to all his Defires, we did likewife 
 give way to it. 
 
 Befides this, they defir’d they might fend Englijh Ships, for 
 the Tranfportationof fuchas fhould be minded to leave the 
 Colony; in hopes that this fending might engage thofe to go 
 off, that had not defign’d it: not to rejed the Invitation of 
 fo Great a King, by luffering the Ships he fent them at his 
 own charge, to return empty. Thefe little Arts were not 
 unknown to us. And altho this Demand was directly con¬ 
 trary to the Laws and to the Pradice of all Colonies i nAme- 
 
2%2 The Anfwer of the States General 
 
 rfca, where no Prince or State do fufFer any Ships but their 
 own to come to any Plantation they do refpeCtively poffefs; 
 and that withal it was exprefly agreed by the Capitulation, 
 that our Governour fhould furnifli with Ships (at a moderate 
 rate) fuch Inhabitants as would remove out of the faid Colo¬ 
 ny : Yet we once more pafs’d by all thofe Confiderations, and 
 granted it, as we had done all the reft. 
 
 But by reafon they fear’d ftill, the fending of the Ships 
 might not have the Succefs they expected, unlefs they 
 did fend at the fame time fome trufty Agents, to give the 
 fame a greater Reputation, and to endeavour underhand to 
 perfuade the Englifo Inhabitants to go away with them ; they 
 prefs’d that they might name CommiiTioners to carry the Or¬ 
 ders we fent to our Governour (in conformity to what we had 
 granted to his Majefty of Great Britain) and to be prefent at 
 the executing of them. This we granted them alfo, and defired 
 only they would make choice of fuch Perfons as were uncon¬ 
 cern’d and well-meaning, to the end all things might be fairly 
 ended, and with mutual Satisfaction. But how rational and 
 how juft foever this our Requeft was, the Englifl) Court in¬ 
 filled upon the often-mention’d Banifler to be the chief Per- 
 fon of this Embaffy : And being refolv’d on our part to give 
 the hig.beft Proofs of our Condefcenfion, we oppos’d it no 
 longer 5 altho we had fo much caufe to fufpeCt him. 
 
 A final end Was put to this Negotiation by our Minifters 
 |n England • and the laft Orders we fent to our Governour 
 were agreed upon between the late Secretary Trevor and them, 
 snuchhagainft the Expectation of the other Englifl) Minifters, 
 Who did not think we could have been brought to part with 
 fo much of our Right, nor grant fo many things we were not 
 bound to, and which were fo prejudicial to us. But as the 
 fecret Reafons and Motives which kept the faid Miniftersfrom 
 perfecting the privateTreaty between the Ekft-Ihdia Companies, 
 Which was fo far advanc’d, made them fear likewife left the 
 bufinefs of Surinam Ihould be amicably ended, neither of them 
 agreeing with the meafures they had lately taken at Dover y 
 where the Court had gone to receive the JDutchefs of Orleans ; 
 they were not in the leaft pleas’d with what the faid Secretary 
 Trevor had done, and began to think of means to ftop the 
 Execution of it; without remembring -then the Prayers and 
 the Crys of thofe poor Subjects, who (fay they in their Mani- 
 fefto J long for Relief out of their Captivity. 
 
 In order to that, not daring to fall openly upon the faid 
 Secretary, nor to impeach him themfelves, they refer’d the 
 Agreement he had made to the Scrutiny of the Council of 
 plantations, to fee whether they could not find fomewhat elfe 
 
 to 
 
to the Englifh Declaration of War . 285 
 
 to demand, beyond what he had obtain’d from us. And in 
 truth their Policy was fo fuccefsful, that if Banifier himfelf, 
 as partial as he was, had not declar’d to the faid Council that 
 he was fatisfy’d with what we had granted, and had not ex- 
 prefs’d with fome heat his Impatience of going away, our 
 Orders would not have been accepted of, and they would have 
 made new Demands to us before they had difpatch’d the laid 
 Banifier. 
 
 Yet to perplex the thing with new Difficulties, they gave 
 Banifier as ample a Commiifion, as if the Colony of Surinam 
 had not belong’d to us with Right of Sovereignty; with fe- 
 veral Cbnjfes, which fhew’d plainly that their Intention and 
 Defign was to force a Denial from us; having even (by an 
 unheard of proceeding) named, at the recommendation and 
 choice of Banifier , five of our Subje&s in Surinam , to be Com- 
 milfioners from and by order of the Ring of Great Britain . 
 Our Minifters in England having had notice of it, were infi¬ 
 nitely furpris’d, and exprefsd highly their Refentment t 
 Whereupon the abovenam’d Secretary Trevor , who, as it hath 
 appear’d fince, had no fhare in their Counfels, being fenfible 
 that the overthrowing of all that had been done, was whatf 
 the other Minifters did moft defire, made feveral Inftances to 
 our faid Minifters to pafs by the juft Confiderations they 
 might have, and even.to grant to Banifier a Letter of Recom¬ 
 mendation, wherein they fhould perfuade our Governor to 
 execute his Orders bona fide, without taking exception at fuch 
 Circumftances as might be irregular. W hich at laft they 
 granted him by a kind of implicit Faith, and out of the ftrong 
 perfuafion they had of his Integrity. Which is very far from 
 fending private Orders contradi&ory to thofe we had own’d 
 in publick,.as is here laid to o^r charge againft all Truth, 
 and with as little ground as what they add concerning Fo- 
 lerom. 
 
 After all thofe Delays, whereof we were not the caufe, 
 the Englifh Ships at laft went away, and arriv’d at Surinam on 
 the 1 <pth of January 1671. where the Commiffioners were re¬ 
 ceiv’d with all imaginable Civility. And all we can fay in 
 few words, concerning what pafs’d between them and our 
 Governour, is, that on his part there was nothing forgotten 
 that might oblige the Englifh Nation ; he having gone much 
 beyond what might have been expected of him, and what the 
 Orders that were agreed upon with England requir’d. But as 
 to the Commiffioners, their whole Carriage was a perpetual 
 Mixture of unreafonable Pa'ffion, groundlefs Complaints, and 
 nnjuft Demands, as if they had had no other Defign than|to 
 breed a Mifunderftanding ^between the two Nations. They 
 
 having 
 
284 TA* Anfwer of tfye States General 
 
 paving withal endeavour’d by all poffihle means to deftroy our. 
 Colony, againft the Allegiance of thofe amongft them that 
 were our Subjects; -againft the Promifes which Banifer had in 
 particular made to our Minifters in England ; and laftly, a- 
 gainft the Engagement of the King of England himfelf, and 
 his-Royal Word, which he had often given to us of the con¬ 
 trary. But by reafon the proof of all this would take too 
 much time, we have order’d the publifhing of the Journal of 
 our Governour, with his Anfwer to the Proteft the aforefaid 
 Commiflioners left with him when they went away; to let the 
 whole World in general, and in particular the Englifh Nation, 
 fee the notorious Falfhood of what is laid to our charge, and 
 the Uprightnefsof the Carriage of our Officers, as well as the 
 Sincerity of our Intentions. 
 
 B VT it k no wonder that they 
 venture at thefe Outrages 
 upon our Subjects in remote parts , 
 when they dare be fo bold with our 
 Royal Perfon , and the Honour of 
 this Nation fo near w y as in their 
 own Country , there being fearce a 
 Town within their Territories , that 
 is not fU'd with abufive Pictures, 
 and falfe Hiflorical Medals and 
 Pillars : fome of which have been 
 expo fed to the public ^ view by 
 command of the States themfelves , 
 and in the \ very time when we 
 were join’d with them in united 
 Counfels for the Support of the 
 Triple League , and the Peace of 
 Chriftendom. This alone were 
 caufe fufficient for our Difpleafure , 
 and the Refentment of all our Sub - 
 jells* 
 
 F ROM the pretendedOut- 
 rages committed againft 
 the King of Great Britain’s Sub¬ 
 jects, in remote parts; they 
 come now to our affronting 
 here (as they groundlefly af¬ 
 firm) his Royal Perfon, and 
 the Englifl) Nation ; which a- 
 lone had been caufe fufficient 
 for his faid Majefty’s Difplea¬ 
 fure, and the Refentment of 
 all his Subjects. Which in 
 other words is as much as if 
 the Englifl) Minifters had faid, 
 that to puniffi the Ambition 
 of a Burguemafter of a pri- 
 vate Town, who had caus’d 
 himfelf to be drawn fomewhat 
 too vainly, Europe was at leaft 
 to be fet in a flame ; and that 
 fo horrid a Sin could not be 
 wafh’d away but by a Deluge 
 ef Chriftian Blood. 
 
 But to anfwer this Accufation more exaCtiy, we cannot fuf- 
 ficiently wonder at the carriage of the Court of England, who 
 think to juftify to the full a War, wherein fo much innocent 
 Blood is fhed, and which caufeth fo general a Defolation, by 
 telling little Tales that have no ground in Truth, and which 
 are fo much beneath the Gravity of a Manifefto y and by their 
 talking of abufive Pi&ures, and falfe Medals, and Pillars, 
 wherewith they fay all our Towns are fill’d. For firft, as to 
 
 their 
 
to the Eflglifh Declaration of War. 285 
 
 their falfe Pillars (which by the way is an Exprefiion fome- 
 what Angular) if they mean by it that we have eretted Pil¬ 
 lars to the dishonour of the King of Great Britain , or the 
 Englifl) Nation, it will never be found we had fo much as the 
 Thoughts of doing any. thing like it. And in that fenfe only 
 thofe Pillars may .with truth be call’d Falfe, 
 
 And as to the Medals (which they alfo do call falfe) we 
 never knew but of a true one, wherein under the known and 
 ufual Emblems, with both Poets and Painters, on the one 
 tide War was reprefented, and on the other Plenty, and Peace 
 that produceth it; having under her feet Difcord in the fhape 
 of a Fury, that was vanquifh’d, and fhould no longer defolate 
 States that were become Friends. 
 
 And this Medal, tho it was not done by our Order, being 
 look’d upon as very inofFenfive, one of our Provinces gave 
 the Engraver leave to fell it publickly ; as it is ufual to per¬ 
 mit the Printing, and the Sale of Books, which are not 
 thought dangerous ; or out of a particular Kindnefs, to grant 
 a fpecial Privilege to fome private Bookfeller, and thus to 
 prefer him before his Neighbours. Not to inlift now upon 
 the Right we had, as well as any other Sovereigns, to make 
 ufe of either Medals, or any other ufual means, to preferve 
 the Memory of any Aftion, or Event, we might have thought 
 confiderable; and whereof efpecially there are fo many In- 
 ftances in England, 
 
 But tho we did not think the faid Medal could have given 
 the leaft offence, yet there were thofe who did malicioully 
 make ufe of it, to exafperate the King of Great Britain : and 
 howbeit there was nothing more falfe, nor more groundlefs 
 than what was fuggefted by thefe weak Informers; yet to 
 take off all pretence, and to deinonftrate, even in the lea ft 
 Circumftances, the Sincerity of our Intentions, the Privilege 
 granted to the Engraver was call’d in, all the Medals that 
 could be found were fupprefs’d, and the Stamp was order’d to 
 be broken, to prevent the coining of any more of them in 
 private. 
 
 As to the abulive Piftures, whereof they pretend all our 
 Towns are full, the great noife they make hath no other 
 ground but a Piflure, which the Schepen (or Sheriffs) of Dort 
 caus’d to be made of the Sieur Cornelim de Witt , one of their 
 Burguemafters; and which, by a Civility fomewhat exceflive > 
 they order’d to be hung in the Chamber where the Council 
 of their Town ufed to meet* In this Pitture he was drawn 
 with a Staff of Command, becaufe in the preceding War 
 he had been upon the Fleet as our Deputy; and the Painter 
 had added to it on the one hand a River with feveral Ships, 
 
 whereof 
 
286 The Anfmr of the States General 
 
 Whereof fome were on fire; and on the other a .-T of 
 Plenty, out of which flow’d all forts of Goods and Co o- 
 dities v to fignify that War had made room for Peace, and 
 that Trading and Commerce had fucceeded to Battels and 
 Tights; W hereupon it is obfervable, i. That thb State had 
 no fhare in the erecting of the faid Pftdure. 2. That it was 
 not the whole Body of the Town of Dort neither, but the 
 aforefaid Schepen only,that were his particular Friends. 3. That 
 this Picture (of what nature foever it might have been) was 
 in a private Room, where none but thofie of the Council of 
 the Town had right to come in. 4. And laftiy, that there 
 was nothing abufive in the whole Picture ; and all that could 
 be cenfur’d in it was the Vanity of him, who had either 
 Tought or accepted of an Honour, which a more prudent Mari 
 would have refus’d. 
 
 Excepting this only Pifture, we may truly, fay we never 
 heard of any other that was excepted againft, or complained 
 of; and in cafe any abufive ones had been to be found, the 
 King of England's Minifters that have refided here with us, 
 would undoubtedly have fpoken of it, and defir’d that the Au¬ 
 thors or Publilhers of them might have been punilh’d. Which 
 is a clear proof there was never any fuch thing publickly 
 known. And in cafe any have been fold or difpers’d fecretly 
 (which yet we do not believe) how can we be anfwerable for, 
 or be fupposM to have a hand in what never fo much as came 
 to our knowledg? 
 
 Would his Majefty of Great Britain , on pain of making war 
 upon us, expeft more from us within our Dominions, than 
 he can do himfelf within his own Kingdoms, where it is 
 fufficiently known how many bitter Libels, againft both his 
 Perfon and his Government, have b-en difpers’d notwith¬ 
 standing the ftri&eft Searches ? And it may be'his own Court 
 hath not been freer from it than the reft of the Kingdom. 
 And the Liberty his Subjects do take hath been fo univerfal, 
 that they have not fpar’d even his moft retir’d Apartments. 
 His Minifters have been ufed worfe yet, fince the Chancel¬ 
 lor doth confefs in the Speech he made at the opening of 
 the former Seffion of Parliament, that they were accus’d 
 openly of treachery and Folly, and were call’d, even in the 
 Coffee-houfes, both Fools and Villains . Thefe are his own 
 words. 
 
 After all this, with what Juftice can they complain of us, 
 who in the very heat of all our Wars, have been guilty of no 
 Exceffes that came near unto thefe; and who in this laft 
 have fupprefs’d of our own accord, under very fevere penal- 
 tys, two Pamphlets that fpoke with too little refpeft of the 
 
 Perfon 
 
to the Englifh Declaration of War. 287 
 
 perfoii of his Majefty of Great Britain , altho the Author 
 feem’dto have been very affectionate to the Welfare of our 
 State ? 
 
 B VT We are urged to it by 
 Confiderations yet nearer to 
 Vs, than what only relates to our 
 Self •, the Safety of our Trade, 
 upon which the Wealth and Prof- 
 ferity of our People depends , the 
 Prefervation of them abroad from 
 Violence and Opprejfion, and the 
 Hollanders daring to affront us 
 almoft within our very Ports, are 
 the things which move our jujl In - 
 dignation againft them . 
 
 A S this Article is hardly 
 to be underftood, and is 
 back’d by no manner of proof, 
 we fuppofe they intended it 
 for an Introduction to what 
 followeth ; and therefore we 
 can confute it no better, than 
 by anfwering in order to the 
 Matters of FaCt they do al- 
 ledg. 
 
 T HE Right of the Fiagb Jo 
 antient, that it was one of 
 the firfl Prerogatives of our Royal 
 Predecejfors, and ought to be the 
 laft from which this Kingdom 
 flould ever depart . It was never 
 queftknd, and it was exprefly ac¬ 
 knowledg'd in the Treaty at Bre¬ 
 da *, and yet this laft Summer it 
 was not only violated by their Com¬ 
 manders at Sea, and that Viola¬ 
 tion afterwards juftify'd at the 
 Hague, but it was. alfi repre¬ 
 sented by them in moft Courts of 
 Chriftendom, as ridiculous for i 
 Vs to demand . An ungrateful 
 
 Jnfolence f That they Jhould con¬ 
 tend with Vs about the Dominion 
 of thcfe Seas, who even in the 
 Reign of Our Royal Father, thought 
 it an Obligation to fij 7 ; in them, by 
 taking of Licences , and for a Tri¬ 
 bute } and who owe their being now 
 in a condition of malting this Dif- 
 pute, to the ProteZlion of our An - 
 ceftors, and the Valour and Blood 
 «f their Subjects. 
 
 that the Novelty of the thing 
 
 T HIS is the Grand Bat¬ 
 tery of the Engliflj Mi- 
 nillers: ’Tis what they think 
 we cannot withftand ; and 
 which they do with the 
 greateft confidence rely upon. 
 Before they had this Pre¬ 
 tence, they knew not how to 
 overcome all the Difiicultys, 
 which ftill hinder’d their De- 
 fign. They were refolv’d to 
 make War upon us: They had 
 promis’d it to France ; and 
 withal they flatter’d them- 
 felves, it would much advance 
 their private Deligns at home; 
 But they ftiil wanted Argu¬ 
 ments that were popular e- 
 nough to incenfe the Nation 
 againft us. They had need of 
 fomewhat more than their 
 Pitiures and their Medals. 
 And in order to that, they 
 contriv’d the fending of a 
 Yacht to feek our Fleet, which 
 lay at anchor not far from our 
 Coafts, to require Striking 
 I from our Admirals 5 in hopes 
 would occafion fome Accident 
 tl#t 
 
2§S The Anfwer of the States General 
 
 k hat might farther their Defigns. Which Plot of theirs, S3 
 we have fmce found, having too well anfwer’d their Deli res; 
 and excepting this fingle point,:'there being nothing in all 
 their Manifejlo , wherein the EngliJJj Nation may concern them- 
 felves iri the leaft ; we think jt neeeffary, before we anfwer 
 it more fully, to declare both unto the King, and to the faid 
 Nation, that as on our part, we fhould be forry to deny them 
 the leaft Prerogative that of right may belong to them, or 
 fo much as to enter into any debate concerning what they 
 may claim as their due, when the thing doth' not relate to us, 
 or is not made ufe of againft us; We do hope likewife they’l 
 have fo much Equity, as to hear us in our juft Defence ; and 
 that the great noife the Contrivers of this War do ihake, 
 lhall not drown the Strength and the Solidity of our Anfwer. 
 
 For the clearing of this point, it is to be obferv’d that till 
 the Year 1653. as there had never been any Difpute about 
 the Flag, between the Englijh Nation and Us, fo it was never 
 fo much as propos’d to mention it in any Treaty. Which is 
 a clear and certain proof, that till then the Sea-Commanders 
 on both fides, were fufficiently acquainted with what was to 
 be done in thofe cafes; and that nothing had been demanded 
 in that refpett by the Englijh , but what we had been Hill 
 ready to grant. 
 
 It is likewife very obfervable, that England had never no 
 thoughts of fecuring this Right of the Flag by a formal Trea¬ 
 ty, till they began to fufpeft fome difficulty might be made 
 pf paying to them, as a Commonwealth, the fame Honour 
 that had been paid to their Kings. Which induc’d them to 
 have an Article about it in the Treaty of Peace, which was 
 concluded between us in the Year 1654. 
 
 The third thing which is to be obferv’d, is, That whereas 
 the Court of England , inftead of entering with us into the 
 ftrift Alliance which his Majefty himfelf had propos’d to us 
 whilft he was here, did only renew the Treaty we had made 
 with Cromwely with fome addition as we have faid before ; the 
 Article of the Flag being part of the fame was concluded 
 with the reft, Ann. 1662. wichout any conference upon the 
 Contents of the faid Article, or the leaft Explanation of its 
 true Senfe, further than what the Words did bear. And 
 afterwards, in the Treaty of Breda , the nineteenth Article, 
 which is fo much fpoken of, was tranfcrib’d out of the Treaty 
 of 1662. as that of the Treaty of 1662. had been taken out 
 of the-Treaty of 1654. So that to underftand rightly the 
 true Senfe of the faid Article, we muft go back to the Ori¬ 
 ginal, and examine what hath pafs’d in London in the Con¬ 
 ferences and ■ Debates, between the Englijh Commiftioners 
 
 ' (whereof 
 
to the Eoglifh Declaration of Wir. 289 
 
 (whereof Cromwel himfelf was’one) and our Extraordinary 
 Deputys, iii relation to the Article afor£fakL 
 
 . And it doth appear by the Journal of our : Deputys, which 
 we have ready to produce to juftify what we do alledg (not 
 doubting but that in cafe the Englijh Commiffioners have fol¬ 
 low’d the fame method, and have likewife register'd, what 
 pafs’d, the. fame.Particulars will be found therein) That on 
 the T y of November 1653. the Englifl) Commiffioners deliver’d 
 to our faid Deputys twenty feven Articles, which they pro¬ 
 pos’d to be agreed upon, and to make up the Treaty that was 
 to be concluded. And that in the fifteenth of tho'fe Articles, 
 it was among# other things expreflyTaid, That all our Ships, 
 as well Men of War as others, .whether fingie or jn Fleets, 
 meeting' with any of the Ships of War of Englandf.. lhould 
 lirike their Flag, and lower their Topfail. 
 
 Whereupon, our Deputies did declare, that they had order 
 from us, to affure the Commonwealth, our Intention was not 
 *to make*any Innovation, and that we were very ready to pay 
 t to the Commonwealth all the fame Refpe&s, as we had paid 
 to England under the former Government: And that therefore 
 fince they would have a particular Article about it, it was 
 neceflary, in order to that, to inquire of the oldeft, and moll 
 experienc’d Sea-Officers on both fides, in what manner the 
 thing had been conilantly praftiis’d, to fettle it accordingly 
 for the future : And the rather, becaufe it was never men¬ 
 tion’d in any former Treaty. 
 
 The Conferences, both upon that Point and feveral others, 
 did continue for feveral days : But in all that time the Englifl} 
 Commiffioners could not be brought to enter into the Exa¬ 
 mination which was propos’d, nor to refer it (notwithftanding 
 the reiterated Inftances of our Deputys) to the decifion of 
 Seamen, as Well in refpe# of tlie Coafts and Places, where 
 Striking had till then been us’d, as for the Number of Ships ; 
 Which certainly they would not have refus’d, if they could 
 have prov’d that any Fleet of ours had ever llruck to a fingie 
 Ship of England, as they had pretended at firlt. And on the 2 6th 
 of Decemb.M. S. following, they gave our Deputys this Arti¬ 
 cle;, inftead of the former they could not agree upon: 
 
 That the Ships and Vejjels of the United Provinces, as well Men 
 of Wat as others , meeting at Sea with any of the Ships of War of the 
 • State of England, fljall flrike their Flag and lower their Topfail , and 
 J .perform all the other Refpefts due to this State , until the) be pafs’d by. 
 
 In this new Article, the Englifl) Commiffioners not being 
 able to inftance in any Fleet that had firuck to a fuigle Ship, 
 
 U nor 
 
290 TheAnfmrof the States General 
 
 nor confequently to juftify their Pretenfion, they left out 
 the word Fleets, which was in the former Article, and left 
 the thing undecided in this, That the Ships and VeJJels , without 
 faying more. And at laft, after feveral Conferences upon the 
 whole Article, it was agreed on both fides to make no Inno¬ 
 vation, and to keep to the Pra&ice, without determining the 
 fame more particularly. The faid Article having accordingly 
 been worded thus: 
 
 Quod Naves (for Navigia diftarum Feeder atamm Proviticiarum, tom 
 bellicafa ad hoftium vim propulfandam inflrutta, quam alia, qua all - 
 cut e Navi bus beUicis hujiss Reipublica in Maribw Britannicis obviarn 
 dederint , vexitlum fuum e mali vertice detrahent , fy fupremum velum 
 demittent, eo modo quo ullis retro temporibus fub quocunque anteriori 
 Regimine obfervatum fuit. 
 
 That the Ships and Veffels of the faid United Provinces, at well 
 Men of War as others, meeting in the Britifh Seas with any of the 
 Ships of War of this Commonwealth , fall ftrike their Flag , and 
 lower their Topfail, in the fame manner as hath been heretofore done, 
 under any former Government • 
 
 This Point having been thus ended, and the whole Treaty 
 concluded and ratify’d onboth fides, we gaveftill our general 
 Inftru&ions to our Admirals and other Sea-Commanaers, in 
 the very fame words as before, not feeing any ground to make 
 the leaft Alteration in them, fince the faid Article left things 
 in the fame condition and ftate as before ; adding only to 
 them the Treaty that had been concluded, to be a Rule to 
 our faid Officers. And being there had never been any 
 Claufe in the faid Inftruttions, that order’d the Commanders 
 of our Fleets to ftrike their Flag to any of the Engliflj Ships 
 -of War they fhould meet with, we did not add it neither 5 it 
 being plain by all that hath been faid now, that we were no 
 ways bound to it, and that the Englif Commiffioners had 
 waved that point, and infifted upon it no longer, for no other 
 caufe but that they wanted Proofs to back their Affertion. 
 
 In the mean time feveral years pafs’d without any Difpute 
 or Difference upon that matter, between the Commonwealth 
 of England and Us. His Majefty now reigning was afterwards 
 reftor’d to his Crowns ; and in the Treaty which was con¬ 
 cluded with him in 1662, the fame Article was inferted with 
 the reft, but without any more particular Explanation, either 
 by Word of mouth or in Writing. In 1667. it was tranferib’d 
 verbatim out of the Treaty of 1662. to have it the nineteenth 
 Article of that of Breda: And in all thefe Revolutions there 
 had never been vet any difference upon the executing of it, 
 
 till 
 
to the Englifh Declaration of War. 291 
 
 till the Month of Auguft 1671. at which time the Court of 
 England was pleas’d to fend a Yacht into our Fleet, that lay 
 at anchor (as we faid before) not far from our Coaft; which 
 failing by one of our Admirals, fhot twice fharp upon him, 
 becaufe he did not ftrike his Flag, and lower his TopfaiU 
 Whereupon the faid Admiral, who had no other Order con¬ 
 cerning the Flag, but to obferve the 19th Article of the 
 Treaty of Breda, confidering that the faid Article did not 
 mention whole Fleets, but fpoke only of Ships in general*! 
 and that for the above-mention’d Reafons; befides feveral 1 
 other Circumftances our Fleet lay then under, to which the 
 Article could not be apply’d: And being delirous withal to 
 pay to his Majefty of Great Britain all the Refpett he poflibly 
 could, he went himfelf on board the Yacht (which was a thing 
 almoft without precedent, for an Admiral in attuai Com¬ 
 mand) and told the Captain with all imaginable Civility, 
 that without a particular Order he could not take upon him 
 a thing of that importance: And that in cafe his Majefty of 
 Great Britain did think it was his due, the Difference was to 
 be decided with Us, who were the Mafters of him the faid 
 Admiral. 
 
 This is the grand Crime of our Admiral ; ’tis what we are 
 accus’d of our felves with fo much Heat and Paffion ; and this 
 is the unpardonable Affront we are guilty of, towards the 
 King and all the Englifh Nation. As for what they add of our 
 Carriage upon this Accident, we fhall have a fitter opportunity 
 to fpeak of it in another place. And as to the Dominion of 
 the Seas, and a pretended Tribute for Fifhing (which no 
 man can tell how they come fo mention in this place) we’ll 
 only anfwer in few Words, That both the one and the other 
 is altogether foreign to this War: And that as in all that 
 relateth to the Ceremony of the Flag, we never intended to 
 make the leaft Innovation, and would have no other Judges 
 to regulate and decide it, than the oldeft and moft experienc’d 
 Sea-Commanders; fo we defire no new Privilege for the Li* 
 berty of Filhing, and claim nothing in that refpett, but to 
 keep clofe to what hath been hitherto the conftant Pratt ice ; 
 and to prefervewhat hath been regulated by ffiemn Treaties, 
 near two hundred years fince; and which the Inhabitants of 
 our Provinces, under all Changes and Forms of Government, 
 have conftantly enjoy’d without interruption. 
 
 N Otwithftanding all thefe Pro - 
 vocations , We patiently ex¬ 
 celled Satisfaction, not being wil¬ 
 ling to expofe the Peace of Chri- 
 ftendom 
 
 I T is hard to apprehend 
 what Provocations are 
 meant here, for which Satif- 
 fattion had been fo patiently 
 U % ex- 
 
292 The Answer of the States General 
 
 ftendom for our particular Re- expefled by the King of Great 
 
 fentments 5 whilft they ceas'd not 
 their parts to endeavour to 
 
 Britain, whilft he was unwih 
 ling to expofe the Peace of 
 Chr ftendom for his particular 
 Refentments, and which made 
 him fend us another Embaffa- 
 dor, as it is faid a little after. 
 For if they mean by it the 
 Bufineffes of the Eaft-Indies 
 and of Surinam, with our pre¬ 
 tended abufing his Majefty’s Perfon, which they lay to our 
 charge; We have already made it appear, that in all thefe 
 refpefts the Englifh Court had much caufe to thank us for our 
 
 on 
 
 provoke the moft Cbriftian King 
 againft Vs ; of which they thought 
 themselves fo fecure , that for a- 
 hove thefe twelve months their 
 Minifters here have threaten’d us 
 with it 
 
 Condefcenlion, far from complaining 0 
 
 us. 
 
 And this fecond 
 
 Embaffador they fpeak of, did never make the leaft mention 
 of it; which yet, in cafe their Complaints had been well 
 grounded, was altogether neceffary, to the end our Denial 
 might have juftify’d their War. ; 
 
 But on the contrary it is plain, it was not without Myftery 
 they call’d back Sir William Temple, who had always ' been zea¬ 
 lous to prevent, or to flop the progrefs of all that might 
 breed the leaft Mifunderftanding between both Nations, and 
 who had ftill endeavour’d, by all .poffible means, to preferve 
 an Alliance (whereof he had been an happy Inftrument) en¬ 
 tire ; to fend us a great while after an Embaffador, who 
 neither in the Memorials he deliver’d us, nor in his private 
 Difcourfes, did fo much as mention what they have fince made 
 fo much noife about v And if this Patient Expeftation relates 
 only to the Bufmefs of the Flag, we’ll demonftrate in the two 
 following Articles the Injuftice of this Complaint. 
 
 In the mean time, what they do add concerning our En¬ 
 deavours'to provoke the French King againft his Majefty of 
 Great Britain, is as far from Truth as all the reft of their Ac- 
 cufations: And we do not doubt but that all the Engliflj Nation 
 will give more credit to the fmcere Proteftation we do make 
 here, in the prefence of God and Men, that we had not fo 
 much as the Thoughts of what they lay to our charge, than 
 to what fome French Emiffarys do furmife, as much againft 
 all Likelihood as againft Truth. 
 
 We were then 10 far from having any fecret Underftand- 
 
 ing with 
 
 France , that we have drdwn their Arms upon us 
 
 merely by our being enter’d into too ftrift an Alliance with 
 the King of Great Britain. And ’tis too well known to all Eu¬ 
 rope, whether the Englifl,b Court, or We, have belt kept the faid 
 Alliance, and which of us hath leaft fought the Friendlhip of 
 v to each other’s prejudice v Since the Embaf- 
 * fador 
 
 the French King 
 
to the Englifh Declaration of War . 29 j 
 
 fador Mountague was fent into France (which was in the begin’ 
 ning of the Year 1669) the leaft clear-fighted could ealily 
 perceive who have been the bofom Friends. And after re¬ 
 iterated Embaffys of their grand Ministers, as well as what 
 had pafs’d at Dover , together with the great Levys they had 
 given leave to the French to make againft us in England , Scot- 
 land , and Ireland ; We muft needs have been of a very eafy 
 belief, to have fancy’d, we had a greater (hare in the Friend- 
 fhip of the French , than the Court of England had: We, who 
 at the fame time had fet out a confiderable Fleet, to proteft 
 the Spanifh Netherlands , in cafe of a fecond Invafion, and who 
 were very earneft with England to fet out another for the fame 
 end, that we might aft jointly, and keep up the Reputation 
 of the Alliance we were enter’d into j the French King being 
 then advanc’d as far as Dunkirk. 
 
 But to demonftrate further the Injuftice of this Accufation, 
 our Embaffador in England having fent us word, that notwith- 
 ftanding all the convincing Proofs we had given of the con¬ 
 trary, yet there were fome ill-affefted Perfons who endeavour’d 
 to perfuade both the King and all the Nation,we treated under¬ 
 hand with France , contrary to our Engagements. We imme¬ 
 diately order’d him to declare in our name to his Majefty of 
 Great Britain , That to evidence the Falfhood of thofe Report* 
 which were fpread abroad to our difadvantage, and to give 
 his faid Majefty effential and undeniable Proofs of the Sincerity 
 of our Intentions, we were ready to enter into fuch an Al¬ 
 liance with him as he fliould think fit, how ftrift foever the 
 fame might be, and to go far beyond any thing we had already 
 done, for fecuring the Peace of Europe. 
 
 It is true, the reiterated Proffers of our Embaffador were 
 rejefted with fcorn; But we could hardly have imagin’d, that 
 after thi? Proceeding of ours, the Court of England could 
 fince have laid to our charge Threats, which they knew full 
 well to be imaginary, and which we could not be guilty of, 
 at a time wherein we fought to unite us more ftriftly ; and 
 whilft we were too well acquainted with their fecret Intrigues 
 with the French , to expeft the Affiftance of thefe againft 
 England. 
 
 A T length, hearing nothing 
 from them , We fent another 
 Embaffador to them, who after 
 feveral preffing Memorials in our 
 Name , could receive no Anfwer , 
 till after he had declar'd his Re¬ 
 vocation. Then they offer'd a 
 Taper 
 
 T HEIR manner of fpeak- 
 ing here, of the fending 
 of their fecond Embaffador, 
 doth feem to imply that either 
 this complain’d in the ufuai 
 Form, of all they are pleas’d 
 to accufe us of in their Mani - 
 u 3 fefti 
 
294 M"* °f States General 
 
 Paper to this ejfeti, That in this 
 Conjuncture they would mdefcend 
 to ftrike to Vs, if We would 
 ajfifl them againjl the French : 
 But upon condition, that it flmld 
 never be taken for a Precedent 
 hereafter to their prejudice . 
 
 fefto ; or that Sir William Tern* 
 pie had already made his Com¬ 
 plaints upon the bufmefs of 
 the Flag, without receiving 
 any anfwer to’t. As to the 
 firft we have already made it 
 appear how far the fame is 
 from being true. And as to 
 Sir William Temple, it would have been hard for him to com* 
 plain to us of what did not happen, but very near a year 
 after he had left us. But to infill no longer upon the Contra* 
 dictions, which will be found in more than one place in this 
 Manifesto, and to give an anfwer to what they do alledg ; it is true 
 we did not fend firft into England upon the Difpute of the Flag. 
 And as we were not fatisfy’d our Admiral had violated the 
 19th Article of the Treaty of Breda, we thought it fit to ftay 
 for the Complaint of the King of Great Britain , in cafe he did 
 conceive we had not paid him what refpeCt was due to him; 
 The rather becaufe the Proppfal which the Sieufi Boreel, our 
 Embaffador, had made to his Majefty and to his Minifters, 
 (very little after the Accident of the Flag) to enter into Con¬ 
 ference with them upon the fame, was rejected, under pre¬ 
 tence that an Embaffador Ihould be fent to us. And when 
 at lait Sir George Downing came from his faid Majefty, we de¬ 
 clar’d, in anfwer to the Memorial he deliver’d us the T f of 
 “ffamary, that all our Admirals and other Sea-Commanders 
 had a ftriCl Order from us,*to obferve punctually and regulate 
 themfelves by the 19th Article of the Treaty concluded at 
 Breda, with his Majefty of Great Britain ; and that our Inten¬ 
 tion was to have it as a Handing Rule to us, in all its Cir- 
 fumftances; But that fince the matter in queftion related to 
 /the Execution of an Article, upon which the Complaints 
 made were grounded, it was to be obferv’d, 1. That it did 
 slot appear to us, that general Fleets were comprehended in 
 it, and that nothing elfe was mention’d therein but Ships and 
 Veffels indefinitely. And 2. that it was to be done eo modo 
 quo ulHs retro temporibus unquam obfervatum fuit, in the fame man- 
 n'er it had ever been practis’d. 
 
 Upon the firft Point, to fhew the true Senfe of the faid 
 Article, we ufed part of the Arguments above-mention’d. 
 And as to the fecond, we offer’d again to the faid Embaf¬ 
 fador to enter with him, if the King his Mafter pleas’d, into 
 aftriCt Inquiry of the ufual Practice concerning the Flag; 
 a ad that in cafe \t weje found that our Fleets had ever 
 ft ruck] to a fingle Englijh Ship, we Ihould acknowledg the 
 ^hing tp be due, and would difpute it no further, our 
 
 Intention 
 
to the Englifh Declaration of War. 295 
 
 Intention being not to recede from what had been formerly 
 practis'd. 
 
 Thus far our Anfwer related to the matter in debate, and 
 evidenced with how little reafon we were accufed of having 
 violated the Treaty of Breda . But we went further than this: 
 And tho we knew very well that in the Examination which 
 we did propofe, it would never be found that our general 
 Fleets had ilruck to a Angle Ship ; yet infilling no further 
 upon the faid Inquiry (which could not but haveprov’d much 
 to our advantage) we declar’d that upon the Confidence we 
 had in the true and folid Friendfhip of the King of Great Bri¬ 
 tain, and in hopes he would perform what he was bound to, 
 by the fifth Article of the Triple Alliance , in cafe France made 
 war upon us \ we readily contented that our whole Fleets , as 
 well as our particular Ships, Ihould ftrike to any Angle Man 
 of War, that carry’d the Flag of his Majeity of Great Britain : 
 thereby to give his faid Majelly the highell proof of the Re- 
 fped and Honour we would at all times endeavour to pay lb 
 great a Monarch: Proffering withal to his Ma jelly, to agree 
 with him upon a certain Regulation concerning the fame, to 
 prevent all future Difputes and ControverAes. 
 
 This, in Ihort, is the Subftance of the Anfwer we gave to 
 the Memorial of Sir George Downing *, which the Compilers of 
 the Manifeflo are pleas’d to turn into Ridicule , whilfl they knew 
 they were not able to object any thing rational again# it; 
 As tho to jullify their War, they had nothing to do but to 
 introduce us fpeaking impertinently, and to make us fay what 
 we never fo much as thought on. 
 
 But thefe Gentlemen do not tell us that, left, the thing 
 fhould be throughly examin’d, and to avoid ferious Debates, 
 which undoubtedly would have taken off the pretence they 
 did feek, and which they had need of, to keep their word to 
 the French , the faid Embafiadqr Downing was order’d to receive 
 nothing from us after a certain number of Days that were 
 prefcrib’d to him, and which they. knew to be too fhort a 
 time to have an Anfwer of fo high an importance ready, under 
 fuch a Form of Government as ours, where the Reiuotenefs 
 of the Members that have a decifive Voice, doth much re* 
 tard the Refolutions that are taken. So that when our An¬ 
 fwer was brought to him, he would not receive it, under 
 pretence it came too late: And whilfl they extol fo much in 
 this Manifefte their great Patience, we could not fo much as be 
 heard, merely becaufe we had not fpoken fome few hours 
 fooner. And therefore upon the denial of the Embaffador, 
 vfe were forc’d to fend our faid Anfwer direflly to the King 
 h^s Mailer ) tho with Uttle better fuccefs. 
 
 SINCE. 
 
296 The Anfrver of the States General 
 
 T HEY ftill make tiiem- 
 felves merry, and do fan¬ 
 cy a cold Allulion to the Cha- 
 ra&er of our Embaifador, will 
 juftify their Carriage, and 
 their invincible Obftinacy, in 
 refufing to enter with him 
 into regular Conferences upon 
 what he was to offer them from us; as will bell appear by 
 what followeth. 
 
 Our Anfwer to the Memorial of Sir George Downing (which 
 he refus’d to receive) having been deliver’d to his Majefty 
 of Great Britain by our Embaifador, he receiv’d a Reply from 
 the Court of England , wherein they complain’d, our faid 
 Anfwer was nothing lefs than fatisfa&ory, and was full of 
 dark and ambiguous words ; with fome other Obje&ions of 
 the like nature. Whereupon we thought lit to fend an Ex-, 
 traordinaty Embaifador into England, with full power to clear 
 wh i t might be doubtful or dark, and to add (in order to it) 
 what would be necelfary to exprefs our true Intention and 
 Meaning; which was to go much beyond what had till then 
 been agreed upon, in relation to the Flag. In the firft Con¬ 
 ference, which the faid Extraordinary Embaifador, together 
 with our Legier, had with the Englifh Minifters, they ac¬ 
 quainted them with the Orders they had receiv’d from Us; 
 and having alfur’d them they were ready to clear in our 
 Name what might be dark or ambiguous in our Anfwer (with¬ 
 out being abl£ to bring .the faid Minifters to inftance in 
 what they found amifs therein) they offer’d them a Projetl 
 of an Article, or Declaration more ample in writing, upon 
 the bufinefsof the Flag; wherein it was exprelly faid. That 
 our Fleets in a Body, as well as our fingle Ships, meeting 
 with any of the Ships of War that had the Flag of his Ma- 
 jefty of Great Britain , Ihould ftrike their Flag and lower their 
 Topfail (whichone would think was the fulleft and ftrongeft 
 explanatory Claufe, that could be added to the 19th Article 
 of Breda ) without annexing the fame, or making it depend 
 upon any Condition or Demand whatfoever from England . 
 Whereupon our faid Embalfadors delir’d to know of the Eng¬ 
 lish Cpmmiffioners, whether fuch a Declaration would fatisfy 
 his Majefty ? and if fo, they were ready to fign it. But the 
 Englifl) Cotnmilfioners anfwer’d, they expe&ed an Anfwer to 
 the King’s above-mention’d Memorial (or Reply) dated the 
 T f of February, and could receive no Papers that were not 
 fign’d. And pur Embalfadors refufing then to fign it, before 
 
 S IN C E the return of our faid 
 Embajfadar , they have fent 
 an Extraordinary one to Vs, who 
 in a mofl extraordinary wanner has 
 given Vs to underfiand. That he 
 can offer m no Sat is fall ion tiU he 
 hath fent hack, to his Mafters* 
 
to the Englifh Declaration of War. 297 
 
 they knew whether the fame fhould be fatisfa&ory, the Con¬ 
 ference thus broke off without any further difcourfe. But af¬ 
 terwards our faid Embaffadors refle&ing upon the ftriftnefs 
 of the Orders they had from us, to omit nothing of what 
 might demonftrate the Sincerity of our Intentions, and the 
 refped we did bear to the Perfon of his Majefty of Great Bri¬ 
 tain, refolved to pafs by all other Confider'ations; and having 
 drawn up and figrted a Memorial (wherein the aforefajd De¬ 
 claration was comprehended, with a Promife of clearing it yet 
 further, in cafe they fhould think it ftill ambiguous or dark ) 
 they demanded a new Conference to deliver it to the Com- 
 miffioners: But thefe forefeeing that fuch a Condefcenfion 
 in our Embaffadors might be a great Obftacle to their De- 
 iigns, and prevent the Breach, if it came to be publickly 
 known, and they had free Conferences upon it; They had 
 the Skill to caufe their Declaration of War to be read and ap- j 
 prov’d in the King’s Council, which was extraordinarily call’d 
 for that End, and with great Precipitation, an hour before the 
 time they had appointed to our Embaffadors, for the Confe¬ 
 rence which was granted them. So that when our faid Em¬ 
 baffadors came to the place of the Conference, they were 
 told they came too late, and that the War had been juft then 
 refolv’d upon, and decreed in his Majefty’s Council. Upon 
 which ground, the Englifh Commiflioners refufed to receive the 
 Paper our Embaffadors had written, and which they ftill 
 were willing to deliver, tho they were told the War was de¬ 
 clared. 
 
 It is eafy to imagine how great the furprizal of our Embaf¬ 
 fadors was, when they receiv’d this Anfwer ; and we are no 
 lefs aftonifh’d to fee the Court of England , after all the Endea¬ 
 vours of our Extraordinary Embaffador to prevent the Breach, 
 to accufe him now fo groundlefly to have declar’d to them, he 
 could offer no fatisfaftion to his Majefty of Great Britain , till 
 he had fent back to us. 
 
 1 \ THer efore, defpairtng now of 
 \ V any good Effett of a fur¬ 
 ther Treaty , We are compelled to 
 take up Arms in Defence of the 
 Antient Prerogative of Our Crowns , 
 and the Glory and Safety of Our 
 Kingdoms *, And We put Our truft 
 in God , that He will give Vs His 
 Affifiance in this Our juft Vnder- j 
 taking, fince We had no way left 
 fo defend Our People from the Ar¬ 
 tifice 
 
 A LL we have faid hither¬ 
 to in general, and in par¬ 
 ticular the faithful Account of 
 what pafs’d in London , between 
 our Embaffadors and the Eng - 
 lifh Minifters, doth fufficient- 
 ly evidence with what Juftice 
 they accufe us here, to have 
 compelled the King of Great 
 Britain to take up Arms, by 
 taking from him (as they pre¬ 
 tend) 
 
298 The Anfwer of the States General 
 
 tifice of that Nation in Peace, but 
 by the Valour of Our Subjells in 
 War. 
 
 We have therefore thought fit to 
 "Declare, and do hereby Declare, 
 That We will profecute War both 
 by Sea and Land again]} the States 
 General of the United Provin¬ 
 ces, and all their Subjells and In¬ 
 habitants. Hereby enjoyning Our 
 mofl dear and mojl beloved Brother 
 the Duke of York Our High Ad¬ 
 miral , Our Lieutenants of Our 
 feveral Counties , Governors of 
 Our forts and Garifons, and all 
 other Officers and Soldiers under 
 them by Sea and Land, to oppofe 
 aU the Attempts of the States Ge¬ 
 neral of the United Provinces, 
 or their Subjells , and to do and 
 execute all Alls of Hofiility in the 
 frofecution of this War againft 
 the faid States General of the 
 United Provinces, their Vajfals , 
 Subyells, and Inhabitants ; Willing 
 and Requiring all Our Subjells to 
 take notice of the fame , Whom We 
 henceforth Jhaightly forbid, on pain 
 
 Death, to hold any Correspon¬ 
 dence or Communication with the 
 faid States General, or their Sub¬ 
 yells, Ctbofe only excepted who are 
 Mcejfitated thereunto for the with¬ 
 drawing their Perfons and Eftates 
 mt of the United Provinces.) 
 And becaufe there are remaining in 
 mr Kingdoms many Sub jells of the 
 States General of all the Uni¬ 
 ted Provinces, We do Declare, 
 and give Our Royal Word, that all 
 fuch of the Dutch Nation , as fijall 
 demean themfelves dutifully to¬ 
 wards Vs, and not correspond with 
 Our Emmies, Jball be fafe in their 
 Perfons and Eftates, and free from 
 aU Mleftatm And Trouble of any 
 iindy 
 
 tend ) all hopes of receiving 
 any fatisfa&ion by a Treaty. 
 After that, it is not to be 
 wonder’d at if they do think 
 themfelves fo fecure of the 
 Divine Afliftance in their juft 
 Undertakings. So Godly a War 
 could not want a happy Suc- 
 cefs. 
 
 Yet we muft not forget that 
 (as we have faid it already) 
 in the very moment they call 
 God to witnefs of our Obfti- 
 nacy, and at the time this Ma- 
 nifefto was read and approv’d 
 in the Council, they expetted 
 in hour after our Embaffadors, 
 from whom they knew before¬ 
 hand they fhould receive all 
 the fatisfattion they could rea- 
 fonably expeft : And even, 
 that this Council was call’d 
 with fo much precipitation, to 
 no other end, but to make the 
 Endeavours of our Minifters 
 fruitlefs, and to leave no fur- 
 ther room to Negotiation. 
 
 Belides, if the War, which 
 the Court of England is en¬ 
 ter’d into againft us, be fuch 
 as they could not avoid, and 
 which they had not defign’d 
 themfelves; to what end did 
 they (feveral Months before 
 the Breach) fend Minifters to 
 the Court of Sueden, and that 
 of Brandenburgh I Was it to 
 perfuade thofe Princes to 
 Hand fafter to us ? And do 
 they think we are altogether 
 Strangers to what they nego¬ 
 tiated ? Would they have us 
 and the World believe, by an 
 implicit Faith, their fecret 
 Underftanding with France be¬ 
 gan with this War 5 and that 
 
to the Englifh Declaration of War. 299 
 
 they were not bent upon our definition long before that 
 time ? All Europe is fufficiently acquainted with what hath 
 been done in that refpet. And without going back to lefs 
 publick Engagements, and of an antienter date ( as might be 
 that of Dover j in the very additional Articles which were a- 
 greed upon in the French Camp, and whereof the Engl}/}) ple¬ 
 nipotentiaries themfelves fent a Copy to the Prince of Orange , 
 they do own they had already concluded a Treaty ag inft us, 
 on the -4 of February 1672 ; that is, near two Months before 
 the Breach, as well as before they knew how far we might 
 comply with them. 
 
 Laftly, To evidence that their Declaring War was nothing 
 lefs than grounded upon the Neceflity they fpeak of; it is ol> 
 fervable, they made War upon us, before they declar’d it 5 and 
 by an unheard-of Proceeding had already fallen upon our Mer¬ 
 chant Ships that came from the Straits ; at the fame time 
 we had fent them an Extraordinary Embaffador, to offer them 
 fatisfattion upon what they did chiefly complain of, and to 
 let his Majefty of Great Britain know, how far we were defirous 
 of preferving his Friendfhip. 
 
 A N D further We do Declare , 
 That if any of the Low- 
 Country Subjells, either out of 
 Ajfellion to Vs or Our Govern¬ 
 ment , or becaufe of the Oppreffm 
 they meet with at home y fall come 
 into Our Kingdoms , they jhaU be 
 by Vs protected in their Ferfons 
 and Eftates . 
 
 A S to the Protection which 
 ‘is promis’d here to fuch 
 of our Subjects as fhall tranf- 
 port themfelves into the King¬ 
 doms of his Majefty of Great 
 Britain , 9 tis what we do not 
 oppofe: And all we can fay, 
 is. That we have not been as 
 yet fenfible of any great De¬ 
 
 population in our Provinces, 
 through the removal of our Inhabitants, nor that they have hi¬ 
 therto prefer’d the Domination of our Neighbours before Ours. 
 
 A ND whereas We are engag'd 
 by a Treaty to fupport the 
 Peace made at Aix la Chapelle, 
 We do finally Declare , That not- 
 withftanding the profecution of this 
 War , We will maintain the true 
 Intent and Scope of the f aid Treaty *, 
 and, that in all the Alliances , which 
 We have or fhall make in the pro - 
 grefs of this War , We have and 
 will take care, to preferve the 
 Ends thereof inviolable , Hnlefs pror 
 vo 1 £d to the contrary 
 
 T H E Concluflon of this 
 Manifefto is no lefs fur- 
 prizing than all the reft. And 
 if the Compilers of it had had 
 never fo little care of theiff 
 Reputation, they ought much 
 rather to have ftifled (if it had 
 been poflible) the Memory of 
 the Triple Alliance, and of the 
 Treaty of Aix, than to have 
 fo untimely put us in mind of 
 the little value they have fet 
 upoq 
 
joo The Anftver of the States General 
 
 upon their Promifes, and the folemn Engagements they 
 were entred into,, both with the Crown of Spain and with us. 
 And indeed, it is hard to imagine they are in earneft, when 
 they tell us they will maintain the true Intent and Scope of 
 the Peace of Aix la Chapelle , and preferve the Ends thereof 
 inviolable, whilft they have enter’d into a League with France 
 to invade our Provinces, and have kindled a War much more 
 dangerous than that which was compos’d at Aix . 
 
 But the better to judg of the Sincerity of this Declaration ; 
 and to the end it mayiappear how far the Court of England 
 hath preferv’d the Ends of the faid Treaty, we defife the 
 Reader to reflect upon the following Hints, which we dare 
 not enlarge upon, for fear of being too tedious. This Angle 
 Head, to clear it fully, requiring a Manifefto by it felf. 
 
 The fir ft Thing to be obferv’d, is, That the Treaty at Aix 
 la Chapelle was only the Complement, and perfecting of the 
 Triple Alliance ; wherein what was executed at Aix, had been al¬ 
 ready defign’d and agreed upcfti: And that confequently thofe 
 two Treaties cannot be divided, and ought to be look’d upon 
 :i as one Angle Treaty, tho concluded in feveral places, and at 
 ' fome months diitartce of one another. So that the Court of 
 England cannot pretend to have kept the Treaty of Aix , unlefs 
 at the fame time they can make it appear they have not vio¬ 
 lated the Triple Alliance , and that they have on their part an- 
 fwer’d its true end. 
 
 2. It is further to be obferv’d, it was his Majelly of Great Bri¬ 
 tain who propos’d the faid Alliance, having fent us in order to 
 it‘Sir William Temple, who did earneftly prefs us to join with 
 the King his Mafter, to flop the progrefs of the French Arms; 
 and by re-eftablilhing the Quiet of Chriftendom, to fet 
 bounds to a Power, which gave fo much jealoufy to all its 
 Neighbours. 
 
 3. That being overcome by the powerful Arguments of the 
 aforefaid Sir William Temple, we confented to what he defir’d 
 of us. But as we could not but forefee, that fuch an Alliance 
 would exafperate France, and might be attended with evil 
 Confcquences, we defir’d at the fame time, for our greater 
 fecurity, to unite us more ftri&ly with England, and conclu¬ 
 ded with them a Defenfive League, which till then we could 
 never obtain fmce the King’s Reiteration : not thinking that 
 after that there could be.any danger in acting jointly with 
 his faid Majelly, and complying with his defires. 
 
 4. That upon the fame grounds, when Sueden was admitted 
 into the fame Alliance, which from thence was called Triple, it 
 was ftipulated in exprefs words in the fecond and third Arti¬ 
 cles, 
 
to the Englifh Dethrat'ton of Way'. 301 
 
 cles. That to eftablilh this Alliance upon a furer Foundation, 1 
 there ihould be forever, between the contra&ing Parties, , a 
 firm and fincere Friendlhip; and that to cultivate it, and 
 preferve it really and'-fincerely, each of the faid Confede¬ 
 rates fhould heartily endeavour to procure all Good and Ad¬ 
 vantage to the others, and to preferve them, as far as they 
 were able, from all damage and peril : For which end alfo,alI 
 the Treaties and reciprocal Engagements, that were reflec¬ 
 tively between them, Ihould be preferv’d entire, and kept in¬ 
 violable. And in the fifth Article it was added, That in cafe 
 the aforefaid good Intentions of the Confederates Ihould be 
 ill refented by any other State or Prince, and that by reafon 
 of. the fame any injury were done to, or War^made upon any 
 of the Confederates, the other two fhould be bound to affifi 
 him with all poflible vigour both by Sea and Land, and not 
 to call back their Succors before they had procur’d him a re¬ 
 paration 1 ,* and until the Danger was over. 
 
 Now we ask the Compilers of the Manifefto , whether it was 
 by their giving leave to the French , to make fo great Levies in 
 England , Scotland , and Ireland ( whilft they knew they were in¬ 
 tended againft us) they began to promote our Good and our 
 Advantage, as they were bound ? Whether their fecret In¬ 
 trigues with the French , and the Engagements they had with 
 the faid Crown, be what they call to cultivate the fincere 
 Friendlhip they had promis’d us ? How far their Carriage in 
 the Courts of Sueden and Brandenburgh hath been agreeable to 
 the Obligation they lay under, to preferve us, as far as they 
 were able, from the Danger that did threaten us? And laftly, 
 whether they do perfuade themfelves,. they have honeftly per¬ 
 form’d the Defenjive League they had concluded with us, by 
 their breaking with us, the very firft, without any provocation 
 ■ from us ? 
 
 But it is'not Only in relation to us, the Court of England 
 did not obferve the Triple Alliance : They have valued it as 
 little both in other refpe&s, and upon other occafions. Thus, 
 altho by the feventh Article of the Treaty of Aix , all Kings^ 
 Potentates and Princes had a right to give their Guaranty for the 
 performance of the faid Treaty, that is, in other words, to 
 come into the Triple Alliance , wherein the fanje thing had al¬ 
 ready been covenanted; And that purfuant to the faid Treaty, 
 the King of Great Britain ( whilft his Minifters had other 
 thoughts) had follicited feveral German Princes to come into 
 the lame Alliance: Yet when the Emperor defir’d, a while af¬ 
 ter, to be admitted into it, the Perfuafions of the French were 
 fo powerful, that it was denied in England , after they had pro¬ 
 mis’d it at firft ; and the faid Court began to fear to fee the 
 
 Peace 
 
J02 The Anfrver of the States General 
 
 Peace too well fettled, far from continuing in their firft Zeal, 
 and keeping up the reputation of a League, which ow’d its Be¬ 
 ing to them. 
 
 Laftly, Seeing the chief End of the Triple Alliance was to 
 fettle the Peace of Chriftendom; and that the Jealoufy, which 
 the Greatnefs of France rais’d in feveral Princes, had been the 
 occafion of their uniting themfelves, and which in particular 
 had mov’d the Court of England to make the firft Overtures 
 of it: The faid Court could not overthrow more openly all 
 that they had done before, nor violate the Triple Alliance more 
 dire&ly, than by fetting, as they have done, all Chriftendom 
 in a flame; and by countenancing with fo much Zeal, the 
 Arms of a Prince whom they had, for fome years, made it 
 their Glory to deprefs. 
 
 And now upon all that has been faid ( wherein we hope it 
 will appear to every impartial Eye, that we have not us’d the 
 difingenuous Licence of our Adverfaries, in afferting whatfo- 
 ever may be for their purpofe, without the leaft colour of 
 Truth to fupport it; but have ftri&ly confin’d our felves to 
 matter of Fadt, juftified by Authentick Originals, and carry¬ 
 ing undeniable Self-demunftration along with it) We appeal 
 to all the World, whether or no there has been any thing 
 done on our part, which may truly be faid to be an Infraction 
 of the late Treaty at Breda, and of the Sacred Triple League , 
 fo religioufly entred into, for the Common Prefervation of 
 the Peace and Safety of all Europe. And altho through the 
 Goodnefs of God, who has miraculoufly put a flop to the De- 
 figns of our Enemies, we are at prefent in a Condition to de¬ 
 fend our felves, (jointly with our Allies, to whom we are 
 ftri&ly united) and have no caufe to defpair, but that our 
 Arms will Hill be attended with that fuccefs, which the righ¬ 
 teous God do’s ufually give to fo juft a Caufe: yet being al¬ 
 ways ready to apply our felves to the moft hopeful ways of 
 procuring Peace with all our Neighbours ; and having more 
 particular Inclinations to do any thing which may be leading 
 to a right Underftanding with the Kingdom of England (whofe 
 Friendfhip we moft earneftly defire, and ever (hall efteem as 
 the greateft worldly Blelfmg) We do here, in the fimplicity 
 of our Hearts, and in the confidence of our own Integrity, 
 fubmit the Sincerity of this our Defence to the Judgment of 
 the Engliflj Nation in general, and more particularly of the 
 High and Honourable Court of Parliament, as reprefenting 
 the whole Body of the Nation; whom we are not only willing 
 to make the foie Arbitrators of ail the unhappy Differences 
 betwixt the Court of England and us \ but (hould account it 
 
to the Eflglifll Detlaration of War. 
 
 the moft profperous Step to an happy Accommodation, if they 
 ( who muft be allow’d to be the beft Judges of this Contro- 
 ^verfy ) would take the pains rightly to difcriminate betwixt 
 the true Intereftof the Nation (which theyreprefent) and 
 the Artificial Pretences of fome few Evil-minded Men, who 
 ( for fome finifter Purpofes of their own, very little agree¬ 
 able to the Duty they owe both to God and their Country) 
 have contriv’d this War, in order to Ends equally deftruftive 
 to England ,, as to this State. 
 
 f 
 
 
( 3H ) • 
 
 -—r~rrr 
 
 The Peoples Antient and Juft Liber¬ 
 ties afferted, in the Tryal of Wil¬ 
 liam Penn and William Mead, 
 at the Sejjions held at the Old- 
 Baily in London, the firfi, third, 
 fourth and fifth of Sept. 1670. 
 againfl the moft Arbitrary Proce¬ 
 dure of that Court. 
 
 To the Englifh Reader. 
 
 I F ever it were time to fpeal1, or write, 'tit now , fo many ft range 
 Occurrences requiring both. 
 
 How much thou art concern'd in this enfuing Tryal f where not 
 only the Frifoners, hut the Fundamental Laws of England, have 
 been-moft Arbitrarily ArraignedJ read , and thou may'ft plainly judg . 
 
 Liberty of Confcience is counted a Pretence for Rebellion , and 
 Religious Affemblies, Routs and Riots ; and the Defenders of 
 both, are by them, reputed Factious and DifaiFefted. 
 
 Magna Charta is Magnaf - with the Recorder of London 5 
 
 and to demand Right, an Affront to the Court . 
 
 Will and Power are their great Charter ; but to call for Eng- 
 landV, is a Crime , incurring the Penalty of their Bale-Dock, and 
 Hafty-hole 5 nay t the Menace of a Gag, and Iron Shackles too . 
 
 The 
 
The Trjal ofW. Penn and W. Mead. 505 
 
 The Jury (tho proper Judges of Law ahd Faff J they would ha%> c 
 ever-ruled in both, as if their Verdi ft ftgnifie'd no more, than to eccho 
 bacf the illegal Charge of the Bench ; and becaufe their Courage and 
 Honefty did more than hold pace with the Threat and Abufe of thofe who 
 \ fate at Judges, f after two days and two nights Reflraint for a Verdifl J 
 in the end were Fined and Imprifoned for giving it. 
 
 0 ! what monftrous and illegal Proceedings are th'efe ? Who reafonabfy 
 can call his Coat hit own, when Property is made fubfervient to 
 the Will and Intereft of his Judges? Or , who can truly efteem hM - 
 felf a Free-man , when all Pleas for Liberty are efteem’d Se¬ 
 dition* and the Laws that give, and maintain them, fo maty infigni- 
 ficaht pieces of formality ? 
 
 And what do they lefs than plainly tell hs fo, who at Will and Plea - 
 fure break open our Locks, rob our Houles, ra2e their Founda¬ 
 tions, imprifon our Perfons, and finally deny us Juftice to our 
 Relief ? at if they then ailed moj} like ChrijHan Aden, wheh they were 
 mojl barbarous in ruining fuch at really are fo ; and that no Sacrifice 
 could be fo acceptable to God, as the dejlruflion of thofe that mft feat 
 bitty 
 
 Jn fljort ; That the Contentions jlmld only be obnoxious , arid the 
 juft Demand of our t Religions Liberty , the Reafon why we ffmld be de¬ 
 nied our civil Freedom fas if to be a Chrijhan and an Englifu-man 
 were inconfijknt J and that fomuch folicitude and deep contrivance JJjould 
 be imploy’d only to enfnare and ruin fo many Ten thoufand confcientious 
 Families , fo eminently.mduftrious, Serviceable and exemplary; 
 whilji. Murders can jo eajily obtain Pardons, Rapes be remitted, pub - 
 lief Vncleannefs pafs unpunifJj'd, and all manner of Levity, Prodi¬ 
 gality, Excefs, Prophanenefs and Atheifm univerfatly fnniv'd 
 at, if not in fame refpefl manifejily encourag'd, cannot but be deieftably 
 abhorrent to every ferions and hone)} Mind. 
 
 Tet that this lamentable State is true, and the prefent Projea iti 
 hand, let London^ Recorder, and Canterbury’^ Chaplain be heard » 
 
 The firft in his publicly Panegyricf upon the Spanifh Inauilitioii* 5 
 highly admiring the Prudence of the Romifti Church, in the 
 ereftion of it, as ari excellent way to prevent Scftifm ^ which 
 unhappy Expreffm , at once paffeth Sentence, both again)} our Fhndamen- l 
 tal Laws, and Proteftant Reformation . 
 
 The fecond, in his printed Mercenary Difcourfe againfl Toleration* 
 Aprihg for a math Principle, That it would be lefs injurious t<J 
 the Government, to difpenfe with prophane and loofe PelToifo* 
 than to allow a Toleration to Religiotfs Diffenters. It were to 
 over-do the bufinefs, to fay clny more, where there is fo much faid al¬ 
 ready t 
 
 And tfxrefore, to conclude , we cannot chufe but adrtionifl) all, as pelt 
 Perfecutors, to relinquifl? their Heady, Partial and Inhumane Pro - 
 ftcutms (as what will certainly ijfue in difgrace here 3 and inevitable. 
 
 X con digit 
 
jo 6 The Tryai of W« Penn md W. Mead 
 
 condign Punijbment hereafter J as thofc who yet dare exprefs their Aton 
 deration f however out effaffjion, or made the Brand 0} PhanaticifmJ 
 not to be huff’d or menaced out of that excellent Temper , to make their 
 Farts and Perfons fubfervient to the bafe Humors , and fmifter Deftgns t 
 of the biggefi Mortal upon Earths But to reverence and obey the Eter¬ 
 nal juft God, before whofe great Tribunal all muft render their 
 , accounts, and where he will reeompenfe to every Perfon ac¬ 
 cording to his Works* 
 
 Trth of William Penn and 
 William Mead. 
 
 A S there can fee no Obfervation, where there is no Action; 
 fo it’s impoflibte, there fhould be a judicious Intelligence, 
 without due Obfervation* 
 
 And futce there can be nothing more feafonabie than a right 
 Informations efpeeially of Publicly Alls ; and well knowing, how 
 indnftrfous fosne will be, to mifreprefent this Tryal to the dif- 
 ■ advantage of the Caufe and Prifoners, it was thought requi¬ 
 site, in defence of both, and for the fatisfaftion of the People, 
 'to make it more publick ; nor can there be any bufinefs where¬ 
 in the People of England are more concern’d, than in that 
 which relates to their Civil and Religious Liberties, queftion’d 
 In the Perfons' above-named, at the Old-Baily, the fir ft, thirds 
 fourth and fifth of Septemb • 1670. 
 
 There being prefent, 
 
 Sam, Starling, Mayor. T r Richard Ford , Alderman* 
 
 The. . Howel, Recorder. Cj Jofeph Shelden, Alderman. 
 
 The, Bludworth, Alderrm ( jjohn Smith, ? -rr 
 
 William Peaky Alderm* j C, James Edwards,} 1 s * 
 
 €ryer« O Yes, Thomas Veer, —— Bujhel , John Hammond ,, 
 Charles Mil fan, Gregory W'alkfei, John Brightman , William Plumfted , 
 Homy Henley, Thomas Damask , Henry MicheL William Lever , John 
 Molly. 
 
 The Form of the Oath. 
 
 You ffaM mil and truly try, and true Deliverance make , betwixt our 
 Sovereign Lord the King, and the Prifoners at the Bar , according $.0 
 
 w.a ftvidem s So help m God* ' ‘ ■ 
 
 That 
 
At the §(fftons in'the Ol^Baily, 1670. 307 
 
 That William Penn Gent, and William Mead , late of London , 
 Linen-Draper, with divers other Perfons, to the Jnrors un¬ 
 known, to the number of Three hundred, the 14th Day of 
 Augufi, in the 22d Year of the King, about Eleven of the Clock 
 in the Forenoon, the fame Day, with Force and Arms, 
 ill the Parifh of St. Bennet Grace-Church in Bridg-ward , London , in 
 the Street called Grace-Churcb-Street , Unlawfully and Tumul- 
 tuoufly did Affemble and Congregate themfelves together, to 
 the Difturbance of the Peace of the faid Lord the King : 
 And the aforefaid William Penn , and William Mead, together 
 with other Perfons, to the Jurors afoxefaid unknown, then and 
 there fo alfembled and congregated together ; the aforefaid 
 William Penn , by agreement between him and William Mead, be¬ 
 fore made ; and hy Abetment of the aforefaid William Mead, 
 then and there, in the open Street, did take upon himfelf to 
 Preach and Speak, and then and there did Preach and Speak 
 unto the aforefaid William Mead, and other Perfons there, in 
 the Street aforefaid, being affembled and congregated toge- 
 I ther; by reafon whereof, a great Concourfe and Tumult of 
 People in the Street aforefaid, then and there a long time 
 did remain and continue, in contempt of the faid Lord the 
 King, and of his Law, to the great Difturbance of his Peace, 
 to the great Terror and Difturbance of many of his Liege 
 People and Subjects, to the ill Example of all others, in the 
 like cafe Offenders, and againft the Peace of the faid Lord 
 the King, his Crown and Dignity. 
 
 What fay you, William Penn and William Mead ? are you guilty 
 as you ftand indi&ed, in manner and form, as aforefaid, or 
 hot guilty ? 
 
 Penn . It is impoflible that we .ftiould be able to remember 
 the Indittment verbatim ; and therefore we defire a Copy of 
 it, as is cuftomary in the like occafions. 
 
 Rec, You muft firft plead to the Indiftment, before you can 
 have a Copy of it. 
 
 Penn . I am unacquainted with the Formality of the Law ; 
 and therefore, before I lhall anfwer dire&ly, I requeft two 
 Things of the Court. Firft, That no Advantage may be ta¬ 
 ken againft me, nor I deprived of any Benefit, w hi h I might 
 other wife have received. Secondly, That you will promife 
 -me a fair Hearing, and Liberty of making my .Defence. 
 
 Court . No Advantage (hall be taken againft you ; you ihafl 
 have liberty ; you lhall be heard, 
 j Penn . Then 1 plead Not guilty in manner and form. 
 
 Cler. What fayeft thou, William Mead ? art thou guilty in 
 | .manner and form, as thou ftandeft indifted, or not guiltv ? 
 
 X 2 Meal 
 
3 o 8 The Tryd of W. Penn and W. Mead 
 
 Mead. I fhall defire the fame Liberty as is promifed William 
 Penn. 
 
 Court . You fhall have it. 
 
 Mead. Then I plead Not guilty in manner and fornv 
 The Court adjourned until the Afternoon. 
 
 ■ Cryer. O Yes, foe. 
 
 Cler. Bring William Penn and William Mead to the Bar. 
 
 Obferv. The faid Prifoners were brought, but were fet afide, 
 and other bufinefs profecuted. Where we cannot chufe but 
 obferve, that it was the conftant and unkind Practice of the 
 Court to the Prifoners, to make them wait upon the Tryals 
 of Felons and Murderers, thereby defigning, in all probability, 
 both to affront and tire them. 
 
 After five hours attendance, the Court broke up, and ad¬ 
 journed to the third inftant. 
 
 The third of September , 1670. the Court fate. 
 
 Cryer. O yes, foe. 
 
 Ckr. Bring William Penn and William Mead before the Bar. 
 Mayor. Sirrah, who bid you put off their Hats ? put on their 
 Hats again/ 
 
 Obferv. Whereupon one of the Officers putting the Prifoners 
 Hats upon their Heads (purfiiant to the Order of the Court) 
 brought them to the Bar. 
 
 Record. Do you know where you are ? 
 
 Penn. Yes. 
 
 Record. Do not you know it is the King’s Court ? 
 
 Penn. I know it to be a Court, and I fuppofe it to be the 
 King’s Court. 
 
 Record. Do you not know there is Refpeft due to the 
 Court ? 
 
 Penn. Yes. 
 
 Record. Why do you not pay it then? 
 
 Penn. I do fo. 
 
 Record. Why do you not pull off your Hat then ? 
 
 Penn. Becaufe I do not believe that to be any Refpeft. 
 Record. Well, the Court fets forty Marks a piece upon your 
 Heads, as a Fine for your Contempt of the Court. 
 
 Penn. I defire it might be obferv’d, that we came into the 
 Court with our Hats off, (that is, taken off) and if they have 
 been put on fince, it was by Order from the Bench $ and 
 therefore not we, but the Bench fhould be fined. 
 
 Mead. I have a Queftion to ask the Recorder \ Am I fined 
 alfo ? 
 
 Recor. Ye;. Mead. 
 
 \ 
 
at the SeJJions in the Old-Baily, 1670. 509 
 
 Mead. I defire the Jury, and all people, to tube notice of 
 this Injuftice of the Recorder ; who fpake to me to ^ull off my 
 Hat; and yet hath he put a Fine upon my Head. O fear the 
 Lord, and dread his Power, and yield to the guidance ofiiis 
 holy Spirit, for he is not far from every one of you. 
 
 The Jury Sworn again. 
 
 Obfer. J . Robinfon , Lieutenant of the Tower, difingenuoufly ob¬ 
 jected againft- Bujhell , as if he had not kifs’d the Book, 
 
 and therefore would have him Sworn again; tho indeed, it was 
 on purpofc, to have made ufe of his Tendernefs of Confcience 
 in avoiding reiterated Oaths, to have put him by his being a 
 Jury-man, apprehending him to be a perfon not fit to anfwer 
 their arbitrary Ends. 
 
 The Clerk read the Indictment, as aforefaid. 
 
 Cler . Cryer, call James Cool? into the Court *, give him his 
 Oath. 
 
 Cler. James Cook, lay your Hand upon the Book > the Evidence you 
 (hall give to the Court betwixt our Sovereign the King , and the Prifo - 
 tiers at the Bar f jhall be the Truth , and the whole Truth , and nothing 
 but the Truth: So help you God , 6cc. 
 
 Cook • I was fent for from the Exchange, to go and difperfe 
 a Meeting in Gratmu-jbect , where I faw Mr. Penn fpeaking to 
 the People ; but I could not hear what he faid, becaufe of the 
 noife: I endeavour’d to make way to take him, but I could not 
 get to him for the Croud of People: upon which Captain Mead 
 came to me, about the Kennel of the Street, and delired me 
 to let him go on; for when he had done, he would bring 
 Mr. Penn to me. 
 
 Cour » What number do you think might be there ? , 
 
 ! Cook. About three or four hundred People. 
 
 Cour. Call Richard Read: Give him his Oath. 
 
 Read being fworn, was ask’d. What do you know concerning 
 the Prifoners at the Bar ? 
 
 Read. My Lord, I went to Grathiu-ftreet , where I foiled a. 
 great Croud of People, and I heard Mr. Penn preach to them; 
 and I faw Captain Mead fpeaking to Lieutenant Cook, but what 
 he faid, I could not tell. 
 
 Mead. What did William Penn fay ? 
 
 Read. There was fuch a great noife, that I could not tell 
 what he faid. 
 
 Mead. Jury, obferve this Evidence ; He faith he heard him 
 preach, and yet faith, he doth not know what he faid. 
 
 Jury, take notice ; he fwears now a clean contrary thing to 
 what he fwore before the Mayor, when we were committed: 
 For now he fwears that he faw me in Gratiow-Jbeet, and yet 
 
 X 3 ~ fwow 
 
?io The Trjial of W. Penn and W. Mead 
 
 fwore before the Mayor, when I was committed, that he did 
 not fee me there. I appeal to the Mayor himfelf, if this be 
 not true ; but no Anfwer was given. 
 
 Cour. What number do you think might be there ? 
 
 Read, About four or five hundred. 
 
 Penn . I defire to know of him what day it was ? 
 
 Read. Anfw. the 14th day of Auguft, 
 
 Penn. Did he fpeak to me, or let me know he was there ? 
 for I am very fure I never faw him. 
 
 Clcr, Cryer, call---into the Court. 
 
 Cow. Give him his Oath. 
 
 My Lord, I faw a great number of People, and Mr. Penn I 
 fuppofe was Speaking ; I fee him make a motion with his 
 hands, and heard fome noife, but could not underftand what 
 he faid; but for Captain Mead y I did not fee him there. 
 
 Rec. What fay you, Mr. Mead ? were you there ? 
 
 Mead . It is a Maxim in your own Law, Nemo tenetur accufare 
 feipfum ; which if it be not true Latin, I am fure it is true 
 JSnglifh, That no man U bound to accufe himfelf: And hy doft thou 
 offer to enfnare me with fuch a (^ueftion ? Doth not this fhew 
 thy Malice? Is this like unto a Judg, that ought to be Coun- 
 fel for the Prifoner at the Bar ? 
 
 Record . Sir, Hold your Tongue, X did not go about to en- 
 fnare you. 
 
 Penn. I defire we may come more clofe to the Point, and 
 that Silence be commanded in the Court. 
 
 Cry. O yes; All mariner of Perfons keep Silence, upon pain 
 of Imprifonment —— Silence in the Court. 
 
 Perm. We confefs our felves to be fo far from recanting, or 
 declining to vindicate the Affembling of our felves to Preach, 
 Pray, or Worfhip the Eternal, Holy, Juft God ; that we de¬ 
 clare to all the World, that we do believe it to be our indif- 
 penfable duty, to meet incefiantly upon fo good an account ; 
 nor fhall all the Powers upon Earth be able to divert us from 
 reverencing and adoring our God, who made us. 
 
 Brown. You are not here for worfhipping God, but for 
 breaking the Law; you do your felves a great deal of wrong 
 in going on in that difeourfe. 
 
 Penn. I affirm I have broken no Law, nor am I guilty of the 
 Xndiftment that is laid to my charge; and to the end, the 
 Bench, the Jury, and my felf, with thefe that hear us, may 
 have a more direct underftanding of this procedure, I defire 
 you would let me know by what Law it is you profecute me, 
 $nd upon what Law you ground my Indictment. 
 
 Rev. Upon the Common Law. 
 
 fm. Where is that Common Law? 
 
 Rce, 
 
at the Seffions in the Gld*BaiIy, 1670, j 11 
 
 Rec. You mull not think that I am able to run up fo.many 
 years, and over fo many adjudged Cafes, which we call Com¬ 
 mon Law, to anfwer your curiofity. 
 
 Penn. This Anfwer, I am fure, is very fhort of my Queftion ; 
 for if it be Common, it fhould not be fo hard to produce. 
 
 Rec. Sir, will you plead to your IndiCiment? 
 
 Penn. Shall I plead to an Indictment that hath no Founda¬ 
 tion in Law ? If it contain that Law you fay I have broken, 
 why fhould you decline to produoe that Law, ftnce it. will be 
 impoflible for the Jury to determine, or agree to bring in their . 
 Ver-diCt, who have not the Law produc’d, by which they fhould 
 meafure the Truth of this Indictment, and the Guilt, or coa- 
 trary of my FaCi ? 
 
 Rcc. You are a fawcy Fellow, fjJltekto the IndiCtmenL 
 
 Penn . I fay, it is my place to fpeak to Matter of Law; I a-m. 
 
 1 arraigned a Prifoner, my Liberty, which is next to Life it 
 felf, is now concerned; you are many 
 Mouths and Ears againft me, and if I Obfen At this time 
 muft not be allowed to make the heft feveral upon the. Bench 
 j of my Cafe, it is hard : I fay again, urged hard upon the Pri~ 
 unlefs you Ihew me, and the People, foner to bear him down* 
 the Law you ground your Indictment 
 upon ; I fhall take it for granted, your Proceedings are merely 
 Arbitrary. 
 
 Rec. The Queftion is, Whether you are guilty of this In¬ 
 dictment ? 
 
 Penn. The Queftion is not. Whether I am guilty of this In¬ 
 dictment, but whether this Indictment be legal; it is too ge¬ 
 neral and imperfeCt an Anfwer, to fay it is the Common Law, 
 unlefs we knew both where, and what it is: For where there 
 is no Law, there is no Tranfgreffion; and that Law which is 
 not in being, is fo far from being Common, that it is no Law 
 at all. 
 
 Rec. You are an impertinent Fellow ; will you teach the 
 Court what Law is? It’s Lex non fcripta , that which many have 
 ftudied thirty or forty years to know ; and would you have me 
 to tell you in a moment ? 
 
 Penn. Certainly; If the Common Law be fo hard to be under¬ 
 stood, it’s far from being very Common: But if the Lord Cook* 
 in his Inftitutes, be of any confideration, he tells us, That Com¬ 
 mon Law is Common Right, and that Common Right is the 
 great Charter-Privileges, confirm’d 9 Hen. 3. 29. 25 Edw* 1.n 
 2 Edw. 3.8. Cool1 Injht.2. p. 56. 
 
 Rec. Sir, you are a troublefome Tellow, and it is not Joe 
 the Honour of the Court to fuffer you to go on. 
 
12 The Tryd of W. Penn and W. Mead 
 
 Penn . I have ask’d but one Queftion, and you have not an* 
 fwer’d me * v tho 'the 1 Rights and Privileges of every Englilh* 
 jnan be concern’d in it. 
 
 ; Rec. If I fhould fuffer you to ask Queftions till to morrow 
 morning, you would be never the.wifer. 
 
 ’ Penn , That is according as the Anfwers are. 
 
 Rec. 1 Sir, We mu If not ftand to hear you talk all night. 
 
 Penn. I defign np : Affront to the Court, but to be heard in 
 my juft Plea \ and I mult plainly tell you, that if you will 
 deny me QyeV of that Law, which you fuggeft I have broken, 
 you do at once deny me an acknowledged Right, and evidence 
 to the whole World your refolutidn to facrince the Priyileges 
 of Englifh-men to your finifter and arbitrary Deftgns, 
 
 Rec. Ta’ke him away: Lord, if you take not fome courfe 
 
 with‘this peftilent Fellow, to flop his mouth, we fhall not be 
 able to do any thing to Night. 
 
 May. Take him away. Take him away \ turn him int© the 
 Bale-dock. 
 
 Penn. Thefe are but fo many vain Exclamations; Is this Ju- 
 ftice or true Judgment? Muft I therefore be taken away, 
 becaufe I plead for the Fundamental Laws of England * How¬ 
 ever, this I leave upon your Confciences, who are of the Jury 
 (and my lole Judges) that-if thefe Antient Fundamental Lay/s, 
 which relate to Liberty and Property, ( and are not limited 
 to particular Perfuafions in Matters of Religion) muft not 
 be indifpenfiblv maintain’d and obferv’d 5 Who can fay he 
 hath right to the Coat upo’n his Back? Certainly our Liber¬ 
 ties are openly to be invaded, our Wives to be ravifhed, our 
 Children {laved, our Families ruined, and our Eftates led a- 
 way in Triumph, by every fturdy Beggar and malicious In¬ 
 former, as their Trophies, but our (pretended) Forfeits for 
 Conference fake y the Lord of Heaven and Earth will be Judg 
 between us in this matter. 
 
 Rec. Be ft lent there. 
 
 Penh, I am hot to be blent in a Cafe wherein I am fo much 
 'concerned ^ and not only my felf, but many Ten thoufand Fa- 
 milies befides. 
 
 ‘ Obfer. They having ruddy hal’d him into the Bale-dock, 
 William Mead theylet t in Court, who fpake as followeth. 
 
 ‘ Mead . You Men of the Jury, here I do now ftand, to an¬ 
 swer to an Indictment agamft me, which is a bundle of Stuffy 
 full of Lies and Falftioods y for therein Lam accufed, that I 
 met Vi d^ armhf illicite & tiimultuofe: Tune was, when I had 
 f^eedo/n to ufe a catnal Weapon, and then I thought I feared 
 ib Man; but n$w I fear the Living: pod, and dare nnt: mak? 
 thyyeofj npr hurt any Man y nor do I know I demeaned 
 
 ■ ^ • : * ^ 11 '■ " ■ m 
 
4t the §eflions in the Old-Baily, 1670. J1 j 
 
 jpy felf as a tumultuous perfon: I fay, I am a peaceable Man, 
 therefore it is a very proper Queftion what William Penn de¬ 
 manded in this Cafe, An Oyer of the Law, on which qyr In- 
 didment is grounded. 
 
 Recor. I have made Anfwer to that already. 
 
 Mead, turning his Face to the Jury,, faith, You Men of the 
 Jury, who are my Judges, if the Recorder will not tell you what? 
 makes a Riot, a Rout, or an unlawful Amenably, Cook, he that 
 once they called the Lord Cook ’J tells us what makes a Riot, a 
 Rout, and an unlawful Affembly —■ ■ A Riot is when three, 
 or more, are met together to beat a Man, or to enter forcibly 
 into another Man’s Land, to cut down his Grafs, his Wood, or 
 break down his Pales. 
 
 Obfer. Here the Recorder interrupted him, and faid, I thank 
 you Sir, that you will tell me what the Law is, fcornfully pul¬ 
 ling off his Hat. 
 
 Mead. Thou may’ll: put on thy Hat, \ haye never a Fee for 
 
 thee now. 
 
 Brown. He talks at random, one while an Independent , another 
 while fome other Religion, and now a Quaker, and next a Pa* 
 Tift. 
 
 Mead. Turpe eft dodori cum culpa redarguit ad ipfum. 
 
 May. You deferve to have your Tongue cut out. 
 
 Rec. If you difcourfe on this manner, I (hall take occafion 
 againft you. 
 
 ' r Mead. Thou didft promife me I fhould have fair liberty to 
 be heard* Why may I not have the privilege of an Englilh- 
 man ? I an Englilh-man, and you might be afham’d of 
 this dealing. 
 
 Rec. I look upon you to be an Enemy to the Laws of England , 
 which ought to be obferv’d and kept * nor are you worthy of 
 filch Privileges as others have. 
 
 Mead. The Lord is Judg between me and thee in this mat¬ 
 ter. 
 
 Obfer. Upon which they took him away into the Bale-dock, 
 and the Recorder proceeded to give the Jury their Charge, as 
 followeth. 
 
 Rec. You have heard what the Indictment is; It is for preach¬ 
 ing to the People, and drawing a tumultuous Company after 
 them, and Mr. Penn was fpeaking ; if they fhould not be di- 
 fturbed, you fee they will go on * there are three or four Wit- 
 neffes that have proved this, that he did preach there, that 
 Mr. Mead did allow of it * after this, you have heard by fub- 
 ftantial Witneffes what is faid againft them. Now we are Upon 
 the Matter of Fad, which you are to keep to, and obferve, as 
 what hath been fully fwom, at your peril* 
 
514 The Trjtal of W. Penn W. Mead 
 
 Obfer . The Prifoners were put out of the Court, into the 
 Bale-dock, and the Charge given to the Jury in their abfence ; 
 at which W. P. with a very raifed Voice, it being a confide- 
 rable diftance from the Bench, fpake: 
 
 Pern . I appeal to the Jury, who are my Judges, and this 
 great Affembly, whether the Proceedings of the Court are 
 not moft arbitrary, and void of all Law, in offering to give 
 the Jury their Charge in the abfence of the Prifoners ; I fay, 
 it is direftly oppofite to, and deftruttive of, the undoubted 
 Right of every Englifh Prilbner, as Cool^ in the 2 Infiit.2^. on 
 the Chap, of Magna Charta fpeaks. 
 
 ~ Obfer. The Recorder being thus unexpectedly lafht for his 
 extra-judicial procedure, faid with an inraged Smile, 
 
 it ec. Why, ye are prefent, you do hear, do you not ? 
 
 Perm. No Thanks to the Court, that commanded me into 
 the Bale-dock; and you of the Jury take notice, that I have 
 hot been heard, neither can you legally depart the Court be¬ 
 fore I have been fully heard, having at leaft ten or twelve 
 Material Points to offer, in order to invalid their Indittment. 
 
 Rec. Pull that Fellow down, pull him down. 
 
 Mead. Are thefe according to the Rights and Privileges of 
 Englifh-men, that we fhould not be heard, but turned into the 
 Bale-dock for making our Defence, and the Jury to have their 
 Charge given them in our abfence ? I fay, thefe are Barbarous 
 and Unjuft Proceedings. 
 
 Ree. Take them away into the Hole; to hear them talk all 
 night, as they would, that I think doth not become the Ho¬ 
 nour of the Court; and I think you (/. e. the Jury ) your 
 felves would be tired out, and not have patience to hear 
 them. 
 
 Obfer. The Juty were commanded up to agree upon their 
 Verdict 3 the Pritbners remaining in the flunking Hole ; after 
 an hour and half’s time eight came down agreed, but four re¬ 
 main’d above, the Court fent an Officer for them, and they 
 accordingly came down: The Bench ufed many unworthy 
 Threats to the four that diffented 5 and the Recorder, addref- 
 fmg himfelf to BufheUy faid, 4 Sir, You are the caufe of this 
 
 * difturbance, and manifeftly Ihew your felf an Abettor of 
 4 Fa & ion ; I fhall fet a Mark upon you. Sir. 
 
 J. RobinfoK 9 * Mr. Btifieil, I have known you near this four- 
 
 * teen years j you have thruft your felf upon this Jury, becaufe 
 
 * you think there is fome fervice for you; I tell you, you de- 
 « ferve to be indi&ed more than any Man that hath been 
 f brought to the Bar this day. 
 
 Blip), No, Sir Jobn-y there were threefcore before me, and I 
 would willingly have got off* but could not. 
 
 Blodw. 
 
At the Sefjions in the Old-Baily, 1670. 515 
 
 Bloodw. I faid when I faw Mr. BufheU y What I fee is come to 
 pafs, for I knew he would never yield. Mr. Bujbell y we know 
 what you are. 
 
 May. Sirrah, you are an impudent Fellow, I will put a mark 
 
 upon you. . - 
 
 Obfer. They ufed much menacing Language, and behaved 
 themfelves very imperiouny to the Jury, as perfons not more 
 void of Juftice than fober Education. After this Barbarous 
 Ufage, they Cent them to conlider of bringing in their Ver¬ 
 did, and after fome confiderable time they returned to the 
 Court. Silence was called for, and the Jury called by theiy 
 Karnes. 
 
 Cler . Are you agreed upon your Verdid? 
 
 Jury. Yes. 
 
 Cler . Who (hall fpeak for you ? 
 
 Jury. Our Fore-man. 
 
 Cler. Look upon the Prifoners at the Bar * How fay you ? Is 
 William Penn guilty of the Matter wherefore he Hands indided 
 in Manner and Form, or Not guilty ? 
 
 Fore-m. Guilty of fpeaking in GracioM-ftreet. 
 
 Court. Is that all ? 
 
 Fore-m. That is all I have in Commiflion. 
 
 Recor. You bad as good fay nothing. 
 
 May. Was it not an unlawful Affembly? you mean he Was 
 fpeaking to a Tumult of People there ? 
 
 Fore-m. My Lord, this was all I had in Commiflion. 
 
 Obfer. Here fome of the Jury feern’d to buckle to the Que- 
 ftions of the Court; upon which BuJJ)ell 3 Hammond , and fome 
 others oppofed themfelves, and faid, They allowed of nofucft 
 word as an unlawful Affembly in their Verdid: At which the 
 Recorder , Mayor , Robinfon and Bloodmrtb took great occafion to 
 vilify them with mofx opprobrious Language ; and this Verdid 
 not ferving their turns, the Recorder expreffed himfelf thus. 
 
 Recor. The Law of England will not allow you to part till you 
 have given in your Verdid. 
 
 Jury. We have given in our Verdid, and we can give in 
 no other. 
 
 Recor . Gentlemen, you have not given in your Verdid, and 
 you had as good fay nothing; therefore go and confider it 
 once more, that we may make an end of this troublefom bu~ 
 finefs. 
 
 Jury. We defire we may have Pen, Ink and Paper. 
 
 Obfer. The Court adjourned for half an hour ; which being 
 expired, the Court returns, and the Jury not long after. 
 
 The Prifoners were brought to the Bar, and the Juries 
 Names called over. 
 
 . Clot. 
 
6 The Tryal of W. Penn and W. Mead 
 
 Cler . Are you agreed of yoi?r Verdid ? 
 
 Yes# 
 
 Cler. Who (hall fpeak for you ? 
 
 Jury. Our Fore-man. 
 
 Cler . What fay you; look upon the Prifoners; Is William 
 Penn guilty in Manner and Form, as he Hands inditted, or 
 not guilty ? 
 
 fore?m. Here is our Verdift, (holding forth a piece of Paper 
 to the Clerk of the Peace) which follows. 
 
 W E the Jurors , hereafter named, do find William Penn to 
 be guilty of Speaking or Preaching to an Alfemhly, 
 met together in Gracions-jireet , the 14th of Augujl laft, 1670# 
 And that William Mead is Not guilty of the faid Indiftment. 
 
 Fore-m. Thomas Veer , 
 
 Edward BuJbeU, 
 John Hammond , 
 Henry Henley . 
 Henry Michel, 
 John Bright man. 
 
 Charles Milfoil, 
 Gregory Wallet, 
 John Baily, 
 William Lever, 
 James Damasl^ 
 Will. Plumfted. 
 
 Obfer. This both Mayor and Recorder refented at fo high a 
 rate, that they exceeded the bounds of all Reafon and Civi¬ 
 lity. 
 
 May* What, will you be led by fuch a filly Fellow as Buftell ? 
 an impudent canting Fellow ; I warrant you, you (hall come 
 no more upon juries in hafte : You are a Fore-man indeed, 
 addreffmg himfelf to the Fore-man, I thought you had under- 
 ftood your place better. 
 
 Reeor. (gentlemen, you {hall not be difmifs’d till we have a 
 Verdift that the Court will accept; and you (hall be lockt up, 
 without Meat, Drink, Fire, and Tobacco; you {hall not think 
 thus to abufe the Court; we will .have a Yerdift, by the help 
 of God, or you {hall ltarve for it. 
 
 Penn. My Jury, who are my Judges, ought not to be thus 
 menaced ; their Verdift fhould be free, and not compelled ; 
 the Bench ought to wait upon them, but not flpreftall them. 
 I do defire that Juftice may be done me, and that the arbi¬ 
 trary Refolves of the Bench may not be made the meafure of 
 my Jury’s Verditt. 
 
 Recor. Stop that prating Fellow’s mouth, or put him out 
 of the Court. 
 
 May. You have heard that he preach’d, that he gather’d a 
 Company of tumultuous People, and that they do not only 
 difobey the Martial Power ? but Civil alfo. 
 
 Penn. 
 
at the Seffions in the Old-Baity, 1670. 317 
 
 Ten. It is a great miftake, we did riot make the Tumult, 
 but they that interrupted us; the Jury cannot be fo igno¬ 
 rant, as to think that we met there with a defign to dziturb 
 the Civil Peace; fmce firft we were by Force of Arms kept 
 out of our lawful Houfe, and met as near it in the Street, 
 as their Soldiers would give us leave; And fecondly, becaufe 
 it was no new thing (nor with the Circumftances exprefs’d 
 in the Indi&ment) but what was ufual and cuftomary with us* 
 ’Tis very well known that we are a peaceable People* and 
 cannot offer violence to any man; 
 
 Obfer. The Court being ready to break up, and willing to 
 huddle the Prifoners to their Goal, and the Jury to their 
 Chamber, Penn fpoke as follows. 
 
 Pen. The Agreement of twelve men is a Verdift in Law; 
 and fuch a one being given by the jury, I require the Clerk 
 of the Peace to record it, as he will anfwer it at his peril. 
 And if the Jury bring in another Verdift, contradictory to 
 this, I affirm they are perjur’d Men in Law. And looking 
 upon the Jury, faid. Ton are Engliffimen, mind your Privilege t 
 give nop away your Right. 
 
 Buflj. &c. Nor will we ever do it. 
 j Obfer. One of the Jury-men pleaded Indifpofition of Body, 
 and therefore defir’d to be difmifs’d. 
 
 May. You are as ftrong as any of them; Starve them; and 
 hold your Principles. 
 
 Rec. Gentlemen, you mult be contented with your hard 
 fate; let your Patience overcome it ; for the Court is 
 refolv’d to have a Verdift, and that before you can be dif- 
 
 I mifs’d. 
 
 Jury. We are agreed, we are agreed, we are agreed. 
 
 Obfer. The Court fwore feveral Perfons, to keep the Jyry 
 all night without Meat, Drink, Fire, or any other Accom¬ 
 modation ; They had not fo much as a Chamber-pot, tho 
 j defired. 
 
 Cry. Oyes, fyc. 
 
 Obfer. The Court adjourns till fevenof the' clock next morn¬ 
 ing (being the fourth inftant, vulgarly call’d Sunday) at which 
 time the Prifoners were brought to the Bar ; the Court fate, 
 and the Jury call’d to bring in their VerdiCh 
 
 Cry. O yes, &c.-Silence in the Court, upon pain of Im* 
 
 prifonment. 
 
 S The Juries Names call’d over. 
 
 Cler\. Are you agreed upon your Verdi# ? 
 
 Jury. Yes. 
 
 j Clerk > Who lhall fpeak for you ? 
 
 Jury. Our Foreman. 
 
 i tSTcfy 
 
 1 
 
3i8 The Tryalof W. Penn and W. Mead 
 
 Cler\. What fay you ? Look upon the Prifoner at the ‘ Bar ; 
 Is he guilty of the matter whereof he ftands indided, in man- 
 ner and form as aforefaid, or not guilty ? 
 
 Foreman. William Penn is guilty of fpeaking in Grace-Church- 
 fireet. 
 
 May. To an unlawful Aflfembly ? 
 
 Bufh. No, my Lord, we give no other Verdid, than what 
 ^ wegave laft night; we have no other Verdi# to give. 
 
 May. You are a fadious Fellow, I’ll take a courfe with you. 
 
 Blood. I knew Mr. Bufljel would not yield. 
 
 Buff). Sir Tho. I have done according to my Confcience. 
 
 May. That Confcience of yours would cut my throat. 
 
 Buff). No, my Lord, it never ffiall. 
 
 May. But I will cut yours fo foon as I can. 
 
 Kec. He has infpir’d the Jury, he has the Spirit of Divi¬ 
 nation, methinks I feel him : I will have a pofitive Verdid, 
 cr you fhall ftarve for it. 
 
 Pen. I defire to ask the Recorder one queftion; Do you al¬ 
 low of the Verdid given of William Mead * 
 
 Rec . It cannot be a Verdid, becaufe you were indided for 
 a Confpiracy; and one being found not guilty, and not the 
 other, it could not bfe a Verdid. 
 
 Pen. If Not Guilty be not a Verdid, then you make of the 
 Jury and Magna Chart a but a mere Nofe of Wax. 
 
 Mead. How 1 Is not guilty no Verdid ? 
 
 Rec. No, ’tis no Verdid. 
 
 Pen. I affirm, that the Confent of a Jury is a Verdid in 
 Law} and if W. M. be not guilty, it confequently follows that 
 lam clear *, fince you have indided us of a Confpiracy, and I 
 could not poflibly confpire alone. 
 
 Obfer. There were many Paffages that could not be taken, 
 which paft between the Jury and the Court. The Jury went 
 up again, having receiv’d a frefh Charge from the Bench, if 
 poflible, to extort an unjuft Verdid. 
 
 Cry. O yes, &c. Silence in the Court. 
 
 Court. Call over the Jury. Which was done. 
 
