v^(jr- .< i^\ ^IB^-; ^ ]>/ \, ^ hi 'vnfT. V \: W ■jsi^^i^* .«.^Xv^C< (^f AN INQ^UIRY INTO THE ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF ENGRAVING, UPON Copper anti in TOlootr, VOL. 1. AN INQUIRY INTO THE ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF ENGRAVING, UPON Copper antr m ISEootr, WITH AN ACCOUNT OF ENGRAVERS AND THEIR WORKS, FROM THE INVENTION OF CHALCOGRAPHY BY MASO FINIGUERRA, TO THE TIME OF MARC ANTONIO RAIMONDI. BY WILLIAM YOUNG OTTLEY, F.S.A. VOL. L LONDON: PRINTED FOR JOHN AND ARTHUR ARCH, 61, CORNHILL, BY J. M'CREERY, BLACK-HORSE-COURT. 1816. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from Research Library, The Getty Research Institute http://www.archive.org/details/inquiryintoorigi01ott f TABLE OF THE CONTENTS OF VOLUME THE FIRST. -TREFACE •• page vii, CHAPTER I. The Process employed in Wood Engraving. The Antiquity of this art in China. Earl,e.t account of Wood Engraving in Europe. Papillon's story of the two Cunio. i-xanuned. And judged authentic . page 1 CHAPTER II. . The Decree of the Government of Venice, 1441. Specimen of old Venetian Wood Engraving described. Supposition that the Venetians obtained this Art from the Chinese, at a very early period. And that other European Nations discovered the Secretin the course of their Traffick with Venice. The Art, perhaps, improved in Germany. S, ence of old writers with respect to Wood Engraving^ 'accounted for. No evidence that it was invented in Europe. Opinion of those who ascribe its Origin to he Invention of Playing Cards, unsupported by Evidence. Remarks on the early Use of Playing Cards. Early Wood Engravings of Germany, and the Low Countries Specimens described. StBridget. A Print preserved at Lyons, dated IS84. Doubt-' doubt Itfr^^^' 1'/'' "^""^ "^""^ "''' ^ °^*^' «f-^-»> ^hereisno doubt Its Companion, the Annunciation. Reasons for suspecting these two Print, to be Italian. Other ancient Wood Engravings, with Dates,'&c. '. Jage 46 CHAPTER III. Early Block-Books of Germany and the Low Countries. Probability that some of them are as early as 1420. The Artists who executed them unknown. And eveTthe Schools to which most of them appertain. Sketch of the Amelioration and Advance ^ent of the Arts m the Low Countries. Few of the Block-Books have any th nTto recommend them, except their Antiquity. The best of them are probably the Prl! xxu auctions of Flanders, or of Holland. Three of them described. The Biblia Paupe- rum; the Historic, seu Procidentia Virgims Marice, ex Cantico Canticorum ; and the Speculum Humance Sakationis. Brief Recapitulation of the foregoing Documents. Introduction of Wood-cuts into some of the first Books printed in Italy . page 99 CHAPTER IV. Of the Invention of Chalcography. Engraving on Metals with the Burin, practised by the Ancients. Works of Xiello — much practised in Italy during the Fifteenth Century. The Process used in making such Works described. Maso Finiguerra, a Florentine Goldsmith, eminent in that way. His Practice of taking Impressions of his Engravings in Sulphur : also on damped Paper. The former Method considered. One of these Sulphurs described. Foian's Account o( Finiguerra' s Practice of taking Impressions on Paper considered. His Discovery of that Method supposed to have taken place not later than 1-140. The Researches of Mariette and Gaburri, in hopes to find Prints bearing his Name or Cypher. Impressions from Works of Niello of Anonymous Italian Goldsmiths discovered. An Impression, conjectured to be from one of Finiguerra's Engravings, described. The Conjecture confirmed by Zand Discovery of an undoubted Impres- sion from one of Finiguerra's Works of Niello, at Paris. Zani's Account of his Dis- covery. His Description of another Print at Paris, by the same Artist. The proba- bility that Finiguerra lived to perfect, in some degree, his Invention ; and that he engraved some Plates for the purpose of Publication. A third Engraving, supposed to be by Finiguerra, of which Zani met with two Impressions .... page 259 CHAPTER V. Impressions from Works of Niello of the ancient Italian Goldsmiths, in the Durazzo Collection, described. Specimens of the same kind in the possession of the Author. Remarks on the gradual progress of the Art of taking Impressions from engraved Plates in Italy. Bartsch's opinions concerning the establishment of Chalcography, examined page 320 CHAPTER VI. The Works of Ancient Engravers of the Florentine School, described. Baccio Baldini. Sandro Botticelli. Antonio del Pollajuolo. Ancient Prints of this School by un- known Artists. Other early Florentine Engravers, Gherardo. Robetta. page 349 TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE GEORGE JOHN EARL SPENCER, K. G. &c. &c, &c. ,% THIS WORK IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED, WITH A DUE SENSE OF THE ADVANTAGES DERIVED IN THE COURSE OF ITS PROGRESS, FROM THE USE OF MANY RARE AND VALUABLE MATERIALS CONTAINED IN HIS lordship's MAGNIFICENT LIBRARY, BY THE AUTHOR. PREFACE. 1 HE following work owes its origin to the circumstance of my having, many years ago, when in Italy, chanced to meet with a small print; which, as well from its style of design and delicate finishing, as from the imperfect method in which the impression appeared to have been taken off, I was led to conjecture might be a genuine specimen of the abilities of Maso Finiguerra, the Inventor of Chalcography. It happened that the painting and sculpture of the early Italian schools, and especially the school of Florence, had occupied much of my previous attention ; and that I had already, more than once, visited Florence, Pisa, Orvieto, Assisi, and Siena, for the express purpose of collecting drawings, faithfully copied from the original frescoes and bassi-relievi of the early artists, with a view to illus- trate the history and progress of the Arts of Design, from the dawn of their improv^ement in Italy, in the thirteenth and fourteenth cen- turies, to the sera of their meridian splendour, under Julius the Second and Leo the Tenth. In the course of this