 Clerk. What fay you? Is William Penn guilty of the matter 
 whereof heftands indided, in manner and form aforefaid, or 
 not guilty? 
 
 Foreman. Guilty of fpeaking in Grace-Church Street. 
 
 Rec . What is this to the purpofe ? I fay, I will have a Ver¬ 
 did. And fpeaking to Edw. Bujhef faid, You are a fadious 
 Fellow ; I will fet a mark upon you *, and whilft I have any 
 thing to do in the City, I will have an eye upon you. 
 
 May. Have you no more witthan to be led by fuch a piti¬ 
 ful Fellow ? I will cut his Nofe. 
 
 Pen, 
 
At the SeJfioHs in the Old-Baity* 1670. 3 if 
 
 Pen. It is intolerable that my Jury fhould be thus menaced; 
 Is this according to the fundamental Laws ? Are not they my 
 proper judges by the Great Charter of England ? What hope 
 is there of ever having Juftice done, when juries are threa¬ 
 ten’d, and their Verdids rejeded? I am concern’d to fpeak 
 and grieved to fee fuch arbitrary Proceedings. Did not the 
 Lieutenant of the Tower render one of them worfe than a 
 Felon ? And do you not plainly feem to condemn fuch for 
 fadious Fellows, who anfwer not your ends? Unhappy are 
 thofe Juries, who’ are threaten’d to be fin’d, and ftarv’d, and 
 ruined, if they give not in Verdids contrary to their Con- 
 iciences. 
 
 Rec. My Lord, you mull take a courfe with that fame 
 Fellow. 
 
 May, Stop his mouth; Goaler bring Fetters, and Hake him 
 to the ground. 
 
 Pen . Do your pieafure, I matter not your Fetters. 
 
 Rec. Till now I never underftood the reafon of the Policy 
 ,! hnd Prudence of the Spaniards , in fuffering the Inquifition. 
 among them: And certainly it will never be well with us, 
 till fomething like unto the Spanifb Inquifition be in Eng¬ 
 land. 
 
 Obfer. The Jury being requir’d to go together to find ano¬ 
 ther Verdid, and ftedfaftly refufing it (faying they could give 
 no other Verdid, than what was already given) the ^Recorder 
 in great palfion was running off the Bench, with thefe words 
 in his mouth; I protefl I will fit here no longer to hear thefe things. 
 At which the Mayor calling, Stay y Stay y he return’d, and 
 direded himfelf unto the Jury, and fpoke as followeth: 
 
 Rec . Gentlemen, we fhall not be at this trade always with 
 j you; you will find the next Seffions of Parliament there will 
 
 11 be a Law made, that thofe that will not conform, fliall not have 
 
 the Protection of the Law. Mr. Lee draw up another Verdid, 
 f that they may bring it in fpecial. 
 
 Lee . I cannot tell how to do it. 
 
 Jury, We ought not to be return’d, having all agreed, and 
 fet our hands to the Verdid. 
 
 Rec. Your Verdid is nothing, you play upon the Court; I 
 fay you fhall go together, and bring in another Verdid, or 
 you fliall ftarve; and I will have you carted about the City, as 
 i in Edward Ill’s time. 
 
 Foreman . We have given in our Verdid, and all agreed to it; 
 and if we give in another, it will be a force upon us to fave 
 I ^ur Lives. 
 
 May. Take them up. 
 
 Ojjic. My Lord, they will not go up 
 
$2 6 The Trjal of W. Penn and W. Mead 
 
 Obfer, The Mayor fpoke to the Sheriff and he came of£ of 
 his Seat, and faid, 
 
 Sheriff 1 Come, Gentlemen, you muH go up ; you fee I ani 
 commanded to make you go. 
 
 Obfer . Upon which the Jury went up ; and feveral fworn, to 
 keep them without arfy Accommodation as aforefaid, till they 
 brought in their Verdia. 
 
 Cry, O yes, iyyc. The Court adjourns till to morrow morn¬ 
 ing, at (even of the clock. 
 
 Obfer, The Prifoners were remanded to Newgate $ where 
 they remain’d till next morning, and then v/ere brought 
 unto the Court; which being fate, they proceeded as foi- 
 loweth. 
 
 Cry, O yes, fycs Silence in the Court upon pain of Im- 
 prifonment. 
 
 Clerk., Set William Pen and Wllliani Mead at the Bar* Gentle¬ 
 men of the Jury, anfwer to your .Names ; Thoi Vetr , Edward 
 Bujhely John Hammond , Henry Henly , Henry Micbell; John Bright - 
 man, Charles Milfon , Gregory Walkjet , John Baity, William Lever , 
 James Damask^ William Plumftead: Are you all agreed of your 
 v Verdia? 
 
 Jury, Yes. 
 
 Clerk. Whofliall fpeak for you? 
 
 Jury. Ottr Foreman. 
 
 Clerk • Look upon the Prifoners. What fay you, is William 
 Venn guilty of the matter whereof he Hands indifted, in man¬ 
 ner and form, fjc. or not guilty ? 
 
 Foreman. Here is oifr Verdia in writing, and our Hands 
 fubfcrib’d. 
 
 Obfer. The Clerk took the Paper, butwasHopt by the Re¬ 
 corder from reading of it; and he commanded to ask for a po- 
 fitive Verdid. 
 
 Foreman. That is our Verdia ; we have fubfcrib’d it; 
 
 Clerk. How fay you, is William Penn guilty* &e. or n6t 
 guilty ? 
 
 Foreman. Not guilty. 
 
 Clerk . How fay you, is William Mead guilty, fyc. or not 
 guilty ? 
 
 Foreman. Not guilty. 
 
 Clerk. Then hearken to your Verdia, you fay that William 
 Fenn is not guilty in manner and form as he Hands indifted ; 
 you fay that William Mead is not guilty in manner and form as 
 he Hands indiaed, and fo you fay all. 
 
 Jury. Yes, we do fo. 
 
 Obfer. The Bench being unfatisfy’d with the Verdia, com¬ 
 manded that every Perfbn Ihould diHintfly anfwer to their 
 
 Names* 
 
kt the SeJJions in the Old-Baily^ i6y6. ^21 
 
 Names, and give in their Verdid, which they unanimoufly 
 did, in faying. Not Guilty ; to the great fatisfa&ion of the 
 Aflembly. , 
 
 Rec. I am forry, Gentlemen, you have follow’d your owri 
 Judgments and Opinions, rather than the good and wholfofln 
 Advice, which was given you ; Go'd keep my Life out of your 
 hands; but for this the Court fines you forty mark a man, 
 and Imprifonmerit, till paid. At which Penn ftept up towards 
 the,Bench, and faid, 
 
 Pen. I demand my Liberty, being freed by the Jury. 
 
 May. No, you are in fot your Fines'. 
 
 Pen. Fines, for what ? 
 
 May. For contempt of the Court. 
 
 Pen. I ask, if it be according to the fundamental Laws of 
 England , that any Englijh- man fhould be fined or amerced, 
 but by the Judgment of his Peers or Jury ; fince it ex> 
 prefly contradids the fourteenth and twenty ninth Chapter of 
 I the great Charter of England , which fay. No Freeman ought 
 to be amerced but by the Oath of good and lawful Men of 
 the Vicinage. 
 
 Rec. Take him away, take him away, take him out of the - 
 Court. 
 
 Pen. I can never urge the fundamental Laws of England , but 
 you cry, Take him away, take him away. But it is no won¬ 
 der, fince the Spanifl) In^uifition hath fp great a place in the 
 Recorder’s Heart. God Almighty, who is juft, will judgyoiX 
 all for thefe things. 
 
 Obfer. They haled the Prifoners into the Bale-dock, amt 
 from thence fent them to Newgate^ for Non-payment of theif 
 Fines ; and fo were their Jury. 
 
J22 
 
 An Appendix to the Tryal 
 
 A<t Appendix, by way of Defence for 
 the Prifoners , as xvhat might have been offer'd 
 againfl the Indictment ? and illegal Proceedings 
 of the Court thereon 7 had they not violently 
 over-ruPd and Jlop'dthem. 
 
 U PON 4 fober Difquifition into the feveral parts ©f 
 the Indidment, we find it fo wretchedly defedive, as 
 if it were nothing elfe but a mere Compofitiqn of 
 Error, rather calculated to the malicious Defigns of the 
 Judges, than to the leaft Verity of Fad committed by the 
 Prifoners. 
 
 To prove this, what we fay will be a main help to difcq- 
 ver the Arbitrary Proceedings of the Bench in their frequent 
 Menaces to the Jury; as if it were not fo much their Buft- 
 nefsto try, as to condemn the Prifoners; and that not fo 
 much for anv Fad they had committed, as what the Court 
 would have fuggefted to the Jury to have been their Fad. 
 
 Sed. i. It is the conftant Common Law of England ,, that no 
 man fhould be taken, imprifon’d, amerced, difleiz’d of his 
 Freehold, of his Liberties or free Cuftoms, but by the Judg¬ 
 ment of his Peers, which are vulgarly call’d' a Jury from 
 Juvare , becaufe they are fworn to do right. 
 
 Sed. 2. The only Affiftance that is given the Jury, in order 
 to a Verdid, is; 
 
 Fir If, the Evidence given of the Fad committed by the 
 Perfon indided. 
 
 Secondly, the Knowledg of that Law, Ad, or Statute the 
 Indictment is grounded upon, and which the Prifoners arc 
 faid to have tranfgrefs’d. 
 
 Sect. 3. We fhall negled to mention here, how much they 
 were depriv’d of that juft advantage the antient equal Lav/s 
 of England do allow ; defigning it for a Concluiion of the 
 whole, and fhall only fpeak here to matter of Fact and Law. 
 
 Sed. 4. The Evidence you have read in the Trial, the ut- 
 molt fmpoct of w ich is no more than this ; That William Penn 
 was fpeaking^ in Grace-Churcb-Ureet to an Afiembly of Peo¬ 
 ple but knew not what he faid ; which is fo great a Contra- 
 aid ion, as he that runs may read it. For no man can fay 
 another man preaches, and y.t underftand not what he faith: 
 
of W. Penn and W, Mead. 52^ 
 
 He may conje&ure it, but that is a lame Evidence in Law: 
 It might as well have been fworn, That he was fpeaking of 
 Law, Phylick, Trade, or any other matter of Civil Concern- 
 tnent. Befides, TnereisnoLaw againft Preaching what is 
 Truth, whether it be in the Street, or in any other place; 
 Nor is it poffible, that any man can truly (wear. That he 
 preach’d Sedition, Herefy, &c. unlefs he fo heard him, that 
 he could tell what he faid. 
 
 Sett. 5. The Evidence further faith, That W* Mead was 
 there *, but till being in Graceclmrcb-ftreet be a Fault, and hear¬ 
 ing a Man fpeak the Witnefs knows not what, be contrary to 
 Law, the whole Evidence is ufelefs and impertinent; but what 
 they want of that, they endeavour to fupply with Indictment f 
 whofe parts we proceed to confider. 
 
 Exceptions again# the Indictment# 
 
 Se£L6. It faith, That the Prifoners [were met upon the i^th » 
 Day of Auguft, 1670.] whereas their own Evidence affirms it 
 to be upon the 14th Day of Auguft % 70. 
 
 Sefr. 7. [ That they met with Force and Arms'] which is fb great 
 a Lye, that the Court had no better cover for it, than to 
 tell the Jury, it was cdily a piece of Form, urging that the 
 man tried for clipping of Mony this prefent Seiiidns had the 
 fame words ufed in his IndiCtment. 
 
 But that this Anfwer is too fcarity, as well as it was tod 
 weak to prevail with the Jury *, we dcfire it may be confi- 
 der’d, that the fame words may be ufed more of ceurfe, ami 
 out of form at one time, than at another. And tbo we 
 grant they can have little force With any Jury in a Clipper’s' 
 cafe, for mere Clipping; yet they are words that give io juffi 
 a ground of Jealoufy, nay that carry fo clear an Evidence 
 of Illegality, where they are truly prov’d and affirm’d of any 
 Meeting, as that they are the proper Roots from whence do 
 fpring thofe Branches 1 Which render an Indictment terrible* 
 and an Affembly truly the Terror of the People. 
 
 SeCt. 8; [Vn lawfully and ttimultuoufty to difturb tie Peace] which 
 is as true as what is faid before, that is asfalfe. This will 
 evidently appear to all that confider how lawful it is to af» 
 femble with ?o other defign than to worfhip God : and their 
 tailing a lawful Affembly an unlawful one, no more makes it 
 fo, than to fay Light is Darknefs, Black is White, concludes 
 fo impudent a Falfity true. 
 
 In ffiort, becaufe to worfiffp Cod can never be a Crimea 
 no Meeting or Affembly dehgning to worlhip G6d, can : be 
 ani awful. Such as go about to protean unlawful Affemfty,v 
 
 Y % , 
 
 
5 24 An Appendix to the Tryal 
 
 mu ft prove the Aflemblers intent not to worfhip God y bu 
 that no man can do, becaufe no man can know another man's 
 Intentions and therefore it’s impoffible that any Ihould 
 prove fitch an Affembly unlawful. That is properly an un¬ 
 lawful Affembly, according to the Definition of the Law* 
 when feveral Perfons are met together, with defign to ufe 
 \ r iolence, and to do mifchief} but that Diffenters meet with 
 no fuch Intention, is manifeft to the whole World, therefore 
 their Affemblies are not unlawful. He that hath only Right 
 to be worfhip’d, which is God, hath only Right to inftitute 
 how he will be worfhip’d *, and fuch as worfhip him in that 
 way they apprehend him to have inftituted, are fo far from 
 being unlawful Aflemblers, that therein they do- but exprefs 
 the Duty they owe to God. 
 
 [ 'Tumultuoujly ] imports as much as Diforderly, or an Affem- 
 bly full of Noife, Buftle, and Confufion, uflng Force and 
 Violence, to the injury of Perfons, Houfes, or Grounds. 
 But whether Religious Diffenters, in their peaceable Meet¬ 
 ings, therein defiring, and feeking, nothing more than to 
 exprefs that Duty they owe to God Almighty, be a tumul¬ 
 tuous Action, or Meeting in the Senfe expreft (and which is 
 the very Definition of the Law) will be the queftion. Cer¬ 
 tainly fuch as call thefe Meetings tumultuous, as to break the 
 Peace, offer the greateft violence to common words, that can 
 be well imagin’d ^ for they may as rightly fay, fuch Perfons 
 meet adulteroufly, thievifhly, <&r. as to affirm they meet tu- 
 multuoufly, becaufe they are as truly applicable. In fhort, fuch 
 Particulars as are required to prove them fuch Meetings in 
 Law, are wholly wanting. 
 
 Se:l. 9. [To the Diflurbance of the Peace .] 
 
 If the Diflurbance of the Peace be but matter of form 
 with the reft, as is ufually pleaded, leave out this matter of 
 form, and then fee what great matter will be left. 
 
 Certainly fuch Affemblies, as are not to the breach and 
 diflurbance of the Peace, are far from being unlawful or tu¬ 
 multuary : But if the Peace be broken by them, how comes 
 it the Evidence was fo fhort ? We cannot believe it was in 
 favour of the Prifoners. This may {hew to all the reafonable 
 World how forward fome are, to brand Innocency with hate¬ 
 ful Names, to bring a Sufpicion, where there was none de- 
 ferved. 
 
 Seed. 10. [That the [aid Penn and Mead met by agreement before¬ 
 hand made.'] 
 
 But if Perfons that never faw each other, nor converfe to¬ 
 gether, neither had Correfpondence by any other hand, can¬ 
 not be faid to be agreed to any Attion, before it be done ; 
 
 then 
 
of W. Penn and W. Mead. 325 
 
 tlicn the Prifoners were far from an Agreement, for they 
 had never feen, convers’d, nor correfponded, direttly nor in¬ 
 directly, before the Officers came to difturb the Affembly. 
 We well know how far they would have ftretch’d the word 
 I Agreement or Confpiracy ; but God, who brings to nought the 
 I Counfelsof the Wicked, prevented their cruel Deiigns. 
 
 Sect. 11. [That William Mead did abet the [aid William Penn 
 in Preaching .] 
 
 No man can be faid to abet another, whilft they are both 
 unknown to each other, efpecially in this cafe, where abet¬ 
 ting follows agreeing, and agreeing fuppofes Foreknowledg. 
 Kay the word abet in Law fignifies to command , procure , or 
 counfel a Perfon, which W . Mead- could not be faid to do, in 
 reference to W.Pem y they being fo great Strangers one to 
 another, andatfo great a diftance: for the Evidence proves 
 | that he was with Lieutenant Cook-, and Lieutenant CooJ^ fwears 
 ! he could not make his way to IV. Penn , for the Croud. 
 
 Sett. 12. [That W. Pennh Preaching and Speaking caufed a great 
 I ConcoJirfe and tumult of People , to remain and continue a long time 
 | in the Street.] 
 
 But this is fo improbable to believe, that the very nature 
 ! of a Tumult admits of no fuch thing as Preaching; but im- 
 i plies a diforderly Multitude, where all may be faid to fpeak, 
 j rather than any to hear. 
 
 j Sett. 1. [In contempt of the King and his Lavas.] 
 
 They are fo far from contemning the King and his Laws, 
 j t’ at they are oblig’d and conftrain’d by their own Principles, 
 to obey every Ordinance of Man for the Lord’s fake, but not 
 againfi the Lord for Man's fake ; wffiich is the queflion in hand. 
 Befides, their continuance there, was not in contempt, but 
 by the permiffion of the chief Officer prefent, that came 
 there by the King’s Authority *, nor is it for the Honour of 
 j the King, that fuch Perfons fhould be faid to att in con- 
 | tempt of his Laws, as only meet to honour God and his 
 j Laws. 
 
 Sett. 2. [And fo the great difurbance of the King's Peace.'] 
 
 It is far from difturbing and breaking the King’s Peace, 
 for men peaceably to meet to worfhip God ; for it is then 
 properly broken and invaded, when Force and Violence are 
 J nfed, to the hurt and prejudice of Perfons and Eftates; or 
 3 when any thing is done that tends to the ftirring up of Se- 
 J dition, and begetting in People a diflike of the Civil Govern- 
 | ment; But that fuch things are not practis’d by us in our 
 j Affemblies, either to offer violence to mens Perfons and 
 JEftates, or to ftir up People to Sedition, or diilike to the 
 Civil Government, is obvious to all that vifit our Affemblies. 
 
 Y 3 Sett. 
 
 1 
 
^2 6 An appendix to the Tryd 
 
 SeCh 3. [To the great terror and difturbance of the King's liege 
 People ‘and Subjects, and to the evil Example of all others in the Like 
 Cafe offending , againft the King's Peace, his Crown , and Dignity f] 
 
 Were thefe black Criminations as true as they are wretched¬ 
 ly falfe, we fhould give as juft an occalion to lofe our Liber¬ 
 ties, as our cruel Adverfaries are ready to take any to deprive us 
 pnjuitly of thefn. O how notorious is it to all fober People, 
 that our manner of Life is far front terrifying any \ and how 
 abfurd to think that naked Men (in the generality of their 
 Converfation known to be harmlefs and quiet) fiiould prove 
 a terror or difturbance to the People ? Certainly, if any fuch 
 thing fhould be in the time' of our Meetings, it is brought 
 with the Cruelty and barbarous Attions of your own Soldiers \ 
 {hey never learnt'by our example’ to beat, hale before Ma- 
 giftrates, fine, and imprifon for matters relating to God’s 
 Worfliipneither can they fay, we are their Precedents for 
 all thofe Adulterous, Prodigal, Lafcivious, Drunken, Swear¬ 
 ing, and Prpfane ACts they daily commit, and efteem rather 
 bccafion of Brag and Boaft, than Sorrow and Repentance: 
 No, they need not go fo far, they have too many (God Al¬ 
 mighty knows) of their own Superiors for their example. 
 
 Seft. 4. Bqt we can never pafs oyer with filence, nor 
 enough obferve the deteftable juggle of fuch Indictments, 
 which we require all Englifl) and confcientious Men to mind, 
 as they value themfelves in the like occafions. How little a 
 grain of faff was prov’d, yet how fpecions an Indictment was 
 made? Had it related to tlie Evidence, the bulk had been 
 excufable; but when it only fwelFd with malicious fearing 
 Phrafes, to fuggeft to the People that they were the merelr 
 Villains, the moft dangerous Perfons, and defigning mutually 
 £he Subyerfion of the Laws, and Breach of the Peace, to the 
 terrifying of the People, far. 
 
 Who can cliufe but tell them of their Romance-Indiftment, 
 that is fo forg’d, as it truly merits another againft it felf; 
 Ifnis they childifhly call Form ; but had an Italian , or other 
 Stranger been in Court, he would have judg’d ft matter of 
 faCt, as thinking it unworthy of a King’s Court, to accufe 
 men in terms, not legally, truly, or probably due to the Fatt 
 they really had committed; as well as that no Court would 
 prattife it, but that which lov’d to deprive Men of their 
 Liberties and Lives, rather than to fave them j Nolens 
 Volehs « 
 
 Seth 5« Plad their Cruelty and Juggle ended here it felf, 
 they would have fpar’d us the pains of any further Obferva* 
 tion. 1 Buc that which we have to adi, on the' Ptifoners be- 
 $ialft .renders theft Addons fo abominable in the fight of 
 
 ' ' ^ ' ‘ Juftice, 
 
of W.Penn andW. Mead. ^27 
 
 Juftice, that all honeft and ingenuous Hearts mull needs abhor 
 their bale Snares. 
 
 They tell the Jury, That being but Judges of Fa ft only, they were 
 to bring the Frifoners in guilty (that is, of the fa d) it their peril ; 
 and it was the part of the Bench, to'judg what was Law. So that 
 if the Jury had brought them in Guilty, without any further 
 additional Explanation (tho intentionally they meant only of 
 the Fait proved by Evidence) yet the Bench would have ex¬ 
 tended it to every part of the Indictment; and by this im¬ 
 pious Deluliori to have perjur’d a well-niraning Jury, and 
 have had their barbarous ends upon the innocent Frifoners. 
 But the Jury better underftandmg them Elves, brought in 
 Will. Perm guilty of the Fad proved, namely, that he was 
 fpealfing to fome People met in Grace-Church-ftre. t, but not of an 
 unlawful Ajfembly , fo circumliantiated (the mention of which 
 I ftab’d their Delign of moulding the general Anfwer of Guilty % 
 
 ' to their own ends, to the heart) nor indeed could they do 
 I otherwife ; for as well the Jury as Prifoners, were deny’d to 
 | have any Law produced, by which they might meafure the 
 j Truth of thelndidment, and Guilt of the Fact. But becaufe 
 !i the Recorder would or could not (perhaps ’tis fo long lince 
 | he read Law that he may have forgotten it) we fhall perform 
 |l his part, in (hewing what is that Common Law of the Land , 
 
 || which in general, he faid, they were indided for the Breach 
 || of, and which indeel, if rightly underftood, is the undoubted 
 j Birthright of every Englijkman yea, the Inheritance of In- 
 j heritances: Major Mar edit as venit unicuique noftrum a Jure & Le - 
 gibus, quam aParentibw. Coke Inftit. 2. ^6. 
 
 Sed.6. All the various kinds or models of Government 
 I that are in the world, (land either upon Will and Power , or 
 i Condition and Contrail: The firft rule by Men, the fecond by 
 I Laws. It is our happinefs to be born under fuch a Confti- 
 j tution, as is moft abhorrent in it felf of all arbitrary Go- 
 I vernment, and which is, and ever has been moll choice and 
 ! careful of her Laws, by which all Right is preferv’d. 
 
 Sed. 7. All Laws are either Fundamental, and fo immu¬ 
 table ; or Superficial, and fo alterable. By the fir It we under* 
 | (land fuch Laws, as injoin men to be juft, honeft, vertuous; 
 to do no wrong, to kill, rob, deceive, prejudice none ; but 
 to do as one would be done unto; to cherifh good, and to 
 terrify wicked Men : In fhort, univerfal Reafon, which are 
 rot fubjeft to any Revolutions , becaufe no Emergency , Time, or Occa - 
 fion can ever juftify a Sufpenfm of their Execution , much lefs their 
 | utter Abrogation. 
 
 Sed. 8. By Superficial Laws, we underftand fuch Ads, 
 Laws, or Statutes, as are futed to prefent Occurrences; and 
 
 Y 4 which 
 
 ! 
 
I 
 
 A# Appendix to the Trjal 
 
 which may as well be abrogated, for the good of the Kingdom, 
 as they were firit made for it. For inftance, thofe Statutes 
 that relate to Victuals, Clothes, and Places of Trade, foe. 
 which have ever flood whilft the Reafon of them was in force 
 but when that Benefit, which once redounded, fell by crofs 
 Occurrences, they ended * according to that old Maxim, Cef- 
 fante ratione Lefts, cejfat Lex. But this cannot be faid of Fun¬ 
 damental Laws, till Houfes ftand without their Foundations , and 
 Englifh Mankind wholly ceafe to be ; which brings clofe upon the 
 point. 
 
 Se£t, 9. There is not any Country, that has more con- 
 ftantly exprefs’d her Care and deep Sollicitude, to the pre- 
 fervationof her fundamental Laws, than the Englift Nation. 
 And tho‘the Evil of fome particular Times and Perfons have 
 endeavour’d an utter Abolition of thofe excellent Fundamen¬ 
 tals, which we have before defined and defended from any 
 jufl reafon of Revolution; yet God Almighty, who is always 
 concern’d to avenge the Caufe of Juftice, and thofe excellent 
 good Laws by which it is upheld, has by his Providence be¬ 
 fool’d their Contrivances, and baffled their Attempts, by 
 bringing their Defigns to nought, and their Perfons frequent¬ 
 ly to condign Punimmeht and Difgrace. Their Age no An¬ 
 tiquary living can allure us, unlefs they fay, as old as Reafon 
 ftfelf; but our own Authors are not lacking to inform us, 
 that the Liberties, Properties, and Privileges of the Englijh 
 Nation are very antiepL 
 
 Sett. 1 o. For Norn, in his Minor of Juftice, (writ iji Edward 
 the Firft’s time) fol. 1. tells us, “ That after God had abated 
 S the Nobility of the Brito, he did deliver the Realm to men 
 ? c more humble and Ample, of the Countries adjoining; to 
 ? c wit, the Saxons , who came from the parts of Almaign tfr 
 cc conquer this Land; of which Men there were forty Sove- 
 * c reigns, which did rule as Companions; and thofe Princes 
 c< did call this Realm England, which before was named the 
 0 )eater Britain . Thefe, after great Wars, Tribulations^ 
 
 c« and Pains, by long time fuffer’d, did chufe a King to 
 « reign over them, to govern the People of God, and to 
 c6 maintain and defend their Perfons, and their Good in 
 c< quLt, bv the Rules of Right, And at the beginning' they 
 L did caufe him to fwear to maintain the Holy Chriftian 
 « Fairh, qnd to guide his People fry Right, with all his 
 cc power, without refpecl of Perfons, and to obferve the 
 « Laws," And after, when the Kingdom was turn'd into an 
 f c Heritage^ King Alfred that governed this' Kingdom about 
 f e an hundred feventy one yeafs before tlie Conqueft, did 
 caufe : tliei Great Men of the Kingdom to alterable at 
 
 4 J v ' " •’ *-v v London f 
 
of W. Penn avd W. Mead.’ 129 
 
 “ London, and there did ordain for a perpetual Ufage, That 
 « twice in the Year, orofcner, if need lhould be, in time of 
 <c Peace, they lhould aifemble at London in Parliament, for 
 €c the Government of God’s People, that men might live 
 in quiet, and receive Right by certain Ufages and Holy 
 <c Judgments, 
 
 ec In which Parliament (faith our Author) the Rights and 
 <c Prerogatives of the Rings and of the SubjeiTs are diftin- 
 “ guilh’d and let apart; and particularly by him exprefs’d, 
 too tedious here to infert : amongft which Ordinances we 
 find, “ That no man lhould be imprifon’d, but for a capital 
 “ Offence. And if a man lhould detain another in Prifon, 
 
 €C by colour of Right (where there was none) till the Party 
 <c imprifon’d dy’d , he that kept him in Prifon lhould be 
 <c held guilty of Murder, as you may read page 33. And 
 png. $ 6 . ei He is declar’d guilty of Homicide, by whom a 
 Man lhall die in prifon, whether it be the Judges, that lhal? 
 
 <c too long delay to do a Man right, or by Cruelty of Goalers, or 
 fuffering him to die of Famine ; or when a Man is adjudg’d 
 <c to do penance, and lhall be furcharg’d by his Goaler with 
 “ Irons, or other pain, whereby he is depriv’d of his life. 
 And p, 149. u That by the antient Law of England , it was 
 ic Felony to detain a man in prifon, after fuificient Bail of- 
 €i fer’d, where the Party was plevifable ; every Perfon was 
 <c plevifable, but he that was appeal’d of Treafon, Murder, 
 Robbery, or Burglary, pag. 55. None ought to be put in 
 <c common Prifons, but only fuch as were Attainted, or prin- 
 cipally Appealed or Inditfed of feme capital Offence, or At- 
 * e taimed of falfe or wrongful Imprifonment. So tender have 
 ^ the antient Laws and Conftitutions of this Realm been of 
 <c the Liberty of their Subje&s Perfons, that no man ought to 
 ct be imprifon’d, but for a Capital Offence, as Treafon, Murdef, 
 ?c Robbery , or Burglary , 
 
 Seff. 11. Nor is Lombard Ihort, jn his excellent Tranfla- 
 tion of the Saxon Laws, from Ring Inals time 712. to Henry lit. 
 1100. in defcribing to us the great Obligation, and ftrong 
 Condition the People were wont to put upon their Rings, 
 to obferve the antient fundamental Laws, 'and free Cuftoms of this 
 Land ; vyhicfi were handed down from one Age to another. 
 And in the 17th Chapter of Edward the Confeffor’s Laws, 
 the. mention there made of a King’s Duty is very remarkable. 
 That if he break his Oath, or perform’d not his Obligation, 
 nec nomen Regis in eo conftabit. The fame Lambard further tells 
 iis v That however any may atfirm William of Normandy to be a 
 Conqueror, he was receiv’d by the People as Edward's Suc- 
 ceffor, and by folemh Oath taken, to maintain unto them the 
 
 fame 
 
J jo An Appendix to the Tryal 
 
 fame Laws, that his Kinfman Edward, the Confeffor did. 
 This Dotlrine remain’d in the general unqueftion’d, to the 
 Reign of King John, who imperiouily thought that * Voluntas 
 Regrs, and not Salas Populi , was Supremo. Lex ; or the King’s. 
 Will was the Supreme Law, and not the People’s Prefer va- 
 tion: till the incens’d Barons of that time betook themfelyes 
 to a vigorous Defence of their antient Rights and Liberties, 
 and learnt him to keep thofe Laws by a due Reftraint and 
 timely Compulfion, which his former invalion of them evi¬ 
 denc’d to the World he would never have done willingly. 
 
 Seif. 12. The propofols and Articles of Agreement, with 
 the Pledges given to the Barons, oil the behalf of the People 
 by the King, were confirm’d in Hemy Ill’s time, his Son and 
 SuccefFor; when the abufed, flighted, and dijregarded Laws by his 
 Father , were thought fit to be reduc’d to Record, that the 
 People of England might not for ever after beta feel^for a written 
 recorded Law to their Defence and Security : for, Alijera Sa vitas eft 
 ubr Jm eft vagum aut incognitum . And fo we enter upon that 
 Grand Charter of Liberty and Privilege , in the Caufe, Reafon, 
 and End of it. 
 
 Seth. i. We fhail firft rehearfe it, fo far as we are concern’d, 
 (with the Formalities of Grant and Cur ft) and fhail then fay 
 fomething as to the Caufe, Reafon, and End of it, 
 
 A Rehearfal of the Material Parts of the Great 
 Charter of England. 
 
 H ENRT, by the Grace of God, King of England , &c. T© 
 all Archbiihops, or Earls, Barons, Sheriffs, Provofts, 
 Officers, and to all Bailiffs, and our faithful Subjects, who 
 fhail fee this prefent Charter, Greeting. Know 
 9 H. 3. con - ye that we, unto the Honour of Almighty 
 firm'd 28 £.3. God, and for the Salvation of the Souls of our 
 Progenitors, and our Succeffors, Kings of Eng¬ 
 land , to the Advancement of Holy Church, and Amendment 
 of our Realm, of our mere and free Will have given and 
 granted to all Archbiihops, &c, and to all Freemen of this our 
 Realm, thefe Liberties under-written, to be holden and kept in 
 this our Realm of England for evermore. 
 
 Chap. 1. The We have granted and given to all Freemen of our 
 Form of anti- Realm , for as and our Heirs for evermore , theft Li - 
 ent Ails, tpyc. her ties underwritten, to have and to hold , to them 
 Coke 2. Inft. and to their Heirs, of m and our Heirs fore - 
 fol, 2. nam'd, 
 
 A 
 
of W.Penn and, W. Mead. jjt 
 
 A Freeman (hall not be amerced for a fnrall Chap, 14. 
 Fault,' but after the quantity of the Fault. 
 
 And for a great Fault, after the manner thereof,. fa ving to 
 him his Contenements or Free-hold. And a Merchant like- 
 wife lhall be amerced, fa ving to him his Merchandize ; and 
 none of the faid Amercements (hall be affefs’d, but by the 
 Oath of good and honeft men of the Vicinage. 
 
 No Freeman (hall be taken or imprifoned, nor Chap, 29. 
 be differed of his Freehold, or Liberties, or 
 free Cuftoms, or be outlaw’d, or exil’d, or any other ways 
 dcftroy’d ; nor we (hall not pafs upon him, nor condemn him, 
 but by lawful Judgment of his Peers, or by the Law of the 
 Land. We (hall fell to no man, we (hall deny nor defer to no 
 Man either Jultice or Right. 
 
 And to all thefe Cuftoms, Liberties aforefaid, which we 
 have granted to be holden within this our Realm, as much as 
 appertained to us and our Heirs, we (hall obferve; and all 
 Men of this pur Realm, as well Spiritual as Temporal (as 
 much as in them is) fhall obferve the fame againft all Perfons 
 in likewife. And for this our Gift, and Grant of thefe Li¬ 
 berties, and for other contain’d in our Charter of Liberties 
 of our Forji , the Archbifhops, Bilhops, Abbots, Priors, Earls, 
 Barons, Knights, Freeholders, and other our Subjects, have 
 given unto us the fifteenth parts of all their Movables: And 
 we have granted unto them on the other part, That neither 
 We, nor our Heirs fhall procure or do any thing whereby the 
 Liberties in this Charter contain’d (hall be infring’d or bre- 
 ken •, and if any thing be procur’d by any Perfon contrary 
 to the Premifes, ihall be had of no force or efFefl. Thefe 
 being Witneffes, Boniface Archbi(hop of Canterbury, &c. We 
 ratifying and approving thofe Gifts and Grants aforefaid, 
 confirm and make ftrong all the fame, for us and our Heirs 
 perpetually, undby the Tenor of thefe.Prefents do renew the 
 fame willingly; and granting for us and our Heirs, that this 
 Charter, in all and fmgular its Articles, for evermore (hall 
 be ftedfaftly, firmly, and inviolably obferv’d. And if any 
 Article in the fame Charter contain’d, yet hitherto peradven- 
 ture hath not been obferv’d nor kept, we will, and by our 
 Authority Royal command, from henceforth firmly they be 
 obferv’d. Witnefs, &c» 
 
 The 
 
3 j 2 An Appendix to the Trjal 
 
 The Sentence of Curfe given by the Bifhops , with 
 the King's Confenty again(l the Breakers of the 
 Great Charter, 
 
 I N the Year of our Lord 1233. the third day of May, in the 
 great Hall of the King at Weftminfler, in the prefence, and 
 by the Confent of the Lord Henry, by the Grace of God, 
 King of England, and the Lord Richard, Earl of Cornwal, his 
 Brother f Reger Bigot Earl of Norfolk, Mar dial of England $ 
 Humphry Earl of Hereford’, Henry Earl of Oxford’, John Earl 
 Warren} and other Eftates of the Realm of England: We 
 Boniface , by the mercy of God, Archbifhop of Canterbury, Pri¬ 
 mate of England, F. of London, H. of Ely, S. of Worcefler , E, of 
 Lincoln, W. of Norwich, P. of Hereford, W. of Salisbury, W. of 
 Durham, A. of Excefier, At. of Car life, W. of Bath, E „ of Roche - 
 ■fier, T. of St. Davids ; Bifhops., apparel’d in Pontificals, 
 with Tapers burning, againft the Breakers of the Church’s 
 Liberties, and of the Liberties and other Cuftoms of this 
 Realm of England’, and namely thefe which are contain’d in 
 the Charter of the common Liberties of England, and Charter 
 of the Foreft, have denounc’d Sentence of Excommunication 
 in this form, by the Authority of Almighty God, the Father, 
 the Son, and the Holy Ghoft, foe. of the Hefted Apoftles 
 Peter and Paul, and of all Apoftles, and of all Martyrs, 
 of bleffed Edward King of England, and of all the Saints 
 of. Heaven ; We excommunicate and accurfe, and from the 
 Benefits of our holy Mother the Church we fequefter all 
 thofe that hereafter willingly and malicioufly deprive or 
 ipoil the Church of her Right} and all thofe that by any 
 craft or willingnefs, do violate, break, diminiih, or change 
 the Church’s Liberties^ and free Cuftoms contain’d in the 
 Charters of the common Liberties, and of the Fereft, granted 
 by our Lord the King to Archbifhops, Bifhops, and other 
 Prelates of England, and like wife to the Earls, Barons, 
 Knights, and other Freeholders of the Realm. And all that 
 fecretly and openly, by de.d, word, or counfel do make Sta¬ 
 tutes, or obferve them being made, and that bring in Cuftoms 
 to keep them, when they be brought in, againft the faid Li¬ 
 berties, or any of them, and all thofe that fhall prefume to 
 j&dg againft them ; and all and every fuch Perfon, before- 
 znention’d, that wittingly fhall commit any thing of the 
 
 Premifes 
 
of W. Penn and W. Mead. 33 §. 
 
 Premifes, let them well know that they incur the aforefaiJ 
 Sentence i/>/o fatto. 
 
 A Confirmation of the Charters and Liberties of 
 England, and of the Foreft, made the twenty 
 fifth Tear of Edward the Firji . 
 
 E D ward, by Grace of God, King of England , Lord of Ire¬ 
 land, Duke of tiftyen *, To all thofe that thefe prefent 
 Letters fhall hear or fee, greeting. Know ye that we, to 
 the Honour of God, and to the Profit of our Realm, have 
 granted for us, and our Heirs, and the Charter of Liber- 
 cies, and the Charter of Foreft, which were made by com¬ 
 mon Affent of all the Realm, in the time of King Henry our 
 Father, fhall be kept in every point without breach. And we 
 will that the fame Charters fhall be fent under our Seal, as 
 i well to our Juftices of the Forreft, as to others, and to all 
 Sheriffs of Shires, and to all our other Officers, and to all 
 our Cities throughout the Realm, together with our Writs * 
 in the which it fhall be contain’d, that they caufe the afore- 
 faid Charters to be publifh’d, and to declare to the People,, 
 that we have confirm’d them in all points: And that our 
 Juftices, Sheriffs, Mayors, and other MinifterSj which under 
 us have the Laws of our Land to guide, fhall allow the fame 
 Charters pleaded before them in Judgment, in all their 
 points *, that is, to wit, the Great Charter, as the Common 
 Law; and the Charter of our Foreii, for the Welch of our 
 Realm. 
 
 And we will, that if any Judgment be given from hence¬ 
 forth contrary to the Points of the Charter aforefaid, by the 
 Juftices, or by any other of our Minifters that hold Plea be¬ 
 fore them, againft the Points of the Charters, it fhall be un¬ 
 done, and holden for nought. 
 
 And we will that the fame Charters fhall be fent under 
 our Seal to Cathedral Churches throughout our Realm, 
 there to remain; and fhall be read before the People two 
 times by the year. 
 
 And that ail Archbifhops and Bilhops fhall pronounce the 
 Sentence of Excommunication againft all thofe that by word, 
 deed, or counfel do contrary to the forefaid Charters, or 
 that in any point do break or undo them ; and that the' fa'id 
 Curfes be twice a year denounc’d and publifh’d by the Pre¬ 
 lates 
 
An Appendix to the Tryd 
 
 lates afbrefaid ; and if the fame Prelates, or any of them be 
 remifs in the Denunciation of the faicf Sentences, the Arc.:- 
 bifhops of Canterbury ind Tor 1 ^, for the time being, {hall com¬ 
 pel and diftrain them to the Execution of their Duties in 
 form aforefaid. 
 
 The Sentence of the Clergy againft the Breakers 
 of the Articles above-mentioned. 
 
 I N the Name of the Father , the Son, and the Holy Ghofl, Amen. 
 
 Whereas our Sovereign Lord the King, to the honour of God, and of 
 Holy Church, and for the coitimon profit of the Realm, hath granted 
 for him, and hit Heirs for ever , thefe Articles above-written: Ro¬ 
 bert Archbifiop of Canterbury, Primate of aU England, admo - 
 monifldd all hit Province once, twice and thrice, becauje that jhortnefs 
 will not fuffer fo much delay, at to give hnowledg to all the People of 
 England of thefe Prefents in writing: We therefore enjoin all Perfons, 
 of what eftate foever they be, that they and every of them, as much 
 as in them it, jhall uphold and maintain thefe Articles granted by 
 our Sovereign Lord the King in all points : And all tbofe that in any 
 point do refill, or breafi, or in any manner hereafter procure, counfelj 
 or in any wife affent to, teftify, or breafi thofe Ordinances, or go about 
 it by word or deed, openly or privily, by any manner of pretence or 
 colour we, the aforefaid Archbifioop, by our Authority in this writing 
 expreffed, do excommunicate and accurfe, and from the Body of our 
 Lord Jefus Chrifl, and from all the Company of Heaven, and from 
 all the Sacraments of Holy Church do fequefier and exclude. 
 
 We may here fee, that in the obfeureft times of fdttiftr 
 Popery, they were not left without a fenfe of Juftice, and 
 the neceffity of Liberty and Property to be inviolably enjoy’d $ 
 which brings us to the Caufe of it. 
 
 Firft, The Caufe of this famous Charter was, as we have 
 already faid, the Incroachments that were made by feveral 
 Minifters of precedent Kings, that almoft became cuftomary, 
 and which had near extinguifh’d the free Cuftoms due to 
 Engliflj- men : How great care it coft our Ancefrors, it unbe-. 
 Comes us to ignore, or by our filence to neglect, ft was that 
 Take and Muzzle, which fail’d not to difable many raging Bears 
 from entring the p leaf ant Vineyard of Englilh Freedoms, that 
 Ofherwife would not have left a fruitful Vine in being. Anon 
 we^may give the Reader an account of fome, with theirWag.es 
 as w&ii as Works. 
 
 Secdndlyy 
 
of W. Penn and W. Mead. 335 
 
 Secondly, The Reafon of it is fo great, that it feems to be 
 its own. It is the very Image and Expreffion of Juftice , Liberty , 
 and Property ; Points of fuch eminent Importance, as without 
 which no Government can be faid to be Reafonable, but Ar¬ 
 bitrary and Tyrannical. It allows every Man that Liberty- 
 God and Nature have given him, and the fecure Pofteftion 
 of his Property, from the In-road or Invafion of his Neigh¬ 
 bour, or any elfe of that Conftitution. It juftifies no Man 
 in a fault, only it provides equal and juft Ways to have the 
 Offender try’d; confidering the Malice of many Profecutors, 
 and the great Value of Liberty and Life. 
 
 Thirdly, The End of it was the moft noble of any Earthly 
 projection; to wit. The refixing of thofe flm^en Laws , held for 
 many 1 hundred years, by conftant Claim, that they living might 
 be re-inftated in their primitive Liberty, and their Pofterity 
 fecured in the pofteftion of fo great a happinefs. 
 
 Amongft thofe many rich Advantages, that accrew to the 
 free People of England , from this great Charter; and thofe 
 many confirmatory Statutes of the fame, we fhall prefent the 
 Reader with the fight of fome few, that may molt properly 
 fall under the Confideration and Inquiry of thefe prefent 
 Times, as found in our Common Law-Books. 
 
 Firft, That every Eng!iftj-man if born free . 
 
 Secondly, That no fuch Free-man fhall be taken, attached , ajfejfcd, 
 or imprifoned , by any Petition or Suggeftion to the King or his Coundf 
 unlefs by the Indillment or Preferment of good and lawful Men where 
 fuch Deeds be done, 5 Edw.3. Chap.9. 25 Edw. 3. Chap.4. 17 R. 2. 
 Chap. 6. Rot. Pari. 42 Edw. 3. Cook 2 Inft.46. 
 
 Thirdly, That no Free-man (hall be dijfeifd of his Free-bold or Li¬ 
 berties , or free Cufloms , &c. Hereby is intended, faith Look, That 
 Lands , Tenements , Goods and Chattels , fhall not be feiz’d into the 
 . Ring’s hands contrary to this great Charter, fcc. 43 Aft. pag.12. 
 j 45 Edw, 3. Cook 2. Infl. 32. Neither fhall any fuch Free-man 
 be put from his Livelihood without anfwer. Cook , 2 « I n ft- 47 * 
 
 Fourthly, That no Free-man fhall be Out-law'd , unlefs he jhroud 
 j and hide himfelf voluntarily from the Juftice of the Law, 2 3 PhiL 
 
 fo Mar. Dier. 114. 145. 
 
 Fifthly, No Free-man (hall be exil'd. Cool ^ fays there are but 
 two Grounds upon which any Man may be exil’d. One by Ad 
 of Parliament ( fuppoling it" not contrary to the great Char- 
 
 j ter.)-The other in cafe of Abjuration, for Felony by the 
 
 Common Law, &c Cool ^ 2. Inf. 47. 
 
 Sixthly, No Free-man ftjall be defray'd \ that is, he fhall not be 
 j forejudg'd of Life , Limb, Difinheritcd , or put to Torture , or Death . 
 Every Oppreftjon againft Law, by colour of any ufurp’d Au¬ 
 thority* 
 
An Appendix to the Try A of 
 
 thority, is a kind of Deftrudion, and *tis the worft Oppreffiori 
 that is done by colour of Juftice. Cook, Inflit. 2. 48. 
 
 Seventhly, That no Free-man /hall be thus taken, or imprifond, dif 
 feifd, Out-iaw'd, exil'd , or dejho/d of hit Liberties, Free-holds, and 
 free Cujloms , but BT THE LAWFVL JVDG MEN T OF 
 HIS P EERS, Cvulgarly caWd Jury.J So that the Judgment 
 of any Fad or Perfon is, by this Fundamental Law, refer’d to 
 the Breafts and Confciences of the Jury : it’s rendred. in Latin 
 PER LE 0 A LE JVDIClV M-, that is. Lawful judgment. 
 From whence it is to be obferv’d, that the Judgment mull 
 have Law in it, and be according to Law, which cannot be 
 where they are not Judges, how far the Fad is legal, or the 
 contrary Judicium quafi Juris Uiftum, The Voice of Law and Right. 
 And therefore is their Verdid not to be rejeded, becaufe it 
 fs fuppos’d to be the Truth, according to their Confciences : 
 For Ver dittis from vere dittum is, quafi ditium veritatis, or a true 
 Saying or Judgment, 9 Hen. 3. 29. Cook Inft. 1. 39. Inft. 4. 207. 
 Cook fays, that by the word LEGALE, three Things are im^ 
 
 piy’A 
 
 Firft, That this was by Law before the Statute ; and therefore this 
 Statute but Declaratory of the antient Law. 
 
 2dly, That their Verdid mull be legally given. Wherein 
 is to be obferv’d, (ill.) The Jury ought to hear no Evidence , but in 
 the hearing and prefence of the Prifoner. (2dly.) That they cannot fend 
 to ask an y Upeftion in Law of the Judges, but in the prefence of the 
 Prifoner: for , de fado Jus oritur. 
 
 3diy, The Evidence produc’d by the King’s Counfel, being 
 given, the Judges cannot code ft the Evidence , nor urge it by way of 
 Charge to the Jury ; nor yet confer with the Jury about the Evidence , 
 but in the prefence of the Prifoner. Cook Inft. 2. 49. 
 
 Fighthly, Or by the Law of the Land. It is a Synonimons Exprefc 
 fion, importing no more than by a Tryal of Peers, or a Jury : For 
 it is fometimes rendred not (or) disjunctively, but (and) which 
 is connedively ; however, it can never dignity any thing con- 
 trarv to the Old way of Trying by Peers, for then it would 
 be conneded to a contradidion. 
 
 Belides, Cook well obferves, that in the 4th Chapter of the 
 25th Edw. 3. Per Legem Terra, imports no more than aTryaJ 
 by due Procefs, and Writ Original at Common Law, which 
 cannot be without a Jury \ therefore, Per Judicium Parum, fy per 
 Legem Terr fianify the fame Privilege unto the Peopled 
 Coof Inf* 2. pag. 50. 
 
 Thus' 
 
of W. Penn and W. Mead. 
 
 Thus have we prefented you with fame of thofe Maxims 
 of Law, dearer to our Anceftorsthan Life *, Becaufe they are the 
 Defence of the Lives and Liberties of the People of England : It is 
 from this 29th Chapter of the Great Charter, (Great , not for 
 its Bulk, but the Privileges in it) as from a fpacious Root, 
 that fo many fruitful Branches of the Law of England fprings, 
 if Cook may be credited. But how facred foever they have been 
 efteem’d, and ft ill are by noble and juft Minds; yet fo degene¬ 
 rate are fome in their Proceedings, that confcious to them- 
 felves of their bafenefs, they will not dare ftand the Touch of 
 this Great Charter, and thofe juft Laws grounded upon it; 
 of which number we may truly rank the Mayor and Recorder 
 of London , with the reft of their wife Companions, in their 
 late Seflions at the Old-Baily , upon the occafion of the Prifo¬ 
 ners. 
 
 Firft, The Prifoners were taken, and imprifon’d without 
 Prefentment of good and lawful Men of the Vicinage, or the 
 Neighbourhood, but after a military and tumultuous manner , con - 
 trary to the Grand charter, 
 
 2dly, They refufed to produce the Lava upon which they proceeded ; 
 leaving thereby the Prifoners, Jury, and whole Affembly in 
 the dark. 
 
 3dly, They refufed the Prifoners to plead , and dir eddy with flood 
 that great Privilege, mention’d in the firft Chapter, 25 Edw. 1, 
 Where all Juflices, Mayors , Sheriffs , and other Minifters , that have the 
 Laws of the Land to guide them , are required to allow the faid Char- 
 ter to be pleaded in all its Point's , and in all Caufes that floall come be¬ 
 fore them in Judgment. For no fooner did William Penn , or his 
 Fellow Prifoner, urge upon them the great Charter, and other 
 good Laws, but the Recorder cry’d, Take him away, take 
 him away, put him into the Bale-dock or Hole: . From which 
 the Recorder can never deliver himfelf, unlefs it be by avow¬ 
 ing, the Laws are not his Guide , and therefore does not fujfer them to 
 be pleaded before him in Judgment, 
 
 4thly, They gave the Jury their Charge in the Prifoner's abfence, en¬ 
 deavouring highly to incenfe the Jury againft them. 
 
 5thly, The Verdid being given, which isinLaw DICTVM 
 V E KIT ATISy The Voice of Cruth her felf ] (becaufe not futable 
 to their humour) They did five times rejett it , with many abufive, 
 imperious and menacing Expreffions to the Jury , (fuch as no Precedent 
 can afford us ) as if they were not the only conftituted Judges 
 by the Fundamental Laws of the Land, but mere Cyphers only , to 
 fignify fomething behind their Figures, 
 
 6thly, Tho the Prifoners were clear’d by their Jury, yet 
 Were they continued for the non-payment of their Fines laid 
 upon them, for not pulling off their Hats \ in which the Law 
 is notorioully broken. Z. (ift») 
 
^8 An Appendix to the Tryal 
 
 (ift.) In that no Man /hall be amerced , but according to the Offence ; 
 and they have fined each forty Marks, 
 
 (2.) They were not merced by any fury, but at the Will of an in * 
 
 cens'd Bench . 
 
 Bolides, there is no LaW againft the Hat.; and where ther£ 
 is no Law, there can be no Tranfgrelfion, and confequently no 
 legal Amercement or Fine, 9 H. 3. Chap. 14. But how the 
 Pnfoners were trapanned into it, is moft ridiculous on the lide 
 .of-the Contrivers, that finding their Hats off, would have 
 them put . on again by their Officers, to fool the Prifoners, 
 with a trial of putting them off again; which childifh Con¬ 
 ceit not being gratified, they Fined them the Forty Marks a- 
 piece. 
 
 ythly, Inltead of accepting their Verdi# as good in Law, 
 and,for the true decifion of the matter, according to the Great 
 Charter (that conftitutes them proper Judges, and which 
 bears them out, with many other good Laws, in what they 
 agreed to, as a Verdi#) the Court did moft illegally and ty¬ 
 rannically Fine and Imprifon them, as in the Tryal was ex- 
 -prefs’d : And that notwithftanding the late juft Refentment 
 of the Houfe of Commons, in Judg Keeling' s Cafe, where they 
 refolv’d, that the precedent and practice of Fining and Im- 
 prifoning of Juries , for their Ver dills, were illegal . And here we 
 mu ft needs obferve two Things. 
 
 Firfi , That the Fundamental Laws of England cannot be 
 more flighted and contradicted in any thing ( next Englifh- 
 men’s being quite deftroyM) than in not fuffering them to 
 have that equal medium, or juft way of tryal, that the fame Law 
 lias provided, which^k by a Jury . 
 
 Secondly , That the late Proceeding of the Court at the Old- 
 iBaily , is an evident Demo nitration, that Juries are now but 
 'mere Formality , and that the partial Charge of the Bench muft 
 be the Verdi# of the Jury ; for if ever a Rape were attempted on 
 the Confciences of any Jury, it was there . And indeed the Igno¬ 
 rance of Jurors of their Authority by Law, is the only Reafion 
 . of their Unhappy cringing to the Court, and being feared in¬ 
 to an Anti-Confcience Verdill, by their lawlefs Threats. 
 
 But we have lived to an Age, fo devoid of all Humanity 
 and Reafon, as well as Faith and Religion, that fome ftick not 
 to turn Butchers to their own Privileges , and Conspirators againft their 
 awn Liberties» For however, Magna Charta had once the Repu¬ 
 tation of a facred unalterable Law, and few hardned enough 
 to incur and bear the long Ctirfe that attended the Violaters 
 of it; yet it is frequently objected now, that the Benefits there 
 defign’d are but Temporary, and therefore liable to alteration, as 
 other Statutes are* What Game fuch Per fins play at-, may be lively 
 
of W. Penn md W. Mead. 339 
 
 read, in the attempts of Dionyftus, Phalaris, &c. which would have 
 Will and Power be the People's Law. 
 
 But that the Privileges due to Englifto-men by the Great 
 Charter of England , have their Foundation in Reafon and Law ; 
 and that thofe rrew Cajfandrian ways, to introduce Will and Power , 
 deferve to be detefted by all Perfons profeffing Senfe and Ho- 
 nefty, and the le^ft Allegiance to our Englifl) Government; we 
 fhall make appear from a jober Confideration of the Nature #f 
 t.hofe Privileges contain’d in that Charter. 
 
 1. The Ground of Alteration of any Law in Government 
 ( where there is no Invafion) fhould arife from the univerfal 
 difcommodity of its continuance ; but there can be no difprofit in 
 the difcontinuance of Liberty and Property, therefore there can be m 
 juft ground of alteration. 
 
 2. No one Englijh-man is born Slave to another, neither has 
 the one a right to inherit the fweat and benefit of the other’s 
 labour ( without confent;) therefore the Liberty and Property of an 
 Englifh-man cannot reafonably be at the Will and Bed ^ of another, let 
 his Quality and Rank be never fo great. 
 
 3. There can be nothing more unreafonable than that which is partial ; 
 but to take away the LIBERTY and PROPERTY 
 of any ( which are natural Rights) without breaking the Law 
 of Nature. {and not of Will and Power) is manifeftiy partial, 
 and therefore unreafonable. 
 
 4. If it be juft and reafonable for Men to do as they would be 
 done by, then no fort of Men fhould invade the Liberties and 
 Properties of other Men, becaufe they would not be ferved fo 
 themfelves, ' 
 
 5. Where Liberty and Property are deftroy’d, there muft 
 always be a State of Force and War; which however pleafing 
 it may be unto the Invaders, it will be efteem’d intolerable by 
 the Invaded ; who will no longer remaiij fubjett in all humane 
 Probability, than while they want as much Power to free 
 themfelves, as their Adverfaries had to enflave them: The 
 troubles, hazards , ill-confequences, and illegality of fuch Attempts , as 
 they have declined by the mo ft prudent in all Ages ; fo have they proved 
 mojl uneafy to the moft favage of ail Nations , who firft or laft have by 
 a mighty Torrent freed themfelves, to the due puniftjment and great in - 
 ftmy of their Opprejfors: Such being the advantage, fuch the 
 difadvantage which neceffarily do attend the fixation and re¬ 
 moval. of Liberty and Property. 
 
 We fhall proceed to make it appear, that Magna Chart a (as 
 recited by us) imports nothing lefs than their prefervation. 
 
 No Free-man fhall be taken, or imprifoned , or be diffeized of his Free¬ 
 hold, or Liberties, or free Cuftoms, or be Out-law'd, or Exil'd, or any 
 
 Z 2 other 
 
34 ° Appendix to the Tryal 
 
 other ways defray'd ; nor we will not pafs upon him , nor condemn him , 
 but by lawful judgment of his Peers , &c. 
 
 A Free-man jhall not be amerced for a [mall faulty but after the man¬ 
 ner of the fault * and for a great faulty after the great nefs thereof and 
 none of the faid Amercement foall be affeffed , but by the Oath of good 
 and lawful Men of the Vicinage. 
 
 Firft, It afferts Engliflj-men to be free that's Liberty . 
 
 Secondly, That they have Free-holds; that's Property. 
 
 Thirdly, That Amercement, or Penalties, Ihould be pro¬ 
 portioned to the faults committed ; which is Equity. 
 
 Fourthly, That they fhall lofe neither, but when they are 
 adjudged to have forfeited them, in the judgment of their ho¬ 
 ned: Neighbours, according to the Law of the Land ; which is 
 lawful Judgment . 
 
 It is eafy to difcern to what pafs the Enemies of the Great 
 Charter would bring the People. 
 
 Firft, They are now Free-men; but they would have them 
 Slaves. 
 
 Secondly, They have now Right unto their Wives, Children y 
 and EflateSy as their undoubted Property ; but fuch would rob them 
 of all. 
 
 Thirdly, Now no Man is to be amerc’d, or punilh’d, but 
 futably to his fault ; whilft they would make it futable to their re¬ 
 vengeful minds. 
 
 Fourthly, Whereas the Power of Judgment lies in the 
 Brealts and Confciences of twelve honeft Neighbours; they 
 would have it at the dijcretion of mercenary Judges. To which we 
 cannot chufe but add, That juch Difcourfes manifefUy ftrike at this 
 prefent Coiiftitution of Government ; for it being founded upon the 
 Great charter ( which is the Antient Common Law of the Land) 
 as upon its bed: Foundation, none can defign the cancelling 
 of the Charter , but they mud: necedarily intend the extirpa¬ 
 tion of the Englifh Government: For where the Caufe is taken 
 away, the Effeft mufi:*confecjuently ceafe. And as the Reftora - 
 tion of our antient EngliJJj Laws , by the Great Charter, was the 
 foveraign Balfatn which cured our former Breaches , fo doubtlefs will 
 the continuation of it prove an excellent prevention to any future diftur- 
 bances. 
 
 But fome are ready to objeft. That the Great Charter confining 
 as well of Religions as Civil Rights ; the former having receiv'd an 
 Alteration , there is the fame reafon why the latter may have the 
 like. 
 
 To which we anfwer. That the reafon of Alteration cannot 
 be the fame; therefore the Confequence is falfe : The one 
 being Matter of Opinion, about Faith and Religious Worlhip, 
 which is as various as the unconftant Apprehentions of Men; 
 
 but 
 
of W. Penn and W. Mead. 341 
 
 but the other is Matter of fo immutable Right and Juftice, 
 that all Generations (however differing in their Religious 
 Opinion ) have concenter’d and agreed to the certainty , equity, 
 and indifpenfable neccffity of preserving thefe Fundamental Laws *, fo 
 that Magna Charta hath not rifen and fallen with the differing 
 religious Opinions that have been in this Land, but have ever 
 remain’d as the fable Right of every individual Engliflf-man , purely 
 at an Englifo-man. Otherwife, if the Civil Privileges of the Peo¬ 
 ple had fallen with the pretended Religious Privileges of the 
 Popifl) Tyranny , at the firlt Reformation (as mull needs be fug- 
 gelled by this Objection) our Cafe had ended here, That we 
 had obtain d a Spiritual Freedom at the cofl of a Civil Bondage ; which 
 certainly was far from the intention of the firll Reformers, 
 and probably an unfeen Confequence, by the Objectors, to 
 their idle Opinion. 
 
 In Ihort, there is no time in which any Man may plead the 
 Necelfity of fuch an Aftion, as is unjull in its own Nature, 
 which he mull unavoidably be guilty of, that doth deface or can¬ 
 cel that Law by which the Juftice of Liberty and Property is confirm’d 
 and maintain’d to the People. And confequently,that no perfon may 
 legally attempt the Subverfion, or Extenuation of the force 
 of the Great Charter , we lhall proceed to prove from Initan- 
 ces out of both. 
 
 . ill. Any Judgment given contrary to the faid Charter , is to be un¬ 
 done , and holden for nought. 25 Edw. 1. Chap. 2. 
 
 2dly. Any that by Word , Deed , or Counfel , go contrary to the faid 
 Charter, are to be Excommunicated by the Bifops: And the Arch- 
 bifloops of Canterbury and York, are bound to compel the other Bi- 
 fljops to denounce Sentence accordingly , in cafe of their remifnefs , or neg- 
 leil j which certainly hath relation to the State, rather than 
 the Church ; Since there was never any neceffity of compelling the 
 Bi/hops to denounce Sentence in their own Cafe , tho frequently in the 
 Peoples . 2$ Edw. 1. Chap. 4. 
 
 3dly, That the Great Charter, and Charter of Foref , be holden 
 and \ept in all Points ; and if any Statute be made to the contrary , that 
 it fliall be holden for nought. 42 Edw. 3. 1. Upon which Cool >, 
 that famous Englifh Lawyer, faid, That albeit Judgments in the 
 King’s Court are of high regard in Law , and Tudicia are accounted 
 as Juris Di£la : Tet it is provided by All of Parliament , That if any 
 Judgment be given contrary to any of the Points of the Great Charter, 
 it fi)all be holden for nought . 
 
 He further faith, That upon the Statute of the 2 jth Edw. 1. 
 Chap. 1. That this Great Charter, and the Charter of For eft , are 
 properly the Common Law of this Land , or the Law is Common to all 
 the People thereof. 
 
Aft Appendix to theTryd 
 
 4thly, Another Statute runs thus: If any force come todifturb 
 the Execution of the Common Lata, ye fhaUcaufe their Bodies to he ar- 
 refied, and put in Prifon : Te fljall deny no Man right hy the King’s Let¬ 
 ters, nor counfel the King any thing that may turn to his damage, or 
 difJjcrifon, 18 Edw. 3. Chap. 7. Neither to delay Right by the great 
 and little Seal . This is the Judg’s Charge and Oath. 2 Edw. 3. 
 Chap. 8. 14 Edw. 3. 14, 11 A. 2. Chap. 10. 
 
 5thly, Such care hath been taken, for the prefervation of 
 this Great Charter, that in the 25th of Edw . 1, it was enaffed. 
 That Commissioners jhould iffue forth, that there fhould be chofen in every 
 Shire-Court , by the Commonalty of the fame Shire , three fubjlantial 
 - Men, Knights , or ottar lawful , wife, 477^ well-difpos'd Perfons, to 
 Jufiices rfc/j _/M affigned by the King’s Letters Patents j anofer 
 ike Great Seal , to hear arid determine f without any other Writ , £«t 0/2/y 
 their CommiffmJ fuch Plaints as {hall be made upon all thofe that 
 commit, or offend againft ary Point, contain’d in the aforejaid Charters. 
 28 1. Chap. 1. 
 
 6thly, The Neceffity cf preferving thefe Charters hath ap¬ 
 pear'd in nothing more, than in the care they have taken to 
 confirm them ; which, as Cool^ obferves, hath been by Thirty- 
 two Parliaments confirm’d, efiabliflid , and commanded to be put in 
 execution , with the condign Punifhment they hid inflated up¬ 
 on the Offenders. Cook’s Proem to the fecond Book of his 
 Inftitut, 
 
 ythly, That in the notable Petition of Right , many of thefe 
 great Privileges, and free Cuftoms, contain’d in the aforefaid 
 Charters, and other good Laws, are recited and confirmed , 
 3 Car. 1. 
 
 Sthly, The late King, in his Declaration at New-Marfet, 
 1641. acknowledged the Law to be the Rule of his Power: By which 
 he doubtlefs intended Fundamental Laws, fmee it may be the 
 great Advantage of Countries, fometimes to fufpend the exe¬ 
 cution of Temporary Laws . 
 
 Having fo manifeftly evidenc’d that venerable Efteem our An- 
 ceitors had of that Golden Rule (the Great Charter) with their 
 deep Solicitude to preferve it from the defacing of Ufurpa- 
 tion and Fattion ; we fhall proceed to give an account of 
 their -juft Refentment and earneft Profecution againft fome 
 of thole, who in any Age have adventured to undermine 
 that antient Foundation, by introducing an Arbitrary way of 
 Government, 
 
 Fir ft, As Judicious Lumbar d reports in his Saxon Tranfla- 
 *t;ion 5 That the Kings , in thofe days, were by their Coronation-Oaths 
 obliged to heep the antient Fundamental Laws and Cufioms of this Land, 
 ' ( of which this Great Charter is but declaratory ) fo did King 
 Alfred (reputed the mpft famous Compiler of Laws among# 
 
 tftemi 
 
of W. Penn and W. Mead. 34? 
 
 them ) give this difcovery of his Indignation againji his own Judges* 
 for Aft ions contrary to thofe Fundamental Laws, that he commanded 
 the execution of forty of them \ which may be a feafonable Caveat 
 to Judges of our Times. 
 
 Secondly, Hubert de Burgo, once Chief Juftice of England, 
 (having advifed Edw . i. in the nth Year of his Reign, in 
 his Council holden at Oxford, to cancel this Great Charter, and 
 that of the Foreft J was juftly Sentenced according to Law } by his Veers, 
 in open Parliament . When the Statute call’d C 0 N f IR MAT 10 - 
 flES C HARTARVm was made; in the firlt Chapter 
 whereof, Magna Chart a is peculiarly call’d the Common^ Law, 25 
 Edw. 1. Chap. 2. 
 
 Thirdly, The Spencers (both Father and Son ) for their ar- 
 ! bitrary Domination, and rafh and evil Counfel to Edward the 
 ; Second ( by which he was feduced to break the Great Charter J 
 were banifh’d for their pains, as Coo\ relates. 
 
 Fourthly, The fame Fate attended Trefilian and Belfyap for 
 | their illegal Proceedings. 
 
 Fifthly, The Breach of this Great Charter was the ground 
 | of that exemplary Juftice, done upon Empfon and Dudley, whole 
 Cafe is very memorable in this Point: For tho they gratified 
 1 Henry the Seventh in what they did, and had an All of Parliament 
 for their Warrant, made the 1 ith of his Reign ; yet met they with their 
 due Reward from the hands of Juftice i that All being againft Equity and 
 Common Reafon, and fo no jufiifiable Ground or Apology for thofe frequent 
 Abufes and Opprefjions of the People they were found guilty of. Hear 
 what the Lord Cook, further faith concerning the Matter: 
 
 There was an Aft of Parliament made in the nth Year of 
 cc King Henry the Seventh, which had a fair flattering Preamble , 
 c< pretending to avoid divers mifehiefs, which were (1ft) The 
 tc high Difpleafure of Almighty God. (2d) The great Let of the Com - 
 ” mon Law . And (3d) The great Let of the Wealth of this Land . 
 tc And the Purvien of that Alt, tended in the Execution con- 
 “ trary, EX DIA MET RO, viz. To the high Difpleafure of Al - 
 “ mighty God, and the great Let, nay the utter Subverfion of the Com- 
 <c mon Law, and the great Let of the Wealth of this Land , as herp- 
 c< after (fjall appear: The fubftance of which A& } follows in 
 thefe words: 
 
 That from thenceforth , as well Jufiices of Affize, as Jufiices of the 
 Peace, in every County , upon Information for the King before them 
 made, without any Finding or Prefentment by Twelve Men, 
 ft)all have full Power and Authority, by their diferetion, to hear 
 and determine all Offences, as Riots, unlawful Affemblies, &c. commit¬ 
 ted and done againji any All or Statute made, and not repeal'd, &c. 
 (a Cafe that very much refembles this of our own Times.) 
 
 2 4 <c By 
 
344 Appendix to the Try til 
 
 <c By pretext of this Law, Empfon and Dudley did commit 
 cc upon the Subjeds unfufferable Preffure and Oppreflions ; 
 
 <c and therefore this Statute was juftly, foon after the deceafe of 
 cc Hen. 7. repealed , at the next Parliament after his deceafe, by 
 <£ the Statute of 1 Hen. 8. Chap. 6 . 
 
 cc A good Caveat to Parliaments , to leave ad Caufes to be measur'd 
 <c by the Golden and Streight Metwand of the Ldw y and not to the 
 et uncertain and crooked Cord of Difcretion. 
 
 <c It is almoft incredible to forefee, when any Maxim or Fun- 
 tc damental Law of this Realm is alter'd ( as elfewhere hath been 
 <c obferv’d) what dangerous inconveniences do fodow ; which moft 
 <c exprelly appeareth by this moft utijuft and ftrange Ad of 
 <c the nth of Hen. 7, For hereby, not only Empfon and Dudley 
 <e themfelvee, but fuch Juftices of Peace (corrupt Men ) as 
 ec they caufed to be authoriz’d, committed moft grievous and 
 cc heavy Opprefiions and Exactions; grinding the Faces of the 
 <c poor Subjeds by Penal Laws ( be they never fo obfolete, or 
 <c unfit for the time) 'by Information only, without any Pre- 
 <c fentment or Tryal by Jury, being the antient Birth-right 
 ec of the Subjed ; but to hear and determine the fame, by their 
 difcretions ; infliding fuch Penalty, as the Statute not re- 
 4C pealed, impos’d. Thefe and other like Opprellions and Ex- 
 adions by, or by the means of Empfon and Dudley, and their 
 <c Inftruments, brought infinite Treafure to the King’s Cof- 
 te fers ; whereof the King himfelf, at the end, with great 
 4C grief and compundion, repented, as in another place we 
 * c have obferv’d. 
 
 <c This Statute of the nth of Hen. 7. we have recited, and 
 fhewed the juft inconveniences thereof} to the end, that the 
 se like flibuld never hereafter be attempted in any Court of 
 * c Parliament ; and that others might avoid the fearful End of 
 cc thofe two Time- fervers, Empfon and Dudley, &ui eorum nequit'ns 
 u infiftunt , eorum cxitits perhorrefcant . 
 
 <c See the Statute of 8 Edw. 4. Chap. 2. A Statute of Live- 
 ries, an Information, &c. By the difcretion of the Judges, 
 tc to ftand as an Original, 1 iyc. This Ad'is defervedly repeal’d, 
 $< vide 12 R. 2. Chap. 13. Pumfhment by Difcretion, i foe. 
 <c vide 5th of Hen. 4. Chap. 6, 8. See the Commifiion of 
 Sewers: Difcretion ought to be thus deferib’d ; Difcretio eft 
 ic difeemere per Legem , quid Jit juftum. From whence three Things 
 4C feem moft remarkable. 
 
 Firft, The great Equity and Juftice of the Great Charter, 
 with the high Value our Anceltors have moft defervedly fet 
 upon it. 
 
 Secondly, The dreadful Maledidions, or Curfe, they have 
 denounc’d upon the Breakers of itj with thofe exemplary 
 
 Punifh- 
 
of W. Penn and W. Mead. 345 
 
 Punifhments they have not fpared to inflirt upon fuch notori¬ 
 ous Offenders. 
 
 Thirdly, So hainous a thing; was it efteem’d of old, to en¬ 
 deavour an Enervation or Subverfion of thefe antient Rights 
 and Privileges, that Arts of Parliaments themfelves ( other- 
 wife the molt facred with the People) have not been of force 
 enough to fecure or defend fuch perfons from condign Punifh- 
 ment j who, in purfuance of them, have arted inconliident with 
 our Great Charter. Therefore it is that great Lawyer, the 
 Lord Cock, doth once more aggravate the Example of Empfon 
 and Dudley ( with perfons of the fame Rank ) into a juit Cau¬ 
 tion, as well to Parliaments as Judges, Juftices and inferior 
 Magiftrates, to decline making or executing any Art that may 
 in the leaft feem to reftringe or confirm this fo often avowed 
 and confirmed Great Charter of the Liberties of England, lince 
 Parliaments are laid to err when they crpfs it; the Obeyers of 
 their Arts punifh’d as Tinle-ferving Tranfgreffors; and that 
 Rings themfelves (tho enrich’d by thofe courfes ) have, with 
 great Compunrtion and Repentance, left among their dying 
 Words their Recantations. 
 
 Therefore rnoft notable and true it was, with which we fhall 
 conclude this prefent Subjdrt, what the King pleafed to obferve 
 in a Speech to the Parliament, about 1662. (yLcf) The good old. 
 Rules of Law are our beft Security . 
 
 The manner of the Court’ s Behaviour towards the Prifoners 
 and Jury, with their many extravagant Exprelfions, muft not 
 altogether flip our Obfervation. 
 
 Firlf, Their Carriage to the Jury out-do’s all Precedents ; 
 they entertain’d them more like a Pack of Felons, than a Jury 
 of honejl Men } as being fitter to be try’d themfelves, than to ac¬ 
 quit others. In fhort; no Jury, for many Ages, receiv’d’fo 
 many Inftances of Difpleafure and Affront becaufe they prefer'd 
 not the humour of the Court, before the quiet of their own Confdences, 
 even to be efteem’d as -perjur'd tho they had really been fo, had they not 
 done what they did. 
 
 Secondly, Their Treatment of the Prifoners was not more 
 unchriftian than inhumane. Hiftory can fcarce tell us of one 
 Heathen Roman that ever was fo ignoble to his Captive: What! 
 to accufe, and not hear them ; to threaten to Bore their Tongues , Gag 
 and Stop their Mouths , Fetter their Legs , merely for defending them¬ 
 felves, and that by the antient Fundamental Laws of England too. 
 O Barbarous ! had they been Turks and Infidels , that Carriage 
 would have ill become a Chriftian Court; fuch Achons proving 
 much ftronger Diffuafives , than Arguments to convince them , how much 
 the Chriftian Religion inclines Men to Juftice and Moderation above their 
 dark Idolatry. It is truly lamentable that fuch occafion fhould 
 
An Appendix to the Tryd 
 
 be given for Intelligence to Foreign Parts , where England, hath 
 had the Reputation of a Chriftian Country, by the iU treating of 
 its fiber and religious Inhabitants for their confcientious Meetings to 
 w&rjhip God .. But above all, Diffenters had little reafon to have 
 expected this boarifh fiercenefs from the Mayor of London , when 
 they confider his eager profecution of the King’s Party under 
 Cromwell's Government, as thinking he could never give too 
 great a Teftimony of his Loyalty to that new Inftrument j 
 which makes the old Saying true. That one Kunagade is worfe than 
 three Turks. 
 
 Alderman Bludworth y being confcious to himfelf of his par¬ 
 tial kindnefs to the Popiflj Firers , hopes to make amends by his 
 zealous Profecution of the poor Diffenters ; for at the fame 
 Seflions he moved to have an Evidence (ft of no fmall qualityJ 
 againft Harrifin the Friar, fent to Bridewell and Whlpt; That 
 he was earned: to have the Jury fined and imprifoned, becaufe 
 they brought not the Prifoners guilty for only worlhipping 
 their God. Whence it may be eafy to obferve, That Popifh 
 Friars , and Prelatical Perfecutors , are mere Confederates. 
 
 But what others have only adventured to ftammer at, the 
 Recorder of London has been fo ingenuous as to fpeak mod: 
 plainly y or elfe what mean thofe two fatal Expreffions, which 
 are become the talk, and terror both of City and Country ? 
 
 Firft, In alluring the Jury, That there would be a Law next 
 Seffm of Parliament , That no Man fhould have the protelhon If the Law , 
 but fuch as conformed to the Church I Which.* fhould it be as true, 
 as we hope it is falfe (and a difhonourabld Prophecy of that great 
 Affembly ) the Papifts may live to fee their Marian days out¬ 
 done by profefs’d Prot eft ants. 
 
 But furely no Englifh-mdn can be fo fottilh, as to conceive 
 (that his Right to Liberty and Property came in with his Profeifi- 
 on of the Proteftant Religion \ or that his natural and humane 
 Rights are dependant on certain religious Apprehenfions ; and confe- 
 quently he muft efteem it a Cruelty in the Abftraft, that Per- 
 fons fhould be deny’d the benefit of thofe Laws which relate 
 ' to civil Concerns, who by their deportment in civil Affairs 
 . have no ways tranfgrefs’d them, but merely' upon an Opinion 
 of Faith, and Matter of Confcience. 
 
 It is well known, that Liberty and Property , Trade and Com* 
 merccy were in the World long before the Points in difference 
 betwixt Proteftants and Diffenters , as the common Privileges of 
 Mankind ; and therefore not to be meafured out by a con* 
 ’forming to this, or the other religious Perfuafion, but purely 
 as Englifh-meiu 
 
 -Secondly, 
 
of W. Penn and W. Mead. 547 
 
 Secondly, But we fhould rather chufe to efteem this an 
 Expreflion of Heat in the Recorder , than that we could believe 
 a London's Recorder fhould fay, an EngliJh Parliament- fhould im- 
 pofe fo much Slavery on the prefent Age, and entail it upon 
 their own Pofterity ( who, for ought they know, may be rec¬ 
 kon’d among the Diffenters of the next Age) did he not 
 encourage us to believe, it was both his Defire and his Judg¬ 
 ment, from that deliberate Elogy he made on the Spanijh In¬ 
 quifition , expreffing himfelf much to this purpofe; Viz* 
 « Till now I never underftood the Reafon of the Policy and 
 « Prudence of the Spaniards, in fufFering the Inquifition amongft 
 « them : And certainly it will never be well with us, till 
 
 fomething like unto the SpaniJJ? Inquifition be in England . 
 The grofs Malignity of which Saying, is almoft inexpreffable. 
 What does this but juftify that hellilh Defign of the Papifts, 
 to have prevented the fir ft Reformation ? If this be good 
 Doftrine, then Hoggeftrant, the grand Inquifitor, was a more 
 venerable Perfon than Luther the Reformer. It was an ex- 
 preflion that had better become Caftan, the Pope’s Legate, 
 than Howel, a Proteftant City’s Recorder. This is fo far from 
 helping to convert the Spaniard, that it is the way to harden 
 him m his Idolatry ^ when his abominable Cruelty fhalj be e- 
 fteem’d Prudence, and his moft barbarous and exquifite tortu¬ 
 ring of Truth, an excellent way to prevent Fattion. 
 
 If the Recorder has fpoke for no more than himfelf, it is 
 well; but certainly he little deferves to be thought a Proteftant , 
 and a Lawyer, that put both Reformation and Law into the Inquifition : 
 There being nothing more dellruftive of the Fundamental 
 Laws and Liberties of England, and that noble Defign of Pri¬ 
 mitive Reformation, than the Arbitrary Power and Terrify¬ 
 ing Racks of the Spanif) Inquifition. And doubtlefs the fu- 
 preme Governors of the Land are highly oblig’d in Honour 
 and Confcience (in difcharge of their Truft to God and the 
 People) to take thefe things into their ferious Confideration, 
 as what is^ expefted from them by thofe who earneftly wiflt 
 Tl)£irs and the Kingdom’s Safety and Profperitv. 
 
 A Poft. 
 
24 S An Appendix to the Tryal 
 
 A Poftfcript. 
 
 The Copy of Judg Keeling*/ Cafe, taken out 
 of the Parliament-Journal. 
 
 Die Mercitrii, n. Decembris, 1667. 
 
 T HE Houfe refumed the Hearing of the refi of the Report touching 
 the Matter of Refiraints upon Juries ; and that upon the Exami¬ 
 nation of divers, Witneffes, in feveral Claufes of Refir aints put upon Ju¬ 
 ries, by the Lord Chief Jufiice Keeling: Whereupon the Committee 
 made their Refolutions, which are as followeth. 
 
 Fir ft. That the Proceedings of the Lord Chief Jufiice , in the Cafes 
 now reported, are Innovations , in the Tryal of Men for their Lives and 
 Liberties and that he hath ufed an Arbitrary and Illegal Power , which 
 is of dangerous Confequence to the Lives and Liberties of the People of 
 England, and tends to the introducing of an Arbitrary Government . 
 
 Secondly, That in the place of Judicature , the Lord Chief Jufiice 
 hath undervalued, vilified and contemned Magna Charta, the great 
 Preferver of our Lives, Freedom and Property. 
 
 Thirdly, That he be brought to Tryal, in order to condign Punifh - 
 ment, in fuch manner as the Houfe flmld judg mofi fit and requifite. 
 
 Die Veneris, 13. Decembris, 1667. 
 
 Refolded, &e. 
 
 That the Precedents and Prallice of Fining or Imprifoning Jurors 
 for Verdills, is Illegal . * 
 
 Now whether the Juftices of this Court, in their Proceed- 
 ings (both towards the Prifoners and Jury) have afted accord¬ 
 ing to Law, to their Oaths and Duty, and to do Juftice with¬ 
 out partiality; whereby Right might be preferv’d, the Peace 
 of the Land fecur’d, and our antient Laws eftablilh’d: Or, 
 whether fuch Actions tend not to deprive us of our Lives and 
 Liberties, to rob us of our Birth-right, the Fundamental Laws 
 of England: And finally, to bring in an Arbitrary and Illegal 
 Power to ufurp the Benches of all our Courts of Juftice, we 
 leave the Englijh Reader to judg. 
 
 Certainly there can be no higher Affront offer’d to King 
 and Parliament, than the bringing their Reputations into fufpi- 
 
 ci on 
 
of W. Penn and W. Mead. 349 
 
 cion with their People, by the irregular Attions of fubordinate 
 Judges: And no Age can parallel the Carriage of this Recorder , 
 Mayor , &c. Nor can we think fo ignobly of the Parliament, as 
 that they fhould do lefs than call thefe Perfons to account, 
 who fail’d not to do it to one lefs guilty, and of more repute, 
 (to wit) Judg Keeling : For if his Behaviour gave juft ground 
 of Jealoufy, that he intended an Innovation, and the introdu¬ 
 cing an Arbitrary Government, This Recorder much more. Did 
 Chief Juftice Keeling fay, Magna Charta was Magna farta * fo did 
 this Recorder too. And did Juftice Keeling Fine and Imprifon 
 Juries contrary to all Law ? fo did this Recorder alfo. In fhort, 
 there is no difference, unlefs it be, that the one wasqueftion’d, 
 and the other deferves it: But we defire in this, they may be 
 faid to differ; That tho the former efcap’d Punifhment, the 
 latter may not; who having a Precedent before, did notwith- 
 ftanding notorioufly tranfgrefs. 
 
 To conclude: The Law fuppofes the King can’t err, becaufe 
 it is willing to fuppofe he always ads by Law (Et Voluntas Legit 
 eft Voluntas Regis , or the King’s Will is regulated by the Law) 
 but it fays no fuch thing of his Judges. And fince they are ob¬ 
 lig’d by Oath to difregard the King’s Letters (tho under the 
 Broad and Privy-Seal ) if they any wife oppugn or contradict 
 the Laws of the Land; and confidering that every fingular 
 A&ion of an inferior Minifter, has an ugly Reference to the 
 Supreme Magiftrate, where not rebuked; we can’t but con¬ 
 clude, that both Judges are anfwerable for their Irregularities, 
 efpecially where they had not a Limitation of a King’s Letter, 
 or Command ; and that the Supreme Magiftrate is oblig’d, as 
 in Honour and Safety to himfelf, Alfred-like, to bring fuch to 
 condign Punifhment, left every Seffions produce the like Tra¬ 
 gical Scenes of UTurpation over the Consciences of Juries, to 
 the vilifying and contemning of Juftice, and great Detriment 
 and Prejudice of the good and honeft Men of this Famous 
 and Free City. 
 
 FIAT JVSTITIA 
 
( ) 
 
 Pinur xii. 
 
 The Second Tart of the Peopled 
 
 Antknt and Jufi Liberties ajjerted , in the 
 proceedings again Jl, and Tryals of Tho¬ 
 mas Rudyard, Francis Moor, Richard 
 Mew, Richard Mayfield, Richard 
 Knowlman, Gilbert Hutton, Job 
 Boulton, Richard Thornton, Charles 
 Banifter, John Boulton, and William 
 Bayly. 
 
 At the Sefjions begun and held at the Old-Baily 
 in London the loft Day of the 6 th Month 9 and 
 there continued ttd the yth Day of the yth Month 
 next following, in the Tear 1670. againfi the 
 Arbitrary Procedure of that Court y and Juflices 
 there , 
 
 The PREFACE to the Reader. 
 
 T H A T State which would preferve it [elf from Ruin and 
 VeflruIHon if ever to keep its Inhabitants pure and dean 
 from Vice and Debauchery , and their Laws from Viola¬ 
 tion and Corruption $ as the firfi is a way or means to engage a 
 
 cony 
 
The Try el of T. Rudy ard, F. Moor, &c. 551 
 
 contention* Obedience and Obftrvatm of the juft and upright Law 
 of God \ fo the fecond , by reafon of their due execution, are the Sinews 
 cr Sanctuaries that bind the Inhabitants of fuch State in a perpetual 
 Bond of Safety and TranquWty i And it's certainly true , where either 
 of theft are violated or neglefted, the Ruin of that State is near at 
 hand . There's no better way to incline the Subjetts of any State to 
 Morality and Vertue, than that thole that fit at the Helm , or have 
 the Government thereof flmld hold forth clear Examples and Patterns 
 of Piety and Juftice in their Lives and Aftrns. 
 
 Regis ad exemplum totus componitur Orbis, 
 
 Saitk the Poet , The whole World imitate the Example of their 
 King. And the Divine Hiftorian , Jofephus, obferves in his Ec - 
 sleftaftical Hiftery, fol. 209. But (faith heJ mor¬ 
 tal men moft ulually are corrupted by the un- 2 Chron 13. 
 toward Flatteries of wavering Fortune, as ap- 18, 19, 20. 
 peareth by King Rehoboam : feeing his Kingdom 
 thus increas’d, he bent himfelf to all unjuft and impious 
 Attions, and contemn’d the Service of God \ the People alfo 
 < conform’d themfelves to his Impieties; for the Life of the 
 j Subjetts is oftentimes perverted by reafon of the corrupt and 
 j diffolute Life of their Princes: And thofe that are Inferiors 
 beholding the Riot of their Superiors, will eafily be with¬ 
 drawn from all Modefty, and follow thofe Vices they pro- 
 fefs, as if they had been their profefs’d Vertues: Forfhould 
 they do the contrary, they fhould feem to difannul and miflike 
 the Attions of their Princes -. The Subjetts additted them¬ 
 
 felves to Impiety, and all Errors; for they would not make 
 profeflionof Honefty, for fear they fhould feem to ftudy the 
 means to be offenfive unto the King. 
 
 From this lively Pattern , or Reprefentative of our prefent Times 
 or State , we muft wifl) that Princes in this Age would 
 confider , and put in prallice that Golden Rule of De- W.H's Epiftle 
 mofthenes, Bene gubernare, rette judicare, inhisTranf- 
 jufte facere ; to govern we if judg rightly, and do lation of Mir- 
 juftly ; fo flmld their Kingdoms ftourifh , and they ror of Juftice . 
 themfelves be in high eftimution in the eyes of their 
 , People. 
 
 And next the Prince's curious eye over his own per final Aft ions, a 
 due heed , care and regard is to be had to his Reprefentatives in his 
 ; Courts of Juftice 5 viz. thofe Juftices whom he conftitutes by his 
 Commiffion to hear and determine betwixt him and his People , that 
 they be fuch who by their due Adminiftration and faithful difpenfing 
 cf the Laws , Juftice and Right may be dm to all men without re- 
 ft eft of per fins. 
 
 But 
 
}5 2 TheTrjixlof T. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 
 
 But as Vice and Debauchery have devour'd and eatefi up the Nation's. 
 Prafticeof Religion, fcarce leaving ns the out fide jhell of Profefjion s 
 So hath the Corruption of our Laws, and the Violation thereof turn'd 
 hack thofe wholefom Streams of Juftice which fhould naturally flow 
 from the ufe of them . 
 
 And that thou, Reader, may ft fee that thy felf art one, who is in 
 danger of being buried in the Ruins of Religion and Piety, as well as 
 thy Civil Rights and Liberties ; which are the two Bafes , or Founda¬ 
 tions, on which thy temporary here, and future well-being hereafter, 
 confifts and ftands : Call thy eye upon the Magiftrates of the City of 
 London ( antiently ftiled Caput Regni & Legum) in their Court of 
 Judicature at the Old Baily, and behold on the one hand Vertue 
 term'd Vice, Sobriety Debauchery, Religion Fallion. Pious and Peace¬ 
 able Affemblies Riots and Routs, and punifl/d as fuch on the other 
 hand, the antient written Laws denied, and their not 
 Qiiod non le- written ones the Court's Authority: Juftice turn'd into 
 go non ere- Gaul, Right and Equity by Will and Power over-ruled . 
 do. Auguft, So that it's now become a Proverb, Tell me thy 
 Judg, and I’ll tell thee thy Law. 
 
 Said the Learned Coke, Qui non libere veritatem pronun- 
 ciat, proditor veritas eft -, He who conceals Truth, is a Betrayer 
 tfoereof. Therefore for the fake of Truth, and the Reader's Be¬ 
 nefit, were thefe Proceedings made publicly, and according to that 
 due Obfervation and impartial Account, which could be taken and col¬ 
 lided of the manner of that Bench's Arraigning and Condemning as well 
 Religion, Piety, Vertue and Sobriety, as Right, Equity, Liberty and 
 Property, with due Comments upon their Procedures from the antient 
 and fundamental Laws of this Land, are laid to thy view. 
 
 And had not the Mayor and Recorder, with the reft of the Bench, 
 prohibited many, by fevere Threats, from writing down the Court's 
 partial Dealings both towards the Prifoners and Jurors \ and alfo by 
 violence took away what others had adventur'd to collett (commanding 
 fome to their Bale-dockJ in all probability this enfuing Piece might 
 have been much more enlarg'd to thy fat is fall ion. 
 
 But what has been faithfully coUelled and obferved, and whereof 
 there were fome hundreds of Witneffes, is prefented to the World the 
 Author f defiring rather to fpare their Injuftice, than wrong their Ju¬ 
 dicature ) has contr added this Relation to what comes within the limits 
 of his own knowledg and undeniable proofs *, but impartially laid Judg¬ 
 ment to the Line, and difeover'd that which may tend to the Good of his 
 Countrymen, in the Vindication of the Laws, Truth, Innocency, Equity, 
 and Juftice* 
 
at the Seffions in the Old-Baily, 1670. 3 5 j 
 
 The Second Part of the People's Antient and JuJl 
 Liberties ajferted, &c. 
 
 T HE Laws of England , by juft and upright Minifters 
 and Officers faithfully dilpens’d, and impartially ad¬ 
 min ifter’d, have ever been the Upholders and Pre- 
 fervers of Right and Liberty, the high efteem’d and precious 
 Jewels of its free-born Inhabitants. But when unlimited Pre¬ 
 rogatives have fprung up, like Muflirooms, out of the fappy 
 Apprehenfions, afpiring Brains, and heady Humours of infe¬ 
 rior Officers and Minifters; then Tyranny and Oppreffion 
 have, under difguife of Juftice and colour of Law, depriv’d 
 the Commonalty of thefe things, which they have held ifloft 
 precious and ! dear to them. 
 
 The pretended Crimes or Offences laid to the charge of 
 Thomas Rudy ardy are far different in their kind and nature from 
 thofe other Perfons, who have undergone with him the fe- 
 vere Judgments, or as fome call them, the Inquifitory-like 
 Cenfuresof that Court; which were fo far from Juris Ditfa, 
 the Law of Right, or impartial difpenfmg of Juftice, that 
 they are clear contrary and direttly oppofite unto them. 
 The Juftices of that Court, Judge Cokey that famous Englijh 
 Lawyer, doth well defcribe in his 2 d Jnji. hoi* 55. in a Poetical 
 Simile of an unjuft Judg: 
 
 Grofius hie Rhadamanthm habet durijjima Regna 9 
 Cajligatque audit que doloSy [ubigitqus fateru 
 
 And in another place : 
 
 Leges fixit pretio atque refixit. 
 
 They puniflj, then bear , compel to cwfefsy make and mar Lam at 
 pleasure. 
 
 The Occafion of T. A*s being envy’d and profecuted by thefe 
 Adverfaries of Peace, was becaule of his faithful defending 
 and conftant appearing (when call’d thereto) for his Clients 
 and Retainders, in fuch Matters and Caufes as Will and Power 
 had forged, and daily did put in execution againft them. So 
 that tire third of the fourth Month, call’d June , the Magi¬ 
 strates of the City of Londm y in the name or colour of a 
 Lieutenancy or Militia, iffued out a Warrant, to break open 
 
 A a his 
 
354 The Tryalof T. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 
 
 bis Houfe in the dead of the Night, to apprehend him (when 
 they might have had him at Noon-day, upon the Exchange, 
 about his occasions) and did take and carry away him, and 
 alio what Arms they there could find. Which Warrant was 
 executed by the Soldiers of one Captain Holford ; and the 
 next day he was fent to the Goal of Newgate , as a Perfon fuf- 
 peded and difafFeded to the Peace of the Kingdom, as was 
 alledg’d in his Mittimus, under the Hands and Seals of Samuel 
 Starling Mayor, W. Peaky A. Hanfon, A. King, J. Dawes, John 
 Cutler , W. Roufwel , A. Stanyon , J. Tivell, W. AUott , J. Sheldon t 
 and T. Davis. 
 
 The feventh of the fourth Month, the Lieutenancy (fo 
 call’d) order’d T. R. to be again brought before them, who 
 without alledging any Crime, or certain Matter that was 
 prov’d againft him, tho earneftly requefted by him that he 
 might hear his Accufation, or fee his Accufers face to face, 
 did demand 2000 1 . Security for his Good Behaviour : which un¬ 
 reasonable Demand being not com ply’d withal, T. R. was re* 
 manded to Goal, with a Mittimus under S. Starling and J. Robin - 
 Jon's Hand and Seal, pretending therein, That T. R t did ftir up 
 Perfons to the Difobedience of Laws, and abetted and encou¬ 
 rag’d fiich as met in unlawful and feditious Conventicles, con¬ 
 trary to the late Ad in the 22 Car. 2. of which things, they 
 alledg’d, that they foundcaufe to fufped T.R. to be guilty. 
 Which Cafe being brought before the Juftices of the 
 Court of Common-Pleas at Weftminfler , by Habeas 
 Trin.22. C. 2. Corpus ; that Court, after folemn debate, gave 
 their Judgment, That T.R. was unjuflly impri - 
 fond, and unlawfully detain'd. And fo by them was fet at li¬ 
 berty. 
 
 His Adverfary, vi%. S. Starling the Mayor, being incens’d 
 at his Deliverance and Difcharge, finds out new Stratagems 
 to encompafs his ends upon him. So that at a Seflions ot the 
 Peace, at the Old Baily , the 2 $th of the fourth Month, an 
 Jndidment is fram’d and prefer’d againft T. R. the Tenor 
 whereof was, <c That whereas at a Seffionsof the Peace held 
 * 6 at Guildhall for the City of London , the 30th of May , the 224 
 * c year of the King, before S. Starling, &c. and other Juftices 
 of the Peace of the faid City, aflign’d, &c. a certain Bill 
 81 of Indidment was exhibited and prefer’d againft one Samuel 
 * c Aliingbridge , late of London , Stationer, written in Parchment, 
 c< for fpeaking thefe feditious and menacing Words, viz. The 
 firjl man that fljall disturb Mr. Vincent, will never go out of the 
 u Houje alive. Arid whereas one N. Grove and J. Tillot were 
 ** fworn to give Evidence (in behalf of the King) to the 
 s£ grand Inqueft, that TR, intending to hinder and pervert 
 
 “ Juftice 
 
At the Seffians in the Old-Baily, 1670. 555 
 
 c * Jultice and due courfe of Law againft S . A . for fpeaking 
 “ the feditious and menacing words aforefaid, the 30th of 
 “ May, withForce and Arms, fare, thefaid Bill of Indittment, 
 <c before it came to the Grand Inqueft, unlawfully, fecretly, 
 <c and fubtilly, did get, take, and had in his hands, and un- 
 <c lawfully did conceal and detain from the Jury, in contempt 
 <c of the King and his Laws, to. the hindrance of Jultice and 
 <c due courfe of Law againft Allingbridge , unto the evil example 
 w of others, and againft the King’s Peace, Crown and Dig- 
 “ nity. M 
 
 To which Inairtment T. R. appearing in Court, and plead¬ 
 ing not guilty, John Lee told the Bench that there was no 
 caufe for that Indirtment, by reafon that S. A. was try’d, 
 convirted, and acquitted the fame Seflions that the pretended 
 Indirtment mifearry’d. Whereupon the Mayor pulling an 
 Affidavit out of his pocket, that bore date the 29th then in- 
 ! ftant, alledg’d, That the Indirtment was not drawn to the 
 Cafe, and according to the Inftrurtions that he gave to John 
 Lee, and ffiew’d that Affidavit to Archer , one of the 
 
 Juftices of. the Common-Pie as \ who when he had perus’d 
 and read it over, acquainted the Mayor, that the matter 
 therein contain’d was no caufe for an Indittment. To which 
 the Mayor anfwer’d, That it is caufe, and (hall be caufe, 
 and he would ftand to it; withal affirming, That he had 
 ask’d Chief Juftice Keeling's Judgment, and he advis’d him to 
 profecute it. So the Inftrurtions were deliver’d to John Lee 
 to draw up another Indirtment. 
 
 j This piece of Prartice was in open Court \ which mani- 
 | fefts their Partiality and unequal Dealings to fuch whom they 
 convened before them, to receive Juftice at their hands. And 
 how little they (who fat there as Judges) regarded their 
 Oaths, and the Duty of that place of fo great a Trull, is 
 eafily refolved, weighing them in the Ballance of Law and 
 I Juftice. Said the Learned Coke in his 3 Infl. 
 fol . 29. <c The Judges ought not to deliver 1 Hen. 7. 
 
 their Opinion before-hand upon a Cafe put, Fol. 27. 
 u and Proofs urg’d on one fide in abfence of 
 €i the Party accus’d : For how (faith he) can they be indif- 
 “ ferent who have deliver’d their Opinions before-hand, 
 “ without hearing of the Party accus’d, when a fmall addi- 
 <c tion or fubftrartion may alter the Cafe ? And how doth 
 “ it ftand with their Oaths, that are fworn, That they ffiall 
 “ well and lawfully ferveour Lord the King, and his People 
 * in the Office of a Juftice ? And they ffiould do equal Law, 
 <c and execution of Right to all his Subjerts. Yea, he faith 
 further, w That the King’s Council ffiall not fo much as put 
 
 A a 2 44 the. 
 