pursuit, conti- nued for several years with great eagerness, I naturally became somewhat conversant with the various changes of style which b2 TIU PREFACE. took place in the painting and sculpture of the Italian schools, at different periods of the before mentioned interval ; and many of those minute details, which, although they escape the notice of the more general observer, often furnish, nevertheless, the best criterion for judging of the age or school to which a work of art appertains, were to me familiar. In short I became so far a connoisseur in the very early pictures commonly known under the generic and opprobrious term, Gothic, that I sometimes found my- self in a situation to pronounce as to the probable authenticity of a picture attributed to Cimabue, Giotto, Giovanni da Fiesole, or Luca Signorelli, with the same confidence that others feel in deciding as to the originality of a work of Raffaele, Titian, or Do- menichino. I have indulged myself in this apparent digression from the im- mediate subject of the present work, because it was the information which I had acquired during the pursuit therein mentioned, that first occasioned me to suspect that the engraving above spoken of might be by the hand of Maso Finiguerra ; and finally led me to the intimate conviction that such was really the case. This con- viction was naturally followed by a desire of impressing others with the same belief: a genuine print by Finiguerra was a desideratum in the history of the art, and, indeed, was considered necessary by many writers, in order to render the evidence of Vasari worthy of credit, and thereby to establish the claims of Italy to the honour of the invention in question. With this view, therefore, I entered into a minute examination of the different passages in which any mention is made of Finiguerra, or of his supposed discovery, by Vasari and other old writers ; and I had already prepared a disser- PREFACE. ix tation of some length, in which I endeavoured to enforce the pre- tensions of the small engraving above mentioned ; when, upon the appearance of a work by Zani, under the title of * Materiali,' &c. my vanity was flattered, on the one hand, by the perfect assurance that 1 had judged rightly in ascribing my print to Finiguerra, and mortified, on the other, by learning that a similar discovery had been previously made, or at least previously published, by that indefati- gable inquirer. I was not surprised to find, upon a perusal of Zani's book, that although we had both referred in many places to the same written authorities, and even cited the same passages, we differed in some of our conclusions ; that some things, which to me appeared of consequence, had escaped his observation ; and that his work fur- nished many others which had escaped my own. In short I was induced to continue my labours ; especially as it was represented to me by my friends, that a work upon the origin and early history of engraving was much wanting in the English language, and as I even flattered myself with being able to add something new to the stock of information already published upon the subject by the writers of the continent. Amongst those who strongly advised me to the completion of my design, I cannot omit to mention my neighbour and friend the Rev. T. F. Dibdin, to whom it is in a great degree owing that my book does not still remain unfinished. It is true, that had I further delayed its publication, the work might perhaps by degrees have been rendered less imperfect than it will now be found : but there is always a danger in procrastination ; and the greater probability is, that but for the encouraging assurances jfc PREFACE. which I received from him, it would never have been published at all. About three years ago, I had the pleasure of becoming acquainted with Mr. S. W. Singer, who was at that time employed in a work upon the origin and history of Playing-Cards; and it was principally at the suggestion of that gentleman that I undertook to preface my Inquiry concerning the Invention of Chalcography, by some remarks upon the early use of Engraving in Wood. In the course of this part of my work, which I originally hoped to comprize within the limits of one chapter, I have more than once had occasion to express my obligations to Mr. Singer, for several pieces of valuable information; as well as for his liberality in the loan of curious books, and espe- cially of his copy of the ' Speculum HumancB Salvationia,'' which through his kindness I had the opportunity of examining for some months. It happened that that part of the present Inquiry which treats of early Wood-Engraving, was finished before Mr. Singer's work was far advanced ; and at his request, a copy of the book, so far printed, w^as sent to him for his inspection. I have thought it necessary to notice this circumstance, in order to account for the mention of this work in several passages of Mr. Singer's book, Avhich, having been finally completed before my own, has now been many weeks in the hands of the public. Mr. Singer, I find, differs with me in opinion upon several points ; but I think, upon the whole, we are less frequently at variance as to facts than consequences. There are two or three passages of his work, only, to which I think it necessary to offer a few words in reply. Mr. Singer, I find, (p. 87), approves the opinion oflered by me at page 54 of this work, that the silence of Marco Polo in his.Tra- PREFACE. tl vels, as to the use of Wood-Engraving amongst the Chinese, (who, there appears to be no doubt, practised it before his time), makes in favour, rather than otherwise, of the supposition that that art was well known, at the time he wrote, in his own country. Mr. Singer admits also (p. 95) that the account given by Papillon of certain wood-engravings said to have been executed at Ravenna, about the year 1284, by two persons of the name of Cunio, bears every ap- pearance of truth ; and agrees with me, that the decree of the government of Venice of 1441, respecting wood-engraving, is good