35 ^ TheTryrtef T. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 
 
 <e the Cafe in abfence of the Prifoner, to the Judges. As 
 may be fee.n at large in 3 Inft. fol, 30. And the third Statute of 
 xS Edward. 3. in the Judges Oath it’s faid* <c And that ye give 
 <c no Advice nor Counfel to no man great nor fmall, in no 
 <c cafe where the King is Party. 
 
 Now if the Mayor’s Profecution, and Juftice Keeling's Ad - 
 vice, be according to the Law, Juftice, their Oaths and Duty, 
 in their refpe&ive places, let the World judg. 
 
 The Clerk of the Peace drew up another Indi&ment, by 
 the Mayor’s Directions, which contain’d the S^bftance of the 
 former *, and further* “ That the faid T.R, the faid 30th of 
 (< May, coming to the aforefaid Nicholas Grove , faid to him, 
 * £ That the Bill againft $, A . was loft, and that N. S . fliould 
 “ attend next Saturday ; and that T. R, unlawfully and 
 “ craftily did fay to N. G, thefe words, vi\. I will come to you 
 “ fome time this week, dnd we will go and drink a Pint of Wine 
 * c with Mr, Tanner, and contrive to draw up a flight Bill, that 
 <c may not he found, and fo make an end of the bufmefs : In con- 
 
 tempt of the King and his Laws, to the hindrance of Juftice, 
 u and perverting of due courfe of Law againft S. A . for his 
 il Offence; to the evil Example of others, and againft the 
 <c Peace of the faid King, his Crown and Dignity. 
 
 To this Indictment alfo T, R, pleaded, Not guilty, and gave 
 Security by Recognizance £0 try them both the next Seflions. 
 
 This Profecution falling fhortftill of the Mayor’s purpofe, 
 which was to clap T, R, up in a Goal, demands of him to 
 give Security, or at leaft his own Recognizance for his good 
 Behaviour; being the fame thing that the Judges lately had 
 given their Opinion againft. 
 
 Therefore he refus’d that piece of Bondage (yet offering 
 the Court, in cafe of Health, to appear once every day at 
 the Mayor’s Houfe, there to anfwer any matter that fhould 
 be juftly charg’d againft him.) Whereupon he was commit¬ 
 ted to Prifon, and by the Mayor’s fpecial Order and Diredion 
 Lept clofe Prifoner in Newgate . 
 
 During the time of this unequal Profecution of T, R, many 
 others felt the weight of the Mayor’s Injuftice, and were 
 made witneffes of various Stratagems ufed and praCtifed by 
 liim and his Brethren, upon feveral Citizens of London \ and 
 likewife upon feveral other innocent peaceable men. 
 
 Upon the 19th of the 4th Month, Francis Moor, Richard 
 'Mew, Richard Mayfield, Richard Knowlman, and Gilbert Hutton, 
 with divers others of their Friends, being (as at other times) 
 met together (to wait upon and worfhip the living God in 
 Spirit and in Truth) at Whitehart+Cmt in Graced burch-Street, 
 
 London 
 
" • dt the Sefflons in the 0 !d-Baily, 1670. 357 
 
 London (being forcibly kept out of their own Houfeby Watch¬ 
 men and Conftables) after they had there peaceably conti¬ 
 nued together, about the fpace of one hour, the two Sheriff's 
 of London , with their Guard of Officers and Soldiers, came 
 in and made a Proclamation by one of their Servants, That 
 all Perfons there prefent fhould depart. Which being not 
 | regarded by thofe who peaceably came there, to give to God 
 the things that were God’s; they continu’d in peaceable 
 manner together without diftraftion, not fearing wnat man’s 
 Violence could do unto them, knowing that againft the In- 
 i noccnt there was no Law. Yet the Sheriffs lingled out of 
 the Aflembly the abovefaid Perfons, and delivering them into 
 the cuftody of one Whiting , Beadle to the Bridg-Ward (who 
 was a Perfon very diligent in fuch Services) and his Watch¬ 
 men, who carried them by the Sheriffs order to Bifiopfgate 
 I Goal; a Place, who ever has had the experience thereof, 
 can witnefs its filthy Noifomnefs: And a horrid lhame it is, 
 that the Magiftrates of this City fhould make no better Pro- 
 vilion, than to incarcerate peaceable Men, and their Fellow- 
 Creatures, in places as it were on purpofe to ftifle or poifon 
 them, that they might be incapacitated to make a due De^ 
 fence againft their intolerable and arbitrary Oppreffion. 
 
 The day following they were call’d before the Lieutenan¬ 
 cy, or Council of War, at Guildhall, who wanting proof and 
 witnefs of fome hoftile Action done by them, they were re¬ 
 manded back toPrifon. 
 
 The 21 ft of the 4th Month, they being brought before the 
 Mayor, and the Officers fwearing that they faw them in 
 Whitehart-Court in Grace-Church-fireet , tho peaceable and quiet 
 (as the Sheriffs being then prefent acknowledg’d) yet.becaufe 
 the Sheriffs of London had taken up and apprehended them, as 
 Perfons prefent after their Proclamation made, as may appear 
 by their Commitment; the Mayor made their Mittimus to 
 Newgate, as Rioters: The Tenor whereof was thus. 
 
 Lond. ff. Receive into your cufiody the Bodies of Francis Moor, 
 Richard Mew, fee. herewith fent you ; being apprehended and 
 brought before me, and charged to have made , and to have been pre¬ 
 fent on the laft Lord's Day at an unlawful Affembly , Riot and Rout in 
 Whitehart-yard in Grace-Church-ftreet, London ; and for want 
 of Sureties for their Good Behaviour , and perfonal Appearance at the 
 next Sejfions of Goal-Delivery , to be held for the [aid City and Li¬ 
 berties : And them fafely keep in your cufiody , until they fhall be 
 thence legally difcbarg'd. And this fioall be your Warrant , dated the 
 i}fi 0/June, 1670. Samuel Starling Mayor, To the Keepers of 
 bis Majefifs Goal of Newgate. 
 
 A a 3 Where 
 
55 ? The Try al of T. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 
 
 Where they were kept till the Seflions following, with fe- 
 veral others of their Friends, which were fent to them as 
 like Offenders. 
 
 The Court order’d thefe, with Richard Thornton, Charles Ba- 
 nifler, job Boulton , Ezekiel Archer , Margery Fann , and Samuel 
 Slaughter, whom the Sheriffs had taken up from their Meeting 
 in Bijhopfgate-fireet, to be indi&ed; the Tenor of which Indict¬ 
 ment was, *• That they together with others were met a t Lon- 
 <c don, &c. with Force and Arms in a riotous manner, foe* 
 
 <c to the difturbance of the Peace of our Lord the King \ and 
 * c that they, together with about 200 more unknown, did 
 tc affemble in an unlawful manner, riotoufly, routoully, and tu- 
 “ multuoufly, under colour and pretence of Religious Worfhip, 
 <c in other manner than was practis’d in the Church of Eng - 
 * c land and that after three Proclamations then and there, 
 in the name of the King, by John Smith Efquire, and James 
 66 Edwards Efquire, then and yet Sheriffs of the City of Lon• 
 cc don, were made, That all Perfons there prefent Ihould from 
 <c thence depart forthwith, upon their peril the faid F. M. 
 <c fyc, together with the other 200 unknown, then and there, 
 by the fpace of half a quarter of an hour, did remain and 
 continue together, riotoully, routoully, and unlawfully, in 
 4C contempt of the King and his Laws, to the difturbance of 
 c< his Peace, to the evil example of all others in the lfke cafe 
 4C Offenders, and agamft the Peace of the faid King, his 
 <£ Crown and Dignity, foe. 
 
 Juftice Moreton fitting on the Bench, the Prifoners were 
 call’d to the Bar *, and as they pafs’d along, the Goalers 
 would have taken off their Hats, but Juftice Moreton com* 
 manded.they Ihould be let alone, and faid he would fine them 
 five Marks a-piece for their Contempt to the Court, and fo 
 urg’d them to plead. Guilty, or Not Guilty ; to which they ge¬ 
 nerally anfwer’d, That they were not Guilty of the breach 
 of any Juft Law. So the Court took that for a Plea, as not 
 guilty, and ask’d them whether they would be try’d prefently 
 ortraverfej to which they anfwer’d, That if they might have 
 a Copy of their IndiChnent, they would be try’d next day. 
 The Court reply’d, That they muft either try it prefently, 
 without a Copy of the IndiCf ment, or traverfe till next Sef- 
 iions, and then they fhould have a Copy thereof, and Juftice 
 done them. To which they agreed, and pafs’d their words to 
 appear the next Seflions. 
 
 Soon after that Seflions, the Military Forces (who were 
 every Firft Day order’d by the Lieutenancy to guard as well 
 the publick Meeting-Houfe in Gracedhurch-Jlreet, as their Mer¬ 
 cenary 
 
at the Seffions in the Old-Baily, 1670. J59 
 
 ccnary Priefts, whom the Biftiops Tent thither, to read their 
 Church-Homilies and Prayers) apprehended and took into 
 j cuftody William Bayly, whom they carry’d before the Mayor; 
 and upon 9 Information of the Prieft (who on that day was 
 to have officiated in that place, had he had courage to have 
 perform’d what he had undertook) the Mayor committed W. 
 B. to Newgate, for oppofing the Frieft in officiating his Functi¬ 
 on, as was alledg’d in his Mittimus; whenas the faid W. B. had 
 not at any time either feen or fpoke with the faid Prieft. 
 
 Not long after, John Boulton an antient Citizen of London, 
 of feventy Years of Age, and very well known to be a quiet 
 and peaceable Perfon, was fent by the Mayor to Newgate , as 
 a riotous Perfon. And foon after him, William Penn and William 
 Mead ; all which were taken up by arm’d Forces, from their 
 publick and peaceable Affemblies, and committed to the Pri- 
 fon of Newgate . 
 
 The laft of the 6th Month, the Seffions of Oyer and Terminer 
 beginning at the Old Bail'y, not only fuch, who the former 
 i Seffions had been inditted, but thofe newly committed, attended 
 the Court; where conftantly waiting three days in expecta¬ 
 tion of being call’d to their Tryals, and according to the 
 Laws of this Land to be condemn’d or acquitted, were never 
 once call’d until the 3d of the 7th Month; at which time 
 the Bench of Juftices confifted of Samuel Starling Mayor, John 
 Robinfon, Richard Ford, Jofepb Sheldon, George Waterman, William 
 Pea^ Thomas Bloodworth , Aldermen of London ; John Hiwel the 
 City Recorder *, together with Richard Brown, who pretending 
 himfelf to be fomething learned in the Law, came there to 
 fecond the Recorder, and with much confidence took upon 
 him to examine Perfons according to his Will and Pleafure, 
 as if he had been a Juftice in Commiffion for Londm. Join 
 Smith and James Edwards were Sheriffs. O yes being made, 
 and Silence commanded, William Penn, William Mead, John Boul¬ 
 ton, William Bayly , Francis Moor, Richard Mew , Ricf ard Mayfield* 
 Richard Knowlman, Gilbert Hutton, Richard rhornton, Charles Ba- 
 nifier, Job Boulton , Ezekiel Arche*, and Thomas Rudyard, were ajl 
 call’d into the Court; and not giving that Cap-Reverence and 
 Hat Honour to the Place, which the Haman-like-fpirited there 
 upon the Bench expe&ed, and look’d for, the Mayor with 
 great Indignation, openly among!! his Brethren, firft exprefs’d 
 himfelf againft them (calling out to the Officers who at¬ 
 tended the Court) faying, Pox on them, knock , them all down . 
 
 Surely fuch Language as this was very ill becoming that 
 Court of Juftice, and efpecially to proceed from the chief 
 Magiftrate of this Imperial City. It’s faid, He bears the Sword 
 A a 4 m 
 
3 <5 o The Tryal o/T.Rudyard, F.Moor, &c. 
 
 in vain, that's not a Terror to Evil-doers, and a Praife to them that 
 do well. If in this the Mayor of London .has manifefted his 
 Chriftian Behaviour, let him have the Praife thereof. A time 
 has been when fuch an Expreffion, for its Prophanenefs, fhould 
 have merited a pair of Stocks, or a Whip; and for its Ralh- 
 nefs and Violence to be bound to the Good Behaviour. 
 
 But the Mifery of our Age is fuch, That Judgment it turned 
 tack, and Juft ice ftandeth afar off: And he alone who turnetb himfelf 
 from Evily maketh himfelf a Prey. 
 
 But the Under-Marfhals and Goalers manifefting more of 
 Humanity, than to obey the inhumane and unchriftian Com¬ 
 mand of the Mayor, exercis’d no other Violence upon the 
 Prifoners than pulling off their Hats; for which the Recor¬ 
 der rebuk’d them, and bid the Officers put on the Prifoner’s 
 Hats upon their Heads again ; which was no fooner done, in 
 Obedience to the Court’s Command, but prefently the Clerk 
 of the Peace requires every of the Prifoners, in Obedience 
 and Reverence to the Court, to pull off their own Hats: the 
 Prifoners not complying with thefe whimfical Humors, ridi¬ 
 culous Precepts, and antick A&s of Juftice, the Recorder gives 
 Order to the Officers a fecond time to pull off all their Hats, 
 and fet Fines upon their Heads, fome twenty Marks, feme 
 twenty Nobles, ufmg variety of airy Expreflions againft, and 
 taunting thofe Prifoners, whom lie fo illegally fined. 
 
 Which piece of ridiculous Pageantry being over, O yes be¬ 
 ing made, and Silence commanded, (as truly there was need 
 of it) the Cryer call’d over the jury; who, when they had 
 anfwer’d to their Names, and taken their Places, were com¬ 
 manded to look upon the Prifoners at the Bar; the Prifo¬ 
 ners were alfo requir’d to look upon the Jurors, and make 
 their Challenge before they were fworn: The Names of the 
 Jury-men - were, Thomas Peer, Edward Bufjelf John Hammond, 
 Henry Henley , Henry Michel , Charles Miljon , Gregory Wallet, John 
 Bright man, William Plumfted, James Damask, William Lever , John 
 Bailey. Who all took an Oath, Well and truly to try, and 
 true deliverance make, betwixt the Ring and the Prifoners at 
 the Bar, according to their Evidence ; and fo that God ffiould 
 them help. The Prifoners, without obje&ing againft any one 
 Man of the whole Pannel, accepted freely of them, tho they 
 had Liberty by the Law, to have made their Challenge againft 
 whom they pleas’d. So now their Country being thus folemn- 
 ly fworn to Try and Deliver, &c. they were the true and 
 proper Judges, to acquit or condemn, to deliver or judg guilty, 
 the perlbns that were given them in charge. 
 
 In this of the Jury, it’s acknowledg’d, the Prifoners had 
 Right and Juftice doita them; and the Court a&ed under their 
 ° Com* 
 
At the Sefftons in the Old-Baily, 1670. 561 
 
 Commiflion, according to that Claufe, FaZluri quod 
 ad Jujiitiam pertinet jecundum Legem & Confuetudinem Co. 2 Inft. 
 Anglia • To do Juftice according to the Law and Fol. 51. 
 Cuftom of England, contain'd in the Charter of 
 the Englijh-man 3 s Liberties ; which declares, Quod Domini# Rex 
 non capiet , imprifonabit, nec fuper eum ibit, nec mittet mfi per legale 
 judicium parium fuorum } That the King fhall not take, impri- 
 fon, or pafs upon any Free-man, without Tryal by his E- 
 qua Is. 
 
 And thefe are call’d the Good and Lawful Men 
 of the Vicinage , whom the Prifoners had freely Mag. Char. 
 accepted and given up Themfelves and Caufes chap. 14. 
 unto, as to their Judges, to be by them condem¬ 
 ned or acquitted, as in their Confciences they fhould judg 
 Equal, Jult and Righteous, according to the Eftablith’d and 
 Fundamental Laws of England . The Court proceeded to Try 
 William Penn and William Mead ; the manner whereof is more 
 largely fet forth in a Book call’d. The Peoples Antient and Jull 
 Liberties afferted, in the Tryal of William Penn and William Mead, 
 at the Sejfions held at the Old-Baily in London, the firft, third t 
 fourth and fifth of the jth Month , 1670. againjl the moft Arbitrary 
 procedure of that Court . 
 
 Which was but an Introduction to their after Illegal and 
 Tyrannical Proceedings againft the other Prifoners: For 
 when the Court found that all their fevere Menaces, fcurri- 
 lous InveCtives, and hard Ufage towards the Jury, could no¬ 
 wife avail, to make them alter that Vcrdift ; which, according 
 to their Oaths, they brought in for Williatm Penn and William 
 Ale ad, they prefently conl'ult how they might feparate this 
 Jury and the reft of the Prifoners, whom they had fworn to 
 try and deliver, according to Evidence : Thereupon moft Ar¬ 
 bitrarily and Illegally againft our Fundamental Law, Magna 
 Charta , the great Preferver of our Lives, Freedom and Pro¬ 
 perty, this Court impos’d Fines of forty Marks apiece upon 
 every of the Jury-men, and committed them to the Goal of 
 Newgate, until they fhould pay the fame; “ Which Proceedings 
 “ are Innovations, in the Tryal of Men for their Lives and 
 <c Liberties ; and the Ufage of fuch arbi- 
 <c trary and illegal Power, is of dangerous Vide Poftfcript to 
 <c confequence to the Lives and Liberties the People's Antient 
 “ of the People of England, and tends to and Jufi Liberties 
 “ the introducing of an Arbitrary Govern- afferted. 
 
 <c ment; as was Refolv’d by the High 
 
 Court of Parliament of England , Decemb . u* 1G67. in the Cafe 
 
 of Juftice Keeling. 
 
 Cbferve t 
 
3 <5 2 The Tryal of T. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 
 
 Obferve , All Ages have had a venerable Efteem of Juries? 
 and this Tryal of the Fad, Per duodecim liberos fy legates Homi¬ 
 nes , by Twelve good and lawful Men, is very antient, faith 
 Cook* i Inft. Fol. 155. For (faith he) hear what the Law was 
 before the Conqueft; In fingulis Centuriis comi- 
 Lambert verb, tia [unto , atque liber a conditionis viri duodecim at ate 
 Centura. fuperiores, una cum prapofito facra tenentes)uranto,foc. 
 
 Twelve juft and honeft grave Men were to be 
 in every Hundred, to judg their Neighbours. And thereupon 
 in affirmance of this upright Way of Tryals by Twelve Men, 
 were the Charter of our Liberties made, and 
 Artie. fuper from time to time confirm’d 4 and how this Tryal 
 
 Cart. cap. 9. excels others, and wherefore other Countries 
 have them not, fee Fortefcue , cap. 25. and 29. 
 29 Affile* And, as one obferves, our Engliftj Laws have ta- 
 pre. 27. ken fo great care to find out the true Matter of 
 Fad in iflfue, That every one of the Jurors a- 
 gree together in the Matter in iffue, before they give their 
 Verdid, which is the Foundation on which the Judgment of 
 the Court is grounded : for, Exfattojui oritur , as faith Cooky 
 2 Inft. 49. 
 
 And in the 29th Chapter of our Great Charter, it’s faid. No 
 Man fljall be taken, tmprifoned, &c. but per legale Judicium— by 
 lawful Judgment of his Equals ; (hewing, that antiently the Jurors 
 were foie Judges, to pronounce and give Judgment againft 
 their Neighbours, and fuch whom they had in charge, accord¬ 
 ing unto that Mirror of Juft ice, written by Andrew Horn , in the 
 tune of Edw. 1. Chap. 1. 5 ed. 3. “ It was affented unto, that 
 cs free Tenants fhould meet together in the Counties, Hun- 
 dreds, and the Lord’s Courts, if they were not efpecially 
 exempted, to do fuch Suits, and there judg their Neigh- 
 “ hours. Hence we may obferve, and impartially con¬ 
 clude, 
 
 1. That a Jury of Twelve Men are (and antiently were) 
 the proper Judges of their Neighbour’s Aftions, Mifdeeds, or 
 Mifcarriages; which is founded on Reafon and Equity, becaufe 
 the Neighbourhood is beft acquainted with, and has the moft 
 certain knowledg both of the Perfons and A&ions there done 
 and atted. 
 
 2. The Law requiring, that Twelve good and .honeft Men 
 Should agree as One, before they determine their Neighbour 
 to be guilty, or not guilty of the Fact or Matter charg’d a- 
 gainft him, lhews us, not only that the Fundamental Laws of this 
 Land have appointed its Inhabitants, merciful Judges ; but 
 alfo fuch who (hould be the proper, foie and ultimate Judges 
 (in the Matters charg’d againft any Man) to acquit or con¬ 
 demn 
 
at the S ffions in the Old-Baily, 1670. 363 
 
 demn according to the Laws, as in their Confciences they 
 Ihould find Equitable,- Juft and Righteous. 
 
 | 3. The high Efteem our Anceftors have ever had of thefe 
 
 twelve Righteous Judges in former Ages, befpeaks the little re¬ 
 gard and honour that the Recorder of London, the Mayor and his 
 Brethren, have fhew’d to their Predecejfors and Antiquity -, as alfo 
 their low Efteem of the Englijh-man's Liberties ; which, in all 
 Ages and Generations, have been moftly preferv’d and fecur’d 
 by weighing mens Actions in the equal Ballance of their Good 
 and Honeft Reighbours Judgments. 
 
 4. We may obferve how little regard this Court has had to 
 the performance of fuch Oaths, which they impofe upon Men 
 at pleafure: for, notwithftanding they had fworn Twelve good 
 and lawful Men of the City of London, Well and truly to try, and 
 true deliverance make, between the King and the Prifoners at the Bar ; 
 yet they refufe and deny thefe Jurors to perform that Oath, 
 which they had fo folemnly taken; manifefting to the World, 
 that the Bench affumes a Power and JurifdiCtion equal with 
 the Church of Rome, to enforce and abfolve from Oaths and 
 Covenants at their Wills and Pleafures. 
 
 5. It’s moft apparent how little this Court mind¬ 
 ed or regarded their own Duty, Oaths and Com- 20 Edw. 3. 
 million, to do Equal Law, and Execution of Right, chap. r. 
 without refpetl to Perfons, according to the Laws 
 
 of this Land: For when the Prifoners had given their con- 
 fent to be try’d, and the Jury had fworn to try; without, and 
 againft the confent of both, or either of them (or any Ail 
 done whereby Common Right fhould be denied the Prifoners, 
 or Juftice to the Jurors) to feparate them each from other, is 
 fuch a piece of Tortiout Juftice, which there is no Law or Guftom 
 of England can or will juftify or maintain. 
 
 6. We cannot but own and acknowledg the Parliament of the 
 
 Commons of England, their induftrious Care and Prudence to 
 preferve our Lives and Liberties from the Violence of Ufur- 
 pation, and Practice of Arbitrary and Illegal Powers over Ju¬ 
 ries, who are fworn to try and deliver their Neighbours, ac¬ 
 cording to Evidence of Fail committed* And fince once in 
 their Prudence they thought meet, juft and righteous, to check 
 the Authot of fuch Arbitrary Innovations, as Fining of Jurors 
 for their Verdifts, we hope they will take occafion, at this 
 time, to manifeft their Care and Tendernefs of the People of 
 England ( whofe Reprefentatives they are) in bringing thefe 
 latter Malefactors to condign Punilhment, that for the future 
 Juftice may run down its proper Channels, and be faithfully 
 executed and equally difpenfed according to our Antient and 
 Fundamental Laws , and the Laudable Cuftoms of this our 
 Land, Whilft 
 
564 The Trj/al of T. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 
 
 Whilft the Recorder thus treated this jury of the Citizens 
 of London, the Sheriffs had fummon’d a new Pannel, to ap¬ 
 pear at Juftice-Hall the 5th of the 7th Month ; the Prifoners, 
 on whom the former Jury had fworn to pafs their Verdicts 
 upon, i >i%. John Boulton , William Bailey, Francis Moor, Thomas 
 Rudyard , &c. were call’d again into Court in the Afternoon, 
 and each of them fined as formerly, twenty Nobles apiece for 
 their Hats. A Precedent or Foundation for fuch Judgments, 
 Fines and Amercements, we challenge the City’s Recorder, 
 and the conceitedly-learned Mayor, to (hew or make out to 
 the World by the Laws of England . 
 
 So foon as the Recorder had finifh’d or pafs’d thefe new 
 fort of Judgments, or rather Inquifitory Cenfures upon or againft 
 the Prifoners, he perus’d the Pannel of the laft fummon’d 
 Jury, and gave directions to the Clerk to call them over; who, 
 as it was obferv’d, piety here and there fuch perfons that were 
 judg’d the moft likely to anfwer the malicious Ends and hor¬ 
 rid Deiigns of that Bench, calling not the Jury-men in order 
 and direct courfe, as is ufual in all Courts of Juftice , where 
 Right is impartially adminiftred ; and withal, bidding the Pri¬ 
 foners to look upon the Jurors, and before they were Sworn 
 to make their Challenges. 
 
 So now a fecond Jury was going to be fworn Upon them for 
 the Tryal of one angle Fatt, which was a further manifefta- 
 tion of the Court’s evil Intentions againft them $ having now 
 neither Equity, Juftice nor Law, for their Boundaries or 
 Guides, it being fuch a piece of practice that no Age can 
 parallel. 
 
 Saith the Learned Cool ^ in his 2 Inft. <56. Lex eft tutiftima, 
 Caff is 5 The Law is the fafefl Guard to defend the Innocent 
 from Tort and Wrong *, which declares, That Ju« 
 Mag . Chaw flice and Right ft all be denied to none . Neither fhall 
 
 Chap. 29. any Man be deftroy’d by any manner of wife; on 
 
 which Cook, obferves, That every Oppreftion againft Lava 
 Cook 2 ® by colour of any ufurp y d Authority , is a tynd of Deftrutlion : 
 
 inft. 4’^. For, faith he, Quando aliquod prohibetur, prohibetur & 
 
 erne per quod devenitur ad illud . The Law admits 
 not of the leaft Wrong to be done to any Man. Therefore, 
 faith the fame Author, That it y s the mrft Oppreftion which is done 
 hy colour of Juftice* 
 
 Obferve then, Firft, The Court to fwear two feveral Juries 
 upon one perfon, to Try one and the fame Caufe or FaCf, upon 
 one and the fame IndiClment; What is it but under difguife 
 ©f Juftice to commit fuch Abfurdities, that our Laws allow 
 not a or Lawyers ever before heard of ? 
 
 Secondly, 
 
At the Se/Jions in the Old-Baily, 1670. 365 
 
 , Secondly, If fuch Praflices as thefe be allowable, what per¬ 
 son (hall know when that Jury, whom the Court will permit to 
 try him, is or (hall be fworn upon him, to acquit or condemn' 
 him, according to his Faff, and the Law of the Land ? 
 
 Thirdly, What Right and Juftice can a Prifoner expeft, 
 when his Adversary (hall not only fummon what Jurors they 
 pleafe, but alfo in the Court pack together fuch, whom they 
 judg will anfwer their Malicious Defigns , upon thofe who (hall be 
 committed to their charge ? 
 
 The Prifoners taking notice of the Court’s partial Profecu- 
 thn> and unequal diftribution of Juftice, and bold Attempts to com¬ 
 mit fuch horrid A^.upon their Liberties, made an unanimous 
 Proteftation againft the 2d Jury. Fir ft, Defiring to know by what 
 Law or juft Precedent they praffifed fuch fort of Juftice upon 
 them 5 and how the Recorder could Swear two Juries to try 
 one and the fame Faff, foe. The Recorder anfwer’d. That the 
 fir ft Jwy was imprifonedfir their Mifdemeanor, (meaning the not 
 finding William Penn and William Mead guilty ) and the Prifoners 
 tnuft take that for an Anfwer; Which being far (hort of the 
 iQueftlon, the Prifoners ftill perfifted to know what Law or 
 Cuftom julfified their Proceedings. The Recorder reply % 
 That the Court had over-ruled them .* The Prifoners told him. That 
 the Law (hould be, and ought to be, the Rule and Guide of all 
 Courts of Juftice, and that fuch Anfwers ks fThe Court over¬ 
 ruled you) was not fufficient to fatisfy their reasonable and juft 
 Demands. 
 
 Whereupon the Recorder, with great Indignation and Rage, 
 told one of the Prifoners, That he flmld be Gagged, and deferv% 
 to have his Tongue bored through with a Not Iron, and bis Mouth 
 Nail'd to the Duft ■, with many other inveterate, opprobrious, and 
 taunting Expreffions ■, telling him, That he was not bound to 
 produce Precedents, but it fhould fatisfy. That the Court was of 
 another Opinion againft them , and had over-ruled them. To which 
 the Mayor joyn’d his confent, faying alfo. We will over-rule 
 you . 
 
 By the Statute 25 Edw. 1. chap. 1. it was accorded, “ That 
 “ the King’s Juftices, Sheriffs, Mayors, foe. that had the Laws 
 <c to guide them, foe. This is a Claufe (faith CookJ worthy to bt 
 written in Letters of GOLD , That the Laws are to be the Judges 
 Guides: And therefore not Judges by their Arbitrary Gloffes, to be Guides 
 of the Laws , which never yet mijguided any that truly fol¬ 
 lowed them. Sub clipeo Legu nemo dicipitur , as faith Cool^ 2. 
 the fame Author. Common Right in 2 Edw. 3. is call’d Inft. 56. 
 Common Law in 14 Edw. 3*&c. and in this fenfe it is 
 taken, where it is faid, It a quod ft et re&o in curia , i. e. Legit m 
 mi a } The Law is called rettum, (that is, Right, or a RuleJ be¬ 
 cause 
 
^66 The Tryal of T. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 
 
 eaufe it difcovereth that which is tort, crooked, or wrong; fo 
 as Right fignifieth Law, fo Tort, Crooked or Wrong, fignifieth In- 
 jury ; and Injuria eft contra jus, againft Right. Hereby (faith Cook) 
 the crooked Cord of that which is called Dijcretion appeareth to be un¬ 
 lawful. 
 
 So that (Firft) it’s plain, The Law rules and guides, but 
 Difcretion, Force and Violence, over-rule. 
 
 Secondly, The Juft Judg makes the Law his Rule and Guide, 
 but the Unjuft over-rules the Law: So that it’s apparent, that 
 this Over-ruling is no other than by Difcretion (which is tort, 
 crooked and rough ) to oppofe with Violence that Juftice and 
 Right, which the Laws allow and afford every Free-man of 
 England; then there’s no Defence to be made againft the Re¬ 
 corder's Over-ruling, that is gone beyond the Law’s Rule, to his 
 own Over-ruling Will and Difcretion. 
 
 The Clerk of the Peace, in obedience to the Court’s Com¬ 
 mand, proceeds to fwear the fecond Jury upon the Prifoners; 
 upon which fome of the Prifoners objected againft feveral of 
 them, as one Steed the Fore-man, and feveral others : The 
 Recorder denied them their Challenges, telling them ftill, that 
 the Court over-ruPd them . And altho Judg in his 3 Inlt. fol. 
 27. faith, That the end of challenge if to have an indifferent Tryal , 
 and which U required by Law • and to bar the Party indi fled of hit 
 lawful Challenge, if to bar him of a principal concern in bis Tryal: 
 Yet this Recorder, who doth, or fhould know the Law, and thofe 
 Rights and Privileges which it affords the Prifoners (both in 
 the Challenge of the Array of the Panriel, and alfo of the 
 Poles ) admitted their Challenges to neither, but cried out ftill. 
 The Court over-rules you; that as well the Spettators, as Prifoners, 
 were fully fatisfied, that the Purpofe and Refolution of the 
 Bench was, to make them fubje& and (laves to their Injuftice, 
 and moft Tyrannical Will and Pleafure, in defpight of the 
 Laws, and that undoubted Right and Liberty, which is the beft 
 Birth-right the Free-men of England have. 
 
 The Names of the Jury were, Henry Steed, Fore-man; 
 Edward Dermer, Thomas Moffe, John Afhborne , Edward Langton , 
 Henry Offley, Edward Harney, Walter Hungerford, Thomas Pendleton , 
 Robert Twiford, Robert Cooper , and Daniel Walton . 
 
 As it’s moft certainly true, that every Free-man of England 
 may, and doth challenge the benefit of Antient Fundamental Laws 
 to protect and defend his Life and Liberty againft Violence and 
 Oppreffion, moft efpecially that which is contain’d in the 29th 
 Chapter of the Charter of Liberties, viz. Not to be taken, impri - 
 Ifoned, &c. but by Judgment of his Equals , ( which Cook calls in his 
 • Expo- 
 
at the Seffions in the Old-Baily, \ 6 jo. $ 6 j 
 
 Expofition, Twelve of his good and honeft Neighbours ) and 
 to have equal Juftice and Right done him, according to that 
 Charter, as by the fifft Statute of 20 Edw. 1. So it’s as true, 
 that by the Recorder of London, the Mayor and his Brethren , thofe 
 Rights and Privileges have been denied; thofe Laws, and 
 fuch who claim a benefit from them, have been contemned 
 and over-ruled by the Cenfures and Judgments which they 
 patted upon, and Carriages and Ufages which they pradifed 
 toward both Prifoners and Jurors; fo that this Confequence 
 will follow. 
 
 Firft, Altho a Jury of good and honeft Men (hall be fworn 
 well and truly to Try, and true Deliverance make between, fyc* 
 j according to their Evidence; yet if the Verdid that is con- 
 ! firm’d by the Oaths of Twelve Men (agreed together as one) 
 
 be not congruous to the W ill and Humour of one Perfon fit¬ 
 ting on the Bench (as the RecorderJ thefe Twelve Judges fhall 
 be Fined and Imprifoned as perjur'd Perfins , and as fuch who 
 are guilty of as high Mifdemeanors as any they came to Judg 
 and Try. 
 
 Secondly, When Twelve good and lawful Men fhall be fo 
 impannel’d and fworn to try, fyc. and the Prifoners fhall ac¬ 
 cept of them without Challenge ( except after this the Court 
 alfo approves of them) thefe firft fworn fhall be imprifoned, 
 and another Jury fummoned, and packed together, to ferve 
 and anfwer tne Ends of the Informers anc Y Projectors upon the 
 Prifoners , contrary to Law, any Ufage or Cuftom whatfo- 
 ever. 
 
 And now we dare put thofe Qiieftms to be refolv’d by the 
 very Enemies of thefe Prifoners that were fo try’d by that 
 Court, Whether this Bench (and the Sheriffs of London, who 
 from the beginning were either Profecutors or Informers a- 
 gainft thefe Prifonert) Firit, fo Menacing and Threatning, 
 and afterwards Fining- and Imprifoning one Jury ; Secondly, 
 Summoning, Packing and Enforcing another Jury upon Prifo¬ 
 ners, (to try that Fad which a former Jury were fworn to de¬ 
 termine) againft the Law, Ufages and Pradices of ail Courts 
 of Judicature; have not with Violence opprejfed the Free-men of 
 this Land, and denied them that Juftice and Right, which by 
 the Fundamental Laws they ought freely to have and enjoy, and 
 which alfo thefe Juftices (by their Commiflions, Oaths and 
 Duty of their Places) ought to allow, yea or my $ 
 
 The fecond Jury being thus fworn, the Clerk of the Peace 
 read over the Indidment againft Francii Moor, Richard Mew., 
 Richard Mayfeild, Richard Knowlman , and Gilbert Hutton ; as alfo 
 that againft PMard Thornton , Charles Banifter , and Job Boulton s 
 (the fubftance whereof is before fet down ) and their Inditl- 
 
 went 
 
j68. The TrjalofT. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 
 
 mints for Form and Matter being alike, they were try’d toge® 
 ther. 
 
 The Cryer calling the Witneffes, the Court proceeded to 
 Tryal. The Profecutors and Witneffes were one Whiting , the 
 Beadle of Bridg-lVard ; and the teft were the Sheriff’s Officers, 
 whom the Mayor had bound over to profecute the Prifoners. 
 Whence it may be obferv’d, That either the Sheriffs them- 
 felves, or their Servants, were the Informers in this Work ; 
 from which fo many large Perquifites have fallen to them, as 
 hereafter fhall be mention’d. 
 
 TheSubftance of the Witneffes Evidence was, That they far? 
 the Prifoners in Grace-Church-ftree_t, in Whitehart-CoUrt, a- 
 mongft the Affembly of People there met together , and that they Jiay'd 
 there till after Proclamation was made , That ail perfons there prefent 
 fhould depart . 
 
 The Prifoners being ask’d what they could fay for them- 
 felves? they anfwer’d, That they owned that they were at Gra- 
 ciovf-ftrcefy met together to worfhip the true and living God 
 in Spirit and in Truth, againft which there is no Law; And 
 further faid. That the IndiZlment confifted of much Matter, as 
 meeting with Force and Arms to difturb the Peace, and con¬ 
 tinuing there Riotoufly, Routoully and Tumultuoufly, in con¬ 
 tempt of the Ring and his Laws, and againft the Ring’s Crown 
 and Dignity, which none of the Witneffes had fworn} there¬ 
 fore they delir’d to know upon what Law they were Indided, 
 and that the Law might be produc’d, and read to the Jury, 
 that thereby they might know whether they had made a Breach 
 of any juft Law. The Recorder anfwer’d, That he was not 
 bound to produce the Law, for it was Lex non fcripta. Then, 
 reply’d the Prifoners, How fhall the Jury know whether we 
 are guilty of the Breach thereof ? Said the Recorder, It is 
 the Common Law^ which you have broken in your tumultuous 
 Affemblies, and ftaying there after Proclamations were made 
 to depart. The Prifoners objected, That the Indidment al- 
 ledgeth three feveral Proclamations were made, whenas but 
 one was made that day. Whereupon the Witneffes were again 
 examin’d, Whether there were not three Proclamations made ? 
 Who anfwer’d. That there was but one made. Upon which 
 the Mayor demanded of one of the Witneffes, whether 0 Tes 
 was not faid thrice? Who anfwer’d. That the Officer who 
 made Proclamation faid 0 Tes three times, before he com¬ 
 manded the People in the Ring’s Name to depart: Then, faid 
 the Mayor, that was three Proclamations. Such a piece of 
 Violence in the explanation of a Word, that has not beeft 
 known in a Court of Juftice. 
 
 The 
 
At the Seflions in the Old-Baily, 1670. 369 
 
 . The Prifoners further urg’d, That they were always quiet 
 ari<Tpeaceable in their Affemblies 5 That the Law againft Riots 
 was never intended againft them, but Popifc or' fuch like 
 Difturbers of the Peace* To which the Recorder anfwer’d. 
 That the Papifts were better Subjects to the King than they 
 j were, and that they were a ftubborn and a dangerous Peo- 
 'j pie, and muft either be brought under, or there were no fafe living by 
 l| them . 
 
 The Prifoners offer’d to vindicate themfelves from thofe 
 I foul Afperfions laid upon them by the Recorder 5 telling him, 
 
 I That they had broken no juft Law to their knowledge and that 
 they never had been guilty of being Rioters and Routers, as 
 was pretended ; which they defir’d the Jury to take notice of, 
 
 | and that there had not any fucli Proof been offer’d by the 
 Witnefies. 
 
 Whereupon the Mayor and Recorder commanded the Goalers 
 to thruft them into the Bale-dock, and in their abfence the 
 Recorder gave his Charge to the Jury, not fo much as fum- 
 1 ming up the Evidence ( which truly prov’d not the tenth part 
 
 i of the Indiftment) as giving in Matter of his own, of foul 
 Criminations , telling the Jury, that they were a Refraftory 
 People, fuch who delighted in Deeds of Darknefs, and that 
 they muft be crufh’d, or there would be no living by them ; 
 fo that upon the Jndillment they muft find them Guilty. 
 
 Now furely there never was greater Oppreflion and Violence 
 manifefted in a Court of Juftice, either upon the juft and righ¬ 
 teous Law, or a quiet and peaceable People, as has been atted 
 by the Lieutenancy (it’s pity to fay Magiftrates ) of the fa¬ 
 mous City of London . Had there been colour for their Pro- 
 , ceedings by any Statute-Law of the Land, pointing out the 
 Offenders and their Punifhment, thefe feveral A&ings of theirs 
 might have been in fome meafure tolerable. But when Men 
 dare at once, againft the very face of Law , Juftice , Equity , Rea- 
 fon 9 Right and Liberty , commit fuch Opprelffons upon their Fel¬ 
 low-Creatures, yea, on a People too, who never yet could 
 I be juftly charg’d for ufing Violence, Force or Arms againft 
 ; any Man; no, not fo much as to defend themfelves againft 
 fuch, who have violently and inhumanly abufed and tortured 
 their Bodies, without the leaft colour of Warrant or Autho¬ 
 rity from the Civil Magiftrate : we cannot but ftand in ad-> 
 miration of this Court of Judicature* Let us a little fee the 
 Judgments of our Sages of the Law, touching the matter of 
 Riots, in former and latter Times j not only Statute-Law, but 
 alfo the Opinion of the Learned* 
 
 Firft fee the Statute of 17 A. 2. chap. 8. (1393.) It was 
 Enabled, « That the Sheriffs, and all other the Ring’s Offi- 
 ' B b cers. 
 
57 0 The Trjdof T. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 
 
 cers, fhould fupprefs Rioters, and imprifon them. 13/7.4. 
 
 <c chap. 7. CAn. 1411.) If any Affembly or Rout of People 
 <c againft the Law be made, that three or two Juftices of the 
 “ Peace and Sheriff, or Under-Sheriffs, fhall come with the 
 cc Power of the County (if need be) to Arreft them, and (hall 
 u record what is done againft the Law} and that the perfons 
 <c by that Record fhall be convitt in manner, as inforceable 
 <c Entries. 2 H. 5.8. The Ring’s Liege People, that were 
 <c Travellers, fhould be afliftant to the Juftices, iyyc. when 
 “ warned to ride with them in Aid to relift Riots, Routs , &c. 
 <c upon pain of Imprifonment. 
 
 The Riotors and Routers , mention’d in thefe Statutes, were 
 certainly fuch perfons, who did really meet with Force and 
 Arms ; elfe, what need was there of the Power of the Coun¬ 
 ty, as is directed, to quiet, appeafe, and arreft them? or 
 elfe, what need of engaging Travellers to aflift them, not- 
 withfianding they may have the Power of the County to ap¬ 
 prehend them? 
 
 2dly, Read the Judgment of the Oracle of our Laws: Cook 
 in his 3 In ft. c. 79. title Riots, Routs, and unlawful Affem- 
 blies, Forces, (fyc. faith thus : Riofum cometb of the French Word 
 Rioter, i. e. Rixari; and in the Common Law fignifieth , When three y 
 or more , do any unlawful Att } as to beat any Man y or hunt in hit Park, 
 Chaje , or Warren , or to enter or take pojfefiion of another man y s Land y 
 or to cut or dejiroy hit Corn , Grafs, or other profit , &c. 
 
 Routa is deriv'd of the French Word Rout, and 
 Lamb. intr. Le- properly in Law fignifieth, When three , or more, do 
 gib. Inft. ch.13, any unlawful Adi, for their own, or the common 
 14,15. vide Abu. quarrel, &c. As when Commoners break down 
 chap. 26. Hedges, or Pales , or caft down Ditches , or Inhabi¬ 
 
 tants , for a way claimed by them , or the lify* 
 
 An unlawful Affembly it y When three, or more, ajfemble themfeIves 
 together, to commit a Riot or Rout , and do it not. 
 
 So that it’s moft plain and evident. That a Quiet, Religious, 
 and Peaceable Affembly of People, were never intended by 
 our Predeceffors, to be ptmilh’d as Rioters, Routers, and un¬ 
 lawful Affemblies, as our Law-Executioners now-a-days would 
 have it.. 
 
 The Lord Cook, faid, Intereft regi habere fubditos pacatos. That 
 the King’s Intereft was to have his Subjects peaceable. And 
 what, mu ft it be the inferior Officer’s Intereft to have them 
 accounted otherwife, and that for filthy Lucre-fake ? 
 
 A new Contrivance to advance the Sheriff’s Perquifites, 
 which our Fore-fathers were ignorant of, ( vi%.) The Sheriffs 
 to ride to an Affembly of People, whom they, or their Confe* 
 derates, againft all Law, had foyceably kept out of their Houfe 
 
 and 
 
at the Seffionsin the Old-Baily, i 6 yo. 371 
 
 and Free-hold; and becaufe ( upon Proclamation by them mad£, 
 for which they have no Ground or Authority by the Law) the 
 People prefently departed not from their own Ground , and be¬ 
 fore the Door of their own Houfe , they fhall be committed to 
 Goal as Rioters, condemned as fuch, and the Sheriffs fhall have 
 400, or 500 /. for their day’s work out of thefe Innocent per- 
 ■ Ions Fines. 
 
 This new conftru&ion of Religious Affemblies feems the 
 more Ifrange, by reafon there cannot be one Precedent produ¬ 
 ced, to back this upftart Opinion, that Religious Meetings de- 
 ferve of late years that ignominious term of Riots or Routs. 
 
 So that this feemly piece of Law, or Wit, muft be owned to 
 have had its Rife, Spring, and Original, from the Prerogative 
 Brain of S. S . Mayor of London , and confirm’d by the City- 
 Recorder, who doubtlels will not be the lall that may repent 
 of his day’s work. 
 
 The next whom the Court call’d to their Tryal, was Exefyel 
 Archer , and Margery Fann ; who being inditted for Rioters the 
 Seffions before, and the Evidence being deficient, the Court 
 coveting to come off with credit in all fuch Indictments as were 
 of the new Stamp, order’d an Indictment for Felony to be read 
 againft them, which they had forg’d and fram’d for that pur- 
 pofe, and piece of Iniquity, which well deferves the fearch, 
 and condign Punijhment for the Contrivers: fo thefe two were 
 found Clot guilty. 
 
 The fame day this Bench call’d T, Kudyard into Court. When 
 the Clerk had read over the firft IndiCiment y which the MLayor 
 the former Seffions declar’d was not drawn up according to In- 
 ftruttions and Evidence; and alfo the fecond, which the Mayor 
 faid he would ftand by, and profecute: The Informer’s Wit- 
 neffes were fworn, vi%. N. Grove and J. Tillot ; Grove being firft 
 to give in his Teftimony, declar’d. That there was an Indictment 
 drawn againjt S. Allingbridge, for faying , The firft Man that difturb’d 
 Mr, Vincent flmld never go out of the Houfe alive \ and that he faw 
 T. R. tal(e it out of Mr. Lee’i hand , and told him that it was loft , 
 and T. R. would go with him to Mr, Tanner, and drinl^a Pint of 
 Wine with him , and draw up a flight Bill that might not be found. So 
 ( faid the Mayor) here’s both the Indi&ments prov’d already ; 
 which Evidence Grove deliver’d, as being one entire A&ion 
 and Difcourfe. And being ask’d what time this Difcourfe was, 
 whether when T, R. took the Bill? he anfwer’d. He did not 
 well know *, and T. R. asking him fome further Queftions, the 
 Mayor interrupted him, faying, He was not to examine the 
 King’s Witneffes. J. Tillot was next call’d, who fwore that 
 T. R. acknowledg’d to him, that he had the Indiftment. T. R. 
 
 { acquainted the Court, that he own’d that he was at the Seffions 
 
 B b 2 at 
 
3 yz The Tryal of T. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 
 
 Guildhall y where S. Allingbridge attending, requeued him to 
 enquire and know from the Clerk, whether his Adverfaries had 
 drawn any Bill of Indi&ment againft: him, and what the In¬ 
 dictment might be: Thereupon T. R. enquir’d of the Clerk, 
 whether he had drawn fuch a Bill: Jo. Forman,, an Officer, 
 ftanding by him, with fe'veral Bills in his hand, gave this Bill 
 into T. R ’s hand to read ; which when he had done, in open 
 Court, return’d the Bill to Forman , and immediately went out 
 of Court,' ordering S. A. to fend for his Witnefs to try the 
 Indictment; in cafe the GrandInqueft fhould find it Billa vera . 
 The Evidence, as it was much contrary to Truth, fo it was as 
 far fliort of proving the Indictments, as by, the enfuing Ex¬ 
 ceptions may appear. But what was deficient in. that refpeCt, 
 the Recorder made up in his Charge to the Jury. 
 
 Exceptions to the Indittment. 
 
 Firft, It appears not by the Indictment, that the Bill of In¬ 
 dictment againft S . Allingbridge was cognizable to the Court, it 
 being againft the Juftices Oath to take notice of it before the 
 Grand Inqueft had found if. 
 
 Secondly, It appears not, that the Words charg’d againft At- 
 Ungbridge were punifhable, by Law ; for the Houfe mention’d 
 in the Indictment might be Vincent's Dwelling-houfe, fo Bur¬ 
 glary to break into it without lawful Warrant. 
 
 Then, as to the Evidence to the tirft Indictment : i. No 
 proof that'Crro^e ever read the Indictment (which indeed he 
 could not ) againft S. A. fo lie fwore peremptorily, upon the 
 Clerk’s'Information, which was a falfe Oath. 
 
 2. ThatT. k. took the Bill out of Lee 1 s hand, could not be, 
 for the Officer keeps the Bills of Indictments when the Wit- 
 nefies are fworn, and not the Clerk of the Peace. 
 
 3. Improbable, that Grove ffiould know that Bill aniongft fo 
 many more; but impofiible that he ffiould fee the Bill taken 
 away (knowing it) and not mention one word of it all that 
 day, no, not when the Bill was pretended to be wanting. 
 
 4. Not fworn he took it out of Court. 
 
 5. Not fworn that Juftice, or that any courfe of Law was 
 kindred againft S. A. 
 
 6 . As to the ackivowledging the Indiftment to TiUot, it was not 
 three hours before the Tryal; who asking T. R. whether he 
 
 • ever read the Indictment, T.R. anfwer’d, he did, and left it 
 in Forman 7 s hand ; Why that’s enough, faid TiUot, the Mayor 
 fent for me to fwear it, which I could not do before, 
 
 7. If T. R. had taken the Bill, it could not benefit S. A . or 
 hinder the Profecutor. 
 
 8. That 
 
At the Seffions in the Old-Baily, 1670, 575 
 
 8. That T, R . fhould hazard his Reputation in a thing of no 
 talue, wherein he could neither advantage his Friend, nor 
 prejudice his Enemy, could not flop the Proceedings half an 
 hour, yea in a quarter another might have been written and 
 prefer’d, is very improbable. 
 
 9. It’s moft apparent, that if Grove did not perjure himfelf, 
 in fwearing fuch a Bill was drawn againft S. A. ( he having 
 
 j neither read it, or had a Copy of it), he or the Mayor, or fome 
 of the Confederates muft themfelves have conceal’d the Bill, 
 and kept it in their own Cuftody, elfe N. Grove could not 
 fwear to it j one of which mull neceffarily be. 
 
 As to the fecond Indiftment, the Words there pretended to 
 be fpoken, 1. If true, were not advifing Grove to do an Action, 
 but telling him that we would go, ( foe, fo nothing being done 
 in profecution of the words, it was only difeourfe. 
 
 2. Not fwotn that the Advice was taken. 
 
 3. Improbable that T.R. Ihould thus difeourfe to a Stranger, 
 whom before he- had never feen. 
 
 , 4. That he Ihould undertake to go to Tanner , that was as 
 much a Stranger to him. 
 
 5. T. A. never, came afterward to Grove, nor fpoke with 
 Tanner ; but S', Allingbridge was try’d and convitled the vef^ 
 fame Week, in an Adjournment of the fame Selfions. 
 
 Now whether there was either fufficient Caufe for an In* 
 dklment, or apparent Proofs to evidence the Truth of thefe 
 upon which T, R, was try’d; or whether all thefe pretended 
 Crimes and-Mifdemeanors, were not theproduft of the May-, 
 or’s malicious, envious, and. inveterate Spirit, caufleQy. car¬ 
 ried on againft him, ( who not only appears to be the firft 
 • Informer, but the Maintainer arid Profecutor of the Quarrel, 
 as alfo Evidence and Judg upon) let every unprejudic'd per- 
 fon ( ferioully conlidering ) give his Judgment. 
 
 The Jury was commanded to withdraw, which, for the For* 
 mality’s fake, they did, and not longer flaying than about a 
 quarter of an hour, return’d again, and brought in the nine 
 perfons that were try’d, guilty in manner and form as they 
 ftood indi&ed ; which fome of thefe Jurors had over their 
 Cups fworn they would do, if ever they came to try the 
 Quakers, 
 
 John Boulton and William Bayly were the la ft call’d to their 
 Tryal, who were indifted feveral , For that they fuch a day , and 
 year , and place , with Force and Arms , &c. with Two hundred more 
 Ferjonsy were affembled together , to difturb the King's Peace *, and be- 
 
 B b 3 ing 
 
374 The Tryal of T.Rudyard, F. Moor ,&c. 
 
 hg fo ajfembled, they unlawfully tool^ upon themjelves to Preach and 
 Teach to the People , then and there affembled and congregated by rea- 
 fon whereof a great concourfe of People did remain together in contempt 
 of the King and hit Laws , to the difturbance of hit Peace , to the ter¬ 
 ror and difturbance of hit SubjeZts, unto the evil Example of others, 
 and againft the King's Crown and Dignity , &c. 
 
 Not guilty being pleaded, the Informer’s Evidence being 
 produc’d, fwore,That they faw or heard them fpeak or preach 
 to the People, which was fufficient for the Court to make 
 out the whole IndiCIments: for the Recorder faid,the Jury were 
 only Judges of Matter of Fa t\ \ fo that if the Jury have Evi¬ 
 dence they fpofe or preach'd , the Court fays that mull be with 
 Force and Arms , unlawfully and tumultuoufly to difturb the King’s Peace , 
 and that Tumults of People were occafion’d thereby , and continued to¬ 
 gether , in contempt of the King and hit Laws , to the difturbance of 
 hit Peace , terror of his People , evil Example of others , and againft the 
 King’s Crown and Dignity ; A ready way to perjure Jurors, and • 
 opprefs the Innocent. 
 
 Thefe are the Concomitants of Speaking in the Name of 
 the Living God, and worfhipping him in the Ways of his own 
 Appointment. And altho the Prifoners defir’d to fee the Law 
 that their Adverfaries pretend they have broken, they fhall 
 have neither that, nor Reafon produc’d that might give fatif- 
 fattion either to the Prifoners or Spectators. The Lord Cool 
 gave this as a Rule, viz. Jncivile eft , parte una perfpeZla i tota re 
 ron cogtiita , de ea judicare j That it was uncivil, feeing only one 
 part, to give Judgment on the whole matter. Yet how little 
 regarded thefe Jury-men, or the Court, to know the whole 
 Matter before they gave Judgment upon the whole Charge ? 
 Surely this Jury was pack’d to be Cut-throats to their own Li¬ 
 berties, ana Reputations alfo, or elfe they would have better 
 regarded what they undertook; to find guilty every one in 
 manner and form, and yet not the tenth part of any Indict¬ 
 ment prov’d 3 to be fworn truly to try according to Evidence, 
 and yet to find that for which no Evidence was given. Is it 
 poflible that they fhould commit this horrid Perjury out of a 
 llavifh Fear, debauch’d Principle, and horrid Partiality, and 
 yet be quiet from the Terrors of Confidence ; nay, for which 
 we are fure they cannot free themfelves without ferious Re¬ 
 pentance ? * 
 
 At the clofe of the Sefpons , all the Prifoners (who had been 
 found guilty by this Jury of the Benches) were call’d down t 
 the SeJfions-houfe, where all day they expeCIed to be call’d in * 
 to Court to receive Judgment , being prepar’d alfo to give in 
 their Exceptions in Arreft of Judgment, purpofed to be deliver’d 
 
at the Sefftons in the Old-Baily, 1670. *375 
 
 to the Recorder in writing: but of this expefted Defence they 
 were all prevented, the Bench giving their Judgments or Cen- 
 fures without calling any of the Prifoners to hear them ; the 
 Tenor of which, as appears by the Newgate- Book, are in this man- 
 ! ner: John Boulton fined forty Mark, William Bayly fined thirty 
 [one pound thirteen (hillings four pence, William Penn forty 
 I Mark, Francis Moor fined twenty Mark, Richard Mew, Richard 
 j May fetid, Richard Knowlman, Gilbert Hutton, Richard Thornton , 
 Charles Banifter, Job Boulton, Thomas Rudyard, every of them 
 j fined twenty Mark a-piece * Ezekiel Archer fined forty Mark, 
 
 I for divers evil Carriages and Contempts in Words and Deeds 
 by them feverally, openly, voluntarily and obftinately commit- 
 ted in and towards the Court. And the Court gave further 
 I Ju Igments or Cen Cures, viz. Francis Moor, R. M. R. M, R. K. 
 j </. H. R, T . C. B. 1. B . Katherine Everett , J. Boulton, and W\ Bayly, 
 fined every of them twenty Marks a-piece, and T '. R. fined a 
 [ hundred pound, being convicted of feveral Trefpafies and 
 Contempts, and to be committed to Prifon until every of them 
 pay their feveral refpeCtive Fines. 
 
 ; The Court undemanding that their Goal of Newgate was fo 
 ; full of Prifoners, that there could be no tolerable Ent rtain- 
 j ment for thefe new ConviCts, difcours’d with the Keepers 
 I where to imprifon them : fo the Bench having an account, 
 
 | that out of the Dog, by Newgate, that very Sefiions there died 
 j two perfons of the Spotted-Fever , or Flague, ( one, the Mafter 
 i of the Houfe, the other a Prifoner, whom Jo.Robinfon , Aider- 
 man, had there fent for refufing to take an Oath, prefcrib’d 
 in the 3d of Ja.) whereupon they were commanded to be im- 
 prifon’d there, and a Keeper fet upon them to prevent their 
 going abroad upon the molt urgent occafion. Where through 
 the Goodnefs of the Almighty, they were preferv’d in Health, 
 beyond the expectation of their Friends, or hopes of their 
 Enemies, who doubtlefs out of an evil End and Purpofe fent 
 them thither, into an infeCted Houfe. 
 
 But that Goalers, of what degree or ltate foever, may in 
 fome meafure know the Duties of their refpeCtive places, and 
 not through Ignorance abufe fuch who are committed to theiy 
 Charge, we have thought it meet at this time to inftance and 
 give an account what their duty is to their Prifoners. according 
 to the Laws of this Land, which all Goalers are oblig’d under 
 great Penalties to obferve, and the People of this Land to 
 preferve, as their Liberties, left by fuch neglect Slavery in- 
 fenfibly drawn upon them. 
 
 By the Common Law we find, Quod cur a ad contmendos non ad 
 funiendos haberi debet , as Bratton lib. 3. fol. 105. Goalers are ordain'd 
 to bold Prifoners, not to punifhtbem . For Imprifonntent by the Lav/ 
 
 B b 4 is. 
 
|7 6 The Tryal ofT. Rudyard, F.Moor, &c. 
 
 is (neither ought to be) no more than a bare Reftraint of Li¬ 
 berty, without thofe illegal and unjuft Deftruttions of clofe 
 and open Prifon (as is ufual.) See Starrtf. Pie. Cro. fql. 70. 
 
 Therefore Cook, in his 3 Inft. 91. faith, That if the 
 Britton Goaler k ee P the Prifoners more freight ly than he ought of 
 
 fol. 18. right , whereof the Prifoner dieth , this if Felony in the 
 
 Goaler by the Common Law . And thif is the Caufe , That 
 Flet.lib.i. if a Prifoner die in Prifon , the Coroner ought to fit upon 
 
 chap. 2$. him. See alfo the faid Cook , Fol. 34. Cap. Petty- 
 
 Treafon , how Prifoners are to be us’d ; wherein is 
 alfo an Account of an Indi&ment of a Goaler for evil Ufage of 
 his Prifoner, Fol. 35. in Trin. Term , 7 E. 3. cor , Rege rot. 44.— 
 Pr&fentaty quod ubi quidam Robertus Bay hens, de Tavefly c apt wt 
 fuit, & in prifona Caftri Lincoln detent ns per quodam debit 0 St atut. 
 mere atom in Cuftodia Tho. Boteler, Conflctbularii Cajlri de Lin¬ 
 coln ibid, pr&ditt. Tho. Boteler pofuit ipfum Robertum in pro - 
 /undo Gaole inter Felones, ubi Prifona y contra formam Sta- 
 1 E. 3. tuti, dye. Et eadem prof undo detinuit , quoufque idem Ro- 
 cap. 7. bertus fecit finem cum eo de 40 s. quos ei folvit per Extortio - 
 nem. That whereas one R. B. of T. was taken and 
 detain’d in the Prifon of Lincoln Caftle, for a certain Debt of 
 Statute-Merchant, in the Cultody of T. B. Conftable of the 
 Caftle of L. aforefaid ; That the faid T. B. put the faid R. in¬ 
 to the Common-Goal amongft Thieves, in a filthy Prifon, con¬ 
 trary to the Form of the Statute, dye. and there detain’d him, 
 till he had paid him a Fine of 40 s. Whereupon Cook makes 
 this Obfervation, So as hereby it appeareth , where the Law requireth 
 that a Prifoner fhould be kept (in falva & ar£ta cuftodia) that 
 In fafe and fure Cuftody ; yet that muft be without any pain or torment 
 to the Prifoner. 
 
 So Co.. 3” Inft. 52. faith. If a Prifoner by the Durefs , that is , Hard- 
 ufage of the Goaler, cometh to untimely Death , this is Murder in the 
 Goaler; And in the Law implieth Malice, in refpeft of the t 
 
 Cruelty. 
 
 Horn.■ in the Mirror of Juftice, pag. 288. faith. That it is an 
 Abufion of the Law , that Prifoners are put into Irons , or other pain , 
 before they are Attainted. 
 
 See alfo Cook 3 Inft. 34 ? 35. 
 
 And Horn alfo, pag. 34, 3 6. reckons the ftar- 
 Voxplebis, par. ving of Prifoners by Famine, to be among the 
 1. fol. 55356. Crimes of Homicide in a Goaler. 
 
 Which alfo Cook in his 3 Inft. chap. 29. Ti¬ 
 tle of Felony in Goalers by Durefs of Imprisonment, dye. by Sta¬ 
 tute and by the Common Law. Fol. 91. 
 
 And next, let us fee what the Law faith for the Fees due 
 to Goaler^ The Mirror of Juftice , pag. 288. tells us. That 
 • ■ ■ , • it’s 
 
4t the Seffions in the Old-Baily, 1670. 377 
 
 it’s an Abufion of the Law, that Prifoners, or others for them, 
 pay any thing for their Entries into the Goal, or for their 
 going out. This is the Common Law, there is no Fee due 
 to them by the Common Law. See what the Statutes fay : 
 The Statute of Weftm. i. chap. 26. faith, “ That no Sheriff*, 
 
 or other Minifter of the King, (hall take Reward for doing 
 « their Offices, but what they take of the King ^ if they 
 « do, they (hall fuffer double to the Party aggriev’d, and be 
 « punilh’d at the Will of the King. Under this word Mitujler 
 of the King, are included all Efcheators , Coroners , Goaleys , and the 
 like. See Coke 2 Injf. fol. 209. affirms. And agreeable is 
 Stamf pi. Coron. 49. Nay by the Statute of 4 E. 3. chap. 10. 
 Coalers are to receive Thieves and Felons, taking nothing 
 by way of Fees for the receipt of them. So odious is this Ex¬ 
 tortion of Goalers, that very Thieves and Felons are exempt 
 from payment of Fees, 
 
 And we find in our Law-Books, That no Fees are due to 
 any Officer, Goaler, or "Minifter of Juftice, but only thofe 
 which are given by Aft of Parliament. For if a Goaler will 
 prefcribe for any Fees, the Prefcription is void, becaufe a- 
 | gainft this Aft of Parliament, made 3 E. 1. being an Aft 
 made within time of memory, and takes away all manner of* 
 pretended Fees before: and we are fure none can be rais’d by 
 colour of Prefcription fince. And therefore we find by the 
 Books of 8 E, 4. fol. 18. That a Marfloal or Goaler cannot detain any 
 Prifoner after his Difcharge from the Court , but only for the Fees of 
 the Court (the Court being not barred by this Statute of Weftm. 
 1. aforemention’d) and if he do, he may be indifted for Extortion . 
 And agreeable to this is the Book of 21 E . 7. fol . 16. where, 
 amongft other things, it’s held for Law, That if a Goaler or 
 Guardian of a Prifon takes his Prifoner's proper Garment , Cloke, or 
 Atony from him , it is a Trefpafs^ and the Goaler fljall be anfwerable 
 for it. So that we may undeniably conclude, That there is no 
 Fee at all due to any Goaler or Guardian of a Prifon from 
 the Prifoner, but what is due unto him by fpecial Aft of 
 Parliament. 
 
 And if a Goaler or Guardian of a Prifoner, (hall take any 
 thing as a Fee of his Prifoner, he may and ought to be in- 
 diftedof Extortion, and upon conviftion to be remov’d from 
 his Office ; and if his Prifoner by Conftraint, Menace, or 
 Durefs be enforc’d to give him Mony, he may recover that 
 Mony againft the Goaler again, in an Aftion of the Cafe at 
 Common Law. 
 
 Item , The King confidering the great Perju- St at. 23 H.6. 
 ■ry. Extortion, and Oppreffion, which be and chap . 10. 
 have been in this Realm by his Sheriffs, Un¬ 
 de?- 
 
$78 The Trynl of T.Rudyard, F. Moor.e^c. 
 
 der-Sheriffs, and their Clerks, Bailiffs, and 
 6^413.4,<5. Keepers of Prifons, <fyc. hath ordain’d by Au¬ 
 thority aforefaid, in efchewingall fuch Extor- 
 Rafl. predift. tion, Perjury, and Oppreffion, that no Sheriff 
 fol. 318. fhall let to Farm in any manner his County, 
 nor any of his Bailiwicks. Nor that any of 
 Co . pred.365. the faid Officers and Minifters, by occafion, or 
 under colour of their Office, fhall take any 
 21 H. 7. f.16. other thing by them, nor by any other Perfon 
 to their ufe, profit, or avail; if any perfon by 
 them or any of them to be arrefted or attached, for the omit¬ 
 ting of any Arreft or Attachment to be made by their Body, 
 or of any Perfon by them, or any of them (by force or co¬ 
 lour of their Office arrefted or attached) for Fine, Fee, Suit 
 of Prifon, Mainprife, letting to Bail, or fhewing any Eafe 
 or Favour (to any fuch Perfon fo arrefted or to be attached) 
 for their Reward or Prefit, but fuch as follow; that is to fay, 
 for the Sheriff 20 d. the Bailiff which maketh the Arreft or 
 Attachment, 4 d . and the Goaler of the Pri- 
 
 A aft. predift. fon, if he be committed to ward, 4 d. - 
 
 101.371. And that all Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Coalers, or 
 
 any other Officer or Minifters, which do con¬ 
 trary to this Ordinance, in any point of the 
 fame, fhall lofe to the Party in this behalf in- 
 _riev’d,< his treble Damages, and fhall forfeit 
 he Sum of 40/. for every fuch Offence, the one Moiety to 
 the King, the other to the Profecutor, to be recover’d at Con> 
 ihon Law, in either of the Courts of King's-Bench y or Common - 
 Pkto at Weftmmfier . 
 
 This is a perfeft Account of the Goalers Fees, in all cafes, 
 where Perfons are laid in Prifon upon Civil Matters and 
 Caufes; which Fee of 4 d. is more than any other Statute or 
 Law allows them to take from their Prifoners: But in fuch 
 Cafes where the King is Party, it’s ftablifh’d, “ That the 
 “ Prifoners in all the King’s Prifons fhould be maintain’d at 
 t: the King’s Charge and out of the King’s Revenues, accor¬ 
 ding to the old Law of the Land ; much lefs to have Mony 
 extorted from him by the Goaler. But look into the Prifons 
 in and about the City of London , what horrible Oppreffions, 
 Extortions, and Cruelties, are exercifed upon the Free-born 
 People of England , yea in moft Prifons throughout this King¬ 
 dom. 
 
 Which exceffive Amercements and Fines (after all their 
 other partial Dealings, lawlefs Proceedings, and arbitrary 
 Carriages towards the Prifoners from firft to laft) do manifeft 
 and evidence to the World, their Malice and Envy againft an 
 
 Inuo- 
 
 St at* 21 E. o. 
 
 damag’d or g. 
 
tu the Seffrns in the Old-Baily, 1670. 579 
 
 Innocent, Upright, Quiet, and Peaceable People. What 
 proportion is there here betwixt the pretended Fault, and the 
 affeffed Fine ? Provides not the fourteenth Chapter of the 
 Great Charter againft fuch unjuft Judgments and partial 
 Cenfares, which declares, 6 A Freeman lhall not be amerced 
 « for a fmall Fault, but after the quantity of the Fault; for 
 u a great Fault after the manner thereof ? And the Amerce- 
 « ment lhall be affefs’d by the Oath of honeft Men of the 
 <c Vicinage. 
 
 Here’s Juftice and Equity, Righteoufnefs in Judgment,- 
 which affords every man common Right, declares, That all 
 Offenders ought to be amerced by their Neighbourhood, ac¬ 
 cording to the quantity of theTrefpafs. Wherein have thefe 
 judges (who are commanded by the Statute of 25 E. 1. con-, 
 lirm’d by Pet. Right, 3 Car. 1.) allow’d the Charter before 
 them in Judgment, in all its Points, <frc. 
 
 It may truly be faid, that our antient, juft, and fundamen¬ 
 tal Laws, which Coke on the 14th Chapter of Magna Char to. 
 calls a Law of Mercy, are (as the fame Author there writes) , 
 now turn’d into a lhadow.. For by the Wifdom of the Law, 
 thefe Amercements were inftituted to deter both Demandants 
 and Plaintiffs from unjuft Suits, and Tenants and Defen¬ 
 dants from unjuft Defences ; which was the Canfe in antient 
 time of fewer Suits : but now we have but a 
 fhadow of them. Habemm quidem fenatufeonfuitnm , Cicero. 
 fed in tabula reconditum & tanquam gladium in vagina 
 repofitum. Yea, our antient Charters are as a 2 Inft.f.zZ. 
 Sword in its Sheath, which if drawn, are and 
 will be fufficient to defend us againft all Injuftice, Tyranny, 
 or Oppreffion whatfaever. 
 
 But it’s often objected by many of their Advcrfaries, That 
 the Publick Meeting-Houfes, wherein the People call’d Qua¬ 
 kers are, and have been of late accuftom’d to meet, and af- 
 femble themfelves together, and out of which the Military 
 Forces do from time to time hale and expel them, and by 
 force keep and re ft rain them from entrance, are by Orders of 
 the Ring and Council, invefted and ftablilh’d in the now Ring, 
 and that he has right to difpofe of them, as his own Inheri¬ 
 tance ; yea, to pull them down, fell and burn the Materials 
 of them, as his inferior Officers have lately done by fame a- 
 bout London : And thereupon fuch who come there to affemble 
 together, are Trefpaffers, Rioters, Routers, and unlawful 
 Aflemblers, and as fuch are rightly and duly punifh’d according 
 to the Laws. 
 
 To 
 
} 8 d The Trjal of T. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 
 
 To which is anfwer’d, That by the Antient andFundamen¬ 
 tal Laws, which hive been already recited, as the 29th of 
 Magnet Charta, there is no man’s Right, Property or Free-hold 
 lhall be taken away from him, but by trial of a jury, and the 
 Law of the Land. Read Stat. 2 E. 3. 8. $ E. 3. 9. 14 E. 3.14* 
 2$>t; 3. 3. Regift. fol. 186. Cofy pla. fol. 456. Coke 2 Inft. /U. 
 3 Inft. 136. 
 
 Arid 3 fee a Statute of latter date, 17 Car. u cap. 10. entitled. 
 An Aft for Regulating the Privy Council, &c. which fpeaks in this 
 wi tei Be it like wife declar’d and enabled by the Authority ofthis 
 present Parliament, That neither hit Mayefty, nor hit Privy Council , 
 have or ought to have any JurijdilHon, Power, or Authority, by Eng- 
 lifh Bill, Petition , Articles, Libel, or any other Arbitrary way what - 
 fever, to examine or draw into queftion, determine or difpofe of the 
 Lands , ■ Tenements , Hereditaments, Goods or Chattels of any .of the 
 Sub jells of this Kingdom j but that the fame ought to be tried and 
 determin’d in the Courts of Juftice, and by the ordinary courfe of Law. 
 
 Alfo Learned Coke in his 2 Inft. fol;. 1 ^6f fajth, The Cofttnon 
 Law (of which the Great Charter is declaratory) hath fo ad 
 meitfwred the Prerogative of a King, as 1 he. cannot take or prejudice the 
 Inheritance of any. 
 
 So that by the Law of the Land thefe pfetended Offenders 
 are fbill rightfully poffefs’d of their owmHoufe's and Places of 
 publick Affembliesand their cruel Adyerfaries have no more 
 Property, Right, Intereft, or due Claim therein or thereto, 
 than a Pirate has to the peaceable Merchantman’s Ship, a 
 Robber has to the innocent Traveller’s Purfe, or the Wolf to 
 the Blood of the harmless Lamb; And in cafa fuch Laws is 
 thefe will not preferve* that Intereft which thofe People have^ 
 to their Inheritances and Properties, we can none of us ex-" 
 pe& to have our Rights or Liberties, Wives or Children, yea, 
 or our Lives fecured unto us longer than pleafeth or liketh 
 the Will and Pleafure of cruel and ravenous Adverfaries. 
 
 It’s worthy taking notice of, that after the Jury had, on fo 
 flight ground, brought in T. R . amongft others guilty in man-' 
 ner arid form, how palpably the Court manifefted their Envy 
 and Malice, in the Fines impofed upon him. And tho, as is 
 declar’d by the Statute of 20 E. 3. cap. 1. That Juftices fall do 
 even Right to all People, without /hewing favour more to one than to 
 another \ according to that juft Law, Lev. 19. 1^. Te floatt do no 
 Vnrighteoufnefs in Judgment * thou ft: a It not refpecl the Perfon of the 
 PoOr, nor honour the Perfon } of the Mighty , but in Righteoufnefs 
 jhalt thou judg thy Neighbour: Yet for a piece of wriiten 
 Parchment, the Value whereof was not id. a thing whereof 
 a Court of Juftice could not take cognizance, according to 
 the juft Laws of this Land, or Damages in cafe it had been 
 
 taken 
 
at the Seffions in the Old-Daily, 1670. 381 
 
 takenaway, or Profit to any man that could have it, not ap¬ 
 pearing to be any, neither indeed could there ’be to any Per« 
 ion living; no courfe of Law obftrufted, admitting ail to be 
 true of that Faff, which the Mayor gave in, or his Witneffes 
 fwore falily to the Jury ; the Caufe of Juftice againft an Of¬ 
 fender not a moment prevented ; thefe painted Sepulchers or 
 partial Inquititors fined or cenfur’d him an hundred pounds, 
 altho they had before convided S. AtlingbrUge, and fined him 
 but five marks for being'Principal (yet too much for fuch an 
 offence) and r. Rudyard being as an Acceffary muff be a hun¬ 
 dred pounds. Whether this be juft and equal, let the World, 
 be judg; and to proceed fromaPerfon (I mean the Recor¬ 
 der) who has had for many years the Reputation of Honefty 
 and Jufticr, which it’s fear’d he carry’d about with him, only 
 as that afpiring Clergyman did his Fifhing-Net, which he 
 caus’d to be laid afide, fo Toon as he had procured a Cardinal’s 
 Cap, faying. The Fiji) u caught • And truly fo may the City 
 of Loudon fay of its Recorder, who has not fince he came to 
 be Recorder, manifefted that candid and equal Juftice to¬ 
 wards this City, or Citizens in their publick Concerns, as 
 was expetted ; yea, little but what firft pafles the Stamp of 
 our Sword-Aldermen, and Claffis of the City Lieutenancy; 
 And fince he by experience has found, that fowing and dedi¬ 
 cating his Law and Endeavours to their Defigns, is that 
 which procures him the beft, and mo ft fruitful Harveft, he 
 ever has been fedulous to plead and ftudy that caufe: whofe 
 Actions may be the more clearly manifefted to this City and 
 Nation, if weigh’d in the Ballance of Juftice and Righ- 
 teoufnefs. 
 
 As God’s Indignation relied on the Children of Ifrael, till 
 one Achan's Theft was difcover’d and punilh’d; fo this City 
 fufFers fore Judgments, till it has purged it felf of thefe many 
 Achans that lodg in her Bofom, not only robbing her Inhabi¬ 
 tants of their Rights, Liberties, and Properties, but alfo her 
 Chamber of her Treafure, the poor Orphans Security. 
 
 Our Predecelfors, out of their prudence and care that equal 
 Juftice and Right Ihould be done to all men, by a Statute in 
 the 18 £.3.3. appointed Judges an Oath, wherein is this 
 Charge ; “ And that you take not by your felf, or any other 
 “ privily nor apertly, Gift, nor Reward of Gold, nor Silver* 
 ic nor of any other thing that may turn to your profit, unlefs 
 <c it be Meat or Drink, and of finall value, of any man that fhall 
 “ have any Plea or Procefs hanging before you, as long as the 
 <f Procefs (hall be fo hanging, nor after the fame Caufe. 
 
 . If the City Recorder hath forgotten this Oath, his Crime’s 
 not the lefs in breaking it; the Juftice of it remains, and all 
 
 Perfons 
 
382 The Tryalof T. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 
 
 Perfons in Judicature are to do juftice to all, 
 Magna and fell or deny it to none. And Bribery is 
 
 Charta c. 29. fuch a Crime, that it’s punilhable wherever it’s 
 found: And it’s hoped Juftice may reach this 
 Recorder, if it appear that his Fingers have touch’d this for¬ 
 bidden Babylonifl) Garment. 
 
 But in order to difcourfe of this fo foul a Crime, firft fee 
 the mark which fucli an A&ion leaves behind it: Fortefcue 
 cap. <51. “ Bribery (faith he) is a great Mifprifion, when any 
 <c man in judicial place takes any Fee, or Penfion, Roll, or 
 Livery, Gift, Reward, or Brocage of any Perfon, that 
 <s hath to do before him any way, for doing his Office, 
 <c or by colour of his Office, but of the Ring only, unlefs it 
 * be of Meat and Drink, and that of fmall value, upon di- 
 “ vers and grievous Puniffiments. Saith Coke y 
 % Inft. 145. cc This word Bribery cometh of the French word 
 <c Briber , which fignifieth to Devour or Eat gree- 
 cc dily, applied to the devouring of a corrupt Judg; of whom the 
 Pfalmift,fpeaking in the Perfon of God, faith, 
 Pfalm 13.4. Qui devorat plebem me am Jicut efcam panis: Qui cog- 
 Prov. 28. 21. <c nofeit faciem in judicio , non bene facit , ifte pro 
 CoJ^e 3. Inft . * c buccella panif deferit veritatem. In the 23d 
 145, <c Year of E. 3. Sir Wi Uiam Thorpe, Chief Juftice 
 
 <c of the Ring’s Bench, for taking of four Per- 
 4< fons 50 /. againft his Oath, was tried and judg’d upon his 
 tc acknowledging the Fafr, to be hang’d, &c. 
 Fol. 147. Co\e further lets forth, “ That this Offence of 
 Bribery may be committed by any that hath 
 cc any Judicial Place (or Minifterial Office) either Ecclefiafti- 
 <c cal or Temporal. Non accipies perfonam nec 
 Veut, 16. 19. “ munera (and the reafon is exprefs’d by the 
 cc Holy Ghoft) quia munera excacant oculos fapi- 
 tc entum , & mutant verba jujiorum. If Bribery hath fo great 
 54 force, as to blind the Eyes of the wife Judg, and to change 
 the words of the Juft: BeatHf iUe qui exuit manus fuas ab 
 omni munere , Judex debet habere duos Sales *, falem fupientia , ne 
 u fit infipidu *, iy falem confcientia , ne fit diabolm. 
 
 , 46 Tho the Bribe be fmall, yet the Fault is great; and this 
 “ appeareth by a Record in the Reign of 
 Fafc. 17 E. 3. cc E. 3. Quia diverfi jujiiciarii ad audiendum & 
 Coram Rege. iC terminandum afjignat , ceperant de Johanne Ber- 
 Rot. 139. Ejfe cc nersy qui indittatus fuit , 4 1 . pro favore habendo 
 Jo. Berner's “ die detiberationis fua, finem fecerant domino Regi 
 Ca teyRot. Pa. “ per IV. M. Mareas: So as they paid for every 
 7 R. 2. mwu “ Pound a thoufand Marks. See before Sir 
 12, 13. William Thorp's Cafe, Rot* Par. 7 R. 2. The 
 
 “ Chan- 
 
At the Seffions in the Old-Baily, 1670. 38 J 
 
 fi Chancellor was accufed of a Bribe of ten pounds, and 
 4C his Man four pounds and certain Fifh; which tho the 
 <c things are fmall, yet it had been punifh’d, if it had been 
 w proved. 
 
 But now to the FaCt of the City Recorder, it was ob« 
 ferved, That when he gave Judgment againft the feveral 
 Convifts before related, and alTefs’d the leveral Fines and 
 Amercements upon the Convifts and others, both for their 
 Hats and pretended Crimes for which they were indicted; 
 that John Smithy one of the Sheriffs of London , being, as was 
 fuppofed, overjoy’d to hear the Court’s Gratitude in rewarding 
 his pains, for making Proclamations in the Streets, foe. but 
 being fomewhat in doubt whether many of the Fines might 
 not fall fhort, or prove bad Debts, haftily fteps out of his 
 Chair, and going to the Recorder, faid, But how Jhall we come 
 by thefe Fines .«* To winch the Recorder anfwer’d, Give me one 
 of them , and I will fecure you all the reft. At which anfwer, 
 with a feeming Joy and Alacrity, J.Smith return’d to his 
 Chair, and fpoke to fome who were fuppofed his Friends, 
 there prefent in Court, and audibly declar’d to them, that 
 the Recorder told him. That if we (meaning the Sheriffs) would 
 give him one of the Fines , he would fecure m all the reft of them. 
 
 Surely this was too open and publick a place to make fuch 
 Bargains as thefe: But what wonder, when fcarce any Paf- 
 fage or. Attion of theirs, that Seffions, was in Law and Righ- 
 teoufnefs any more juftifiable ? What Ratification or Confir¬ 
 mation of this piece of contrafted Bribery has been fince 
 betwixt them in their private Chambers, we know not; but 
 what’s done and aCfedin publick Courts, we may and can af- 
 fert, and declare to the world. 
 
 Some may conjecture, That the Mony which J. Howel the 
 Recorder afterwards receiv’d, was upon the firft propofed 
 and offered Contract, made in open Court with J. Smith the 
 Sheriff. 
 
 Others may imagine. That it was the Mayor’s Benevo¬ 
 lence, for juftifying his dirty and filthy Actions and Profecu- 
 tions before the People at the Seffions." But the cafe is this. 
 That the Mayor, Sheriffs, J. Robinfon , &c. and other the 
 I Juftices for that Seffions, being met together at Guildhall in a 
 Court of Aldermen, propofed to pay the Recorder for his 
 extraordinary pains, and reward him for his execution of 
 Juftice, or fitting in Judgment at the OldBaily upon the Qua¬ 
 kers. J . Robinfo the chief of that Flock, and not the back- 
 warden: to give what’s not his own, told the Court, That the 
 Recorder deferved an hundred pounds for hit Service done at the Old 
 ^aily the laft Seffions. Whereupon the Court confented to pay 
 
3 ?4 The Tryd of T. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 
 
 him for that fervicean hundred Pounds, by the Chamberlain 
 of London, Who doubts pf the truth hereof, are defir’d to re¬ 
 pair to the Chamberlain’s Office, arid they may there find 
 the Order, bearing date the 8th of OUober- y 1670. befides 
 other Orders for 200/. more to him, within eight months 
 laitpaft. An excellent way to eafe that Treafury of being 
 overburden’d with Orphans Mony ! By which finifter Ends 
 and curfed Difpofitions of its Cafh, the Chamber is run fo 
 deeply in debt, that it’s almoft incredible.: And here Mo*- 
 defty engages to conceal, being in hopes that e’er long fome 
 more faithful Stewards and Guardians may be appointed to 
 have the Charge and Wardfhip of it, fee. 
 
 So that not with Handing that large Provifion which England? 9 
 Laws have made for the Safety of its Inhabitants (as in Chap¬ 
 ter 29. of its Charter of Liberties, Nulli vcndimus, &c. on 
 which Co^e obferves. That all the K.ing*s People, Ecclefiafti- 
 cal and Temporal, Free or Bond, Old or Young, yea, altho 
 he be outlaw’d or excommunicated, or any other without ex¬ 
 ception, is to have Jufice freely without fale , and fully without 
 denialJ yet thofe Prifoners at the hand of this Recorder and 
 Bench, inftead of having Juftice freely, have been apparently 
 fold into the hands of their cruel Adverfaries *, and inftead of 
 having it fully, they have been unjuftiy over-ruled by 
 their Arbitrary and Illegal Sentences and Cenfures againft 
 them. 
 
 Thus are we forced to call the blame of the Prifoners Suf¬ 
 ferings upon the Authors thereof, which we muffc attribute 
 either fprung from their Falfnefs to their Truft, or their In¬ 
 capacity to execute that.weight of Authority committed to 
 them : And furely this Nation throughout is made fenfible of 
 nothing more, than the daily Breach of their Liberties, and 
 of Violence to the Freedom of their Perfons and Eftates, by 
 fuch holies humani generis, as thefe opprefled Prifoners have 
 had juft occafion to complain of. 
 
 The Actions of that Seiiions were a Riddle to the Engliflj- 
 man, beyond all that this latter monftrous Age hath brought 
 forth. It’s needlefs to repeat how much the publick Liberty 
 (in denying the Commonalty that Freedom of Jurors the Law 
 allows, fining and imprifomng Jurors for doing their Duty, 
 impofing Fines arbitrarily without Inqueft upon the freeborn 
 men of England , denying to produce that Law which is pre¬ 
 tended to have been tranfgrefs’d) is wounded, and how much 
 the Injuries are doubled and trebled upon their Fellow-mem¬ 
 bers, and the evil Confequence thereof, which if drawn into 
 precedent, who can count himfelf free either in Perfon or 
 Eftate ? The Confequence of a wicked Sentence (faid Chan¬ 
 cellor 
 
at the Seffions in the Oid-Baily, 1670. 385 
 
 I cellor Bacon) was infinitely worfe than a wicked Faft, as being 
 held a precedent and pattern whereby Oppreliion beginning 
 upon one, is extended as warrantable upon all. 
 
 And this conclufion he draweth out of this place of Scrip¬ 
 ture, bans turbatus & urina corrupta eft juftm cadens coram impio : 
 
 ! A juft man falling into the hands of the wicked, is like a 
 I Fountain troubled with the foot, or the Urine corrupted in 
 li the Body. 
 
 To the honour of which arbitrary Sentences, Cenfures and 
 fevere Judgments have ftriclcen the Commonalty with Amaze- 
 | ment, that the Courts of Juftice, ordain’d for publick Pre- 
 fervation and Safety, fhould be wrefted to enflave, opprefs, 
 
 [ ruin and deftroyus. How much that Mayor and Recorder 
 have ufurp’d upon the Rights and Liberties of thefe Prifoners, 
 is too apparent in their waving the Rules of Law, and mea- 
 furing out Juftice by their fantaftical Difcretions and Arbi¬ 
 trary Wills and Power the confequence of which cannot 
 but be inevitably mifchievous and inconvenient to both thofe 
 that there were cenfur’d and judg’d evil, and to the People of 
 England . Hence was deriv’d that excellent Maxim ; Melius 
 fub iniquiftima lege quam fub aquiffimo arbitrio vivere : That-is. It's 
 better to live under a bard and bar ft) known written Law, where every 
 man may read bis Duty , and know his Offence and P uni ft) ment, than 
 under the mil dell Arbitrary Government , where the Subjell is condemn'd 
 \ At the Will of every Bench of Juftice before which he ft)all appear, 
 without any certain or known Rules and Meafures for the Offence and 
 Punijhment. And how fpecious foever the pretence for thefe 
 Proceedings may be, we know that the pretence of Neceftity 
 to att contrary to the known written Laws, in the Mayor, 
 Recorder, <£rc. or any others, is but to ufher in Tyranny and 
 Oppreliion. 
 
 There appears no other end that this Bench had in this 
 tortious fort of proceeding, than to fill their Sheriffs Pockets 
 with extorted Gain, or arbitrarily to punifh a moft innocent 
 and peaceable People, to gratify their Lufts and Malice. 
 
 And how many Hourifhing States have been ruin’d by the 
 Avarices, Cruelty, and Non-obfervance of the Laws, by the 
 Governours and Magistrates, were tedious to infert. Only 
 take notice what Coke in his 2 Infl. 388. declares, That three 
 things overthrew the flouriflmg State of the Roman Empire : Latens 
 odium, juvenile conftlium , & privatum lucrum . And obferves 
 there. That it's the greateft Injuft ice, when the Innocent, under co¬ 
 lour of Juftice, whereby he ought to be protefted, is opprefs'd. 
 
 But good Government confuting principally in the execu¬ 
 tion of their juft and known Laws, procures Love from the 
 Subjeft. It’s only their Love which fupportsa State in adver- 
 
 C c fity \ 
 
j'86 Tryalof T. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 
 
 fity: And our defire that fuch as London's Mayor and Recor¬ 
 der, foe. may not by their Actions Tow a jealoufy among the 
 Freeborn People of England , that it’s the intent of our Su¬ 
 preme Magiftrates to hold up that common Maxim of all op- 
 pf effing States, That their In ter eft is to maintain the Public^ wealthy 
 and the Particular poor. 
 
 Therefore permit not thefe Perfons in their Courts to 
 create the Precedents of Oppreffion to enflave our Pofterity 
 in future times : to that end hath this been made publick* 
 that the Supreme Magiftrate and Legiflators of this Nation, 
 for the Dignity and Honour of their Rule and Government, 
 and for the Safety of the free-born People of this Land, not 
 only take care to purge the Benches of Juftice from that Par¬ 
 tiality and Corruption, which hath ufurp’d thofe Places of 
 great Truft, and punilh the Offenders who have been guilty 
 of fuch enormous Crimes with condign Punifhment, anfwe- 
 rable to their refpeftive Offences and horrid Oppreffion; but 
 alfo command the keeping, obferving, and executing in all 
 their Courts the known, written, promnlg’d, antient, and 
 fundamental Laws of this Land : And that they may, as they 
 have often avow'd, maintain the Liberties of the Freeborn 
 People of England , in alluring to them, that Sains Populieft /«- 
 prema Lex. Can it be reafonably thought, that the Impunity of 
 thefe that have been fo faithlefs to their Oaths and Trufts. 
 repos’d in them, fhall ever be ferviceable to this State or 
 Magiftrates under whom they aft? No, they’ll rather take 
 courage to betray them, when they find the fir ft opportunity. 
 Therefore like our old Proverb, Tho we love the Trea 1 on y yet we 
 hate the Traitor: So it hath been the prudence of the wifeft and 
 beft-'govern’d States, Never to pardon any man for a notorious 
 Crime committed againft the Commonwealth , for any good Service 
 Before done to it. To which Clement Edmonds, upon C&far s Com¬ 
 mentaries, well agrees, fol. 174. It more importeth a Common¬ 
 wealth to punifh an ill Member , than to reward a good AH. So that 
 State or Commonwealth that will keep it felf in good order, 
 and free from ruin, muft cherilh Impeachments and Accufa- 
 tions of the People againft thofe that thro Ambition, Ava¬ 
 rice, Pride, Cruelty, or Oppreffion, feek to deftroy the Li¬ 
 berty and Property of the People ; fo fhall they keep their 
 State free from Envy, and fecure from Supplantation. And 
 the Free-born People of this Nation being thus preferv’d 
 and fecur’d againft Tyranny and Oppreffion, will never feek 
 after other Liberty, but rejoice under their own Governours. 
 For as it never turn’d to any State’s advantage to gain the 
 People’s Hatred, fo it’s the 1110ft ftablelaiting Government, 
 
 undei 
 
A Dialogue by way of Appendix, &c. 587 
 
 :: tirider Which the People rejoice and live cheerfully; accor- 
 I ding to that Maxim of Camilla the Roman, Firmijjimum Jmpsrium 
 quo obedientes gandent . 
 
 An Appendix, way of Dialogue , in 
 a Plain and Friendly Difcourfe between a Student 
 in the Laws And Liberties of England, and a 
 true Citizen of London : Whereby is {hew'd^ 
 That a fury of twelve Men are the only proper 
 fudges of their Neighbours Allions , and may by 
 the eftabliffd Laws of England give a Verdili 
 of fuch Falls , according to their Conferences, 
 without incurring Fine and imprifonment , &c. 
 
 * 
 
 \ Student.^ ^THither are you halting out fo fall this morn- 
 VV ing, my Friend? 
 
 Cit. Truly, about fome earneft Bulinefs, that will not admitf 
 of delay. 
 
 5 Stud. I know you to be a Man of bufineft 5 but in my ap~ 
 prehenfion you feem more than Ufually in hafte, now I am 
 come to give you a vilit. 
 
 Cit. I acknowledg your kindnefs ; and fince you are fo 
 j opportunely come* I would requefi your Advice in what I 
 I am going about. 
 
 | Stud. Yea, moft freely: But what’s the Cafe ? 
 
 Cit. I am fummon’d to appear to morrow, as a Juryman, dt 
 th£ Old Bail}, but would willingly get my felf excus’d, and 
 was but now going out to one of the Sheriffs, my old Ac¬ 
 quaintance, to intreat his Favour, to do me that kindnefs $ 
 but it’s probable you know a nearer way to effeft fuch a mat¬ 
 ter, and may direct me. 
 
 Stud. It’s very like, did it much concern you, I might 
 get your difcharge : But why fhoitld not you rather ferve 
 your Country in thefe publick concerns ? If all men were 
 t»f your mind, how fhould Right be done in Courts of Juftice ? 
 
 Cit. There’s many others that are better skill’d in fuch 
 matters, who are more fit to perform that Office ^ as for my 
 part, I have ever fo loved Peace that I have forborn going 
 to Law, tho it has been much to my lofs. 
 
j88 A Dialogue by way of Appendix to 
 
 Stud. That’s no Excufe; for the more peaceable man yo u 
 have been, the more fit you are for fuch Services. The 
 Office of a Jury-man is confcientioufly to judg his Neigh¬ 
 bour, who needs no more Law than is eafily learned to dired 
 him therein. 
 
 Cit . I fhould willingly appear according to this Summon, 
 but that the Mayor’s and Recorder’s carriage to Juries was 
 fuch the laftSeffions, that Xqueftion whether I could undergo 
 fo much hardlhip, and not endanger my Life; fo I find that 
 all my Neighbours, as well as I, are endeavouring to get them- 
 felves excus’d. 
 
 Stud. Then it’s a Reftraint -from your Trade that deters 
 you ? 
 
 Cit. No truly, that’s not all} but to be kept without Meat 
 and Drink two days and nights together, and not to be allow’d 
 the privilege of Nature’s eafement, and after all, to be caft 
 into Newgate , is hard fervice. 
 
 Stud. Imuft confefs this was very hard, yet it fhould not 
 deter you from doing your Duty : and if thofe Jurors fuffer’d 
 unjuftly (which I queftion not) their Service was the eafier 
 to them., 
 
 Cit. I am of opinion they were unjuftly dealt withal *, many 
 of them I know, who had the Repute of Honefty, efpecially 
 thofe four, who yet lie in Durance : but I may fuffer by reafon 
 of my Ignorance of the Duty and Office of a Jury-man ; 
 therefore on that account principally I defire to be excus’d 
 my appearance, which if I underftood as well as many do, 
 with all my heart I would do my fervice. 
 
 Stud. Now you fpeak honeftly like an Englifi-man ; and in 
 cafe that be all your caufe of fcruple, it may foon be remov’d 
 if you will take my Advice. 
 
 Cit. Yes, with all my heart: Then pray let me have your 
 Anfwer to fome Queftions, which often of late I have had 
 upon my thoughts to propound to you, or fome Pra&itioner of 
 the Law, that would be plain with me. 
 
 Stud. Offer what you think meet, and I will endeavour to 
 give you that Satisfa&ion you defire. 
 
 Cit . Since Jurors are thus of late menaced, threatned, 
 fined, and imprifon’d by our Recorder at the Old Baily\ pray 
 wherein lies their Privilege and Safety ? What fay the Fun¬ 
 damental Laws of England to fuch Pra&ices ? 
 
 Stud. The Jurors Privileges, and every £«g///7j-man’s by 
 them, as they are very confiderable, fo the Laws have very 
 well guarded them againft CJfurpation, as I (hall fhew you. 
 