evidence that that art had been in common use, as well in Italy as elsewhere, long previously to that date : and yet he cannot allow the probability of the truth of my opinion, stated at pages 45 and 69, that the outlines of the three packs of cards which were furnished for the use of Charles the Vlth, king of France, in 1392, at the low price of fifty sous for the whole, must have been first printed, and afterwards gilt and coloured by the hand. " It is possible," Mr. Singer ob- serves, (p. 105), "that the cards of Gringonneur were very rude " performances, seeing that a mad king could have but little discri- " mination in works of art;" he adds, that "the expression ' d, or et " a diverses couleurs' seems to imply, that Gringonneur's cards were ** painted, and not printed;" and that "it should be observed too, " that he is called Peintre." He concludes with remarking, that, " had there been any solid ground for Mr. Ottley's conjecture, the " French writers woidd have seized upo7i it with avidity." To the last of Mr. Singer's reasons for condemning my hypo- thesis, I have only to say, that if it be really a good one, we ought both of us to have confined ourselves to a simple statement of the few facts we have been able to collect, without venturing to offer any xii PREFACE. novel opinion or conjecture, founded upon them. A very good reason may however be given why none of the French writers upon the subject of cards have anticipated me in the opinion above men- tioned : they were not thoroughly persuaded that the art of wood- engraving was practised in Europe even so early as the commence- ment of the fifteenth century; much less did they think it probable, like Mr. Singer and myself, that it was in use in Italy, and perhaps in France and Germany, more than a century before. Mr. Singer's other reasons for differing with me in opinion with re- spect to Gringonneur's cards, do not to me appear forcible; and I cannot but express my surprise that he should not have observed, that the description given by Lanzi of certain playing-cards preserved in the Durazzo collection, and supposed to have been fabricated at Venice about the year 1400, (see p. 49), exactly corresponds with the account given of those of Gringonneur. Both were 'a or ct a diverses couleurs :' the outlines of the Venetian cards being first printed, the ground behind the figures was afterwards gilt, and the figures themselves were coloured by hand ; and I think there is every reason to believe that the cards furnished by Gringonneur were manufactured in the same manner. That Gringonneur should have been honoured with the title of Peintre, can furnish no reason- able objection to my opinion that he was only an illuminist or colourer of printed cards, (and perhaps other wood-cuts); since the ancient card-makers of Germany were known by the corresponding appellation of Briefmaler. Besides, if, as Mr. Singer agrees with me in believing, the art of wood-engraving was commonly known as early as the thirteenth century, and (p. 107) was used in the manutacture of devotional figures, before cards were commonly PREFACE. xiii known, what hypothesis can be more reasonable, than that that art was had recourse to in the fabrication of cards, immediately upon their coming into general use ? To what purpose could it be more readily applied ? Where, it may be asked, was this art of wood- engraving, during the interval of an hundred and thirty-nine years, which took place from the time when it was practised by the two Cunio, to that in which the wood-cut of St. Christopher, dated 1423, was executed ?* The next part of Mr. Singer's work upon which I think it neces- sary to remark, is a passage which occurs at p. 128. Mr. Singer "WP^ there observes, that I am the first writer who has endeavoured to shew, that the style of art which pervades the wood-cuts of the Biblia Pauperum, the Speculum HumancE Salvationis, and the Historia ex Cantico Canticorum, is that of the Low Countries, and not of Germany ; after which, he proceeds to say, that " it Avould " be presumption in him to enter the lists with a judge so compe- " tent," as he is pleased to consider me, " to decide upon the coun- " try to which the style of art which pervades these rude perform- " ances belongs, if such puerile efforts can be said to have any " distinguishing character of this kind," &c. I am sorry that my * Mr. Singer's objections to my opinion " but there can be no doubt that they were that Giingonueur's cards were printed, are " among the first objects it produced, and the more extraordinary ; since, in other parts " we have every reason to conclude, that they of his work, he expresses his behef that " were printed from engraved blocks of wood-engraving was used in the manufacture " wood, at least as early as the commence- of cards long before. Indeed, at p. 230, I " ment of the fourteenth century, if they find the follosving passage : " At what time " were not derived together with this art " the application of xylography to the pur- " from the eastern world at an earlier period ; " pose of multiplying cards took place, it is " a supposition which is not entirely devoid " not now possible to ascertain with certainty; " of probability." xiy PREFACE. friend should have thought it necessary in this place to preface his condemnation of my opinion, as to the style and merit of the cuts alluded to, with a compliment. As, however, he has omitted to (yive his reasons for differing with me so decidedly upon these points, it will be sufficient for me to refer the reader to the third Chapter of this work ; in many parts of which I have endeavoured to shew, that the wood-engravings in the three block-books above men- tioned, although in the dry manner of the time, are far from deserving the appellation of rude performances, or puerile efforts of the art. It is not my intention to discuss all the various passages of Mr. Singer's book in which his opinion happens to be at variance with my own: he himself observes, (p. 128), that in treating of the origin