 Cit. But pray firft let me know their Antiquity. 1 have 
 heard it faid. That Tryals by Juries have been ofilong Handing 
 in this Nation. ’ Stud. 
 

 
 the Tryal of T. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 389 
 
 Stud. Their Antiquity no one knows, but all Authors agree 
 that they have been very antient. Coke, the 
 Oracle of our EnglifJ) Laws, writes. That long Co. 1 
 before the Conqueft it was order’d, that in eve¬ 
 ry Century there fhould be twelve good and honeft men to 
 judg, &c. And Camden in his Britannia corre&eth Potidore Vir¬ 
 gil, for faying William the Conqueror firft brought in this way 
 of Tryal ; affirming that it was moft certain and apparent by 
 the Laws of Etheldred , that fuch Tryals were in ufe many 
 years before: Which Horn in his Mirror of Jujlice, written in 
 the time of E. i. doth well confirm and allure us. 
 
 Cit. But what fay the Law-Books of later date, and our Pre- 
 deceffors in later years about them ? 
 
 Stud. When the great Charter of our Englifh Liberties, in 
 the 9th year of H. 3. was made, and put under the Great Seal 
 of England, then were thefe Tryals by Juries 
 confirm’d down to us; and therein it was fta- 9 H . 3.14.29. 
 blifh’d, That no Amercements fhould be af- 
 fefs’d upon any man, but by the Oaths of good and lawful 
 Men of the Vicinage : And alfo that no Freeman of England 
 fhould be imprifon’d in his Perfon, or deftroy’d in his Eilate 
 and Liberties, without the lawful Judgment of his Equals. 
 Which Charter has been confirm’d by thirty two 
 Parliaments, and now hands firm to juftify and Co. 2 Injh 41. 
 maintain the Freedom of this fort of Tryals, 
 which Coke calls the Subjefts Birthright; and which I muft fay 
 is the only Preferver of our Lives, Freedom and Property; 
 as you may read in the Book of the Tryal of W. P. and W. i\U 
 laid Sefiions. 
 
 Cit. I am very well fatisfy’d in this point; but pray, what 
 fays the Law about menacing, threatning, fining and impri- 
 foningof Jurors, as before 1 mention’d to you ? 
 
 Stud. As to the menacing and threatning Language which 
 that Bench gave the Jurors, it only evidenced and manifefted 
 to the world their Envy and Malice againft the Prisoners that 
 the Jury had in charge, and fo maybe faid alfo of their fining 
 and imprifoning of the Jury afterwards. 
 
 Cit . Hath a Court then no power by the Law to fine and im- 
 prifon a Jury ? 
 
 Stud. We find in our Law-Books, or Books of Cafes, that 
 Jurors have been fined by a Court, for thefe following 
 matters. 
 
 1. If a Jury-man take mony (from the Party 39 Ajf. 19. 
 
 to be try’d) before or after he be fworn. Fit%. Exam . 
 
 2. If they receive any Writings from the 17.14^.7.30. 
 Perfons they have in tryal. 
 
 Cc 3 If 
 
390 A Dialogue by way of Appendix to 
 
 3. If a Jury-man appear, and then depart 
 3 6 H. 6. 27. per before he be fworn, it is a contempt of the 
 Cur. C.B. & B.R. Court. 
 
 4. If a Juror, after he lhall be fworn, de- 
 34 £.3. fit^.Of- part from his Fellows before they deliver in 
 pee d'e Court 12. their Verdi#. 
 
 40 AJf. pi. io. 5. If Eleven Jurors fhall give in their Ver¬ 
 di# without, or againft the Confent of the 
 Twelfth. 
 
 Dyer 37.6.218. 6 . If a Jury eat or drink after they are gone 
 
 a. b. Old Entries from the Bar, and before they bring in their 
 251. Verdi# (This, I fuppofe, is meant where the 
 
 Court will accept of the Verdi#, when the 
 Jurors tender it. ) -And for fuch like Mifdemeanors as thefe, 
 they have been Fined and Imprifoned, but how warrantable, 
 is a Query. 
 
 Cit. As for thefe Mifcarriages you have inftanc’d, it feems 
 reafonable they fhould be punilh’d, which no honeft Man will 
 be found guilty of; neither do I fear to fuffer for fuch like 
 Mifdemeanors. But what fay you to the Fining a Jury for 
 giving in a Verdi# according to their Confciences, yet pre¬ 
 tended by the Court to be contrary to Evidence? 
 
 Stud. To Fine them at all is an Abufe, tho it has been long 
 pra#ifed; but to Fine them for giving their Verdi# accord¬ 
 ing to their Confcience, fuch Pra#ices are very much againft 
 Law and Reafon too; For a Jury of twelve Men 
 Co. 4, InflS 4* are by the Laws the only proper Judges of mat* * 
 ter in iffue before them ; As for inftance, 
 
 Firft, That Evidence which is deliver’d to induce a Jury to 
 believe, or not to believe the Matter of Fa# in iffue, is 
 call’d Evidence, becaufe the Jury may out of many Matters of 
 Fa# Cvidere veritatemJ that is, fee clearly the Truth, of which 
 they are proper Judges. 
 
 Secondly, When any Matter is fworn, Deed read, or offer’d, 
 whether it fhall be believ’d, or not; or whether it be true or 
 Talfe in point of Fa#, the Jurors are the proper Judges, 
 
 Thirdly, Whether fuch Men met together intentionally to 
 do fuch an Aft or not, the Jurors are Judges; for the Court 
 is not Judg of thefe Matters, which are Evidence to prove 
 or difprove the thing in iffue. 
 
 Cit. What then is the Court to take cognizance of in the 
 Tryals of mens Liberties and Properties? 
 
 Stud. The Court, as their Duty is, are to do equal Juftice 
 and’Right: fo they in fuch Tryals do dire#, whether fuch 
 Matter (hall he admitted to be given in Evidence, or not; fuch 
 a Writing read, or not j or fuch a Man to be admitted a Wit* 
 
 nefs, 
 
 I 
 
the Tryal of T. Rudyard, F. Moor,^. jgi 
 
 nefs, or not: And this belongs to the Judgment of the Court* 
 
 I as they are upon their Oaths to fee Juftice done ’twixt Party 
 and Party. Therefore has the Common Law ordain’d, That 
 Matters of Fail (which are drawn to an Iffue) fhall be trv’d 
 | by Jurors, and Matters of Law (upon a Demurrer and fpe- 
 cial Verdift, $rr.) by the Juftices, according to > 
 
 J that Rule or Maxim of Sir Edw. Cooky Ad stye- n Co. “io .b. 
 
 Jnonetn fatti non refpondent Judices, it a adquejUonem 4 In ft. 84. 
 
 | Legis non refpondent Juratores : The Juftices med- 4 Inft. 207. 
 
 ! die not with Matter of Fad, nor Jurors wih 
 Matter of Law. So it’s the Juror’s Office to find f 'veritatem 
 | FaftiJ the Truth of the Fact 111 iffue, and the Court’s to give 
 I judgment accordingly. By which we may fee the Wifdom of 
 | the Law, in referring Things to Perfons, in which they have 
 cognizance, and are moft expert, according to 
 I that Maxim, Quod quifque norit , in hoc fe exer- 9 Cool ^ 13. 
 
 I ceat. 
 
 Cit. According to this Account you have given me of the 
 Duty and Office, as well of the Court, as the Jurors; the Law 
 feems to have dealt juftly and equally betwixt them both. But 
 one Queftion further, Pray whence is it that Jurors are fum- 
 mon’d of the Neighbourhood, where the Fa it is fuppos’d to 
 be done or aided ? 
 
 Stud. As the Common Law of this Lmd is nothing elfe 
 than Common Right, pure and try’d Reafon ; fo it never fails 
 to render a Reafon of its own Aidions: A Jury is therefore 
 fummon’d of the Vicinage, becaufe it’s always prefum’d that 
 the Neighbourhood are beft acquainted with the Perfons inha¬ 
 biting, or the A&ions and Facts done or aided within their 
 own Limits and Jurifdiftion ; and that they themfelves may 
 know fomething of the matter in controverfy, being fde Vid - 
 veto J of the Vicinage where fuch matter was in aftion. There¬ 
 fore the Jury muft be return’d, de Vicineto , of the place where 
 the Fait was done, and of Men fper rel writ as melius feire 
 
 potent J by whom the Truth of the matter may be better 
 known : So the Jury having fome Self-knowledg of the Mat¬ 
 ters afore-hand, befides hearing the Evidence, may the bet¬ 
 ter pronounce C veritatis dilliim J or a juft Verdict of the 
 Faid. 
 
 Cit . But wherein do you conceive a Jury-man may have 
 Self-knowledg of Matter, that may not as fully be evidenc'd 
 by Witnefs? 
 
 Stud. It’s probable, Firlb, That they may know the Wit¬ 
 nefs on the on<$ fide, or the other, to be Perfons of no Cre¬ 
 dit •, or. 
 
392 A Dialogue by way of Appendix to 
 
 Secondly, They may know the Party accus'd to be a Man 
 otherwife qualify’d or principl’d, than to do fuch as aft or 
 thing that is charg’d againft him. As for inftance •, They may- 
 know a Man to be, 
 
 1. A quiet peaceable Quaker j therefore no Fighter or Rioter, 
 or Rcuitous Perfon. 
 
 2. A Proteftant of the Epifcopal Church of England \ therefore 
 no Houfe-Preacher. 
 
 3. An honelt fober Man amongft his Neighbours; therefore 
 probably no Thief or Robber. And many other Inltances might 
 be offer'd to this purpofe. 
 
 Cit. To Fine a Jury then for things, which probably they 
 may know of their own knowledg to be true or falfe, feems 
 very hard; and furely our Jurors of London have met with hard 
 nfage, to be fin’d and imprifon’d for doing their Duty, in 
 what the Laws of this Land have made them foie and proper 
 Judges. 
 
 Stud. Their hard ufage and feverity to the Jurors is not fo 
 much as the ill confequence that fuch praftices will be to 
 every Fnglifh-man, and their Pofterity, if not timely reme¬ 
 died. 
 
 Cit. Truly the Citizens of London , in general, have much 
 dreaded the late Procedure at the Old-Baily , and fear it’s a 
 Fore-runner of much Mifchief that may be afted in the Coun¬ 
 try, who generally take London for a Precedent in their 
 Courts of Juftice. But pray what’s your Thoughts about thefe 
 things? 
 
 Stud . The Confequence of fuch Praftices, the Parliament 
 have very well fet forth in Chief Juftice Keeling 0 s Cafe, 11 Dec. 
 1667. when they Voted, That Fining Juries were not only In¬ 
 novations, in the Tryals of Men for their Lives and Liberties, 
 but that it was of Dangerous Confequence to the Lives and 
 Liberties of the People of England ; and tended to the intro¬ 
 ducing of an Arbitrary Government: And their Reafon was 
 very good ^ for the King fits not in Judgment upon his Sub- 
 jefts, but by his Juftices in his Courts: And if the Juftices, 
 who are commanded to be guided by the Law, (hall, contrary 
 to the Law, fine and imprifon Juries, for giving Verdifts 
 in fuch Matters which the Laws allow and appoint them to be 
 proper Judges of, where then is the Englifh-man try’d by 
 his Peers, and by the Law of the Land? To deny us this 
 free Tryal, is to rifle us of our Birth-right, 
 Stat.3. 13 £.3. and moft arbitrarily and tyrannically to de¬ 
 ny us Equal Law, Juftice and Right. 
 
the Tryd o/T.Rudyard, F.Moor, &c. 39$ 
 
 Cit. Surely when the Parliament meets again, they will call 
 thefe illegal Proceedings of that Bench to Queftion before 
 them, as well as they did Keeling s. 
 
 Stud. It as much concerns them, in behalf of themfelves and 
 Pofterity, as any of us, to curb thefe fubordinate Judges, who 
 have broken both their Oaths and the Law, to run inte?thofe 
 Arbitrary and Illegal Practices; the confequence of which, if 
 fuffer’d, in a fhort time will be, Sic volo , fie )ubeo y flat pro rati - 
 one voluntas . And it will neceffarily follow, That, 
 
 Firft, Every Juftice of Peace, Mayor, Bailiffs of Corpora¬ 
 tions, Stewards of Leets, (£rc. whatever Matters are try’d be¬ 
 fore them, fhall have Verdicts to their minds, or Fine and Im- 
 prifon the Jurors till they have ; fo that fuch muft be either 
 pleas’d, humour’d, or gratify’d, elfe no Juftice or Right to be 
 had before them in their Courts. 
 
 Secondly, A further ill confequence will be, That altho a 
 perfon may challenge a Jury-man, or Sheriffs, if they be of 
 Kin to this Adverfary, yet he cannot challenge a Juftice, 
 Mayor, &c. who will have a Verdict for their Kinflnan, or 
 Fine and Imprifon them till they have. So that by this means 
 our Lives, Liberties and Properties fhall be folely try’d, and 
 wholly at the Will, and in the power of every mercenary or 
 corrupted Juftice, Mayor, Recorder, Bailiff, foe. 
 
 Cit. But has it been practicable in former times to fine and 
 imprifon Juries, for finding contrary to Evidence, as the Re¬ 
 corder pretends our Jurors have done ? 
 
 Stud. No furely, we find not one Precedent in all our Books, 
 till Keeling's \ and he Tcaping that condign Punifhment which 
 the Parliament promis’d him, your Recorder and Mayor has 
 trod in his Steps. And pray fee how fuch Judgments on Jurors 
 leave them remedilefs of relief, which is fufticient ground to 
 conclude fuch practices to be againft the Law. 
 
 Firft, It can never be try’d, whether they found with or 
 againft their Evidence, by reafon no Writ of Error lies in the 
 
 Cafe. 
 
 Secondly, They are in worfe condition than the Criminals 
 that are try’d by them; for in all civil ACtions, Informations, 
 and Indictments, Appeals and Writs of Error, do lie into fu- 
 perior Courts, to try their regular Proceedings of the Inferior: 
 but here can be none. 
 
 Thirdly, In the way of an Attaint, the Truth or Falfhood 
 of a Juror’s VerdiCt, in Matters of FaCt, may be try’d by ano¬ 
 ther Jury : but in this cafe the Jurors are concluded, by reafon 
 that whether they have found with or againft: their Evidence, 
 can never be try’d, Litt* Sett. 108. 
 
 And 
 
594 Dialogue by way of Appendix to 
 
 And further, Reafon (which is Law) tells us, 
 F. N. B. 21. That as the King’s Juftices of the Law have gi¬ 
 ven out, that they ought not to have any Ad ion 
 Far. Max. 62. brought againft them, if they fhall in any thing 
 Co. 2 Inft.422. err or miitake the Law : So much the more 
 C* twelve Jurors, who are Judges of all Matters 
 
 in iffue before them, agreeing together in one, ought not to 
 be fined, where they rind a Verdict according to their Confci- 
 ences ; albeit, the Evidence may feem ftrong and clear to ano¬ 
 ther perfon, to the contrary of which the Jury have found : 
 For they may ( being de Vicineto where the Fad was done) 
 know fomething of their own knowledg of the Matter of Fad 
 before them, which the Judg or Standers-b'y are probably Stran¬ 
 gers unto, and ignorant of it. Therefore the Knowledg of 
 twelve Men, agreeing together, ought to be prefer’d before 
 the fmgle Apprehenfion of any one Perfon whatfoever. All 
 which does manifeft, not only the Illegal and Arbitrary Pro¬ 
 ceedings of your Mayor and Recorder, againft thofe twelve 
 Men, but the Ill and Dangerous Confequence of fuch Practi¬ 
 ces to all the People of England. 
 
 Cit . Rut it’s pretended, That one of the Crimes charg’d 
 upon the Jurors (by the Recorder) was for finding their Ver- 
 did againft Law. How can the Jury juftify fuch an Adion? 
 Sure they are not ( as it is faid) Judges of Law, but Fad. 
 
 Stud. Admitting they are fo, which will not be granted, yet 
 that a Jury can find againft Law, is to me a Paradox: For as 
 we fay, Where there is no Law, there is no Tranfgreflion; 
 fo where there is no Tranfgreflion, there is noplace for Law, 
 the Law being made for the Tranfgreffor. And, faid Learned 
 Cool^ fEx fafto oriturJ upon ftating the 
 
 4 C. 42. b. 53. A Fad or Tranfgreflion, Law doth arife •, yea, 
 11 Coo. 10 ,b. in the Law doth grow out of the Root of the 
 Pinddle&Nap- Fad: Therefore it’s one of their adjudg’d 
 pet’s Cafe. Cafes, That if a Jury find a Matter of Fad, 
 but conclude againft t^e Law, the Concilia 
 fion is void, and the Court ought to give Judgment accord¬ 
 ing to Law. 
 
 Now the Jury being the foie Judges of Fad, and Matter in 
 Iffue before them, not finding the Fad on which the Law 
 Ihoull arife, cannot be faid to find againft the Law, which is 
 no other than a Superftrudure of Fad. Then to fay they have 
 found againft the Law, when no Fad is found, is moft im~ 
 poflible. 
 
 C You have given me very good fatisfadion as to the 
 TJnreafonablenefs and Illegality of that Court’s Procedure; 
 and fince I fee the Law has made fo good provifkm for our 
 
 fafety. 
 
the Tryalof T. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 395 
 
 fafety, I purpofe to appear upon the Jury, according to my 
 Summons, but defire withal a little of your Direction about my 
 Office of a Jury-man. 
 
 Stud . I am very confident, that you would not willingly vio¬ 
 late an Oath, which you take ; but that there are fuch, who 
 as frequently break them as take them, is too too much appa¬ 
 rent, through their carelefs Cuftom on the one hand, or fla- 
 vifh Fear on the other ; againft which I would fully caution 
 you, that you may defend your felf againft thofe Enemies of 
 your Cquntry’s Peace, and keep a good Confcience towards 
 God and Man. 
 
 Firft, The Oath that’s adminiftred to you at the Seffions, 
 is. That you lball well and truly Try, and true Deliverance 
 make, between our Soveraign Lord the King, and the Prifo- 
 ners at the Bar, according to your Evidence. Then is the 
 Indiftment read againft the Prifoner, either for his Life or 
 Liberties, which probably takes up a large time in debate, and 
 in examining Witneffes on both Tides, according as the Cafe 
 may be. And when the Jurors are commanded to withdraw, 
 that they may confult of their Verdift ; they Toon forget that 
 folemn Oath they took, or that great Charge of the Life and 
 Liberty of Men, whereof they are made Judges; and without 
 one ferious Thought, or confulted Reafon ofter’d, pro or con 9 
 prefently go to holding up of hands, or Tome other way voting, 
 whether to find for Profecutor or Prifoner; To the major Votes 
 of fuch fhall difpofe of men’s Lives, Liberties and Properties, 
 which the Law counts To dear to every Man. This prafticc 
 is too culfomary among Jurors, as Pm credibly inform’d, which 
 occafions their difpatch of that bufinefs in a quarter of an 
 hour, which held the Court full fix hours Debate: Witnefs 
 that fecond Jury, that were fworn on the Prifoners laft Sefli- 
 ons, and try’d T, A. F.M. foe. Therefore haye a care of fuch 
 Fellow-Jurors. 
 
 Secondly, Su<ph a flavifh Fear attends many Jurors, that le^ 
 the Court direft to find Guilty, or not Guilty, accordingly 
 they bring in their Verdift; and therefore many of them ne¬ 
 ver regard what the Evidence was, more or lefs, to prove the 
 Indidtment, but as the Court funis it up, they bring in; as if 
 Jurors Were appointed for no other purpofe, but to eccho 
 pack to the Court (as one obferv’d ) what the Bench would 
 have molt Illegally and Arbitrarily adted upon fuch per- 
 Tons, againft whom they themfelves Profecute and Inform. 
 Now againft thofe Companions I caution you to beware. 
 
 Cit . I am very well fatisfy’d that thefe Pra dtices are too fre¬ 
 quent amongft jurors, of which I have been witnefs.' But pray 
 
 what 
 
59 6 A Dialogue by w iy of Appendix to 
 
 what is the Reafon that the Mayor turns Informer, and for- 
 ceth his Officers and Servants to profecute ? 
 
 Stud. You Citizens ihould beft know the reafon of your 
 Magiftrate’s Anions: But it’s moft probable, that your Mayor 
 turns Informer to get Money into the Sheriff’s Pockets, who 
 have purchas’d all the Fines from the King, which the laft 
 Seflions amounted to no lefs than 500/. 
 
 Cit. It’s too apparent they are Confederated ; I have heard 
 a muttering, that they together have lick’d their Fingers of 
 500/. and more of Cripplegate- Ward Money. I can give no 
 certain account of the bufinefs ; but; the Hue-and-Cry is gone 
 out, and it’s like, in a little time, the Malefactors, may be 
 apprehended: And fince London was incorporated, I believe 
 it never had fuch a pack of Knights to govern it. But to our 
 bufinefs; Let me have fome farther direction. 
 
 Stud. My Advice to you is. That thofe things in iffue, 
 whereof you are proper Judges, you itill remember, as I in- 
 ftanc’d before, CAd queftmem fatl'i non refpondent JudkesJ If any 
 injuftice be done by the Court to a Prifoner, by reafon of 
 their negligence or carelefnefs, that injuftice will lie at your 
 door : Qui non malum prohibet cum potefl , facit: He that prevents 
 not an Evil when it is in his power, does it. Therefore re¬ 
 member, as you of the Jury are Judges of the Matters of FaCt 
 in Iflue, (that is) Whether a thing fworn is to be believ’d, or 
 •not? Whether any thing offer’d be true, orfalfe? Whether 
 Men met together to do fuch an ACt againft the Law, or not, 
 in Manner and Form as the perfon is indiCled? You are con- 
 icientioufly to look to. Therefore, 
 
 Firft, Obferve well the IndiChnent that is read, and the fe- 
 veral Parts thereof, both as to the Matter, Manner and 
 Form. 
 
 Secondly, Take due notice and regard to the Evidence of¬ 
 fer’d for Proof of the IndiCfment, and each part of it ; as 
 »well to Manner and Form, as Matter: which endeavour to 
 write down, or fo much thereof as you are able; and weigh¬ 
 ing them ferioufiy together, you may give a Yerdift upon that 
 joyn’d Iffue, according to Truth, which is call’d by Coolt fTe- 
 ritatk diflumJ The Saying of Truth. 
 
 And obferve, That as you are fworn to try and deliver ac¬ 
 cording to Evidence; fo alfo you deliver in your Verdift, That 
 the perfon, you have had in Tryal, is guilty in Manner and 
 Form, as the Party Hands indi&ed; which thing you fhould 
 very well weigh : and tho a perfon be prov’d to be guilty of 
 fome Fad or Mifdemeanor, yet if it be not alfo prov’d to be 
 done in fuch Manner arid Form as the Party Hands indifted, he 
 is not Guilty, and ought to be acquitted by you. 
 
 CiP* 
 
the Tryal of T.Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 397 
 
 Cit. But is not there both Law and Faft in an Indiftment, 
 as thofe againft W. P. and W . M. and the reft of the Quakers 
 laft Seflions? And how fhall a Jury deal in fuch Cafes? 
 
 Stud. If Matter of Law do or fhall arife, and mingle it felf 
 with the Faft, the Jury are not compellable to find the Law, 
 but only the Faft, if they will, according to the Statute of 
 Weflm. cap. 30. the fecorid, which declareth. That, JuJlhiarit 
 ad AJJifai capiendas ajjignati non compellant Juratores dicere precife fi 
 Jit dijfeifina vel non , foe. Juftices of Aflize fhall not compel Ju¬ 
 rors to fay precifely; that is, to determine a 
 Matter in Law. And Cook commenting upon Cook. 2. Injh 425. 
 this Statute, puts a Queftion, Whether in all 
 Aft ions a Jury might give a fpecial Verdift. cc In the end 
 « ( faith he ) it hath been refolv’d, that in all Aftions, real, 
 “ perfonal and mixt, and upon all Iffues joyn’d, general and 
 <c fpecial, the Jury might find the fpecial Matter of Faft per- 
 46 tinent, and tending only to the IfTue joyn’d, and thereupon 
 <c pray the diferetion of the Court for the Law: and this the 
 Jurors may do at the Common Law, not only in Cafes between 
 Party and Party, but alfo in Pleas of the Crown at the King’s 
 Suit. And if Jurors be not Judges of Law, but Faft, as our 
 Sophifters in Law would have it; then the Jury may give in 
 the Matter of Faft, and leave the Matters of Law to the 
 Court : Which fpecial Verdift fCook fays 
 the Court cannot refufe, it being pertinent to Cook, t /«/?• 92. 
 the Matter in IfTue. So according to their di- 
 Itinftion of Law and Faft, the Jury is not bound Pla . Can . 92. 
 to give in upon their Oaths, that Men did Lib. 9. 12. 
 meet or afiemble themfelves together unlaw- Lib . 9. 69. 
 lawfully, but only to find that they did meet 
 and affemble themfelves together, and let the Court jndg of 
 the Lawfulnefs or Unlawfulnefs of it; for, Exfafto (fays' Cook) 
 
 oritur. Therefore upon an Indiftment for Murder f Quod 
 felonice percujjitJ that he felonioufly ftruck him, the Jury find¬ 
 ing Cpercujjit tanturnJ only that he ltruck him, the Verdift was 
 adjudg’d good, foe. 
 
 Cit. What’s the Reafon then, that the Court will not accept 
 of fuch fpecial Verdifts, but frequently turn the Jury back, till 
 they bring in general ? 
 
 Stud. Becaufe then they have your Oaths as well for Law 
 as Faft; and if the Judgments be fevere, it fhall lie at your 
 door. 
 
 Cit. But we are not Judges of Law, as they fay: Wherefore 
 then fhould they have our Oaths for the Law ? 
 
 Stud. This is an Artifice, whereby they cheat the Jury into 
 frequent Perjury, as I fhall at large plainly fhew you. As, 
 
 Firfl, 
 
39 § A Dialogue by way of Appendix to 
 
 Firft, Obferve the Form wherein they draw up their Iri- 
 didments; that is, fubtilly to place a fmall Matter of Fad, as 
 they call it, in the midft of a whole Sea of their Decriminating 
 and Obnoxious Terms, which they call Law, that deferve fe- 
 vere Punilhments wherever they are found, viz. To do an Aft 
 with Forte and Arms , Riotoufly , doutoujly, fumultuoufly, Seditioufly, 
 Illegally , Deceitfully , Subtilly , Fallacioufly , in contempt of the King and 
 his Laws , to the Difturbance and Affrighting the King's Liege People , to 
 the evil Example of others , again]} the King's Peace, his Crown and 
 Dignity , and fuch like. 
 
 Secondly, The Fad in iffue, pretended to be committed, al- 
 tho it be never fo Innocent or Lawful, (as ftanding in the 
 Street, or High-way, in peaceable Manner, or Affembling in 
 thejr Own Houfe, there perfuading the People to turn from 
 the Evil of their ways, as DrunJ^ennefs , Whoredom , Swearing , &c.) 
 they environ with many of thofe foul Criminations, thereby 
 to mifreprefent the Fad, or Matter in 
 * Garments on which Iffue, to the Jury •, like as the Inquifitors 
 are painted the ffapes in Spain ( fo much applauded by J. H+ 
 of Devils , and infer - your Recorder ) do cloath thofe Innocent 
 K al Spirits , &c. Chriftian Proteftants ( whom they have 
 
 cenfur’d to the Faggot) with their * Sam - 
 benitoes , that the People beholding them in fo Difmal and Hel- 
 lifh a Drefs, may be fo far from pitying them, that they may 
 rather condemn them in their very Thoughts as Mifcreants, 
 not worthy to live. 
 
 Againft any of which criminal Terms, if the Jurors objed, 
 by reafon the Evidence did not reach them; the Court pre- 
 fently Hops their mouths with faying, Tou have nothing to do with 
 that , it's only matter of Form or matter of Law, you are only to examine 
 the Faft. Which the ignorant Jurors taking for Anfwer, bring in 
 the Prifoners Guilty (as they fuppofe) of the Fad or Trefpafs 
 only; but the Clerk of the Peace recording it, demands a 
 further Confirmation, faying thus, Well then , you fay A. B. is 
 guilty of the Faft or Trefpafs , in manner and Form as he ftands in - 
 difted , and fo you fay all ? To which the Fore-man anfwers 
 for himfelf and Fellows, Tes. 
 
 Whereupon theVerdid is drawn up (Juratores fuper Sacra- 
 mentum fuum dicuntJ that the Jurors do fay upon their Oaths, 
 That A. B. did , or committed fuel) a Faft , with Force and Arms — 
 
 did fuch a [editions Aftion - did meet fuch Perfons in a riotous, 
 
 rontons manner •- did fuch an Aft deceitfully , jubtilfy , illegally , fal- 
 
 lacioufly , in contempt of the King and bus Laws , to difturb or affright 
 the King's Liege People , againft the King's Peace , his Crown , and 
 Dignity. So the Jurors are ignorantly and fallacioufly perjur’d 
 upon Record, and Oppreffion thereby is aded upon the Inno 1 * 
 
 cent.’ 
 
the Tryalof T. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 399 
 
 cent. So by reafon of the Court’s Subtilty on the one hand, 
 and the Juries Ignorance on the other, they upon their Oaths 
 having clothed the innocent Matter or Fad in iffue with the 
 Sambenitijf) Garment, the Court with fafety paffes moft fevere 
 Judgments and Cenfures upon fueh Prifoners ; and all becaufe 
 the Jury have upon their Oaths (as was faid before) made 
 that innocent Adion, or pretended Fad, criminal, which the 
 Law or Court never could have done, had not they in fuch 
 manner given a Yerdid, fo many degrees worfe than the Fad 
 in iffue'was evidenc’d unto them. 
 
 at. Then I perceive thofe fubtil Fellows make ufe of our 
 Oaths (as it’s fabled the Monky did by the Cat’s Foot, to 
 claw the Cheffnuts out of the Fire) and fo thereby cover 
 their curfed Ends and Defigns upon the Innocent, whom they 
 daily profecute ; as for my part, I never heard of fo much 
 Of their Knavery b-fore, neither did I think that it was 
 poffible that fo much Villany fhould have been aded under 
 colour of Juftice. 
 
 Stud. Sir John Howel your Recorder, and your City Magi- 
 ftrates, have a further Artifice ; that is, to indid all Men by 
 the Common Law, and wave intermeddling with any of the 
 Statutes in force againft fuch Mifdemeanours, as they pretend 
 the Perfons indided are guilty of. 
 
 at. Pray what do you fuppofe their drift is in that ? 
 
 Stud. No other than that they may as well make the Law, 
 as proportion the Punifhmment j for when an Indidment is 
 grounded on the Common Law, and the Prifoner defires to 
 have the Law read to the Jury (who are his Judges, whether 
 he be guilty or not guilty Alodo fo Forma of the matter in 
 iffue) on which fuch Indidment is grounded, the Court an- 
 fwers, It's Lex non fcripta, a Law not written , therefore not to be 
 produced. By this means the Prifoner is incapacitated to make 
 his Defence, and the Jury kept ignorant, whether the Offence 
 charg’d to be done by the Prifoner be Innocency or Guilt: 
 And fo the Bench at the Old Bail'y aded laft Seifions, in the 
 Cafe of Riots, Routs, and unlawful Affemblies. And altho 
 there be feveral Statutes in force, which point out the Per¬ 
 fons that ought to be apprehended and punifh’d, as Rioters 
 and Routers, as the Statute of 17 R. 2. 8. 13 H. 4. 7. 2 H. 5. 8. 
 with others; yet your Recorder and Magiftrates pretending to 
 proceed by the Common Law ( non fcripta) apprehended quiet 
 and peaceable Religious Affemblies, as Riots and Routs, and 
 punifh’d them as fuch: the greateft Abufe to the Common 
 Law, as has been done in any Age, by fuch who pretend to fit 
 upon a Bench of Jullice. 
 
 And 
 
400 A Dialogue by my of Appendix to 
 
 And after the rate of their Proceedings, by their abufe of 
 the Law, they might have fram’d an Indictment againft a 
 man, for fvi &J eating Meat at his own Table with 
 his Wife and Children, and kt laft uffiering in the FaCt com¬ 
 mitted with thefe obnoxious Terms, as, Againft the King and 
 hit Laws , illegally , and in contempt of his Crown and Dignity , &c. 
 And a Jury of their packing would have found them guilty 
 Modo <z 5 r Forma. Therefore it concerns you to have great care 
 and regard to the Charge you undertake ; which is, well and 
 truly to try, and true deliverance make, according to what is 
 evidenc’d to your Confcience. 
 
 Cit. But what’s the reafon that Indictments, and all the 
 Proceedings of the Seffions, be drawn and enter’d in Latin 5 
 a Language which few, either Jurors or Prifoners, under¬ 
 hand ? 
 
 Stud. It’s fuch a pra&ice, that no reafon can be given for 
 it, except to keep the People ignorant, efpecially the Grand 
 Inquefts who firft pafs the Bills of Indictment; who being 
 generally unknowing in fuch Language, may perjure them- 
 felves blindfold, being only inform’d or made to underhand 
 fo mjidi of what they fwear to, as a mercenary Clerk will 
 regd to them, or let them know, which befure {hall be no 
 more than what’s for the intereft of the Profecutors, and the 
 Prifoners difadvantage. And if thefe twelve Men (who by 
 the Law are uncontrolable Judges) fhall not bring in, or re¬ 
 turn BiUaVera , to fuch Indictments as the Bench lhall favour, 
 your Mayor and Recorder, after Juftice Keeling's Example, do 
 frequently command them back, till they find thofe Bills 
 according to their direction ; which great abufe 
 Mir. Juftice of the Law, as Horn calls it, is not only one of 
 
 cap. 5. Sett. the greateft Violences that is offer’d to our 
 
 1. 134. Lives and Liberties, but alfo exprefly againft 
 
 the very Oath that thofe Juftices take for the 
 18 Edw. 3. 3. Execution of that place of Truft, which faith, 
 Te ftjall do even Law and Execution of Right to aU 9 
 Rich and Poor , without having regard to any Per [on ; and that ye 
 give none Advice ,• nor Counfel to no man , great nor fmall } in no cafe 
 where the King is Party. 
 
 Cit. How comes it to pafs, that thefe Judges (who fo vio¬ 
 late their Oaths, opprefs the People, fo illegally cenfure the 
 Innocent, and 1 condemn the Juft) efcape condign Punifhment 
 in all Ages, which is a due Reward for their Oppreflion and 
 in juftice ? 
 
 Stud. To call them judges, is a Title beyond 
 Co\e 2Inft. 2 6. their Place or Commifiion ; they are ftil’d 
 Juftices, according to their Office, which is 
 
 to 
 
the Tryal of Tl Rudyard>‘ R> Moor, &c. 401 
 
 to fee Juftice done betwixt Party and Party, ^ ' 1 i 
 
 to •Fitte .^iid Ihigrifon per fans at! their will 5 Chapi i . 'SetF. 
 and pleafure without a Jury ; t which.'prtrt ice tiumb^i. 33. 
 
 theirs is no more legal than evil Cuftom 
 Can : make it 5 and which practice A. Horn, in his Mirror of Juftice, 
 reckons amongft the Abufes of the Law, they having no other 
 Law, Ground or Authority for it, : thah Ibtne former tffes, or 
 rather Abufes, a tied by their Predeceffors; And by the v fame 
 I Rule, in cafe the Jurors bring their Habeas Corpus for-relief, 
 the Recorder or his Council may offer Keelings Fining of the 
 J“*y l altho condemn’d in Parliament, to juftify this latter 
 ; piece of Injuftice. After which rate, a Thief or a Robber 
 may legally juftify his Aftions, becaufe of his long Ufe, Cuf- 
 tom, and frequent Pra&ice: which Abdfes the Juftioes at Weft- 
 minfter rarely dare or will punilh, by .reafon (fuch Crimes 
 advancing Prerogative ) it may occafion a Frown or Rebuke 
 ! from one or other Superior; forgetting, or elfe 
 neglefting that Obligation that lies upon them, Stat.i 8. £.3.3. 
 To deny no man Common Right by the Kings Letters,nor 9 H. 3. 29. 
 none other man's , nor for none other caufe: Nor de¬ 
 lay Juftice or Right to any Man , according to the Chatter of Liberties. 
 And altho many corrupt and faithlefs Executioners of Juftice 
 have efcap’d their due Reward in all Ages, yet there are fome 
 who have receiv’d their Portion; as Lambert , in the Tranfla- 
 tion of his Saxon Laws, reports, That King Alfred, the famous 
 Compiler of our Engliflj Laws, executed many fuch . Of which Andrew 
 Horn, a worthy Author ( in his Mirror of Juftice, written in the 
 time of Edw . 1. cap. 5. feft. 1. among the many Violences and 
 Abufes offer’d to the Common Law, i. e. The Common Right of 
 the People of England) gives a punrtual account, faying, It was 
 an Abufe that Juftices and their Officers (who kill People by falfe Judg¬ 
 ment J were not defray'd as other Murderers, which King Alfred can- 
 fed to be done , who caufed Forty Four Juftices, in one Tear , to be Hang'd 
 as Murderers , for their falfe Judgments . Amongft which, fays the 
 Author, 
 
 He Hang'd Cadwine, becaufe that he Judg'd Hackwy to death 
 without the confent of all the Jurors : And whereas he ftosd upon-bis Jury 
 of Twelve Men, becaufe part of them would have fav'd him ; Cad- 
 wane ( like your Recorder ) remov'd thofe , and put others on the 
 Jury, againft Hackwy’j' confent. 
 
 So obferve. It’s faid without the Confent of his jurors, tho 
 Twelve Men had given a Yerdift againft him; for thofe who 
 were put upon him againft his Confent, were not his Jurors, 
 by reafon all, or any of thofe who were firft fworn to try him, 
 -could not ( by the Law) be remov’d, and others put in their 
 places. This is a Cafe ( fave only in the Punifhrftent of the 
 
 P d Juftices) 
 
402 A Dialogue bf-w/g of Appendix to 
 
 Juftices) parallel to that of your Mayor and Recorder at the 
 Old-Baity, London, 5 Septemb.i6jo. who when one Jury of Twelve 
 Men were fworn to try feveral perfons call’d Quakers, and the 
 Prifoners had accepted of them ; they f Cad-pine like) remov’d 
 the firft Jury, and forc’d other Jurors upon them againft their 
 canfept, and by that means condemn’d them (like HackwyJ 
 without the confent of their Jurors. 
 
 He flang'd Seafoul, becaufe he judg'd Ording to Death for not An - 
 fwering. 
 
 So it was Murder in a Juftice to condemn a Perfon, before a 
 Jury had. try’d the Fa#*, which in this Cafe they could mot 
 do, the Prifoner not pleading to the Indiftinent. 
 
 He Hang'd Freburn, becaufe he judg'd Harpyn to diewhenas the 
 Jury were in doubt of their Verdi ft, ( and the reafon is given ) be* 
 caufe in doubtful Cafes one ought rather to fave than condemn • 
 
 Here’s not only a Maxim for Jurors and Juftices, rather ( in 
 doubtful Cafes) to fave than condemn ,, but a feafonable Caution 
 to Juftices of Aflize and Seflions; who, not only when a Jury 
 are doubtful, but when they are agreed to acquit, will menace 
 and threaten them with Fines and Imprifonment, until they 
 bring in a Verdi# againft a Prifoner, upon whom they purpofe 
 to pafs a Freburn 's Judgment. 
 
 He Hangd Hale, becaufe he fav'd Triftram-ffe Sheriff from Death , 
 who took, to the King's ufe from another, Goods againft his wilt, for as 
 much as any fuch Taking or Robbery hath no difference. 
 
 He Hang'd Arnold, becaufe he fav'd Boyliffe, who rob'd the People 
 by colour of Diftrejfes ; whereof fome were by felling Diftrejfes , and fome 
 by Extortion of Fines: as if in Extortion of Fines, releafing of tortious 
 Diftrejfes (as under-felling fuch Diftrejfes J and Robbery , there were dif¬ 
 ference. 
 
 How many Burglaries , Thefts and Robberies are daily commit¬ 
 ted by the Mifcreants of our Age, under the Names of Infor¬ 
 mers, and other the King’s Officers (like Triftram the Sheriff) 
 by taking away Goods againft the Will of the Owner, to the 
 King’s ufe ( as they pretended ) and by colour of Diftreffes, 
 and felling and relealing Diftreffes, and Extortion of illegal 
 impos’d Fines, againft the Fundamental Laws, upon England's 
 quiet, peaceable and religious, yet oppreffed and abufed In¬ 
 habitants ; and the Juftices of the Peace, not only like Hale 
 and Arnold , fave and fecure them from condign Punilhment, 
 ,but abet and encourage them to fuch fore and grievous Op- 
 prefftons: yet no relief upon the Oppreffor’s complaint, nor 
 redrefs for thefe publick Grievances. 
 
 He Hang'd Oskitell, becaufe he judg'd Cathing to Death by Record 
 of a Coroner , without tryal of the Truth of the Fall by the Jury. So 
 Jealous was this King for the Execution of Juftice, and ten¬ 
 der 
 
the Tryalof T.Rudyard, F. Moor ,&c. 403 
 
 der of the Lives of his Subje&s, That (as fays the fame Au¬ 
 thor) he bang'd, all the Judges, who had falfly fav’d a Man guilty of 
 Death , or had faljly bang'd any Man againjt Law, or any reafonablc 
 Exception . 
 
 And in leffer Offences, where they wrongfully griev’d any 
 Man, or paffed the Bounds of their Commiflion, or the Law, 
 he difinherited and remov’d them, to the fatisfefrion of the 
 People, eftablilhing of fure upright Laws, maintenance of the 
 honour of his Courts of Jullice, and his perpetual Renown 
 and Fame to future Ages and Generations. 
 
 Befides, Hubert de Bur go, in the 17th Year of £. 3. —Spencers^ 
 Father and Son; Trefilian and Belknap ; Sir William 
 Thorpe in 23 E. 3. Empfon and Dudley, perfons moft Co. 3 Injf. 
 famous for Tyranny and Oppreflion, left upon Re- 145. 
 cord, that our Juftices of later date, beholding 
 their Ends, Ihould avoid their Foot-fteps. So altho fome of 
 your Fellow-Citizens, by reafon of this Injuftice and Opprefli¬ 
 on of your City-Recorder, Mayor, foe. have undergone the 
 hardfhip of Imprifonment, yet they Handing in 
 the Gap againft the introducing of an Arbitrary Votes Parl.n . 
 Government, they may live to fee a due Reward Decemb . 1667, 
 rendred to their Oppreflions, and enjoy the fruit 
 of their Faithfulnefs to theTruft repofed in them ; that is, Li¬ 
 berty and Freedom from Tyranny and Oppreflion: then, as fays 
 the Wife-man, Prov. 21.18. The Wicked Jhall be a Random for the 
 Righteous, and the Tranjgreffor for the Vpright. 
 
 Cit. Well, I acknowledg you have given me ample Satif- 
 fattion as to what is the Juror’s Duty; and lince I fee that the 
 £n£/// 7 ;-man’s Life, Freedom and Property, principally depends 
 on the Faithfulnefs and HoneHy of his Jurors, I (hall endea¬ 
 vour to perform my Duty in that Office : and what my Afli- 
 Hance may avail to defend us againit that Torrent of Vio¬ 
 lence, Ufurpation and Oppreflion ( which is overflowing all 
 our Liberties) (hall be freely tendred and given up for the good 
 of this City and my Native Country. 
 
 Stud. Now (my Friend) you fpeak like an Englijb-m an, 
 and as one that would faithfully ferve your Country ; and if 
 you will take my advice, at lea fure hours read your Charter of 
 Liberties , and the Fundamental Laws, by which ( as Cook fays ) you 
 have a better Inheritance than by your 7iatural Parents . Some of the 
 mold impartial Writers have been the faid Sir Edw. Cook in his 
 2d, 3d and 4th Inftitutes ; Horn' s Mirror of Juflice ; Lambert's 
 Tranjlation of the Saxon Laws ; as alfo. The Tryal of W. P. and 
 W. M. lately printed: they are Books without difficulty to 
 be had, and very worthy your perufal; wherein you may not 
 only fee the En'glijh* man’s Rights and Liberties aflerted, but 
 
 D d 2 Tyranny 
 
404 A Pofifcript to 
 
 Tyranny and Oppreflion in all Ages ( endeavouring to extir¬ 
 pate and violate our Laws, the equal Diftributer of every 
 man’s Property) detetted and laid open. Thefe I would not 
 have one true Englifh -man want in his Houfe 3 the confulting 
 with which at vacant hours, will To accommodate and furnilh 
 him with the Knowledg and Underftanding of his own inhe¬ 
 rent Rights and Liberties, that he may be able to defend, not 
 only himfelf from Violence and Oppreflion, but alfo his Neigh* 
 bours from Tort and Wrong. 
 
 Prov. 29. 7. Cognofcit juftus caufam tenuium y improbws non ani - 
 madvertit ut cognofcat . 
 
 A Poftfcript. 
 
 T HIS Impartial Account of thefe perfons Tryals, with the 
 Appendix of the Jury-man’s Duty and Rights, had been 
 earlier prefented to thy view, but that the difficulty of a Print- 
 ing-Prefs is fuch (byreafon of their frequent Searching and 
 Examination) that it’s no eafy matter to bring forth Truth 
 to Light without Hazard. As the Author hath, on the one 
 hand, avoided the Cenfure of a'flattering Hypocrite (that 
 with his Mouth deftroyeth his Neighbour) fo, on the other 
 hand, the Lajh of the Wife Man, Prov. 24. 24. He that faith unto 
 the Wicked , Thou art Righteous 7 him Jhall the People curfe , Rations 
 {ball abhor him . 
 
 What Violences and Oppreflions may, at^he rate of that 
 Court’s proceedings (againfl thefe Priloners ) be committed, 
 not only upon the Citizens of London , but upon every Free¬ 
 man of England , are apparent to the Judicious. 
 
 Have riot fuch Arbitrary and Illegal Proceedings upon Ju¬ 
 rors (the Staff of the Englijh- man’s Liberty) been condemn’d 
 by the Commons of England in Parliament 3 and declar’d. That 
 they were of evil Confequence to the Lives and Liberties of the People^ 
 ( which thing thefe Prifoners have fadly experienc’d ) and that 
 they tended to the Introducing of an Arbitrary Government ? Which no 
 fober Man queftions, yet no fufficient Caution to that Court. 
 
 O Wicked Times! O Miferable Age ! What! Injuftice a- 
 vow’d, Oppreflion become familiar, yea Legal3 Oaths of Ju¬ 
 rors in publick Courts, folemnly made and taken in the Pre¬ 
 fence of God and Man, by a Bench of Juftice abfolv’d, or de¬ 
 nying them to perform what they had enforc’d them to Swear ? 
 Muff we by our Laws, under grievous Penalties, abjure the See 
 
the Trjd of T. Rudyard, F. Moor, &c. 405 
 
 of Rome , anti our Magiftrates tread its Heps in affuming the 
 like Prerogative ? And not only fo, but commending their Ido¬ 
 latrous, Cruel, Tyrannical and Inquifitory Practices, upon fo- 
 ber and religious People ; as John Rowel the Recorder, fre¬ 
 quently did that Seffions. 
 
 What’s the end thefe perfons aim at in their Judicature? 
 It’s too apparent, not Cfahu PopuliJ the Commonalties Good; 
 What Religious Perfuafion do they defend or Hand for? In 
 punifhing Dilfenters from the National Church, we know 
 they commend the Papiflsy and fpare the Atbeifts. Never were 
 there any fo wicked or curfed Betrayers of Right, Liberty, 
 Juftice or Religion in any Age, but they would pretend to be 
 Patronizers of them; Yea, it’s recorded. That the Thieves 
 and Vagabond Jews getting power into their hands (a Prefage 
 and Fore-runner of the fore and lamentable Calamities that 
 befel that People) choD themfelves a High-Prieft, and ufurp’d 
 Power in Jerusalem , to give Laws and opprefs at pleafure : of 
 whom Jofephu* thus writes, pag.637. D. <c But they us’d the 
 6c Temple as aCaftle and Defence for themfelves again# the 
 ** People, and made the Sanfluary a place for them to exer- 
 “ cife Tyranny in. 
 
 Coniider well, and weigh the Aflions of S. Starling , London’s 
 Mayor * John Edwards and John Smith its Sheriffs, the Head and 
 Chieftains of the People s Oppreffors, in enforcing their Offi¬ 
 cers, Serjeants and Servants, to be Informers and Profecritors 
 again#: the Innocent, by their Proclamations making peaceable 
 people Rioters j and thereby not only to forfeit their Rights 
 ancPLiberties, but thefe their Adverfaries affuming Authority 
 to demand what part of their Effate they fhall think meet. 
 And judg if thefe practices run not parallel to thofe of Alb'vwt , 
 Prefident of Judea : which Jofephus thus impartially relates ; 
 
 “ Who was over all as a Tyrant, and a Prince of Thieves 5 and 
 “ he us’d the help of his Guard to rob the meaner fort—Nay, 
 
 “ he was not alhgm’d to proclaim it throughout the whole 
 u Country, Lawful for any one that would, to Rob and Steal, 
 u fo that they would bring him a part of their Booty. Pol. 
 62 3. E, F, 
 
 And altho he had (like thefe late Oppreffors) Power for his 
 Law, and Authority to enforce what he willed upon the Peo¬ 
 ple yet the Divine Hiftorian terms Albinus but a Tyrant, and 
 his Actions Theft and Robbery, 
 
 Thus are poor England's quiet, peaceable and religious Inha¬ 
 bitants torn in pieces by thofe Sons of Belial ; their Lives, Liber¬ 
 ties and Eftates made preys, to gratify their Lulls, Avarice, and 
 Wills and Pleafures. And where do thefe Violences and Oppref- 
 fions arife, but from the undervaluing and vilifying of our Good, 
 
 £> d 3 Anient, 
 
4Cf> A Poftfcript. 
 
 Votes Far! . Antient, Wholefom and Fundamental Laws, our 
 11 D^.1667. great Charter of Liberties, the Preferver of our 
 Lives, Freedom and Property ? 
 
 However too many of the Minds and Spirits of our Country¬ 
 men are befotted, through that Deluge of Vice and Debauche¬ 
 ry, that haS over-fpread and cover’d the Face of our Land; fure 
 we are, that the right Noble and Virtuous will ever have a high 
 Efteem of thofe Laws, that were not only dear to our Anceftors, 
 but famous throughout the World, for an equal Balance of Juf- 
 tice, whereby every man’s Right and Liberty might be weigh’d. 
 
 It’s obfervable what that Roman Senator, C. S, Saturninus ( a 
 Lover of Vertue, Liberty, and wholefom Laws) declaims in the 
 Senate; (faith he) u For to them that know what Vertue is, it 
 ct is no fmall Felicity to live one Hour in Freedom of Mind, and 
 <c in a free Country, govern’d by fuch Laws, which in times paft 
 
 ** have made our Commonwealth to flourifh-For in regard 
 
 <c of the prefent time, there is not any thing that we ought 
 <c more earneftly to efFed,than to live vertuoully j for only Ver- 
 <c tue is the thing that confirmed! Men in their Liberty .—*1 
 know how great Mifchiefs Tyranny do ordinarily breed in 
 a publick State ; for they utterly extinguifh all Vertue, and 
 deprive Free-men of that perfed Magnanimity that may be 
 <e in them, and teach both to Flatter and to Fear f for that 
 4C the Commonwealth is abandon’d, not to the Wifdomof the 
 cc Laws, but to the Fury of the intemperate Governors. 
 
 And complaining of Julius Cafar’s Violation of that eourfe of 
 Law whereby the State was poliiced: (fays he) “ In fubvejrt- 
 <c ing the Laws to his good liking, and himfelf to his particu- 
 <c lar defires, there is not'aiiy kind of Mifery and Mifchief 
 jJJ that hath not overthrown our City. 
 
 Whence we may obferve and conclude, that all thefe horrid 
 Oppreflions and Violences, that have been in Ages paft inflided 
 upon, and offer’d to any People, State or Commonwealth, they 
 Lave naturally flown from the want of Vertue, or from the de¬ 
 bauch’d Pradice of the Magiftrates, governing and judging the 
 People by Will and Power, and not by eftablifh’d Laws: which 
 is the Cafe of thefe Prifoners, who yet lie in Durance at the 
 .Will of their cruel Adverfaries; becaufe, as one faith, 
 Sepultum eft jus in Regno , prava Voluntas , 
 
 Vis fy Violentia magis regnat quam Judicium. 
 
 [The following Report of Mr. BuJheWs Cafe, by that Great 
 Man the Lord Chief Juftice VAVG Ha N, having a near Re¬ 
 lation to the firft (efpecially) of the foregoing Try a Is, the Rea¬ 
 der is here prefented with it, on the Defire of fome Gentlemen, 
 who wifh well to this Colledion.d 
 
 BuJheW s 
 
4°7 
 
 BuJbelTs Case. 
 
 T HE King’s Writ of Habeas Corpus, Dat. 9 die Novembris 
 22 Car. 2. IiTued out of this Court, dire&ed to the then 
 Sheriffs of London, to have the Body of Edward Buft)ell, by them 
 ■ detain’d in Prifon, together with the Day and Caufe of his Cap- 
 ; tion and Detention, on Friday then next following, before this 
 1 Court, to do and receive as the Court fhall conlider ; as alfo 
 | to have then the faid Writ in Court. 
 
 Of which Writ, Patient Ward and Dannet Foorth , then Sheriffs 
 of London , made the Return following, annex’d to tlie 
 faid Writ. 
 
 That at the King’s Court, of a Seffion of Oyer and Terminer, 
 held for the City of London at Juftice-Hall in the Old-Baily, London, 
 in the Parifh of St. Sepulchres , in Farringdon-W ard without, Lon¬ 
 don, on Wednesday 31 die Auguft 22 Car. 1. before Sir Samuel Star¬ 
 ling, then Mayor of London, and divers other his Majeffy’s 
 Juftices, by virtue of his Majefty’s Letters Patents under the 
 Great Seal of England, to them, any Four or more of them, 
 dire&ed to enquire, hear and determine according to-the Te¬ 
 nor of the faid Letters Patents, the Offences therein fpecified: 
 and, amongft others, the Offences of unlawful Congregating, 
 and Affemblies within the Limits appointed by the faid Com- 
 miffion within the laid City, as well within Liberties as with¬ 
 out. Edward Bujhell, the Prifoner at the Bar, was committed 
 to the Goal of Newgate , to be there fafely kept under the 
 Cuftody of John Smith Knight, and James Edwards, then She¬ 
 riffs of the faid City, by virtue of a certain Order tlien and 
 there made by the laid Court of Selfions, as followeth. 
 
 Ordinatum eft per Curiam hie quod Finis 40 Marcarum feparatim po- 
 natur fuper Edwardum Bulhell, and other Eleven perfons par¬ 
 ticularly nam’d, and upon every of them, being the Twelve 
 Jurors then and there fworn, and charg’d to Try feveral 
 lffues then and there joyn’d between our Lord the King and 
 William Penn and William Mead, for certain Trefpaffes, Con¬ 
 tempts, unlawful Affemblies and Tumults, made and perpe¬ 
 trated by the laid Penn and Mead, together with divers other 
 unknown perfons, to the Number of Three hundred. Unlaw¬ 
 fully and Tumultuouliy affembled in Grace-Church-Jheet in Lon¬ 
 don, to the Difturbance of the Peace whereof, the faid Penn 
 
 D d 4 arnj 
 
408 The Lord Chief Jaflice Vaughan 5 .? Report 
 
 and 'Mead were then indi&ed before the fa id Ju (dices. Upon 
 which Indictment the faid Penn and Mead pleaded they were 
 not Guilty, for -that they the faid Jurors, then and there the 
 faid William Penn and William Mead of the faid Trefpaffes, Con¬ 
 tempts, unlawful Affemblies and Tumults, contra Legem hujus 
 Regni Anglia , dy contra plenamdy manifeftam Evidentiam, & contra 
 dir eft ionen} Curia in materia Legis hie de & ftper pramiffis eifdem 
 Juratorib/ss verfits prafatos Will. Penn dy Will. Mead in Curia 
 hie aperte datam dtt dec lar at am, de pramiffis Us impofitis in In - 
 dittamenth praditt o acquietaverunt in Contemptum Domini Regis nunc 
 legumque fuarum dtt ad magnum Impedimentum obftruttmem 
 Juftitia, neenon ad malum exemplum omnium aliorum Juratorum . 
 in confimili cafit delinquentium. Ac fuper inde modo utter ins ordi - j 
 matum eft per Curiam hie quod prafatus Edw. Bufhell capiatur d $» 
 committafur Gaol a ditti Domini Regis de Newgate, ibidem reman ft-\ 
 rus quoufque folvat ditto Domino Regi 40 Marc as, pro .fine fuo praditto, 
 vel deliberaMs fuerit per debirum Legis curfum.. Ac eodem Edwardo 
 Bufhell, ad tunc <[y ibidem capto dy commiffo exifiente ad dittam 
 Gaolam de New r gate, ffiub Cuftodia prafat. Johannis Smith dy Jacobi 
 Edwards ad tunc Vic. Civitatis Lond. praditt. (fr in eorum Cuftodia ’ 
 in Gaola praditt . exifiente fy remanente virtute Ordinis praditt. itdem 
 Johannis Smith dy Jacobus Edwards, poftea in eorum exitu ab Offi¬ 
 cio Vic. Civitatis Lond. praditt. fcilicet 28 die Septembris Anno 22. 
 fupra ditto eundern Edwardum Bufhell, in ditta Gaola ditti Domini 
 Regis ad tunc e-xiftentem, deliberaverunt nobis prafatis nunc Vicecomiti- • 
 bus Civitatis praditt. ineadem Gaola falvo cuftodiendum fecundum te -. 
 mrem faeffettum Ordinis praditt a. Et quia praditt w Edwardus non -, 
 dum folyit ditto Domino Regi praditt um finem 40 Marc arum, nos iidem 
 Vicecomites [Corpus ejufdem Edwardi in Gaola praditt a hucufque deti - 
 nuimus , & h<ec eft Caufa Captionis dy Detentionis prafati Edwardi, cu~ 
 jus quidem Corpus coram prafatis Juftitiariis paratum habemus. 
 
 The Writ of Habeas Corpus is now the mold ufual Remedy by 
 which a Man is reftor’d again to his Liberty, if he have been 
 againft Law .depriv’d of it, „ 1 
 
 Therefore the Writ commands the Day, and theCaufe of 
 the Caption and Detaining of the Prifoner, to be certify’d 
 upon the Return ^ which if not done, the Court cannot poffi- 
 biy judg whether the Caufe of the Commitment and Detainer 
 be according to Law, or againft it. 
 
 Therefore the Caufe of Imprifonment ought by the Return 
 to appear as fpecifically and certainly to the Judges of the Return, 
 as it did appear to the Court, or perfon authoriz’d to commit; 
 dfe the Return is inefficient, and the Confequence muft be. 
 
 That either the Prifoner, becaufe the Caufe return’d of his 
 Imprifonment is too General , muft be difeharg’d : whenas if the 
 
 Caufe 
 
of Mr. BufhellV Cafe. 409 
 
 Caufe had been more particularly return’d, he ought to have, 
 been remanded j or elfe he mult be remanded, when if the 
 Caufe had been particularly return’d, he ought to have been 
 difcbarg’d: Both which are Inconveniences not agreeing with ; 
 the Dignity of the Law. (There is a fpecious Exception 
 to this Rule, but doth not materially vary it, as fhall ap¬ 
 pear.) 
 
 In the prefentCafe it is return’d, That the Prifoner being 
 a Juryman among others, charg’d at the Seffions-Court of the 
 OldBaily , to try the Iffue between the Ring and Perm and Mead, 
 upon an Indictment for affembling. unlawfully and tumul- 
 tuoufly, did contra plenamfo manifeftam evidentiam openly given 
 in Court, acquit the Prifoners indicted, in contempt of 
 the Ring, fyc. 
 
 The Court hath no knowledg by this Return, whether the 
 Evidence given were full and manifeft, or doubtful, lame, 
 and dark, or indeed Evidence at all material to the Iflue ; be- 
 caufe it it not return’d, what Evidence in particular, and as 
 it was deliver’d, was given. For it is not poliible to judg 
 tjf that rightly, which is not expos’d to a man’s Judgment, 
 But here the Evidence given to the Jury is not expos’d at all 
 to this Court, but the Judgment of the Court of Seflions 
 upon that Evidence is only expos’d to us who tell us it was 
 full and manifeft. But our Judgment ought to be grounded 
 upon our own Inferences and. Understandings, and not upon 
 theirs. 
 
 It Was faid by a Learned Judg, If the Jury might be fined for 
 finding again]} manifeft Evidence , the Return was good , tho it did not 
 exprefs what the Evidence particularly was , whereby the Court might 
 judg of it , becaufe returning all the Evidence would be too long, A 
 ftrange Reafon ! For if the Law allows me Remedy for, 
 wrong Imprifonment, and that muft be by judging whether 
 the Caufe of it were good or not, to fay the Caufe is too 
 long to be made known, is to fay the Law. gives a Remedy 
 which it will not let me have, or I muft be wrongfully im- 
 prifon’d ftill, becaufe it is too long to know that I ought to 
 be freed. What is neceffary to an end, the Law allows is 
 never too long. Non funt longa quibus nihil eft quod demere poffis, 
 is as true as any Axiom in Euclid . Beftdes, one manifeft Evi¬ 
 dence return’d had fuiftc’d, without returning all the Evi¬ 
 dence. But the other Judges were not of his mind. 
 
 If the Return had been, That the Jurors were committed 
 by an Order of the Court of Seflions, becaufe they did minus 
 jufte acquit the Perfons indifted : 
 
 Or becaufe they did contra Legem acquit the Perfons in¬ 
 dited : 
 
 Or 
 
4io The Lord Chief Juft ice Vaughan’* Report 
 
 Or becaufe they did contra. Sacramentum (mm acquit them. 
 
 The Judges cannot, upon the prefent, more judg of the 
 legal Caufe of their Commitment, than they could if any of 
 thefe Caufes, as general as they are, had been return’d for 
 the Caufe of their Commitment. And the fame Argument 
 may be exa&ly made to juftify any of thefe Returns, had 
 they been made, as to juftify the prefent Return ; they being 
 equally as legal, equally as certain, and equally as far from 
 poftefling the Court with the Truth of the Caufe: And in 
 what condition fhould all Men be, for the juft Liberty of 
 their Perfons, if fuch Caufes fhould be admitted fufticient 
 Caufes to remand Perfons to Prifon ? 
 
 To thofe Objedions made by the Prifoner’s Council againft 
 the Return, as too general; 
 
 1. It hath been faid, That InjUt utum eft quod non inquiratur de 
 difcretione Judicis. 
 
 2. That the Court of Seflions in London is not to be look’d 
 on as an Inferior Court, having all the Judges Commijjioners. That 
 the Court having heard the Evidence, it muft be credited ; 
 that the Evidence given to the Jury of the Fad, was clear 
 and not to be doubted. 
 
 As for any fuch Inftitution pretended; I know no fuch, nor 
 believe any fuch, as it was apply’d to the prefent Caufe: 
 But taking it in another, and in the true fenfe, I admit it for 
 truth *, that is, when the Ring had conftituted any man a 
 Judg under him, his Ability, Parts, and Fitnefs for his Place, 
 are not to be refleded on, cenfur’d, defam’d, or vilify’d by 
 any other Perfon, being allow’d and ftampt with the Ring’s 
 Approbation, to whom only it belongs to judg of the Fitnefs 
 of hisMinifters. 
 
 And fuch fcandalous Aftertions or Inquiries upon the Judges 
 of both Benches is forbidden by. the Statute of Scandalum Mag- 
 mtum , 2 R. 2. c. $. Nor muft we upon fuppofition only 
 either’ admit Judges deficient in their Office, for fo they 
 fhould never do any thing right; nor on the other fide, muft 
 we admit them unerring in their Places, for fo they fhould 
 never do any thing wrong. 
 
 And in that fenfe the Sayiqg concerns not the prefent 
 Cafe. 
 
 But if any Man thinks that a Perfon concern’d in Intereft 
 by the Judgment, Adion, or Authority exercis’d upon his 
 Perfon or Fortunes by a Judg, muft fubmit in all or any of 
 thefe to the imply’d Difcretion or Undrringnefs of his Judg, 
 without feeking fuch Redrefs as the Law allows him; it is a 
 Perfuafion againft Common Reafon , the received Law 3 and Vftge 
 koth of thk Kingdom , And almoft all others • 
 
 If 
 
of Mr. BufhellV fafe. 41 r 
 
 If a Court Inferior or Superior hath given a falfe or erro" 
 neous Judgment, is any thing more frequent than to reverfe 
 fuch Judgments by Writs of falfe Judgment, of Error, or 
 Appeals, according to the Courfe oi the Kingdom ? 
 
 If they have given corrupt and dilhoneft Judgments, they 
 
 I have in all Ages been complain’d of to the.King in the Star- 
 
 II Chamber, or to the Parliament. 
 
 Andrew Horn in his Mirror of Jufices , mentions Horn’s Mir- 
 many Judges punilh’d by King Alfred before the ror, fol. 296. 
 Conqueft for corrupt Judgments, and their 
 j particular Names and Offences; which cou’d not be had, but 
 | from the Records of thofe times. 
 
 Our Stories mention many punifh’d in the time of Edward 
 j the Firft. Our Parliament Rolls of Edward the Third’s time, 
 j of Richard the Second’s time, for the pernicious Refolutions 
 given at Nottingham Caftle, afford Examples of this kind. In 
 ! latter times the Parliament Journals or 18 and 21 Jac . the 
 Judgment of the Shipmony in the time of Charles the Firft, 
 queltion’d, and the particular Judges impeach’d. Thefe In¬ 
 stances are obvious, and therefore I but mention them, 
 j In Cafes of Returns, too general upon Writs of Habeas Cor¬ 
 pus, of many I could urge, 1 will inftance in two only. 
 
 One Aftwic\ brought by Habeas Corpus to the 
 King’s Bench, was return’d to be committed 9 Eliz. Moore 
 per mandat am Nicolai Bacon militis Domini Cufiodis fol. 839. 
 magni Sigilli Anglia virtute cujufdam Contempt ns in 
 Curia Cancellar . fafli ; and wasprefently bail’d. 
 
 One Apfley Prifoner in the Fleet, upon a Ha - 13 ]a.c. Moore 
 
 ! beat Corpus, was return’d to be committed per fol. 839. 
 i confiderationem Curia CanceUar. pro contemptu eidem 
 | Curia illato ; and upon this Return fet at liberty. 
 
 In both thefe Cafes no Inquiry was made, nor Confidera- 
 tion had, whether the Contempts were to the Law-Court or 
 | equitable Court of Chancery; either was alike to the Judges, 
 
 I left any man fliould think a difference might arife thence. 
 
 TheReafon of difcharging the Prifonerson thofe Returns, 
 was the generality of them being for Contempts of the 
 Court, but no particular of the Contempt exprefs’d, whereby 
 1 the King’s Bench could judg whether it was a Caufe for Com¬ 
 mitment or not. 
 
 And was it not as fuppofable, and as much to be credited, 
 j That the Lord Keeper and Court of Chancery did well under- 
 ftand what was a Contempt deferving Commitment, as it is 
 now to be credited, that-the Court of Seliions did underftand 
 perfectly . what was full and manifeft Evidence againft the 
 
 Perfons 
 
4* % The Lord Chief JuJlzce Vaughan’/ 'Report 
 
 Perfons indifted at the SelTions ? and therefore it needed not 
 to be reveal’d to us upon the Return. 
 
 Hence it is apparent, that the Commitment, and the Re¬ 
 turn purfuing it, being in it Telf too general and uncertain, 
 we ought not implicitly to think the Commitment was, re 
 vera, for caufe particular and fufficient enough, becaufe it was 
 the Aft of the Court of SelTions. 
 
 And as to the other part, That the Court of SelTions in 
 London is not to be refembled to other Inferior Courts of Oyer 
 and Terminer , becaufe all the Judges are commilfion’d here 
 {which is true) but few are there at the fame time, and as I 
 have heard when this Tryal was, none of them were prefent. 
 However Perfons of great Quality are in the Commiliions of 
 Oyer and Terminer , thro the Shires of the Kingdom, and always 
 fome of the Judges; nor doth one Commiflion of Oyer and 
 Terminer differ in its Effence, Nature, and Power from ano¬ 
 ther, if they be general Commifiions; but all differ in the 
 Accidents of the Commiflioners, which makes no Alteration 
 in their Aftings in the eye of Law. 
 
 Another fault in the Return is, that the Jurors are not 
 faid to have acquitted the Perfons indifted againft full and 
 manifeft Evidence, corruptly, and knowing the faid Evidence to be 
 full and manifeft againft the Perfons inditted. For how manifeft 
 foever the Evidence was, if it were not manifeft to them, 
 and that they believ’d it fuch, it was not a finable Fault , nor 
 deferving Imprifonment; upon which difference the Law of 
 punifhing Jurors for falfe Yerdifts principally depends. 
 
 A Paffage in Bratton is remarkable to this purpofe, concern¬ 
 ing Attainting Inquefts. 
 
 Brafton, 1 .4. Committit Jurator perjurium propter falfum Sa- 
 c.4. f. 288.#. cramentum ut fi ,ex certa Scientia aliter juravert* 
 quam res in veritate je habuerit , ft autem Sacr amen¬ 
 tum fatuum fuerit, licet falfum , tamen non committit perjurium , licet 
 re vera res aliter fe babe at quam juraverat, fqy quia jurat fecundum 
 Confcientiam, eo quod non vadit contra menttm . Sunt quidam qui 
 verumdicunt mentiendo , fed fe perjerant—quia contra mentcm vadunt. 
 The fame Words, and upon the fameoccafion 
 Fleta,1.5.c.22. are in effeft in Fleta: Committit enim Jurator 
 f.336. n. 9. perjurium quandoquepropter falfum Sacramentum, ut 
 fi ex certa Scientia aliter juraverit quam res in veri¬ 
 tate fe habuerit fecus enim propter fattum quamvu falfum . And 
 left any fhould think that thefe Paffages are to be underftood. 
 only of Jurymens Perjuries in foro Confcientia, it is clearly other- 
 wife by both thofe Books, which fhew how by the difcreet 
 Examination of the Judg, the Error of the Jury not wilful, 
 may be prevented and correfted, and their Yerdift reftify’d. 
 
of Mr. BufhelRf Cafe. 41} 
 
 And in another place of Bratton, in the lame Chapter: Judex 
 mm five Jufticiar'm ad quern pertinet Exairiinatio fi minus dili- 
 genter. examinaverit, occafionem prebet perjurii Juratoribui, And 
 after, 
 
 Et fi examnati cum jufto deducantur err ore dictum Bra&on, 1.4. 
 jfuum emendaverint, hoc bene facere poffunt, ante ju- f. 289. a. 
 dicium & impune, fed poft judicium non fine poena . 
 
 After thefe Authorities, I would know whether any thing 
 be more common than for two Men, Students, Barifters, or 
 Judges, to deduce contrary and oppofite Conclufions out of the 
 fame Cafe in Law ? And is there any difference, that two 
 Men fhould infer diftinft Conclufions from the fame Teftimo- 
 nV ? Is any thing more known than-that the fame Author 
 ancjf Place in that Author, is forcibly urg’d to maintain con- 
 trary^ Gbnclufions, and the Decilion hard which is in the 
 right? Is any thing more frequent in the Controverfies 
 of Religion, than to prefs the fame Text for oppofite Te- 
 nents ? How then comes it to pafs, that two Perfons may 
 not apprehend with Reafon and Honefty what a Witnefs, or 
 many fay, to prove in the Underftanding of one plainly one 
 | thing, but in the Apprehenfion of the other, clearly the con- 
 ; trary thing? Muff therefore one of thefe merit Fine and 
 j Jmprifonment, becaufe he doth that which he cannot other- 
 wife do, preferving his Oath and Integrity ? And this is often 
 the Cafe of the Judgand Jury. 
 
 I conclude therefore. That this Re- Of this mind were ten 
 turn, charging the Prifoners to have Judges' of eleven. The 
 acquitted Penn and Mead againft full Ch. Baron Tumor gave 
 and manifeft Evidence firft, and next no Opinion , becaufe not at 
 without faying that they did know and the Arguments . 
 believe that Evidence to be full and 
 
 manifeft againft the indifted Perfons, is no caufe of Fine or 
 Imprifonment. 
 
 And by the way I mu ft here note, That the Verdift of a 
 Jury and Evidence of a Witnefs, are very different things in 
 the Truth and Falfhood of them. A Witnefs fvvears but to what 
 he hath heard or feen, generally or more largely to what 
 hath fallen under his Senfes: But a Juryman fwears to what he 
 can infer and conclude from the Teftimony of fuch Witneffes, 
 by the Aft and Force of his Underftanding, to be the Fail 
 inquir’d after ; which differs nothing in the Reafon, tho ranch 
 in the Punifhment, from what a Judg, out of various Cafes 
 consider’d by him, infers to be the Law in the Queftion before 
 him. Therefore Bratton : 
 
 Et licet Narratio fatti contraria fit Sacramento Ditto precedent}, 
 tamen falfum non faciunt Sacrament urn licet faciunt fatuum Judicium , 
 
 quia 
 
414 The Lord Chief JuJlice Vaughan's Report 
 
 jquia l quuntur fecundum Confcientiam , quia falli poffunt in Indian (nit 
 ficut ipfe Juffcaarm. Brad, f.289. a. 
 
 There is one Objedion which hath been made by none as 
 I remember, to juftify this general Return, I would give 
 anfwer to. 
 
 A Man committed for Treafon or Felony , and bringing an 
 Habeas Corpm^ hath return’d upon it, that he was committed 
 for High Treafon or Felony: and this is a fufficidnt Return 
 •to remand him, tho in truth this is a general Return. For 
 if the fpecifical Fad:, for which the Party was committed, 
 were exprefs’d in the Warrant, it might then perhaps appear 
 to be no Treafon or Felony, but a Trefpafs, as in the Cafe of 
 the Earl of Northumberland , 5 H. 4. queftion’d for Treafon in 
 raifing Power. The Lords adjudg’d it a Trefpafs ; for the 
 Powers rais’d were not againft the King, but fome Subjects. 
 
 Why then by like Reafon may not this Return be fuffitient, 
 tho the Fad: for which the Prifoners flood committed, parti¬ 
 cularly exprefs’d, might be no Caufe of Commitment ? 
 
 The Cafes are not alike ; for upon a general Commitment 
 for Treafon or Felony, the Prifoner (the Caufe appearing) 
 mayprefs for his Tryal, which ought not to be deny’d or de¬ 
 lay’d. And upon his Indidment and Tryal, the particular 
 Caufe of his Imprifonment mult appear ; which proving no 
 Treafon or Felony, the Prifoner (hall have the benefit of it. 
 But in this Cafe, tho the Evidence given were not full nor 
 manifeft Evidence againft the Perfons indided, but fuch as 
 the Jury upon it ought to have acquitted thofe indided ; the 
 Prifoner lhall never have any benefit of it, but muft continue 
 m Prifon, when remanded, until he hath paid that Fine un- 
 juftly impos’d on him, which was the whole end of his Im¬ 
 prifonment. 
 
 We come now to the next part of the Return, viz. That 
 the Jury acquitted thofe indibled againft the Dir ell ion of the Court , in 
 matter of Law openly given , and declafd to them in Court. 
 
 The words, That the Jury did acquit againJl the Direttion of the 
 Court in matter of Law , literally taken, and de piano , are infig- 
 nificant, and not intelligible ; for no Ilfue can be join’d of 
 Matter in Law, no Jury can be charg’d with the Tryal of 
 Matter in Law barely, no Evidence ever was or can be given 
 to a Jury, of what is Law or not; nor no fuch Oath can be 
 given to, or taken by a Jury, to try Matter in Law, nor no 
 Attaint can lie for fuch a falfe Oath. 
 
 Therefore we muft take off this Vail and Colour of words, 
 which make a fhew of being fomething, and in truth are no¬ 
 thing. 
 
 If 
 
of Mr . BufliellV Cafe. 415 
 
 If t the meaning of thefe words, finding A$mft the Direilm of 
 the Court in Matter of Law , be. That if the Judg having heard 
 /the Evidence given in Court (for he knows no other) fhall tell 
 the Jury, upon this Evidence, the Law is for the Plaintiff pr 
 for the Defendant, and you are under the pain of Tine and 
 Iu^prifonment to find accordingly, then the Jury ought of 
 duty Jo to do. Every man fees that the Jury is but a trou- 
 biefome Delay, great Charge, and of no ufe in determining 
 Right and Wrong, and therefore the Tryals by them may be 
 better abolifh’d than continu’d: Which were a llrange new¬ 
 found Conclufion, after a Tryal fo celebrated for many hun¬ 
 dreds of years. 
 
 For if the Judg from the Evidence fhall by his own Judg¬ 
 ment firft refolve upon any Tryal what the Fad is ; and fo 
 knowing the Fad, fhall then refolve what the Law is, and 
 order the Jury penally to find accordingly: what either ne- 
 ceffary or convenient ufe can be fancy’d of Juries , or to con¬ 
 tinue Tryals by them at all ? 
 
 But if the Jury be not oblig’d in all Tryals to follow fuch 
 Directions if given, but only in fome fort of Tryals (asforin- 
 ftance, in Tryals for criminal Matters upon Indictments or 
 Appeals) why then the Confequence will be, tho not in all, 
 yet in Criminal Tryals, the Jury (as of no material ufe) 
 ought to be either omitted orabolifh’d : which were a greater 
 mifchief to the People, than to abolilh them in Civil Tryals. 
 
 And how the Jury fhould in any other manner, according 
 to theCourfe of Tryals us’d, find againft the Direction of the 
 Court in Matter of Law, is really not conceivable. 
 
 True it is, if it fallout upon fome fpecial Tryal that the 
 Jury being ready to give their Verdid, and before it is given, 
 the Judg fhall ask whether they find fuch a particular thing 
 propounded by him? or whether they fine! the Matter of 
 Fad to be as fuch a Witnefs or Witneffeshave depos’d? And 
 the Jury anfwer, they find the Matter of Fad to be fo j if 
 then the Judg fhall declare, the Matter of Fad being by you 
 fo found to be the Law, is for the Plaintiff, and you are to 
 find accordingly for him: 
 
 If notwithftanding they find for the Defendant, this may 
 be thought a finding in Matter of Law againft the Direition of the 
 Court \ for in that cafe the Jury firft declare the Fad, as it is 
 found by themfelves; to which Fad the Judg declares how 
 the Law is confequent. 
 
 And this is ordinary, when the Jury find unexpededly 
 for the Plaintiff or Defendant, the Judg will ask. How do yoie 
 find fuch a Fait in particular * And upon their Anfwer he will 
 fay, then it is for the Defendant, tho they found for the 
 
 Plaintiff* 
 
4*6 The Lord Chief Jufiice Vaughan’* Report 
 
 Plaintiff, or e contmio , and thereupon they rectify their 
 Verditt. 
 
 ' And in thefe Cafes the Jury, and not the Judg, refolve' 
 and find what the Fad is. '• /• •• j: . v,;ii 
 
 Therefore always in difcreet and lawful Afliftance of the* 
 Jury, the Judg’s Direction is Hypothetical and upon fupgof 
 fition, and not pofitive, and upon coercion ; viz. If you find 
 the Fall thus (leaving it to them what to find) then you are to] 
 find for the Plaintiffy but if you find the Fall thus, then it it for the 
 Defendant . 
 
 But in the Cafe propounded by me, where it is poflible in 
 that Jpecial manner, the Jury may find againft the Dire&ionof 
 the Court in matter of Law, it will not follow they are. there¬ 
 fore finable ; for if an Attaint void lie upon the Verdi If fo given by 
 them , they ought not to be fined and imprifon'd by the Judg for that 
 Verdiil: For all the Judges have agreed upon a full Conference 
 at Serjeants Inn in this Cafe. And it was formerly fo agreed 
 by the then Judges, in a Cafe where Juftice Hide had fined a 
 Jury at Oxford , for finding againft their Evidence in a Civil 
 Caufe : That a Jury is not finable for going againft their Evidence , 
 where an Attaint lies . For if an Attaint be brought upon that 
 Verdift, it may be affirm’d and found upon the Attaint a 
 true Verdift, and the fame Verditt cannot be a falfe Verdift ; 
 and therefore the Jury fined for it as fuch by the Judg, 
 and yet no falfe Verdift, becaufe affirm’d upon the At¬ 
 taint. 
 
 Another Reafon that the Jury may not be fined in fuch a 
 Cafe, is, becaufe until a Jury have confummated their Ver- 
 di£i, which is not done until they find for the Plaintiff or 
 Defendant, and that alfo be entred of Record; they have 
 timeftillof Deliberation, and whatfoever they have anfwer’d 
 the Judg upon an Interlocutory flue ft ion or Vifcourfe , they may 
 lawfully vary from it, if they find Caufe, and are not thereby 
 concluded. 
 
 Whence it follows upon this laft Reafon, That upon Trials 
 wherein no Attaint lies , as well as upon Juch where it doth , no Cafe can 
 he invented , wherein it can be maintain'd , that a Jury can find in 
 A/attter of Law nakedly againft the Dir ell ion of the Judg . 
 
 And the Judges were (as before) all of opinion, That the 
 Return in this latter part of it is alfo infufficient as in the 
 former, and fo wholly infufficient. 
 
 But that this Queftion may not hereafter revive, if pofli¬ 
 ble, it is evident by feveral Refolutions of all the Judges, 
 That where an Attaint lies, the Judg cannot fine the Jury for 
 going againft their Evidence or Direction of the Court, with¬ 
 out other Mifdemeanour. 
 
 For 
 
of Mr. BtiifceliV Cafe. 417 
 
 For iri fuch cafe, finding again#* or following the Dire#ion 
 of the Court barely, will not bar an Attaint; but in fome 
 cafe the Judg being demanded by, and declaring 
 to the Jury what is the Law, tho he declares it IngerfaUs C. 
 erroneoufly, and they find accordingly, this Cr. 35 El. f. 
 may excufe the Jury from theForfeitures; for tho 309. n. 18. 
 their Verdi# be falfe, yet it is not corrupt, but 
 the Judgment is to be revers’d however by the Attaint, 
 for a* Man lofeth not his Right by the Judges miftake in the 
 Law. 
 
 Therefore if an Attaint lies for a falfe Verdi# upon Indi#- 
 ment not Capital (as this is) either by the Common or Sta¬ 
 tute Law, by thofe Refolutions, the Court would not fine the 
 Jury in this Cafe* for going again# Evidence, becaufe an 
 Attaint lay. 
 
 But admitting an Attaint did not lie (as I think the Law 
 clear it did not) for there is no Cafe in all the Law of fuch 
 an Attaint or Opinion, but that of Thirnings> 10 H, 4. Attaint 
 60 and 64. for which there is no Warrant in Law, tho there 
 be other fpecious Authority again# it, touch’d by none that 
 argu’d this Cafe : 
 
 The Queftion then will be, Whether before the feveral A#s 
 of Parliament which granted Attaints, and are 
 enumerated in their order in the Regifter, the Reg, f. 122. 3. 
 Judg by the Common Law in all Cafes might 
 have fined the Jury finding again# their Evidence, and Di- 
 re#ion of the Court, where no Attaint did lie, or could fo do, 
 yet if the Statutes which gave the Attaints were repeal’d. 
 
 If he could not in Civil Caufes before Attaints granted in 
 them, he could not in Criminal Caufes upon Indi#ment 
 (wherein I have admitted Attaint lies not) for the Fault in 
 both was the fame, vi%, Finding againfi Evidence and Direftion of 
 the Court , and by the Common Law ; the Reafon being the 
 fame in both, the Law is the fame. 
 
 That the Court could not fine a Jury at the Common Law, 
 where Attaint did not lie (for where it did, it’s agreed he 
 could not) I think to be the cleareft Pofition that ever I confi- 
 der’d, either for Authority or Reafon of Law. 
 
 After Attaints were granted by Statutes generally; as by 
 Weftminfter the fir#, c.38. in Pleas Real$ and by 34^.3. c. 7. 
 in Pleas Perfonal: And where they did lie at Common Law 
 (Which was only in Writs of Aflize) the Examples are frequent 
 in our Books of punifhing Jurors by Attaint. 
 
 But no Cafe can be offer’d either before Attaints granted 
 in general, or after, that ever a Jury was punifh’d by Fine and 
 Imprifonment* by the Judg, for not finding according to their 
 
 E e Evidence, 
 
418 The LordChiefJidJHceY2iU^\2in 7 s Report 
 
 Evidence, and his Dire&ion,- unt&Popham’s time ♦ nor is there 
 clear proof that he ever' fmed'them for that Rea ion, feparated 
 from other Mifdemeanour. If Juries might be fined in fnch cafe, 
 before Attaints granted* why not fince? For no Statute has 
 taken that Power from the judg; But fince Attaints granted, 
 the Judges refolv’d they cannot fine where the Attaint lies, 
 therefore they: could not fine before. Sure this latter Age did 
 not firft difcover, that the Verdids of Juries were many times 
 not according to the;Judges opinion and liking. 
 
 But the Reafons are, I conceive, moll: clear, that the Judg 
 could not nor can fine and imprifon the Jury in fuch cafes. 
 
 Without a Lad agreed, it is as impoflibie for a Judg or 
 any other to know the Law: relating to that Fad, or dired 
 concerning it, as to know an Accident that hath no Subjed. 
 
 Hence it follows, that the Judg can never dired what the 
 Law is in any Matter controverted, without firft knowing the 
 Fad ^ and then it follows, that without his previous Know- 
 ledg of the Fad, the Jury cannot go againlt his Direction in 
 Law, for he could not dired. 
 
 But the Judg, qua Judg, cannot know the Fad poflibly, but 
 from the Evidence which the Jury have $ but (as will appear) 
 he can never know what Evidence the Jury have ; and con- 
 fequently he cannot know the Matter of Fad, nor punifb the 
 Jury for going a gainft their Evidence, when he cannot know 
 what their Evidence is. •> ■ 
 
 It is true, if the Jury were to have no other Evidence 
 for the Fad, but what is depos’d in Court, the Judg might 
 know their Evidence, and the Fad from it, equally as they ; 
 and fo dired what the Law were in the Cafe, tho even then 
 the Judg and Jury might honeftly differ in the Refuit from 
 the Evidence, as well as two Judges may, which often 
 happens. : 
 
 But the Evidence which the Jury have of the Fad, is much 
 other than that: For, 
 
 1. Being return’d of the Vicinage, whence the Caufe of 
 Ad ion arifeth, the Law fuppofeth them thence to have fuf- 
 ficient Knowledg to try the Matter in Iffue (and fo they 
 mu ft) tho no Evidence were given on either fiae in Court; 
 but to this Evidence the Judg is a ftranger. 
 
 2. They may have Evidence from their own perfbnsl 
 Knowledg, by which they may be affur’d, and fometimes are, 
 that what is depos’d in Court is abfolutely falfe; but to this 
 the Judg is a Stranger, and he knows no more of the Fafl 
 than he hath learned in Court, and perhaps by falfe Deg0» 
 fitions, andconfequently knows nothing* 
 
 3e TM 
 
of Mr. Bufhell’j Cafe. 419 
 
 3. The Jury may know the Witnefles to be ftigmatiz’d and 
 infamous, which may be unknown to the Parties, and confe- 
 quently to the Court. 
 
 4. In many Cafes |the Jury are to have View neceffarily, 
 in many by confent, for their better Information; to this 
 Evidence like wife the Judg is a Stranger. 
 
 5. If they do follow his Direftion, they may be attainted, 
 and the Judgment revers'd for doing that which if they had 
 not done, they fhould have been fined and imprifon’d by the 
 Judg, which is unreafonable. 
 
 6. If they do not follow his Direftion, and be therefore 
 fined, yet they may be attainted, and fo doubly punifh’d by 
 diftindt Judicatures for the fame Offence, which the Common 
 Law admits not. 
 
 A Fine revers’d in Banco Regis for Infancy per infpeZfiotierii for 
 per tefiimonmm del. 4. fide dignomm. After upon Examination of 
 divers Witnefles in Chancery , the fuppos’d Infant was prov’d 
 to be of Age tempore finis levati \ which Teftimonies were ex¬ 
 emplify’d, and given in Evidence after in Communi Banco , in a 
 Writ of Entry in the Qjfibm there brought. And tho it was 
 the Opinion of the Court, That thofe Teftimonies were of 
 no force againft the Judgment in the King’s Bench , yet the 
 Jury found with the Teftimony in Chancery againft direction of 
 the Court upon a Point in Law, and their Verdidt after afr 
 firm’d in an Attaint brought, and after a Writ of Right was 
 brought, and Battel join’d. 
 
 7. To what end is the Jury to be return’d out of the Vici¬ 
 nage whence the Caufe of Aftion arifeth ? To what end muft 
 Hundredors be of the Jury, whom the Law fuppofeth to 
 have nearer Knowledg of the Faft, than thofe of the Vici¬ 
 nage in general ? To what end are they challeng’d fo fcru- 
 puloufly to the Array and Pole ? To what end muft they 
 have fucha certain Freehold, and be probi (fo legates Homines , 
 and not of Affinity with the Parties concern’d? To what 
 end muft they have in many Cafes the View, for their exafter 
 Information chiefly ? To what end muft they undergo the 
 heavy Punilhment of the Villanous Judgment, if after all 
 this they implicitly muft give a Verdidt by the Dictates and 
 Authority of another Man, under pain of Fines and Impri- 
 fonment, when fworn to do it according to the beft of their 
 Own knowledg ? 
 
 8. A Man cannot fee by another’s Eye, rior hear by another’s 
 Ear ; po more can a Man conclude or infer the thing to be 
 refolv’d by another’s Underftanding or Reafoning; and tho 
 the Verdidt be right the Jury giye* yet they being not af- 
 
420 The Lord Chief fufiice VaughanYR^or# 
 
 fur’d it is fo from their own Underftanding, are forfworrl, 
 at leaft in foro Confcientix. 
 
 9. It is abfurd, a Jury fhould be fined by the Judg for 
 going againft their Evidence, when he who fineth knoweth 
 not what it is, as where a Jury find without 
 14 H. 7. f. 29. Evidence in Court of either fide j fo if the 
 
 -per Vavajor in Jury find upon their own knowledg, as the 
 
 Camer» Scac, Courfe is, if the Defendant plead folvit ad 
 without contra - diem to a Bond prov’d, and offers no proof. 
 
 diftion Hob . The Jury is directed to find for the Plaintiff 
 
 f. 227. unlefs they know Payment was made of their 
 
 own knowledg according to the Plea. 
 
 And it is as abfurd to fine a Jury for finding againft their 
 Evidence, when the Judg knows but part of it ; for the better 
 and greater part of the Evidence may be wholly unknown ttf 
 him ; and this may happen in moft Cafes, and often doth, as 
 in Grave's and Short’s Cafe. 
 
 Grave verf. Error of a Judgment in the Common Bench* 
 Short, 40 El. The Error afiign’d was, The Iffue being whe- 
 Cro. f. 616. ther a Feoffment were made ? And the Jurors 
 being gone together to confer of their Verdidt, 
 one of them fhew’d to the reft an Efcrow pro petentibus , not 
 given in Evidence by the Parties, per quod they found for the 
 Demandant, upon Demurrer adjudg’d no Error 5 for it ap¬ 
 pears not to be given him by any of the Parties, or any for 
 them, it muft be intended he had it as a piece of Evidence 
 about him before, and fhew’d it to inform himfelf and his 
 Fellows; and as he might declare it as a Witnefs that he 
 knew it to be true. They refolv’d, if that might have a- 
 voided the Verdift, which they agreed it could not, yet 
 it ought to have been done by Examination, and not by 
 Error. 
 
 That Decantatum in our Books adqueflionem fatli non refpondenP 
 Judices , ad queftionem LegU non refpondent Juratores, literally taken 
 is true. For if it be demanded, what is the Fait ? the 
 Judg cannot anfwer it: If it be ask’d what is the Law in 
 the Cafe, the Jury cannot anfwer it. 
 
 Therefore the Parties agree the Fait by their pleading 
 upon Demurrer, and ask the Judgment of the Court for the 
 Law. . 
 
 In Special Verdi&s the Jury inform the naked Fait, and, 
 the Court deliver the Law : and fo is it in Demurrers upon 
 Evidence, in Arreft of Judgments upon Challenges, and often 
 upon the Judges Opinion of the Evidence given, in Court, the 
 Plaintiff becomes Nonfuit; when if the Matter had been 
 left to the Jury, they might well haye found for the Plaintiff- 
 
of Mr. Bufhell’/ Cafe. 421 
 
 But upon all general Iffues ; as upon Not Culpable pleaded 
 in Trefpafs, Nil debet in Debt, Nultort t Nul Diffeifin in Alike, 
 Ne difturba pas in Quare impedit y and the like ; tho it be matter 
 of Law, whether the Defendant be a Trefpaffer, a Debtor, 
 Diffeifor, or Difturber in the particular Cafes in Iffue; yet 
 the Jury find not (as in a fpecial Verdift) the Fa£t of every 
 Cafe by it felf, leaving the Law to the Court, but find for 
 the Plaintiff or Defendant upon the Iffue to be tryM, where¬ 
 in they refolve both Law and Faft complicately, and not the 
 Faft by it felf ; fo as tho they anfwer not iingly to the 
 Queftion what is the Law, yet they determine the Law in all 
 Matters where Iffue is join’d and try’d in the principal Cafe, 
 but where the Verdi# is Special, 
 
 To this purpofe the Lord Hobart in Needier *s Cafe, again# 
 
 the Bifhop of Winchefier , is very appofite- Legally it mil 
 
 be very hard to quit a Jury that finds againft the Law y either Common 
 Law or feveral Statute Laws y whereof all Men were to take know¬ 
 ledge and whereupon VerdiZl is to be given , whether any Evidence be 
 given to them or not. As if a Feoffment or Devife were made to one im- 
 perpetmm , and the Jury ftmldfind Crofs either an Eft ate for Life, or 
 in Fee-Simple againft the Law , they jhould be fubjelt to an Attaint , tho 
 no Man inform’d them what the Law was in that Cafe. Hob. f. 227. 
 
 The legal Verdi# of the Jury to be recorded is finding for 
 the Plaintiff or Defendant: what they anfwer, if ask’d, to 
 Queftions concerning fome particular Fad, is not of their Ver¬ 
 di# effentially, nor are they bound to agree in fucli parti¬ 
 culars ; if they all agree to find their Iffue for the Plaintiff or 
 Defendant, they may differ in the Motives wherefore, as well 
 as Judges in giving judgment for the Plaintiff or Defendant 
 may differ in the Reafons wherefore they give that Judgment, 
 which is very ordinary. 
 
 I conclude with the Statute of 2 6 H. S. c. 4. That if any 
 Jurors in Wales do acquit any Felon y Murderer , or Accejfary y or give 
 an untrue Verditl againft the King , upon the Tryal of any I r aver ft y 
 Recognifance , or forfeiture, contrary to good and pregnant Evidence , 
 miniftred to them by Perfons Jworn before the Kings Jufticiar y That 
 then fuch Jurors ftmld be bound to appear before the Council of the 
 Marches there , to abide fuch Fine or Ranfom for their Offence y as that 
 Court fhould think fit. 
 
 If Jurors might have been fined before by the Law, for 
 going again# their Evidence in Matters Criminal, there had 
 been no caufe for making this Statute againft Jurors for fo 
 dping in Wales only. 
 
 Objections out o,f the Antient and Modern Books, 
 
 E e 3 
 
 1. A 
 
422 The Lord Chief JuJlice Vaughan’* Report 
 
 8 Afll i. A juror kept his Fellows a Day and a Night 
 
 without any reafon or aflenting, and therefore 
 awarded to the Fleet, 
 
 This Book rightly uriderftpod is Law, That he fluid hit Fel¬ 
 lows a. day and a night without any reafon or aflenting , may be under¬ 
 flood, that-he wopldnotin that time intend the Verdift at 
 all, more than if he had been abfent from his Fellows, but 
 wilfully not find for either fide. In this fenfe it was a Mif- 
 demeanour againft his Oath, for his Oath was truly to try the Iffue : 
 which he could never do, who refolv’dnpt to confer with his 
 Fellows. 
 
 34E. 3. Bra, And in this fenfe it is the fame with the 
 Title Jurors , Cafe 34 E. 3 . where Twelve being fworn and 
 n. 4 6, put together to treat of their Verdift, one 
 
 fecretly withdrew himfelf, and went away, for 
 which he was juftly fined and imprifoned; and it differs not 
 to withdraw from a Man’s Duty, by departing from his Fel¬ 
 lows, and to withdraw frqm it, tho he flay in the fame Room, 
 and fo is that Book to be underllood. 
 
 But if a Man differ in Judgment from his Fellows for a 
 day and a night, tho his Diflent may not be as reafonable as 
 the Opinion of the reft that agree, yet if his Judgment be 
 Upt fatisfy’d, one difagreeing can be no more criminal, than 
 four or five difagreeing with the reft. 
 
 4 1 A ff- P* 2. A Juror would not agree with his Fel¬ 
 
 lows for two days, and being demanded by the 
 judges, if he would agree, faid, he would firftdie in Prifon ; 
 whereupon he was committed, and the Verdift of the eleven 
 taken. But upon better Advice, the Verdift of the eleven 
 was quafh’d, and the Juror difcharg’d without Fine ; and the 
 juftices faid, the way was to carry them in Carts until they 
 agreed, and nptfiy fining them. And as the Judges erred in 
 taking the Verdift o£ the Eleven, fothey did in imprifoning 
 the Twelfth. And this cafe makes ftrongly, that the Juror 
 was not to be fined who difagreed in Judgment only. 
 
 Much of the Office of Jurors, in order to their Verdift, is 
 Mmflerial , as not withdrawing from their Fel- 
 36 27. lows after they are fworn, not withdrawing 
 
 pr. Jurors, 18. after Challenge, and being try’d in before 
 they take their Oath, not receiving from either 
 iide Evidence, after their Oath, not given in Court, not 
 eating and drinking before their Verdift, refilling to give a 
 Verdift, and the like; wherein if they tranfgrefs, they are 
 finable; but the Verdict it felf, when given, is not an Aft 
 Minifterial, but judicial, and according to the beft of their 
 Judgment, for which they are not finable^ nor to be punilh’d 
 but by Attaint? ' 3. The 
 
ef Mr. BufhellV Cafe. 42 j 
 
 3. The Cafe of 7 R . 2. Title Cbron* Fit% 108,. was cited 
 where, upon Acquittal of a common Thief, the Judg faid, the 
 Jury ought to be bound for his good Behaviour during his 
 Life: But faith the Book, quere per quel ley, but that was only 
 gratis di&um by the Judgj for no fuch thing was done, as 
 binding them. 
 