of typography, he has taken a different view of the subject. I cannot, however, help remarking, that in his argument concerning the last-mentioned important question, he displays more frequently the zeal of an advocate than the deliberation of an impartial in- quirer. Thus, at p. 110, Mr. Singer opens his examination of the claims of Harlem to the invention of typography, by stating, that that city, in order the more effectually to establish those claims, " deemed it expedient to accuse the Germans of theft, in having stolen " the art from thence;" after which he says : " let us examine with " care, and with an unprejudiced mind, the testimonies in her behalf, " that we may decide impartially," &c. What would be thought of the judge who should deliver an opinion as to the guilt of a prisoner, before the jury had heard the evidence for or against him! At pp. 116 and 145, and following pages, Mr. Singer intimates his suspicions that the magistracy of Harlem improperly lent their PREFACE. XV influence in support of a story which they must have known to be false ; and at p. 144, after speaking of a book of rude wood-cuts, in the collection of the Marquis of Blandford, which contains several leaves of MS. with the spurious date, as he himself considers it, of 1344, he thus expresses himself: " Had the advo- " cates for Haerlem stumbled upon any thing half so conclusive as " the date of the manuscript in this case, they would have urged " it as a strong and irrefragable argument in favour of their cause." In the third Chapter of the present work, the reader will fmd that I have taken some pains to explain the grounds of my conviction that the cuts of the Biblia Pauperum, the Speculum, and the Book of Canticles, were not only executed in the Low Countries, but also that they were in part engraved by the same artist. Mr. Singer answers all this by shortly observing, (p. 128), "that it will be " allowed, that the evidence founded upon this parity of style is " equivocal;" and in another place, (p. 131), he says: "Mr. Ottley " argues from the similarity of style in the design, and the knack of " the execution : surely," he continues, " these are not infallible " guides ; and more certain demonstration seems necessary in a " decision of so much importance." I am by no means satisfied with this brief mode of getting rid of an argument which happens to oppose itself to the writer's hypothesis. On the contrary, 1 think that it may fairly be maintained, that parity of style, in two or more works of art, generally furnishes a very satisfactory ground for the belief that such productions were executed in the same school, and at nearly the same period ; and that if, in addition to this general similarity of style, we observe in them the same peculiar knack in the execution of the parts, which I have noticed in some of the cuts c2 xvi PREFACE. ofeachof the three Block-Books above mentioned, (a pecuHarity which may be compared to that by which the hand-writing of one individual is distinguished from that of another) we have then the strongest possible evidence that such performances were the work of the same hand.* I should greatly exceed the ordinary limits of a Preface, were I to attempt to answer all the parts of Mr. Singer's argument, concerning the invention of typography, which are opposed to my own : but it is necessary I should observe, that he has greatly mis- taken my intention, when, at p. 130, he states, that all that I have attempted to shew is, the probability that the Speculum was printed before the year 1472. An attempt to deniomtrate this does indeed make one branch of my argument; but it is only a branch of it, — and I have written to little purpose if the evidence and the arguments which I have adduced in the course of my inquiry appear to lead to no further conclusion. It is true that I have not felt myself" * Lest, liowever, the resemblance which equally against the antiquity of most of the I have noticed in the style of execution, in other block-books. The pages of text in tl)e some of the cuts of the three block-books ^rs Mf/nora«rf/, which Mr. Dibdiiuhiiiks the above mentioned, should on all sides be ad- most ancient of all, (and Mr. Singer seeins to mitted to be so perfect, as fully to justify the join in the opinion) are distinguished in the conclusion that the same wood-engraver was same manner, and so are the pages of the employed upon each of those works, Mr. block-book of the Jpoca/i/pse, and those of Singer prepares a mode of avoiding the in- all the editions of the Biblia Pauperum. It ference which would, otherwise, necessarily is something to urge against Mr. Singers follow the establishment of such a fact. He argument, (which is at variance with the suggests, iu his note at p. 131, that " the opinions of every writer upon the subject " existence of « species of signature in the of typographical inquiry that I know of) " Biblia Pauperum," (Mr. Singer means the that one of the latter editions of the initial letters by which the cuts are distin- Biblia Pauperum, in which the text is guished) " might be urged in proof of its translated into the German language, happens " being executed posterior to 1470." This to bear the date of 1470. See Heinecken, argument, were it well founded, would make " Idee Generale," p. 325. PREFACE. xvii adequate to pronounce a decided judgment upon the question which I have discussed ; but this my want of confidence in a matter of so much importance, can furnish no additional strength to the oppo- site party ; and I must conclude these remarks upon Mr. Singer's work by observing, that to some of the most important parts of the evidence, and the argument which I have brought forward in favour of the side I have taken, he does not appear to me to have offered any satisfactory answer.