 4. Bradfljaw and Salmon's Cafe was urg’d, where Hob.f. 114. 
 a Jury had given exceffive Damages upon a Tryal 
 
 in an A&ion of Covenant, and the Court of Starphamber 
 gave Damages to the Complainant alrnolt ashigh as the jury 
 had given upon the Tryal. But the Jury who gave the Da¬ 
 mages were not queftion’d, Tho, faith the Book, they might 
 have been , becaufe they receiv'd Briefs from ihe Plaintiff, for whom 
 they gave Damages , which was a Mijdemeamur \ but the cxprefs 
 Book is, 'That the Jury could not be punifli’d by Information 
 for the exceffive Damages, but only by Attaint, therefore. not 
 for their falfe Verdift without other Mifdemeanour ; which 
 anfwers fame other Cafes alledg’d. 
 
 Nor can any Man (hew (tho it was faid) that a Jury was 
 ever punifli’d upon an Information either in Law or in the 
 Starchamber, where the Charge was only for finding dgainft 
 their Evidence, or giving an untrue Verdi ft, unlefs Imbracery, Subor¬ 
 nation, or the like were join'd. 
 
 5. It was faid, a Perjury in facie Curia is ptinifhable by the 
 Judg; and fuch is it, if Jurors go 'again# their Evidence. 
 Perhaps a Witnefs may be punifli’d for Perjury in facie Curia 
 (which I will not maintain to be Law) but a Jury can never 
 be fo punifli’d, becaufe the Evidence in Court is not binding 
 Evidence to a Jury, as hath been fliew’d. 
 
 6. Some Records were cited of Fines pro concelamento ; no 
 doubt it is an Article inquirable in every Oyer and Terminer , 
 and one Jury may find it upon another. 
 
 7. Brayne' s Cafe was urg’d, but the Jurors were there fined 
 for a manifeft Combination to delude the Court, by agreeing 
 upon two Verditfs, and concealing the latter, if the Court 
 would be fatisfy’d with the former. 
 
 8. Merton’s Cafe reported by two Reporters. Telverton faith. 
 That the Judges, whereof Popham was one, and a Privy Coun- 
 fellor, were very angry, and fined the Jury for their Verdift 
 and finding againft Dire&ion. 
 
 In thofe Reports that pafs under the Name of Ney's, the 
 fame Cafe is reported with this, That the Judges conceiv'd the 
 Jury had been unlawfully dealt with to give that Verditt ; which if 
 true, the fining was lawful, and the Cafe therein reported 
 ftiort by Telverton . 
 
 E e 4 
 
 9. Wagftaff s 
 
424 The Lord Chief JuJiice Vaughan’/ Report 
 
 9. WagftaJT s Cafe in the King's Bench lately was the fame 
 with the prefent Cafe ; hut by the Record it is reafonable to 
 think the Jurors committed Tome fault befides going againft 
 their Evidence, for they were unequally fined. 
 
 But however, all the Judges having upon this Return refolv’d, 
 that finding again]} the Evidence in Court, or Dire Elion of the Court 
 barely, is no fujficient Caufe to fine - y the Jury anfwers all thefe Cafes, 
 if not an fiver'd before. 
 
 Lannoys C. 10. There remains Southwell's Cafe reported 
 
 Moore, f 73b. by Leonard \ fome Cafes out of the Court of 
 Wards in Lannof s Cafe reported by Serjeant 
 Moore , f 730. where Jurors were fent to the Fleet, or threat- 
 ned to be fent, for not finding Offices according to the Di~ 
 reftion of the Court. 
 
 1. An Xnqueft of Office is not fubjeft to an Attaint. 
 
 2. It neither determines any man’s Right, nor dpth any 
 Party put any Tryal upon. them. 
 
 3. They are only to find naked Matter of Fa&, as the 
 Books are of 3 H. 7. /. 10. b. and 2 H. 4. f 5. a . but princi^ 
 pally an Office for the Ring is in many Cafes as neceffary, 
 as an Entry for a common Perfon, without which he can 
 never come by or try his Right, nor can the Ring without an 
 Office know whether he hath a Right to a Ward, a Mort¬ 
 main, or the like. And as it is an Injury to hinder a Man 
 from his Entry, whereby his Right may be try’d, fo it is not 
 to find an Office for the Ring whereby his Right may be 
 try’d; which concludes no Man, but enables the Ring to a 
 Tryal of his Rights and in truth, is only a finding of Matter 
 of Fa&, and no more. 
 
 Therefore perhaps it may be an Offence, as of a Witnefs 
 refufmg his Teftimony, not to find an Office for the Ring, 
 when clear proof is made of the Matter of Fa& \ but if proof 
 be not made at all, or be altogether doubtful, or that the 
 Matter be Matter of Law, the Inqueft may find an Ignoramus , 
 •which a Jury upon a Tryal can never do. But of this I lhall 
 fay no more, it concerning not the Cafe in queftion. 
 
 Precedents. That the Court of Common Pleas upon Habeas 
 Corpus hath difcharg’d Perfons imprifoned by other 
 Courts upon the Infufficiency of the Return only, and 
 not for Privilege. 
 
 3 Jac. Sir A. Roper*/ Sir Anthony Roper committed by the 
 Cafe, 12 Rep. Sir W. High Commiffion Court, difcharg’d 
 Chanfey’sCafe y & Ed. abfolutely m the Common Pleas as un- 
 ThicknefsCV?* lawfully committed and detain’d, with- 
 
 out any mention of Privilege. 
 
 George 
 
of Mr. BuChell’/ Cafe. 425 
 
 George Milton imprifon’d for Contempt, fcanda- i2/^/>.8Jac. 
 lous words of the Court, and convifted of Drunkennefs; the 
 Caufes refolv’d infufficient, and therefore demittitur a prifona, 
 and the Goaler difcharg’d of him j but he gave Bail to attend 
 the Pleafure of the Court. 
 
 Elizabeth Aflj committed by the High Comrnif- 4 Car. i. 
 ffion pro Lenocinio , in like manner difcharg’d ; the 
 Caufe being inefficient to detain her in Prifon, or to hinder 
 her from the Privilege of that Court, but no other men* 
 tion of Privilege, put in Bail. 
 
 Richard Hayes , for refufing to do Penance as 7 Jac. 
 injoin’d, committed by the High Commiftion, the 
 Caufe judg’d inefficient to commit, but gave Bail as before ; 
 he demanded a Habeas Corpus by reafon of Privilege. 
 
 But it is to be obferv’d, That Privilege lies only where a 
 Man is Officer of the Court, or hath a Prior Suit in the Common 
 Pleas depending, and is elfewhere arrefted to anfwer, and 
 jnolefted that he cannot profecute his Suit ^ he is then 
 privileg’d juftly, and without wrong, becaufe his Profecu- 
 tor elfewhere might have fued, if he pleas’d, in the Common 
 Pleas, 
 
 All Privilege is either for Officers, Clerks, or Attorneys 
 of the Court not to be fued elfewhere \ or for Perfons im¬ 
 pleading or impleaded having priority of Suit in the Common 
 pleas , arrefted or fued in other Jurifdifctians; or for the menial 
 Servants of fuch Officers. 
 
 Thefe Privileges are not detrimental to any, becaufe who¬ 
 ever hath occafion to fue an Officer, or any other having 
 Priority of Suit, as before, is not reftrain’d to fue them in the 
 Common Pleas , but is reftrain’d from fuing elfewhere. And this 
 is the true Privilege of the Court . 
 
 And the way of enjoying this Privilege, was by Writs of 
 Privilege to fuperfede the Proceeding of other Courts againft 
 fuch who had the Privilege of the Common Pleas, as is yet or¬ 
 dinary in the Cafes of Attorneys, Officers, and Clerks. 
 
 And in fuch Writs the Caufe of Pri¬ 
 vilege is mention’d ; and as to their me- 2iH.6.f.2o, 22H.6. 
 nial Servants, if not true, may be tra- f. 38. 34 H.6. f. 15. 
 vers’d. As 22 7/6.38. Debt was brought Vid.D yer 12 Eliz. 
 againft Baron and Feme, and a Superfedeas f, 287. pi. 48. 
 out of the Chancery was call for the Ba- \id, the Superfed, for 
 ron as menial Servant to an Officer of Clerks of the Court 9 
 Chancery } whereupon the Plaintiff faid it and for Attorneys an- 
 was contain’d in the Writ that the HuP tiently, and their 
 band was menial Servant to R.JJel Chance - great Difference , 
 
 J 7 | whereas he was not his menial Servant \ Reg. Jud. f, 84* *• 
 
 and 
 
426 The Lord Chief JuJlice Vaughan’* Report 
 
 But now Attorneys and thereupon Ifftre was taken: but Query 
 are ir,roll'd as well of the Officers appearing of Record in the 
 as Officers, Court, may be Travers’d. 
 
 Hence it follows, Tho Proceeding in other Courts againft ' 
 a perfon privileg’d in Banco might be fuperfeded, yet it was 
 when the Matter proceeded upon in fuch Courts might as' 
 well be profecuted in the Common Bench : But if a privileg’d 
 Perfon in Banco were filed in the Ecclefiaflical Courts, or before 
 the High Commiflion, or Conftable, or Marffial, for things 
 whereof the Common-Pleas had no Cognizance, they could not 
 fuperfede that Proceeding by Privilege. And this was the 
 antient Reafon and Courfe of Privilege. 
 
 1. Another way of Privilege, by reafon of Suit depending 
 in a fuperior Court , is, when a perfen impleading or impleaded, 
 as in the Common Bench, is after arrefted in a Civil Aftion 
 or Plaint in London , or elfewhere, and by Habeas Corpus is brought 
 to the Common-Pleas , and the Arreft and Caufe return’d. If it' 
 appear to the Court, that the Arreft in London was after the 
 Party ought to have had the Privilege of the Common-Pleas ; 
 he fhall have his Privilege allow’d, and be difeharg’d of his 
 Arreft, and the Party left to profecute his Caufe of Aftion in 
 London , in the Common-Pleas , if he will. 
 
 1: If the Caufe of Imprisonment return’d be a lawful Caufe, 
 but which can’t be profecuted in the Common-Pleas , as Felony, 
 Treafon, or fome Caufe wherein the High-Commijfm , Admiralty , 
 or other Court , had power to imprifon lawfully; then the Party 
 imprifon’d, which did implead, or was impleaded in the Com¬ 
 mon Bench before fuch Imprifonment, fhall not be allow’d Pri¬ 
 vilege, but ought to be remanded. 
 
 3. The third way is, when a Man is brought by Habeas Cor¬ 
 pus to the Court 5 and upon return of it, it appears to the 
 Court, that he was againft Law imprifon’d and detain’d, tho 
 there be no Caufe of Privilege for him in this Court, he fhall 
 never be by the Aft of the Court remanded to his unlawful 
 Imprifonment5 for then the Court fhould do an Aft of In- 
 juftice in Imprifoning him, de novo , againft Law. Whereas 
 the Great Charter is, Quodnullus liber Homo imprifonetur nifi per 
 legem terra. This is the prefent Cafe, and this was the Cafe 
 upon all the Precedents produc’d, and many more that might 
 be produc’d ; where upon Habeas Corpus many have been dif¬ 
 eharg’d and bail’d, tho there was no Caufe of Privilege in the 
 Cafe. 
 
 This appears plainly by many old Books, if the Reafon of 
 them be rightly'taken * for infufficient Caufesare as noCau- 
 
 fes 
 
of Mr. Bufhell’j fafe. 427 
 
 fes return’d ; and to fend a Man back to Prifori for no Caufe 
 return’d, feems unworthy of a Court. 
 
 If a Man be impleaded by Writ in the 
 Common-Pleas , and is after Arrefted in London 9H.6. 54, 58. 
 Upon a Plaint, there upon an Habeas Corpus he Br.77.5. 14 #.7. 
 fhall have Privilege in the Common-Pleas, if f6. n.19. 9 £.4. 
 the Writ upon which he is impleaded bear 47. ». 24. 12//. 
 
 I Date before the Arreft in London , and be re- 4./.21. n.n.Br, 
 turn’d, altho the Plaintiff in the Common-Pleas 
 be Nonfuit , Effoin’d, or will not appear, and confequently the 
 Cafe of Privilege at an end before the Corpus cum Cauja return’d: 
 but if the firft Writ be not return’d, there is no Record in 
 Court that there is fuch a Defendant. 
 
 The like where a Man brought Debt in Banco , and after for 
 t]he fame Debt arrefted the Defendant in London , and became 
 Nonfuit, in Banco ; yet the Defendant upon a Habeas Corpus had 
 ! his Privilege, becaufe he had Caufe of Privilege at the time 
 of the Arreft. 14. H. 7.6. Br. Privilege n. 19. 
 
 The like Cafe 9 E. 4. where a Man appear’d in Banco by a 
 Cepi Corpus , and found Mainprife, and had a Day to appear in 
 Court; and before his Day was arrefted in London , and brought 
 a Corpus cum Caufa in Banco Regis ; at which Day the Plaintiff' 
 became Nonfuit , yet he was difcharg ? d from the Serjeant at 
 London , becaufe his Arreft there was after his 
 Arreft in Banco, and confequently unlawful. Co\e Mag. Chart* 
 9 £. 4. f. 47. Br. Privilege 24. and a Man f. 53. ^55. 
 cannot be imprifon’d at the fame time law¬ 
 fully in two Courts., 
 
 The Court of King's Bench cannot pretend to the only dif- 
 charging of Pjrifoners upon Habeas Corpus , unlefs in Cafe of 
 Privilege, for the Chancery may do it without queftion. 
 
 And the fame Book is. That the Common-Pleas , or Exchequer , 
 may do it, if upon the Return of the Habeas Corpus it appear 
 the Imprisonment is againft Law. 
 
 An Habeas Corpus may be had out of the 
 King's Bench or Chancery , tho there be no Pri- Mjc. C. 2. Coke 
 vilege, dyyc. or in the Court of Common-Pleas /. 55. 
 or Exchequer , for any Officer or Privileg’d per- 
 fon there: upon which Writ the Goaler muft return by whom 
 he was committed, and the Caufe of his Imprifonment; and 
 if it appeareth that his Imprifonment be juft and lawful, he 
 lhall be remanded to the former Gaoler : but if it fhall ap¬ 
 pear to the Court,,that he was imprifon’d againft the Law of 
 the Land , they ought by force of this Statute to deliver him ; 
 if it be doubtful, and under Confideration, he may be bail’d.-—. 
 The Ring's Bench may Bail, if they pleafe, in all Cafes; but the 
 
 Common 
 
"428 The Lord Chief JuJlice VaughanV Report 
 
 Common Bench mu ft remand, if the Caufe of Imprifoi ment 
 
 return’d be juft. 
 
 The Writ de Homme replegtando is as well returnable m the 
 Common-Pleas as in the Kings Bench. 
 
 All Prohibitions for incroaching Jurifdi&ion, iffue as well 
 out of the Common-Pleas as King's Bench. 
 
 Quafhing the Order of Commitment upon a Certiorari , which 
 the Kings Bench may do, but not the Common-pleas , is not ma¬ 
 terial in this Cafe. 
 
 1. The Prifoner is to be difcharg’d or remanded barely 
 upon the Return, and nothing elfe, whether in the King's 
 Bench or Common-Pleas. 
 
 2. Should the King's Bench have the Order of Commitment 
 certify’d and quafh’d before the Return of the Habeas Corpus , 
 or after, what will it avail the Prifoners ? they cannot plead 
 Nul tiel Record in the one Cafe or the other. 
 
 3. In all the Precedents Ihew’d in the Common-Pleas , or in any 
 that can be lhew’d in the King's Bench upon difcharging the 
 Prifoner by Habeai Corpus , nothing can be Ihew’d of quaihing 
 the Orders or Decrees of that Court that made the wrong 
 Commitment. 
 
 ■ 4. It is manifeft where the King's Bench 
 ClanviU C t Moore , hath upon Habeas Corpus difcharg’d a Prifo- 
 f. 836. ner committed by the Chancery , the perfon 
 
 hath been again re-committed for the fame 
 Caufe by the Chancery , and re-deliver’d by the King's Bench ; 
 but no quafhing of the Chancery- Order for Commitment ever 
 heard of. 
 
 5. In fuch Cafes of re-commitment, the Party hath other 
 and proper Remedy, befides a New Habeas Corpus $ of which I 
 fhall not fpeak now. 
 
 6. It is known. That if a Man recover in Affize, and after 
 in a Re-diffeifin, if the firft Judgment be Revers’d in the Af¬ 
 fize, the Judgment in the Re-diffeifin is alfo Reversed. So if 
 a Man recover in Wafte, and Damages given, for which Debt 
 is brought, ( efpecially if the firft Judgment be Revers’d be¬ 
 fore Execution ) it deftroys the Procefs for the Damages in 
 Debt, tho by feveral Originals. But it may be faid. That in 
 a Writ of Error in this kind, the Foundation is deftroy’d, and 
 no fuch Record is left. 
 
 But as to that in Drury's Cafe 8 Rep. 
 Drury 3 s Cafe 7 an Outlawry iffued, and Procefs of Capias upon 
 Rep. 8. ~ the Outlawry, the Sheriff return’d Non ejt in¬ 
 
 ventus \ and the fame Day the Party came into 
 
 Court* 
 
of Mr. BufhellV Cafe. 429 
 
 Court, and demanded Oyer of the Exigent, which was the War¬ 
 rant of the Outlawry; and ftiew’d the Exigent to be altoge¬ 
 ther uncertain and infufficient, and confequently the Out¬ 
 lawry depending upon it to be null. And the Court gave 
 Judgment accordingly, tho the Record of the Outlawry were 
 never Revers’d by Error $ which differs not from this Cafe, 
 where the Order of Commitment is Judicially declar’d illegal, 
 tho not qualh’d or revers’d by Error * and confequently what¬ 
 ever depends upon it, as the Fine and Commitment doth \ and 
 the Outlawry in the former Cafe was more the Ring’s In- 
 tereft, than the Fine in this. 
 
 The Lord Chief Juftice deliver’d the Opinion of the 
 Court, and accordingly the Prifoners were difeharg’d. 
 
( 43 ° ) 
 
 pticnft xiii. 
 
 An Apology or Defence of William 
 the Fir ft of Naffaii, Prince of 
 Orange, &c. in anfwer to the Pro¬ 
 clamation againft , and Profcription 
 of him by the King of Spain. 
 
 To which is prefix'd the faid Profcripcion at 
 l,ength y with federal Letters and Declara¬ 
 tions of the Trince of Orange, CS'C. re¬ 
 lating thereunto. 
 
 The Copy of a Letter written by the Kjng with hit 
 own Handy to the Prince of Orange. 
 
 I Have with great AfFe&ion receiv’d your Letter of the 
 27th of May, and fmce that other which you writ unto 
 me the 14th of June: And by that which I have written 
 to my Sifter, you have been able to underftand the fmall Oc- 
 cafion that you have to think that which you write unto me 
 in that Letter of the 27th of May, but rather the contrary. 
 Alfo it is certain, that you fhould much deceive your felf to 
 think, that I would not have all Confidence and good Opi¬ 
 nion of you: And albeit fome certain one Ihould mean to 
 perform a contrary Duty towards me * yet this Ihould remain, 
 
 that 
 
/£. Philip’* Letter to the Prince of Orange. 431 
 
 that I would not be fo light, as to give credit thereto, having 
 fo great Experience of your Loyalty and Services. Wherefore 
 you need not trouble your felf therewith, but ftay your felf 
 upon the Letters, which heretofore I have written unto you in 
 this behalf, and upon your own Deeds, but at no hand reft 
 upon that whichTome Enemies (it may be of my Service, and 
 of your good Eftate ) would endeavour to caufe you to under- 
 ftand. Touching the Liberty you demand, to leave off your 
 Charges and Offices, it grieveth me, that .your particular Af¬ 
 fairs and Bulinefles are in fuch Terms and State as you fay : 
 And I cannot but tell you, that the Affairs of thofe Countries, 
 ftanding in fuch fort and manner as they do, it is not reafon 
 that fuch perfons, as yours is (to whom I truft, and upon whom 
 I ftay my felf) ftiould abandon and forfake the fame, fpecially 
 I my felf being fo far off from the faid Countries: yea rather 
 it were reafon, that thofe that are in their own Houfes, ftiould 
 fpeedily provide for, and help this prefent neceflity, and im- 
 ploy themfelves upon that whereunto they are bound, as ye have 
 prefently done, in going to Antwerp, whereby I have receiv’d 
 great Contentment and Joy * and am very well affur’d, that ye 
 will there do whatfoever ftiall be moft convenient for my Ser¬ 
 vice, and for the quietnefs and peace of the faid Town and 
 Country, and for the avoiding of the Diforders that ftiall arife 
 there. Which thing alfo I hope of you, and I know that ye will 
 not declare your felf to be any other, than fuch a one as ye have 
 heretofore declar’d your felf to be, all your life long. And to 
 the end ye may perceive, that I do deal freely with you, I will 
 not ceafe to advertife you, that there hath been in thefe Quar¬ 
 ters a great Rumor concerning this; to wit, that your Brother 
 hath been found to be a dealer in thofe things that are done 
 there. And becaufe I cannot ceafe much and often to think of 
 this matter, I charge you ftri&ly diligently to conftder, how 
 it may be remedied and redrefled, that it proceed no further, 
 and look that you do effettually perform it: and if it feem good 
 unto you to remove, for a few days, your Brother far from 
 you, do fo. From (he Foreft of Segovia the firft of Auguft 6 
 
 Subfigned 
 
 PHILIP, 
 
 And written upon the Bacl^fide 
 To the Prince of Orange, 
 
 And feal'd with the King's Seal. 
 
 A 
 
( 4J2 ) 
 
 A Proclamation and an Edi Min Form of a 
 
 Profcriprion, made by the Majefiy of the Kjng 
 our Lordy againjt William of Nafiau, Prince 
 of Orange, as the chief Captam and Qifimber 
 of the State of Chriftendom, and efpeciatiy of 
 thefe Low-Countries ; by which every one is au* 
 thonzdd to hurt him and to kill him , as a pub lick 
 'Plague ; with a Reward to him that jhall do it y 
 and fhall be affijiing and aiding thereunto . 
 
 P HI LIP, by the Grace of God, King of Caftile, Leon 3 Ar« 
 ragony Navar, Naples, Cicilia, Majorca, Sardinia, of the Ifles, 
 Indies, Firm Land, and of the Ocean-Sea ; Archduke of Aujlria, 
 Duke of Burgundy, Lothkr, Brabant, Lemburg, Luxenburg, G elder- 
 land and Milan ^ County of Hapsburg, Flanders, Artois and Bur¬ 
 gundy ; Palatine both of Haynault, Holland, Zealand, Namure and 
 Zutphen ; Prince of Suave $ Marquis of the Holy Empire ; Lord 
 of Frifeland, Salines and Malines, and the City, Towns and 
 Country of Vtrecht, Overyffel and Groningen, and Governor in 
 Afia and Africa . To all thofe that fhall fee thefe prefent Wri¬ 
 tings, Greeting. 
 
 It’s known to all the World, how the late Emperor of moll 
 Excellent Memory, Charles the Fifth, my Lord and Father, 
 whom God abfolve, hath favourably handled and dealt with 
 William of Naff an, for the Succeffion of the late Rene of Chaalon y 
 Prince of Orange his Coufin : and how from that time forward, 
 even from his firft Age, he hath (altho he were a Stranger) 
 greatly advanc'd him ; which thing we our felves alfo have al¬ 
 ways fucceflively continued, and daily augmented more and 
 more; having made him firft of our Order, afterward our Lieu¬ 
 tenant-General in the Government of Holland, Zealand, Vtrecht 
 and Burgundy, and withal, of our Council of State, bellowing 
 upon him fundry Benefits and Honours whereby both by rea- 
 fon of the Oath of Fidelity and Homages, which he hath like- 
 wife made unto us, becaufe alfo of the Fees, Penfions, Lands, 
 and Lordfhips t held of us ; in divers our Countries and Pro¬ 
 vinces, he was greatly fubjefted, and bound to obey us; to 
 keep and hold his Faith given, and to procure the Good and 
 
 Prqfk 
 
A Profcription of the Kjng of Spain, &c. 45 ^ 
 
 Profit of our Affairs, and confequently to maintain all quiet- 
 nefs and peace in our Eftates and Countries. Notwithftanding 
 every one knoweth* that we were not fo fbon departed out of 
 I thofe our Low-Countries, but that the faid William of Najputj 
 made Prince of Orange by the means above-mention’d, did by 
 his linifter Praff ices, Devices and Crafts, a flay firit to get the 
 Good-wills of thofe whom he knew to be difcontent,> greatly 
 indebted, haters of Juftice, lludious of Novelties, and efpeci- 
 | ally fuch as were fulpeded to be of the Religion, banqueting 
 them, provoking them, and drawing thein after him by fair 
 Words, Promifes and vain Perfualions, even fo far, that he 
 was. the principal Author, Promoter and Framer of the firit 
 Requeft, prefented by certain Companies of young Gentlemen* 
 who did daily frequent his HoUfe and Table: yea, th.it the 
 very Plot thereof was laid in his faid Houle, by and with the 
 j Afliftartce, of Count Ludovic\ of Naffau his Brother, a great He- 
 retick. And albeitj that he was the Director of all thele De* 
 vices; yet, in that time, he daily haunted the Council of State* 
 being prefent at all Confutations and Refolutions taken and 
 made therein ; inforjiuch that; every Man may eafily mark the 
 faithful Truft that was in him, and the ObferVation of his 
 Oaths. And afterward palling from the faid Requeft, and pro- 
 i ceeding further, he and his Adherents brought in Heretical 
 Preachings, and Publick Affemblies in fundry places of our faid 
 Countries, whilft that the Dutchefs of Parma , our molt dear 
 and beft-belov’d Sifter (then Regent and General Governor 
 of our faid Low-Countries) had fent unto us, that we might give 
 prder concerning the faid Requeft. And alfo, by the Advice* 
 Knowledge and Partaking of the faid, Prince of Orange y the 
 Hereticks ( being guided by thofe Prefenters of the aforefaid 
 Requeft, who were favour’d by him ) began tumultuoufly to 
 break Images, Altars and Churches; to prophane all holy and 
 facred Things, yea, the Sacraments inftituted by God. Ne- 
 verthelefs, by the Grace of God, and Forefight of the faid 
 JLady, the Matters were fo well govern’d and remedied, that 
 he was inforc’d to depart out of our Countries, ajid to leave 
 his faid Governments, yet not without being full of W rath 
 and Jhreatnings that he would be reveng’d therefore : which 
 thing he thought the Year following to perform by Arms, but 
 in vain ; for he was fo fpeedily purfu’d by our Army continu¬ 
 ally following him at his heels, that he was driven out of all 
 Our faid Countries, without being able to remain in any part 
 thereof. But as foon after there did in fundry places appear 
 fome Difcontentment of our faid Subjects, againft the Go¬ 
 vernment of the Duke of Alva ( who fucceeded the faid Lady 
 in Ifee Governnient afore&id; and amongft others, in the Pro- 
 
 f f tinces 
 
4 $4 A Prefer iftion of the Kjng of Spain 
 
 vinces of Holland and Zeland ; fo he prattifed, that he might 
 return thither again. To which, notwithftanding he was not 
 receiv’d, but that firft he did holily fwear to the Eftates of 
 the faid Countries, and the Towns therein, that he would 
 maintain the faid Countries and Towns for us, and in our 
 Obedience ; and that he would not change any thing what- 
 foever, of the antient Catholick and Rornirn Religion, but as 
 a Governor only, would affift and defend them againft the 
 faid D. of Alva , if he would inforce, and by Violence draw 
 them to that which he pretended; that is to fay, to the pay¬ 
 ment of the ten and twenty peny of that Impofition, which he 
 would charge them withal: a thing indeed which we never 
 commanded him, neither ever under ftood to have been done, 
 but with the good leave and liking of our faid Subjects; and 
 yet that alfo, in the Head of other Aids and Impofitions, where¬ 
 of we meant to unburden them. Notwithftanding, fo foon 
 as the faid Naffan was enter’d and receiv’d into the faid Go¬ 
 vernment, he began by his Officers and Accomplices to bring 
 in Heretical Preachings in every place where he could, perfe¬ 
 cting all the good Paftors, Preachers, Religious Perfons, 
 and honeft People ; whereof he drove away a great Number, 
 and amongft them he caus’d many of them to be murder’d, 
 or elfe wink’d at the Murder that was made of them, by fome 
 of his Adherents, until fuch time as the laid Eftates, being 
 greatly offended with this Cruelty, would have a Reafon and 
 an Account yielded thereof. But then he feign’d, that the 
 thing did much dilpleafe and dillike him ; and yet notwith¬ 
 ftanding afterwards, he return’d to his firft Purpofe and Mark, 
 ill intreating thofe whom he knew to be Catholicks, and con¬ 
 trary to his Attempts, aiding himfeif with the Counfel of He¬ 
 retical Minifters, as well Strangers, as of the faid Country; 
 changing likewife the Magiftrates, which he knew favour’d 
 not his Enterprires and Purpofes, and afterwards proceeded to 
 bring in Liberty of Confcience, or (to fpeak truly) Confu- 
 fion of Religion. Whereupon immediately after it fell out, 
 that the Catholicks were openly perfected, call down, and 
 driven away ; the Churches and Monafteries, both of Men 
 and Women, broken down, ruinated, and made even with the 
 Earth; the Religious Perfons, both Men and Women, evil 
 handled, baniftfd and rooted out, unlefs they would play the 
 Apoftates, and become married; for in the other he had no 
 confidence at all (as alfo he himfeif, being before a married 
 Man, his fecond Wife yet living, did take a Religious Woman 
 and an Abbefs, folemnly bleffed by the Bifhop’s Hand, whom 
 he as yet keepeth with him, the moft Ihamedhc’d and infamous 
 thing*that can be, not only according to Chriftian Religion, 
 
agdinjl the Prince of Orange. 435 
 
 but aifo by the Laws of the Romans , and again ft all Honefty) 
 and at the laft hath proceeded fo far, that he hath not left 
 any more place for the Catholick Religion, fuffering all the 
 Errors and Impieties of all other Setts and Herdies, that he 
 might thereby overthrow and root tip (if he would) our Ca¬ 
 tholick and Holy Religion, which hath been always obferv’d 
 by the whole Eftate of Chriftians. 
 
 Furthermore, He hath caus’d our poor Subjetts of Holland 
 and Zeland to be fo ftifl^ and brought them to ftand upon 
 fuch terms, that almoft all the Towns thereof, one after ano¬ 
 ther, .have been befieg’d and taken, fome by aflault, and other- 
 fome by compofition and yielding : infomuch that more than 
 once he hath been almoft utterly driven out by our Armies, 
 until fuch time that the great Commander of Cafiile , being dead, 
 whom we alfo made Succeffor in that Government after the 
 faid Duke of Alva , whom we call’d back from thence, that we 
 might make our Subjetts more contented thereby; things came 
 into fome diforder, and Difobedience of Soldiers, who took 
 the Town of Z\rhzee\ which Diforder began to give fome 
 favour to the faid Najfau: and immediately after the States- 
 General of our faid Countries, in thofe Quarters, (defiring 
 once to get out of thefe Miferies of War, perfuaded by the 
 faid Orange , faying and feigning, That he deiir’d nothing but 
 the good Peace and Tranquillity of the Countries, and to fet 
 them free from ftrange Soldiers, and to hold the Country un¬ 
 der our Obedience, and withal, to preftrve therein the antient 
 Catholick Religion, fuch as it had always been exercis’d and 
 prattis’d amongft them, and to keep the Privileges and Li¬ 
 berty of the faid Country) did make with him the Treaty 
 of Gaunt , eftablifh’d exprefly upon thefe two Grounds; 
 that is, to maintain the faid Religion, and Obedience to 
 us. 
 
 While thefe things were in handling, we fent our good Bro¬ 
 ther, the late Lord Don John of Auflria , of bleffed Memory, 
 with Commandment and Intention to pacify, reconcile, and 
 accord, all the Troubles of our faid Countries, by the moft 
 gentle means, and favourableft way that could be: which thing 
 alfo he did, yielding unto our Subjetts every thing, which any 
 manner of way might be granted unto them $ ratifying and 
 confirming alfo the faid Treaty of Gaunt , which he caus’d to 
 : be publifh’d in every place, according to the accuftom’d man- 
 1 ner, which the forefaid Orange did gainfay by all the Forces 
 and Power he had ; but not being able to hinder it, he would 
 never afterwards caufe the fame to be publifh’d in the Places 
 of his Governments. (fretting, as is faid, becaufe he was not 
 I able to btt it) notwithftanding that we our felves had after- 
 
 F f 2 wards 
 
436 A Profcription of the K^ing of Spain 
 
 wards approv’d, cpnfcfs’d and confirm’d both the one,and the 
 other Agreement and Treaty; and notwithftanding that our 
 faid good Brother (together with the Deputies of the re it 
 of the States ) had fent divers great and good Perfonages to 
 thq laid Orange y to perfuade him to that, to the end effectually 
 to accomplifh on his part, that whereunto he was held and 
 bound, by'the Articles and Points of the faid Treaty q{ Gaunt, 
 And becaufe, that he pleaded and a Hedg’d continually, that 
 he ought to recover his whole Government; and withal, that 
 the Towns which would' not acknowledg him for Governor, or 
 elfe tho.le which afterwards we had taken by force of Arms, 
 and brought by fame other means into our Obedience, *fhould 
 be put under his faid Government', he was even in that alfo 
 fatisfy’d ' by the goodnefs and gentlenefs of our faid States, 
 who. had not yet then fufficiently'known his Deceits and Per¬ 
 juries, yet fo notwithstanding, that he fhould fwear that he 
 would change nothing at all of the Form of the faid Antient, 
 Catholick and Roman Religion ; and that for this purpofe he 
 fiiould give fuch Affkrances and Satisfactions, as the Magi¬ 
 strates, Burgefies and Inhabitants of every Town might jultly 
 demand. Whereupon they, having reafon’d a long while 
 touching the Aflurances which every Town did demand, to 
 the end, that that which the faid Charge promis’d them might 
 beobferv’d and kept, they were fubjeCted undef his Govern¬ 
 ment; after that he had fworn to perform the Points a fore- 
 faid, and other Articles contain’d in the In liniments and Wri¬ 
 tings of tire faid Satisfactions and Aflurances. But fo far off 
 was it, that he hath kept and obferv’d his forefaid Promifes 
 and Oaths, that, on the contrary fide, he immediately brought 
 into the faid Countries and Towns, his Minilters and Calvi - 
 viji Preachers; he hath caus’d the Hereticks, that were banilh’d, 
 to return ; he hath there practis’d Liberty of Confcience, and 
 bath caus’d to be committed fome Offences in fome Churches, 
 joining himfelf, firft to the poorer fort, and afterwardss to the 
 Magiltrates; and Iiath by little and little perfecuted the good 
 Pallors,, and caus’d them to fly away. Finally, he hath ex* 
 ^iel’d and banilh’d the whole Catholick Religion, and forbid¬ 
 den the Exercife and Ufe thereof. In doing of which, he us’d 
 his ordinary Hypocrifies, and accultom’d Counterfeiting ; fay* 
 ing, That thofe things difpleas’d him, and that he was not 
 able to remedy the fame. And yet notwithftanding he did, 
 both by himfelf, and by his Officers fecretly, and as it were 
 under-hand, provoke all the feditious and heretical Perfons, to 
 yfe and praCtife the mifehief he had conceiv’d; And for this 
 caufe he did (by the Aid and Affiftance of thofe of his flde) 
 fl&ce by little and little, Garifcns within the Towns, againft 
 
 Ysiff 
 
agrinft the Prince of Orange. 4}7 
 
 his Covenants and Promifes fworn ; and in the mean while 
 ceas’d not to accufe our faid Brother Don John , that he privily 
 j pra&is’d many Mifchiefs againft the States: which thing, not- 
 withftanding, our faid Brother hath always affur’d us not to 
 ; be true. But rather, that feeing the Obftinacy and Malice 
 of the faid Orange, he might be able to impart the fame 
 ! matter with others, and to devife how they might bring him 
 to Reafon, and hinder him from again troubling the whole 
 publick Quietn£lsof the fad Countries, as afterwards he did 
 indeed. 
 
 All this notWithftanding, the aforefaid Orange left not off, un- 
 i til that by his practices and fubtil Heights (which are very pro¬ 
 per to him) he had fet fuch great Diffidence and Diftruft be¬ 
 tween our faid Brother, and the Eftates of our faid Countries, 
 
 I that there appear’d nothing but a moll great, evident^ and 
 apparent Murder. Infomuch that, fpr the avoiding of that 
 Diforder, or at the leaft to efcape the Imprifonment of his 
 own Perfon, the faid Don John plac’d himfelf fafely in otir 
 I Town and Caftle of Namure. Whereunto he was fo much the 
 more mov’d, by how much he was not any whit at all arm’d ; 
 
 ! and on the other fide, becaufe it was manifeft and certain, 
 
 I that the faid Orange , by all his Pofting Meffengers and Offi¬ 
 cers, did not ceafe to provoke the faftious perfons to praftife 
 the like thing upon his own Perfon, as he had the fame year 
 caus’d to be pratfis’d upon thofe of our Council of State, ap¬ 
 pointed to the general * Government of our faid Countries: 
 As alfo, becaufe that then the faid Orange , thinking that he 
 had gotten all, did begin to fhoot out all his Arrows, and to 
 difcover his Sleights and Weapons, that he might draw our 
 People into open War, againft our faid Brother and Lieute¬ 
 nant-General. Notwith Handing, by occalion of fome good 
 Men being nigh about his Perfon, and of other vertuous Peo¬ 
 ple, on the State’s lide ; the Matters came fo far, that all was 
 well agreed; and that for the avoiding of all Occalion and 
 Diftruft, it was both on the one fide, and on the other con¬ 
 cluded, that he fhould withdraw himfelf from his Government, 
 and go into Italy ; which thing alfo we our felves wifh’d and 
 will’d : And there were with him the Deputies of the Eftates, 
 mutually to accept and fign the Offers made on both Tides, 
 one of them to another. But in ill time, this Enemy, the com¬ 
 mon Difturber of publick Qiiietnefs ( who knowing that from 
 the place of Holland where he was, he could not with all his 
 Devices any more hinder this Peace and Reconciliation) made 
 liafte to come at that very time to Bruxelles ; and feigning that 
 he would have Peace, he procur’d War, fetting down new Con¬ 
 ditions, not yet talk’d nor confer’d of, nor open’d; infomuch 
 
 F f 3 that 
 
4j8 A Frofcription of the KJngof Spain 
 
 that he obtain’d his Purpofe, breaking the whole Agreement, 
 as every one very well knoweth. Afterwards, the Matter be¬ 
 ing come to a breaking out of open and moft cruel War, he 
 by Force and Tumult of the People, caus’d himfelf, againft 
 the Good-will of the Eftates, to be declar’d Rewart ; that is, 
 the Proteftor or Defender of our Country of Brabant , and af¬ 
 terwards the fecond Lieutenant of all our Low-Countries : and 
 alfo, in fine, he caus’d himfelf by the Tumults of Gaunt , and 
 of fome other |ilaces, to be chofen Governor of Flanders *, ha¬ 
 ving alfo caus’d to come thither, his Brother, and Brother-in- 
 law, being Strangers, to take upon them fome other Govern¬ 
 ments of our Provinces. And yet notwithftanding he and his 
 partakers burden our People with all forts of Impofitions, 
 Exattions, Demands, Levies and Taxes, fo hard, barbarous and 
 tyrannous, that the like hath never been heard of; which he 
 hath executed by a ftrong Hand and Force of Arms, without 
 the confent of our People, and without yielding any account 
 thereof: And if any Man fpeak of thefe things, he layeth 
 hand upon them, or caufeth them to be fpoil’d, evil intreated, 
 imprifon’d or flain. 
 
 On the other fide it is manifeft, what we have continually 
 done to pacify and quiet ( fo foon as we underftooc^ thereof ) 
 the Evil that fell out, as hath been faid, between our faid 
 Lieutenant-General and the Eftates: But all the good that 
 we have done, or our faid Brother, hath been fupprefs’d and 
 hid ; inftead whereof, the faid Orange , and his partakers, have 
 devis’d a thousand Slanders, the more to abufe our faid Sub¬ 
 jects. Even. as in the obtaining of the Vittory of Gembloux , 
 when we fent the Baron of Seelies with moft reafonable Con¬ 
 ditions, that he might receive into favour our faid Subjefts, 
 and accord the whole Matter *, nothing for all that follow’d 
 thereupon, by means of the hinderance and lett, which he 
 knew to caft in the way : albeit, that all this while, our faid 
 Subjeffs, writing both to us, and to our good Brother and Ne¬ 
 phew the Emperor, and other Potentates, to juftify the Con- 
 troverfies which they had againft our faid Lieutenant-General, 
 did openly proteft, that they meant not to change any thing in 
 the Antient, Catholick, and Roman Religion, iiich as it had 
 always been obferv’d in our faid Countries; and withal, that 
 under the pra&ice thereof, they would yield us that Obedience 
 which by God’s Law and Man’s Law was due unto us: which 
 were the only two-Points which-we always demanded, and 
 demanded then of them, and whereof alfo we were agreed. 
 Notwithftanding the faid Orange , fearing the Reconciliation 
 of our Subjetts with us, came fo far, that he laid again new 
 Devices, not only for to hinder that matter, but alfo to make 
 
Agdinfi the Prince of Orange. 4^9 
 
 (if lie could) for ever the thing paft hope of Recovery, and 
 altogether remedilefs, by going about to corrupt all with 
 Herefy, whereunto he attain’d in divers places, both by Sub- 
 tilties,* Crafts, Mifchiefs, and Perjuries, well known to him 
 and all Hereticks, and alfo by mere force, ufingthe fame that 
 he had pra&ifed before, to. waft and deftroy the Provinces of 
 Holland and Zeland , calling all into the Fire of popular Tu¬ 
 mult *, and of the facking of Churches, Prophanations of Sa¬ 
 craments, Murder or Imprifonment of Bilhops, Pallors, Je- 
 fuits, Religious Men, Religious Women, and of fundry fecu- 
 lar Perfons of Quality and Honour; breaking againft all Order 
 of Law the Privileges, LJfages, andantient Obfervations; de¬ 
 priving the Prefidents, Counfellors, Governours of Places, 
 Bailifl?, Provofts, Sheriffs, and other Catholick Officers, well 
 affe&edtoJQs, and the Good and Quiet of the Country; pla¬ 
 cing in their llead, and that extraordinarily and by his own 
 Authority, and oftentimes by the Tumult of the People pro¬ 
 vok’d by him (amongft whom he reigneth and triumpheth) all 
 Seftaries, feditious Men, and turbulent Perfons, living on 
 Prey and Spoil, and others like unto himfelf: infomuch that he 
 hath brought all to the moll tyrannous, barbarous, and bloody 
 Confufion, that ever yet was heard of. Wherewith certain 
 Catholick Provinces being difpleas’d, even to fee the Con- 
 fciences of the Good fo opprefs’d and violently inforc’d, and 
 the Churches, Gloiflers, Abbeys, Caftles, and Houfes of No¬ 
 blemen and Great Perfonages, laid flat with the Earth, and 
 their Goods given for a Prey to all wicked Men, at the difcre- 
 tion and plealure of this Stranger, and the whole Eftate of 
 the Country fubverted by him; yea, fo far, that he meant to 
 conftrain whole Provinces, and that againft their Oath and 
 Good Will: they did willingly reconcile themfelves to us. 
 Which thing he endeavour’d on all tides to gainfay and hin¬ 
 der, but they were more ftrong and conftant than he ; yea, 
 which is worfe, albeit that the faid Lord Emperor, at the 
 earneft Requeft of the faid Eftates (who befought him to 
 be an Interceffor, and to make a mean for a Pacification be¬ 
 tween Us and Them) was content to take the whole matter 
 into his own hands, and to determine it if he could. Where- 
 unto, for the Delire that we have to fee our People deliver’d 
 from thefc Calamities, We did willingly condefcend and agree. 
 And indeed his Imperial Majefty fent to this purpofe his Com- 
 milfioners to Cologn , as well Princes Electors, as others very 
 principal Perfons of the Holy Empire, to underiland the 
 Points in controverfy anddifpute between us; yet that hath no 
 whit at all turn’d him afide, nor with-held him from his wic¬ 
 ked and per verfe Purpofes. And indeed the faid Commiflio- 
 
 F f 4 ners 
 
440 d Preferiptjon of the Kjngof Spain 
 
 tiers having heafd the whole matter, and debated a good while 
 together upon the Demands of the faid Effates, and our'Offers 
 made thereto, refoW’d and concluded the Points and Articles 
 which they caus’d to be publifh’d'and imprinted, that they 
 might be accepted both of the one fide and the other. Ne- 
 verdielefs' the whole matter was without any effect or fruit, 
 notwithffanding that the Ar ticles themfelves were fo gracious, 
 favourable, juff and reafonable, that there is no Man of 
 good Judgment, but confeffeth that they are more than fuffi- 
 cient, and that we have offer’d more than by any reafon our 
 Subjects ought to demand at bur hands. 
 
 Whilff this Conference .and Communication endur’d and 
 ladled, the faid to the end that he might countermine 
 
 and work aginft the Emperor and us, and fo by that means 
 rnake all the matter derperate and paff hope, caus’d to be 
 made in Virecht a certain Affembly of the Deputies of fundry 
 Towns and Countries, which, he keepeth under his own power ; 
 there to prattife a nnv League, or a manifeft and notorious 
 Gonfpifacy*againft the fafd Religion and Lf$,witb execrable and 
 deteffable both Words ahd Oaths, not abffaining to injuretlie 
 Commiffionefs of the laid Lord Emperor. For which purpofe he 
 was affiffed by his faid Brother, and Brother in Law, and 
 other Helpers; which thing he hath alfo wreffed and wrung 
 from fun fry quarters, by great Provocation, Practices, Slan¬ 
 ders, and importunate Proinifcs •, yea, almoff by Force. And 
 riotwithHanding all the Duties perform’d by the faid Commif- 
 {ioners, to caufb the Provinces to underffand their faid good 
 atrl holy Refoiution, fo profitable for our Subjects; he by his 
 Adherents, and certain fuppos'd Per Tons whpm he ufeth for 
 Inffruments, hath brought to pafs that the faid Articles were 
 a long while Bipprefs’d and kept clofe ; and when they could 
 not any longer be'hidden, he hath not only hinder’d that 
 they fhould not be accepted, but hath procur’d that certain 
 pernicious Books, ltuff’d with all Lyes and Slanders, fhould be 
 written againff them. And moreover, at the laff the Depu¬ 
 ties that he hath in Antwerp nigh about him, being of the 
 fame Profeffion, have demanded Articles more grievous, im¬ 
 pertinent, hurtful, offenfive, and full of Impiety.againff God, 
 and XJs their Sovereign Lord and natural Prince; yea, fuch 
 Articles as a Man cannot fpeak too much againff them. Be¬ 
 tides, when he perceiv’d that as yet he could not by all his 
 cunning Perfuafions and Labours wholly obtain the fame, he 
 determin’d at length to depart out of- Antwerp < (from whence 
 he had not Hir’d by more than two years fpace) and went 
 imo our faid Town of Vtrecht , to the end he might accom- 
 plifh the Execution of the faid damnable League, and make 
 
againft the Prince of Orange. 441 
 
 for ever all the natters unremediable. And generally, he 
 hath fo behaved himfelf in all manner of Tyranny, that he 
 hath driven from thence and routed out all the People of 
 the Church; yea, he hath fo handled the Lords, and''the, 
 whole principal Nobility of our Countries, that they have 
 been inforc’d to withdraw themfelves and to forfake their 
 Countries, to the end that he may reign and rule there moft 
 abfolutely, amongft the Furies and Tumults of the People, 
 the good being chafed away. And biecanfe that all this Con- 
 fufionand Curfe, which our Countries fuffer, is confefs’d to 
 proceed from the Counfel, Exhortation, Provocation, and 
 doing of this wicked Hypocrite, By means of his unquiet Spi¬ 
 rit, which alfo’ placeth the whole Felicity thereof in the 
 trouble of our Subjects: And withal feeing that it is manifeft, 
 that fo long as he is in our Countries, there caiinot be Peace, 
 Reft, nor any Qmietnefs, eftablifhing all upon a perpetual 
 Diftruft, which lie hath ever in his mouth (a very ordinary 
 and common thing to wicked men, who have their Confciences 
 vexed and troubled, as had Cain , Judas, and fuch-like) more¬ 
 over, feeing that notwithftanding the Intreaties and Offers 
 that have been made him, even by the Emperor’s Commiflio- 
 ners, offering him moft great Profits, to the end that he 
 would return to his native Country (where every one natu¬ 
 rally ought to defire to live moft) he would not accept there^ 
 of; and being a ftranger, delighteth rather to deftroy our 
 Countries, than to yield to that which is reafonable and good, 
 for the benefit of our natural Subjeds, the Inhabitants 
 thereof. 
 
 For thefe caufes, which are fo juft, reafonable, and lawful, 
 Ufing in this behalf the Authority that we have over him, as 
 well by virtue of the Oaths of Fidelity and Obedience, 
 which he hath fundry times taken unto us, as alfo being the 
 Abfolute and Sovereign Prince of the faid Low Countries \ for 
 all his perverfe and wicked Deeds, and becaufe he alone hath 
 been the Head, Author, and Promoter of thefe Troubles, 
 and the principal Difturber of our whole Eftate : to be fhort, 
 becaufe he hath been the publick Plague of ChriJJendom , we 
 publifh him for a Traitor and a wicked Man, the Enemy of 
 Us and our Countries; and as fuch a one haveproferib’d him, 
 and do perpetually and" 1 for ever proferibe him out of the faid 
 Countries, all other our Eftates, Kingdoms, and Signiories ; 
 interdicting and forbidding all our Subjects, of what eftate, 
 condition, or quality foever they be, not to haunt, live, be 
 convcrfant, fpeak, or communicate with him openly or fe- 
 cretly, nor to receive him or lodg him in their Honfei, nor 
 to Biinifter unto him Meat, Drink, Fire, or any other Ne- 
 
 ceflaries, 
 
442 A Prefer ipt ion of the Kjng of Spain 
 
 ceffaries, in any fort whatfoever, on pain of incurring our In¬ 
 dignation and Difpleafure, as hereafter (hall be faid. And fo 
 We permit all, whether they be our Subjefts or others, for 
 the Execution of our faid Declaration and Edift, to ftay him, 
 let him, and fafely to keep his Perfon, and to hurt him both 
 in his Goods, and alfo in his Perfon and Life, giving the faid 
 William of Naffau over unto all Men as the Enemy of Mankind, 
 granting unto every one all his Goods, movable and unmovable, 
 that can take, occupy, or conquer the fame, wherefoever 
 they be, except thofe Goods which are at this prefent in our 
 power and poueflion. And to the end indeed, that this mat¬ 
 ter may be the more effeftually and readily perform’d, and 
 fo by that means our faid People the fooner deliver’d from 
 this Tyranny and Oppreffion, we willing to reward Virtue 
 and to punifh Vice, dopromife in the word of a King, and 
 as the Minifter of God, that if there be any found, either 
 among our own Subjects, or among# Strangers, fo noble of 
 Courage, and defirous of our Service and the Publick Good, 
 that knoweth any way how to execute our faid Decree, and 
 to fet Us and Himfelf free from the aforefaid Plague, deli¬ 
 vering him unto us quick or dead, or at leaft taking his Life 
 from him, we will caufe to be given and provided for him 
 and his Heirs, in good Land or ready Mony, chufe him whe¬ 
 ther, immediately after the thing (hall be accomplifh’d, the 
 Sum of twenty five thoufand Crowns of Gold; and if he 
 have committed any Offence or Fault, how great and grievous 
 fbever it be, we promife to pardon him the fame, and from 
 henceforth do pardon it; yea, and if he were not before No¬ 
 ble,, we do make him Noble for his Courage and valiant Aft: 
 And if the principal Doer take with with him for his Aid, 
 m the Aceomplifhment of this Enterprife, or Execution of 
 this hisFaft, other Perfons befide himfelf, we will bellow upon 
 them Benefits and a Reward, and will give to every one of them, 
 according to their degree, and according.to that Service which 
 they (hall yield unto us in this behalf; pardoning them alfo what- 
 foeyer theyhave ill done, and making them likewife Noble. And 
 becauie that the Receivers, Favourers, and Adherents of fuch 
 Tyrants, are they who caufe them to continue, and do nourifh 
 and uphold rhem in their Naughtinefs, without the which 
 the Wicked could not rule any long time, we declare all them 
 likewife for Rebels againft us, and Enemies of the common 
 Quiet; and as fuch do deprive them of all their Goods, No¬ 
 bility, Honours, and Favours, prefent or to come, who within 
 4 month after the Publication of this prefent Edift, fhall not 
 withdraw themfelves from taking part with him, but (hall 
 continue to (hew him Favour, and to give him Aid, or other- 
 
agtinfi the Prince of Orange. 44$ 
 
 wife fhall haunt, frequent, follow, aflift, counfel or favour 
 him, dire&ly or indireflly, or from this time forward fhall 
 deliver him any Honey *, giving all the Goods and Bodies of 
 fuch Hen, wherefoever they may be found, either in our 
 Kingdoms or Countries, or out of them, to thofe that lhalf 
 occupy the fame, whether they be Herchandizes, Hony, 
 Debts, Attions, Lands, Lordfhips, and other things whatfo- 
 ever, except that the faid Goods be already feiz’d in our 
 power, as hath been before faid. And that they may the 
 more fpeedily come to have Sentence againft their faid Perfon 
 or Goods, it fhall be proof fudicient enough to declare, that 
 they have feen them, after the time exprefs’d in this Pro¬ 
 scription, communicate, fpeak, treat, haunt openly or fecret- 
 ly with the faid Orange , or have fhew’d him particular Favour, 
 AfMance, or Aid, direttly or indire&ly howfoever; pardoning 
 notwithftanding all Hen whatfoever, even unto the faid time 
 they (hall have done to the contrary, if returning back, and 
 fubmitting themfelves again under the due and lawful Obe¬ 
 dience which they owe unto us, they have accepted or fhall 
 accept the faid Treaty oi Arras, concluded at Atons , or the 
 Articles of the Deputies of the Emperor determined at 
 Colour, 
 
 Thus we give in charge and command, our moft dear and 
 faithful, the Heads, Prelidents, and Perfons of our Privy and 
 Great Councils ; the Chancellor and Perfons of our Council 
 in Brabant the Governour, Prefident, and Perfons of our 
 Council at Luxemburg ; the Governor, Chancellor, and Perfons 
 of our Council in Gdderland ; the Governor of Lembourgh , 
 Faulquem.ont , Daelhem, and of others our Countries of Oultre - 
 meuxe \ the Governor, Prefidents, and Perfons of our Councils 
 in Flanders and Artoi i the great Bailiff of Hainault , and Per¬ 
 fons of our Council at Jims ; the Governor, Prefident, and 
 Perfons of our Council in Holland ; the Governor, Prefident, 
 and Perfons of our Council at Namur *, the Governor, Prefi¬ 
 dents, and Perfons of our Council in Friejeland\ the Governor, 
 Chancellor, and Perfons of our Council in Ovcryffel ; the 
 Lieutenant of Groningen ; the Governour, Prefident, and Per¬ 
 fons of our Council at Vtrecht \ the Governor of Life, Douay, 
 and Orchies\ the Provoft and Count of Valenciennes *, the Bailiff 
 of Tournay, and of Tourneffes , the Rent-mafters of Beweft and 
 Beoifterfchelt in Zeland •, the Judg of A!alines ; and all other 
 our Juftices and Officers, and thofe of our Vaffals and Sub¬ 
 jects, whom it fhall concern, their Lieutenants, and every 
 one of them, in refpeCt of hirhfelf, and as tho it did apper¬ 
 tain unto him, that they caufe this our prefent Declaration, 
 Editt, and Decree to be publifh’d, every one in his Govern¬ 
 ment, 
 
444 Profcrip'tion of the Kjng of Spain. 
 
 .raent, and'in the Places and Bounds of his or their Jurif- 
 cti&ion, where they are a ecu hom’d to make Cries and Procla¬ 
 mations, to the end that none may pretend any caufe of the 
 Ignorance thereof. And moreover, that they keep, obferve, 
 and maintain, and caufe inviolably to be kept, obferv’d, and 
 maintain’d, all the Points and Articles therein contain’d, ac¬ 
 cording to their Form and Tenor, proceeding, and caufing to 
 be proceeded therein refpedively, to the Recompence, Re¬ 
 ward, Pain and Purirfhment of the Perfons above-mention’d, 
 without any Favour, Love or Diffimulation : and for this 
 purpofe, and all tilings appertaining thereto, we give them, 
 and every one of them, full Power, Authority, and fpe- 
 cial Commandment : and we charge and command all 
 that they obey them commanding the fame, and that they 
 underhand it diligently. And neverthelefs, feeing that at 
 this prefent the faid Publications cannot be made in the 
 Towns, Countries and Territories occupy’d by the Rebellion 
 of the faid Orange ; we will that the Publications which (hall 
 be made in the Towns neareft thereunto, being under our 
 Obedience, fhall be wholly and altogether of fuch force and 
 efFeft, as if they had been utterly done in the Circuits and 
 Places accuftom’d : And for fuch we have authoriz’d, and 
 by thefe Prefents do authorife them ; yea, we will and com¬ 
 mand, that immediately they be printed in two fundry Lan¬ 
 guages, by the fworn Printers of our Univerlities of Louvain 
 or Douay , to the end that it may more eafily come to all mens 
 knowledg; and this is our Pleafure, Appointment, and Good 
 Will. In witnefs whereof we have caus’d our Great Seal to 
 be put to thefe Prefents, which were made in our Town of 
 Maejlricbt , the 2 $th Day of the Month of March , and in the 
 Year of Grace 1580. and of our Kingdoms, to wit, of Spain, 
 Sicilia , &c. the 25 th 5 and of Naples the 27*6. 
 
 By the exprefs Appointment of hif Majefly. 
 
 Verreiken. 
 
 And the faid Letters are feaVd with the Great Seal 
 sf his Vajejly in Red Wax , and a double Lace 
 hanging thereat . 
 
 The 
 
( 445 ) 
 
 The Letter of the Prince of Parma to the Gover¬ 
 nors and Qounfellors of the Provinces\ command* 
 ing the pablifbing of this Proclamation . 
 
 Alexander, Prince of Parma and of Plaifance, 
 Governour and Captain General, 
 
 M Y Coufin, moft Dear.and Well-beloved Friends: See’inj; 
 
 the Ring my Lord hath by two feveral Letters of his* 
 very plainly commanded us to caufe forthwith to be publifh’d 
 in thefe his Countries, the Profcription and Proclamation an¬ 
 nex’d hereto again# William of Naffau Prince of Orange, for the 
 Caufes contain’d in the faid Proclamation; we could not ce.af$ 
 to obey his Majefty’s Commandment, and to fend the fame 
 unto you ; requiring you, and neyerthelefs, in the name and 
 on the behalf of his Majefty, appointing you, that imme¬ 
 diately after ye have feen the fame, you publilh it, and caufe 
 it to be publifh’d throughout all the To\yns and Places of your 
 Government and Jurifdittion, after the accuftom’d manner, to 
 the end that none may pretend any caufe of the Ignorance 
 thereof; and fail ye not herein. And thus my Couiin, mo# 
 Dear and Well-beloved Friends, our Lord have you in hi* 
 keeping. From Mm, the 15 th Day of June, 1 $So, 
 
 Vnderneath was written , ALEXANDER? 
 
 And fign'd over-againj} it, VERREIREN, 
 
 This was the Superfcription of it, 
 
 7 j> the Governors and Cmnfeltors qf the Frmnsts, 
 
 A 
 
( 44 6 ) 
 
 A Declaration made by my Lord the Prince of Orange 
 to my Lords the Ejlates General of the Low 
 Countries. 
 
 My Lords, 
 
 Y E have heretofore feen a certain. Sentence, in the Form 
 of a Profcription, which was fent by the King of Spain , 
 and afterwards publilh’d by the Appointment and Order of the 
 Prince of Parma: and how by the means thereof, mine Enemies 
 have againft all Right and Reafon,attempted grievoufly to touch 
 and to taint mine Honour, and to caufe my former Aftions to 
 be thought evil and wicked; wherein I have been very willing 
 and defirous to take the Advice andCounfel of fundry nota¬ 
 ble Perfonages, and Men of great Name and Calling, yea of 
 the principal Counfellors and Wife Men of this Country. 
 But by reafon of the Quality and Form of the faid Profcrip¬ 
 tion, and the heinous and grievous Crimes wherewith I am 
 charg’d, altho indeed wrongfully, I have hitherto ftaid-, not- 
 with,handing I have been advis’d and counfel’d by fundry my 
 Friends, that I cannot otherwife defend my Honour, but to 
 fhew by publick Writing, how unjuftly I have been accufed 
 and charged with many Faults *, and alfo how I have been 
 openly injur’d, and malicioully flander’d. According to which 
 Advice and Counfel (my Loras) feeing that in this world I 
 acknowledg you only for my Superiors, I offer unto you this 
 my Defence, written againft the Reprehenfions of my Adver¬ 
 saries ; by which, I hope, that I have not only difcover’d all 
 their Deceits and Slanders, but alfo lawfully juftify’d all my 
 Aftions paft. And becaufe that their principal mark and 
 purpofe is, to feek out all the means they can, to take away 
 my Life, or elfe to caufe me to be banilh’d out of thefe 
 Countries, or at the leaft to diminifli the Authority which it 
 hath pleas’d you to give me, as if obtaining that thing once, 
 all fhould fall out as they would with it: and on the other 
 fide, becaufe they flander me, that by unlawful means I keep 
 and hold my Authority, I befeech you my Lords to believe, 
 that albeit I be content to live amongft you fo long as it fhall 
 pleafe God, and to continue towards you my faithful Service ; 
 yet notwithstanding that, my own Life, which I have dedicated 
 to your Service, and my Prefence in the midft of you, are 
 not fo dear unto me, but that l can moft willingly abandon 
 
Prince of OrangeV Declaration, 8rc. 447 
 
 and forgo my Life, or elfe withdraw, my felf out of the Coun¬ 
 try, when you fhall think or know, that either the one or the 
 other may any manner of way ferve your turn, to purchafe 
 unto you a more aflured Liberty; And as concerning the 
 Authority which it hath pleas’d you to give me, you know, 
 my Lords, how many! times I have befought you to, content 
 your felves with my Service, and to unburden me thereof, if 
 you fhould think that it would Hand well with the good 
 Eftateof your Affairs ; which thing even as yet I do demand 
 of you, offering notwithftanding (a$ T ljave always done) in 
 all that wherein it hath pleas’d you. to command me, fall to 
 continue to employ my felf in the Service of the Country; 
 in regard of which, I efteem nothing of all that is in the 
 world, as I do more largely declare the fame unto you in this 
 my Defence. Which if you fhall judg it convenient, I be- 
 feech you to think it good, and to take care that it may be 
 brought to light and publiih’d; to the end that not only you 
 (my Lords) but alfo the whole World may judg of the Equity 
 of my Caufe, and of the unjuft Dealing of my Advcrferies. 
 
 Prefented by my Lord the Prince of Orange, to my Lords the 
 Deputies of the Eftates General, and of the Provinces united 
 together, being ajjemblcd in the Town of Delft, the 13th 
 of December, 1580. 
 
 Vnderneath was written , 
 
 I J. Houfflin. being prefent* 
 
 The Anfwer of my Loris the EJlates General\ made 
 to the former Declaration . 
 
 T H E Eftates General having, not many days fince, feen 
 and read a certain Profcription, publifo’d by the Enemies 
 againft your Excellency’s Perfon, by which they charge the 
 fame with heinous Crimes, endeavouring to make it odious (as 
 tho by unlawful means, and indirect ways, it had ufurp’d the 
 Place and Degree wherein it is fet and eftablifo’d) and re¬ 
 deliver your faid Excellency’s Perfon over for a Pary, and 
 to take from it the Honour thereof: Having in like fort feen 
 and view’d a Defence fet out by your Excellency againft the 
 faid Profcription, we find by the truth of that which hath 
 pafs’d in thefe Countries, and which is known and manifeft 
 
 alfq 
 
448 The States Anfiver , &c. 
 
 alfo to every one of them, in refpett of themfelves, that the. 
 faid Crimes, FaultSj and Reproaches, have unjuftly been laid 
 upon the fame. And, as concerning. the Offices* as well of 
 Lieutenant General as of the particular Governments, they 
 affirm that his Excellency, yea even when he was law¬ 
 fully ele&ed and chofen,. did not accept them* but at our 
 inftant Requeft, in which a.lfo he hath continued at our Intrea¬ 
 ties, and that with the found Contentment and ^Satisfa&ion 
 of the whole Country. And the faid Eftates do yet again 
 befeech him, that it would pleafe him to continue therein, 
 pfomifinghim all Aid.and Affiftance, without fparing any of 
 the means they have, and aifo to yield unto him ready and 
 willing Obedience. And becaufe they know the faithful Ser¬ 
 vices that your Excellency hatli yielded to thefe Countries, 
 and thofe alfo which they hope, m time to come, you will 
 perform ; they offer unto him, for the affurance of his Per- 
 fon, to maintain a Company of Horfemen for the Safeguard 
 thereof, befeeching him to accept it on the behalf, and at the 
 offer of thofe Perfons, which think themfelves much boundl 
 to the Prefervation thereof. And fo much as toucheth the 
 faid Eftates (who think themfelves alfo charg’d by the faid 
 Profcription) they mind Ihortly in like fort to juftify them¬ 
 felves, fo far forth as" they ihall think it convenient. So con¬ 
 cluded in the Affembly of my Lords the Eftates General, in 
 the Town of Delft> the 17 th Day of December , in the Year of 
 #ur Lord i$8o. 
 
 By the exprefs Determination of the faid Eftates, 
 
 Signed J . Houffikn 
 
 M 
 
( 449 ) 
 
 An Apology or Defence <?/ Lord, 
 the Prince of Orange, Count of Naffau, of 
 Catzenellenboghen, Dietz, Vianden, &c. Pur- 
 grave of Antwerp, and Vifcount of Befanfon, 
 Baron of Breda, Dieft, Grimbergh, Arlay, 
 Nozeroy, &c. Lord of Chaftelbellin, &c. 
 Lieutenant General in the Low Countries, and 
 Governour of Brabant, Holland, Zeland, U- 
 trecht, and Frife, and Admiral, &c. againjt 
 the Proclamation and Editl publifh'd by the Kjng 
 of Spain; by which he profcribeth the faid Lord . 
 Whereby jhall appear the Slanders and falfe Accu- 
 fations contained in the faid Profcription . 
 
 T His is the thing which I have always pray’d unto God for 
 ( my Lords ) and defir’d with all my heart, that he would 
 grant it me, from the time that I vow’d my Perfon, and all 
 the means that I have in the World, for the recovering of 
 your Liberty, and the fafety of your Perfons, Goods and Con¬ 
 sciences : If, I fay, I fhould at any time have prefer’d that 
 which refpetteth my felf particularly, before your Health and 
 ^ Wealth generally, that I might in this behalf, bear an external 
 Punifhment, which I lhould have drawn upon my felf, by mine 
 own Good-will and Accord. But on the other fide, if that 
 which I have done heretofore, hath been by me attempted 
 and taken in hand, only for the prefervation of your Eftate ; 
 and that I have born a great part of the burthen of this pre- 
 fent War only for the common fafeguard of the Country \ and 
 that the hatred conceiv’d by certain wicked perfons, againft 
 the Country, againft godly People and honourable Perfona- 
 ges, having been for a certain time diffembl’d and cover’d in 
 their hearts, cometh wholly, and that at once, to vomit and 
 calf up it felf upon me only, rather than upon fo many good 
 people, and efpecially upon the general Eftate of the Com¬ 
 monwealth : Then, I fay, this hath been the thing that I 
 have greatly defir’d, that if my Good-will had been fuch to¬ 
 wards you (my Lords) your Children, your Towns and Com- 
 
 G g monalties. 
 
45 ® The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 inoaaitie^ ..as indeed it hath been, I might one day carry away 
 a folemn Teftimony thereof, as well for the Peace of my own 
 Confcience, as for the Defence of my own Honour, before 
 all the People of the Earth, and before/all Po'fterity. And 
 now I do greatly rejoice my felf, and yield immortal thanks 
 unto our good God, and I have great occafion of Content¬ 
 ment and Qiiietnefs, feeing tiiat he fulfereth me to be made 
 frt rare, an*d fo noble, and fo excellent a Mark thereof, by 
 this cruel and barbarous .Profcription *, yea fuch a one, as the 
 like hath dot been heard .iii thefe Countries, commended a- 
 mongftall People and Nations for their lingular, and incre¬ 
 dible Courtefy. For albeit that nothing be. more to be wifh’d 
 of a Man, than the Race and Courfe of his Life to be found, 
 bleifed, profberous, and upright, without any daffi, blow, 
 tumbling, or any wicked incountring : notwithstanding if all 
 things had fallen unto me as I would have wilh’d, and that I 
 had not incbuntcrM with the Hatred of the tyariijf) Nation and 
 its Adherents; l (houM have loft the gain of this Teftimony, 
 which my very Enemies have yielded me, and which I take 
 to be the moft excellent Flower of Glory, that I had been 
 able to have defirM to have been crown’d with, before my 
 death. For what in this world can be more acceptable, and 
 that efpecially to him, who hath enter pris’d fo great and ex¬ 
 cellent a Work, as is the Liberty of lb good a People, op- 
 prefs’d by fo wicked People, than to be deadly hated of his 
 Enemies; yea, fuch Enemies as are withal the Enemies of the 
 Country ; and by their* own very mouth and confeflion to re¬ 
 ceiver fare Teftimony of his Faithfulnefs towards his own 
 People, and of Conftancy againft Tyrants and Difturbers of 
 common Peace ? Infomuch that the Spaniards and their Ad¬ 
 herents, thinking indeed to do me diipleafure, have done me 
 many pleafures; as by this infamous Profcription they have 
 thought to hurt me more than before, and yet they have made 
 me more rejoice, and given me more Contentednefs of mind. 
 For l have not only thereby receiv’d that profit, but they 
 have open’d unto me a more large field to defend my felf, 
 than I durft ever be bold to defire; that fo I might caiife all 
 the world to know, the Equity and Juftice of my Enter prifes, 
 and by it leave unto my Pofterity an Example of Virtue, meet 
 to be follow’d by all thofe that would not diffionour the Nobi¬ 
 lity of their Anceftors, from whence we are defeended, and 
 of whom not fo much as one only hath at any time favour’d 
 Tyranny ; but they have allloved the Liberty of the People, 
 ambngft whom they have born Office and had Authority. 
 
 ! have no occafion to complain, that I had not had hereto¬ 
 fore matter large enough tofpeak of my felf, and to reprove 
 
 the 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 451 
 
 the foul and heinous Faults of my Enemies; but neither wouldT 
 Shamefacednefs fuffer me rfi y felf to fing and fet out my own 
 Praifes, which furely is a hard matter not to do, whatsoever 
 Modefty a man pretend in fuch a matter: neither would 
 publick Honefty permit me to enlarge my felf to rehearfe the 
 Faults of mine Enemies, liking much better to bury fome 
 part of their grievous Enterprifes under filence, than in pub¬ 
 lishing them (albeit in truth) to caft my felf into danger, to 
 i lcur the Sufpicion to be a Slanderer. 
 
 Seeing then (my Lords) that in this Profcription, the 
 Queftion is not only to tax my Perfon, and barbarouily to 
 make it a Prey; byt alfo it is known to every one, that by 
 my Wounds they mind to wound the Commonwealth, and the 
 State of all thefe Countries: As alfo this is no more now per¬ 
 form’d by fnaall defamatory Libels, made by People of no ac¬ 
 count, and whofe Injuries done againft me, fhould no more 
 move me, than the Tongue of fome little Serpent, which a 
 man muft rather break in pieces with his foot, than endea¬ 
 vour to fight againft it with Weapons. But that men of fo 
 great countenance, fhould fo far and fo vilely debafe their 
 Greatnefs, as to bufy themfelves falfly to backbite and to (lan¬ 
 der; it hath feem’dunto me altogether neceflary to fp:ak, to 
 the end that our common Country (for which I am ready to 
 give up my Life, as I have already loft my Goods) may not 
 feel herfelf damnify’d or hurt by my filence ; and that on 
 the other fide, thefe famous Titles of fomany Countries and 
 Kingdoms, ftretching themfelves fo far as over Africa and 
 4 fu y may not dazle the eyes of many, who judg the Affairs 
 and Matters of this world rather by Shadows, Appearances, 
 and outward Shows, than by Strength and Soundness of Rea- 
 fon. I know notwithftanding all this, that thofe who per- 
 fecute me, have in many points advantage againft me, and 
 principally in two points : the one is, that they make a fhew 
 and boafting of their great Qualities and Eftates, which do 
 infinitely exceed my Condition: the other (which is alfo a 
 natural thing to all men) willingly to open their ears to evil 
 Speeches and Slanders. For I have oftentimes heard the moft 
 elegant of all the Poets to have very well faid, that there is 
 not in any Feaft any Sauce fo fweet to the Palate of the 
 Mouth, as evil Speech and Backbiting is to the Ear: And on 
 the other fide, that nothing is heard fo much againft the 
 heart, and with fo great grief, as the Speech of him that 
 praifeth himfelf. O? thefe two points, that which bringeth 
 pleafure is given to my Enemy, and I have for my fliare that 
 which is hard and unpleafant almoft to the whole world. 
 But l hope, that by means of your Favour and ufuai Good 
 
 Gp Will, 
 
452 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 Will, neither the one or the other (hall bring me any lofs or 
 hurt; feeing fo it is, that this.long time fince you have 
 try’d that thefe great and famous States, if they be fpotted 
 and tainted with Tyranny, cannot gain much of free Hearts 
 and noble Courages. And on the other fide, knowing the 
 ordinary trade and courfe of my Life, who love not more 
 to blame another man, than to praife my felf; yet if it fo 
 fall out that! do either the one or the other, as it is a very 
 hard thing not to do fo (albeit that it fhall be with the 
 greateft modefty that I can) and if there be any thing that 
 may feem not very feemly, it fhall belong to you (my Lords) 
 to attribute the fame rather to theNecelfity fo to do (which 
 mine Enemies have laid upon me) than to my Nature; and 
 by that means to unburden me, and to lay the fault wholly 
 upon their own Shamelefnefs and Importunity. And I will 
 pray you (my Lords) to remember, that I am falfly accufed 
 to be unthankful, unfaithful , an Heretick, an Hypocrite, like unto 
 Judas and Cain, the Difturber of the Country, Rebellion, a Stranger , 
 an Enemy of Mankind, the publick Plague of the Chriftian Common¬ 
 wealth, a Traitor, and a wicked Perfon , that I am fet out to be jlain 
 or a Beafl, with reward to all Murderers, and to all Poifoners which 
 will attempt the fame ; leaving you to judg (my Lords) whe¬ 
 ther it be polfible to purge my felf from fuch Slanders, with¬ 
 out ripping up in fome matters the ordinary courfe of my 
 Life, and without exceeding my Cufiom, in fpeaking of my 
 felf and other men. 
 
 In the mean while, I am fo affur’d of the Juftice of my 
 Caufe, and of my Soundnefs and Faithfulnefs towards you ; 
 and on the other fide, of your Equity and Roundnefs, and of 
 the knowledg that you have, how and after what fort all things 
 have pafs’d ; that I demand no other thing of you, but only 
 that you would judg and take notice of this matter, and de¬ 
 termine thereof for your own Good, Health, and Preferva- 
 tion, that which the Laws, Freedoms, Liberties, and Privi¬ 
 leges of the Country command you, according to the Hope 
 that the People have of your Wifdom and Uprightnefs: which 
 thing alfo I pray you to do, yea I earneftly befeech you, by 
 all Holy and Sacred Things, and that by the Oath and Band 
 which you bear to the Country ; certainly affuring my felf, 
 that as in many other matters I am lefs than mine Enemies, 
 fo I fhall be in this behalf fo much the more their Superior, 
 as that by all means and crafts they have purpofed to violate, 
 break, and fupprefs your Laws, your Privileges, and Liber¬ 
 ties: whereas on the other fide, I have with a good Heart 
 and all Faithfulnefs, imploy’d my felf to maintain and pre¬ 
 fer ve the lame. And albeit (my Lords) that I am not isi 
 
The Apology of the Vrime of Orange. 45 j 
 
 fach fort an Enemy to my Renown and own good Name, but 
 that I take delight and pleafure (as alfo I hope my Actions 
 and Deeds deferve the fame) to be in good account among all 
 the Princes, Potentates, and Commonwealths of the world 
 (excepting only amongft the Spaniards and their Adherents, 
 who perfevering in the purfuit of their Tyranny, I defire not 
 either Grace or Favour, or any Friendfhip at their hands) 
 notwithftanding feeing that you are the Men only in this mat¬ 
 ter, to whom I have taken an Oath, to whom alone I count 
 my felf bound, who alone alfo have power to approve or im¬ 
 prove my Ads and Deeds: I lhall hold my felf very well fa- 
 tisfy’d, when on your part I lhall have receiv’d a Teftimony 
 conformable and agreeable to my intents and purpofes, which 
 have always been join’d with your Good, Profit, and Service; 
 and I lhall patiently fuffer other People and Nations to judg 
 thereof according to their Paflions and Affections, or rather 
 (which thing alfo I moll defire) according to Equity, Right, 
 andjuftice; having firft put off all Prejudice, and freed their 
 own Underftandings from the thick Clouds of thefe Great- 
 neffes and Glory, which might heretofore have fo mew hat 
 dazled them. 
 
 Now if mine Enemies (my Lords) had come diredly to the 
 point and matter of the Profcription, fetting out the Reafons 
 upon which this barbarous Sentence is grounded (which Sen¬ 
 tence indeed doth overmuch declare their mind very bafe, and 
 much degenerating from the Virtue and Courage of their 
 Anceftors) I had not ufed likewife any Circuits or Compalfings 
 of words, but had at the very Entry declar’d both what my 
 own Innocence is, and how weak and ruinous their Founda¬ 
 tions and Groundworks are. But feeing that to make me 
 odious, they have better liked to fet, even at the entrance, 
 before the eyes of all the world, a heap of Injuries, and in 
 the courfe of this Speech, without purpofe to interlace them, 
 fpeaking fo lhamelelly of me; I fuppofe it is neeeffary, yea 
 indeed mo ft juft, that I anfwef to fuch Slanders, to the end 
 that fome being mov’d or perfuaded by fuch words, may not 
 yet receive this my Defence with a Heart more eftranged 
 from me, than the Law allow’d amongft People, and Juftice it 
 felf requireth. 
 
 As concerning then this heap of Injuries, by which I am fo 
 lhamelelly rent in pieces, and which being taken out of this 
 Profcription, nothing fhall remain therein but a Smoke. You 
 fee, my Lords, how plain and without painting Colours the 
 Defence is that I ufe. If you know me to be fuch a one as 
 my Enemies publilh me to be ; if I carry either in my Body 
 or in my Soul, fuch Colours as the Forger of this Writing 
 
 Gg 3 faith. 
 
454 The Apology of the>Prince of Otange. 
 
 faith, that he hath painted tne out withal (for, my Lords, ye 
 have known me from my Youth, and I have not fpent my Age 
 elfewhere, but with you) Ihut immediately your ears, and re- 
 fufe to hear or underftand, fo much as one word coming out 
 of my mouth. But if, on the other fide, I have all my Life 
 through been more honeft, more found, more continent, and 
 lefs covetous, than the Authors of this flanderous Writing, 
 and than he who hath publifh’d the fame, to wit, the Prince 
 of Parma , and his Predeceffors, whofe Fa&s are over-well 
 known by Hiftories; If, I fay, you have known me and mine 
 Anceftors more virtuous People than thefe (for I fpeak not 
 &s yet of the Ring) and their Anceftors ; then believe, that as 
 they falfly flander at the very entrance, fo they fhall be no 
 more meet to be believ’d in all the reft of their fhamelefs 
 Aceufations. For to what end, I pray you, ferveth this Re¬ 
 cital of fo many Injuries, but only to fhew unto the world, that 
 my Enemies are skilful to flander and backbite, and that he 
 whom yet thro God’s Goodnefs they have not been able to 
 murder, neither by Poifon nor Sword, nor yet to deceive by 
 Promifes, nor yet bufy him with vain and uncertain Hopes; 
 they do at ieaft affay to wound him with the Venom of 
 their Tongue, accuftom’d even from their youth to fo infa¬ 
 mous an Occupation ? 
 
 They at the beginning make a Recital of 
 many good Turns which I have receiv'd from the 
 Emperor , in rejpe# of the Succejjion of my late Lord 
 the Prince of Oyange, my Coufm , that the King 
 made me of his Order , Lieutenant General in the Go¬ 
 vernment of ' Holland, Zeland, Utrecht, and Bur¬ 
 gundy, and one of, the Council of State, To what 
 end are thefe things alledg’d ? To declare 
 that I am greatly bound to the Hopfe of Spain, and that I can¬ 
 not Ihun this, but I muft be condemn’d of In¬ 
 gratitude ; And moreover, th^t by reafon of 
 the Oath that I had taken, and of the Lands 
 and Lordfhips that I hold in homage of the 
 faid Lord, Pam bound to procure the Profit 
 and Advancement of his Affairs and Matters, 
 thinking to make me likewife culpable and 
 faulty of Unfaithfulnefs. Verily I confefsand 
 agree with the King, and the whole Houfe of Spain , that 
 nothing is fo much to be condemn’d in this world, as a Man 
 defil’d with thefe two Spots and Stains, to wit, Unthank- 
 fulnefs and Unfaithfulnefs ; and he that hath fpoken thefe two 
 Injuries to a Man, hath faid as much to him and againft him, 
 as if he Had charg’d him with all the Accufatiqns and Slan¬ 
 ders, 
 
 Of the 
 turns which 
 fome fay the Ld 
 Prince hath re¬ 
 ceiv’d of the 
 Emperor 
 Charles. 
 
 Accufation of 
 Ingratitude. 
 
 Accufation of 
 Unfaithful- 
 
 nefs. 
 
The Jpology of the Prince of Orange, 455 
 
 ders, that’wife People and Fools, difqreet and indifcreet, cquld 
 rake.together : and fpecially look, by how much a Lord iVpf 
 a more noble and famous Houfe, by fo much the more fhall he 
 be difhonour’d, if he can be convinc’d of thefeor fuch Faults, 
 And I refufe not to be hated of all the world, to be rooted 
 out of the earth, and that the Memory of me and mine 
 fhould be wither’d for ever, if I may be found fuch a one. 
 But that (hall be with this condition alfo, That if I declare, 
 that there is no Prince in the world, more ungrat.ful and un¬ 
 kind towards a poor Lord, than he that accus’d me, and would 
 condemn me, is againft me and mine: That the Unfaithful- 
 ne-fs alfo which he hath ufed in refpeft of me (fori will not 
 yet fpeak of the open violating of his Faith towards the 
 Country) is incredible, that then (I fay) he alfo may be fub- 
 jeftto the like Condition and State, and may be held for 
 fuch a one as he is, amongftall living People, and all Pofte- 
 rity to come: And I fhall think the Punifhment greater in 
 his behalf, than hev thinkethany in mine, as may appear by 
 that which he maketh fhew to feek for by this tragical Pro- 
 fcription, which thro God’s Grace and Goodnefs doth no 
 more aftonifh me, than a vain Vifion or Dream. Firft, my 
 Lords, I proteft, that the Remembrance and Memory of the 
 Emperor Charles , fhall always be in an honourable account 
 with me, as well becaufe of his Aids, as that it pleas’d him 
 to fhew me fo much Honour, as to have nourifh’d me in his 
 Chamber, by the fpace of nine years 5 to whom alfo I yielded 
 and perform’d raoft faithful and molt willing Service. But if 
 he, who by reafon is moft bound of all Men to maintain his 
 Renown, come to accufe me of Ingratitude and {Jnthankful- 
 nefs, as that I have not acknowledg’d the good Turns, which 
 he faith that I have receiv’d of the Emperor: I befeech you 
 to hold me excus’d, if being conftrain’d for the Defence of 
 my Innocence, I declare, in refpeci of good Turns alledg’d, 
 that I have not receiv’d any at all from him, but that in do. 
 ing him fervice, I have receiv’d moft great Loffes, as you 
 fhall plainly under ft and, if it, pleafe you to hear me pa¬ 
 tiently. • 
 
 Now then he faith, that in refpeti of the An Anfwer to 
 SuccefTion of the late Lord, the Prince Rene theAccufatkn 
 my Coufin, the Emperor handled me favoura- of Ingratitude. 
 biy. But wherein ? Firft, there was never any 
 Lord as yet found fo evil-advis’d, that would pretend Right 
 againft me for Succeffion; info much that if the Emperor hath 
 not hinder’d me in that, what hath he done for me, that a 
 judg, the greateft Enemy I could have, would not have done 
 likewife? Was there yet any Party found fo s&fb, that dnrft 
 G g 4 offer 
 
456 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 offer himfelf tofpeak a gain'll it ? And tho I had had ad- 
 verfe Parties, if my Right were fo clear and fo well grounded, 
 that nothing was ever yet hitherto able to be alledg’d againft 
 it, which was able to darken or to fhake it: And that here¬ 
 upon the Emperor had given forth a Decree for my Profit ^ 
 what hath he done for me, but adminifter’d me Juftice, and 
 would not take from me that, which the Laws, Reafon, and 
 very Nature it felf did give me? But if it plea fe you (my 
 Lords) to confider the Nature and Quality of this Succeflion, 
 you fhall find my Right and Title to have been fuch, that 
 the Emperor could not have depriv’d me of it, or taken it 
 from me, without an extreme Injury, and a mold manifeft 
 wrong. 
 
 The Succeflion There were in the Succeflion two principal 
 o/Naffauani Members or Branches: The firft was that 
 Chaalons. which came by our Houfe of Naffau , which 
 my Lords my Predeceffors, the Grandfather and 
 Great Grandfathers, Uncles by the Father’s fide, and Coufm 
 German by the Father’s fide, enjoy’d ; that is to fay, the 
 Goods which at this day belong unto me in Brabant , Flanders , 
 Holland , and Luxemburgh: The other was, the Succeflion of the 
 Houfe of Chaalons . As concerning the Succeflion of Naffau , 
 which Men commonly call Breda , becaufe it was the principal 
 Place of my Lordfhips, and where I and my Predeceffors had 
 held our Chambers of Accounts, Council, and principal In- 
 ftruftions pertaining to us and ours; who was he that might 
 moleft mein that, unlefs it were my Lord my Father, who 
 was the Uncle, and I the Coufm German, of my Lord the 
 Prince Rene, the only Son of my Lor \ Henry, Count of Naffau, 
 my Uncle, and the Brother of ray Lord my Father ? But fo 
 far off is it that I was hinder’d in that Succeflion by my 
 faid Lord and Father, that he himfelf took pains to come and 
 follicite the matter, that I might be put in poffeflion thereof: 
 Neither was there ever found Man fo fhamelefs, that would 
 fet himfelf againft it, but Schoore the Prefident or Judg, who 
 in the Council faid, that th^Son of anHeretick ought not 
 to fucceed, becaufe that my Lord mf Father following the 
 Examples of good Rings, as of David, Jofm, and others, 
 had reform’d the Churches of his Countries, which he held 
 and had in Germany, and had purg’d them from Abufes, ac¬ 
 cording to the Word of God, and that by the Permiflion and 
 Sufferance of the Emperor. And notwithftanding all this, 
 the Council ceafeth not to give Advice, and to determine 
 the matter according to Reafon and Equity, as indeed it could 
 jiot otherwife do ; feeing that they had maintain’d my Lord 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 457 
 
 c he Count of Kingflain my Uncle in the Succeflion of th© 
 County of Rochefort , altho that he -himfelf were a Prote- 
 ftant. Seeing then that this was in queftion (if that may be 
 called a Quelfion, which was in our own Houfe, as whe¬ 
 ther the Succeffion aforefaid were adjudg’d to the Father 
 or to the Son, pronounc’d notwithftanding always according 
 to the Laws) none befide could juftly pretend any Right 
 thereto. 
 
 As concerning the Houfe ©f Chaalons , firft The Baronies of 
 it cannot be faid in refpeft of the Baronies, Burgundy^ 
 which I peaceably hold and poffefs in the of Dauphine. 
 Dutchy of Burgundy , and in Dauphine , of Vien- 
 na y that! am therefore bound to the Emperor, for he had 
 not any more power therein, than 1; all being under the 
 power of the French King, who alike feiz’d the County of 
 Charoloit , appertaining to the Emperor, and my Baronies, 
 when War was moved between them two ; infomuch that I 
 cannot otherwife be bound unto him therefore, but in this, 
 that I was contain’d in the Treaty of Peace made at Seffons , 
 which was the laft Duty that he could yield to the Memory 
 of my Lord myCoufin, who but a little while before died in 
 the fame Expedition, and that on Foot at the Siege of Saint 
 Vifier , after fo many Deeds of Arms done for his Service. And 
 lefs hath he been able to favour me in my 
 Princedom of Orange , where he had nothing Princedom of 
 to fee to, nor to do; no, neither he, nor any Orange. 
 Prince whatfoever ; I my felf holding the 
 fame in a naked, bare, and abfolute Sovereignty: which 
 thing few other Lords are able to fay. And there is no 
 Prince, in refpetf of my faid Princedom, whofe Amity and 
 good Grace I ftand in need of, but the French King’s, who I 
 hope will not touch that which belongeth to a poor Prince, 
 who is his moft humble Servant; becaufe Reafon fuffereth 
 not that, beyond which Reafon he will not go, and alfo be¬ 
 caufe of the loyal and faithful Services that my Predeceffors 
 have done to the Crown of France , and the Dutchy of Bri- 
 tany (whereof he is defcended, and is the Heir) with 
 great Dangers of their Lives, great Expences, and infinite 
 Travels. 
 
 There remaineth then that which belongeth unto me in the 
 County of Burgundy , and whereof I have been fo long time 
 fo unjuftly and tyrannoufly fpoil’d and difpoffefs’d ; which by 
 means of lone and borrowing, yieldeth unto me, even to this 
 prefent time, two Millions at the leaft of lofs. But I would 
 in the firft place, that they lhould remember, wherefore the 
 
 Count 
 
45$ The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 County of Burgundy is call’d frank or free ; t® 
 FsJJe 0 ms in the wit, amongft other Rea Tons, becaufe that the 
 frank, f yee Freedom and Liberty of the Lords, and fuch 
 County, as hold Poffeffions in the faid Country, is. 
 
 That they have Power by Will to bequeathe 
 and to difpofe of their Goods, how and to whom they lhall 
 think good, without being either for their Wives or their 
 Children, or other Heirs whatfoever^ inforc’d other wife to 
 difpofe of their Goods, but in fuch fort as fhall be agreeable 
 to their own Will and Pleafure. Seeing then that fo it is, that 
 my Lord the Prince Rene , mov’d of his own Good-will, did 
 £ Without any other refpett that he had to me, who was at 
 that time a young Child, living in Germany , under the Power 
 and Difcipline of my Matters and Governors, and he having 
 bo other refpeft but that I was his Coufm-German) did, I fay, 
 appoint me his general Heir; which thing alfo he did, accord¬ 
 ing to the Power that he had, even by the Laws and Cuftoms 
 the Country: I fay, that if I ought to yield Thanks to 
 any, it is to the Memory of the faid Lord Prince, who being 
 the eldeft of our Houfe, meant alfo, that as I fhould fucceed 
 lim in the Order of Age, fo I fhould come in like fort to 
 fucceed him in his Goods and Poffeflions. I perceive not then 
 as. yet,- even to this prefent time, that I am any thing at all 
 bound for this Succelfion to the Houfe of Spain ; neither,is 
 there any Man in the World that can fay it with Truth. 
 
 But the Emperor gave a Grant unto the faid 
 The Grant . Lord Prince, by Will to bequeath it to whom he 
 
 fhould think good ; and by the Power of that 
 Grant the Prince chofe me for his Heir. This ( my Lords ) 
 •maketh very much for me, and can at no hand ferve my Ene¬ 
 my’s turn. For when the Emperor yielded to the Grant, he 
 knew not who fhould be nominated Heir by the Prince *, nei¬ 
 ther was it known of any Man, until the day of the opening 
 the Will; which was done in the Prefence of Mary the Queen, 
 after the Death of the faid Lord Prince : Info much that the 
 Emperor confenting to the Grant, feeing that his Purpofe was 
 mot to advance me, T do not think my felf to be bound unto 
 -him, becaufe the favour which was fhew’d unto the Prince 
 ( which notwithftanding every mean perfon whatfoever may 
 eafily obtain, by ordinary Letters out of the Chancery) was 
 not Slew’d on my behalf, or in refpeft of me. Befides, to 
 mdg of the Grant by that which afterwards enfu’d thereupon, 
 ihould be to judg againft the Rules, which fo oftentimes I 
 have heard the Emperor repeat, who faid. That Councils 
 ought to be examin’d, lik’d or diflik’d, by the Caufes, and not 
 by the Effefts. But let us put the Cafe, that he had not had 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 459 
 
 the Grant, yet nothing was appointed by the Will of mv Lord 
 the Prince Rene, but according to the Laws, as hath been be¬ 
 fore faid« 
 
 But what will they anfwer, when, befides all thefe 
 Rea foils, I fhall fay unto them, That theTeftament Teft ament 
 or Will of my Lord my Coufin is a Military Tefta- » Military . 
 ment ( which thing alfo they cannot gainfay nor 
 darken) yea, and that made with very great Solemnity, ripe 
 Judgment, and in good Seafon ? Made, I fay, and grounded 
 by exprefs Terms and Words upon this. That the laid Lord 
 Prince ( who had before felt what were the Dangers of War* 
 in fo many Expeditions taken in hand for the Emperor’s Ser¬ 
 vice ) was now on the way to go to a War fo dangerous, and 
 that with fo great a Prince as King Franck was. And tho I 
 be not a great Do&or in the Laws, yet fo it is, that I do 
 very well remember, that I have heard fundry learned Per- 
 fons difputing of this matter in the Prefence of my Lord my 
 Father, who affirm’d, not only Military Teftaments or Wills, 
 but alfo little Scrips or Scrolls, to be of fuch value and force, 
 according to the Laws of the Empire ^ that if a Man of War, 
 or a Soldier, had before his Death made or given the leaft 
 mark of his Will, yea the leaft fign that a Man can imagine 
 or think of: As if he had but trac’d or drawn with his Blood 
 upon his Target, his Name, whom he will inftitute, ordain 
 and appoint to be his Heir; or with the print of his Halberd, 
 or of his Sword, had written the fame on the ground ; that that 
 Decree of his laft Will is inviolable, and to be prefer’d before 
 all other Ordinance, according to the antient Privileges of 
 thofe who are honour’d with the War-like Chain or Collar. 
 How much more then was this Privilege due to fo valiant a 
 Prince, fcnd to fo noble a Knight ? For the Queftion is not 
 here of fome one fimple Mark or other: but here is a Tefta- 
 ment or Will well and advifedly made, and that not in haite, 
 or by a fimple Soldier wounded, and being ready to die, bur 
 by a vertuous Prince, and one worthy of itnulbrtal Honour, 
 aiiifted by his Council, and fomewhat forward in his way to¬ 
 wards the Expedition ^ and the things bequeath’d not to a 
 Stranger, but to his Couhn-German $ and not to an impor¬ 
 tunate Flatterer, but to a young Child, being very far oif 
 from the Emperor’s Army, which went to befiege St.D///er,and 
 purpos’d to do the fame even to Park, But here is an Ordi¬ 
 nance, I fay, made not without the knowledg of the Empe¬ 
 ror, but by his own Grant $ yea, an Ordinance according to 
 the Laws and Cuftoms us’d in all places. This then being 
 fo ftrong, it was not in Man’s power to reafon again-ft.it, and 
 much left to make it void, unle.ft by fome one way or other, 
 
 which 
 
% 6 o The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 which fhould have been over-tyrannous, and which (it may 
 fee ) might have brought more hurt than profit, to the Rer 
 nown and Credit of tfie Emperor, efpecially if he had meant 
 to offer any other thing than Reafon. And as there have 
 been amongft my Predeceffors fome, who have indeed found 
 means and ways to caufe unjuft and ungrateful perfons, who 
 kept their Goods and Poffeflions from them, to yield them the 
 fame : So I hope, that God will yet fhew me this Grace, to 
 have a bleffed Iffue againft him, who hath unjuftly fpoiPd me 
 of my Goods, and would barbaroudy take from me my Life 
 alfo. But feeing that I am inforc’d yet to fpeak of the Suc- 
 ceftton, I would fain have fome tell me, whether the Empe¬ 
 ror, fuifering me to enjoy the Succeffion, hath given it me of 
 his own or no : For if I have receiv’d nothing from him, but 
 that which before appertain’d to my Lord the Prince Rene , f 
 perceive not how the Ring can in any manner upbraid me, 
 that either he, or the Emperor his Father, have given me any 
 thing, unlefs it be Liberality to give largely of another 
 man’s Goods. 
 
 But on the other fide, albeit that at this prefent time, I fay 
 nothing of the Wrongs that have been done me in the faid 
 County, in which I have fuch Rights and Preheminences, and 
 whereof they have fpoil’d me, and whereof I fpeak nothing 
 at this time, leaving the Debate and Reafon thereof, till Arms 
 and Weapons fhall have yielded me more Reafon, than the In¬ 
 juft ice of him that keepeth all from me. This I muft needs 
 fpeak $ I had no fooner taken hold of the Succeffion of the 
 Seigniory or Lord (hip of ChafteU-bellin , but I 
 TJje Lordfbip of was even as foon fpoil’d thereof, which is of 
 Chaftel-bellin. fo fmall value, that at this prefent there are 
 due unto me Three hundred and fifty thou fa nd 
 Pounds of Arrearage by reafon thereof. And this is the heap 
 ©f Injuftice that they charge me with, if I have done any. 
 The Emperor was requefted by my Lord my Father, that at 
 the leaft I might, according to the Laws, be firft reftor’d unto 
 the Poffeffion, in which my Predeceffor had been, but he would 
 not fuffer it: only he fuffer’d me (being notwithftanding 
 fpoii’d) to follow my Right by Juftice and Law, wherein he 
 ieft me at the leaft fome gap, becaufe he did not let me 
 from debating my Right againft him, when the Caufe was 
 call’d forth to the Parliament of Malines. But the Son ( who 
 notwithftanding dares upbraid me with his good Turns) feeing 
 the Caufe ready to receive Judgment, the very felf-fame Day 
 that the Procefs and Controverfy ihould have been clear’d, 
 and the Advice of the Prefident and Counfellors was already 
 regifter’d j and I had Advertifement given me, to feek and 
 
 provide 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 4 61 
 
 provide for Silver for the Judges Fees: He, I fay, forbid his 
 Court 7 to proceed any further, and left the Procefs hanging 
 upon the Hook or File, where it remaineth yet to this prefent. 
 You fee ( my Lords) that Juftice was well minifter’d by him 
 who had fworn the fame to me, and to the Barons of this 
 Country. And thefe be the great Advantages and Profits that 
 I have receiv’d from the Houfe of Spain: This is the Foun¬ 
 dation and Ground-work of all their Reproaches $ and upon 
 this is this infamous Frame or Building of Profcription ftay’d 
 and fettl’d. 
 
 But if, on the other fide, I fhould come largely to lay out 9 
 how much the Houfe of Spain is bound to my Predeceffors, 
 (for,concerning my felf I will as yet fay nothing) I afn afraid 
 to enter into fo great a Sea, which I cannot pafs over in many 
 Months: Wherefore I will touch only the principal Matters, 
 leaving unto you, my Lords, and to the Readers, the particular 
 fearching and finding out of the faid Bounds, in the Hiftories 
 and antient Records of this Country. 
 
 He that of the Houfe of Auftria , firft came into the Low- 
 Countries, and that a long time after that my Predcceffors held 
 therein both Counties and Baronies, was the Emperor Maxi¬ 
 milian, then Archduke of Auftria . Now who knoweth not, 
 that the Count Engelbert, my Great Uncle, 
 was he who maintain’d and upheld the faid My Lori Engel- 
 Emperor, imploying his Goods, his Life, and bert. Count of 
 his Wit, for the Prefervation of him ? Was Naffau. 
 it not the Count Engelbert , together with my 
 Lord of Romont , that obtain’d the Victory of Guinegafte, having 
 by his Courage kept the Foot-men together, whenas the Horfc- 
 men had broken the Rank and Order (by means whereof, the 
 great Conqueft of King Lewis the Eleventh was flay’d and let, 
 which thing dy’d afterwards) that alfur’d Maximilian's ftate and 
 condition ? Was it not he, who upon his return out of Prifon 
 in France, found Maximilian wonderfully troubl’d in Flanders 9 
 againft my Lord of Raveftain, and thofe of Bruges, who alio pre¬ 
 vail’d fo much by Arms and by Counfel, that a Truce and 
 Conclulion was made? who was once again the Caufe to up¬ 
 hold and maintain the faid Archduke, and who in like fort 
 caus’d the Accord made with the Inhabitants of Bruges to be 
 maintain’d 3 whereof even yet at this day, there do remain 
 notable Marks and Tokens, both of his Fidelity, and of the 
 Thankfulnefs of the Inhabitants of Bruges .■ It is the very 
 fame Engelbert that fubdu’d thofe that rebel’d againft JhiiE s 
 about the Borders of the Rhine, and eftablifli’d the faid Empe¬ 
 ror quiet in his Countries of Oultremeuxe . That I may (peak 
 no more of the dangerous Voyages attempted for the (aid 
 
 Empe’. 
 
462 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 Emperor, as that Voyage into Britain for the Treaty of Mar¬ 
 riage between the faid Lord' Archduke, and the Lady Anne , 
 Heir of the Dutchy, and afterwards twice Queen of France : 
 which matter he fo well follow’d, that all was agreed, and fur¬ 
 ther proceeding fhould have been made therein, favino- that 
 my Lord John, Prince of Grange , Father of my Lord Phflibert, 
 da fil’d all, and procur’d the Marriage of the faid 
 The faid Count Lady’s Couiin-German with Charles viz French 
 Lieutenant-Ge- King. And the Merits and Values of the faid 
 neral from the Lord Count, were in thofe Countries fo great, 
 time of Dufe that he was made Lieutenant-General through- 
 Charles. out the Low-CounCy. 
 
 The Succeffor and Heir of the faid Lord 
 Count Engelbert , and of his Goods which he had in thefe 
 Countries, was my Lord the Count John of Naffau, his Bro¬ 
 ther, and my Great Uncle - y and after his Death, 
 My Lord Hen- there fucceeded him my Lord the Count Henry 
 ry. Count of my Uncle, the eldeft Son of the faid Lord Count 
 Naffau. John , and his Heir, in the Goods and Poflef- 
 
 fions he had here in Brabant , Luxenburg , Holland 
 and Flanders : and my Lord the Count William my Father, was 
 his Heir, in the Goods and Poffeftions which he had in Ger¬ 
 many, 
 
 No Man can deny, that in his time there was any Lord in 
 all thefe Countries, who labour’d more in the Service of the 
 Emperor Charles, than he. And to the end I be not overlong 
 in reciting that which is fo well known, I will only in a word 
 tell you, that it was he that put the Imperial Crown upon the 
 Emperor’s Head, having fo earneftly follow’d this matter, even 
 then, when the Emperor, in refpeft of his young Age, and 
 by reafon of his Abfence. ( for he was in SpainJ was not able 
 to purfue the fame, that he perfuaded the Princes Electors 
 to prefer the Emperor before the French King, who earneftly 
 labour’d to obtain the faid Election. And as every one know- 
 eth, that this Imperial Crown was the Bridg, which after¬ 
 wards made a paffage to the Emperor to obtain fo many Con- 
 qwefts* fo none can deny, but that the acknowledgment there¬ 
 of ought to be given to the faid Lord Count. 
 
 But can any Man fhew me at- this prefent, fo much as one 
 Mark or Note of Recompence, or one only good Turn, that 
 our Stock hath receiv’d from the Houfc of Spain 1 Men may 
 fee in fundry places of thefe Countries, Pieces of Ordnance, 
 with the Arms of Hungary upon them, which the King of Hun¬ 
 gary gave to my Predeceflbrs, in teftimony and remembrance 
 &f that their vertue and ftrength, which they had imploy’d 
 and ihew’d in their Service againft the Tm\s * certain of 
 
 which 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 4 6 $ 
 
 which Pieces were violently taken from me, and carried away 
 by thd Duke of Alva> out of my Houfe of Breda, when he, 
 play’d the Tyrant in this Country, and yet fome of them re¬ 
 main there to this day. Which thing I put down to declare, 
 that fo long as thefe Pieces fhall lail, lo long alfo (hall the 
 Notes and Marks of my Anceftor’s Vertue endure; and there 
 (hall remain alfo a notable Telfimony, which the King of 
 Hungary hath given them. But as my Predeceffors have been 
 fo noble, and by the Grace of God, and the good Govern¬ 
 ment of their things, were never yet poor ; fo they never yet 
 demanded any thing of the Princes of thefe Countries, nei¬ 
 ther yet receiv’d any thing as a Free Gift : and yet I am 
 fare, that the Imperial Crbwn at the leaft, deferv’d fome one 
 Recompence or other. I confeE, that the Succeffion of Chaa- 
 loti, and of the Princedom of Orange, was a great increafe unto 
 our Houfe : but if we be bound to any for that, truly it is 
 to the great King Francis, who gave in Marriage to the Lord 
 mine Uncle, the Sifter of my Lord the Prince Philibert, the 
 Daughter of my Lord the Prince John , who was nourifh’d 
 and brought up with Queen Anne , the Grandmother of the 
 faid Lord King, and whofe Coufin the faid Princefs was. 
 
 And thus you here fee ( my Lords) the Honefty and Good 
 Behaviour of this Monarch of France . The Emperot got and 
 receiv’d his Crown by the Pains and Travels of my Uncle: 
 Francis the King (who knew all that the faid Lord had done 
 for his Competitor, that is, for him that fought to be Empe¬ 
 ror as well as he ) ceas’d not for all that to give him this Prin¬ 
 cefs in Marriage, who was not the fuppos’d Heir only, but 
 the very Heir indeed of my Lord the Prince Philibert the 
 .faid King confeffing, that he ought not to be difpleas’ti with 
 him, who had conftantly follow’d that part which he took 
 upon him to follow : Infomuch that I lhay fay of him, as the 
 Hiftoriographers of his time faid. That it was an afTur’d Te- 
 ftimony of a noble and liberal Heart in the Prince. And al¬ 
 beit, the Emperor had granted fomething to the 
 Memory of my Lord the Prince Rene, and that The Prime 
 
 .(according to the laft Appointment) he had Rene. 
 
 t ranced fome extraordinary Privilege and Bene- 
 t unto his Will; Should this, I befeech you, be a fufficient 
 Recompence, yielded to fo faithful and fo excellent Services 
 as he had perform’d, who was fo valiant and fo couragious a 
 Prince, and had done for him fo many Duties ; having by 
 Force of Arms, not only recover’d for the Emperor the Da¬ 
 mage of a Battel loft, but alfo having again conquer’d for 
 him the Dutchy of Gelderland y and, in fine, he himfelf yielded 
 up his Spirit at the Emperor’s Feet, and that for his Service? 
 
 What 
 
4^4 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 What (hall I need to fpeak of Prince Philibert , who alone 
 obtain’d for him Lombardy, and the Kingdom of Naples , and 
 with my Lord the Duke of Bourbon , aifur’d him of the State of 
 Rome, and took the Pope for him as a Prifoner; and, to be 
 Ihort, hath given him a heap of all Excellency and Bleflfed- 
 nefs? And yet now his Son will come, reproaching the Re¬ 
 membrance of fuch Princes, and will fty. That the Emperor 
 hath executed Juftice to their Succeffor and Coufin. Now if 
 they of Najjau had not liv’d heretofore ; if they of Orange had 
 not done fo many Deeds of Arms, before that the King was 
 born, he would not have put fo many Titles in the beginning 
 of this Proscription, by which he doth fa lily and flanderoufly 
 pronounce me a traitorous and wicked perfon, which as yet 
 never hath fallen out, and I hope never lhall fall out in any of 
 my Race. But let them anfwer me, by whofe Commandment 
 the Cardinal of Grandvelle impoifon’d the laft Maximilian the 
 Emperor, whilft he was the King of the Romans : I know what 
 he told me concerning that matter *, and that afterwards he 
 was fo afraid of the King and the Spaniards , that he was alto¬ 
 gether fearful, to make profeflion of that Religion, which he 
 knew notwithstanding to be the belt. 
 
 He proceedeth and faith. That he hath as it 
 were in Order of SucceJ]ion y continu'd and increas’d 
 more and more my State and Countenance , having 
 made me of his Order , afterwards Lieutenant- 
 General in the Government of Holland, Zeland, 
 Utrecht and Burgundy, of his Council of State-, 
 and that he hath beflow'd on me fundry good Turns 
 and Honours. As concerning Benefits, I can¬ 
 not at any hand confefs it, unlefs a Man will call the great 
 Expences that I have been at, as well for the Service of the 
 Emperor, as of the JLing, Benefits. For they who liv’d at 
 that time, and especially in the King’s time, may well remem¬ 
 ber, how the Court always was greatly accompanied with the 
 Nobility of fundry and divers Nations, and for the moft part 
 with the Nobility of Germany. Now, every one lmoweth, that 
 my Houfe lay always open, and that ordinarily I was to make 
 the difcharge and defraying of all Charges, bearing the Ex¬ 
 pences of the Court with a very little Allowance and Order, 
 that was made on the King’s behalf. Every on,e knoweth 
 alfo, the great and exceflive Expences, that I was of neceflity 
 to be at in the Voyage, in which both againft my Will, and 
 likewife againft fundry Protections made to the Emperor, 
 and alfo to the Queen of Hungary , I was conftrain’d to carry 
 the Crown of the Empire to Ferdinando the Emperor: and 
 hereunto I was the more unwilling, becaufe it Seem’d not rea- 
 
 • fcnabl© 
 
 An Objection touch¬ 
 ing the Benefits and 
 Honours bej tow’d by 
 the King of Spain 
 upon the jaid Lord 
 Prince. 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 465; 
 
 fonable unto me that I fhould carry from my Mailer’s Head 
 the Crown, which in times pa ft had been let thereupon by 
 my Predeceffors. After this I made the Voyage into France , 
 wherein I was fent for one of the Pledges, appointed for the 
 eftablilhment and execution of the Peace made at Chajfeau in 
 Cambrefis , which brought unto me alfo great Expences and ex- 
 tream Charge j info much that I can in thefe three Points 
 (unto which add alfo the Charges that I was at in the laft 
 Wars, and efpecially thofe at the Town Philippe and Charlemont * 
 where I was General) verily affure you, that I fpent more than 
 Fifteen hundred thoufand Florins : and yet notwithftanding, 
 the Chamber of Account or Exchequer, may ealily affure 
 Men of this, that I never had fo much as one farthing in re- 
 compence for thefe Services ; yea* that being Lieutenant-Ge¬ 
 neral of the Army, I did not receive for all Charges, but Three 
 hundred Florins a month, which was not fufficient to pay the 
 Servants that pitch’d my Tents: Yea alfo, if the Queen of 
 Hungary were yet alive, Ihe could yet remember, that which 
 file fpake unto me, when the Emperor (perceiving himfelf to 
 be in the greateft extremity that ever he was, partly by the 
 Power of Duke Maurice , and of William the Landgrave, and 
 partly by the Power of the French King) made 
 the Peace of Paffau , with as great lofs to our Houfe, The Peace 
 which ferv’d him with our great Lofs and Charges, of Paffau. 
 to preferve the Empire for him, as it had before 
 obtain’d the fame for him. For, albeit in an open Affembly 
 of the Empire, the Emperor being, by the Advice of the Elec¬ 
 tors, fet in his Throne and Imperial Seat, had judg’d, and that 
 by a definitive Sentence, that we fhould have the County or 
 Earldom of Cat^enellenboghen , with more than two Millions of 
 Florins for Arrearage ; he made notwithstanding his Peace 
 with our lofs, putting by the Agreement of Pajfau, our ad^ 
 verfe Parties in the poffeflion thereof, without any recompence 
 given to us. Which thing I propound not at this prefent, to 
 ftir up again any Contention, feeing that our Houfe hath fince 
 that time agreed with the moft famous Houfe of the Land¬ 
 graves of Heffe, whofe good Kinfmen and Servants we are; 
 but to the end we may make the whole World to underftand 
 the great Benefits that we have receiv’d from the Houfe of 
 Spain , and that every one may know who it is that, by good 
 right, is to be tax’d for Ingratitude and Unkindnefs. And 
 this (my Lords) is not the like firft part that they have fhew’d 
 us: For my Lord the Prince Rene, being at that time the 
 eldeft of our Houfe, pur filing fo courageoufly the War of 
 Cleveland, the Emperor promis’d him, that he would never 
 conclude Peace with the Duke of Cleveland, but upon condi* 
 
 H h lion, 
 
q65 The Apology of the Prince of Grange. 
 
 tion, that he ffiould leave unto us peaceably 
 Peace made with the third part of the Dutchy of Juliets, which 
 my Lord the Duke appertain’d unto us by the Succeflion of my 
 of Cleve. Lord, the Count John of Najfau, my Great 
 
 Uncle, and Margaret the Countefs of Juliets 
 and Mark • notwithftanding, perceiving himfelf to be the Con¬ 
 queror, he made Peace with him as pleas’d him, forgetting 
 that this Viftory was obtain’d to his hands, by the Travel and 
 Valiantnefs of my faid Lord and Coufin. 
 
 As concerning the Honours, which he faith 
 The Honours, he hath done me, I will never deny, as I have 
 faid heretofore, but that the Emperor did great¬ 
 ly honour me, whilft he nourifh’d me and made me of his 
 Chamber, by the fpace of nine years, and afterwards in my 
 two firft Wars, having appointed me and given me charge 
 over all his Ordnance in thefe Countries. 
 
 And albeit, that I was not then one and twenty years old, 
 yea, tho I were abfent from the Court, at my Lordfhip of Bue- 
 ren, notwithftanding (the Duke of Savoy attempting a Voyage) 
 the Emperor himfelf chofe me for General of 
 My Lord the the Army •, albeit, that the Lords of the Coun- 
 Prince made cil, yea and the Queen her felf, did prefent 
 General of the thereto fundry other perfons, whofe Capacity 
 Army at the and Underftanding was very great, as my Lords 
 Age of 21 /the Counts of Bojfu , of Lalaing, Martin van Rof- 
 
 years . fern, old Knights and Soldiers, and the Counts 
 
 of Arenbergh , Meghem, and Egmont, who was twelve 
 years elder than I. 
 
 All this notwithftanding, albeit that no Man nam’d me ( as . 
 afterwards they affirm’d to the Emperor) by reafon of my. 
 Youth; yet fo it was, that it pleas’d the Emperor to chufe 
 me, for the Reafons which then he declar’d, and which the 
 Queen of Hungary, inforcing me to take the Charge upon me, 
 caus’d me afterwards to underftand ; which alfo I like better 
 for this prefent time to conceal, than to declare, left I might 
 feem over-much to praife, prize, and efteem my felf. I fay 
 yet more, that it pleas’d the Emperor ( my Lords) then to 
 caufe me to come from the Camp, when he declar’d unto 
 you the Will and purpofe that he had to make over his King¬ 
 doms into the hands of his Son the King : and it pleas’d hnn 
 yet further fo much to honour me, that he would not per¬ 
 form this folemn Aft in my abfence; yea, he prefented him¬ 
 felf amongft you in your Affembly, leaning upon me by rea¬ 
 fon of his infirmity *, which thing fundry at that time thought 
 was a very great honour unto me.’ But be it fo, that fince 
 that time the King had beftow’d upon me fome Honours, yet I 
 
 cannot 
 
The Jpology of the Prince of Orange. 467 
 
 cannot fee, how after any fort he can prevail or get any thing 
 thereby, feeing that contrary to all Right and Reafon, yea 
 contrary to his own Oath, he hath gone about to take them 
 from me. 
 
 As concerning the Order, if the Emperor and the College 
 or Company of the Knights thereof, have given me their 
 Voice, I am no more bound to him therefore, than to other 
 Knights, feeing it was neceflary for him to allow of that which 
 the College approv’d; even as he himfelf knoweth, that we, 
 in the lair Aflembly of the Order held in thefe Countries, 
 did, by Plurality of Voices, without his Advice, and againll 
 his Will, chufe fundry Knights of the Order, and caus’d them 
 fo to be receiv’d and accepted. But be it, that I were in¬ 
 debted to him therefore ; yet fo far off is it that he may ren 
 proach or upbraid me therewith, that on the other fide, he 
 himfelf is to be therefore greatly charg’d. He hath fwom, 
 and it is alfo contain’d in the Points that con¬ 
 cern 'the Order, that the Knights of the Or- The Privileges 
 der fhould be judg’d by their Brethren; that is, of the Order . 
 them of the fame Order. Verily, it was ne¬ 
 ver in the Power of Duke Philip, lir-nam’d the Good , to inforce 
 my Lord John of Luxenburg to forfake the Oath which he had 
 made to the King of England , the faid Lord of Luxenburg com¬ 
 mitting the Determination of the Matter in Controverfy be¬ 
 tween them, to the College and Company of the Knights of 
 the Orders. But the Brethren, which the King hath appointed 
 to my Lords, the Counts of Egmont and of Horn, to the Marquis 
 of Bergues and Montigny for their Tryal, were Porters, Petti¬ 
 foggers, and People of no account by which alfo he hath 
 caus’d me to be condemn’d againft all Order and Courfe of 
 Law, even as I have heretofore protefted, and have alledg’d 
 the Infufficiencys thereof in the Prefence of all Europe. In- 
 fomuch that he himfelf having done againft his own Oath, 
 and againft the Orders and Articles of the College or Com¬ 
 pany, he is at no hand to be heard in fuch Reproaches as thefe 
 are, wherein there are found the ingrav’d Marks of his own 
 Oath being violated and broken. And befide, if I ought to 
 yield Thanks to any of the Order, for the Governments and 
 other Dignities that I have, it inuft be to the Emperor, whofe 
 Mind it was, and who had fo decreed the fame, before he 
 would depart out of this Country, having before known the 
 Duties that I had perform’d, and my Faithfulnefs, namely, in 
 refpeft of my Services yielded in the .Government and Gui¬ 
 ding of his Army, wherein I have for witnefs my Lord of 
 Nevers , and the late my Lord of Chaftillon, Admiral of France ; 
 who indeed made us afterwards to know, that he was our ad- 
 
 H h 2 . verfc 
 
468 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 verfe Party: All which notwithftanding they gain’d nothing 
 (thanks be to God) upon me ^ but I builded, in defpite of their 
 Beards, the Towns Philippe and Charlemont , albeit that the 
 Plague did very ftrongly afflitt our Army. 
 
 As concerning the Government of Burgundy , 
 The Government I can certainly allure all Men, that I have 
 of Burgundy, not receiv’d any thing, but that which my Pre- 
 deceffors have at all times maintain’d, as ap¬ 
 pertaining unto them by Inheritance; and indeed my Lady 
 Philibert of Luxenburg ( my Lord the Prince Philibert her Son 
 being in ItalyJ caus’d the States of Burgundy to affemble and 
 meet in the Town of No^eroy. And becaufe that fome thought 
 it not meet and convenient, becaufe my faid Town was upon 
 one of the Frontiers of the County of Burgundy , fhe anfwer’d. 
 That lhe meant to maintain the Poffeffion of the Lords of the 
 Houfe of Chaalon , who were by Inheritance Governors of the 
 County of Burgundy . But be it whatfoever it be, the Beha¬ 
 vior of the King towards me do’s fufficiently declare, that he 
 cannot objett unto me thefe Honours, which againft all Rules 
 of Honour he goeth about to take from me, together with 
 my Life 4 and Goods, having by Violence taken from me mine 
 own Son, againft all Law either of God or Man, yea, againft 
 the Privileges of the Country, which he fware to obferve at 
 his joyful entrance into it. 
 
 As concerning the Charge and Office of 
 Cowifellor of the Counfellor of Eftate, I have efficiently enough 
 Eftate . declar’d in my Defence made heretofore, in the 
 
 Year fixty-feven, that the Cardinal and others 
 prattis’d this matter, that I might be call’d thereto, thinking 
 thereby to cloak and cover themfelves only with my Authority 
 before the People ; and therefore I ought not to think my felf 
 bound unto them for this, becaufe, that in doing this they 
 fought not fo much mine advantage, as their own profit. .But 
 if they be deceiv’d of their hope, they mult attribute it, either 
 to their own want of capacity, as not being able wifely enough 
 to order and direft their Enterprizes, or elfe (which indeed 
 is more true, for they did not want Wit and Underftahd- 
 ing) that their Wickednefs was grown fo great, fo apparent, 
 and fo palpable, that no Man was able to endure them, but 
 that they were call: out of the Country as Venom or Poyfon, 
 yea as a publick Plague. 
 
 Now, forafmuch as they have not only dire&ed themfelver 
 againft my Perfon, accufing me of Unfrhankfulnefs and Un^ 
 faithfulnefs, but even as Rage and Madnefs doth equally bite 
 the whole World, as well the innocent as he, whom Men judg 
 culpable; fo their Petulancy and Diforder hath been fo great* 
 
The Apology of the "Prince of Orange. 469 
 
 as that they have defir’d to touch and taint 
 the Honour of my Wife, by the blame which Of the lajlMar- 
 they fuppofe to lay upon my laft Marriage, riage of the faid 
 I know not whether I may judg them more to Lord. Prince, 
 be condemn’d in Impudence, or in Beaftlinefs, 
 whilft that thefe skilful Men, who boa It themfelves to be fo 
 good Painters, know not as yet to prattife that Leffon, which 
 is fo often faid and repeated by the meanelt Scholars that be ; 
 that is, he that prepareth himfelf to fpeak Evil of another 
 Man, ought to be exempted from all Crime and Fault. For 
 this argueth great Impudence and Rafhnefs, if Men know 
 their notable Faults, and yet will notwithftanding pafs over 
 their own Thorns and Thiftles, as if they were Rofes: or if 
 they know them not, what Beaftlinefs and Blockifhnefs doth 
 this argue, not to perceive and fee that, which every hour of 
 a day offereth it felf to their Eyes and Sight ? They fee every 
 day before them an inceftuous King, which is one only half 
 degree, nigh unto Jupiter , the Husband of Juno , his own Sifter j 
 and yet they dare reproach me with a holy, an honeft, and a 
 lawful Marriage, made according to God’s Word, and cele¬ 
 brated according to the Ordinances of the Church of God. 
 And again, I am here inforc’d to befeech you (my Lords) not 
 to think of me that, which as yet you have never feen in me; 
 to wit, that by their wicked Speeches I am mov’d to lay open 
 thefe abominable Boils, and to fet before the Eyes of all the 
 World, the benumbdnefs and hardnefs of fuch Confidences 
 as thefe Men carry, but rather that it would pleafe you to 
 impute it to this Rage and defperate Madnefs of the Enemies 
 of God, of the Enemies of all Chriftendom, and your Ene¬ 
 mies particularly, who are inflam’d and fet on fire againft me, 
 for no other reafon but for this. That they know the great 
 Care, Diligence and Faithfulnefs, that I have had for your 
 Prefervation. He then, that hath married his Niece, dare 
 reproach unto me my Marriage; a Marriage, I fay, very law¬ 
 ful, and according to God’s Order. 
 
 He, I fay, dare upbraid me with my Marriage, who (to the 
 end he might obtain fuch a Marriage ) hath cruelly murder’d 
 his own Wife, the Daughter and Sifter of the 
 Kings of France , ( as I underftand they have The Murder jo f 
 in France Informations and Inftruttions con- the Queen of 
 cerning that matter) yea, his lawful Wife, the Spain. 
 
 Mother of two Daughters, the true Heirs of 
 Spain , as I doubt not, but that the Crown of France (the which 
 heretofore hath given the Crown of Caftile to a Baftard, of 
 whom Philip is defcended, difpoffefling a Tyrant thereof, tho 
 he were lawfully born thereto) {hall have no lefs Power to 
 
 H h 3 main- 
 
47 ° The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 maintain and keep it for the true Heirs, if God, who is a 
 juft Judg, and never fufFereth fuch Wickedneffes unpunilh’d, 
 do not take Vengeance of it in his Life-time, depriving him 
 of his Eftate ; which thing he hath moft rightly deferv’d, al- 
 tho he had not committed any other fault but thislnceft, ac¬ 
 companied with fo abominable a Murder. But you will fay, 
 he had a Difpenfation for it. From whom ? From the Pope 
 of Rome , who is a God in Earth. Verily I believe that, for 
 the God of Heaven would never have contented thereto. But 
 what was the Ground-work and Foundation of this earthly, 
 heavenly Difpenfation ? Forfooth this, that he muft not leave 
 fo goo fly a Kingdom without an Heir: and mark wherefore 
 there was added to the former horrible Faults, a moft cruel 
 Murder, the Father unnaturally murdering 
 The Murder of the his own Child and Heir, to the end that by 
 Prince of Spain, that means the Pope might have a gap open 
 
 to give a Difpenfation for fo execrable an 
 Inceft, abominable to God and Men. If therefore we fay, 
 that we do rejeft the Government of fuch an inceftuous King, 
 flayer of his Son, and the murderer of his Wife, who can 
 juftly accufe us therefore ? How many Kings have there been, 
 who have been banifh’d and driven out of their Kingdoms, 
 who had not committed fuch horrible Crimes ? For as con¬ 
 cerning Von Charles his Son, was he not to be, in all likelihood, 
 our Lord and Mafter ? And tho the Father could alledg againft 
 his Son a juft Caufe of Death, did not this Matter belong unto 
 us, who had fo great Intereft therein, rather to judg thereof, 
 than to three or four Friars and Inquifitors of Spain ? But it 
 may be, that he made Confcience to leave him for his Heir, 
 whom he knew to be born in unlawful Marriage ; becaufe that 
 at the time that he feem’d to marry the Daughter of Portu¬ 
 gal, the Mother of Don Charles , he was mar* 
 The Marriage of ried to the Lady If MU Ofor'm , by whom alfo 
 the K, of Spain he had two or three Children ; whereof the 
 with the Lady firft was nam’d Don Pedro , and the fecond Son 
 Ifabella Ofo- was nam’d Don Bernardino: of which Marriage 
 xius. Rigomes , the Prince of Tuoli , if he were living, 
 
 could give a good and fufficient Teftimony, 
 for he was the procurer thereof; whereby alfo he obtain’d 
 that great Credit, and fo much Goodnefs in Spain, the which 
 they do at this prefent unkindly fuck and draw from his Wi^ 
 dow, as it were with a Spunge. Now, if he have fo well ber 
 hav’d himfelf in that fuppos’d Marriage, that Marriage alfo 
 which he hath made with the Daughter of France hath 
 not as yet been more happy. For befide the Murder of the 
 Queen his Wife* it was alfo made noble by an Adultery ex*? 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 471 
 
 celling all other Adulteries, that is, that he 
 kept ordinary and common Houfhold with the The Adultery 
 Lady Eufrafea, who being become great with with the Lady 
 child by him, he inforc’d the Prince of Afcoli Eufrafia. 
 to marry her; and at the end of a certain time, 
 the poor Prince (as the Minifters of the King’s Tyranny, fay) 
 died for grief, becaufe that having too ftrong an Enemy, he 
 was not able to remedy this, but that another man’s Baftard 
 fhould be his Heir. But they that fpeak more certainly of 
 this matter, affirm, that he receiv’d a Morfel more eafy to 
 fwallow down than to digeft. And yet he, who is deck’d with 
 a Crown of three fuch Marriages, being, I fay, himfelf three 
 times fuch a Husband, dare upbraid and reproach me with my 
 Marriage. 
 
 But fuppofe that he*were not fo defiled, and that we might 
 count him for a guiltlefs. Perfon, yet for all that I fear him 
 not, as tho he were able to reproach me with any fault j 
 and thanks be to God, I have not done any thing c but very 
 advifedly, and that by the Counfel of fundry honourable, 
 wife, and difcreet Perfons. Neither is it needful, that he 
 fhould travail much in that matter, wherein he hath no In* 
 tereft, but to behold and fee, and of which alfo I am not 
 bound to yield him any account or reafon. For as concerning 
 my Wife that is dead, (he was ally’d to Princes of very great 
 Credit, to wife and honourable Princes, who, I doubt not, 
 but they are fully fatisfy’d in that behalf \ and if I would em 
 ter further into that Difcourfe, I could ealily make it appear 
 unto him, that the mo ft skilful of his Doctors condemn the 
 fame. As concerning the M.arriage, by which I am ally’d at 
 this prefent, albeit that they make the Zeal they would 
 feem to have to the Traditions of the Romijh Church, a 
 Buckler and Defence for their Doings * yet fo it is, that they 
 fhall never make any man in the world believe, that they are 
 more zealous for that Church, than my Lord of Mmtpenfier , 
 my Lord my Father in Law, who maketh not profeffion of his 
 Religion, as the Cardinal of Grandville , and fuch as he are, 
 do > but as hethinketh, that his Confcience commandeth him. 
 And notwithftanding, having well weigh’d that which is 
 already paft, and having heard the Advice of fundry prin¬ 
 cipal Perfons of the Court of Parliament at Farit, affem- 
 bled at Portlier* for great and weighty Caufes; having alfo 
 heard the Advice of Bifhops and Doctors, he hath found out 
 at the laft (as fuch is the truth indeed) that not only albeit 
 there had been aPromife made on my Wife’s behalf, y.t it 
 was none by Law, becaufe it was' made in the time under 
 years, agaiiift the Canons and the Ordinances of France, and 
 H h 4 the 
 
472 The Apology of the Prince of Orange* 
 
 the Decrees of the High Courts,' yea againft the Canons of 
 the Council Trent^ to which my Enemy giveth and yieldeth 
 fo great Credit : but alfo that there was never any fuch 
 Promife made, but fundry Protections rather to the contra¬ 
 ry, which is apparent by good Informations and Inftru&ions 
 made, even in the abfenceof my Wife. And altho this were 
 not fo, yet fo it is, that lam not fo little converfant in good 
 and holy Doftrine, but that I know that all thefe Bonds of 
 Confcience, laid upon us by men, cannot be any Bond at all 
 before God. Neither can that hinder me which fome fay, 
 that if fuch a thing were permitted to a Lord of my coun¬ 
 tenance, yet at the leaft the Pope ought to give a Difpenfa- 
 tion for it. For it is long finee (God be thank’d for it) 
 that I know very well, of what value is this Trafhck of the 
 Difpenfations from Rome: and fo far off .is it, that I will have 
 recourfe unto him (who even unto this prefent hath procur’d 
 againft me all the mifehief he could) that I hope verily, that 
 as this good Shepherd hath done to me and to all good Peo¬ 
 ple the worft he could; fo God will give me Grace to pro¬ 
 mote the Deftruflion of that myftical Kingdom, which he 
 hath fet up in his Den of Rome , by means whereof he hath 
 heretofore ruled over all the whole Earth, caufing Princes 
 and Kings to kifs his Pantofle or Shoo, yea treading under his 
 feet the Emperor. 
 
 That the faid They object untome alfo, that I am a Stran- 
 Lord Prince is ger, as if the Prince of Parma were a great 
 not a Stranger. Country-man, who was not born in this Coun¬ 
 try, nor hath not a farthing-worth of Goods 
 here, nor any Title; who yet notwithftanding doth with his 
 White Staff command certain very evil-adviled Perfons, and 
 who yield themfelves obedient unto him, even as his poor Slaves. 
 But what do they mean by the term Stranger ? Verily fuch a 
 one as is born out of the Country. Then if that be fo, he 
 himfelf fhall be a Stranger as well as I * for he was born in 
 Spain , a Country which is naturally the Enemy of the Low 
 Country and I was born in Germany , a Country which is na¬ 
 turally a Friend and 'Fellow to this Country'. They will an- 
 fwer, that he is a King ; but I fay to the contrary, that this 
 Name of King is not allow’d of by me. Let him be a King 
 in Cafiile , in Ayr agon , at Naples , amongft the Indians^ and in 
 every place where he commandeth at his pleafure; yea, let 
 him be a King if he will in Jerufalem , and a peaceable Gp- 
 vernour in Afia and Africa , yet for all that I will not acknow- 
 ledg him in this Country for any any more than a Duke and 
 a Count, whofe Power is limited according to our Privileges, 
 which he fware to obferve at his gladfom entrance. As con- 
 
 .. cerning 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 475 
 
 cerning that which toucheth my felf, it is plain and manifeft, 
 that I and my Predeceffors, from whom I am defcended in 
 the right Male Line, have begun more than two hundred 
 Years ago to poffefs Countys and Baronies in the Coun- 
 trys of Luxemburg, Brabant, Flanders , and Holland. For about 
 the Year one thoufand three hundred and forty, my Lord 
 the Count Otho, of whom I am defcended in the feventh de¬ 
 gree, and whofe eldeft Heir I am, marry’d the Countefs of 
 Vianden , and finee that time the County of the faid Vianden 
 departed not from our Houfe ; but we have always peace¬ 
 ably enjoy’d the fame, until fuch time as the King had un- 
 juftly difpoffefs’d me thereof. Afterwards, my Lord the Count 
 Englebert, the firft Son of the Son of the faid Count 0 tho 9 
 marry’d the Lady of Leek, and Breda from whom alfo I am 
 in the right Male Line defcended, and that in the fifth de¬ 
 gree. May I therefore by any good Right be call’d a Stran¬ 
 ger ? And that I may fay nothing at this prefent time of 
 the Goods which I have in Burgundy , where I have (thanks be 
 to God) a very good Portion, may I juftly be counted a Stran¬ 
 ger? And I leave it to you (my Lords) to judg, who know 
 better our Laws than any People of the World, how our 
 Anceftors have uled it time out of mind ; and whether the 
 Lords of Raveftain, of Luxemburg, and of St. Paul , of Nevers , 
 of Eftampes , and other Lords, holding Counties and Baronies 
 in this Country, were accounted for Strangers ; and whether 
 yet at this day, you account not as Naturals of the Country, 
 all thofe who poffefs fuch Lordfhips, fo that they will take 
 part with thefe Countrys: And have we not for that indeed 
 an exprefs Law amongft us, as well in Brabant as in other 
 places ? For as concerning the Title of the Duke of Brabant , 
 Count of Flanders , and others, which he beareth and braggeth 
 of, albeit I confefs thefe Dignities to be great, yet notwith- 
 ftanding, if he and his Spaniards know it not, they mu ft 
 learn this, that the Barons of Brabant , with the good Towns 
 and Cities of the Country, have indeed (when the Dukes of 
 Brabant have fo far forgotten themfelves, that they have pafs’d 
 the bounds of Reafon) very well taught them, what was the 
 Power of the Barons, and generally of the Eftates of the 
 Country of Brabant . Now it is manifeft, that I am defcended 
 from fuch Lords, as for fundry Ages together have poffefs’d 
 the principal Baronies and Lordfhips of Brabant, Flanders , 
 Holland, and Luxemburg . But I hope, that my Lords the 
 Eftates have fo well begun to declare unto him how much 
 he hath fail’d in his Duty; and alfo that the faid Lords 
 will hereafter take him forth fo good a leffon, that the poor 
 people of Sicilia, Calabria, Lombardy, An agon, and Cajlite, will 
 
 ■ . learn 
 
474 ^he Apology of the Prince of Orange, 
 
 learn by our Example, that this Tyrant ought not to be fuf- 
 fer’d on the earth ; yea that the poor People of Granada them- 
 felves will know how they ought to handle fuch a Tyrant, who 
 in the time of the War with the Moors , caus’d to be impri- 
 fon’d about an hundred Merchants, Inhabitants of Granada , 
 all.of them being Chriftians, of which the leaft was worth 
 fifty thoufand Ducats; and afterwards by a Hurly Burly a- 
 mongftthe People,, caus’d them to be flain; putting into his 
 Coffers all the Goods of thofe poor People. And to be fhort, 
 my Lords the Eftates (God aiding them) will teach them, 
 how fuch muft be handled, that will falfify their Oaths made 
 and given to fo good a People, at their joyful entranee. 
 
 But (my Lords) if I come to proceed further, and fhould 
 begin largely to lay out before you the long time paft, in 
 which my Predeceffors had not only their beginning here, but 
 were alfo Lords, and poffefs’d great Goods, Titles, and Dig¬ 
 nities in thefe Countries; I might fay unto you, that at the 
 time that his Predeceffors were Counts of Hapsburg , and re¬ 
 main’d in Swifferlandy mine were long time before Lords of 
 the Country of Gelderland , whereof yet at this prefent there 
 are remaining the Arms of our Houfe of Najfau , for the 
 Arms of the Duke of Gelderland : And we have not (as it were 
 palling by it) kept the faid Country in poffeffion i but after 
 that my Lord the Count Otho had marry’d the Daughter and 
 Heir of the Voght or Regent of Gelderland (for 
 The Counts of fo did Men name at thofe days the Lords of 
 Kaffau were Gelderland ) which continu’d from the Year 
 the Counts and 1039. until the Year 1350. my Predeceffors 
 Bulges of Gel- were the Lords, Counts, and Dukes of the 
 derlan d,from Country of Gelderland , as yet even to this day 
 the Tear 1039* men may behold the Monuments and Marks 
 to the Tear thereof. And I affure my felf, that fo far off 
 1350. is it, that he who calleth me a Stranger, can 
 
 fhew fuch Marks that he had his Original and 
 Beginning from thefe Countries; that, on the other fide, his 
 Race in the faid time was altogether unknown in the faid 
 Country. 
 
 And becaufe that he employeth himfelf to make a falfe, 
 foolifh, and ridiculous Declaration, containing, as he faith, 
 the Progrefs and Proceedings of my Enterprife; becaufe that 
 many amongft you, when thefe matters were begun, were 
 not of competent Age to underftand the fame, or elfe becaufe 
 you having not then intermeddled in the publick Affairs, 
 could not well fee how all things were direfted and govern’d 
 by the Craft of the Cardinal and his Favourers, and by the 
 
 Council 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 475 
 
 Council coming out of Spain , which always 
 meant to command this Country, as it had Thelnhabitants 
 done others ; Spain it felf being in their Opi- of the Low 
 nion the Head of our Lordfhips, and we their Countries 
 Subjefts and Slaves: I will for thefe caufes re- counted for the 
 cite unto you, how all things have been go- Spaniards 
 vern’d by thefe goodly Heads and wife Brains Subjetls and 
 (who fuppofe that the reft of the World are Slaves. 
 asBeafts in refpeft of themfelves) until they 
 had brought us within two fingers breadth of our Deftru&ion, 
 and of a miferable Bondage, if God by his Providence had 
 not watch’d over us, and deliver’d us from their cruel Coun¬ 
 sels and bloody Hands, 
 
 And as I have here need, I do once again befeech you 
 (my Lords) of your patience to continue well and quietly 
 to hear me, as you have already done : and I doubt not, but 
 that as many among you have feen the whole, or elfe fome 
 part of my A&s and Behaviours, or elfe have underftood it 
 from their Fathers, and other good People, who have been 
 Witnsffes thereof j fo having heard me, ye will as eafily judg 
 my words to be as true, as thofe of my Enemy are falfe and 
 lhamelefs. I will not (my Lords) recite unto you any thing 
 of that, which I have feen in the Emperor’s time, not be- 
 caufe I did not perceive fundry matters fet out and prac¬ 
 tis’d by the Spaniards , which I approv’d not as 
 good, and of which I did not futticiently con- The natural 
 ceive, that the Difeafe in procefs of time Difpofition of 
 might grow fo far, that in the end it fhould the Spaniards 
 be very neceffary to ufe a ftrong and powerful was always 
 Medicine, and to purge the Country from cruel , but yet 
 thefe pernicious and hurtful Spanifh Humours, kept under for 
 But becaufe I was not able then, by reafon of a time by the 
 my Age, and the little Experience I had, to Wifdom of 
 know the deep Malice of the Spaniards and Charles the 
 their Adherents ; I could hardly perfuade my Emperor . 
 felf, that we fhould be inforc’d to bring a hot 
 Iron to this Canker of Spain, or elfe to come fo far as to 
 root it out. But after that, together with my Age, I began 
 to be of a more fettled and found Judgment, I had indeed a 
 contrary Opinion, and deliver’d the fame to fundry others, 
 who never thought that the Rage and Cruelty of the Spa¬ 
 niards could proceed fo far: for nothing fell out, by which 
 I might have very particular knowledg of their cruel, cove¬ 
 tous, and proud natural Difpofition, but I certainly and affu- 
 redly look’d for the fame long time before. I will therefore 
 let pafs that time, which cometh not alfo at any hand to be 
 
 com- 
 
47 6 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 compar'd, in any manner of Diforder and Tyranny, with 
 that which hath fince fallen out in the time of the King his 
 Son: not that the Spaniards were then better than they are 
 at this prefenty foramongft the Indies, and in other places, 
 where they commanded abfolutely, they yielded too evident a 
 proof of their perverfe natural Difpolition, and tyrannous Af¬ 
 fection and Will. But their Ambition and Pride was in fome 
 fort retrain'd by the good AffeCdion that the Emperor bare 
 to the Subjects of this Country; and beeaufe alfo that thefe 
 Provinces were full of brave Lords, Wife and Valiant Men, 
 favouring of their antient Nobility (and would to God they 
 had Children like unto them) who ferv’d in Head of a Bridle 
 againft their Infolence, and of a Countermure againft their 
 Pride and FUftinefs. \ will then. come to the time which en- 
 fu’d, beeaufe alfo that he who was the Heir of the Goods, 
 f ho not of the Vertues of the Emperor, is he that cometh 
 to affault me ? after an Order more than barbarous and tyran¬ 
 nical. 
 
 The Emperor of moft noble Memory, and the Queen Mary , 
 feeing their Affairs and Bufineffes fo impair’d by the means 
 of a clean contrary Iffue pf the Wars of Germany (which fell 
 out otherwife than the Pope and the Spaniards had promis’d 
 to themfejves) whiift the French King was 
 The Etnperor join’d in League with fome of the chief 
 drfehargeth Princes of Germany his Majefty, I fay, was- 
 himfelf of hU inforc’d to agree with his Enemy, his Affairs 
 Kingdoms and ftandingin fuch condition, that defpairing of 
 Lordfhips , and his Ability to keep his own Countries, he pur- 
 eommitteth pos’d to withdraw himfelf into Spain, and there 
 them to hisSon. to lead a private Life, after he had yielded up 
 all his Kingdoms, Lands, and Lordlhips, and 
 had laid them upon the Perfon of his Son. And albeit 
 that the King, beeaufe of the condition of his own Eftate, 
 had need to uphold his Subjects in good Will and AffeClion 
 towards him (of which thing alfo he had moft exprefs Com¬ 
 mandment from his Father) feeing that of the Means and 
 Valour that they had, there did wholly depend the Safeguard 
 of the Country, and the Maintenance of his own Honour ; 
 yet, whether it were by reafon of the Nourifhment which he 
 had in Spain , or by the Counfel of thofe which then did, and 
 even to this time have poffefs’d him, I know not, he hath al¬ 
 ways fofter’d in his heart a mind to make you fubjeCt to a 
 certain iimple and abfolute Bondage, which they call a full 
 and intire Obedience, depriving you altogether of your an¬ 
 tient Privileges and Liberties, that they may difpafe of you, 
 
 your Wives, and your Children j and handle you,'as his Offi- 
 
 " ‘ • • 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 477 
 
 cers have done the poor Indians, or at leaft as they do the 
 People of Calabria , Sicilia, Naples, and Milan ; whilft they re¬ 
 member not, that thefe Countries are not Countries at- 
 thiev’d by Conqueft, but come for the moft part by the way 
 ©f Patrimony, or elfe fuch as willingly gave up themfelves 
 unto his Predeceffors under good and lawful Conditions. 
 But it i$ likely that he did it by the Advice of fuch as ferv’d 
 the Emperor his Father, and the Ring his great Uncle ; in- 
 ftead of a Foundation, the better to rear up the Building of 
 the Kingdoms and Lordlhips, to which we fee the Houfe of 
 Auftria hath attain’d ; it being at this day, without all contro- 
 verfy, the greateft and the mightieft of all Chrifiendom . 
 
 And this Affection in him was but too much made ma- 
 nifeft, immediately after the departure of the 
 Emperor * as the Lords that then liv’d, did The King’s 
 they yet remain amongft us, could yield you Heart always 
 fufficient Teftimony thereof. For even fo Enemy to thefe 
 foon as he was conftrain’d to enter into War Countries . 
 with the French King, conlidering the Power 
 of his Enemy, and alfo the wife Advertifements of the Em¬ 
 peror, if he had had but one only Spark of good and fincere 
 Affection towards thefe Countries, he Ihould at the leaft have 
 maintain’d his Subje&s in good Devotion and Aflfe&ion to¬ 
 wards him. But in the midft of his great Affairs (fo difor- 
 derly and unruly was the defire he had to play the Tyrant) 
 he gave forth a moft plain and moft certain Demonftration of 
 his evil Wilt The Emperor, who (my Lords) knew better, 
 than any Prince or Man in the World the arrogant and 
 proud nature of the Spaniards, and it may be 
 alfo the Inclination of the King his Son ; and The Emperor’s 
 on the other lide, the ftate of this Country, Counfelgiven t* 
 and whatfoever might deftroy and preferve it the King his 
 did ferioufly advertife his Son, that if he kept Son . 
 the Pride of Spain, he fhould diligently forefee 
 that he would be the caufe of the utter Ruin and Deftruc- 
 tion of this Eftate \ which could not long fuffer and endure 
 this fame proud Government, which the Spaniards exercife in 
 every place where they can. And he gave him this Exhor¬ 
 tation in the prefence of the late my Lord the Count of Bojfu , 
 the Father of him that laft deceas’d, and in my prefence 
 alfo, and in the prefence of fundry other Lords of his Cham* 
 ber, of which fome are yet at this day living. But neither 
 the Authority and Commandment of his Father, nor the 
 Profit of his own Affairs, nor Juftice, nor his Oath (which 
 yet notwithftanding doth keep in the moft barbarous Nations) 
 were able in any thing to moderate and reftrain the natural 
 
 Difpo- 
 
*478 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 Difpofition and Affe(t;on that he had, to tyrannife over tis % 
 but on the other fide, as tho he had been above all Laws, 
 Privileges, and Liberties of the Country, yea and above 
 Equity and Juftice it felf, he hath broken all Bonds, that 
 lie might outrage in all manner of irreconcilable Hatred and 
 Cruelty. 
 
 The Aid call'd At the fame time, you (my Lords) granted 
 Hovenale. unto him the Aid which was call’d Novenale 5 
 by means of which Aid, and by the Valour and 
 wife Government of the Lords and Nobles of this our Coun¬ 
 try, and of fundry brave Lords and Soldiers of Germany , his 
 Affairs were fo well and fo bleffedly guided, that after the 
 winning of two Battels, the taking of Towns, and Prifoners 
 of great Calling, and that in great number alfo, he inforc’d 
 his Enemy to accept a Peace, as unprofitable for the French 
 King, as it was honourable and profitable for the King of 
 Spain. 
 
 And if it be lawful for me to fpeak any thing of my felf, if 
 he have but one drop or fpark of Gratitude and Kindnefs in 
 him, he cannot deny, but that I was one of the principal 
 Inftruments and Means to caufe him to come to fo excellent 
 and to fo profitable a Peace ; having privately treated thereof 
 with my Lords the Conftable, Montmorency , and the Marfhal of 
 St. Andrew, at the inftant requell of the King, who affur’d 
 me, that the greateil Service I could perform unto him in this 
 world, was to make a Peace; and that he purpofed to have 
 it whatfoever it coft him, becaufe he meant to go into Spain. 
 But fo far off was it, that either he or his Council, confifting 
 of Spaniards , and of certain other Perfons of this Country 
 (who always continued in hatred againft you, your Liberty, 
 and the whole Land) did take in good part either this fo 
 good an Aid, or the happy Execution that infued thereof; 
 that on the other fide, they judg’d this Succour and Aid to be 
 a Fault of high Treafon againil his Ma jelly ; and for the 
 which you (and above all other the late Lord 
 of Lalaigne) had incur’d, by good right, the 
 Sentence of Punifhment. And why fo ? Be¬ 
 caufe you (my Lords) would not agree to any 
 
 The late Lord 
 of Lalaigne, 
 and all the 
 Efiates ap¬ 
 pointed to 
 death by the 
 Spaniards. 
 
 thing, without the Affembly of the Eftates 
 
 General; and becaufe you meant to cut the 
 Talents of thefe Harpies and Ravenors of 
 Barlemontes , and fuch-like, when you decreed 
 that the Mony fhould be diffributed by your 
 Commiffioners, according to the Conditions propounded unto 
 them. Behold indeed two great Faults! the one forfooth 
 was, to demand a Meeting and an Affembly of the Eftates. 
 
 For 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 479 
 
 For inafmuch as it ferveth fora Bridle and a Bar unto Ty¬ 
 ranny, it is a crime fo much the more hated of Tyrants 
 (who are the Devourers of the People, and Enemies of their 
 Subjeds, and of their own Crown) as this noble Affembly is 
 lov’d, honour’d, and reverenc’d of true Kings, true Princes, 
 and fuch as are the good Fathers of the People, becaufe it is 
 indeed the true Foundation of an Eftate, the Affurance of 
 the Commonwealth, and the only Peace and Quietnefs of 
 Princes. The. other Fault will never be pardon’d ; for thefe 
 Biters of the People, living on the Blood of poor People, 
 have fo long time made account of their Thieveries and Sack¬ 
 ings, that they fuppofe their Spoils to be as good, and as an 
 affur’d Revenue (yet much more fruitful) as their Fields and 
 Gardens; and diffembling the true Caufe of the Mifchief, 
 which they hide from their Princes, they feek Pretexts and 
 Clokes in flattering them, and in lying unto them, to harden 
 and to fet on fire their Hearts againft their Subjeds. I have 
 feen (my Lords) their doings, I have heard their words, I 
 have been a witnefs of their Advice, by which they adjudg’d 
 all you to death, making no more account of you than of 
 Beafts, if they had power to have murder’d you, as they do 
 in the Indies , where they have miferably put to death more 
 than twenty millions of People, and have made defolate and 
 wafte thirty times as much Land in quantity and greatnefs, 
 as the Low Country is ; with fuch horrible Exceffes and Riots, 
 that all the Barbaritys, Crueltys, and Tyrannys which have 
 ever been committed, are but fport in refped of that which 
 hath fallen out upon the poor Indians ; which thing, even by 
 their own Bifhops and Dodors, hath been left in writing; 
 and, to make the King without excufe before God and Men, 
 the Hiftory thereof was dedicated to him by one of his own 
 Subjeds, in whom there remain’d, as it fhould feem, fame 
 Spark of Juftice. 
 
 From that time then (my Lords) I and other Lords, and 
 fundry of the beft and wifeft Pcrfonages, both of the Nobi¬ 
 lity and of the common People, thought it good to caufe (if 
 we could) the Spaniards to depart out of the Country; think¬ 
 ing indeed, that albeit there were yet remaining fume cor¬ 
 rupt Blood amongft us, as verily we fee, there is more re¬ 
 maining than were meet, which did proceed from this in- 
 feded Race of the Contagion of the Fathers, who ferv’d at 
 that time the Ambition of the Spaniards , and follow’d the 
 Cardinal’s bufineffes ; yet notwithftanding, that the better 
 number, and all the Lords of the greateft Credit and Coun¬ 
 tenance, would be Enemies to this SpaniJJj Tyranny. Blit 
 partly thro other Bufineffes, and partly by reafon of my- 
 
 Voyage, 
 
480 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 Voyage, and the going of fome other Lords into France , whi¬ 
 ther we were fent for Hoftages, as alfo to be prefent at the French 
 King's Daughter’s Marriage; the-Bufinefs it felf was inter¬ 
 rupted, and the Performance thereof hinder’d. Now fo far 
 off is it (my Lords) that I Wiffdeny a great part of that 
 which is fet out againft me, that I account it on the other 
 fide a great Praife for me, and will (it may fo fall out) tell 
 you more thereof than mine Enemies know ; and the more 
 that they fhall write againft me, and give a Teftimony of 
 their Fury and envious Heart againft this Country, the more 
 will I rejoice herein, that it hath pleas’d God to Ihew me this 
 Grace, to be an Aider to cut off the courfe of this unmeafu- 
 rable Tyranny, and by that means alfo to have been an 
 Afiiftant to the Manifeftation and opening of the true Re¬ 
 ligion. 
 
 They fay. That from the time that the King turn'd hti foot from 
 thefe Low Countries, I have by finifter Practices , Slights , and Sub - 
 tilties, ajfay'd to get the Good Wills of the Malecontents , and of fuch 
 Per fans as have been greatly indebted , Haters of Jujlice , defirom of 
 Novelties , and fpecially of thofe that were fufpeCted to be of the Reli¬ 
 gion, As concerning them that had the knowledg of the Re¬ 
 ligion, I confefs that I never hated them. For 
 The Love that feeing that from the Cradle I was nourilh’d 
 the Ld Prince therein, and that my Lord my Father had liv’d 
 hath always and died therein, having driven out of his 
 born to them of Lordfhips the Abufes of the Church; who is 
 the Religion, he that will think it ftrange, that if this Doc¬ 
 trine were after fuch fort ingraven in my 
 Heart, and had taken fuch deep root therein, it fhould come 
 in good time to bring forth her Fruits ? For feeing that I 
 was fo long time brought up in the Emperor’s Chamber, and 
 being of: the Age to bear Arms, I was even then presently 
 inwrap’d with great Charges in Armies: for thefe Reafons 
 I fay (and conlidering the Scarcity of good Education that we 
 had in refpeft of Religion) it was no marvel, tho I had then 
 in my head the Feats of Chivalry, Hunting, and other Exer- 
 cifes which young Noblemen ufe, rather than thofe things 
 which concern’d my Salvation. And yet notwithftanding I 
 confefs, that I have great occafion to praife God, that he, 
 hath not fuffer’d this holy Seed to be choked, which he himfelf 
 hath fown in me: And I fay moreover, that I never liked of 
 thofe cruel Executions of Fire, of Sword, of Drownings, fcc, 
 which were at that time very common againft thofe of the 
 Religion, as the Scrivener or Painter (for fo he nameth him¬ 
 felf) of this infamous Profcription calleth them. Wherein^ 
 albeit he Hatter, lye r and Hander altogether in other places^ 
 
g Henry’s own 
 
 The Counfel of 
 the King of 
 Spain and the 
 Duke of Alva, 
 to root out thoje 
 of the Kelt-' 
 gion, commu¬ 
 nicated to the 
 French King , 
 and by the [aid 
 King to the 
 Lord Prince of 
 Orange. 
 
 The Jpology of the Prince of Orange. 48 r 
 
 he hath notwithftanding fpoken very well in this behalf, 
 laying, thofe whom he condemneth to be of the Religion, as 
 indeed it only deferveth this Name by Excellency; which thing 
 alfo the Truth it felf hath wrung from his own mouth, fo 
 great is the Strength and Power of the fame Truth. But 
 whenas I being in France , had underitood by Kin 
 mouth, that the Duke of Alva fought and fpake 
 of the means to root out all thole who were 
 fufpe&ed to be of the Religion in France, and 
 in this Country, and throughout all Chriftendom ; 
 and that the faid Lord King (who thought, 
 that as I was one of the Commiflioners for 
 the Treaty of Peace, and had had Speech with 
 him of fuch great matters, fo I was alfo of 
 that Religion) had declar’d unto me the 
 ground of the Counfel of the King of Spain, 
 and of the Duke of Alva $ I, to the end I might 
 not be of lefs eftimation with his Majelly, as 
 tho he would hide any thing from me, an- 
 fwer’d in fuch fort, that the faid Lord King 
 was not deceiv’d in his Judgment: which alfo 
 gave him occafion fufficiently enough to difcourfe unto me fo 
 much, as that thereby I might underftand the ground of the 
 purpofe of the Inquifitors. I confefs, that I was at that time 
 in fuch fort mov’d with Pity and Companion towards fo many 
 good People as were appointed to daughter, and generally 
 towards this whole Country, to which I was fo much bound, 
 and into which they meant to bring in an Inquifitiou worfe 
 and more cruel than that of Spain yea that there were Nets 
 laid to catch even the very Noblemen and the Lords of the 
 Country, as well as the common People : Infomuch that they 
 whom the Spaniards and their Adherents were not able to 
 fupplant by any other way, might fall by this means into 
 their hands, from whence it was impolfible to efcape-, becaufe 
 that a Man could behold nothing elfe, but a very Labyrinth, 
 whereby they might be condemn’d to the fire. I feeing, I 
 fay, thefe things, do confefs, that from that time forward I 
 did earneftly attempt to help to drive out of the Country 
 this Vermin of the Spaniards ; and I do not repent me that I 
 have done it, but judg rather, that I and my 
 Lords my Companions, who favour’d this fo 
 laudable an Enterprife, have done a Deed wor¬ 
 thy of immortal Praife; and which indeed had. 
 been altogether accomplilh’d, and we by that 
 means had atchiev’d the up-heap’d meafure of 
 Honour, if, after their gripes, we had as well 
 
 I i 
 
 The Enterprife 
 of the Lords,to 
 caufe the Spa¬ 
 niards to de¬ 
 part out of the 
 Country, 
 
 flint 
 
482 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 (hut the gate again# them, To that they might never after 
 have enter’d in again upon us, as we have fince found out, 
 and had the means to purge the Country of them. And I 
 fay yet fomewhat more unto you (my Lords) and I wifh that 
 the whole Council of Spain , yea that the whole World Ihould 
 under ftand it, That if my Brethren and Companions of the 
 Order, and of the Council of State, had liked rather to join 
 their Counfels with mine, than to make fo good and cheap 
 a market of their own Lives, all of us would have employ’d 
 our Bodies and Goods, that we might have hinder’d the Duke 
 of Alva and the Spaniards from entring again into the Country. 
 And I am yet even at this prefent content, that they fhould 
 Underftand, that as already one part of the Country is fcour’d 
 from this Filth, infomuch that there is not therein any Re¬ 
 membrance thereof, except it be of their Bones: fo I will 
 not ceafe, by the power of God, and by the afliftance of 
 your Favour (which I hope will never fail me) to imploy all 
 the Power that I have with you (my Lords) to purge the 
 whole Country in general from this Yermine, and to caufe 
 them and all their Adherents to pafs from hence over the 
 Mountains, there to trouble their own Countries, if they 
 will, and to fuffer us to live here in peace and quiet poffeflion 
 of Bodies, Goods, and Confcience. Wherefore they are de¬ 
 ceiv’d very much, when they think that I attempted this 
 Work after their departure out of this Country. Fori did it 
 then when I was in France , even a hunting with the King, whilft 
 they themfelves were here ; and I ceas’d not, till by the means 
 of the late Lady of Savoy , of moft noble Memory, I had ob¬ 
 tain’d leave to come again into this Country, upon my Faith 
 and Promife given to return again to Rheims , at the Coro¬ 
 nation of King Francis the Second. And being come hither, 
 I provok’d not Bankrupts, but good and honourable People, 
 and of the chief and moft Noble Perfonages of the Country, 
 In the name of the Eftates to demand that the Spaniards 
 might be inforc’d to withdraw themfelves: which thing was 
 at the laft executed. And the Enemies may remember (if 
 they will) who were thofe good and honourable, Perfonages, 
 who brought them that molt unplea fant Meffage ; who when 
 they {hall {hew themfelves, the Adverfarys {hall know and 
 confefs their Impudences and Slanders. 
 
 The Requeft But as concerning that which they fay, that 
 prefentcd by I was the principal Author of the Supplication 
 the Nobility* prefented and offer'd up, I will indeed tell you 
 (my Lords) the whole matter; that is. That 
 having once perceiv'd the Mifchief was grown fo far, that 
 there was not now any more queftion of burning only the 
 ( ' poor 
 
The Apology of the Prime of Orange, 485 
 
 poor People, who fuffer’d themfelves to be caft into the fire* 
 but that fundry of the beft Nobility, and of the principal 
 Men among the People, murmur’d thereat: I fearing fome 
 dangerous Iffue, as I had feen before my eyes France it felf to 
 have endur’d a dangerous accefs of Civil War for the like oc- 
 cafion ; and doubting left we fhould beaffaifd in this Country 
 with the like Difeafe, which commonly hath moft dangerous 
 Accidents and Effects, more hard to heal than the Difeafe 
 it felf, as alas we do over-much fee it at this day. Seeing, I 
 fay, thefe things, in refpeft of the Bond wherewith I was 
 bound by reafon of my Oath, and in refpett of my Duty to 
 wards the Country, I befought my Lords my Brethren and 
 Companions, the Knights and principal Counfellors of the 
 State, to affemble together at Hoochjhaten , with purpofe to 
 declare unto them the apparent Danger wherein the Country 
 was; to wit, of falling into Civil War; and that this was the 
 true and only mean to hinder it. That we, who by reafon of 
 our Degrees and Offices, had Authority in the Country, 
 fhould take the matter into our hands, and fo to ufe that 
 Remedy, which we fhould find moft agreeable for the Coun¬ 
 try’s Good, and only to bring to pafs, that the Cardinal’s 
 Creatures (who fought nothing but Effufion of Blood, Banifh- 
 ment, Confifcation of Goods, and to be fhort, Wounds and 
 Murders) fhould not deal therein, which had brought an 
 allured Deftruftion to the Country; but rather that thofe 
 who thought it not meet, that men fhould burn others ac¬ 
 cording to their accuftom’d order, fhould not want a Guide, 
 who might let and hinder him in his Attempts. And albeit 
 I fhew’d them very many Reafons, to catiff them to conde- 
 fcend to my Counfel, and that I had added thereto (befide 
 the Good Will which was between us) the Advice alfo of my 
 Lord the Count of Sckwartzenbourg my Brother in Law, and 
 the Lord George van Ji if, who had at that time very great 
 credit with the Lords, for the evident and excellent Services 
 which they had perform’d to thefe Countries: yet it was not 
 in my power to obtain any thing; and this mutual fight one 
 of another, did not profit me any whit at all, faving for a 
 Teftiinony to all the world, that then feeing the Mifchief 
 afar off, which now we fee prefent upon us, I did feek all 
 the good means I could to prevent and turn away the fame. 
 But they of whom I have fpoken, frho thought thefe Perfe- 
 cucions hard, and who faw not, fo long as they endur’d, any 
 allured Reft in this Country (which thing always falleth out 
 in fuch-like Affairs) began and labour’d to propound and 
 broach new Enterprifes; which by reafon of the Offices I 
 had. 1 found out a mean to difcover ; vet for all that, fearing 
 
 I i 2 ' left 
 
4S4 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 left fome moft dangerous Event might enfue thereupon, and 
 fuppofing that this way was the moft mild, and very law-like or 
 lawful, 1 confefs I thought it not evil, that the Requeft was 
 prefented 5 which thing fo far off is it that I mind to dif- 
 femhle or colour over, that I count it a moft great Profit 
 both for my own Honour and Reputation, and alfo for the 
 Service of the Ring and the Country. For if the wife Coun- 
 fellors of the Ring had been fo well advifed as to yield there¬ 
 unto, there had not enfuedfo many Miferies, by which there 
 wanteth but a little that the whole Country had not been 
 confutn’d. But if they defire to know the true and the nigheft 
 caufe of the faid Requeft, and of that which follow’d there¬ 
 upon, let them afcribe it to their infatiable Cruelty, which 
 was not content with the intolerable Rigor of Placards and 
 Licences ; but following the Example of that Fool Rehoboam y 
 and believing the Counfel of an unwife Woman, of a Car¬ 
 dinal the Pope’s Creature, and other fuch-like. 
 The Dut chefs of they faid. The Father hath cor retted you with Rods y 
 ParmaW the but the Son will chaflife you with Scorpions. Where- 
 Card. Grand- upon there was fet out a moft earneft Purfuit, 
 ville, were the concerning the receiving of the new Bilhops, 
 Caufe of all (who were fet up but a little while before) 
 the Mifchiefs that is to fay, fo many Tormentors, to burn 
 in the Low the poor Cbriftians. Then were the Privi- 
 Countries. leges trodden under feet, and by whom? Ve¬ 
 rily by a palfionate Woman, who was yet not- 
 withftanding arm’d with the Vizard of a Ring’s Power, 
 and with the Treafon, Perjuries, and Subtilties of a Car¬ 
 dinal. Behold, I fay, the Anvil (my Lords) upon which 
 was forg’d all the Evil that enfued, to wit, becaufe they 
 yielded not (as requifite and neceffary it was) to the Requeft 
 prefented by the Nobility: wherein I know, and I may pro- 
 teft it before God and before you (my Lords) that I did not 
 therein commit any thing againft my Honour and my Oath ; 
 but I advertis’d the Dutchefs, and all the Lords of the Coun¬ 
 cil, of the great Inconveniences which afterwards fell out: 
 infomuch that all the; Mifchief enfuing thereupon, muft be 
 imputed to themfelves. For fo far off is it, that they would 
 hearken to me, that they thought on the other fide they had 
 found a matter or mean fit for to execute that which they had 
 a long time purpofed and fet before them; that is to fay, 
 that after they had deftroy’d thofe who were fufpefted to be 
 of the Religion, they might afterwards the more eafily bring 
 the reft under a miferable and intolerable Bondage. And not 
 only were they adnionifh’d by me (my Lords) but alfo fundry 
 jMiblick and jarticular Admonitions were given them by 
 
 divers- 
 
The Apology of the Vrtnce of Orange, 485 
 
 divers others, both good People and Lovers of the Country, 
 yea and Lovers of the King alfo more than he deferv’d ; and 
 they did in good time advertife him of the Danger to come, 
 and what was the King’s Duty by reafon of his Oath, of his’ 
 Obligations, or Bonds, and of the Conditions upon which he 
 was receiv’d and admitted for Lord of thefe Countries, as alfo 
 his Anceftors were before him. 
 
 My Lord the Count of Egmont himfelf was fent into Spain, 
 to fhew the faid Advertifements unto the King’s own Perfon; 
 which notwithstanding, fo far was it from profiting any thing, 
 that the faid Lord Count on the other fide being deceiv’d, un¬ 
 der the colour of the Word of a King (which afterwards coft 
 him very dear) brought Letters altogether contrary to that, 
 which the King from his own mouth Jiad given him in charge 
 to fpeak; infomuch that then he was forced to confefs, that 
 I did before hisjourny well forefee what (hould come thereof. 
 And yet thefe Scholars of MacchUvel would here blear our 
 eyes with thefe goodly (hews of Loyalty, Fidelity, natural 
 Clemency, and fuch golden and glorious words; and yet not- 
 withftanding they make no difficulty to play with the Oaths 
 which they take, and with the Words they give to Men of 
 fuch Quality and Countenance. Behold then the Authors, 
 Promoters, and Framers of the Troubles, which have fallen 
 out by reafon of the firft Requeft or Supplication *, and you 
 have underflood (my Lords) that this was the Counfel which 
 I have given therein. 
 
 As concerning that which they fpeak of the Touching my 
 late Lord the Count Lodowicl ^ my Brother, Ld the Count 
 they ffiouli do better to leave fo good a Knight Lodowick of 
 in Peace and unnamed, than to fpeak of him, Naffau. 
 feeing that he was much more honeft than 
 they, and without comparifon a better Chriftian ; and I make 
 no more of this, that they call him Heretic than our Lord 
 Jefus Chrift did, when as good People as our Enemies are, 
 call’d him Samaritan. 
 
 As concerning Publick Preaching, which Of the public ^ 
 after their manner they call Heretical, you Affemblies of 
 your felves (my Lords) do fufficiently know, thofe of the 
 by whom and how they were brought in. And Religion. 
 albeit that I had not at that time fo much credit 
 with them, as that they would demand my Advice therein, 
 neither indeed did I ever counfel them ; notwithftandiijg the 
 matters being come to fuch terms, I confefs I advifed that 
 the Dutchefs of Parma ffiould yield unto them : Wherein if 
 f have given ill Counfel, then that which follow’d after¬ 
 wards, doth at the leaft fufficiently declare, whether ^hofe 
 
 f i 3 W ? ho 
 
486 The Apology of the Prime of Orange. 
 
 who fuppos’d my Counfel to be naught, have very well han¬ 
 dled their Mailer’s Affairs and Buiineffes \ but rather God 
 hath manifeftly Ihew’d, that albeit he do for a time correft 
 his own Children, yet he never leaveth a Perjury, fo well 
 qualify d and notorious, as that of the Ring and the Dutchefs 
 of Parma was, without grievoufly punilhingit, to the end that 
 all the world may know he faith not without caufe. That he 
 will not hold hint guilt lefs, who flail take his Name in vain . 
 
 As concerning the Beaters down of Images, 
 Concerning 7- and other Diforders, I believe (my Lords) that 
 mages beaten there is none among you, but knoweth well 
 down and over- enough, that fuch Ways and Manners of doing 
 thrown. pleafe me not at all; and that many of them, 
 
 who fhould have aided and fuftain’d me, have 
 on the other fide with great injury torn me in pieces, becaufe 
 I would never confent that fuch things lhould be done, with¬ 
 out fome Ordinance and Decree of the Superiors and Go¬ 
 vernors. 
 
 They have no better Foundation, than fuch 
 Of the with- as you have heard before. For this that they 
 drawing of the fay, That the Providence and wife Government of the 
 Lord Prince Dutchefs of Parma was fo great , that I was in - 
 
 iofoGermjany. forced to depart out of the Country : It may be, 
 that they fhould fay fomewhat, if they would 
 fay, That the Deceits of the Dutchefs and her Perjuries 
 were the caufe thereof * or if they would fpeak of the finall 
 Refolution, and of the over-great Eafinefs to believe that 
 fome had, who look’d continually for the Hangmen and Tor¬ 
 mentors, and of the over-great Affection which I and other 
 great Lords had towards the King, who perfuaded my Lords 
 of Berghes and of Montigny to go into Spain *, fuppofing that 
 for their good Services, and the Nobility of their Race, the 
 King himfelf would be content to underftand by their mouth, 
 that which was neceffary for the Prefervation of the Coun¬ 
 try, rather than to hear it by the Spaniards : But feeing that 
 they were intreated in fuch fort as every one knoweth, I 
 thought I had juftoccafion more nighly to take heed unto my- 
 felf than before. If they would fay thefe things were the 
 Caufe, they lhould fpeak fome piece of the Truth. But I 
 was refolved a year before to depart and give up my Offices, 
 as appeareth by Letters written with the King’s own hand, 
 and which I havealfo join’d to this prefent Writing*, which 
 doth fufficientiy let out the Falffiood of their Speech. And 
 if ally Man would know, why a year afterwards I withdrew 
 my felf into Germany, my Defence publiffi’d in the Year Sixty 
 Sevendoth fufficientiy declare the Caufes thereof \ to wit, 
 
 fpecially 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 487 
 
 fpecially becaufe I would not confent that the Spanifi Inqui- 
 fition fhould be receiv’d into my Governments. By reafon 
 whereof, I refign’d them before into the hands of the laid 
 Dutchefs, with full purpofe to live in Peace and Quietnefs 
 with my Kinsfolks and Friends, looking when it would pleafe 
 God either to give the King better Counfel; or if he did 
 yet wax worfe and worfe, when it would pleafe God himfelf 
 to open a gate to deliver this poor Country, which I faw 
 plung’d into a bottomlefs Depth of Mifchiefs and Miferies. 
 For who can, without being wounded with wonderful grief, 
 rehearfe the Banilhments, the taking away of Goods, the 
 Imprifonments, the Torments endur’d, the fundry forts of 
 horrible and miferable Deaths, wherewith thefe bloody Peo¬ 
 ple (furmounting in Cruelty PhalarU, Bufyris, Nero , Domitiav , 
 and all Tyrants) have perfecuted the poor Subjeds of this 
 Country ? And notwithftanding thefe things, I feeing no 
 mean to comfort them over this Mifery, did hold my felf 
 peaceable and quiet. 
 
 And becaufe, in this Profcription, they fay The King of 
 that I was at the lea ft offer’d it, whilft that Spain forced 
 the laft Treaty held at Cologn lafted * they ought my Lord 
 to know, that they fhould be contented with Prince , by all 
 my voluntary Banifhment, and not to purfue manner of In - 
 me any farther: feeing indeed I gave them juflice, to take 
 to underftand, a-Man of Countenance and Arms, 
 
 Credit, who yet is living, that if they at¬ 
 tempted to touch my Honour and my Goods, they would con- 
 ftrain me to take fuch order for my Affairs as I might. 
 
 But, as mad People, after that they could 
 not draw me by their honied and flattering 
 words, the King alfo thinking to bufy me by 
 over-honeft Lettters, which yet notwithftand¬ 
 ing I did plainly perceiadfc> be full of JJeceit *, 
 they directed themfel* firft to my young 
 Son, a Child and a Scholar ; and againfl the 
 Privileges of the Univerfity, they took him 
 violently from Lovain ^ yea, after the Exhor¬ 
 tation and Declaration made by the Univerfi¬ 
 ty, that barbarous Fellow Per gas anfwer’d bar- 
 baroufly in falfe Latin: Noncuramw vejlros Pri¬ 
 
 vileges , We regard not your Privileges. 
 
 The Count of 
 Bueren fallen 
 in the Schools , 
 and carried into 
 Spain, again Ji 
 the Oath given 
 and made at 
 the King's joy¬ 
 ful Entrance , 
 and again/} the 
 Privileges of 
 Brabant. 
 
 After this they carried him out of Brabant , a- 
 gainft the Privileges of the Country, and againft the King’s 
 Oath, and they fent him into Spain, that fo they might re¬ 
 move him from me, who am his Father ; and even unto this 
 prefent, they keep this Innocent in hard and cruel Prifon : 
 
 I i 4 infomuch 
 
488 The Apology of the Prince of Orange* 
 
 infomuch as if they had done me no other Injury, I fhojild 
 be unworthy not only of my Stock and the Name which I 
 carry, but alfo of the Name of a Father, unlefs I did employ 
 all the Wit and all the Means that God hath given me, to 
 affay to deliver him out of this miferable Bondage, and to 
 recover, if I could, fuch a Wrong. For I am 
 Nota. not (my Lords) fo unnatural, that I feel not 
 
 the Affe&ions of a Father ; neither yet fo wife, 
 but that oftentimes the Grief of fo long an Abfence of my 
 Son, doth prelent and offer it felf to my Under Handing. 
 And yet they were not content, but againft all order of 
 Juftice, they apprehended my Brethren, and purfued me with 
 Sumnlonings, Seizements of Goods; and thruft me on, even 
 as it were by force, to attempt fundry things. 
 The unjuft Pro - whereof I my felf never thought : they put 
 ceedings againft the Procefs of me and my Companions (againft 
 the Honour, the the Articles of the Order, and againft the 
 Life, and the Oath of the King, who was the chiet thereof) 
 Goods of the into the hands of I know not what Porters 
 Lord Prince. and Pettifoggers, who were not meet to be 
 Grooms or Pages to my Companions and me. 
 They do degrade me: They do deprive me of my Goods: 
 They do condemn me to Death. And is this any other thing 
 than to free me from my Oaths ? and to fet me at liberty to 
 come out, to affault my Enemy, by all the means that God 
 fhall give me ? * ^ 
 
 Benold then, how when I feek nothing but Quietnefs, they 
 ftir up Trouble; I feek Peace, and they provoke me t.^> War. 
 And what War ? A War attempted to deliver my Child, to 
 preferve my Life, to recover my Goods, and which is more 
 dear than all, to defend my Honour. And yet I do not here 
 propound unto you (my Lords) any thing of that which con- 
 cerneth the common Caufe, and belongeth unto the general 
 State. This then (my Lords) is tliltovhich thefe Men flight- 
 ly pafs over, and under lilence as it^ere, and which of fet 
 purpofe they omit, as indeed not fetving much for their pur- 
 pofe. If then, I not being the King’s natural Subjeft (which 
 thing alfo he him felf faith) if I being abfolv’d from mine 
 Oaths by this unjuft Proclamation and Sentence ; if I having 
 fo juft a Groundwork, by force to demand my Son and my 
 Goods: If I fay, I had driven him not only out of the Low 
 Country , but alfo out of all his Lands and Lordlhips; yea and 
 tho I did defire to make them mine own, feeing that againft 
 all Right and Equity, yea againft his own Oath, he hath by 
 force conftrain’d me to attempt fo neceffary a War, even then 
 when with all my power I did avoid it; and hath done me 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 489 
 
 all thefe Outrages, and that at the very felf-fame time, or a 
 little after, when by his own Letters, written with his own 
 hand, he yielded me fo great and folemn a Teftimony of Faith¬ 
 ful nefs, as no Man in the World could defire a greater, as 
 appeareth by the Copy of the Letter hereafter inferted: who 
 is he (the Premifes being rightly confider’d ) that can accufe 
 me of any other fault than this. That I fram’d my felf too 
 much to the time, before that I would take Arms ; and that I 
 would not enjoy that which the Law of War, and of all Na¬ 
 tions, yielded unto me; unto me, I fay, who am born a free 
 Lord, and who have this Honour to carry the Name and Ti¬ 
 tle of an abfolute Prince, albeit thaf my Princedom be not of 
 any great length or largenefs ? 
 
 But feeing .that the fpecial Foundation and 
 Ground work is this, That I have taken and The juftifying of 
 born Arms againft my Superior ; I am like- the taking of 
 wile content to enter into this matter, where Arms by my Lord 
 they lhall find themfelves to have as good the Prince. 
 Foundations as in other places. And in the 
 firit place, I would fain have them to tell me, by what Title 
 King Philip the Heir of the Baftard Henry of Caftile , polfclfeth 
 the Kingdom of Caftile ? and of Leon ? For it is mo ft manifeft, 
 that Henry his Predecelfor was a Baftard, who rebell’d againit 
 the lawful Heir, who was his own Brother and Lord, whom 
 alfo he ilew with his own hand. What Right then or Title 
 had this Baftard, being the King’s great Grandfather ? They 
 anfwer, That Don Pedro was a Tyrant; and indeed I confefs, 
 that commonly they give him the Name of Cruel. But if by 
 this Title Philip hold Caftile , why doth he not perceive, that 
 Men may by the fame meafure drive him out, that hath cha¬ 
 fed away others ? And if there have never been any more 
 cruel Tyrant, who hath more proudly, and with lefs confide- 
 ration violated the Privileges of the Country, than Philip him- 
 felf; lhall not he be much more unworthy to bear, and to 
 wear the Crown of Caftile , than Don Pedro ? For, at the leaft, 
 Don Pedro was not an inceftuous perfon, nor a flayer of his 
 Son, nor a murderer of his Wife. And if Tome will fay, that 
 this concerneth me no whit at all, I am content to come yet 
 fomewhat more nigh, albeit that I have not purpos’d to ftay 
 my felf upon that, which I lhall prefently fpeak unto you. 
 But fuppofe that X did take up Arms againft him, and that 
 he were limply my Superior, and that I were born his Subjeft, 
 (which yet is not To, even as he himfelf confelfeth it) What 
 Ihouli I do but that which his Predecelfor had done, againft 
 jthe Emperor Adolfm of NaJJau, his Superior ? Every one that 
 ‘ : ' ' ' " know- 
 
490 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 AlbertD/^eo/Au- 
 ftria took Arms 
 againft Adolfus of 
 Naffau the Empe¬ 
 ror, 
 
 knoweth ever fo little in the Matters and 
 Affairs of Germany , knoweth how Albert the 
 firft Duke of Auflria , of that Name and 
 Race (for before he bare the Title of the 
 Count of 'Hapsburg) arm’d himfelf againft 
 the faid Lord Emperor my Predecef- 
 for. 
 
 And albeit, it was God’s Will that the faid Emperor fhould 
 die in the Battel ; yet I know what the wifeft Writers have 
 judg’d thereof, albeit that Gerrard , then Bifhop of Alaience , the 
 principal Author of that Confpiracy, meant to colour and 
 darken the fame. And verily, if a Man will fomewhat more 
 Highly look into the Story, he fhall find, that this Faftion was 
 fet up by Pope Boniface (of whom it is faid. 
 Pope Boniface he enter’d into his Popedom as a Fox, he 
 the Zth. reign’d as a Lion, and dy’d as a Dog ) be- 
 
 caufe the Emperor would not acknowledg 
 him for fuch a one as he faid he was; and therefore he ftir’d 
 up againft him Albert , who was already much difpleas’d againft 
 him, becaufe Adolfos was prefer’d before him in the Election 
 to the Empire; and fome Bifhops alfo, over-much addifted 
 to the Pope, did join themfelves unto him, and aided him. 
 
 But who is he that would willingly reverence fo wicked a 
 Man, who in his Jubilee, caus’d to be carried before him, in 
 the manner of a Triumph, two Swords, caufing him that car¬ 
 ried one of them to cry, 0 Chrijl , behold thy Vicar on Earth / and 
 the other to fay, 0 Peter , behold thy SucceJJor / And verily, ha¬ 
 ving committed fo wicked a Feat againft the Emperor, and 
 having Albert at his Command, he was purpos’d, for the like 
 Confideration, to do as much to the French King, call’d Philip 
 the Fair, giving his Kingdom to the faid Albert , and caus’d him 
 to be nam’d King of the Romans, and of the French-men. But 
 he found the Priefts of France lefs ready to ferve him, and lefs 
 able to help him, and the whole Kingdom ftir’d up, by the 
 learned Orations of Mr. Peter Coignieres , and a refolute King, 
 who caus’d his Foolhood ( for fo the King 
 call’d him in his Letters) to be taken at Ana- 
 nia by one of the Lords, and he the eldeft of 
 the noble Houfe of Colonnes , and by a Gentle¬ 
 man of Languedoc nam’d Nogaret , who brought 
 him to Rome ; where alfo they put him to 
 death, as he had moft juftly deferv’d the fame. 
 But, as I have faid, I will not fray my (elf 
 upon thefe Foundations, but mind to come 
 to the mutual Bonds, which are between him 
 
 and 
 
 King Philip the 
 Fair beginnetb his 
 Letter with thefe 
 words, Sciat fa- 
 tuitas veftra ; 
 That if, let your 
 folly or foolhood 
 know. 
 
The -Apology of the Prince of Orange. 491 
 
 and us. Let us then put the Cafe, that all this were neither 
 fo nor fo. Doth not he very well know, that if he be Duke 
 of Brabant , I, by reafon of my Baronies, am one of the prin¬ 
 cipal Members of Brabant ? Doth he not know wherein he 
 is bound to me, my Brethren and Compani¬ 
 ons, and the good Towns of the Country ? The jujlif/mg of the 
 Hath he forgotten upoii what Conditions he taking of Arms by 
 keepeth this Eftate ? Doth he no longer re- the EJiates againji 
 member his Oath ? Or if he think upon it, Philip Vu^e of 
 doth he fo little regard that which he hath Brabant, and 
 promis’d to God and the Country, and that Count of Flan- 
 upon conditions tied to his Duke’s Hat or ders. 
 
 Garland ? It is not needful (my Lords) that 
 I fhould here fet out unto you that which he hath promis’d us, 
 before that we took any Oath unto him, for fundry amongft 
 you know the fame. But becaufe that others fhall fee this my 
 Defence, I was very willing to call to your remembrance the 
 fum of his Oath. You know ( my Lords ) whereunto he is 
 bound, and that it is not in his difpofition to do whatfoever 
 he liketh of, as he doth in the Indies ; for he cannot here a- 
 mongft us, by Violence inforce one of his 
 Subjects only to any thing whatfoever, un- The fum of the 
 lefs that the’Cuftom of the Bench of Juftices, Privileges of 
 where they dwell, permit the fame. He may Brabant, 
 not, by any Ordinance or Decree, alter or 
 change, after any fort whatfoever, the Eftate of the Country. 
 He mult content himfelf with his ordinary and common Re¬ 
 venues : he may not caufe to be levied, nor yet exatt any 
 Impofitions or Taxes, without the Good-will and exprefs Con- 
 fent of the Country, and according to the Privileges thereof; 
 He cannot bring Soldiers into the Country, without the con- 
 fent thereof: He may not touch nor deal with the decrying 
 or imbafing of Money, without the confent of the Eftates of 
 the Country : He cannot caufe any Subject to be apprehended, 
 without Information made, and Knowledg firft given, by the 
 Magistrate of the place : Having any for a Prifoner, he can¬ 
 not fend him out of the Country. I befeech you (my Lords) 
 do you not fee, hearing only this Sum rehears’d, if the Barons 
 and Nobles of the Country, who by reafon of the Prehemi- 
 nences, and the Charge of the Armies, do not oppofe them- 
 felves } I fay, not only when thefe Articles are violated, but 
 •when they are tyrannoufly trodden under foot ^ and when not 
 one Article, but all, and that not once, but a thoufand thou- 
 land times, are broken and corrupted} not by the Duke only, 
 but by barbarous and favage People : Do you not fee, I fay, 
 that if the Nobles, according to their Oath and Bond, do not 
 
 in- 
 
 1 
 
492 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 in force the Duke to yield Equity and Juftice to the Country, 
 Shat they themfelves fhould be condemn’d of Perjury, Unfaith- 
 felnefs, knd Rebellion againft the Eftates of the Country ? 
 And as concerning my felf, I have indeed a particular Reafon, 
 and which toucheth me yet more nigh; that is, that contrary 
 unto all the laid Privileges, I was depriv’d of all my Goods,, 
 without obferving any Form or Order of Juftice therein. But 
 that which fell out in the Perfon of my Son, the Count of 
 Bueren , is fo evident a Teftimony of the Enemy’s Difloyalty 
 and Unfaithfulnefs, and of the Tranfgreflion or Breach of the 
 Privileges, that no Man can, with any good reafon, doubt 
 why I have taken up Arms. 
 
 And in that I was not able, at the firft time, to take fall* 
 footing in the Country, which he upbraideth me withal, what 
 new thing hath happen’d unto me, which hath 
 The firft Army of not fallen out unto the greateft Captains of 
 the L* Prince. the World? Yea, even unto him himfelf, 
 who hath fo oftentimes enter’d, and that with 
 fo great and mighty Armies, into Holland and Zeland^ and yet, 
 with a handful of People, and by the Aid of my Lords the 
 Eftates of the faid Provinces, he hath been fhamefully driven 
 cut of the faid Country, and that great Captain the Duke of 
 Alva and his Succeffors, without having at this day, in the faid 
 Countries, one Foot of Land under his Difpofition and Govern¬ 
 ment, as, by your good Aid, I hope that fhortly he ftiall not 
 have any in all the reft of the Country. To be {hurt, by his 
 Oath he meanetft, that in the cafe of gain-ftanding him, we 
 fhould be no longer bound unto him, neither yield him any 
 Service or Obedience, as appeareth by the laft Article. If 
 then I be not bound unto him : If I owe him not any more 
 Service or Obedience, why is he fo rafh as to fay, that I have 
 taken up Arms againft my Lord? Certainly between all Lords 
 and Yaffals there is a mutual Bond; and this Saying of a cer¬ 
 tain Senator to a Conful, fhall be always prais’d : If thou dofi 
 wot account me for a Senator , I mil not account thee for a Conful. 
 But between Vafials there is very great difference, fome re¬ 
 maining, without comparifon, in far greater liberty than other- 
 fome, as we are in Brabant \ having fuch large Privileges and 
 Rights, that we may freely make and give Grants in our Lands; 
 fo that, excepting the Homage which we owe, we cannot 
 have any thing more than we have. And amongft other 
 Rights and Privileges we have this, to ftand our Dukes in 
 that ftead, that the Ephori at Sparta did their Kings; that is 
 to fay, to keep the Kingdom fure, in the Power of a good. 
 Prince, and to caufe him to yield Equitv, which ftood againft 
 JiisOatb* 
 
 But 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 495 
 
 But Tome will fay, that there is a Condition 
 annex’d; that is, that we (hall be fo long freed An Cbjeftm. 
 from our Oath, till he have amended the fault. 
 
 But what if he will never amend it ? If after the Emperor 
 Maximilian, and the Princes of the Empire entreat him, and 
 make interceflion for us, that it would pleafe him to unbur¬ 
 den the Country : For a full Anfwer, fome would fay unto 
 them. That they (hould meddle with their own blatters ; and 
 that the King knoweth weft enough how to govern his Sub¬ 
 jects. If, after infinite Declarations, by the Meffage of very 
 noble Lords of this Country, we do requeft him to do us 
 Jtiftice ; he proudly rejects our Requefts, and puts to Death 
 the faid Lords, and fuch as he can take, caufeth them to pals 
 thorow the Hangman’s hands, and purfue the reft by all un¬ 
 worthy and cruel means: If he bring in upon us new Armies, 
 utterly to deftroy us j (hail we tarry always looking for Mercy, 
 until fuch time as the Spanifb Cruelty (hall have cut off from 
 its all hope of refpite ? But he will now amend the fault, 
 and hath fent means therefore by the Lord of Selles: alfo he 
 hath difallow’d the Duke of Alva . We (hall fee all thefe 
 things in their Order. For the prefent, I am contented to 
 declare, that by good Reafon I have taken up Arms againft 
 him : Firft, with the Eftates of Holland and Zeland, and after- 
 wards with you ( my Lords) that he is forfwora againft the 
 whole Country, and in refpeft of me, againft the Ar¬ 
 ticles of the Rules of the Order, againft the Privi- Kota* 
 leges of Brabant, in taking away my Son, and carrying 
 him into Spain, depriving me of my Goods and Dignities, ha¬ 
 ving fet me fufficiently free from mine Oath towards him, 
 and declaring at this prefent his very bafe Heart, and yet' 
 notwithftanding tyrannous publilhing this cruel and barba¬ 
 rous Profcription as the heap of all Injuftice and Unworthi- 
 nefs. 
 
 Now (my Lords) fince it hath pleas’d him to ftretch out 
 his Speech unto the Times which follow’d, I mind verily to 
 enter thereinto alfo ; and that the more willingly, becaufe 
 that I have done nothing of that, whereof hereafter he accu- 
 feth me : But firft, by the Advice and Confent of the Eftates 
 of Holland and Zeland, and afterwards by your Confent in ge¬ 
 neral ; fo that if there have been any fault committed, it 
 ought not to be imputed to me, but rather I (hould be greatly 
 prais’d, becaufe I ferv’d you fo well and faithfully. I will 
 then come to the Accufations that remain, but it (hall be with 
 this condition ( my Lords ) that I may, as heretofore I have 
 done, largely rehearfe, and plainly fet out, that which he ma- 
 licioufty omittethj to the end he might cover his wicked and 
 
 cruel 
 
494 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 cruel Heart; and yet neverthelefs ceafeth not to caufe it to 
 be publilh’d by certain fmall flanderous Libels. 
 
 I have (my Lords) obferv’d, that all this Accufation, or 
 ill Speech rather, which followeth afterwards, is divided into 
 two parts: the one touching that, which was joyu’d with the 
 coining of the Duke of Alva, and which follow’d thereupon, 
 and efpecially concerning that, which after my coming into 
 Holland and Zeland , was executed by my Government, and my 
 Lords the Eftates of the faid Countries: The other is that 
 which hath fallen out, fince that God opened your Eyes, by 
 the means of the Pride and Outrages of the Spaniards ; and 
 that you publifh’d them, and their Adherents, for Rebels and 
 Enemies to the Country, that fo you might at the laft deliver 
 this poor Country from this accurfed Race. Wherefore I will 
 follow the felf-fame Order. And firft, I render Thanks to 
 God, that even by the very Silence of mine Enemy, you ( my 
 Lords) do know, and I hope that all the World fliall know, 
 that I was not fo much as fufpe&ed to have 
 The Lord Prince applied to mine own profit, fo much as one 
 was not fo much as only penny of the publick Coin : For tho in 
 fufpelted by his other things, as you have already begun to 
 Enemies to have fee, they have not ftuck at it, to fet out 
 
 touch'd or taken falfe Accufations, and to charge me with 
 dny of the Common over-manifeft Slanders. Seeing alfo, that 
 Treafure . they do not object unto me the leaft fufpi- 
 
 cion of Covetoufnefs, they do fufficiently 
 thereby declare, not only how free I am from that fault, but 
 alfo, albeit they themfelves be impudent, and in very deed 
 my deadly Enemies ; yet they durft never objed againft me 
 this fault, wherewith commonly the Governors of Provinces 
 are either wrongfully or rightly charg’d. But, I thank God, I 
 have long time ago learn’d, that he who governeth and 
 commandeth others, ought above all things to have clean 
 hands, and even void, if it may be, of all fufpicion; which 
 was the Caufe, that even from my Youth I unburdned my felf 
 of the Charge of the Treafures, which was moft gladly re¬ 
 ceiv’d and accepted of others. And albeit ( my Lords) that 
 it was at no hand needful, that I Ihould make mention of 
 thefe things, whilft I fpeak unto you, who know that I never 
 had the handling of one only penny of the publick Treafure: 
 And as concerning this, that it hath pleas'd you to appoint 
 me fo much, as well in refped of my Eftate, as in refped of 
 the extraordinary Charges of the War, you know how little 
 I have receiv’d thereof; and of the means, which yet I have, 
 how I have therewithal maintain’d and upheld fundry great 
 Charges, fince that I entred into your Service ; which I do 
 
 not- 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 495 
 
 notwithftanding not impute to the want of your Good-will to¬ 
 wards me, but to the condition of the time wherein we live. 
 But fmce that by the fecret Confeflion of mine Enemy, I may 
 have fuch an advantage * I mind not to pafs it over under Si¬ 
 lence, to the end I might caufe certain fmall Serpents that 
 are amongft: us, to underftand, that they ought to be alham’d 
 to have fpread abroad, either againft their Confcience, or 
 elfe thorow a certain extream Folly and Madnefs, that which 
 the very Enemies, who have confpir’d againft me and the 
 Country, have as yet never been fo impudent, as to objeft 
 againft me: perceiving indeed, that in propounding fuflh a 
 matter, the brightnefs of the Truth would difcover the filthi- 
 nefs of their Life. 
 
 Seeing then, that they place me in fo goodly a Field, as to 
 declare not what I have done, but what the Eftates of Holland 
 and Zeland have done by my Aid and Service * I refufe not, 
 even before you, my Lords, and before all the Men in the 
 World, to enter into account with them : butalfo, fincethat - 
 you are the chiefeft Judges of that which is done in this Coun¬ 
 try, it is more than reafonable that you ftiould regard that 
 which they haveunjuftly perform’d in all the other Provinces, 
 whilft that my Lords, the Eftates of Holland , Zeland , and I, did 
 ftand inftead of Stays and Hinderances unto the Courfe of 
 their Enterprizes and Attempts. 
 