* But to return to the object of the present undertaking. The title-page of this work will, I believe, be found to convey a sufficiently correct idea of its contents. The first five chapters consist principally of inquiry concerning the authenticity of do- cuments, relating to the antiquity of the art of wood-engraving and the invention of chalcographj% and of argument founded upon the results of such inquiry. The extreme paucity of contempora- neous Avritten documents respecting the origin or early use of en- graving, and the dubious light in which some of these have been viewed by most of our modern writers, seemed to render this mode of treating the subject peculiarly necessary ; and I have sometimes, whilst pursuing my investigations, felt disposed to consider myself as a sort of literary pioneer, whose business it was to remove obstruc- tions, and clear the way for those who are to follow. How far I * Especially the fact, which I think I have appears to me to make strongly in favour of sufficiently proved, that the edition of the the traditions recorded by Junius and Guic- Speculum, printed partly from engraved ciardini, and I have argued accordingly. Mr. blocks, and partly with moveable type, which Singer (note, p. 129) does " not see the ad- has heretofore been commonly considered " vantage which is derived to Harlem from ihejirst edition of that work, was in reality " this discovery." the third. This extraordinary circumstance xviii PREFACE. have performed this task, it is not fbr me to judge; but I hope the writer, who at some future period may undertake to compose a more regular history of the origin and early progress of engraving, may find that, by discussing points of controversy so much at length as I have done, I have in some measure facilitated his labours. Even in the sixth and following chapters, wherein I have given the best account I am able of the early engravers on copper, and catalogues of their works, I have not unfrequently found myself called upon to examine doubtful evidence, or to controvert com- monly received doctrines. . It were vain to suppose, that the opinions which I have hazarded upon these various occasions, should all prove to be well founded. He who quits the beaten path, in hopes of discovery, may chance to be repaid for his toil : but he will often find himself entangled in difficulties which he did not foresee; and sometimes opposed by obstacles which he is unable to surmount. A work like the present must necessarily contain many errors, and for such I claim the in- dulgence of the reader. I have only to add, that in the progress of my inquiries I have seldom, if ever, taken any thing from another writer without acknowledging it ; and that it has always been my wish to preserve a due respect towards those who have written before me, when per- chance I happened to differ from them in opinion. If, in the warmth of argument, I should occasionally appear to have deviated from this rule, I am sorry for it ; and I particularly wish to assure INIr. Bartsch, to whose extensive and valuable woi-k I owe much of the information which is contained in my own, that I am very far from entertaining the most distant idea that the keepers of the PREFACE. x\x Imperial cabinet of prints at Vienna have not, at all times, been as faithful guardians of the early specimens of Italian engraving entrusted to their care, as of those of Germany.* In the course of this work I have had occasion to express my acknowledgments to several gentlemen, and especially to Francis Douce, and Thomas Lloyd, Esqrs. for their kindness in the loan of curious and valuable materials, as well as for many interesting communications, which their experience enabled them to furnish : but I have still to return my best thanks to William Alexander, Esq. for the obliging attention which I have at all times expe- rienced from him, during my researches in the extensive collec- tion of ancient engravings at the British Museum ; a collection, of which his gentlemanly politeness, and his acquirements as an artist, render him, in every respect, so worthy a superintendent and guardian. * I have thought it necessary to make the me in the heat of disputatioD at p. 343, might above declaration, in consequence of a friend otherwise admit of being construed into a having suggested, that an expression used by serious accusation. Kensington, June Tth, 1816. DIRECTIONS FOR PLACING THOSE CUTS WUICH ARE NOT INSERTED IX THE LETTER-PRESS. 1. St. Bridget, from a very early print in the possession of Earl Spencer, To face vol. i. page 86 2. St. Christopher, the earliest known print, with a date (1423), discovered at Buxheim, near Memmiugen : now in the possession of Earl Spencer ... 90 3. Composition from the Book of Canticles 147 4. Madonna, from a print in ttiello by Maso Finiguerra, in the possession of the Author 304 5. Coronation of the Virgin, from a print by M. Finiguerra, in the National Cabinet at Paris 308 6. Imperator, Villi, a fac-simile of a print forming part of a set of supposed Tarocchi Cards 385 7. Speranza, XXX Villi, a fac-simile of another Card of the same set 393 8. Fac-simile of a Vignette to the 12th Canto of Dante, printed at Florence 1481, 420 9. Copy of part of Pollajuolo's celebrated print of a Battle of naked Figures . . 446 10. A young Man bearing a yoke on his shoulders, from Andrea Mantegna, To face vol. ii. page 494 1 1 . Fac-simile of part of the celebrated print of the Sea Monsters, by A. Mantegna 508 12. Madonna, from Martin Schongauer, jA'Vtt' S ^^^ 13. Copy of a drawing in the British Museum, containing an inscription respect- ing the time of the death of Israel van Mecken 660 14. St. Anthony seated without the city walls, from Albert Durer 723 15. Holy Family, from Albert Durer 726 Four Prints from the Original Wood-Blocks engraved by Albert Durer, in the possession of P. E. Boissier, Esq. 16. The Last Supper 17. Christ brought before Pilate I ^»'" '■■"■" > 730 18. Christ taken down from the Cross 19. The Ascension 20. St. John the Baptist, copy of part of a print by Julio Campagnola 768 21. Woman seated on a Chair, &c. from Marc' Antonio Raimondi 806 22. Poesy, from Marc' Antonio Raimondi 807 CHAPTER I. The Process employed in Wood Engraving — The Antiquity of this Art in China — Earliest