 Firft they fay, That I practis'd to return into 
 Holland and Zeland. Tho it were fo, what The Caufes which 
 other thing did I, but that which my Duty mov'd the Lord 
 requir’d ? And if I did enter upon fo good Prince to come in- 
 a Foundation, as I have heretofore laid out, to Holland, 
 into the Country with an Army ; why lhould 
 I have made any ftay, to enter into that, which was of mine 
 own Government, and whereunto I was more fworn and bound, 
 and wherein I hold the chiefeft degrees of Honour amongft 
 the Nobility ? But fo far off was I from attempting fuch mat¬ 
 ters, that, on the other fide, I am ready to {hew the Letters 
 both of the principal Governors of the Towns, and of the 
 principal Towns themfelves, by the which I was call’d, for 
 the Deliverance of the Country againft the Tyranny of the 
 Spaniards , and namely of the Duke of Alva . And as concern¬ 
 ing the Promifes that I made at my entrance thereinto \ and 
 namely, that they fay that I promis’d the faid Eftates to main¬ 
 tain them, if the Duke of Alva would prefs them with the 
 tenth and twentieth Penny, fhall never be found true ; but this 
 rather, that I came the fecond time, openly and in Arms, into 
 the Country, that I might deliver it from that Tyranny which 
 then opprefs’d them, not only in rdpeft of the tenth/ Penny* 
 
4 <)6 The Apology of the Prince of Orange, 
 
 but for a thoufand other forts of more than barbarous Cruelty, 
 and efpecially for the great Slaughter that the Duke of Alva 
 then made of the poor Inhabitants of the laid Countries, 
 And as concerning what they fay, that the Ecclefiaftical 
 Romanics were perfecuted by me, and driven from their Goods, 
 and another Religion brought in ; I need, my Lords, for this 
 no other defence, but that which you your felves know there¬ 
 of; to wit, that the whole Change which enfu’d thereupon, 
 was rather a work of God, than of Men. You know how of¬ 
 ten I have been accus’d, that I did over-coldly fet my felf a- 
 gainft the Adverfaries; that I did fuifer them coo much ; and 
 that I fhould be the caufe of the Ruin of the Country, becaufe 
 I was over-flow to chafe them away, and to root them out. 
 And, when the Qiieftion was, to fend fome of them packing, 
 you know the Duties that I perform’d, to the end that every 
 one might live in peace, and one of them with another. But 
 the E dates, which at the fir id thought it fit and profitable for 
 the prefervation of the Country, that both the one and the- 
 other Religion fhould be tolerated ; learned afterwards, by 
 the Infolences, Attempts and Treafons of the Enemies which 
 were mingled amongft us ; that their Eftate was in danger of 
 an unavoidable Ruin, unlefs they hinder’d the Exercife of the 
 Roman Religion: and they perceiv’d, that thofe that made 
 profeflion thereof, at leaft the Priefts, had taken an Oath to 
 the Pope, ( as they do in every place where they come) which 
 they prefer^ before the Oath they had made to the Country ; 
 infomuch, that in the Affembiy of the Eftates at Leyden, as 
 alfo in the League of the Countries of Hot - 
 The Caufes where- land and Ze land, this Article was with one con- 
 fore fome of the fent agreed upon. Neither could the Enemies 
 Romifh Church be ignorant of thefe things, feeing that in 
 withdrew them - the Treaty held at Breda , about the Queftion 
 felves out of of Religion, (the Enemies there propound- 
 Holland. ing this in their own behalf, that that change 
 
 fell out by the guiding of certain particular 
 perfons) there was fhew’d unto them the confent of all the 
 Towns under their feveral Seals. 
 
 And now, I befeech you, what Bond could there remain 
 unto me, feeing that they, unto whom I had made a promife, 
 did not only difcharge me thereof, but they 
 TheEjlablifoment themfelves alfo did cut it in funder, brake it, 
 of one only Reli- and made it of no force ? Arid notwithftand- 
 gion in Holland ing, I will leave it to the Judgment of the 
 dm/Zeland;W Wife, whether therein I have done well or 
 wherefore ip was ill. This only I fay, that when fuch things 
 fo done . were propounded, I defir’d them, that they 
 
 would 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 497 
 
 Would not proceed fo far, and therefore much more when they 
 did execute and perform the fame: whereof not only my 
 Lords of Holland and Zeland , but alfo certain troublefome and 
 way-ward perfons amongft us ( who alfo have fpread abroad 
 againft me, in ftrange Countries, their wicked Speeches) will 
 give me fo good a Teftimony* that I hope I fhall not need any 
 great Defence againft fuch Accufations,. which being by me 
 deny’d as falfe (for fo they are indeed ) I fear not that they 
 fhall be able to yield any proof thereof; leaving it to you 
 ( my Lords) to judg how foolifh fuch an Accufation is, which 
 may be beaten back with a fimple denial ; and yet notwith- 
 Handing the greateft part of the goodly Colours, wherewith 
 this Painter boaftetli that he hath let me out, may be quite 
 and clean defac’d with fuch a Spunge only. If they will ah 
 ledg, that yet notwithftanding they who were driven out, have 
 juft occafion to complain, becaufe that Promife was not kept 
 with them: I anfwer. That albeit this is not directed againft 
 me 5 yet notwithftanding, for the Defence of the Eftates of 
 Holland and Zeland. , I will lay thus much. That this Complaint 
 fhould have but a very ill Foundation, becaufe it is not rea¬ 
 sonable that any fuch People fhould enjoy a Privilege, by 
 means of which they would deliver the Country into the Ene¬ 
 mies hands. Their purpofe was, to betray the Lives and the 
 £®ods of the Subjects; and not one, or two, or three Privi¬ 
 leges only, but all the Franchifes and Liberties, preferv’d Time 
 out of niind, and from Age to Age, by our Predecelfors and 
 Anceftors. 
 
 They add withal. That I'have procur’d Liberty of Conference* If 
 they underftand thereby, that I have made an open way to 
 fuch Impieties, as are commonly committed in the Houfe of 
 the Prince of Parma i where Atheifm, and other Vertues of 
 Rome , are counted but fport: I anfwer, That it is amongft 
 the Heirs of the Lord Peter Lewis, where a Man muft feek 
 and find fuch Liberty, or rather unbridl’d Licence. But I 
 will indeed confefs, that the brightnefs of the Fires, wherein 
 they have tormented fo many poor Chriftians, was never de^ 
 lightful or pleafant to mine Eyes, as it hath rejoye’d the fight 
 Of the Duke of Alva and the Spaniards : and that I have al¬ 
 ways been of this mind, to with and procure what I could* 
 that the Perfecutions might ceafe in the Low-Countries 
 
 I will moreover confefs unto you, to the end that the ferte- 
 hiies may know, that they have to do with one that fpeaketh 
 roundly, and without any Painting; to wit, that the King, 
 when he departed out of Zeland , ( which was the laft place 
 that he left in this Country) commanded me to put to death 
 many godly and vertuous People that were fufpe&ed to be of 
 
 Ifc the’ 
 
49 $ The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 the Religion. Which thing I would not perform, but ad¬ 
 vertis’d them thereof, knowing indeed, that I could 
 not do it with a good and fafe Confcience, and that I was 
 rather to obey God than Man. Let the Spaniards then fpeak 
 what they themfelves fhall think good, I know that fundry 
 Peoples and Nations, which are much better than they, who 
 alfo have learn’d, that by Fire and Sword Men little or no¬ 
 thing prevail, would praife me, and approve my Fa£L 
 
 But feeing that you (my Lords) together with the general 
 Confent of the People, have fince that time approv’d it, in 
 condemning the Rigor of the Placards and Licenfes, and in 
 cauiing thofe cruel Executions to ceafe, I do no whit at all 
 regard that,which the Spaniards and their Adherents, do mur¬ 
 mur and whifper concerning the fame. Neither can I fuifici- 
 ently wonder at their folly, when they are 
 They that ill in - not afham’d to.objett unto me the Murder- 
 
 treated the Priefts , ings of the People of their Church j feeing, 
 were puniftfd. that not only they know my natural difpo- 
 fition to be altogether eftrang’d from fuch 
 Violences ; but alfo, that you and the whole World do very 
 , well know, that by Commandment and Appointment, fome, 
 in refpeft of fuch Outrages'as thefe Men would charge me 
 withal, were put to Death 5 and otherfome, being of great 
 Note, and noble Houfes, were arrefted by the principal Ser¬ 
 vants of my Houfhold ; and after that they had been kept Pri- 
 foners a long time, they were not deliver’d, but in refpecd of 
 the Houfe from whence they had the Honour to proceed and 
 come ; the long Imprifonment of their Perfons being ap¬ 
 pointed unto them for the Punifhment which they had de- 
 ferv’d. But that which was done by my Charge and Appoint¬ 
 ment, is in fuch fort known to all the World, that they are 
 not able, either to difguife or darken the fame, only (as they 
 have very well learn’d to fpeak Truth) that which I have 
 done yertuoufly, they fay, that I have feign’d that the thing 
 did difpleafe me. But who hath told them that I feign’d ? 
 Or who is he that hath reveal’d unto them fo much of my 
 Secrets ? They fee that which I have done; they cannot 
 judg my Heart, neither is there any Man fo malicious ( ex¬ 
 cept it be the Forger of this Writing, or fome Spaniard J who 
 ought not rather to give Judgment upon that which he feeth, 
 than upon that which he maliciouliy and wickedly fufped- 
 cth. 
 
 They cafr alfo infinite Blames and Slanders upon our Reli¬ 
 gion, and they call us Hereticks: But it is fuch as a long 
 time fince they took, upon them to prove it, and yet were ne¬ 
 ver able to bring it to .pur.pOfe or efFeft. And I fay, that 
 
 thefe 
 
The Apology of the Prime of Orange. 499 
 
 tfieffe Injuries ( being like unto the Words of Women, provok’d 
 and chaf’d with Choler) do not.deferve any Anfiwer, much lefs 
 that Beaftlinefs, to fay, that I never trufted any, either Prieft 
 or Friar, unldfs he were married, and that I inforc’d them to 
 marry. For, who is it that knoweth not, that without choice 
 or difcretion, they caft at tny Head every thing that they find 
 in the way, fo great is their Fury, and their P.aflion fo out- 
 tagious and unmeaftirable ? And albeit that 
 thefe things were true, as indeed they are Concerning the Mar* 
 not, neither yet reafonable (for we learn by riage of Priejls. 
 our Religion, that Marriage ought to be 
 free, and^fliould not be either inforc’d or forbidden ) yet fo it 
 is, that this fault fhould not be comparable with that Tyranny 
 over Confidences, which hath forbidden Marriage to a great 
 part of Chriftendom ; againft which Forbidding, not only the 
 Eafterri Churches oppos’d themfelves, but alfo the Churches of 
 Germany and France. 
 
 But that (my Lords) which is greatly to be efteem’d in 
 this Profcription, fio true and well-grounded, is this. That the 
 King commanded not the Duke of Alva, to impofe the tenth and twen¬ 
 tieth Fenny, without the confent of' the ■ People, If then the Duke of 
 Alva , in a matter of fio great importance, and which was the 
 caufie of the Death and Deftruftion of fio many Thoufands of 
 Men, hath paffed his Commiflion ; what Punifhment follow’d 
 thereof? The Duke of Alva, for having perform’d to his 
 own Son this Duty, to wit, that he might marry his Coufin* 
 leaving another, whom under the colour of Marriage accom- 
 plilh’d he had abus’d (even as Rigomes had before perform’d 
 for the Ring, as before hath been declar’d) was call: into Pri- 
 fon, and put out of favour, and Ihould not as yet have been 
 deliver’d, if in all Spain they had been able to have found a 
 Tyrant more fit to exercife Tyranny upon 
 the poor Portugdls, than he. He was then Concerning the tenth 
 chaftis’d for a fniall fault, and for fiuch a and twentieth Penny. 
 great one he was honour’d, much made of, 
 and fill’d with Rewards: And he that would prefis the King 
 with the Death of my Lords of Egmont and of Horn, would fay 
 as much, and difallow again the Duke of Alva for it. Is not 
 this a good mean, think ye, to difcharge himfielf of all faults ? 
 feut let them take which part they will, either the King com¬ 
 manded it, arid then he cannot avoid the name of a Tyrant* 
 or elfie he commanded it not; and yet for all that, the name 
 of a Tyrant fhall remain unto him, becaufe he did not cha- 
 ftife and correft him, who, of his own private Authority, had 
 iifurp’d fiuch aTyrdnny upon a frank and free People, whereby 
 it appedretli that he is culpable thereof. And albeit, that I 
 
 K k 2 hate 
 
 ( 
 
5©0 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 have always efteem’d the Duke of Alva for the Enemy of the 
 Country, and as one who hath willingly bath’d himfelf in our 
 Blood, and in the Blood of all Chriftians, carrying clofely a 
 Tuytyfh Heart within him; Yet fo it is, that I have known him, 
 too well, and have been too too much practis’d to believe this, 
 that he ffiould be fo fottifh, and fo prefumptuous, as to dare 
 to attempt to lay upon the People an Impolition of fuch con¬ 
 ference, and to purfue it fo long time, and that by fuch ex¬ 
 traordinary, yea and altogether infupportable means, to the 
 Country, without good and fufficient Commandment diretled 
 unto him therefore \ and that not once only, but fundry times. 
 
 I befeech you ( my Lords) to weigh this well, whether he, 
 that in his own proper and private name, durft condemn, or 
 favour them that did condemn, the Burgomafter of Amflerdam y 
 in five and twenty thoufand Florins of Amercement, be- 
 caufe he fet himfelf againft the tenth Penny, was not well 
 allur’d, and had not fufficient difcharge for the fame from his 
 Superior ? Neither need we (my Lords) any other place 
 than this, whereby to know the Frauds, Diffimulations and 
 Crafts, wherewith the King hath fo long a time led and de¬ 
 ceiv’d us, and yet purpofeth ftill to do, if we fuffer him to 
 wound us with the prick of his Tongue, or to aftonifh us with 
 the Threatnings of his Armies. And becaufe he will have the 
 Bruit thereof founded abroad, by reafon of the Towns taken 
 and furpriz’d in Holland ; to wit, within thefe two, three,or four 
 years, and that with more force than he hath fought againff 
 the Tnr\ withal. I anfwer him, That, having the Advantages 
 whereof he braggeth, he ought to coniider, whether this tend 
 not to his very great fhame, that he is altogether driven out 
 of that Country. And it ftandeth him not in any ftead to 
 alledg the Mutiny of the Spaniards : For a Governor, and 
 efpecially fuch a one as had fuch great Means as he had y 
 doth fufficiendy bewray his Inefficiency and Unworthinefs to 
 command, when he is not able by fuch means to keep in Obe¬ 
 dience his own Soldiers. On the other fide, in excufing him- 
 felf fo foolifhly, he feeth, whether he will or no, that he is 
 inforc’d to confefs, that I, and my Lords of Holland and Zeland , 
 having (lender means, as namely but four or five thoufand 
 Men, have broken his Attempts, and caus’d him to ftonfume 
 threefcore thoufand. 
 
 And whilft (my Lords ) he thus in this 
 Thejh'amefulLojjes Country loit his Time, his Men and his 
 of the Kmgdom of Mony; he loft likewife, within two Months, 
 Tunis and the the Kingdom of Tunis and the Goulette , with ' 
 ■Goulette# the greateft ffiame and confufion that ever 
 
 any mighty Prince did, yea, tho he were dri¬ 
 ven- 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 501 
 
 ven out of his own Land, albeit fome would lay the fault 
 hereof upon the Youth of Don John , and upon the Whoredom 
 of the Cardinal. For whilft he did fo ill imploy his Forces 
 here amongft us, Sinam BaJ'cha took from him that Kingdom, 
 and that Fortrefs, which Men fuppos’d could never haw been 
 taken; and this he did in the light of Spain and of Sicilia> 
 without that ever any of the King’s fide durft fo much as fhew 
 his H. ad to tight againft him,'or only to turn him afide. And 
 yet, if he had no regard to the good of Chriftendom (which 
 iVideed he never had, as witnefleth the painted League that 
 he made, which alfo coft the Venetians fo much) nor refpeit 
 to his own Honour, at leaft the Memory and Name of the 
 Emperor his Father ( who did little or nothing regard all his 
 notable Deeds and Feats of Arms, in refpett of that Conquefi) 
 ought to have mov’d and thruft him forward with a noble and 
 earned defire, wifely to have maintain’d that which the Em¬ 
 peror his Father had fo valiantly conquer’d for him and all 
 Chriftendom. But the Rage and Fury to deftroy us, which 
 carried him away, took both his Eyes from him, that he could 
 liot/ee that Evil; and his Underftanding alfo, that he could 
 not difcern it; he loving over much to make proof, rather of 
 his Weaknefs againft his own proper People, than of his For¬ 
 ces againft the common and univerfal Enemy of Chriften¬ 
 dom. 
 
 This (my Lords) is that which fie obje&eth againft me, 
 and which alfo fell out before our general Conjunction, and 
 joyning together. Whereunto (it may be) it was not altoge¬ 
 ther neeeffary to anfwer, faying that it is requifite, not only 
 to fatisfy you, but alfo to ftop their mouths, and to make all 
 the World to underftand their Impudences and Slanders. For, 
 it the Queftion were but of that which concerneth your felves, 
 and thofe which heretofore were on our fide, who have not- 
 withftanding very evilly, and without any caufe, withdrawn 
 themfelves from us: you, and thofe with you, have hereto¬ 
 fore fufficiently declar’d, that you had a far better Opinion of 
 me. For firft, the Accord treated of by you, with me and 
 my Lords of Holland and Zeland at Gaunt , hath fufficiently jufti- 
 fied me; feeing that if you had fuppos’d me to be fuch a one 
 as this infamous Profcription defcribeth me, you neither would 
 nor could have enter’d into Treaty with me; befide, fomany 
 Honourable EnffiaiTys, as you fince that time have fent unto 
 me to S. Qheertrudenburg , and even yet to Antwerp^ both to cauje 
 me to come into Brabant , and to caule me to come unto you 
 to BruJJelf , that I might be afiiftant with you in Council; and 
 alfo, that ye did honour me with the Title of Lieutenant- 
 General : All thefe things, I fav, do fufficiently declare, what 
 
 K k 3 is 
 
5Q2 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 is the Opinion and Judgment that ye have had of all thefe 
 falfe and frivolous Accufations; which thing alone, I fuppofe* 
 to be over-fufficient and ftrong to confute them. 
 
 Buflet us now fee how, before that time, they on their be* 
 halfs govern’d themfelves, with what Pride, Infolence and 
 Difdain of our whole Nation.* I will not repeat the Perjuries 
 and Deceits of the Dutchefs, nor of the King, in the behalf 
 of my Lords the Counts of Egmont and Horne, nor the Baits 
 and Allurements which they prepar’d for me.; . nor yet gene¬ 
 rally that which fell out before the Coming of the Duke of 
 Alva, but that only which was done afterwards, until the time 
 of our general Conjunction and joyning together *, to the end, 
 that as the Remembrance of the Mifchiefs and Griefs pall, 
 fhall bring unto you Pleafure and Contentment, and the fame 
 (as I hope) untome, who with fome delight haye aided you 
 therein : So that by the fame you will more and more ftreng- 
 then your felves in this Refofution, which is both Holy, and 
 worthy of Immortal Praife, and which you alfo have taken 
 upon you; that is, to oppofe and fet your felves againft the 
 Spaniards and their Adherents. Now, as well the faid Duke 
 of Alva, as thofe that Commanded under him and after him, 
 have futficiently made us to underitand, what was at all times 
 the Counfel of Spain ; to wit, to root us opt, and to bring us 
 into Bondage. For, as Hannibal , even when he was but nine 
 years old, did fwear by the Altar of his Goddefs, that he 
 would be all his life long an Enemy to the Romans : So was 
 this Duke of Alva, from his Childhood, nou- 
 The infnpportable rifh’d and brought up in an irreconcilable 
 Pride of the Duke Hatred againft this Country, which, by fo 
 $>/Alva, and other much Blood as he hath fpilt, could as yet 
 officers being Spa- never be fatisfied; but fo much the more 
 niardso hath he caus’d it to run out on every fide, 
 
 in all the Towns of this Country ; yea, fo 
 far forth, that he hath caus’d to be put to death (which thing 
 alfo he himfelf bragged of) eighteen thoufand poor innocent 
 "Men and more, and that by the hands of the Hangman or 
 Tormentor ; and yet for all that, that cruel Luft of his could 
 never be fatisfied. So that if any would know, what are the 
 Privy-Counpils of Spain , what is the King’s Good-will, and 
 how much he loveth us, he fhall find it all decipher’d apd fet 
 put in the bloody Deeds of the Duke of Alya , as if it were 
 fet out before his Eyes, and lively painted in a Table of Paint¬ 
 er’s work- For there hath not been any kind of Diflimujation s 
 Treafon and Unfaithfulpefs, which he hath not us’d, that he 
 plight: bring under his Subjection and Service, the principal 
 Cards of this Country, and that by Offers.* Promiies, and new 
 
The Apology of the Vrince of Orange. 503 
 
 Titles of Honour beftow’d upon them. But the good and 
 vertuous People that he could get into his hands, he hath cru¬ 
 elly put to death, without any refpeft either to their Inno- 
 cency, or to the Privileges of the Country; and yet nothing 
 was done, but by the King’s Commandment. He committed 
 the like again# the Citizens and good Merchants, fo proudly 
 treading under feet our antient Liberties and Freedoms, yea 
 every thing that was remaining among# us of the Glory 
 of our Anceftors, that it feem’d that he thought, that you 
 were at no hand worthy to be reckon’d in the number of 
 Men. 
 
 And where is it, that we can have a more certain and 
 plain proof, and that fo : ; open, that it is as it 
 were in the fight and beholding of all Chriften- / The profane 
 dom y concerning this matter; and withal, of and proud E- 
 his infupportable Contempt and Difdain of all region of tke 
 thefe Countrys; than in that proud, ambi- Dul^eof Alva’s 
 tious, profane, heathenifh, and withal foolifh Image in the 
 fetting up of his own Image, in the mid# of midfl of the 
 the Citadel at Antwerp ; going impudently upon late Citadel at 
 the Bellies of the Noblemen, of the Eftates, Antwerp, 
 and of all the People of this Country ? Was 
 not this, think you, a notable Monument of his Tyranny, 
 and a Teftimony of his Pride ? What (hall I need to fpeak 
 of his Servants, and of all that Vermin which came out of 
 Spain ; who fpake of us, not as it were of ViUacos (as they 
 ufe to fay) or Villains, but even as it were of brute Beafts? 
 You (my Lords) have, even as yet, * your ears altogether 
 beaten with fuch matters, and you are able to fet out their 
 Geftures, their Proceedings, their Words full of Boldnefs, of 
 Pride, and of Contempt; alfo their unfupportable Arts, and 
 how when they were within your Towns, with what Pride and 
 Infolence they did command you. Wherefore if. that be true 
 which Wife Men report, that for the underftanding of the 
 natural Difpofition of a Lord or Nobleman, Men mu# exa¬ 
 mine him by his Friends and Familiars; and for the knowledg 
 of a Mafter, men mu# fift his Servants: you may (my 
 Lords) by the Virtues of the Duke of Alva , his Mafter *s 
 principal Officer, and the Executor of all his Counfels, eafily 
 judgwhat good Affection and Will the King bearetli you, who 
 fent him to you to torment you: And alfo ye may know 
 what ye ought to look for, unlefs ye provide for it in time, 
 (as indeed ye ought) which thing alfo all the good People of 
 this Land look for at your hands. 
 
 I will fpeak nothing of the Ravifhings, Ranfoms, and Ev¬ 
 asions committed by the Spaniards^ I will only #ay my felt 
 
 K. k 4 upon 
 
504 The Jfologj of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 upon the principal Point. Ye could never 
 The Affemblyof yet tell how to obtain a free Affembly of the 
 the Ejiates Eftates General •, your Enemy very well know- 
 General wer ing, that to hinder the calling together and 
 refused. meeting of them, was indeed to cut off by the 
 
 foot the Tree of your Privileges, and utterly 
 to dry up the Spring of your Liberty. For to what end 
 ferveth it the People, to have Privileges in fair Parchment, 
 kept up in a Coffer, if by means of the Eftates thofe Privi¬ 
 leges be not maintain’d, and fo Men feel the Effects thereof? 
 
 And indeed long time before, the Ring him- 
 The King ta - felf had receiv’d a Difpenfation from the Pope 
 
 keth a Difpen- for the Oath which he had made unto you, to 
 fation from the keep your Privileges. Wherein he did not 
 Pope, for hi* only violate and break his Faith, but alfo did 
 Oath mads at over-eafily, yea very hurtfully believe fooliiff 
 bis joyful En* Counfellors ; whereby he too manifeftly de- 
 trance » clar’d how great his own Wifdom was. For 
 
 might he not very well underftand, that count¬ 
 ing himfelf free from the Oath which he had made to you, 
 you alfo were freed and quit from your Oath towards him ? 
 Infomuch that he minding to be unburdened of his Oath 
 towards you, you ow’d not unto him any Obedience and 
 Subjection. That I may at this time fay nothing, but leave 
 it unto others more exercis’d in fuch matters than I, to ham 
 die this Queftion, whether the Pope may juftly vaunt that 
 he hath any fuch Power and Authority, yea or no ; and 
 whether any thing in the world fhall remain certain and 
 Cure, if Oaths fo folemnly made, may, under fuch a pretext 
 and cloke, be violated and broken? At the fame time, Mar¬ 
 riages made out of the Country were wholly forbidden, and 
 that which was never practis’d was prohibited, to wit, that 
 Youth might not go out of the Country to ftudy in any other 
 School of the world, but in that of Rome ; and 
 The Schools of condemning by that means all other Schools 
 alt the World (which is an over-great Arrogance) they did 
 
 forbid , fave condemn (fo unwary were they) even thofe of 
 
 that of Rome the Jefuits, without thinking ariy whit of them: 
 mly . and To (which is indeed the worft) they o- 
 
 pen’d a way to very Barbaroufnefs. For as 
 the^neeting together of all manner of Learned Men, hath 
 brought forth unto us in this Country, fundry Perfpns wel^ 
 qualify’d, who have greatly ennobled thefe Provinces ; fo this 
 Interdiction and Forbidding, could not but in procefs of time 
 caufe a more than Turkijh Ignorance: that I may fpeak nothing 
 of this, that by that 'means they would make this Country 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 505 
 
 fubjeft to fuch Conditions as never were heard 
 
 pf. About the fame time, the Council of The publi/Jang 
 
 Trent was publilh’d ; which Council hath of the Council 
 
 feeni’d, even to the French -men themfelves, fo of Trent. 
 
 unjuft, that even unto this day it could not as 
 
 yet be publifh’d in the Kingdom of France . 
 
 A little while before this time, there was eagerly purfu’d* 
 and at the laft obtain’d, the inftalling of the 
 new Bifheps, which had been fo long time be* Bifljops newly 
 fore debated, by reafon of the Inconveniences made , 
 which all wife People, and Lovers of the Coun¬ 
 try, and Haters of the tormenting of mens Confciences, 
 did forefee would enfue thereupon. Which thing alfo I my 
 felf writ even unto the King; that I may fay nothing of the 
 Warnings which I gave to the Dutchefs, fometime in open 
 Council", and oftentimes elfewhere; All thefe their Purpofes 
 tending to no other end, but to fet up the cruel Inquifition 
 of Spain , and to eftablilh the faid Bifhops, that they might 
 ferveinftead of InquifitorS, Burners of mens Bodies, and Ty¬ 
 rants over their Confciences. 
 
 It is true, that at this day they deny that ever they meant 
 to bring in this cur fed Inquifition; but if I bring forth unto 
 them a man worthy of Credit, who was at that time a Pen- 
 fioner of Franc and who had the Rack twice fhew’d him, to 
 be tormented upon it, that he might confefs who they were 
 of the Lords of the faid Franck ., which were purpos’d to re- 
 fufe the Inquifition : Will they fay that he is a forg’d Witnefs, 
 who yet notwithstanding is fuch a one, as they are not able 
 to objeft any thing againft him ? And befide, if need were, 
 I could find enough other plain and moft ma- 
 nifeft Proofs. There follow’d the moft rigo- Placards and 
 rous Placards and Licences, with exprefs Com- Licences re- 
 mandment to abate nothing of the old Rigour, new'd. 
 
 And verily the Bull granted by the Pope, for 
 the Ereftion of the faid Bilhops, doth plainly carry with it 
 this much, that every Bifhop might give in his own Cathe¬ 
 dral Church two Prebends: That every one of the Canons 
 fhould be bound tp affift him in the matter of the Inqui¬ 
 fition: and that particularly two ampngft them fhould actual¬ 
 ly and indeed be Inqiufitors. And as Princes or Tyrants, 
 which poffefs new Kingdoms pr Lordftiips, do lay upon them 
 a Tribute, in fignof their Victory*, fo the Duke of Alva, in 
 feftimony of his Conqueft (for this was his common Speech, 
 to wit. That thefe Countries appertain’d to the King, not 
 in Title, or by Right or Patrimony, but as being conquer’d 
 by Armour and Weapons) then I fay, to the end he might 
 ’ * make 
 
$86 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 make all the world to imderftand the Condition whereon 
 lie'had made fiibjeft this Country,laid upon the People, by the 
 Commandment of his Matter, the perpetual Payment of the 
 tbnthPenny,without the Confent of the Eftates, 
 The Impofition Without the Confent of the Towns and Provin- 
 4 the tenth ces y and he refolv’d with himfelf and his Peo- 
 
 j Fenny y without pic, to execute the fame by Force. Infomuch 
 the good Will that when he underftood that certain noble and 
 and Confent of courageous Hearts began to be moved, even 
 theEJiates. at the very hour (ye fee, my Lords, how 
 
 great God’s Providence is) when he receiv’d 
 News of the taking of the Brill ; he was refolv’d to put to 
 death the fame night the principal Burgeffes and Citizens of 
 Bruxelles , becaufe they fet themfelves againft this Impofition, 
 which was violently publifh’d againft their Privileges. The 
 Hangman, named Mr. Charles y was commanded to have in a 
 readinefs feventeen Halters, and certain Ladders of ten or 
 twelve foot high ; the Soldiers were up in Arms •, Don Frede- 
 tico came into the Houfe of Viglius the Prefident, to conclude 
 the Speech of the Condemnation, when thefe happy News, 
 againft the good Burgeffes and Citizens of Bruxelles , arriv’d 
 there. The Lieutenant of the Amman was one of them who 
 ihould have been put to death, becaufe he refus’d to execute 
 thofe that fet themfelves againft thefe Attempts $ and indeed 
 the Duke of Alva meant to keep the Promife with him, which 
 but a little while before he had fpoken unto 
 * To wit y him, faying, By this *, if you will not do it, l will 
 Beard, a Form caufeyou to be bang’d. And moreover, the Judges 
 $f /wearing are Knaves ; it is fufficient that which I command 
 ufed among/ you . And I confefs, that at the fame time I 
 the Spaniards, being again provok’d, as well by fundry good 
 People, as by mine own Oath, came again the 
 The fecond fecond time with an Army; of which Expe- 
 com'mgof the dition I will fay no more at this time, becaufe 
 Ld Prince with there is none amongft you, but he knoweth 
 an Amy . what then were, and what yet at this prefent 
 
 are the Events and Succeffes thereof. Now- 
 then (my Lords) if it pleafe you on the one fide to confider 
 that which the Duke of Alva did, before this War was begun ; 
 what juft occafions he gave me, and the Eftates of Holland 
 andZelandy to have.recourfe to Arms; and alfo that which 
 he and the great Commandador did, until the day of the Re¬ 
 volting and Rebellion of the Spaniards : and on the other 
 fide, to weigh how fince that time I have guided and govern’d 
 my felf, I refufe not to make ye Judges thereof, and to give 
 ye leave to determine thereof, as, ye your felves. fhail thbak 
 
 corn*- 
 
 . - r 
 
would not difcharge me of my Offices and 
 that very oftentimes I requefted the fame 
 
 The Jpolog) of the Prince of Orange. 507 
 
 convenient and meet. But ye have already fufficientiy de¬ 
 clar’d, what ye think thereof, by the Pacification of Ghent , 
 by the Expulfion of Don John , and by fo many Atls and 
 Tefti monies, that I need not to have any morej; yea even 
 by this, that ye 
 Charges, aitho 
 of you. . 
 
 Now I will come to that, which in the fecond place they 
 touch in their cruel Profcription, to wit, that which follow’d 
 the time wherein the Spaniards were declar’d Rebels, and Ene¬ 
 mies to the Country. 
 
 About that time (my Lords) there was 
 treated and concluded the Pacification of Ghent , 
 and that with fo great Joy and Contentment of 
 the People, yea and of all the Provinces, both 
 generally and particularly, that no Man alive 
 is able to remember the like. 
 
 Every one may remember the mutual Pro- 
 mifes of Friendffiip, of Intelligences, partaking 
 of Counfel, and fuch-like comprehended there¬ 
 in. But what? they themfelves, who after¬ 
 wards did make manifeft the great and Invete¬ 
 rate Hatred of their Heart, and were- not- 
 withftanding of the number of thofe, who treated of the 
 fame matter with my Deputies, and with them of Holland and 
 Zeland: they, I fay, in treating thereof, did overthwartly 
 caft againft it all the Hinderances that poffibly they could, 
 to caufe it to die before it came to ripenefs. Which thing, 
 without controverfy, they had obtain’d, if they had not fear’d 
 to fall into danger, and if the People, and all the Provinces 
 (who perceiv’d, and faw before-hand afar off, that this Pacifi¬ 
 cation fhould be the Groundwork of their Liberty, and the 
 Reliitution of their antient Privileges) had not, as it were 
 with one voice, inforc’d them to conclude the fame. And 
 becaufe (my Lords) oftentimes in this execrable Profcription, 
 and in their little, fooliffi, defamatory Libels, and fecret Let¬ 
 ters, they object unto me, that I have violated and broken 
 the fame; let us fee how they, on their behalf, have main¬ 
 tain’d and kept it. It was no fooner confirm’d 
 by Oath, but that the Lord of Hauffi , according 
 to your Commandment, made fundry Voyages 
 into Zeland to me, that he might obtain Sue- 
 four of Men and Munitions of War, for the 
 Siege of the Caftle of Ghent , one of the Nells 
 of the Spuniftj Cruelty ; which thing he alfo ob- 
 
 The Pacifica¬ 
 tion of Ghent, 
 and that the 
 Enemies , both 
 Spaniards and 
 their Adhe¬ 
 rents., have 
 broken the fame 
 againft their 
 Oath . 
 
 jaiij’d* But a" certain Man, unworthy of his 
 
 Ld of Hauffi 
 fent to demand 
 Succour of the 
 Prince Jor the 
 Siege of the. 
 Caftle of 
 Ghent. 
 
 Stock* 
 
508 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 Stock, and of his Country, could not contain himfelfjbut at the 
 fame time began to vomit his Venom; charging with a Fault the 
 faid Lord, in recompence of fo good a Service, and which was 
 indeed the very Gate to the Liberty of the Country and Coun¬ 
 ty of Flanders, and namely of the Town of Ghent , which had 
 been fo long time before kept under by Tyranny. And it was 
 a matter of no great account to the faid Sweveghen , to the 
 Count of Reus, Mouqueron, and others, that the Spaniards , yet 
 all bloody with the Murder of Antwerp, and laden with the 
 Spoils of good Burgeffes and Citizens, fhould perform a like 
 Execution in the Town of Ghent , as they had committed in 
 the moftrenown’d Town pf Antwerp: which thing alfo they 
 had executed and perform’d (as the Letters of Rhoda and 
 Others do fufficiently prove) had not the faid Succour hin¬ 
 der’d them. Mark, I pray you, how that even then when 
 the Trumpet founded to publifh the Pacification of Ghent , 
 thefe honeft People began to break the fame. 
 The coming of Hereupon Don John arriv’d in thefe Countries; 
 
 Don John. and albeit that mine Enemy would here play 
 
 the Falfifier, and alter the matter, have not I 
 yet the Letter fign’d with the King’s own Hand, and with the 
 Hand of one of the Secretaries of his Eftate, and feal’d with 
 the Seal of his Arms, which yield Teftimony concerning the 
 Charge and CommilTion given to Don John ? Have not they 
 been publilh’d to all the world ? Was there yet ever any Spa~ 
 ntard found, who durft contend againft him ? By thofe 
 Letters we have known, That all tlie Difference between Don 
 John, the Duke of Alva, and LewU of Requefens, was this, that 
 Jie was more young and more fooliffi than the others, and 
 that he could not fo long time hide his Venom, dilfemble hi^ 
 Attempts, and with-hold his greedy Hands from the Defire 
 that he had to wet and wafh them in our Blood. I will not 
 (my Lords) make in this place any recital of thefe matters 
 ftnto you, for they are known unto little Children, and all the 
 Land is as it were water’d therewith. Albeit then that thefe 
 things were fetout before the whole world; and albeit that 
 the Pacifiers knew and underftood the fame: notwithftanding 
 the inveterate Hatred toward this poor People was fo great 
 (fo much were they accuftom’d to aid thofe that opprefs’d 
 your Privileges, arid to fubjeft themfelves to Tyranny, was 
 even become altogether natural unto them)* that eyen like 
 Horfe-Leaches, foaming with Rage, they themfelves cZ me 
 to lance themfelves upon the Thorn of the bloody Heart of 
 Von John ; and agreed with him againft mine Advice, and tl*e 
 Advice of them of ffllland and Zeland > and againft their own 
 
The Apology of the Vrince of Orange. 509 
 
 Oath taken, againft the Pacification of Ghent: and yet thefe 
 Men dare objett unto me the Pacification and mine Oath, as 
 tho thofe Bands had been prepar’d only to ihackle me, and 
 my Lords of Holland and Zeland ; whilft that thofe good and 
 loyal Peacemakers having broken all Bond of Laws, of Loyal¬ 
 ty, and of Fidelity, might have liberty to perpetrate, com¬ 
 mit, and do whatfoever their difloyal Heart lhould put them 
 in mind of. They will fay, that they caus’d Don John to pro- 
 mife that the Spaniards fhould depart; as tho all our Agree¬ 
 ment and League confifted in that only point. But before 
 they had concluded with Don John , fhould not they have 
 placed me in my Governments, and put me in pofleilion of 
 my Goods, andreftor’d me my Son, who was one of the num¬ 
 ber of the Prifoners ? Have they fo much as only thought 
 upon it, tho fundry amongft them were kin unto him? No 
 whit at all indeed! For they had a far other Mark, which 
 thing they themfelves did fufficiently declare by fo many 
 Consultations as they made, that they might at the length 
 find out a way to opprefs me, and to bring Holland and Zeland 
 under fubjettion ; knowing that at the fame time, I yet only, 
 and the Eftates of the faid Countrys, were they who did open¬ 
 ly hinder their pernicious Purpofcs; which was, to enter in 
 the place of the Spaniards , to exercife the like Tyranny that 
 the Spaniards had done; but yet, as they thought, with more 
 Power and Authority, and alfo that they might remain in 
 their own Countrys with greater Impunity. Concerning this 
 matter, I refer my felf to the Inftruttions given to thofe who 
 came to treat with me at )St, Geertrudenberghe ; which I will 
 bring to light, if need be thereof. 
 
 At the fame time, they fent to the Queen of England , that 
 they might fill her with all falfe matters againft me, and alfo 
 move her to arm her felf againft Me and my Lords the E- 
 ftates of Holland and Zeland: But the Knowledg that {he had 
 of the Truth, and the fingular Wifdom wherewith file is en¬ 
 dued, made her to take a clean contrary Refolution than 
 that which they hoped for. To be fhort, they devis’d as rnucli 
 as they could, to execute and perform againft us, the fame 
 brattices that the Spaniards had done; and this (my Lords) 
 was the Obfervation of the Pacification of Ghent , that thefe 
 Men ufed even from the beginning. And as 
 concerning the Spaniards , which Don John told The Spaniards 
 them he had fent away, they faw (at the leaft licens'd by 
 if they had any Underftanding, tho never fo Don John fo 
 ltttle, for they wanted not Advertifement and return . 
 Intelligence) that fome ftaid in Luxemburg , o- 
 Shers in Burgundy , and others in France , under the Shadow of 
 
 the 
 
^ id fhe Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 the Civil War, which was then rais’d up in France ; looking only 
 for their Watch-word, that they might return again in an in- 
 ftant, which they did. Befide this, they knew that Don John 
 retain’d with him fourteen thoufand Germany 
 Fourteen thou- of the old Soldiers, which he kept in garifon 
 fund Lance- in the principal Towns of the Country : that at 
 Knights Left Malines he treated with tile faid Germans: that 
 
 by Don John he fpake one thing to them, and another thing 
 
 In Garijon in to you, my Lords: and did in the mean while 
 
 the principal taketne Caftle of Antwerp frorn the Power of 
 
 Towns. the Duke of Aetfchot, and of the Prince of Chi- 
 
 may his Son, and left it in the hands of Treflon. 
 They faw, I fay, thefe things, and did notwithftand'ing aid 
 and favour him therein ; and yet they will fay that they 
 kept the Pacification of Ghent. For as concerning that which 
 any Enemies fay, that Don John fware unto it, I confers fur¬ 
 ther, that the King himfelf promis’d it ihould be obferv’d j 
 which maketh him fo much the more vanquilh’d, for even at 
 the fame time he commanded Don John to break it, as ap- 
 peareth by his own Letters. 
 
 And as concerning Don John, trite it is, that 
 Don John he promis’d and fware to fee the fame per- 
 
 fwore to the form'd, but that was with a Condition, which 
 
 Pacification of he fpake of beforehand, in the prefence even 
 Ghent. of fomeof your Deputies, which Ihould be ad¬ 
 
 ded, to wit. That it Ihould be kept until fuch 
 time as he repented him thereof, which Condition fell out 
 very quickly afterward. For this young Man fuppofing that 
 he was at the top of his Bufinefs, and that he had in hii 
 hands (by reafon of the Garifoiis of Germans, and fundry 
 Traitors taking part with them) the beft Towns, took (but 
 yet not without doing an unworthy Injury to the Queen of 
 Navarre ) the Caftle of Namur , a Place which he thought was 
 very fit and neceffary for the Spaniards to go and come. But 
 fb foon as the Caftle of Antwerp was by compofition yielded 
 tip unto you, he found himfelf far from his reckoning, which 
 caus’d him at one time to lofe many Friends, who began 
 even then to change their Copy and Countenance ; and Don 
 John was thereby made fo perplex’d and doubtful, that he had 
 no other Succour but this. That having corrupted fome of 
 •your own Deputies, he might protract the time, and bufy yoft 
 with a painted Hope of Peace. And I would to God, that at 
 that time ye (my Lords) had not been hinder’d by thefe good 
 Obfervers of the Pacification of Ghent, from believing my 
 Counfel j for then, by a very fmall Army, we might have 
 been quit and rid of Don John, of his Spaniards and Adherents, 
 
 and 
 
The Apology of the Prince of drknge. jit 
 
 and of fo many Miferies as fince have enfu’d. I ^onldthen. 
 yet further know in this place (my Lords) whether Don 
 John did then keep this Pacification, and his Union fo fo- : 
 lemnly fworn (as they fay) which he had made with thefe 
 Favourers of the Spaniards. And why fhall he come to up¬ 
 braid me with the Pacification of Ghent , who yet hath caus’d 
 this to be declar’d unto us by the Lord of Selles, that he would 
 not keep it? Shall he, to my hurt, enjoy a Privilege, which 
 he himfeif renounceth and forfaketh ? And when we have 
 faid all, it is not with him that I and the Eftates of Holland and 
 Zeland have contraftbd and accorded, but it is with you, my 
 Lords. ; Now if after fo many Breaches of the Pacification, 
 and that in fuch fundry forts; if after that, contrary, to the 
 laid Pacification, they have deftroy’d the Towns, where they 
 could exercife their Tyrannous Government, and the belt 
 'Burgeffes. and Citizens; therein, alledging againft them falfe 
 and wicked things : If then, I fay, after thefe things you 
 (my Lords) have judg’d, that for your own Security you ought 
 to inlarge fome of the Articles, yea and if need were, that 
 you were minded altogether to break, cut in funder, and re¬ 
 voke them : who is he that cou ld a ecu fe you therefore, if 
 ye have ufed that which was your own, as you your felves 
 thought it convenient for your own Profit, unlefs it be he, who 
 would ufe his own Oath as a Net and Snare to catch you in ? 
 For as concerning that which they fay, that the Change hath 
 been on my behalf, tho that were true, yet fo it is, that I am 
 no more bound in refpetl of the Contractors with me, feeing 
 that they have fo many ways violated and broken the Contract 
 it felf: and feeing that on your part it was thought convex 
 nient that the Change fhould be made, you have as much 
 Authority and Power to difpofe thereof, as a Lord hath Right 
 in his own Inheritance : For the Pacification was yours, 
 which alfo you might ufe at your own pleafure and diferetion. 
 
 But I have fo often, both by Word and Writing declar’d, 
 nothing to be broken on our parts, that I fhall not need to 
 bellow any more time to fet out the fame unto 
 you; only I will confefs this, that they’of Hoi - Nothing was 
 Land and Zeland were indeed forbidden to inno- attempted by*- 
 vate or change any thing in that Country: the Ld Prince, 
 but that the other Eftates might notin their the Eftates Gt- 
 Provinces, by fome lawful Condition, provide tieraf and 
 for their Safety, it will never be found that tkofe of the Re- 
 there was yet any fuch Obligation or Bond: ligion, againft 
 Which thing may be manifeftly feen and thePaciftcation 
 known, by the reading of the eleventh and of Ghent, 
 twelfth Articles. And indeed upon the mak- 
 
$12 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 mg of the faid Pacification, as one of thofe who were Deputies 
 on our fide,did declare to fome one principal Perfon of the other 
 fide, that fome fuch matter might fall out, and that therefore it 
 was better to accord fome Liberty for the poor Subjects of 
 the Provinces, whofe Caufes they handled, and for whom 
 they were to make agreement: fo fome other anfwer’d him 
 again, that he needed not take care for fuch matters, and 
 that thofe of Brabant , Flanders , and the other Countries, would 
 not at any time demand a Change in the Matter'of Religion* 
 Now if they have been deceiv’d, what caufe is there for them 
 fo furioufly to direct themfelves againft me ? I give them alfo 
 the fame Anfwer, in refpefr of the Change which fell out in 
 certain Towns of my Government; for 1 can indeed a'ffure 
 men before God, that I have not given any Advice or Confent 
 thereto * and that many things fell out there, as alfo in Flan¬ 
 ders , which pleas’d me no whit at all. And I do defend it 
 againft them, that if there have been fome Soldier-like Info- 
 
 lence and Violence, that that was nothing but 
 
 fweet-firiellirig 
 
 Rofes, in refpeft of the intolerable Exceffes which they have 
 committed : and alfo at the leaft, that we have not had on 
 Our part any Infidelity, orTreafon, or Intelligence with the 
 Spaniards , as our Enemies on their part have had. For have 
 dot they, againft their Faith and Promife, with an armed 
 Power begun a War, and a {faulted their Con- 
 ■the beginning federates, when we were within two days rea- 
 cf the War of dy to give battel to our Enemies ? Have 
 the Malecon- not they purfu’d the Execution of their Com- 
 tents t even then plot arid Conspiracy againft their Confederates, 
 tohen they were and declar’d their Defection and Falling away* 
 ready within at that time, when the good Town of Afaeft 
 two days to t'richt was befieg’d ? Was there ever any de- 
 drive away teftable and vile Aft in the world, and is it not 
 Don John. this ? Even then, when you your felves look’d 
 for the Forces and Powers of your Confede¬ 
 rates, to fuccour a good Town befieg’d, with which they were 
 entred into a fworn League; and of which they could not in 
 any fort either wrongfully or rightfully complain :■ even then* 
 I fay, they did not only defert and forfake you, but alfo 
 made war upon you, and that as hotly and fiercely as they 
 Could, 
 
 The Hiftories report, that Sufietm was drawn in pieces* 
 "With four Horfes, became he ftir’d not, but only look’d on, 
 ■when ThUm HoftiUui, his Confederate, fought the Field. Then 
 What Gibbets and what Punifhments can a Man devife, which 
 might bis fufticient to correct this Unfaithfulnefs and Treafoii ? 
 
 And 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 51 j 
 
 And whole Treafon ? Thofe (my Lords) who 
 before had laid their hands upon the Count of TheContinuatice 
 Mansfcity Vi glim, Fonc, AJJbnuille , Berti , and o- during the 
 thers of the Council of Eftate, then when I Siege of 
 was not fo ftraitly bound unto them, as fince I Maeftricht. 
 have been, and was not yet come into Brabant: 
 
 Thofe, I fay, that by fuch laying hands upon them, had given 
 all the world to underftand, what Judgments they had con¬ 
 cerning the King and his Council: leaving it to you (my 
 Lords) to judg, what great Confideration there is in fuch 
 People, who, whilft we make war, cannot forefee that they 
 fharpen the Swords of thofe whom they had taken Prifoners, 
 to take away their own Heads. They will fay, that I have 
 not ihew’d my felf to be an Enemy againft them of our fide, 
 who have pafs’d the Bounds fctthem. Verily I have not ap¬ 
 prov’d the Excefs of any j but do they think that I am fo un¬ 
 wary, as that for to (hew them a Pleafure, I will open a gap 
 to the Deftruftion of the Country, and fo make Efcovedo a 
 Prophet ? Have they ever heard that a wife Father, for the 
 Contentment of his Enemy, would feek the Ruin of his Chil¬ 
 dren ? Nay, rather this is his Duty, to correft the Faults, 
 and in amending of them, to labour the Prefervation of his 
 Family and Houlhold. 
 
 But Bouts , Montigni , and others, do not they know the Du¬ 
 ties that I have perform'd, to eftablilh every thing in good 
 order ? Have they forgotten the Articles agreed upon, even 
 fuch as they themfelves demanded, and which fince that time 
 they have broken againft their Oath ? It is then Rage, 
 Folly, Ambition, Hatred againft the Religion, and Delire 
 to govern, which hath carry’d away their Hearts, and toffed 
 them as it were with madnefs; and which hath firft moved 
 them, and which fince that time they have cover’d with the 
 cloke of the Pacification of Ghent. For I know (my Lords) 
 how hardly they were diftrefs’d, and what labour they took 
 to cloke and colour their Enterprife ; and that a fimple Cap¬ 
 tain, did in this Counfel open a Gap unto them, who was im¬ 
 mediately follow’d. 
 
 I know, that fundry will think it a new and ftrange thing, 
 that Children of fo good a Houfe, ifluing from fuch Fathers, 
 fhould fo far forget themfelves, as to heap up fuch Reproaches 
 upon their own Stock ; yea fome, I think, will think it unbe¬ 
 lievable, that ever there could be found fuch great Incon- 
 ftancy in them: and for my own part, I cannot chufe but 
 be greatly forry for it, by reafon of the Good Will and Reve¬ 
 rence which \ I have born to their Fathers, and the Defire 
 which I have had to fee them advanc’d in all Virtue, Honour, 
 
 L l and 
 
514 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 and Reputation (which thing they might have attain’d, if 
 they had only learn’d to forbear but a little while, arid to bear 
 fome part of the Mifery of their Country) arid I would yet 
 indeed defire, that they might become fo wife, that by a 
 good Repentance they might amend the Faults paft. But to 
 the end that I may not fpeak of fundry their particular Acti¬ 
 ons, which are not come to the fight of all the world, and 
 are notwithftanding full of Inconftancy arid Lightnefs ; if we 
 come to confider that which every one krioWeth, and is laid 
 out before the eyes of all the world, who is he that can fuffi- 
 ciently enough marvel at the Inconftancy and Vanity"of their 
 Refolutions ? They ferved the Duke of Alva , and the great 
 Commandador, as Servants or Pages, and they made war againft 
 me with all extremity. A little while afterwards they treated 
 with me, and reconciled themfelves; and then, lo, they were 
 the Spaniards Enemies. Don John came, they follow him, they 
 ferve him, arid they endeavour and pra&ife my Deftru&ion. 
 Don John fail’d in his Enterprifes concerning the Caftle of 
 Antwerp *, incontinently they forfake him and call me : I was 
 no fooner come, but contrary to their Oath, without commu¬ 
 nicating any thing thereof, either to you (my Lords) or to 
 me, they call my Lord Matthias the Archduke. He being 
 come, they law that they could not come to their mark, 
 therefore they left him, and without advertifing him any. 
 thing at all thereof, they go to feek my Lord the Duke of 
 .Anjou: They bring him in, and they promife him wonderful 
 things. They faw that they could not bring him to this 
 point, to make him a Captain againft you (my Lords) and 
 them of the Religion ; then they left, him, and join’d them¬ 
 felves to the Prince of Parma, Are there any Waves of the 
 Sea more inconftant? Is there any'* Euripm 
 * It is apart more uncertain than the Counfels of fuch Peo- 
 of the Sea , pie, who think that they are fo highly fet, fo 
 which flows fe- much lifted up, and fo ftrengthned, that it 
 ven times a fhould be lawful for them to play and dally in 
 day with [uch fuch fort with Princes of fuch Quality and 
 great force , Calling ? If then they have done fuch things 
 that it carries (as all the world knoweth they have) affure 
 Ships with your felves, that there is nothing fo light and 
 full Sail vain, but they will enterprife and attempt it. 
 gainfi tbeWind, And what could they have committed more 
 grievous, than to have confented to this wicked 
 Profcription, which was fram’d againft his Head and Life, 
 who had help’d and heal’d theirs, and caus’d their Pofleffions 
 and Goods to be reftor’d to the principal amongft them ? 
 And believe (my Lords) that this is not the laft Prank they 
 
 will 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 515 
 
 wilt play. For tho they fliould very quickly 'confels it (which 
 thing I*alfo defire) yet (hall you find them more than ten 
 times change their Horfe and their Saddle, before this bufinefs 
 be rid and ended. 
 
 As concerning that which they objeft againft me, That 1 
 caufed my felf by Force and Tumult to be chofen Governour of Brabant; 
 You (my Lords) do remember, that I never fpake to you 
 thereof, and that I have not any manner of way provok’d you 
 thereto. And on the contrary fide, you remember, I hope, 
 the great withftanding that Iufed, and my plain Declarations 
 and Speeches made to the contrary. And alfo 
 as concerning the Eftate of Lieutenant Gene- The Eftate of 
 ral, that I meant to have had the Advice and Governour of 
 Confent of the^overnours whidh were in the Brabant and 
 Army, and which being very fhortly after tu- Lieutenant 
 multuoufiy and difbrderly handled (I mind not General. 
 now to tell by whofe fault) -was fent me, even 
 as yeti have it, fign’d with their own hands. Now, if fome 
 of the People prefer’d and promoted this Choice, and yet I 
 neither intreated nor provoked them thereto, (hall I miflike 
 them therefore ? Nay, rather lam inforc’d to confefs, that 
 they were more wife, and better forefeeing to the Affairs of 
 this Country, than I was at that time. For they well under- 
 ftood, that if they fbould leave the handling of the Matters, 
 and the Adminiftration of the publick Caufe, in the hands of 
 thefe Men, who were become Spaniards as it were, and fo 
 greatly affetted towards them; itihould be nothing elfe, but 
 to build upon the Quickfand, a Groundwork not fbrong enough 
 to fet fuch a Frame and Building upon. And 
 it is as true that they fay. That by the Tu- The'Govern- 
 mults of Ghent , I was chofen Goyernour of ment of Flan- 
 Flanders ; for it bewrayeth a very Ignorance ders offer'd to 
 of our Affairs: becaufe that the four Members the Ld Prince , 
 or Parts of that Province did chufe me, not and yet not 
 once, but fundry times ; and that not while accepted . 
 the Tumults lafted, but fince that the Matters 
 were well quieted : yea, and they themfelves have oftentimes 
 fued for it, both to me and to you, and yet at this prefent I 
 have not minded to accept it, 
 
 Alfo Ido not (my Lords) think it reafona- Of the Monys 
 ble to anfwer concerning the Means and Mo- levied by my 
 ny levied by you; and which, according to Lords the E- 
 your Advice, were govern’d under your Au- flutes , and 
 thority, by your Treafurers, CommilTioners, horv they were 
 and Receivers, without that I, or any of mine, diflributed » 
 did ever fee penny thereof. But if anv muft 
 
 L l 2 b$ 
 
5 i 6 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 be blam’d for it* it is the Enemy himfelf, who hath infbrc*4 
 you to ufe and feek means for your own Defence. And if he* 
 to the end he may execute mifcliief, exercife Tyranny; and 
 opprefs your Liberty, do beftow fo great and excefiive Charge 
 andExpences; why fhould not you beftow fome Coft, to do 
 good things, to reprefs the Tyrant, and to preferve your Pri-‘ 
 vileges and your Liberty, which cannot be valued? And if 
 the matter be, to give up all that we have, even to the utter -i 
 moft Farthing, and to the laft drop of our Blood ; what: 
 fhould we do, but that whereunto we are holden and bound * 
 and whereof we have in antient Hiftories fo many goodly 
 Examples, as well of Strangers, as of our brave and valiant 
 Predeceffors and Anceftors ? But fo far off it is, that we 
 fhould leave off, that on the other fide, feeing we fee that 
 which pricketh and provoketh them, that that is it which 
 we fhould take unto our felves, thereby to endeavour and to 
 encourage our felves to go forward. For to anfwer that which 
 he faith, that I have committed to prifon, and caus’d to be 
 llain, fome of them that gainfaid thefe Contributions; I fup- 
 pofe it is not needful to anfwer them to this, before you (my 
 Lords) who know that thefe are manifeft Slanders $ and who 
 know alfo, that I have been more blam’d for my over-great 
 Gentlenefs and Patience, in tolerating fundry wicked Perfons, 
 who by their Subtilties and fecret Praftices, hinder our Af¬ 
 fairs, than I have been accus’d of mine Enemy, for my Rigor 
 and HardneL. But if that which they objeti againft me 
 were true, there are fundry which fpeak at this day very high, 
 and for whofe fake the Threds and Snares have been cut: 
 and I do notwithftanding as yet not repent me, that I have 
 fo ufed them, but will always rejoice, that I have had a Mind 
 ready rather to receive Injury than do it; not doubting but 
 that God, who is a juft Judg, will bring upon the heads of 
 thefe traitorous and aifloyal People (who did eat Bread with 
 us, and were Partakers of our Counfels, and notwithftanding 
 at this prefent are in Counfel againft us) the Reward and 
 Recompence of their Wickednefs, as already Vengeance pur- 
 fueth them, with a perpetual Difquietude, Vexation, and 
 tolling of Spirit. 
 
 As concerning the Bufinefs or Matter which 
 The Negotia* the Lord of Seelies took upon him to deal for, 
 fm of the and which alfo was known to be full of Di&mu- 
 Ld of Seelies, lations and Deceits; to anfwer this, it apper¬ 
 tained to you (my Lords) who have fo wifely 
 difcover’d his Frauds, and who have caus’d him to underftand, 
 that thofe who have not feen Spain, are not for all that Beafts, 
 as he and fuch as he are, do fuppofe; To you, I fay, it be¬ 
 longed 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 517 
 
 tongeth to anfwer this, becaufethat this Accufation is direfted 
 agatnft you, I confcfs, that I was of the fame mind that you 
 are, that he was no more to be trufted, than a Beguiler and 
 Deceiver y and that he was to be taken, as an lnftrument 
 cbofen to bring all to Divifion and Diforder: upon which 
 point to refolve my felf, no man help'd me, fo much as he 
 himfeif. For in that he told me, that I was fo much in the 
 King's Favour, as that there was no Lord in thefe Quarters 
 of whom he had better opinion than of me, and whom he 
 would employ fo much as me: this made me more and more 
 to think, that they would gladly have taken away my Head 
 and Life, if I would have let it gone fo very cheap, as this 
 Fellow fo greatly attested to the Spaniards, would have per* 
 faaded me. 
 
 I confefs, I fay, that I was of the felf-fame opinion that 
 y011 were ; and that you have moft wifely refolv'd upon this 
 point, to wit, that according to the Example of that wife 
 Captain, you have Hop’d your ears agaiaft the Sirens or Mer¬ 
 maids of Spain. But what fay I, that I have been of this 
 Advice? Thofe miferable Men who have confented to this 
 curfed Profcription, have not they alfo refitted his Attempts 
 as well as I? The very felf-fame Magiftrates, who have 
 caus'd this Profcripfion to be publifh’d, have not they alfo 
 reje&ed the Lord ox Seelies, and all his trifling Tales? which 
 is fuificient enough to anfwer that which they 
 fay, concerning the changing of the Catholic £ Of The changing of 
 ficers. the Officers. 
 
 And would to God that I had had power, 
 or that by the Headlongnefs or Haftinefs of fome, I had not 
 been lett and hinder’d from procuring and performing fuch a 
 Change in every place : for then there had not follow’d fo 
 great a Flood of Evils, as flnee we have feen, by reafon of 
 the Disjun&ion and Difcord of the Provinces y which it is to 
 be fear'd, left it will daily more and more grow, to the ge¬ 
 neral Dettruttion of the Country : at the leaft I hope, that 
 if the Provinces, who have fo wickedly forfaken us, do not 
 repent them of fo great a Fault, they fheill perceive that there 
 was never any Man better corrected for wicked Counfel, 
 than they that have firft given the fame. And concerning 
 this point, I will not ftick at it to anfwer this Slander, that I 
 have, and that by my own private Authority, put into Charge 
 and Office the laid Officers; feeing that in every place, 
 where I have been alfiftant in the changing of the Law, I 
 have therein executed only that Charge and Office, which it 
 hath pleas’d you to give me, and that as your Commiflioner 
 gn 4 Deputy, doing nothing therein againft the Laws and Pri- 
 
 L 1 3 vijleges. 
 
518 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 vileges. Indeed I will confefs, that I fought as much as poll!* 
 bly 1 could, to bring in and to place in thefe Offiqes virtuous 
 People, honourable Perfonages, Men of good Confcience, 
 and above all Lovers of the Country. But I know what 
 wringeth and pricketh them, that isj that I did not willingly 
 favour thofe, whom they had in their own Cord, People with¬ 
 out Faith r without Godlinefs and Honefty towards their Coun¬ 
 try ; yea, bloody People, and Slaves to execute their Ty¬ 
 ranny. And this is that (my Lords) which thefe Men call 
 ‘Confulion, to wit, the good Rule and Government of our 
 Commonwealth, according to our Laws, which alfo are as 
 contrary to their barbarous Intents and Purpofes, as-the Day 
 is to the Night. And indeed (my Lords) there is no great 
 need to anfwer fuch Objections, feeing that our own Enemy 
 doth fufficiently anfwer them for us. For who were thefe 
 Officers, of whom they fay, we have difchargfd and unbur¬ 
 den’d our fclves ? They were (fay they) well ajfetfcd to the King. 
 Which is as much as if they fhould fay, they were Ene¬ 
 mies to the Country. And by this (my Lords) you under¬ 
 hand, that , it was very well done to change them in fundry 
 Places and Quarters. 
 
 They upbraid me, with the great Credit that I have amongtt 
 the People. So far off is it, that I am affiam’d of this, that I 
 am very forry that I have not as yet attain’d more ; that is 
 to fay, that I have not well known how to per- 
 Touching the fuade them to do that, whicli l have fo often- 
 Aathority of times fet before them, both by Word and 
 the Ld Prince Writing. For it is long time fmce, that I 
 among& the would, thro the Aid of God, have cleans’d the 
 people . Country from thefe Filths of Spain. But if 
 
 they be fuch as they fay they are, and that I 
 am fuch a one as they defcribe me to be (for to fhew them 
 fome pleafure, I will eafily grant them this point) they muff 
 of neceffity confefs, that their Tyrannies and Cruelties have 
 been wonderfully excelfive and outrageous in all forts, in that 
 they have incur’d fuch a general Hatred of all that People, 
 who before were fo well affe&ed, and have been fo loyal and 
 faithful to their Predeceffors, and even unto them, before 
 fuch Exceffes were committed: and on the other fide, that if 
 the People have willingly chofen me to be the Claimer and 
 Challenger of their Liberty, what other thing can men fay, 
 what ffiall the ftrange Nation fpeak, and what ffiall Pofterity 
 report, but this. That there was in me fomething worthy 
 of Favour and Friendffiip, and in them fomewhat worthy of 
 extreme Hatred ? I confefs then, that I am, and that I will 
 all my Life long be popular j that is to fay, that I will pur- 
 
 frf?, 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 519 
 
 fue, maintain, and defend your Liberty and your Privileges. 
 Thus you fee, how thefe wife Brains are utterly void of com¬ 
 mon Wit and Urtderftanding, and how that even then when 
 they blame me, they praife me. True it is, that five or fix 
 ill-advis’d Perfons gather’d together, being the Enemies of 
 your Liberty, whofe Counfels, Imaginations, and fecret 
 Thoughts, tend altogether to this; to feek out the ways to 
 make you fubjeft to their Tyranny, which Ihould be more 
 cruel, or at the lea ft more unworthy and more flavilh, than 
 that of the Spaniards hath been : that thefe Men, I fay, mea- 
 fure the Brain of all the world by the Ell of their own 
 Underftanding, and think that every one will condemn that 
 as evil, which they judg to be fo. But when the whole 
 matter fhill be weigh’d at the common Beam and Balance, 
 then they fhall find that they have greatly mifreckon’d them- 
 felves. For he whom they judg unworthy to live, that he 
 might profit the Commonwealth (for what other thing is the 
 Commonwealth than the Good of all the People) they will 
 make him, thro their own Folly, fo much the more ho¬ 
 nour’d, as the People themfelves will more efteem of him 
 who maintaineth them, than of him who would opprefs them. 
 
 I cannot alfo fufficiently wonder at that, 
 which they themfelves have here forgotten; The regard 
 yet fundry bafe, but wicked Writers, have that the lord 
 lyingly put down, in their fond Libels of De- Prince hath 
 famation againft me, to wit, That I hate Nobi - always had of 
 lity . For mall I begin this Hatred at my felf, Nobility, 
 my Kinsfolks, and Friends, who are (thanks 
 be to God for it) all defeendedof a noble and famous Race, 
 and that fo antient, and of fuch great Riches and Dignities, 
 that I am not afraid to affirm, that fundry of mine Enemies 
 cannot with any good right prefer themfelves before us, and 
 few among# them fhall be "found, that may be made equal 
 with us? But Experience hath declar’d, whether'X do not 
 that which is in my power for the Advancement of Noblemen. 
 Now, if I have long time ago forefeen, that certain ambi¬ 
 tious Heads (who finee that time haveforfaken us) would go 
 about to take poffeffion of certain Governments and Charges, 
 that fo they might afterward abandon the Country, and fal¬ 
 sify their Oath: if, I fay, I have known their*Lightnefs, 
 Vanity and Inconftancy, and their Affection alfo tending to 
 Tyranny, and therefore meant not to favour them, and fo 
 by that means I have help’d to preferve the better and the 
 greater, and the more found part of our Eftate; I. have not 
 for all that hated and defpis’d Nobility, but meant by good 
 Counfel to prevent the Deftruftion of the Counrry, which 
 
 L 1 4 might 
 
5 so The Jfology of the Prince of Orange* 
 
 might have follow’d. If their Fathers, who were more wife, 
 more valiant, and more vertuous than they, and with whom 
 I have liv’d in fuch good Friendfhip *, if, I fay, they were 
 now alive, they would die with grief, feeing their Stock, fo 
 much degenerating from the Conftancy and Vertue of their 
 Anceftors, who liv’d fo honourably and without reproach; 
 Ii they faw, I fay, that there is at this day no Country, where¬ 
 in they are not counted for inconftant People, and great 
 Coops-men; If they faw, even the Spaniards whom they ferve, 
 and the Cardinal (who is the Hinge, yea the Spindle where¬ 
 upon the Mill turneth) to play with them, as it were with 
 a Ball, to make them as it were little Children, to lead them 
 by the nofe like Bealls; and to uphold them, till it be time 
 to demand again their Pictures, Inllruments, 
 The Cardinal Tapeftry, and other Movables, which they 
 
 writeth to have taken away $ and even fo far, till they 
 
 Morillon, come to the point to be led to the daughter, 
 
 that it U not even as it appeareth hy his own Letters writ¬ 
 he* time to ten witfi hispwn Hand, which you (my Lords) 
 
 caufe Bourfe have feen and do know. If they faw thefe 
 
 and others to things, I fay, what would they then dp ? 
 
 yield an ac - And becaufe that mine Enemy (as tho he 
 count. did diilruft his own Authority, and that he 
 
 doubted whether the weight of his own Titles 
 would be fufficient to intrap me) proceedeth yet further* 
 and joineth the Emperor’s Authority to them, and the Credit 
 alfo of certain of my Lords the Eccleliaftical 
 The Treaty $f Ele&ors $ faying, That they had propounded fuch 
 Cologn. reafonable Articles , as every man of good Judgment 
 
 would deem them to be fuch : he knew not (in a 
 word, my Lords) to fpcak more than you. What, fay I you ? 
 Nay, than all the Inhabitants of thele Countrys, who did 
 with one voice refufe the faid Articles, as impertinent, cap¬ 
 tious, and unreafonable, being without Judgment, and void 
 of Reafon. But whom lhall they be able to perfuade, that a 
 People beaten with fuch long War (which cannot be without 
 a million of Inconveniences) would refufe a Peace, if it were 
 reafonable ? Or that good, yea very good Subjetls, and fuf- 
 fering very much, w°nM refufe to agree with their Superior, 
 except it be, when they fee that fuch Agreements are Baits 
 to catch them? Such a Peace is worfe than War, and fuch 
 fweet Hony of the Tongue is more to be doubted than the 
 fteely Edg of Swords, It may be, that the Emperor, who 
 thinketh l'uch a Condition and State to be fit in his own Lands 
 that come to him by Patrimony, holdeth an opinion that it 
 fhpuld be likewife proper and fit for us here. The Emperor 
 
 was 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 521 
 
 was advertis’d of our State by pur Enemies, and by the Trai¬ 
 tors which were amongft us ; who alfo under the colour of an 
 Embalfy to Colen, affay’d to deftroy all our Matters. The 
 Emperor inform’d other Princes, who trufted to his Report^ 
 thinking that that which came from this part, was an Ora- 
 cle. 
 
 But you ( my Lords) who know the depth of the State of 
 thefe Countries, the Commodities or Difcommodities, the 
 true Caufes of the upholding, or of the rum thereof; who 
 have alfo much to lofe therein; who alfo are bound by all 
 Laws to the Prefervation thereof, have otherwife judg’d of 
 thofe Articles: All the People was ask’d their Advice therein; 
 and they did all, with one Confent, rejeft thofe Cpnditions as 
 over-unreafonable: and this was done, not in one Town only, 
 but in all. True it is, that we befought the Emperor’s Ma- 
 jefty, the French King, the Queen of England , and the Ring of 
 Portugal, to intreat for us, that a good Peace might be 
 granted us: but to take that, as tho we had fubmitted pur 
 lelves unto them, we fuppofe not that any Wife man would 
 fo think. 
 
 And as concerning that forbidding, which they fay was made, con¬ 
 cerning the Publication of the /aid Articles: Your Patience and 
 Gentlenefs ought greatly to be prais’d, when you did not open¬ 
 ly and for an Example caufe fuch to be punilh*d,who were fo raft 
 as to publifh the fame without your leave : and fo far off is it, 
 that we fear’d the communicating, divul¬ 
 ging, and publifhing of them, that on the The Lord Prince 
 contrary fide, we caus’d them to be printed, hinder'd not the 
 with the Declarations of their infufficiency. Communicating of 
 and they were fent thorow all the Provinces the Articles of 
 and Towns, that they might be deliberated Colen to the Peo- 
 upon, and that the Advice and Refolution pie, 
 of all might be had. But there is great 
 difference between a thing communicated in order, by the 
 way of Right, and by the Authority of them, which have 
 power fo to do : and between this, that certain little Scouts 
 fhould privily caft amongft the People, certain little Pamph¬ 
 lets, as fome of them which were fent to Colen about your 
 Service, caus’d under-hand, and clofely to pafs forth thofe 
 things which they had negotiated, and treated of with the 
 Enemy, wherein they betray’d both you and the Country, as 
 more largely appeareth by their own Lttters; whereof I will 
 not fpeak any further, becaufe that all is fet abroad, and brought 
 tQ every man’s fight. 
 
 They 
 
5 $ a The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 Thef think the Union of the Provinces, 
 the 'Union of the made 1 at Utrecht, to be';wonderfully wicked 
 Provinces made at and evil. And why ■ fo*? Becaufe that all 
 the time of the fe* that which is* good fob us, is evil for them ; 
 partition of Artois .and that which is healthful for iis, is deadly 
 and Haynault. foe them. They had fet all their hope upon 
 a Difcord and Difagreement; and they had 
 provok’d thereto fame of the Provinces., who have had as 
 many. Deliberations and Counfels, as there are months in a 
 year : befides, they had at their Commandment certain pefti- 
 fent Fellows amongft its. What Remedy then could a Man 
 devife better againft Diflfeniion than Union ? And what Coun- 
 terpoifon more certain againft their Venom of Difcord, than 
 Concord? By means whereof, their Purpofes, their Treache¬ 
 ries, their Night-Counfels, their Secret Intelligences, were 
 all at one time fcatter’d abroad; God (who is the God of 
 Peace and Concord ) declaring thereby how much he hateth 
 Rich deceitful Tongues, and how he can eafily overthrow fuch 
 faife and abominable EnteTprizes. - 
 
 You fee (my Lords), that I give them a fair and large Field 
 .to cry- dilt againft me, and to fcorn at me. I confefs unto 
 them, that I have procur’d the Union ; that I have advanc’d 
 and promoted the fame *, that I have endeavour’d to main¬ 
 tain it; and I tell you (my Lords) yet, and I fpeakit very 
 plainly, and loud, that I like it well, that fo not only they, 
 but alio all Europe fhould underftand it. Maintain your Union; 
 keep your Union, but do it, but do it indeed (my Lords) that 
 fo you may execute, not in Words, nor by Writing only, but 
 in &?!M alfo, that which your fheaf of Arrows; tied with one 
 Banl only, doth mean ; which Sheaf you bear in your Seal. 
 Let them go now and accufe me, that I have brought all to 
 confuiion when. I procur’d the Union; for the doing of which 
 matter, I will never bluih. For if under the fhadow of a 
 peace, they would bring forth unto us a Divifion; if they 
 would affemble themfelves, one while at Arms , another while 
 at Moils, giving us always fair words ; and that to this end, 
 that they might funder themfelves from iis, and fo draw by 
 their Cords unto themfelves, light-headed Fellows like unto 
 themfelves: Wherefore ftiould it not be lawful for ns, on our 
 own behalfs, to join and tie our felves together? Unlefs (as 
 it may be) they think that they are permuted to do Evil, and 
 to abandon the Country: And when, 1 pray you ? Even when 
 Maeftricht was befieg’d'( Will not ye, O ye poor People, feel, 
 when ye fhall read thefe things, the hot Iron which fliall burn 
 your Confcience ?) and that it was not lawful for us then to do 
 good, and to heal the Country. Let us then here (my Lords) 
 
 learn 
 
The Afology of the Prince of Orange. 52^ 
 
 learn that which is profitable and neceffary for us to learn; 
 and let us learn it of the'greateft Enemy that ever the Coun¬ 
 try had, yea of the greatell Tyrant of the -whole Earnh. 
 
 They objeft unto me afterwards a horri¬ 
 ble Crime, and worthy forfooth of this more Concerning theVoy - 
 great Profcription, than that which was pro- age of the Lord 
 nounc’d by SyUa and Carboy that is, that 1 prince into Ove- 
 departcd not out of Antwerp for two years face, ryffel,An,i 5 &o. 
 and that I went to Utrecht. A Man may 
 eafily fee, that they know:very well what I do; as tho, that 
 to their very great dpripw and grief, I. had not in thofe two 
 years fpace teaveil’d twice. into blander x, where by the Aid of 
 the four Members^ Parts of that Province, I plac’d better 
 Order in the faid Country, than they would or wifh’d. But 
 go to ; let us grant That I did not for Qwo years fpace toge¬ 
 ther go out of Antwerp.: Was not this, .a great fault to be. aU 
 ways nigh unto you, that I might the better ferve you in 
 everything, which it pleas’d you to command me? But l 
 went to Vtrecht ; behold ( my Lords ) the Evil ; behold, the 
 Boil or Sore, for this is the Voyage that woundeth them, even 
 to the Heart. They had before-hand fo wifely purpos’d their 
 Matters ; they had laid fo fure a Foundation for their Affairs 
 and Bulinefs: they pleas’d themfelves fo much therein: they 
 writ thereof to their Friends: they held in.their hands fo ma¬ 
 ny Countries and Governments: they bad written fo many 
 Letters; and bad Us’d fo many Hirings, fecret Inticements, 
 and open Pra&ices, as they thought all to.be fure their own : 
 and yet I coming only to fhew my felf -a t Vtrecht, with the 
 good Afiiftance and Counfel of my Lords, the Deputies of the 
 Provinces; behold that great Mift or Fog was vanilh’d away ; 
 fo many Caftles as they had referv’d for their Tyranny, were 
 beaten down ; and fo many of our own Towns allur’d to us: 
 they having for all, no other thing left unto them, but one 
 only Town of Importance, wherein was the Captain of the 
 Enterprize: Which Town, notwithstanding he knew not 
 how to fubjeft to his Command, but by an abominable 
 Murder of one whom he call’d his Father; who the Evening 
 before had fat at his Table, he, as a Judat 9 dealing with him un¬ 
 der a falfe Rifs. And this (my Lords) is the Caufe that maketh 
 them cry fo loud, yea, this is the Helena for which they fight* 
 And as concerning that which they object 
 againft me, that I have driven out fame of the Touching the Pri efts 
 Lcclefiajiical Perfons or Church-men ; you (my driven out of the 
 Lords) know that this is not true. But when Country o/Friefe- 
 their Captain, who is in Groningen , had ta- land, 
 ken Prifoners fome of the Religion, and 
 
 had 
 
524 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 had murder’d otherfome; yea, the very Burgoraafter, and all 
 this, contrary unto his Oath ; having alfo be&re-time brought 
 in, and fworn unto, the New Religion (as they call it) and 
 having folemnly, and that with his Oath, and his Sign, and 
 bis Seal confirm’d the Union of Vtrccht , All thefe things con- 
 fider’d, who is he that will think it ftrange, if thofe on our 
 fide, meant what they could, on their own parts to affure them- 
 feives, feeing that they faw the Enemies, without any reve¬ 
 rence to their Oath taken, to tread under their feet all holy 
 and facred Things, and with fuch a perpetual Reproach to 
 them and their Race, to have violated and broken whatfoever 
 Juftice and Equity doth as yet remain in the World? And 
 this we may fay at the leaft, that no Man can juftly charge 
 ns, that in the midft of thofe Troubles, which our Enemies 
 themfelves have ftir’d up, that ever any of our fide proceeded 
 or came to fuch a heap of In juftice, as to wet their hands in 
 the Blood of thofe that were confederate to them, or of thofe 
 which ftay’d themfelves upon their Fidelities: which thing 
 their Captains have done, yea, and that with theijr own 
 hands. 
 
 Concerning certain Concerning the Nobles, which he faith, 
 Noblemen that de- have withdrawn themfelves out of the Country 5 
 farted out o/Frief- who is he which ever drove out fo much as 
 land. one of them? But if the Terrors of their 
 
 own Confciences have purfu’d them, and 
 that they have been vex’d by their own feeling, which (as it 
 were infernal and hellilh Furies) hath chas’d them from place 
 to place, who ought to be accus’d therefore, but only they 
 themfelves, who fecretly, difloyally and unfaithfully have prac¬ 
 tis’d the Deftruftion of their own Country ? And would to 
 God that they had (ooner felt this burden, and that they 
 which remain, and are overtaken with the like madnefs, might 
 follow them even at the heels ; fo (hould they deliver us from 
 great Travel, and the Commonwealth from Fear, left fome 
 one time or other they fhould execute their pernicious Pur- 
 poles. 
 
 It is a ridiculous and fond thing, that 
 The rounanefs and they call me Hypocrite, who never, in re- 
 plainnefs of the Ld fpett of them, have us’d any Diflimulation. 
 Prince . For while l was their Friend, I have freely 
 
 foretold them, that they twifted the Thread 
 of their own Deftru&ion, whilft that they attempted and took 
 thefe barbarous ways of perfecting. And if their Rage and 
 unmeafurable Heat, joyn’d with a contempt of us, had no® 
 hinder’d them from following my Counfel, they had not been 
 brought to that State, in which they are at this prefent. When 
 
The Apology of the Prime of Orange* 525 
 
 I was their Adverfary and Enemy for your Liberty, I know not 
 what Hypocrify they have found in me, unlefs they will call 
 this Hypocrify, to make open War upon them, to take Towns 
 from them, to drive them out of the Country; and without 
 diflembiing, to do againft them whatfoever the Law of War 
 fuffer’d me. But, if it pleafe you (my Lords) once again to 
 read my Defence, which I publifh’d three years ago, you fhall 
 fee there the Letters of a King, who is a Deceiver and an Hy¬ 
 pocrite, and who thought to catch me then in the Snare of his 
 fweet and deceivable Letters, as he fuppofeth at this prefcnt 
 to aftonilh me with his Threats and Thunders of Words; But, 
 thanks be to God, I have a Counterpoifon againft both the 
 one and the other Venom. 
 
 They proceed afterwards with a great 
 heap of foolilh Words to amplify this mat- The Lord Prince 
 ter, that I flay and ground my felf upon a certain accus'd of Dtffi- 
 Diffidence and Diflrufl . Tho I did fo, fliould deuce or Diflrujh 
 I be for all that, like unto Cain and Judas, 
 as he accufeth me ? No verily: For it is one thing to defpair 
 of the Promifes, and of the Grace of God, who cannot lie t 
 and another thing not to believe the Words of a fubtle and 
 deceitful Man, who keepeth not Faith or Loyalty, as the poor 
 Moors of Granada may fpeak too much thereof: And alfo, as the 
 Death of the Lords, the Counts of Egmont and Horne, of blef- 
 fed Memory, do give fufheient proof thereof. But if thefe 
 good Divines, fuch as the Cardinal is (who is one of the 
 Foundations of his Church) had thorowly founded for the true 
 and nigh Caufe of the Ruin and Fall of Judas and Cain , they 
 fliould have found, that it was Defpair, to which by the Grace 
 of God 1 have not been brought, and I hope never (hall be. 
 On the other fide, if Men would look upon the monftrous 
 and thundring Speeches which are us’d, in this not Barbarous 
 only, but more than Turkifh Profcription: lhall they not find 
 therein the very Stile of defperate perfons, fuch as we hear 
 the Poets ufe, when they bring in furious and mad Men ? 
 They then have the fear’d Confcience of Judas , the aftonifh ’4 
 Conscience of Cain, and the reprov’d Confcience of Saul . You 
 fee notwithftanding (my Lords) the great Wifdom of thefc 
 Wife Heads : Diffidence or Diftruft, fay they, is a common 
 thing to all wicked perfons. But I fpeak unto thee (O Car¬ 
 dinal) who haft fpent fo much time in the Schools j and I bid 
 thee tell me, whether thou call not this Learning, to wit, to 
 be from a man’s Youth inftru&ed to lie and deceive ? I de¬ 
 mand then of thee, what thou wilt anfwer to the moft ftrong 
 and fententious of all Orators, and to the greateft Lover of 
 his Country, wh® faith (as I have underftood it from my Youth 
 
ij2 6 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 by all learned Men ) that the greateft and fureft Fortrefs that 
 a free People can haye againft a Tyrant, is Diffidence and Di- 
 ftruft ? And this Speech was direded againft one call’d Phi¬ 
 lip, who had learn’d but a little Tyranny, in refpeft of thy 
 Lord Philip, who exceedeth all other Tyrants, and for whom 
 no Oration pronounc’d againft Philip is fufficiently worthy, 
 no not that, which' for the Excellency of it-is call’d Divine. 
 I know thou wilt advife and take counfel concerning this mat¬ 
 ter, and in the mean while I will fpeak, I will write, and I 
 will caufe to be ingrav’d in every place this notable Sentence, 
 worthy of eternal Remembrance : And would to God that I 
 might be better believ’d, - than that good Orator was amongft 
 his People, who fuftering themfelves to be bufied and abus’d, 
 by People like unto thy felf, and other fuch wretched work¬ 
 ers of Confufion (which are at thy Command, and have fet 
 on Sale their Tongues and Pens) were at the laft fnar’d, and 
 utterly brought to Confufion. But I hope (my Lords) better 
 things of your Constancy and Courage. 
 
 And as good Orators do always keep to-' 
 The Offers which wards the end fome ftrong and piercing 
 the Enemies fay Reafon j and as good Captains, leave their 
 have been made to beft Soldiers in the laft Ranks; fo thefe 
 the L . Prince , to skilful and fo much exercis’d Men, come at 
 caufe him to depart the laft to entangle and fnare me with the 
 out of the Country . weight of a great and grievous Reproach. 
 
 They have offer'd me (they fay) great Commodi¬ 
 ties , to the end that I might depart to the place where I was born , 
 where every one ought to dtfire mojl to Eve, to the which I meant not to 
 confent . What could they fay (my Lords) which might make 
 more for me than this? Confider, I pray you, their folly, or 
 their fhamelefnefs. For this muft needs be, either that they 
 fpeak lhamelelly, or elfe that they are fo void of good under- 
 ftanding, that they praife me, when they think to blame me.' 
 It is a p leaf ant thing for every one to live in his own Country : Where¬ 
 fore then doth this curfed Pvace of Spaniards go from Country 
 to Country, to torment and to trouble all the World ? But if, 
 in refpeft of fo many Bonds, as I am bound unto you by, I 
 prefer your Service ( as I ought) before the Country wherein 
 I was born: Am I therefore to be counted a Traitor, and a 
 wicked Man, and the publick Plague of the World ? And yet 
 notwithftanding you know, that ever fmce I was eleven or 
 twelve years old, I have been nouriftfd and brought up a- 
 mongft you, and not elfewhere, infomuch that this Country 
 is become as it were my natural Country. If then they, have 
 made me fundry Promifes ; if they have offer’d me ( as they 
 fay) great Commodities, and I have notwithftanding refus’d 
 
The Jpokgjt of the Prince of Orange. 527 
 
 tffe fame; what can they condemn in me, except it be my 
 Conliancy and Fiddlity/towards God anS.tfie Country, which 
 I have prefer’d befhre'al! th^ Goods in the World? Think 
 not (my Lords) that I l&ve to be to Continually occupy’d in 
 Travel and Labour, or'like to hear fo many wicked Speeches 
 and Slanders on ! the behalf of mine Adverfaries ; and (which 
 is more) that I would Hear them of them that ought to be my 
 FrieiidS, and are botthd Unto me ; or that I take delight to be 
 fo. long time depriv’d of my Goods ; to fee my Son fq long 
 kept in cruel Prifoh ; to behold my felf charg’d with fuch in- - 
 finite Debts, and yet fflould be able to put an end to fo great 
 Difficulties and Di ft relies, and would not; or that I ffiould 
 not be like unto other Men of the Earth, who all prefer 
 Quietnefs before Travel, and Profperity before Affliction. 
 But what ? If I cannot obtain fuch Blefiiiigs, and fo b Idled . 
 a condition without betraying you, without forfaking you, 
 without giving you over (as much as might be) for a Prey in¬ 
 to the Teeth of thefe bloody Wolves : Let the reft of the 
 World pardon me ( for I know that you approve me, and that 
 I need no excufe before you) if I will not, either for Goods, 
 or for Life, or for Wife, or for Children, mingle in my Drink 
 one only drop of the Poifon of Treafon. But fo long as it 
 fhall pleafe God to give me any drop of Blood, one peny worth 
 of my Goods, any Underftanding, Induftry, Credit and Autho¬ 
 rity, how fmall foever it be; 1 will imploy, I will dedicate, 
 and I will confecrate the fame wholly unto your Service. Not- 
 withftanding, feeing they upbraid me with fuch things, I will 
 yet tell you (my Lords ) that they have not done any fuch 
 thing, without borrowing fomewhat of the Truth, and going 
 beyond it alfo, according to their good Cuftom. For fuch 
 Offers as they fpeak of, were as yet never made me ; not but 
 that I have been well and furely advertis’d, that I could not 
 demand any thing in refpeCt of mine own particular, but that 
 they would yield the fame unto me; that they would promife 
 to fet my Son at liberty } to leave him all my Eftates ; to af-.. 
 fign unto me in Germany fo much Goods as I have here, as well 
 irv refpeft of that which I pofiefs, as of that which is held 
 from me; to difcharge me of my Debts, which are very great, 
 and to give me in ready Coin a Million of Money, and good 
 Aflurances'for all tliefe things. 
 
 Thefe be ( my Lords)* the goodly Offers which have eaftly 
 turn’d them afide, "wTiich are departed away from us. But fo 
 far off is^ it, that fuch Conditions were offer’d unto me, that 
 on the other fide, they never knew, either by the Letters of 
 the Emperor’s Ambaftador, or by his fecret Practices with fome 
 of my Servants, and fundry of my neareft Kinsfolks, or by 
 
 the 
 
528 The Apology of the Prime of Orange. 
 
 the Letters of the Commiflioners, how to get this only at hiy 
 hand, to wit, that I fhould fend ‘particular Articles, and that 
 in my own Name: But I have always anfwer’d, That if the 
 Peace might be concluded, as you ( my Lords) demanded it, 
 I fhould be fatisfied : I not minding to have any other con¬ 
 dition, either Good or Evil, than that which you accepted 
 of; nor yet minding, neither directly nor indirectly, to funder 
 nty felf from the common Caufe; upon which I did judg, that 
 either my Aiveriity, or my Prosperity, did depend. 
 
 Is not this a great fault to upbraid a Man with this, that 
 he is a good Man ? and that he is as much loyal, conftant, 
 and affur’d, againft all the Winds of fair Promifes, as by 
 God’s Grace he is againft all the Floods of cruel Threat- 
 nings ? 
 
 Hitherto ( my Lords) you have heard the A ecu rations, or 
 rather the Injuries, wicked Speeches and Slanders, which they 
 have gather’d together againft my Honour and Reputation. 
 It (hall belong to you (to whom only I think my felf bound, 
 by reafon of my Goods, of the ftate wherein they are, and 
 efpecially of my Oaths) to judg thereof as it fhall pleafe you: 
 for I do not refufe, if I be found culpable, to receive Punifh- 
 ment ; but if it fall out, as I hope it will, that you judg 
 that 'I am accus’d by Tyrants and Slanderers, then I fhall 
 efteem my mean, yet (notwithftanding) my moft loyal, and my 
 riioft faithful Service, to have been very well imploy’d. 
 
 N O W then ( my Lords) upon thefe frail 
 and weak Foundations, they come to 
 the Projection . build the Sentence of their Profcription ; and 
 here they lay out all their Tragical Eloquence; 
 they thunder ; they lighten; they ftorm and rage; they do as 
 the Corebx, or Furies do in Theatres; they dart out all exe¬ 
 crable Words, and fuch as have been kneaded in Cocyte , Styx> 
 and Acheron , againft this poor Captain. But this. Thanks be 
 to God, doth aftonifh me, as much as the Thunderings and 
 Lightnings of Pope Clement, thrown out of the Mount Farpeiw, 
 againft my Predeceffor, my Lord Prince Philebert , did aftonilh 
 him ; who ceas’d not for all that to make him his Prifoner. 
 For, after that I have look’d round about me, I find that they 
 are but Winds of Words and Noifes, to make Children afraid, 
 rather than a Man, who thorow God’s goodnefs hath not loft 
 his Courage; for the roarings of all their Canons, nor for 
 their four!core thoufand Soldiers, who were always at the 
 Duke of Alva his Command; nor yet for fo many Armies by 
 Sea; nor yet for fo many Treafonsof the laid Duke, or of 
 his Succeffor againft me; nor for theTreafons of the DucchsD 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. J29 
 
 of Parma, who was before them: ; and yet notwithftanding, this 
 was indeed a more fearful thipg, than a vain Noife of fuch a 
 great Thunder, which fo quickly vanilh’d away, and hurt no 
 Man. And it i? fufficient for nie fhortly to fay before you 
 ( my Lords) and before all Europe , that every Spaniard , or every 
 one that favoureth the Spaniards , of what quality or condition 
 foever he be (I refpeft not now any man’s Perfon) who hath 
 faid, or fhall fay, ( as this infamous Pro- 
 fcriptioh hath publilh’d it) that I am a Trai- The Anfwer of the 
 tor , and a wicked Man ; that he fpeaketh fa 1 fly, Lord Prince , to the 
 and againft the Truth. In the mean while. Sentence of Pro- 
 let them forbid me as long as they will both feription. 
 
 Fire and Water, I, together with my Friends, 
 will not leave off for all that, even in defpite of their Rage, 
 to live as long as it ihall pleafe God to give us Grace: For 
 God only hath in his power, my Life and my Death, and hath 
 number’d all the hairs of my Head ; whofe great Favour and 
 Afliftance I have felt, even until this prefent time, and I hope 
 that he will preferve me even unto the end. As concerning 
 the Goods which I poffefs, which alfo he giveth away ( for 
 hitherto he hath been fo good a Husband, that he will give 
 nothing of that which he hath violently taken from me) I hope 
 ( God aiding me) that it Ihall coll them fo dear to have them, 
 that they may get others elfewhere far better cheap. As con¬ 
 cerning my other Goods, which he keepeth from me, I hope 
 that God will give me grace, as well to difpoffefs them there¬ 
 of wholly, as I have already done of a good part; and that 
 they have never violently taken Goods from any poor Prince 
 (albeit that they have fpoil’d fundry thereof) which Ihall lie 
 and weigh more heavy upon them. 
 
 He promifeth five and twenty thoufand Crowns , either in Lands , 
 or in ready Money, to him that fliall yield me up into his cruel hands, 
 dead or alive , or to him which jhall take my life from me. But al¬ 
 beit, there hath heretofore no publication been made of fuch 
 a matter, until this prefent time : thinketh he that I am igno¬ 
 rant, how oftentimes lie and his have bargain’d with Murder¬ 
 ers and Poyfoners, to take away my Life from me ? And if 
 God have fhew’d me fuch grace, as to make me able to pre¬ 
 ferve. my felf, even then when I was not advertis’d of any 
 fuch danger ; I hope that he will not Ihew me lefs favour at 
 this time, wherein I am admonilh’d, but rather, that as I have 
 great occaflon to look unto my fclf, fo he will ftir up fundry 
 good and vertuous Pepple, who Ihall watch for my affurance 
 and fafety. But albeit, that I know not in the World any 
 impudence fo lhamelefs, which may be compar’d with the Im¬ 
 pudence of the Spaniards: notwithftanding,.! cannot fulficiently 
 
 Mm marvel, 
 
5 jo The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 marvel, that they have been fo fhamelefs, as to dare to publifh, 
 before all Europe, not only that they fet a Price upon a frank 
 and free Captain, who (thanks be to God for it ) did as yet 
 never fear them; but alfo, that they annex thereunto fuch 
 Recompences and Rewards, yea, and thofe fo barbarous, and 
 fo eftrang’d from all Rule of Honefty and Humanity, as the 
 like hath not been heard of; That is to fay, in the fir ft place, 
 that they will make him Noble, if he were not noble before , who fljall do 
 fo Gentleman-like, or fo noble an aft. But, I befeech you, fuppofe 
 that he which fhould execute fo wicked an aft, ( which thing 
 I hope God will never fuffer) were of a noble Race and Stock 5 
 think you, that there is any Gentleman in the World, I mean 
 amongft the Nations which know what Nobility is, who would 
 fo much as eat with fo wicked, ungodly, and mifchievous a 
 Man, who for Money fhould kill another Man, yea, tho he 
 were the leaft, and the moft abjeft perfon that could be 
 found ? 
 
 Now, if the Spaniards account fuch people for Noblemen ; 
 and if this be the way to come to Honour in Caflile and Spain , 
 I will no more wonder at that which all the World believeth; 
 to wit, that the greatelt part of the Spaniards , and efpecially 
 thofe that count themfelves Noblemen, are of the Blood of 
 the Afoors and Jews, who alfo keep this vertue of their Ance- 
 ftors, who fold for Ready-mOney, down told, the Life of our 
 Saviour ; which thing alfo maketh me to take patiently this 
 injury laid upon me* In the fecorid place, they pardon him everf 
 offence and fault, how grievous foever it might be. But what if he 
 had pull’d up the Chriftian Religion out of one of his King¬ 
 doms ? what if he had ravifh’d his Daughter ? what if he had 
 fpoken evil of the Inquifition, which is the greateft Crime 
 that can be in Spain ? fhould he be pardon’d ? But, feeing 
 mine Enemy me^nt fo far to forget himfelf, that he would at' 
 tempt to take away my Goods, my Life, and mine Honour; 
 and that he might have more Witneffes of his Injuftice and 
 Follies, to publifh it fo throughout the World, and that in fo, 
 many Languages, I could not very well defire, in refpeft of 
 moft great advantage unto my felf, that he fhould have en¬ 
 rich’d and adorn’d this his Profcription with any other Or¬ 
 naments than thefe very fame ; to wit, that for killing of me, 
 he fhould make noble, not only Villains and infamous Per¬ 
 sons, but alfo the moft wicked, and the moft execrable People 
 of the whole Earth; and to give fuch a great, yea fo honour¬ 
 able a Reward, to fo notable a Vertue. For what could be 
 found out more fit, to juftify my Righteoufnefs and Innocency, 
 than to go about to root me out by fuch means ? and then this, 
 to carry a Mind by Tyranny, Impoifonings, forgiving of grie¬ 
 vous' 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange, 
 
 tons Crimes, making of wicked Men noble, and fuch like, tb 
 opprefs the Defender of the Liberty of a People that is Cruelly 
 and tyrannoufly vex’d. 
 
 I doubt not (my Lords) but that God, who is juft, hath 
 taken from him and his all Lnderftanding ; and that he hath 
 faffer’d him to declare and fet out to all the World matter 
 enough, whereby they may know his poyfonful Heart againft 
 this Country, and againft our Liberty, in as much as he ma- 
 keth no account of any aft, how Wicked and deteftable foever 
 it may be, in refpeft of the Death of him, who hitherto hath 
 fo faithfully ferv’d you. And further, he is not afham’d to 
 mingle with fuch Sacrileges as thefe are, the Name of God,' 
 calling himfelf bis Minifter or Officer. Hath the Officer then 
 this Power, not only to permit that Which G6'd hath forbid¬ 
 den *, but alfo to reward it with Money, or Money-worth, with 
 Nobility, and the forgivenefs of Offences ? And w ; at Offen- 
 tes or Crimes I pray you ? Verily of all Crimes, how grievous 
 foever they can be; But I doubt not, but that God, through 
 his moft juft Judgment, will caufe to come down the juft Ven¬ 
 geance of his Wrath upon the Captain and Head of fuch Mi¬ 
 nisters and Officers ; and that on the other lide, he will of his 
 great Goodnefs maintain mine Innocency and mine Honour 
 lo long as I live, and amongft my Posterity after me. And as 
 concernng my Goods and my Life, it is a long time finee that 
 I dedicated them to his Service ; and I know that he will do 
 therewith whatfoever he fhall fee to be good, for his oWn Glo- 
 fy, and for my Salvation. 
 