account of Wood Engraving in Europe — PapiUo?is story of the two Cunio — examined — and judged authentic. J. HE art of engraving the designs of figures, and other objects, on blocks of wood, and of multiplying such representations, by means of impressions taken from them on paper, appears to have been prac- tised in different parts of Europe, long before it was discovered that engraved plates of metal could also be applied to similar pur- poses. Some account, therefore, of the ancient practice of Wood Engraving, will properly precede our inquiry concerning the Inven- tion of Chalcography. B 2 PROCESS OF WOOD ENGRAVING. [chap. i. But first I will speak briefly of the process by which works of this kind are executed : for I have had occasion to observe, that books, relating to particular arts or sciences, are often in a great degree unintelligible to all those who are not previously informed on the subjects they treat of, merely because the authors of them, taking it for granted that the rudiments of those studies were familiar to all who were likely to peruse their books, omitted, at the beginning, to explain a few first principles; without a know- ledge of which it was impossible for any one to understand their dis- course ; although, in some cases, afew words would have been suffi cient for this end. The following short account of the method employed in wood engraving will, in a great measure, obviate similar objec- tions in the present instance ; and will, at least, inform the reader, who has not hitherto considered the subject, concerning those im- portant distinctions between the two arts of Wood Engraving and Copper-Pl'VTE Engraving,* without a clear idea of which it would be difficult for him to comprehend our subsequent argument. Of course this is not intended for the instruction of the artist. The process is as follows. The artist, having decided upon the subject and dimensions of his intended work, most usually prepares a correct design on thin paper. This drawing is either a simple outline of the proposed subject, or finished with hatchings to an effect similar to that which the print is intended to produce. A block of wood, of a close grain, f and of a flat and even surface. * It is totally inconceivable how the au- i/onnaire des Arts de Peinture, Scuipiure, thors of the great French Encyclopedia should &c. — 1792. 8ro. tofii. ii. p. 478. have committed so great an error, as to say, f Box-wood, from its hardness, and the " La TheoriE de la graviire en hois est la closeness of its grain, is now preferred, espe- " meme que celle de la gravnre a I'eau forte cially for delicate work. It is, however, diffi- " <^- au burin, &.c." — Who would not be led to cult to procure it of dimensions sufficient for suppose from such a remark, that the strokes large engravings. Sometimes several pieces intended to prhit black in wood engraving of box are mortised together, so as to form were cut into the wooden block, in the same one large block. The old German wood en- manner as in engravings on copper ? Die- gravers generally used peartree ; at least we CHAP. I.] PROCESS OF WOOD ENGRAVING. 3 corresponding to the size of the drawing, is then procured. The drawing, meanwhile, has been rendered transparent by rubbing it over on the back with oil, turpentine, or varnish. Another piece of fine paper is now rubbed all over, on one side, with red or black chalk, or charcoal; or, if the wood be of a dark tint, with white lead, or whiting. This paper is laid, with its smeared side down- wards, upon the prepared block; and the drawing, also with its face downwards, is laid upon it. The artist then passes over all the lines of the drawing with a blunt steel point, or with a hard pencil, by which means, upon removing the drawing and the smeared paper from the block, he finds all the lines of his drawing faintly traced upon the wood in a reversed direction.* He next strengthens the different outlines and hatchings of his design with a pen and ink, or with a hard pencil, giving to each stroke its proper thick- ness, and, to the whole, an effect in every respect resembling that which the print is designed to have when finished. Skilful de- signers often make their drawing at once on the wooden block, with- out having recourse to this double process. The design on the wooden block being thus completed with a pen or pencil, nothing noAv remains but to engrave, and afterwards to print it. In engraving on copper, every line or touch which is intended to be dark in the impression, is cut into the copper, Avhich is thus hollowed in all those parts intended to receive the printing ink. In wood engraving, the reverse is the case; the surface of the block being left in its original state in all those parts which are intended are infoimed that all the blocks of the cele- way of his own. I understand, that if the brated triumph of Maximilian, engraved from block is rubbed over with wax, and the draw- the designs of Hans BiirgJimair, shortly be- ing, with its face downwards, is laid upon it^ fore the death of that emperor, (135 of which it is found that the outline may be transferred are still preserved in the imperial library at to the surface of the block by friction. The old Vienna,) are of that wood. Bartsch, " Peintre German wood engravers are said to have glued Graveur," torn. vii. p. 229. the drawing itself, first made transparent, upon * This is one way of doing it : but, of the block, and to have cut through it in course, in such matters, every artist foljoivs a the manner used by the Chinese. ^ B 2 4. PROCESS OF WOOD ENGRAVING. [chap, i; to receive the ink, and to be dark in the impression. The business of the wood engraver is, therefore, to cut away and excavate the wood witli gouges, and other instruments, in all those parts which are intended to be white in the impression ; which parts, of course, are all those whereon no traces of the pen or pencil appear. When the work is finished, the original and even surface of the block remains in the places marked with the pen or pencil, and