 And becaufe (my Lords) he proceeded alfo to bring the 
 Drops of this infamous Profcription upon your Heads j fo far 
 Off is it, that you fhall be mov’d therewith, that ye ffiould ra¬ 
 ther think, that herein the Spaniard and his Adherents follov/ 
 the natural difpofition of Women, who, after that they have 
 Wept, fcratch’d and bitten, do for their laft Remedy and Re¬ 
 fuge, come to Injuries and Revilings: and even fb doth your 
 Enemy now yield ciit his laft Barkings; and if we give them 
 proof of our Conftsncy, Refblution and Courage, behold they 
 are at the laft of their miferable and wretched Enterprizes* 
 For Sytta , Carbo , M(trw y Antoniw , and fuch other Tyrants, the 
 firft Fathers of thefe abominable Profcfiptiohs, never gaVe 
 Example to the Spaniards , to commit fuch Folly and Beaftli- 
 ftefs ; albeit, that they have trac’d out before them that Ex¬ 
 ample of Cruelty and BarbarouTnefs, which thefe miferable 
 Wretches have accomplifli’d and perform’d: But they pro¬ 
 scrib’d fuch only as were Fugitives, driven away, hidden, in] 
 Secret, and that within the Countries over, which' they bad 
 Pb$er and Authority; And thefe Men are like tfnto’ them* it? 
 
 H in 2 j 
 
5 J2 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 this, that is to fay, in Cruelty, becaufe they profcribe good, 
 vertuous, and honourable Perfonages: but yet in this point 
 they fhew themfelves fottifh and foolifh, that they profcribe 
 him, whom they fhould fight againft with an armed Power. 
 For to fend a Poifoner, as the Dutchefs of Parma fent one $ 
 or to fend a Murderer, as her Son, the general Heir of the 
 Vertuesof his Anceftors, did : this is not the Effe& of a Pro- 
 fcription, but of Bribery, and Thievery rather. 
 
 Behold, my Lords, not what I am able to fay, againft this 
 tyrannous Proscription, but what I have thought meet for 
 this time : fpeaking unto you, who have the knowledg of fun- 
 dry things that I omit, becaufe they are known unto you, 
 and becaufe alfothat if I would attempt to fpeak of the par¬ 
 ticular Enterprifes of the King, and of his chief Officers, I 
 fhould affay to do that, which no Orator is fufficiently able 
 worthily to defcribe ; yea, that which no good Man was ever 
 able to conceive: fo great is their Cruelty, Tyranny, and all 
 manner of unjuft Dealing. Notwithftanding I hope, that as 
 well by the matter contain’d in this Profcription (which is a 
 fufficient Teftimony of their over-bafe and abjeft Courage) 
 as by my Anfwer, you fhall fufficiently know, what are their 
 pernicious Purpofes and miferable Attempts: and by this 
 Knowledg you lhall alfo learn, what it is neceffary for you to 
 caff your eye upon, and diligently to underftand ; that is, 
 that they defpair that ever they fhall be able to vanquifh 
 you by Force, and therefore they affay to fow Divifion a- 
 mongft us, magnifying chiefly thofe, who have not only for- 
 faken us againft their Oath, but even have left us in peri¬ 
 lous Times, and namely whilft that one of our Tqwns was 
 befieg’d : whereof they are not able to make any juft Com¬ 
 plaint, nor alledg their accuftom’d Pretext and Cloke; yea, 
 (which alfo is the Heap of all Difloyalty and Unfaithfulnefs) 
 at the very fame time they come to affault us in other Places 
 and Quarters. As for the Threats annex’d in this Profcrip¬ 
 tion, they tend to no other end but to aftonifh you, to the 
 end you might feparate your felves from me 5 and plainly to 
 declare, that they make war againft me, and not againft you, 
 even as the Wolf would perfuade the Sheep, that he had 
 not war with any but with the Dogs, which being once dif- 
 comfited, he would eafily agree with the Flock of Sheep ; for 
 the Dogs were always the Authors of their Debate and Com¬ 
 bating. But, my Lords, tho I were abfent, tho I were de¬ 
 parted into Germany , would they burn no more? Would they 
 fpill no more Blood? Would they drown no more? Was 
 the Liberty of the Country maintain’d by that gentle and 
 fluid Man the Duke of Alva ? Did they not then wickedly 
 
 put 
 
The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 5 } J 
 
 put to death in Spain your own Ambaffadors, my Lords of 
 Bergu.es and of Montigni ? Did they not at the fame time fet 
 before your eyes, upon Spears and Lances, the Heads of your 
 principal Captains and Governours ? The .other Point, 
 which they moft fet before them, is the Extirpation of Reli¬ 
 gion. I mind not here, my Lords, to enter into this Queftion, 
 which is the true Religion, wherein God is truly ferv’d and 
 call’d upon, and that according to his Word ; but leave it 
 rather to be declar’d by others, more exercis’d in that mat¬ 
 ter t£an I: and yet fo, that every one may know by my 
 Profeffion, what I believe concerning the fame. But this I 
 cannot cliufe but tell you, that fuch is the Eftate of your 
 Country, that without the Exercife and free Ufe of the faid 
 Religion, it cannot ftand three days. You fee the number of 
 them that profefs it marvelloufly increas’d; you fee that Ha¬ 
 tred againft the Pope is inrooted deeply in the Hearts of all 
 the Inhabitants of the Country, becaufe that his damnable 
 Practices againft this whole Eftate are manifeftly difcover’d. 
 
 Who is he then that can boaft that he loveth the Country, 
 and would give Counfel to drive away fuch a great number of 
 People, which once departing, fhall leave the Country wafte, 
 poor, andmiferable ; and (hall people and inrich the ftrange 
 Nations about us? But fuppofe that they will not depart, or 
 void the Country, who is he that can inforce them fo to do ? 
 Let us look upon our Neighbours; let us confider our own 
 Examples, and if we be not utterly void of Wit and Under- 
 ftanding, we will never chufe fuch pernicious and hurtful 
 Counfels, as (hall utterly, even from top to toe, bring to ruin 
 and deftru&ion this Eftate. I will yet fay fomewhat more 
 unto you, my Lords, that albeit that amongft them which 
 follow the Roman Church, there are fundry good People, and 
 Lovers of their Country ^ and that amongft them there are 
 foraealfo, which have moft honourably acquitted and behav’d 
 themfelves: yet notwithftanding thofe of the Religion are 
 very well affur’dof this, that there lhall never be found any 
 amongft them, who hath had Intelligence, or made any 
 practice with the Enemy, but all of them generally have been 
 contrary unto him. And albeit that fome have been found 
 amongft them, who being like unto wanton and proud Chil¬ 
 dren, have brought, thro their Unheeiincfs, fome trouble 
 into the Houfe*, yet for all that, they have not had any 
 dealing with the common Enemy. Seeing then, my Lords, 
 that you know their Purpofes and Attempts, there refteth no 
 other thing but this, that you do in time provide for them, 
 and labour what ye can to redrefs the fame. And how (hall 
 this be perform’d ? Forfooth by this means, that ye perform 
 
 Mm 3 iu 
 
•534 The Apology of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 ia.efFeft that which ye have always in your mouth; and tha£ 
 which the Mark of your Sheaf of Arrovys fignifieth, wlucli 
 it hath pleas’d you to have graven in your Seal : th f at is to 
 fay, that no Member of this goodly Body refpeft that which 
 is his own, but regard fhe whole Body altogether ; that fome 
 pnepartof the Body take not unto it felf that Meat which 
 is prepar’d for the whole, But that it fuiFer the Stomach 
 (which is the Council that ye (hall ordain and appoint) to 
 concofi anddigeft the fame, and to fend it by the Veins tp 
 all the Members pf this Eftate ; and fpecially, that where- 
 foever any Difeafe or Sicknefs fhall appear, the Phyfioians 
 fhould fpeedily be lent thither, and' that the Patients (hould 
 Quietly'bear for a time the Miferies upon them, that fo they 
 may feel at the length a joyful Deliverance from their Dip 
 eafe and Evil. Shall not this be a juft Reproach upon us and 
 ours for ever, if that, having fo glorious an Eftate under our 
 power, and fo goodly means for our Defence, we do, thro 
 a miferable Covetoufnefs and greedy Delire to get unto our 
 fclves fome Commodities, and that with the prejudice and 
 hurt of our Country-men and Friends, whilft fome draw one 
 way, and fome another; if we do, I fay, find our felves, and 
 that in a moment, fnar’d and overwhelm’d by our deadly Ene¬ 
 mies? Remember, my Lords, I pray you, the very great 
 diminifhing and weakning of this Eftate, which came to pafs 
 after the Death of Duke Charles, which fell upon us for no 
 other thing, but becaufe that while the Provinces bufied 
 themfelves, to contend and tp fight againft one another 
 for certain pretended Privileges, and for certain Commodities, 
 the reft was abandon’d and forfaken. Think not that it is in 
 my power (the Affairs and Matters being in fuch Condition 
 as they are) any long time to refill: the Enemy with fuch 
 fmall and (lender means, as you (my Lords) know that I 
 have had in my hand and poffeffion. But on the other fide, 
 if I have any Experience or Pra&ice of Government and 
 War ; if I know this Country, and the Means that the Ene¬ 
 my hath, tho that all the Armies and Powers, which they 
 threaten fhall come the next Year out of Spain and Italy, 
 fhould come upon us and our Powers, they fhall do no more, 
 but much iefs rather, than the Duke of Alva did in Holland 
 and Zeland, And if it be in your power to take order for 
 this (as it is indeed)' and yet notv/ithftanding ye do it not; 
 by what name fhall a man call this Fault, if it be committed 
 by you, my Lords, who are here affembled, and upon whom 
 all the good People of this Country ftay themfelves, efteeming 
 you as their Bathers and their Prqtettqrs, who will alfq wil¬ 
 lingly embrace, as fome joyful News fent from Heaven, any 
 
The Jpology of the Prince of Orange, 5^5 
 
 good Order which you (hall decree and eftablilh ? Where¬ 
 fore take pity of your felves ; and if that which concerneth 
 your felves move you not, yet take pity, I pray you, of fo 
 many poor People already deftroy’d, and more like to be ; 
 of fo many poor Widows and fatherlels Children ; of fo many 
 Murders and Slaughters, committed within the Bowels of 
 your own Country *, of fo many Churches deftroy’d; and of 
 fo many Paftors wandering up and down, together with their 
 poor Flocks. Set before you that cruel and barbarous Execu¬ 
 tion committed at Nivelk, by the Count of Mansfeld . Which 
 things you may eafily avoid, and caft all the Evil and Mif- 
 chief of this War up$n the Enemy, if only you remove Par- 
 tialitys and Partakings, and with one Courage and Heart, as 
 it were, employ 1 together all the means that you have, with¬ 
 out (paring, I fey, not the bottom of your Purfes, but that 
 which aboundeth therein. 
 
 And as concerning that which particularly toucheth my 
 felf, you fee (my Lords) that it is this Head that they feek 
 for, the which by fuch a Price, andfo great a Sum of Mony, 
 they have vow’d and appointed to death; and fay, that fo 
 long as I (hall be among you, the Wars (hall have no end. 
 Would to God, my Lords, either that my perpetual Banifli- 
 ment, or elfe my very Death it felf, might bring unto you 
 U found and true Deliverance from fo many Mifchiefs and Ca« 
 lamities, as the Spaniards (whom I have feen fo many times 
 deliberate in Council, devife, and (peak of particularly, and 
 whom I know within and without) do devife againft you, 
 and prepare for you. O how fweet (hould this BaniOiment be 
 unto me? O how delightful (hould this Death be unto me? 
 For wherefore is it, that I have given over, yea loft all my 
 Goods? Is it to enrich my felf? Wherefore have I loft 
 mine own Brethren, whom I lov’d more than mine own Life? 
 Is it that I might find fome other elfewhere? Wherefore 
 have I fo long time left my Son a Prifoner ; my Son, I fay, 
 whom I ought fo much to defire, if I be a Father? Is it be- 
 caufe you are able to give me another, or becaufe you are 
 able to reftore him to me again? Wherefore have 1 put my 
 Life fo oftentimes in danger ? What other Recompence, 
 what other Reward, can I look for, of my long Travels, 
 which have come upon me for your Service fake, even fo far, 
 that they have brought upon me old Age, and the Ruin and 
 Lofs of all my Goods, except it be to purchafe and to pro¬ 
 cure you Liberty, and that, if need be, with the Price of 
 my Blooi ? If you therefore, my Lords, do judg, either 
 that my Abfence, or that my very Death it felf, may ierve 
 you, or ftand you ii) any ftead, behold I am ready to obey; 
 
 ¥ m 4 command 
 
ttf 6 The Apology of the\Prince of Orange. 
 
 c ommand me, yea fend me even to the world’s end, and I 
 will obey you. Behold my Head, over which no Prince or 
 Monarch hath any power, fave you only; difpofe thereof, as 
 (hall make moft for your own Good, and for the Health and 
 Prefervation of your Commonwealth. But if you judg, that 
 this mean Experience and fmall Diligence that is in me, and 
 which I have attain’d by fo long and fo continual Travel: 
 if you judg that the Remainder of my Goods, and that my 
 Life it felt, may as yet ferve you (as indeed I do wholly 
 dedicate and confecrate the fame unto this Country) refolve 
 then upon the Points which I propound unto you and fet 
 before you. And if you think that I bear any Love to the 
 Country, and that I have any Sufficiency in me to give Coun- 
 fel, believe that this is the only mean to allure, yea to deliver 
 our felves from the Enemy. This being done, let us with 
 one Heart and Good Will go together, and let us together 
 embrace the Defence of this good People, which demandeth 
 nothing elfe but to have good Counfels laid open before 
 them, nor defireth any thing elfe but to follow the fame: 
 And this doing, if you yet continue towards me the Favour 
 which heretofore you have born me, I hope by your Aid and 
 God’s Grace (which I have fo often heretofore felt, and that 
 in very perplexed and doubtful Matters) that that which 
 lhall be refolv’d upon by you, (hall be for the Good and Pre¬ 
 fervation of your Selves, your Wives and Children, and all 
 Sacred and Holy Things. 
 
( 5?7 ) 
 
 The Prince of Orange’* Letter to the Efiates. 
 
 To my Lords the EJIates General. 
 
 Y O U have known, my Lords, by my Life pa ft, and by 
 my Behaviour, that I never minded to anfwer to any 
 Libels of Defamation, which certain Slanderers had publifh’d 
 againft me ; infomuch as if the Quality and Greatnefs of 
 the Wrong, which hath been done againft me by the Pro- 
 fcription that the King of Spain hath caus’d to be publifh’d, 
 
 I had not as yet proceeded fo far, efpecially had it not been 
 that the Maintenance of mine Honour had requefted the 
 fame of me, as I have more largely laid out the fame in 
 my Defence, which I have presented unto you. Since which 
 time, there is come into my hands a Letter very falfe and 
 counterfeit by mine Enemy, which they fay they intercepted., 
 and I fent to my Lord the Duke of Anjou, or (as they fay) 
 to the Duke of Alanfon , whereof fome Perfonages amongft: 
 them, and that of great Quality' alfo, have fent Copies, as 
 well to certain Towns of our fide, and amongft us, as to fun- 
 dry ftrange and foreign Princes. This Letter, my Lords, is 
 fo fondly written (whether a Man regard the Stile thereof, 
 or will refpeft the matter therein contain’d, which by the 
 bare reading thereof fufficiently bewrayeth that there is not 
 in it anyfhewof Truth) that fuch an impudent Device de- 
 ferveth no Anfwer: as alfo, God be prais’d, there is not found 
 a Man amongft us, which is any whit at all mov’d therewith. 
 On the other fide, every Man hath known, that they had no 
 other meaning hereby, but by fuch Mifts and Smokes to 
 darken the Brightness, by which their miferable and per¬ 
 nicious Intent againft this Country hath been difcover’d by 
 the Letters of Cardinal Grandville and others, which you have 
 commanded to be printed, after that you knew their Hands, 
 
 . their Signs, and their Seals; and withal thereby to take unto 
 themfelves an occafion and matter to call: up and fpew out 
 (according to the manner of fhamelefs Women) flanderous 
 and wicked Speeches, full of lying. But fo far off is it, that 
 by this means they have (in refped of me) obtain’d that 
 which they pretended, that on the other fide they have done 
 me great pleafure, in publilhing fuch Follies; becaufe that 
 thereby they do more and more juftify and verify my De¬ 
 fence ; 
 
$38 Prince of Orang £s Letter to the Eflates. 
 
 fence: fufficiently proving themfelves to be lhamelefs Lyars, 
 moft impudent Slanderers, and moft fond Falfifiers, which 
 ferveth more and more to juftify (as I have faid) mine Inno* 
 eency, and to give Approbation to all my A&ions. For 
 feeing that all Men know, that this fhould be the beft News 
 that they could receive or hear of, that I would forfake the 
 Country, and leave it to them ; I offer’d them (my Lords) 
 and you under my Honour do promife them to accomplifh it, 
 if they be able to prove in your Prefence, that I have at 
 anytime written, or commanded to be written, or fent fuch 
 a Letter, that prefently I will depart the Country, and with¬ 
 draw my felf from it, without ever fetting my felf againft 
 them: And I promife them, even upon a fimple or bare Re? 
 gueft, to fend them fuch Paffports and Safe-condutts, and 
 they alfo pen’d in fuch order, as either they can or will de¬ 
 mand. But yet this lhall be with this Condition, that if 
 they will not accept this fo reafonable an Offer, all they 
 Who have been the Authors of fuch a Writing, or who have 
 publifh’d it, or who have fent it into the Towns amongfl us, 
 or to foreign Princes and ftrange Countrys, lhall be held for 
 Lyars, Slanderers, and wicked Speakers, as indeed fuch 
 they are. 
 
 Given at Delft the 2<,th of January 1581, 
 
( 5 ?? ) 
 
 -—---:-rr-- 
 
 A Copy of the Letter which my Lord the Prince of 
 Orange fent unto the Kjngs and Potentates of 
 Christendom. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 I Doubt not, but that your Majefty hath been advertis'd of 
 a certain Profcription, which the King of Spain hath ap¬ 
 pointed to be publifh’d againft me, becaufe he hath caufed 
 the fame to be fpread abroad in all Languages, and hath fent 
 it alfo into divers quarters of Chrifiendoiji. I and all my very 
 good Friends haye thought, that I could not fufficiently de- 
 iend mine Honour (which I am advis’d and purpos’d not to 
 hazard or indanger for any thing) but by fetting a juft De¬ 
 fence againft this unjuft Profcription. In regard whereof, I 
 haye prelented unto my Lords, the Eftates of thefe Countries, 
 my Anfwer: which Anfwer alfo (for the maintenance of my 
 Honour and Reputation amongft the Princes and Potentates 
 of Europe, who in refpeft of their Preheminences and Digni¬ 
 ties are the Succours of poor Princes and diftreffed Noble¬ 
 men) I have been bold to fend unto them, and to you. Sir, 
 particularly; moft humbly befeeching your Majefty, that after 
 you have feen it, you would yield like Judgment thereof, as 
 it hath pleasM my Lords the Eftates, who have been moft 
 faithful Witneffesof all my Actions, to do, and to efteem and 
 judg thereof alfo (as it fhall pleafe your Majefty to take know- 
 ledg of it) by their Advice and Counfel, which alfo is an¬ 
 nex’d to my faid Defence. And becaufe. Sir, your Majefty 
 may think it ftrange, that the King of Spain having hereto¬ 
 fore violently taken from me all my Goods, after that I had 
 put my Governments into the hands of the Dutchefs of Par - 
 tna , then the Governefs of this Eftate, and had withdrawn 
 my felf into the Country of Germany , the Place of my Nati¬ 
 vity, where I kept my felf peaceably among my Brethren^ 
 Kinsfolks, and Friends, as alfo I had fully purpos’d fo to con¬ 
 tinue : and that having at the fame time convey’d or carry’d 
 away from the Schools my Son the Count of Bueren , and both 
 contrary tp the Privileges of the Country, and againft his 
 own Oath, caufmg him to be carry’d Prifoner into Spain , 
 where he is £s yet cruelly kept faptive; and befides, having 
 procur’d me to be condemn’d to death, by the Duke of Alva 
 his ov/n Officer. Becaufe, I fay, your Majefty may think i% 
 
 ftirange. 
 
54© The Prince of Orange’s Letter 
 
 ftrange, that for all thefe Reafons (which were neverthelefs 
 very great and weighty) I have not hitherto publifh’d any 
 Defence, which was direded to the faid King, or might di- 
 redly concern him: which thing notwithftanding I do at this 
 prefent, and declare thereby, that the Faults wherewith the 
 King of Spain mindeth to charge me, belong unto himfelf. 
 I do therefore moft humbly befeech your Majefty, Sir, that 
 before you judgof this my Writing, you would confider the 
 Quality both of the Crimes and Faults, wherewith I am 
 charg’d by this Profcription, and alfo the Quality of mine 
 own Perfon. For if the King of Spain was content to with¬ 
 hold from me my Son and my Goods, which he hath in his 
 poffeffion, and further to offer (as at this prefent he doth) five 
 and twenty thoufand Crowns for my Head, and to promife 
 to make fuch noble as fhould murder me, and to pardon them 
 alt the Faults whatfoever that they could have committed 
 before that time : no man fhould think it evil in me, that I 
 have attempted by all the means I could (as indeed hereto¬ 
 fore I have done) to preferve my felf and mine, and to ena¬ 
 ble my felf what I could, to enter again into that which is 
 mine own; and that I have follow’d that Order and Courfe 
 of Life that I have done. But further, the King of Spain 
 ' having all the world thorow publifh’d, that I am ^ public 
 Plague, an Enemy of the World , Unthankful, Unfaithful , a Traitor , 
 and awic\edPerfon\ thefe are fuch Injuries, Sir, that no Gen¬ 
 tleman, no tho he were of the bafeft of the King of Spain’s 
 natural Subjeds, can or ought to endure: Infomuck, Sir, that 
 tho I were one of his iimpleand abfolute Vaffals, who oweth 
 Homage unto him by Honour, yet fo it is, that by fuch a 
 Sentence, and fo unjuft in all and every part thereof (I alfo 
 having been by him fpoifd of my Lands and Lordfhips, in 
 refpett of which I fhould heretofore have taken an Oath unto 
 him) I might have held my felf abfolv’d and free from all 
 my Bonds towards him, and have affay’d alfo (which thing 
 even Nature hath taught every one) by all the means I could 
 to maintain mine Honour, which ought to be to me and to 
 all Noblemen more dear than Life and Goods. Notwith¬ 
 ftanding, feeing it hath pleas’d God to fhew me this great 
 Grace, that I am born a free Lord, not holding of any other 
 but of the Empire, as do the Princes and other free Lords 
 of Germany and Italy: and further, feeing that I bear the Ti¬ 
 tle, and have the name of an abfolute and free Prince , tho in¬ 
 deed my Princedom be not very great: yea whatfoever it be, 
 I not being his natural Subjed, neither having held any thing 
 of him, but by reafon ’ of my Signiories and Lordfhips, of 
 which notwithftanding he hath wholly difpoffefs’d me 5 it hath 
 
 feenfd 
 
to the Potentates of Chriftendom. 541 
 
 feem’d unto me, that I could not defend mine Honour, and 
 fatisfy or content my near Kinsfolks, fundry Princes (to whom 
 this is my Honour that I am link’d) and my whole Pofterity, 
 but in anfwering by publick Writing to this Accufation, which 
 in the prefence of all Chriftendom , is publilh’d and fet out a- 
 gainft me. And tho I have not been able to do it, without 
 touching his Honour, I hopenotwithftanding (Sir) that your 
 Majefty will impute it, rather to the Inforcement that the 
 Quality and Heinoufnefs of this Profcription hath laid upon 
 me, than to my Nature or Will. For as concerning this 
 point, that fome Men may think it ftrange, that I do after 
 this fort defend my felf, feeing that I have fometimes hereto¬ 
 fore held of him fundry Lands and Lordlhips; for anfwer 
 thereto, I will moft humbly befeech your Majelly, to confider 
 the Heinoufnefs of the Injury that is done me, which a right 
 Nobleman will never indeed abide: alfb that I am not his 
 natural Subjett, and as concerning my Fees and Penfions, that 
 he hath fpoil’d me of them. But fuppofe that I had always 
 enjoy’d them, yet fo it is, that the fame Law which he ufetk 
 towards others, Ihould not be deny’d to me. 
 
 He holdeth of the French King in Loyalty and In the Letter 
 Homage, and even as the Vaffal doth of his fentto the 
 Lord, the County or Earldom of CharoloU : French King , 
 and yet for all that he ceafeth not to make it it written „ 
 war againft the Crown of France , yea he never He holdeth 
 leaveth off continually to pra&ife and devife of your Ma- 
 fomewhat againft the fame. He taketh this as jefty. 
 a fure Foundation or Rule, that being a Sove¬ 
 reign Governor in fome other place, it is lawful for him to 
 revenge himfelf of the wrong which he pretended was done 
 ’ unto him by the late French King Henry of moft noble Memory. 
 When he made war againft the Pope Caraffa , becaufe as a 
 Vaffal he held of him the Kingdoms of Sicily and Naples, he 
 publilh’d his Defence, by which he maintain’d that He was 
 abfolv’d from his Oath, becaufe that the Pope kept not him¬ 
 felf within the terms or points that the Lord oweth to his 
 Vaffal, according to the feodal Laws which are mutual, and 
 refpeft as well the one as the other. Now, Sir, there is no- 
 thing fo natural or kindly, as that every one Ihould in his 
 own caufe, receive the very felf-fame Rule and Order, that 
 he would have another Man to receive or allow of. Where¬ 
 fore he Ihould not think it ftrange, that I being fo many ways 
 revil’d and injur’d by him, and not being his Subjeft, that I, 
 I fay, do aid my felf with the means that God hath given 
 me, and with which he hath been willing to help himfelf 
 againft his Lords, who havt not offended him in any thing 
 
 what- 
 
542 The Pritite of Orange’* Letter. 
 
 whatfoever,that draweth nigh to the Wrong which I have 
 buffer’d at his hand: yea, he lhould not think it ftrange, that 
 I ufe againft him that reproachful Note, by which he affayeth 
 to mark as it were in the Forehead both me. and my Race. 
 
 And becaufe my Lords the Eftates (who have more nearly 
 known the truth of all that is contain’d in this my Defence* 
 and have approv’d the fame) have yielded unto me fufficient 
 Teftimony touching my Life paft ; I do moft humbly alfo 
 befeech your Majefty (Sir) in approving this fame mine 
 Anfwer, to believe that I am not either a Traitor or wicked 
 Perfon, but that lam (thanks be to God for it) a Nobleman, 
 6f a very good and moft antient Houfe, yea a good Man, and 
 true in every thing that I promife * not unthankful, nor un¬ 
 faithful, nor having committed any thing, whereby a Lord 
 or Knight of my State and Countenance may receive any 
 Reproach or Shame: moft humbly befeecbing you to hold and 
 account me in the number of your moft humble Servants. And 
 thus having moft humbly fubmitted my felf unto your Ma¬ 
 jefty, I will pray God, Sir, to give you, together with a perfeft 
 Health, a moft bleffed and moft long Life. 
 
 At Delft in Holland, 
 
 Febr. 4. 1581.’ 
 
 Tour Majefty’s moft Humble 
 and Obedient Servant, 
 
 William of mfftuu 
 
( 54 ? ) 
 
 Pjcntic xiv. 
 
 A Narrative of the Proceedings of 
 a Great Council of Jews, affem- 
 hled in the Plain of Ageda in 
 Hungary, about thirty Leagues 
 from Buda, to examine the Scrip¬ 
 tures concerning Chrijl, on the 
 Twelfth of October 1650. 
 
 By Samuel Brett, there prefent. 
 
 Alfo a Relation of fome other ObferVations in 
 his Travels beyond the Seas. 
 
 Firft Printed in 1655- 
 
 To the Reader; 
 
 T HERE was nothing I more defied than to travel beyond the 
 Seas, and to know the various Manners of the Nations of the 
 World : for which, thro God’s Providence, 1 had an oppor- m 
 Unity offer’d me, to my great Satisfaction , being Chirurgeon of an Eng-' 
 lifh Ship in the Straits , where, for a Cure that I did for Orlando 
 
 de 
 
544 A Narrative of the Proceedings 
 
 de Spina of Goilipulo, an eminent Man in tbofe parts y I was by him 
 prefer'd to be a Captain of a Ship of Malta, which was fet out by 
 the faid Orlando, and committed to my Command again]} the Turks 
 incthe Arches, in a (fifiance to the Venetian Service : in which Ser¬ 
 vice I [pent about nine months , till the tempefluous Seafon of the Tear 
 enforc'd me to return into Harbour again . And in this time of Em¬ 
 ployment , I made five Fights at Sea y and two at Land y being chofen 
 by lot to invade the T urks Country , with a certain Company of Sol¬ 
 diers coddled out of our Fleet , to do fome execution upon the Borders of 
 the Enemy, and to get fome Frovifion for our Relief - y in aU which 
 Fights (altho very perilous ) God gave me the Vittory. 
 
 The whole time I [pent beyond the Seas , before and after this Em¬ 
 ployment , was almofl four years , not flaying long in any one place . 
 But firfl I traveld to ad the Sea-Towns of note for Merchandizing , 
 to know the Trade of the places , and the Conveniency of their Har¬ 
 bours , that I might be able to do fome profitable fervice in Merchants 
 Affairs . Alfo I traveled into feveral Countries , and the mofl eminent 
 Cities and Towns therein ; vi%. Egypt, Macedonia, Dalmatia, 
 Calabria, Apuleia, Sicilia, Affyria, Sclavonia, fome parts of 
 Spain and Portugal; to the IJlands of Cyprus, Candia, Patmos, 
 Delphos; to Carthage, Corinth, Troy, Conftantinople * be- 
 fides many other Towns and Places : but my Iongcft abode was in Italy, 
 and therein at Venice, Naples, Leghorn, Florence, Milan, 
 Rome, Bolognia, Mantua, Genoa, &c. And at lafl looking 
 homeward , l came into France taking a brief view of many eminent 
 places in that Kingdom. And at Paris I found many of my Country¬ 
 men f of which , tho fome be Perfons of great duality , yetJ God 
 knoweth they are in a low Condition. And now I Jhad give a brief 
 Account of fome of my Obfer vat ions , during the time of my abode beyond 
 the Seas. 
 
 A Narrative of the Proceedings of a Great Council 
 of Jews, &c. 
 
 Ik T Paris our Countryman live peaceably, and enjoy 
 fJL our Religion without disturbance. There is a Place 
 Ju JL allow’d thei%. with neceffary Accommodations for the 
 Exercife of Religion. Dr. Steward did often preach to them ; 
 and for their Form of Worlhip, it is the fame that was for¬ 
 merly in England^ with the Book of Common Prayer, and the 
 Rites therein ufed ; and alfo they continue the Innovations 
 that were pra&ifed by many of our Clergy, as Bowing at the 
 Name of Jefus cowards the Altar, foe. which I know giveth 
 
 offence 
 
of a General Ajfembl) of Jews. 545 
 
 ^offence to the good Proteftants, who to me did often 
 condemn thofe Innovations for Romifh Superftitions. Doubt- 
 lefs they would do our Church and our Religion more Credit 
 there, if they did ufe lefs Ceremony. As for the French Pa¬ 
 pifts, truly they are more civil to them than was expelled : 
 for the Opinion of the World, where I have been, is but 
 mean of that Nation. And I believe the Italian may be their 
 Coufin German, for both of them are falfe and faithlefs e- 
 nough. And this Confideration (God having taken ,away 
 Orlando my noble Friend, who did always much countenance 
 me) did leffen my Affeftion to continue in that Service ; 
 for my Soldiers were all Italians (except a few Greeks) and I 
 never faw much caufe to be confident in their Fidelity ; but 
 it was chiefly for fear of him, that they were fo tractable 
 to 'me. 
 
 As for Religion, in moft parts where I have been, it is 
 generally the fame with the Church of Rome ; but for the 
 Grecians (for amongft them I was) they are neither pure 
 Proteftants nor pure Papifts ; I mean, neither only Proteftants 
 nor only Papifts, but their Religion is a mixture of both ; 
 For tho they hold fome Fundamentals with us, yet they fol¬ 
 low many of the Romifl) Superftitions; and (according to my 
 Obfervation) they follow more the Religion of Rome, than 
 rhe Proteftant Church ; and they are much poifon’d with 
 Herefys. 
 
 But of all Nations, according to my Obfervation, none 
 are more zealous for the Religion of Rome than the Spaniards , 
 who, I think, for this are more Romanifts than the Romans 
 themfelves ; for with them there is an Inquifition, and in 
 Rome I never heard of the fame dangerous Snare: there I had 
 as much Freedom as I could defire, and more Courtefy than 
 I could expeft, without any Temptation to apoftatize from my 
 Religion. 
 
 As for the Occurrences that I met with, they were many: 
 But thefe four were the moft confiderable. 
 
 Firft, The ftrangling of the great Turk by the Janizaries, 
 at which time there was great Fear and Trouble in Conftanti - 
 nople \ but they enthron’d his Son, and this brought a peace¬ 
 able Settlement. And with him. there were cut off divers BaJJoah 
 Heads; all whofe Heads (excepting the Great Turk! s) lay 
 three days in Chargers before the Palace-Gate, for the pub- 
 lick View of the People; which they fay is the Cuftom for 
 the Noblemen that are beheaded. 
 
 The next thing is, The flowing of the River Niltn in Egypt ; 
 the manner whereof is this: It beginneth to flow about the 
 fifteenth of June every year: the People know the time there- 
 
 N n of. 
 
54 6 A Narrative of the Proceedings 
 
 of, and expert it accordingly ; and this is after their Harveft, 
 which is ufually ended about the beginning of May , As for 
 Rain, there feldom falleth any in Egypt. During the time the 
 River is up, all the Country appeareth like. Ifiands. Their 
 Towns are feated upon Hills, and their lower Grounds areal! 
 cover’d with Waters; and. the Inhabitants ufe fmall Boats to 
 pals from place to place about their Affairs; and becaufe 
 they know the yearly flowing of Nilus y they provide for the Safe¬ 
 ty of their Cattei till the Waters are wafted away again. 
 There are alfo certain Pillars of Stone fet Up, with diversMarks 
 upon them, by which they know the degrees of the riling, and 
 the ufual height that the Waters do afcend unto \ and if the 
 Waters do afcend above the' higheft Mark, they do expert 
 fome ftfange Confequence thereof. But the greateft wonder 
 
 is. 
 
 the prefent Ceffation of the Plague upon the flowing Of 
 
 this'River. There died Tome thousands of the Plague the 
 day before the flowing of Nilus in Grandcairo, as they certify’d 
 me; and a day or two after, not one Perfon mbre died of 
 the Insertion. This I obfery’d, that the Land is full of un¬ 
 healthy Fogs, Mills, and Vapours, which caufe the Difeafe ; 
 and it feems the Waters of Nilas do purify it again. 
 
 In the Kingdom of Grandcairo , alias Pharaoh's Town , is the 
 City, and it is greater than any el few here I did behold ; but 
 is the heater City: and being there, I went to fee. 
 tfle. Land of Goff)en y where the Jfraelites did inhabit. This is 
 a very pleafant and fruitful Land for Pafture, fueh as I haye 
 no where je'en the like. At this time alfo, I had an oppor¬ 
 tunity to fee the Red Sea, and the place where (as they in¬ 
 form’d me) the Israelites did enter their Journy thro the fame. 
 There alfo they fhew’d me the great Mountains that inclos’d 
 
 thent^when Pharaoh pufffied, them with his great Army ; and 
 
 the'Hills where the two Armies lay in fight one of another. 
 And, there I found the true reafon why it. is call’d the Red 
 Sea ; not becaufe the Water is red naturally, but becaufe the 
 Sand is red And this ,vya$ clear to me by plain Demonftra- 
 tion"; for I put fome of the Water into a clean Vefiel, and 
 there I did fee it had the fame colour qf other Water; but 
 the; Sand is reddifh, and giveth the .fame colour to the 
 Water. ■ • 
 
 I fhall omit many other things concerning .Egypt'\ only this. 
 It is under the Tar\s Dominion, and the Natives are his mi- 
 ferable Slaves. Y ■ 
 
 Thirdly, You may expert fome News from Rome, where 
 alfo I was, and did behold their great Solemnity ; it being 
 .then the^/ma Santto y as they there call it, that is, the Year 
 
 of lubilee,' 
 
 There 
 
of a General AJfembly of jews. 547 
 
 There I beheld the Pope in his Glory, and how in great 
 State he was carried about the City: the Streets wer® throng’d 
 with the People ; and as he pafs’d by,they made them even ring 
 with Acclamations and Rejoicings: He was carried by fome 
 eminent Men, having a rich Canopy over him. He made his 
 Crofles in the Air with his fingers, and threw his Bleflings 
 amongft them. And truly thefe Delufions were fo prevailing 
 with the People, that (poor Souls) they feem’d to me to re¬ 
 joice, as if Chrift himfelf had been come to Rome, and brought 
 them down the Felicities of Heaven. 
 
 At one time I beheld in Naples (perhaps it will feem ftrange, 
 but it is true) about eight thoufand Pilgrims going to Rome 
 for their Abfolution ; all which the Vice-Roy of Naples main¬ 
 tain’d three days at his own charge ; and on the fourth day, 
 they did prefent themfelves before him at his Palace in Pil¬ 
 grim Weeds, wj. with leaden Pidures of Saints in their Hats^ 
 with leather Collars about their Necks, which fell down half 
 way over their Arms, and their Staves in their hands : and 
 thus they march’d away from Naples , in the pofture of an Army 
 towards Rome \ and fo farewel Rome . Vidi,_ (atis eft vidijfe . 
 
 I omit to recite many other Occurrences, which by confe¬ 
 rence I fhall willingly communicate to my Friends, they being 
 too many to commit to writing : only now the fourth remar¬ 
 kable thing remaineth to prefent you with ; and that is. 
 
 The Proceedings of a great Council of Jews, aftembled in 
 the Plain of Ageda in Hungary, about thirty Leagues diftant 
 from Buda, to examine the Scriptures concerning Chrift j on 
 the twelfth of Ottober, 1-650. 
 
 It hath been much defir’d by many honeft Chriftians, that 
 this Narrative of the Jews Council ftiould be publifh’d, whicli 
 I did intend only to communicate to private Friends. The 
 chief Argument by which they have perfuaded me to do it, 
 is, beeaufe they do conceive it to be a Preparative and hope¬ 
 ful Sign of the Jews Converfion, and that it will be glad Ti¬ 
 dings to the Church of Chrift *, and therefore I have yielded 
 to fatisfy their Defires therein. And thus it was: 
 
 At the place above-named there aftembled about three hun¬ 
 dred Rabbies, call’d together from feveral parts of the Worlds 
 to examine the Scriptures concerning Chrift > and it feems 
 this Place was thought molt convenient for this Council, in 
 regard that part of the Country%as not much inhabited, be- 
 caufe of the continual Wars between the Turk, and the King 
 of Hungary ; where (as I was inform’d) they had fought two? 
 bloody Battels: jet both Princes,- notwithstanding theif own! 
 i>ifterenc-es # did give leave to the Jews to hold their Council 
 
 if B 2 
 
548 A Narrative of the Proceedings 
 
 there. And for their Accommodation there, the Jews did make 
 divers Tents for their Repofe, and had Plenty of Provifion 
 brought them from other Parts of the Country, during the 
 time of their fitting there. There was alfo one large Tent, 
 built only for the Council to fit in, made almoft fourfquare ; 
 the North and the South part of it, being not altogether fo 
 large as the Eaft and Weft part thereof. It had but one 
 Door, and that open’d to the Eaft; and in- the middle thereof 
 ftood a little Table and a° Stool for the Propounder to fit on, 
 with his Face towards the Door of the Tent. The faid Pro- 
 pounder was of the Tribe of Levi , and was named Zacharias^, 
 and within this Tent round about were placed divers Forms 
 for the Confulters to fit on. It was alfo inclofed with a Rail, 
 that frood at a diftance from it, to prevent entrance to all 
 Strangers, and to all fuch Jews as could not prove themfelves 
 to be Jews by Record, or could not difpute in the Hebrew 
 Tongue, which many had forgotten, who liv’d in fuch Coun¬ 
 tries, where they are not allow’d their Synagogues, as in 
 France , Spain, and thofe parts of Italy that do belong to the 
 King of Spain, vi%. the Kingdom of Naples, with the Province 
 of Calabria and Apuleia ; the Kingdom of Sicilia and Sardinia, 
 in which places if a Jew be found, and he deny the Popifli 
 Religion, he is in danger to be condemn’d and executed for 
 it ^ and yet Profit and Benefit allureth them to dwell in thofe 
 Countries, not with handing their Fears and Dangers: and 
 themfelves are willing to forget, and fo negle&to teach their 
 Children their native Language, rather than they will lofe 
 their opportunity of Profit: and fome have burnt the antient 
 Records of their Tribe and Family, that they might not be 
 dilcover’d by fearching, or otherwife. And for this Defett, 
 that they could not prove their Tribe or Family, they were 
 not permitted to come within the Kail, but were commanded 
 to remain without, with the Strangers that remain’d there, to 
 lee the Iflue of their Proceeding, which were above 3000 Per- 
 fons, and they were for the molt part Germans , Almains , Dalma • 
 tian 1, and Hungarians, with fome Greeks ; but few Italians , and 
 not one £«g/// 7 ;-man, that I could hear of, befides my felf. 
 
 I was inform’d, that the King of Hungary not favouring the 
 Reformed Religion, did give no encouragement to any Pro- 
 teftant Churches to fend any Divines thither; but he did allow 
 that fome Alfiftants fhould be fent from Rome : and their com¬ 
 ing thither did prove a great unhappinefs to this hopefulCouncil. 
 
 When the Afiembly did fim meet, they fpent fome time in 
 their mutual Salutations ; and, as their manner is, they kifs’d 
 one the other’s Cheek, exprefling much Joy for their happy 
 Meeting. And all things being provided for their Accommo¬ 
 dation 9 
 
of A General Affembly of Jews. 549 
 
 datlott, they confider’d of the Jews that were to be admitted 
 Members of this Council ; and they were only allow’d to be 
 Members, which could by Record prove themfelves to be na¬ 
 tive Jews % and for defett herein, 1 obferv’d above Five hun¬ 
 dred refus’d.: tho doubtlefs they were True-born Jews, yet they 
 could not by Record prove themfelves fo to be ; and for this 
 they were not admitted to be Members of the Council, but 
 they did abide without the Rail with the Strangers that were 
 there: and the number of them that were accepted to be 
 Members, was about Three hundred Jews. And this was all 
 that was done the firft day. 
 
 On the fecond day, the Affembly being full, the Propounder 
 flood up, and made his Speech concerning the end of their 
 meeting : And, This, faid he, is to examine the Scriptures concern¬ 
 ing Chrifl , whether he be already come , or whether we are yet to expeft 
 his coming. In examining this Queltion, they fearch’d the Old 
 Teftament with great Care and Labour, to be refolv’d of the 
 Truth thereof, having many Bibles with them there for this 
 end. And about this Point there were great Difputes amongft: 
 them. The major part were of Opinion, That he was, not 
 come: and fome inclin’d to think that he was come ; being 
 mov’d thereunto by their great Judgment, that hath continu’d 
 now this Sixteen hundred vears upon them. 
 
 I remember very well one of the Council in his Conference 
 with me, feem’d to be very apprehenfiye of the great and 
 long Defolation of their Nation, ever fmce their Deftrudioit 
 by the Roman Emperors; and he imputed this their Affliction 
 to their Impenitency. And comparing their prefent Judg¬ 
 ment, with their other Judgments they had fuffcr’d before, 
 he ingenuoufly confefs’d, that he did conceive it was for 
 fome great Wickednefs; and that their Nation was guilty of 
 the Blood of the Prophets fent from God to their Nation, and 
 the many Maffacres that had been committed by the feveral 
 Seth and Fa&ions amongft them. For (faid he) we are no Ido * 
 later s , neither do I thinly we were guilty of Idolatry fmce cur Captivity 
 in jBabylon ; and therefore C faid he ) I do impute this our Calamity 
 and prefent Judgment to the fore-nam'd Caufes. And this was the 
 fum of that which wasdifputed amongft them the fecond day 
 pf their meeting; and fp'they adjourn’d till the next Morn¬ 
 ing, which was the third day of their meeting. 
 
 When being affembl’d together again, the Point that was 
 chiefly agitated was concerting the Manner of Chrift’s coming. 
 And this, fome faid, fhall l^e like a mighty Prince, in the full 
 Power and Authority of a fLing, yea, in greater Power than 
 ever any King had ; and that he will deliver their Nation 
 out of the Power of their Enemies, and thair Temple fhall 
 
^50 A Narrative of the Proceedings 
 
 be rebuilt again •, and, that the Nations (hall be of their Re?, 
 ligion, and worfhip God after their manner. For they hold, 
 That the Mejfiah will not alter their Religion, whenfoever he 
 cometh. And further, concerning his Parentage, they did 
 agree in this, That he fhould be borrnof a Virgin, according to 
 the Prediftion of the Prophets; and they agreed alfo, that he 
 may be born of fuch a Virgin, which might be of mean Note 
 amongft their Nation, as was the Virgin Mary . And here 
 fome of them feem’d to me, to incline to think that Chrif$ 
 was come. Therefore when they came together again the 
 next day, the Propounder demanded of them, if Chrift were 
 already come, and who they thought he was ? and to this De¬ 
 mand they gave this Anfwer, That they thought Eliab was 
 he, if he were come, becaufe he came with ^great Power, 
 which he declar’d by flaying the Priefts of Baal •, and, for the 
 fulfilling of the Scripture, he was opprefs’d by Ahab and Jeza¬ 
 bel : yet they efteem’d him to be more than a mortal Man, 
 becaufe he fo ftraUgely afcended up into Heaven. And be¬ 
 caufe this Opinion was contradicted by others, the day follow¬ 
 ing they took into Examination the fame Queftion, to anfwer 
 them that faid Eliab was not the Mejfiah, They of the con¬ 
 trary Opinion did urge the Care and Love of Eliab for the 
 good of their Nation, in that he left them Elijha his Difciple 
 to teach and inftrutt the People ; wfcich they expeft to be the 
 Care of their Mejfiah . Thefe were the chief Arguments they 
 had to defend their Opinion: and the fame day, towards night, 
 it came into queftion amongft them, What he then was that 
 faid he was the Son of God, and was crucified by their Ance- 
 ftors ? And becaufe this was the great Queftion amongf| 
 them, they defer’d the further Confideratipn thereof until the 
 next day. 
 
 When meeting again, the Pbarifees (for fome of this Sett 
 were amongft them, that were always the Enemies of Chrift) 
 they firft began to anfwer this laft Night’s queftion *, and thefe 
 by no means would yield that he was the Chrift j and thefe 
 Reafons they gave for their Opinion. 
 
 Firft, Becaufe ( faid they) he came into the World like an 
 ordinary and inferior Man, not with his Scepter, nor Royal 
 Power • wherewith they affirm’d the Coming of Chrift fhould 
 be Glorious. Secondly, They pleaded againft him theMean- 
 nefs of his Birth, in that his Father was a Carpenter ; and 
 this they faid, was a Dishonour that Chrift fhould not be ca¬ 
 pable of. Thirdly, They accus’d him to be an Enemy to 
 Mofes* s Lav/, in fuftering his Difciples, and in doing Works 
 himfelf that were prohibited on the Sabbath-day for they 
 Relieve that the Mejfiah will punctually and exactly keep the 
 
of a General AJfemblj of Jews. 5 51 
 
 Law of Mofes : and where the Gofpel doth teftify of Chrift, 
 that he did fulfil the Law, they reject the Teftimony thereof, 
 becaufe they do not own the Gofpel. But I obferv’d thefe 
 Rea Tons of the Pharifees did not fatisfy all that heard them, 
 but there ftill remain’d fome Doubt in fome of them concern- 
 ingChrift; for there flood up one Rabbie call’d Abraham , and 
 objected againft the Pharifees , the Miracles that Chrift wrought 
 whilft he was upon Earth, as his raffing of the Dead to life 
 again, his making the Lame to walk, the Blind to fee, and 
 jthe Dumb to fpeak. And the fame Abraham demanded of the 
 Pharifees, by what Power he did thefe Miracles ? The An- 
 fwer the Pharifees return’d to him, was to this purpofe: They 
 faid he was an Impoftor and a Magician ; and blafphemoufly 
 traduc’d him of doing all his Miracles by Magick : Thus, Paid 
 they, he firft caus’d them to be blind, to be dumb, to be lame; 
 and then by taking away his Magical Charm, they were re- 
 ftor’d to their former condition. Neverthelefs, this Anfwer 
 gave little Satisfaction to the faid Abraham: but thus he're- 
 ply’d, That he could not charm thofe that were born in that 
 condition, as blind, &c. and born alfo before Chrift himfelf 
 was born; as it appeareth fome of them were. This feem’d 
 to him an abfurd Paradox *, and truly the prefling of this Ar¬ 
 gument did almoft put them to a nonplus, till at laft they had 
 thisEvafion (tho weak and vile) They were (faid they) by 
 other Magicians convinc’d to be fo in their Mother’s Wombs; 
 and that altho himfelf were not then born when they were 
 born with thefe Evils, yet he being a great Diflembler, and 
 more cunning than any Magician before him. Power was gi¬ 
 ven him by the Devil, to remove thofe Charms which others 
 had plac’d. And there was one Pharifee nam’d Zebedee, who of 
 the Pharifees there did moft opprobrioufly revile him, and ve¬ 
 hemently urge thefe things againft him; but I conceive he 
 did it not to the well-liking of many there that heard him, 
 even Members of the Council. And as the Pharifees that day 
 play’d their Parts againft him ; fo did the Sadduces alfo endea¬ 
 vour (for fome of that SeCt wcre'alfo of the Council) to ren¬ 
 der Chrift vile and odious to the reft of the Jews that were 
 alTembl’d there. I obferv’d it was with them, as it was once 
 with Herod add Pilate ; tho they two could not agree betwixt 
 themfelves at other times, yet they could agree together to 
 crucify Chrift: for the Pharijees and Sadduces , tho they be 
 much divided in Opinion among themfelves, yet did they at 
 this time too much agree to difgrace and to dilhonour Chrift 
 With their Lies, Calumnies and Blafphemies: for the Sadduces' 
 fts well as the Pharifees , did in other things accitfe him for a 
 grand Impoftor, and fora Broacher of corrupt Doidrine* • in 
 
 N n 4 ^ that 
 
5 5 2 d Narrative of the Proceedings 
 
 that in his Gofpel he teacheth the Refurreftion from the 
 Dead, which they there deny’d to be true Dottrine : but it 
 is no new thing to fee Factions diffenting, to agree in fome 
 evil defign againft others, as I found it by experience. Be¬ 
 ing at Rome in the Year i6$o, which was the Year of their 
 Jubilee , there was a great Strife between the Jefuits and the 
 Fryars of the Order of St. Dominic both which were againft 
 the Proteftants: and altho their Differences have been by the 
 care and vigilance of the Pope fo fmother’d, that the World 
 .hath not taken much notice thereof; yet this Fire broke out 
 I nto a Flame greater than ever it was before, (as they certified 
 me there) both by publick Difputings, and by bitter Writings 
 one againft another, opening the Vices and Errors of one ano¬ 
 ther’s Fa&ion, thus feeking to difgrace one the other; which 
 caus’d the Pope to threaten to excommunicate the Authors of 
 all fuch black and libellous Books, that did tend to the diffio- 
 nour of his Clergy and Religion, to make them infamous to 
 the World. * But this by the way. 
 
 We are come now to the feventh and laft Day of their Coun¬ 
 cil ; and on this day, this was the main Query amongft them : 
 If Chrift be come, then what Rules and Orders hath he left 
 his Church to walk by ? This was a great Queftion amongft 
 them: and becaufe they did not believe the New Teftament, 
 nor would be guided by it,they demanded fome other Inftru&ion 
 to direS and guide them in this Point: Thereupon fix of the. 
 Roman Clergy ( who of purpofe were fent from Rome by the 
 pope, to affift in this Council) were call’d in, viz. two Jefuits 9 
 two Friars of the Order of St. Auguftine, and two of the Order 
 of St. Francis. And thefe being admitted into the Council* 
 began to open unto them the Rules and Doftrine of the Holy 
 Church of Rome , (as they call it) which Church they magni¬ 
 fied to them for the Holy Catholick Church of Chrift,and their 
 Dotlrine to be the infallible Doftrine of Chrift, and their Rules 
 to be the Rules which the Apoftles left to the Church for ever 
 to be obferv’d, and that the Pope is the Holy Vicar of Chrift, 
 and the Succeffor of St. Peter: And for inftance in fome particu¬ 
 lars they affirm’d the real prefence of Chrift in the Sacrament, 
 the religious Obfervation of their Holy Days, the Invocation of 
 Saints praying to the Virgin Mary, and her commanding Power 
 in Heaven over her Son, the Holy ufe of the Crofsand Images, 
 with the reft of their Idolatrous and Superftitious Worlhip ; all 
 which they commended to the Affembly of the Jews , for the 
 Do&rine and Rules of the Apoftles. But fo foon as the Affem¬ 
 bly had heard thefe things from them, they were generally and 
 exceedingly troubled thereat, and fell into high Clamors againft 
 them and their Religion, crying out, Vo Chrift, no Woman-God, no 
 
 Intercejjioh 
 
of a General Jffembly of Jews. 555 
 
 Inter ceffm of Saints, no Worflapping of Images , no praying to the Virgin 
 Mary, &c. Truly their Trouble hereat was fo great, that it 
 troubled me to fee their impatience: they rent their Clothes, 
 and caft duft upon their Heads, and cryed out aloud, Blafphemy , 
 Blafphemy-, and upon this the Council broke up. Yet they af- 
 fembled again the eighth Day \ and all that was done then, was 
 to agree upon another meeting of their Nation three Years 
 after ; which was concluded upon before their final Diflolution. 
 
 I do believe there were many Jews there that would have 
 been perfuaded to own the Lord Jefus; and this I affure you foe 
 a Truth, and it is for the Honor of our Religion, and the en¬ 
 couragement of our Divines: One eminent Rabbi there did de¬ 
 liver me his Opinion in conference with me, that he at firit 
 feared that thofe which were fent from Rome , would caufe an 
 unhappy Period to their Council •, and profeffed to me, that he 
 much defired the prefence of fome Proteftant Divines, and ef- 
 pecially of our Englifh Divines, of whom he had a better Opini¬ 
 on, than of any other Divines in the World : For he did be¬ 
 lieve that we have a great Love to their Nation; and this Rea- 
 fon he gave me for their good Opinion of our Divines, becaufe 
 he underftood that they did ordinarily pray for the Converfion 
 of their Nation; which he did acknowledg to be a great To¬ 
 ken of our Love towards them : And efpecially he commended 
 the Minifters of London for excellent Preachers, and for their 
 Charity towards their Nation \ of whom he had heard a great 
 Fame. As for the Church of Rome , they account it an Idola¬ 
 trous Church, and therefore will not own their Religion : 
 and by converging with the Jews, I found that they generally 
 think, that there is no other Chriftian Religion in the world, 
 but that of the Church of Rome ; and for Rome’s Idolatry, they 
 take offence at all Chriftian Religion. By which it appeareth 
 that Rome is the greateft Enemy of the Jews Converfion. 
 
 For the place of the Jews next Meeting, it is probable it 
 will be in Syria, in which Country I alfo was, and did there 
 converfe with the Seft of the Rechabites , living in Syria. They 
 ffcill obferve their old Cuftoms and Rubs } they neither fow 
 nor plant, nor build Houfes ; but live in Tents, and often 
 remove from one place to another, with their whole Family, 
 Bag and Baggage. And feeing I find, that by the Italian 
 Tongue I can converfe with the Jews , or any other Nation, 
 in all the parts of the world where I have been ; if God give 
 pie an opportunity, I lhall willingly attend their next Council. 
 The good Lord profper it. Amen. 
 
( 554 ) 
 
 Identic xv. 
 
 Certain Letters, evidencing K. 
 Charles 1 IV Stedfajineft in the 
 Proteftant Religion : Sent from the 
 Prince ft of T urenne, and the Mi¬ 
 nivers of Charenton, to fome 
 Perfons of Quality in London. 
 
 A Letter from the Princefs of Turenne, to 
 a Noble Lady her Coufm-German, Madam de 
 Caftelnaut, at London. 
 
 My Dear Coufin , 
 
 I F you had not been for a long time accuftom’d to boar 
 with, and to pardon my Lazinefs, I fhould be in pain for 
 the Judgment you might make of my Silence, and that I 
 have delay’d fo long to anfwer the laft Letter I receiv’d from 
 you : But if your Goodnefs protects me from the Reproaches 
 which you have reafon to charge me with, it does not fecure 
 me from thofe which I ought to lay to my own charge, when 
 I negle£t to give you fuch Teftimonies as I am able of the 
 Tendernefs I have* for you. It is true, that I fhall be more 
 earneft to give you real and ufeful Proofs of it, than I am to. 
 let you fee thefe weak Affurances ; and you may be confident* 
 my dear Coufin, that I fhall ever cherilh fuch Opportunities, 
 
 and 
 
A Letter from the Pritteefs of Turenne. 555 
 
 &nd embrace them with all my heart as often as I am able. Yet 
 I muft complain of you to your felf, becaufe you have again 
 written to me with Ceremony, and did not follow this Me¬ 
 thod which is more frank and more convenient; and truly this 
 was the thing which did contribute to my Lazinefs; for I am 
 fo unacquainted with formal Writing, efpecially to thofe I 
 love fo heartily, that I know not how to fet my felf to it, and 
 I was afraid that it would be too uncivil to ufe fuch freedom 
 after all thofe Complements you gave me. Yet at laft, Madam, 
 my dear Coufin, I thought this fhould not make you fufpeft 
 that I could fail to join to that Affeffipn I have for you, all 
 thofe Refentments of Honour and Refpeft which are due to 
 you, and to which I am more particularly oblig’d than ano¬ 
 ther, both by nearnefs in Blood, and by many other Reafons; 
 Therefore I am fix’d to continue in this way in the Refolution 
 to overcome you, and to oblige you to do fo too; other wife, 
 
 I do declare, that I fhall take h refufal for fuch a Complement 
 as witnefles more Civility than Friendftiip, and for a kind of 
 renouncing of this Commerce. I will therefore, Dear Coufin, 
 
 ,expert a very kind Letter with little Ceremony ; fuch a one I 
 do defire, and that you would receive this with the fame Afi- 
 feftion wherewith I do write it. I long much for the Satif* 
 faffion to fee you again in this Country, you have already feen 
 mapy Revolutions in that where you are; and whatever my 
 longing be for your return, I do avow it, That I wifh with 
 all my heart you may yet fee there that Change, which the 
 prefent condition of affairs gives us reafon to hope very fhort- 
 ly, and which all good Men defire with an extreme Paffion ; 
 that is, The King's return into his former Luftre and Authority . I 
 have ever wilh’d with great Palfion the re-eftablflhment of 
 that Prince for divers Reafons, both for the defire which I 
 think every one ought to have, that things be done according 
 to Juftice, and for the horror of the Crime committed upon 
 the Perfon of the Ring his Father, which hath lince drawn 
 down fuch terrible Jugdgments on thofe Nations, and fo fear¬ 
 ful Confufions in thofe Churches, which God had gather’d 
 there, and which he had made flourifh with fo much Luftre 
 and Purity, that one cannot forbear to weep over their Ruin 
 as bitterly as Eya, Nehemiah , and Daniel did over that of Jeru- 
 fdem, until it may pleafe the Lord to hear us and fettle them. 
 
 I profefs I cannot believe that that Sin can be expiated, nor the 
 Interdict remov’d from among them, but by the re-eftabli(h|. 
 rperit of their Lawful and Sovereign Lord, and by the rendring 
 tQ*Tum that Power which he receiv’d from God, and which 
 for fo long a time hath been ufurp’d over him. The fame 
 wfio commands to give God the things which are God’s, com¬ 
 mands 
 
556 A Letter from the Princefs of Turerme. 
 
 mandsus alfo to render to Cafar the things that are C&far’s : 
 So that I believe that he who would content himfelf with one 
 of thefe two Duties, and fo feparate the things which God 
 hath join’d, fheuld fatisfy neither; and that fo lame a Service 
 ihould be lefs acceptable among Chriftians, than a lame Of¬ 
 fering was among the Jews, Thefe Confiderations make me 
 wifh with great Paflion that God would infpire thofe Nations 
 to do their Duty ; but I do avow it, that I double my Prayers 
 and my Zeal, when I hear that the prefent Governours are no 
 more thofe Sectarys, but Men of our Profeilion. They have 
 had the misfortune to be flander’d by the Adverfarys, as accef- 
 fary to the Death of their Sovereign, and that infamous Ac¬ 
 cusation feems to have blackt all their Brethren. Blelfed be 
 the God of Mercy, who prefents to them fo fair an occafion 
 to clear themfelves, and to remove that Reproach from fo 
 holy a Profeflion as ours is, which we have ever brag’d to 
 have this advantage above all others, in that it did teach us 
 better than any other that which we owe to Sovereigns, and 
 did not permit that Men fhould, under any pretext whatfoe- 
 ver,difpenfe themfelves of the Oath of Fidelity which they have 
 taken. I have fo great an impatience to hear that they have 
 there fo re-eftablilh’d it by fo juft and fo lovely an A£lion > 
 that I cannot tell you with how much Affettion I beg’d it of 
 God on the Faft day which we kept at Charenton laft Eafter 
 Week, and how earneftly I do beg it every day: And I be¬ 
 lieve there be few Lovers of the Peace of Jerufalem who make 
 not the fame Prayer; and I fee that all thofe of our Profeffion 
 in this Kingdom are more earneft in this than ever, whe¬ 
 ther it be that God infpires this Motion to pray more earneftly 
 in a time when he will do his work (as he is often pleas’d to 
 make the Prayers of his Children meet with the Decrees of 
 his Providence) or whether they have taken more notice of 
 late of the Effects of the Piety of the King of England, which 
 makes them intereft themfelves more fenfibly in his Concerns. 
 Tor my own part I profefs it, that I was exceedingly fatisfy’d 
 when I had the Honour to pay my Refpe&s to him the laft 
 time he paft thro this Country, having heard him fpeak with 
 fo great Teftimonys of Piety, that I was extremely edify’d. 
 He was alfo pleas’d to give this Mark of his Communion with 
 our Churches, as to go to Sermon at Rochet and at Rouen in 
 his Paffage ; and if he had ftaid here, we had had the honour 
 to havefeen him at Charenton, There can nothing be added 
 to the Regularity which this Prince keeps in aflifting daily at 
 thofe Exercifesof Piety, which are kept Morning and Evening 
 in his Family. In a word, I blefs God> becaufe the Marks of God's 
 Election are feen in him : And I hope God will ufe his Service 
 
A Letter of Monfieur Daille. 557 
 
 for re-eftabli(hing what we have before feen with fo much 
 pleafure in his Dominions, and that his Subjects will have 
 caufe to blefs the Lord for putting it into their Hearts, to 
 render to their King his Crown, and as fair as ever he had 
 it, and without fpoiling or defacing it in fetting it on his 
 Head. I pray God with all my Heart that he may give them 
 this Grace, and I do fo lay it to heart, that I take the liberty 
 to write you a long Letter of it, which looks like a little Vo¬ 
 lume. But it is, dear Coufm, becaufe I believe that as yort 
 are on the place, it is a point of Duty to contribute always 
 what one can to infiife thefe Thoughts into fuch as have them 
 not, and that every one ought to be ambitious to bring their 
 little Stone toward that excellent Work. As I do defire very- 
 much that thofe in whom I am concern’d may employ them- 
 felves toward what is excellent, I fhall be very glad that my 
 Lady your Sifter in Law and You might contribute fomewhat 
 to this. Oblige me, by affuring her of my moft humble Ser¬ 
 vice, and by believing me altogether 
 
 Tuefday , 6 April, Tours , 
 
 N. Stile, 1660. 
 
 Ox.Caumont., 
 
 A Letter of Monfieur Daille to Monfieur Le Roy. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 O N E of my Friends having defir’d me, a little while fince, 
 to fend him a Copy of the great Bible printed at London , I 
 remembred that the laft Winter you propos’d to fend one to 
 Monfieur Durst , and my felf, for fifty Crowns ^ fo that I be¬ 
 liev’d, that in this occafion I could not make an Addrefs to any 
 with more conveniency than to you, that my Friend might 
 be provided. And I hope you will grant me the Favor which I 
 requeft of you, to inform me, whether you can at prefent per* 
 form your Promife, and fend me this Book for the price which 
 you formerly expreft. Moreover, I cannot but rejoice with you 
 for the happy News which is convey’d to us from the place 
 Where you arc*, whereby we are inform’d, that the univerfal 
 Pefire of the People feems with a common voice to recal their 
 natural and lawful King. Befides that Generofity and Equity 
 it felf obliges us to wifh, that this Prince may return into his 
 own Kingdom and Inheritance, of which he hath beenunjufriy 
 depriv’d ; we ought alfo to delire it for the honour of our Re¬ 
 ligion, which fhould be more dear to us than any other Intereft. 
 
 For 
 
$58 A Letter of Mon fie ur Daille. 
 
 For when our Adverfaries formerly would charge the Blame of 
 the Death of the late King of England on our Religion, you 
 know we could very well guard our felves from this Reproach, 
 by calling it intirely upon the Sectaries, who indeed were only 
 guilty of that horrible Crime.- But at prefent we do not Hand 
 upon the fame terms, fince there is fuch a change of Affairs j 
 the Seftarians having loft their credit, or at Laft being fallen 
 from that Sovereign Power which they had grafpt \ and on the 
 contrary the Presbyterian Party, which is ours, now governing 
 in England , So that if they let flip the fair opportunity which 
 God feems to open to them, for the re-eftablifliing of the King 
 of Great Britain in his Dominion, and to re-advance him to the 
 Throne of his Anceftors, itismoft apparent there will be no 
 further ground to excufe themfelves upon the Sectaries, nor 
 to wafh our* holy Religion from that fpot, from which, by 
 the Grace of God, it hath always been preferv’d pure and 
 clean to this prefent. I well know there are difperfed evil 
 Rumors concerning the Religion of this Prince ; and I doubt 
 not, but there are fome Perfons at London , as well as at Park , 
 who endeavour to perfuade the World, That he hath forfaken 
 ©ur Communion, to embrace that of Rome: But wi o can be¬ 
 lieve a thing that is fo contrary to all probability? there is 
 nothing of this appears to us. On the contrary we well 
 know* That altho this Prince hath been conftrain’d by 
 the Circumftances of his prefent Condition, to' refide fome- 
 times in places where the Exereife of our Religion is net 
 permitted, yet he hath always had his Chaplains near 
 to him, who are nothing lefs than Fapifts, and who every 
 where have regularly in his prefence prayed, and perform’d 
 the other parts of Divine Service. Moreover, all Farit, and 
 all the World hath known the Anger and the juft Indignation 
 fahich he exprefs’d, when he underftood the Endeavours which 
 have been ufed (tho ineffectively) for the Apoftacy of the 
 Duke of Glocefier . And if this young Prince rendred his Piety 
 and Conftancy admirable, by that firm Refiftance which he 
 oppos’d in fo tender an Age, to fuch a violent and dangerous 
 perfection *, fo alfo in that he retir’d to the King his Bro¬ 
 ther, and there fought for a Sanctuary to his Religion, it is 
 a very certain Argument, that the King had not quitted that 
 Religion 5 for if this had been true, the Duke of Glocefier had 
 found him an Enemy inftead of a Proretfior, and had. fuffer’d 
 the lofs of his Confidence, where he had fought its Security, 
 and where he really found it. It is objected againft this, that 
 during the whole fpace of time which the King of Great Bri¬ 
 tain paft in the Court of France , he never came to our Reli¬ 
 gious Affemblies, and that amongft others he never came to 
 
Monf. GachesV Letter to Mr. Baxter. 559 
 
 Chamton in the days of our Worihip. But altho this may a£ 
 firft view appear ftrange to thofe who know not the reafon 
 of it; neverthelefs, as we are better inform’d of this than any¬ 
 one, we can teftify that Religion was not the caufe of it, and 
 that he abftain’d from coming upon politick and prudential 
 Confiderations, which may be peculiar to our Church. And 
 the proof of this appears, in that when the Ring of England 
 hath been out of Paris , he hath willingly gone to Sermon in 
 the Churches of our Brethren; as for inftance, in Caen , and 
 Tome other Towns; and in Holland alfo, he hath feveral times 
 heard the Sermons of the famous Monfieur More , who afc pre- 
 Cent is our Colleague. 
 
 Thus, Sir, it is more clear than the Day, that whatfoever 
 hath been reported till this time of the Change of his Reli¬ 
 gion, is a mere Calumny, fcatter’d by the Artifice of his Ene¬ 
 mies, for to vilify him in the Judgment of his Subje&s, and 
 to alienate their ‘Affections and Good Will from him ; and fi¬ 
 nally to render fruitlefs the juft Prayers which they make at 
 prefent for his happy Return into England. 
 
 God grant their Accompliihment by his Almighty Juftice 5 
 and as it is he who hath infpir’d thefe good Defigns into the 
 Hearts of his People, and who feems to difpofe all things for 
 the effecting them, may it pleafe him to blefs what remains 
 of this Work, and to iucceed it for his Glory, and the Honour 
 of his Anointed, but efpecially for the Edification of his 
 Church. For this I pray to him with alUmy Soul, and recom¬ 
 mend you particularly to his Grace, being, 
 
 Parts, 7 April, 
 1660. 
 
 Sir, Your moil humble Servant. 
 
 DAILLE. 
 
 Raimond Gaches Pafior of the Reformed Church 
 of Paris, to the mo ft Famous Man and mojl 
 Vpright Pafior , Richard Baxter, mjheth all 
 Health. 
 
 T HO I am neither by Face nor Fame known unto you 
 (moft Worthy Sir, and moil Reverend Brother in Chrift} 
 yet I addrefs my felf to you with confidence, becaufe I know 
 you very well, and am fully affur’d of your Piety. I have 
 read again and again, not without admiration, thofe learned 
 
 Volumes 
 
560 Monf. GachesV Letter to Mr * Baxter. 
 
 Volumes (little indeed, if we refpe&the Bulk, but exceeding 
 precious, and throughly dyed with the trueft Tin&ures of 
 Chriftianity) wherewith you have bleft your own Country, 
 and with which Franc; hath not been altogether unacquainted. 
 Who can ferioufly read, tho but one Leaf of them, and not 
 perceive how you felt the Breathing of God’s Spirit, and 
 were feafonably rais’d up for thefe unhappy times, as one who 
 may with ftout Courage and invincible Arms undertake and 
 curb outrageous Ungodlinefs ? I folemnly profefs, I never 
 faw any thing ftudied, and come from thofe, commonly call’d 
 the antient Fathers of the Church , or from the Do&ors of the 
 latter times, which doth with equal Succefs breathe forth the 
 Author’s, and alfo kindle the Reader’s Devotion. Thofe 
 things which you have already put out concerning Everlafting 
 Reft , a Call to the "Unconverted , Juftiftcation (in which if you 
 leave the beaten Road a little, you do it, as far as I can un-' 
 deritand, not without Reafon and Scripture) Infant-B apt ifm. 
 Fence of Confidence, &c. do witnefs moft clearly both what 
 your Learning is, and what your Love of Religion. Who 
 then may forbid me to pour forth my careful and doubt¬ 
 ful Thoughts into the Bofom of fuch and fo great a Man, 
 and to declare what runs in my mind concerning the fad 
 and fickle State of your Commonwealth ? Truly I am 
 mo Pryer into other mens matters ; and efpeciaily as to 
 yours, I have been fo far from angerly thundring [Virulent 
 Declaiming] againft them, that I have thought it an unfpeaka- 
 ble Fault to difpute curioully of them. I will fay .more, I 
 could not but hope well of Britain ; for I was, and am ftill of this 
 opinion, that God hath referv’d to himfelf in England more 
 Eleft, and more Godly Men, than ever either flourilh’d of 
 old, or can be (hewn now in any Realm of Chriftendom. Let 
 both fearful Brethren and furious Enemies judg your Safety 
 defperate, and ask in their Unbelief, who will give Salvation 
 to Ifirael out of Zion l God will provide; there are not ten, 
 not a thoufand Juft Men, but entire Millions of godly Men. 
 I will hear what the Lord God will fay, for he will fpeak 
 Peace to his People. But becaufe the moft high Ruler of 
 the World (who can indeed without the intervening of means, 
 bothfcatter the Darknefs, and call back the Light, yet never- 
 thelefs) wills not (for the moft part) to put forth his Power im¬ 
 mediately *, we ought (Reverend Sir) to lay together our Studies, 
 andallCounfels to eftablifh firmly the Safety of Britain . I fup- 
 pofe its Condition will be perpetually tottering, until the 
 Government return into one Man’s hands {Monarchy,) As the 
 Cuftoms of Nations ani their Difpofttions are various, fo are 
 their Manners of governing publick Affairs \ they are not of the 
 
 fame 
 
Monf. Caches’* Letter to Mr. Baxter. 561 
 
 ame mind. One People chtifes a popular Government j and 
 neither is, nor can be accuftom’d to be ruled by one Man ; 
 Another People, being taken with the Splendor of Nobility, 
 and hating the Madnelsof the Commonalty, prefers Monar¬ 
 chy. Your Country of England hath been a Lover of Kings 
 for almoft innumerable Ages; neither do I know any Mo¬ 
 narchy in the world more antient. The fame Sun ftiines upon 
 the prefent EngUfi-men ; the Afpe&s of the Stars, the Qua- 
 lity of the Soil hath the fame influence upon their AfFe&ions 
 now as formerly : Who then can hope that either a Demo¬ 
 cracy or Ariftocracy, will eafily prevail in that Country, 
 wherein Monarchy hath taken fuch deep rooting ? But Eng¬ 
 land (may fome man fay) hath already chang’d the Form of 
 Government, and that (as it feem’d) with common Confent ; 
 who then can deny that may be commodioully done, which 
 hath been done commodioully ? I have a double Anfwer here¬ 
 to. Firft, I will in like manner query, whether that Change 
 prov’d very happy for England? Truly, if Taxes and Im¬ 
 ports be to be counted, they are not only doubled, but in¬ 
 creas’d beyond almoft ail meafure. If the State of Religion 
 be to be confider’d, what a Common Sewer of Herelies is 
 there! Who ever heard of Ranters , Hua\ers y &c. under the 
 King ? Secondly, Suppofe Britain hath been happy fmee the 
 Change, yet it was under the Government of One. What 
 matters the Name ? This One was a Protestor, not a King, I 
 grant *, but he was One, and fuch a One, as was neither un¬ 
 skilful in the Art of Ruling, nor behav’d himfelf inferiour 
 to a King in diffolving Parliaments j and from his Death, or 
 at leaft from the carting out of his Son, England never was 
 quiet; Changes were continual : whom yefterday we reve¬ 
 renc’d, to day we loath ; whom we fwore Fealty to but now, 
 him foon after we damn with Curfes. Shall that moft noble 
 Queen of Jflands always be fo tofs’d upon the Waves ? And 
 fliall no Halcyon fly thither, which may calm your Seas ? 
 Truly I fear you will never have Peace afeertain’d either a- 
 gainft Tumults at home, or the Attempts of Enemies abroad, 
 till he, who is the Grandfon of fo many Kings, at length be 
 reftor’d to his Grandfather’s Throne. He hath every where 
 by Right of Inheritance the Title of King of Britain , tho he 
 yet polTefs not the thing delign’d by the Title. I know what 
 Odium hath been cart upon him: Some, whether really or 
 counterfeitly, are diffatisfy’d in his Conftancy to the true Re¬ 
 ligion ; and alledg, that it concerns the Church very much, 
 that he who is to rule others, fhould excel them in Godlinefs. I 
 will not anfwer (which truly may be faid) that it belongs not 
 to us to inquire into the Prince’s Religion j Be he what he 
 
 O o will, 
 
562 Monf. Gaches’ s Letter to Mr. Baxter. 
 
 will, (if his Power be otherwife lawful, and the Right of 
 Reigning belongs unto him) Obedience in Civil Matters mult 
 be perform’d to the King, and other Matters muft be com¬ 
 mitted unto Divine Providence. Let the Bilhop of Rome lull 
 to juftle Kings out of the Throne, unlefs they order Affairs 
 of Religion according to his Beck ; We may not be fo proud. 
 We give unto God the things that are God’s, and to C&far the 
 things that are Cafar* s. But I pafs over all this ; for (which 
 is the thing chiefly to be confider’d) this Prince being born, 
 and duly educated in the true Religion, never departed from 
 the publick Profeflion of it; no, not even in thofe places, 
 in which he was likely to fuffer lofs thereby: neither did he 
 difdain to be prefent at our Religious Aflembly at Roan and 
 RocheL Moreover, he hath the Eftimation of godly Ufe si- 
 mo ng thofe that are about 'him. I confefs he never graced 
 Our Church with his Prefence, while he was feated at Paris ; 
 which truly griev’d us: but becaufe the Cafe of thofe call’d 
 Presbyterians, feem’d to concern ns who are Presbyterians ; 
 and becaufe the King’s Death was afcribed to the Presbyte¬ 
 rians; he could not but be ftrange to us, until the Event of 
 things certify’# him that his Xnftalment was principally hin¬ 
 der’d not by our Brethren, but by the Anabaptifts for the 
 mo ft part, or at leaft the Independents; whom alfo he cer¬ 
 tainly underftood to have before promoted his Father’s fad 
 Death. I with the Odium of that Faff, wherewith our Chur¬ 
 ches have foiong been loaded, might now at length be re¬ 
 moved both- from us, and our Etiglijj) Brethren : which I know 
 not how it can ever by, unlefs matters may be fo compos’d as 
 the Son may be tr his Father’s Scepter, not violently wrefted 
 out of the Presbyterians hands, but friendly and freely prof¬ 
 fer’d. Go on, Reverend Sir ; prevent the Calamitys of im¬ 
 minent : War. Dp •you, and the Brethren like you, ernbrace 
 peaceable Counfels, and give the like to your Countrymen. 
 Divine Providence will favour and blefs your Endeavours, 
 and will ufe you as facred Inftruments for reftoring Happinefs 
 to year Country. But enough, and too much of this, for 
 you may woiider that I fpeak fo familiarly to you; but I men¬ 
 tion’d in the beginning what caufe moved me thereto, 
 relying on your Piety and Charity, which will take all in good 
 part. Further, God blefs your Studies, your Labours, vour 
 Churchy and ail your, nay our England, which is the Flower 
 and Glory ; of all the Kingdoms wherein God is truly wor¬ 
 shipped. /’ ’ 
 
 * Park, April 2. i66cv - 
 
 Paris, 
 
A Letter of Monfuur Drdincourt. 5< 5 } 
 
 Paris, April the third, 1660. 
 
 SIR , my Honoured Brother, 
 
 N othing hath happen’d more ftrange in our days* than 
 the Revolutions of England, Scotland, and Ireland. After 
 the tragical Death of the late King, hopes were given that a 
 Commonwealth might be eftablifh'd, that fhould become the 
 wonder and admiration of the whole World. But the fever^l 
 Changes that have happen’d lince, from time to time, and 
 the Confufions that are to be fear’d, caufe many to believe, 
 that God will reduce Affairs to their fir ft ftate, and fet the 
 three Crowns united, upon the Head of one Monarch. That 
 which in this doth moft rejoice and comfort us, is, That it 
 feems for the doing of this glorious Work, God will ufe the 
 Service of thofe with whom we have more ftrift Communion 
 in Doctrine and Difcipline. For we underftand, that fuch as 
 are call’d Presbyterians, are now poffefs’d of the greateft 
 Power, and fit at the Helm of State. That illuilrious Aff.m- 
 bly, which would have preferv’d to their King his Life and 
 his Royalty, was without doubt very far from defigning to 
 rob his Children of that Right which is convey’d to them by 
 a continued Succefiion in their Royal Family for many Ages. 
 A Report is here, that the thing which might hinder this 
 King from being recall'd to the Inheritance of lms Fa¬ 
 thers, is the Opinion conceiv’d by fome, of his being turn’d 
 to the Roman Catholick Profelfion ; and the fear that in time 
 he might ruin the Religion now flourifhing in thofe three 
 Kingdoms. But, Sir, you know that we have ever detefted 
 the Doftrine of Popes and their Inftruments, who teach that 
 all Princes, call’d by them Kereticks, are incapable of Suc- 
 ceflion of Crowns, and if in polfdnon, to be turn’d out. And 
 more than this, I fee not any ground there is for calling this 
 Prince a Roman Catholick, he making no profeffion of if* but 
 on the contrary, hath rejetted all the-Advantages and all the 
 Aids offer’d to hjm upon that condition. Charity is not jea- 
 Jous, and if ic forbid us to fufpeft on flight grounds private 
 jPerfons, how can it approve Jtaloufys upon Perfons fo fa*, 
 cred? Experience hath taught us, how little reafon hath in 
 the end appear’d, for the like, and even the greateft Appr - 
 henfions of that kind.: our Hiftory doth furnilh us with a co; - 
 vincing Example.’ The League, never pretended oth^r caufe 
 for their Rebellion aghinft King Henry th$ Third., but for his 
 O o 2 being 
 
5^4 -A Letter of Monfteur Drelincourt. 
 
 being an Heretick, and a Maintainer of Hereticks. And 
 thence was infer’d, that he was no ways affetled to the Roman, 
 and a Favourer of our Religion. In the mean time, we never 
 had a more potent Enemy ; and to all mens knowledg he lived 
 and died in the Communion of Rome, and therein lhew’d as 
 much Zeal as any of his Predeceifors. But not to pafs the 
 Seas, you have in the midftof you an inftance againft all Con¬ 
 tradiction : For what Jealoufys have not been raifed againft 
 the Religion of the late Ring of Great Britain , and yet at the 
 hour when there was no place for diffembling, as being void 
 of Fears and Hopes from Man, he made his Zeal to the true 
 Religion appear; and even that Sweetnefs and that admirable 
 Patience with which he fuffer’d Death by the hands of hisown 
 Subjects, hath made it very vifible that the Spirit of God 
 reign’d in his Heart. True it is, that from my felf I am 
 not able to relate any thing touching the Religion of that 
 Prince *, becaufe for Reafons of State, we had not the Honour 
 of his Prefence in our Affemblys of Charenton , the only place 
 where in a formal Body we are able to witnefs the Refpeft 
 we bear to ftranger Princes in Communion with us. And as 
 to my felf, I am not coniiderable enough to have made a vifit 
 to fo great a Prince, which was alfo the reafoh why I had not 
 the Honour to fee the Duke of Tork. But two years fince be¬ 
 ing inform’d, how the Duke of Glocefter had manifefted his 
 Ability to confound the falfe Doctors that had undertaken to 
 feduce him, and that he had Courage and Generolity enough 
 to refill thofe who would have placed him in the College of 
 the Jefuits *, I thought, confidering how very young he*' was, 
 that I might have the Honour to give him a vifit, without ap¬ 
 prehending any difadvantage. And I perform’d the Work 
 freely, becaufe I knew that not only he would accept it, but 
 did alfo defire it. I cannot exprefs how much I was fatisfy’d 
 with that young Prince. For befides the obliging manner 
 wherewith he receiv’d me, he gave me feveral Proofs of his 
 Zeal and Piety. I remember, that among other Difcourfes, 
 he told me, how the late Ring his Father, a little before his 
 death, had charg’d him with three things : Never to change 
 his Religion : To obey his elder Brother, who was to be his 
 Ring, in the fame manner as he would have obey’d himfelf, if 
 God had fpared his Life: And to continue obedient to the 
 Queen his Mother, in all, but what related to Religion. To 
 which he added, that in perfevering in his Religion, he did 
 not only do his Duty towards God, and prefervc the Peace of 
 his Confidence ; but alfo perform the la ft Will of the Ring 
 his Father, and follow the Order of the Ring his Brother, 
 who had fent for him, to free him of future Temptations. 
 
 This 
 
J Letter of Monfieur Drelincourt. 565 
 
 This Difcourfe, which he deliver’d with a very good Grace, 
 confirm’d me in the Belief I had of the late Ring’s Religion, 
 and made me fee what I ought in Charity to believe of 
 the King his Son. But over and above, there are in his 
 Family among his Domefticks fome Gentlemen of our Reli¬ 
 gion, and my antient Friends, who at feveral times have 
 given me Afiurances of the Piety of this Prince, and his Sta¬ 
 bility in the Profeffion he makes. True it is, Engliflj- men have 
 unadvifedly done him great Wrong, for upon falfe Prejudi¬ 
 ces they have ftaid from Communion with us, and fo have 
 rais’d Jealoufys, as if their King and all his Court were in¬ 
 clin’d to Popery. But the more difcreet behave themfelves 
 otherwife ; for knowing that the Belief of our Church, and 
 that of the Church of England is the fame, they willingly came 
 to our Churches, and even Dr. Cofin , the King of Great Britain’s 
 Chaplain, hath join’d with us with great Devotion. To re¬ 
 turn to my Difcourfe, God intrufts at this day your Presby¬ 
 terians, the Gentlemen now in power, with the Honour and 
 Reputation of our Churches: For if without the intervening 
 of any foreign Power, they recal this Prince, and feat him 
 in his Throne, they acquire to themfelves and to their Pofte- 
 rity an immortal Glory, and ftop their mouths for ever, who 
 charge us falfly as Enemys of Royalty, and make appear, 
 that the Maxim of, No Bifljop no King , is injurioufly imputed to 
 us. For my part I confefs, that as I have deplor’d with bitter 
 Tears the bloody Death of the late King; fo fhall it be to me 
 an exceeding Joy, to behold the Re-eftablifhment of the King 
 his Son, if perform’d with Circumftances not leffcning the 
 Splendor of Royal Maiefty ; and which may be to the Glory 
 of God, and the Goocl and Reft of the three Kingdoms. 3 Ti$ 
 for this that I will offer up my hearty Prayers to God : and 
 for you. Sir, that he will preferve and blefs you. I have per- 
 fuaded my felf, that you would not take it ill that I open my 
 Heart to you, and difcover my Thoughts upon a Subject of 
 fuch moment; fince I am. 
 
 Sir, Your moft humble and moft affeftionatc 
 Brother and Servant, 
 
 VRELINCOVRT , 
 
 Minifter of the Church of Farit. 
 
 A Monfieur 
 
 Monfieur Stroupe f. M. D. S. E. 
 
 A Londres . 
 
 0 } 
 
 
( 5 66 ) 
 
 A 'True Relation of the late Kings 
 Death. To which are added , 
 Copies of two Papers written by 
 the late King Charles II. 
 of Bleffed Memory , found in the 
 Strong Box. 
 
 O N Monday, being the fecondof February, the K. rofe early, 
 faying, that he had not flept well the laft night ; and about 
 Seven of the Clocks, coming from his private Devotions out of 
 his Clofet , fell down f and fcarce any fign of Life remaining in him 
 for the fpace of four hours J of a Fit of an Apoplexy ; But with the 
 lofs of fixteen Ounces of Blood, and other Applications, came again to 
 bps Senjes, and there was great hopes of hts Recovery, till Thurfday 
 about One a clock. \ and at Five the Doffors being come before the Coun¬ 
 cil, declar'd that the King, was in great danger •, and on Friday a quar¬ 
 ter-before Twelve , he departed this Life. God have mercer on his 
 Soul. 
 
 P. M. a C. F. came to the D. upon the Do&or’s telling him 
 of the State of the R. and told him, That now was the time 
 for him to take care of his Brother's Soul, and that it was his 
 Duty to tell him fo. The D. with this admonifhment went to 
 the R. and after fome private Difcourfe, the R. utter’d thefe 
 Expreffions 0 Br. how long have I wifhld 1 but now help me: 
 withal declaring, that he would have Mr. Hud, who had pre- 
 ferv’d him in the Tree, and now hop’d would preferve his 
 goul. Mr. H . was accordingly fent for a and to bring 
 
A Relation of IQ, Charles tlV Dtath. 
 
 all Neceflaries for a dying Man. But he not having the B. S- 
 fiv him” went to one of the Qu. Ps. and telling him the oc<&- 
 lion, defir’d his AlMance to procure it, and to bring it to the 
 Back Stairs. The K. having notice that Mr. Hud . waited at 
 the Door, defir’d to be in private •, the Bilhops and Nobles 
 withdrew, the D. latching faft the Door, the Lords P.B. 
 and F. were going out alfo, but the D. told them they migliJt 
 iiay. The K. feeing Mr. H. cry’d out, Almighty God! whrit 
 good Planet- governs me, that all my Life is Wonders and Miracles ! 
 When, 0 Lord , I conftder my Infancy, my Exile , my Efiape at Wor~ 
 cefter, my Prefervation in the Oa\ with the Ajjffiance of this good 
 Father , and now to have him again to preferve my Soul ! 0 Lord, my 
 rp.onderful Reiteration, my great danger in the late Confpiracy ;. 
 and laji of all to be rais'd from Death to Life, and to have my Souf 
 preferv'd by the Affiftance of this good Father, whom I fee , 0 good 
 Lord, that thou haft created for my good! The D. and Ld$ with-, 
 drew into the Ciofet for the fpace of an hour : Then entring 
 the Room again, the Father ask’d the K. whether he would 
 be pleas’d to receive ? He anfwer’d, If I were worthy of it . 
 Amen, Amen . The Fa. remaining comforting and praying with 
 him, he faid. Father, if 1 am worthy of it, I pray let me have it. 
 The Fa. faid, it would.be brought to him immediately, and' 
 ask’d his leave to proceed with the Extreme VnZtionl The King 
 reply’d, With dU my heart : the D. and Lords aflifting at the,, 
 time.’ Fa. H. was call’d to the Door, where he receiv’d the 
 B. S. and defiring the K. to compote himfelf to receive, the 
 K. would needs rife (but was perftfaded to the contrary) he 
 laid, Let me meet my Heavenly Father in a better manner than lying ^ 
 on my baek.< But being ovef-rul’d, they continue in Prayer i 
 Amongft others, the Fa. repeats an Aft of Contrition , defiring 
 the K. to repeat it word by word after him. Having made an 
 end, the K. receiv’d with the greatelt Expreifions of Devo¬ 
 tion imaginable. This being ended, they go on with the 
 Prayers de Anima. That being done, the K. defir’d the AH 
 of Contrition to be again repeated, faying, 0 Lord, good God, 
 when my Lips fail, let my Heart fpeal^thefe Words eternally. Ameh* 
 The Bifhops and Lords enter the Room again, and deiire 
 the K. to remember his laft End, and to endeavour to make 
 a good End. He faid he had thought of it, and hop’d he had 
 made his Peace with God. They ask’d him whether he would 
 receive ; he faid he would not. So perfifting in extolling 
 the Qu. and D. faid. He was not firry to leave the Wqrld, leaving 
 fo good a Brother to Rule behind him » 
 
 The 
 
568 /£. Charles IIV Firjl Paper. 
 
 The Firjl Paper. 
 
 T HE Difcourfe we had the other day, I hope, fatisfiedyou 
 in the main, That Chrift can have but one Church here upon 
 Earth ; and I believe that it is as vifible, as that the Scripture 
 is in Print, That none can be that Church, but that which is 
 call’d the Roman Catholic\ Church, I think you need not trouble 
 your felf with entering into that Ocean of particular Dif* 
 putes, when the main, and in truth the only Queftion is. 
 Where that Church is, which we profefs .to believe in the two 
 Creeds ? We declare there to believe one Catholick and 
 Apoftolick Church, and it is not left to every fantaftical man’s 
 Head to believe as hepleafes ; but to the Church, to whom 
 Chrift left the Power upon Earth to govern us in matters of 
 Faith, who made thefe Creeds for our Directions. It were a 
 very irrational thing to make Laws for a Country, and leave 
 it to the Inhabitants to be the Interpreters and Judges of thofe 
 Laws: for then every man will be his own Judg, and by con- 
 fequence no fuch thing as either Right or Wrong. Can we 
 therefore fuppofe that God Almighty would leave us at thofe 
 Uncertainties, as to give us a Rule to go by, and leave every 
 Man to be his own Judg? I do ask any ingenious Man, whe* 
 ther it be not the fame thing to follow our own Fancy, or to 
 interpret the Scripture by it ? I would hatfe any Man Ihew 
 me, where the Power of deciding Matters of Faith is given 
 to every particular Man. Chrift left his Power to his Church, 
 even to forgive Sins in Heaven , and left his Spirit with them, 
 which they exercis’d after his Refurreidion : Firft by his Apo- 
 ftles in their Creeds, and many years after by the Council at ! 
 Nice , where that Creed was made that is call’d by that name: 
 and by the Power which they had receiv’d from Chrift, they 
 were the Judges even of the Scripture it felf, many years after 
 the Apoltles,'’ which Books were Canonical and which were 
 not. And if they had this Power then, I defire to knowhow 
 they came to lofe it, and by what Authority men feparate 
 themfelves from that Church ? The only Pretence I ever 
 heard of, was, becaufe the Church has fail’d in wrefting and 
 interpreting the Scripture, contrary to the true Senfe and 
 Meaning of it, and that they have impos’d Articles of Faith 
 upon us, which are not to be warranted by God’s Word. I 
 do defire to know who is to be Judg of -that, whether the 
 whole Church, the Succeifton whereof has continued to this 
 
 day |j 
 
K, Charles IIV Second. Paper. 569 
 
 day without interruption, or particular Men, who have rais’d 
 Schifms for their own Advantage. 
 
 This it a true Copy of a Paper I found in the late King my 
 Brother's Strong Box, written in hit own Hand, 
 
 J. R. 
 
 The Second Paper. 
 
 I T is a fad thing to confider, what a world of Herefys are 
 crept into this Nation : Every man thinks himfelf as com¬ 
 petent a Judg of the Scriptures, as the very Apoftles them- 
 felves. And ’tis no wonder that it fhould be fo, fince that 
 part of the Nation which looks moft like a Church, dares not 
 bring the true Arguments againft the other Se&s, for fear 
 they Ihould be turn’d againft themfelves, and confuted by their 
 own Arguments. The Church of England (as it is call’d) 
 would fain have it thought they are the Judges in Matters 
 Spiritual, and yet dare not fay pofitively there is no Appeal 
 from them ; for either they muft fay, that they are Infalli¬ 
 ble (which they cannot pretend to) orconfefs, that what they 
 decide in Matters of Confcience, is no farther to be follow’d 
 than it agrees with every man’s private Judgment. If Chrift 
 did leave a Church here upon Earth, and we were all once of 
 that Church, how and by what Authority did we feparate 
 from that Church ? If the power of interpreting of Scripture 
 be in every man’s Brain, what need have w r e of a Church or 
 Churchmen ? To what purpofe then did our Saviour, after 
 he had given his Apoftles power to bind and loofe in Heaven 
 and Earth, add to it. That he would be with them even to the end 
 of the World? Thefe words were not fpoken parabolically or 
 by way of Figure : Chrift was then afcending into his Glory, 
 and left hit Power with hit Churchy even to the end of the World . We 
 have had thefe hundred years pa ft, the fad Effeftsof denying 
 to the Church that Power in Matters Spiritual, without ah 
 Appeal. What Country can fubfift in peace or quiet, where 
 there is not a Supreme Judg, from whence there can be no 
 Appeal ? Can there be any Juftice done, where the Offen¬ 
 ders are their own Judges, and equal Interpreters of the Law 
 with thofe who are appointed toadminifter Juftice? This is 
 our cafe here in.England in Matters Spiritual: For the Prote - 
 fiants are not of the Church of England , as ’tis the true Church 
 from whence there can be no Appeal, but becaufe the Difci- 
 pline of that Church is conformable at that prefent to their 
 
 Fancies *, 
 
570 C Charles IIV Second Paper . 
 
 ^Fancies'; which as foon. as it fhall ■ contradict or vary from* 
 they are ready to embrace or join with the next Congrega¬ 
 tion of People, whofe Difcipline or Worfhip agrees with, 
 their own Opinion at that time: fo that according to this 
 Doftrine, there is no other Church, nor Interpreter of Scrip? 
 lure, but that which lies in every man’s giddy Brain. I de¬ 
 fire to know therefore of every ferious Cpnfiderer of thefe 
 things, whether the-great Work of our Salvation, ought. £o 
 depend upon fuch a fandy Foundation as this? Did Chrift 
 ever fay to the Civil Magiftrates (much lefs to the People) 
 That he -would be with them to the end of the World ? Or did he 
 give them the Power to forgive Sins ? St. Paul tells the Co? 
 rinthians, Te are God's Husbandry , Te are God’s Building • We are 
 Labourers with God: This fhews who are the Labourers, and 
 who are the Husbandry a’nd Building. And in this whole 
 Chapter, and in the preceding one, St, Paul takes great pains 
 to let forth, that They f the Clergy) have the Spirit of God , with¬ 
 out which no man fearches the deep things of God , And he con¬ 
 cludes the Chapter with this Verfe, For who hath known the 
 Mind of the Lord , that he might inftrutf him ? But we have the 
 Mind of Chrifl. Now if we but confider in human probability 
 and reafon, the Powers Chrift leaves to his Church in the 
 Gofpel, and St. Paul explains fo diftinftly afterwards; we 
 cannot tliink that our Saviour faid all thefe things to no pur- 
 pofe. And pray confider on the other fide, that thofe who 
 refift the Truth, and ; will not fubmit to his Church, draw 
 their Arguments from Implications, and far-fetch’d Interpre¬ 
 tations, at the fame time that they deny plain and pofitive 
 Words : which is fo great a Difingenuity, as ’tisnot almoft to 
 be thought that they can believe themfelves. Is there any 
 other Foundation of the Protefl ant Church, but that if the Civil 
 Magifirate pleafe, he may call Rich of the Clergy as he thinks 
 fit for his turn at that time, and turn the Church either to 
 Presbyipf, Independency^ or indeed what he pleafes ? This was 
 the way of our pretended Reformation here in England ; and 
 by the fame Rule and Authority it may be alter’d into as many 
 fiipre Shapes and Forms, as there are Fancies in mens Fields* . 
 
 This is a True Copy a 
 
 FINIS, 
 
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