in no others ; the Avood being every where else holloAved out to such a depth, as to render it easy for the printer to apply a black tint to the projecting surface, by means of a dabber, without soiling the parts excavated and intended to a])pear white, and thus impossible for the paper, in the moment of receiving the impression, to come in contact with any parts of the block, except such as are intended to be impressed. The greatest difficulty in Avood engraving occurs in clearing out the minute quadrangular lights, occasioned in the shadows by one row of hatchings being crossed at a right angle by other hatchings. To do this, so that each stroke shall preserve the freedom of the pen, is indeed a task of extreme delicacy ; for that which, in draw- ing or in copper-plate engraving, is done with one sweep of the pen or burin, is here to be effected by a multiplicity of minute and tedi- ous operations. Hence those artists of the present day, who are accustomed to make designs for wood engraving, avoid cross- hatchings as much as possible; depending, for the force of their shadows, upon the thickness and proximity of the strokes, not, as in copper-plate engraving, upon crossing and re-crossing them with other strokes. But however great the difficulty of representing the cross hatch- ings in wood engraving, it was surmounted by the German artists of the beginning of the XVIth century, many of Avhose prints have all the freedom of masterly pen draAvings.* * Upou this subject I shall have occasion meanwhile, I will only caution the reader, to speak more fully in a subsequent page; that the doubts of Mr. La?J(/seer, as to these CHAP, i] THE ANTIQUITY OF WOOD ENGRAVING. 5 The Origin of Engraving in Wood, like that of many other useful arts, is obscured by clouds, which the learned have in vain laboured to dispel. The want of evidence, contemporaneous, or old prints being really printed not from en- graved wooden blocks, but rather from tablets of cast metal, are rendered futile by the ac- tual existence of a very great number of the old wood blocks themselves ; and, amongst others ([ speak it upon the unquestionable authority of Mr. Douce, who had them for some time in his own possession), several of those of tiie " small set of the Passion," by Albert Durer. Mr. Landseers hypothesis (and I must own it is a very ingenious one, since it fur- nishes the hint for a new mode of manufac- turing prints from cast metal blocks) seems to me to have been founded upon false pre- mises. He takes it, for granted, that wood engraving, or, as he expresses himself, that which has generally been considered wood en- graving, was used by the old German artists, as " being obviously the easiest mode of pro- ducing the effects which their authors had in view," {Lectures, page 202). Now, says he, many of these old prints, which are called wood cuts, are full of cross hatchings, which could not, by any method we are acquainted with, have been executed on wood without extreme labour and difficulty ; and, therefore, I suspect " that they are either etchings — the lights being corroded away ; or, which is yet more likely, that a prototype or matrix ■was cut in intaglio, probably with the gra- ver, in which the tablets, from whence the prints are taken, were cast in the manner of letter-types." But the fact appears to be, that wood en- graving was resorted to by the greatest artists of Germany, as the most eligible mode of multiplying their designs, not because it was a process of small labour, but because it re- quired mechanical dexterity, and little else. Tlie designer finished his drawing with firm and decided strokes of the pen upon the block, or on paper which was afterwards glued upon it : inferior artists brought up under his eye, and, perhaps, in his house, were very capable of cutting away the wood between the strokes of the pen: little or no knowledge of drawing was necessary in the operation : all that was required was sharp tools and care. Thus an expert and able designer like Albert Durer, or Hans Burghmair, could find employment for a score of young men, whose labours, as their value was entirely dependent upon the skill of the designer, were no doubt procured at a moderate price. It is likewise to be remembered, that the value of labour did not bear the same pro- portion to the price of the metals in those early times as it does now. In engravings on copper, the original artist was obliged to execute the whole work him- self, at least such was the custom of Albert Durer, and the other engravers of his time, whereas his superintendence alone was suffi- cient in engravings executed on wood. One more remark will, I think, suffice to show the advantages which the designers of Ger- many derived from resorting to wood engrav- inij; the block, when once finished, wascapa- ble of furnishing maiii/ thousand impressions, whereas an engraving on metal could fur- nish, comparatively, but a very limited number. d WOOD ENGRAVING IN CHINA. [chap. i. nearly contemporaneous with the truth sought for, has hitherto rendered every attempt for its attainment unavailing; and conjecture and hypothesis must still be employed to fill the chasms which proofs cannot be found to occupy. That it is of Asiatic original, appears to be the best founded opinion ; and if the name of its in- ventor is destined ever to be known, it is most probable that it will be found among the records of Eastern nations. • Of all the nations Avith which we are acquainted, China seems to have the best claim to the invention. It is well known that the Chinese, in writing their language, do not describe words by means of a combination of letters, each ex- pressive of a particular sound, as is the case in European languages ; but that they represent each word of their endless vocabulary by one distinct character serving to indicate it alone ; if, indeed, those characters can properly be termed the representations of words, which are often, individually, expressive of a sentiment that could not, in speaking, be expressed without the assistance of many words. The prodigious number of these characters, amounting, according to some accounts, to eighty thousand, renders it impracticable for them to print their books with moveable types. To cast them separately would be an endless undertaking ; and, were it done, by far the greater part of them would be of very rare occurrence.* " The method they pursue," says du Halde, " is as follows. The " work intended to be printed is transcribed by a careful writer upon " thin transparent paper. The engraver glues each of these written " sheets, with its face downwards, upon a smooth tablet of pear " or apple-tree, or some other hard wood ; and then, with gravers ** and other instruments, he cuts the wood away in all those parts " upon which he finds nothing traced ; thus leaving the transcribed " characters ready for printing. In this manner he prepares as " many blocks as there are written pages. He then prints the num- " ber of copies immediately wanted; for he can always print more, * J. B.du Halde, " Description, &c. de I'Empire de la Chiue." 4to. 1736 — torn. ii. p. 299. CHAP. I.] WOOD ENGRAVING IN CHINA. 7 " if they are required, Avithout the lahour of re-composition ne- " cessary in typography : nor is any time lost in correcting the " proof sheets, for, as he is guided in his engraving by the strokes " of the written copy, or perhaps the original of the author him- " self, it is impossible for him to make any mistakes, if the copy " is written with exactness. " The advantage of this mode of printing is, that the booksellers " are not obliged to print a greater number of copies of any work " than there is an immediate demand for; and consequently they " do not run the risk of only selling half their impression, and " of being ruined by useless expense, as often happens to Eu- " ropean publishers. Besides, after having taken off thirty or " forty thousand copies, they can easily have the engraved blocks " retouched, and fitted to throw off other editions." In printing, the Chinese do not use a press, as we do in Europe ; the delicate nature of their paper would not permit of it: " When once, however, the blocks are engraved, the paper is cut, " and the ink is ready, one man," says du Halde, " with his brush " can, without fatigue, print ten thousand sheets in a day.* " The block to be printed must be placed level, and firmly fixed. " The man must have two brushes; one of them of a stiffer kind, " which he can hold in his hand, and use at either end. He dips it " into the ink, and rubs the block with it ; taking care not to wet " it too much, or to leave it too dry : if it were wetted too much, " the characters would be slurred ; if too little, they would not " print. When the block is once got into a proper state, he can " print three or four sheets following without dipping his brush into " the ink. " The second brush is used to rub over the paper, with a small •' degree of pressure, that it may take the impression : this it does * Dix miUe feidUes. Had this number cipher extraordinary, in honour of Chinese in- been stated in figures, I should have given dustry. The account is absolutely incredible, the printer credit for having introduced a 8 WOOD ENGRAVING IN CHINA. [chap. i. " easily, for, not being sized with alum, it receives the ink the instant " it comes in contact with it. It is only necessary that the brush " should be passed over every part of the sheet with a greater or " smaller degree of pressure, and repeated in proportion as the " printer ftnds there is more or less ink upon the block. This " brush is soft, and of an oblong form."* Thus, with great neatness, but on one side of the paper only, the Chinese print their books, which are often embellished with en- gravings in outline, of figures, landscapes, or other subjects, executed in the same manner. This art of printing from engraved blocks of wood appears to be of very high antiquity amongst the Chinese; and, indeed. Father du Halde gives the following passage, cited by an old Chinese au- thor, from the moral writings of the celebrated Emperour Von Vang, by which some writers have been led to conjecture that it was prac- tised by them more than three thousand years ago ; for that Prince flourished 1120 years before Christ.f " As the stone Me," (a word signifying ink in the Chinese language) " which is used to blacken " the engraved characters, can never become white; so a heart " blackened by vices will always retain its blackness." This pas- sao'e, however, is not cited by du Halde to prove the antiquity of printing amongst the Chinese, but solely in reference to their Ink, which it is possible might have been used by them, at a very ancient period, to blacken, apd thereby render more easily legible, the cha- * Du Halde, torn. ii. 299, 300. The close the young shoots of the cocoa-nut tree, extreme thinness and pliancy of the Chinese The Chinese use their paper without damp- paper renders a small degree of pressure ing it. sufficient. In the Museum at the India- f Idem, tom.ii. p. 294.1tis remarkable, that House, however, I was shown, as a part of Papillon, " Traite de la Gravure en Bois." the apparatus used in Chinese printing, a kind torn. i. p. 30— and since him, Jansen, " Essai of rubber, made somewhat in the form of a sur I'Origine de la Gravure." torn. i. p. 73, cushion. This, and the brush, which accom- have both cited this passage with a reference panied it, for putting on the ink, were made, to the antiquity of Chinese printing, as I was informed, of the fibres which en- CHAP, i] WOOD ENGRAVING IN CHINA. 8 racters of engraved * inscriptions. The art of printing, he informs us in other parts of his book, was not discovered in China until about fifty years before the Christian era, under the reign of Ming Tsong I. the second Emperour of the Tartarian dynasty, f The Chinese were not acquainted Avith the art of making paper until ninety-five years after Christ, before which period they had been accustomed to transcribe, or print their writings, in volumes of silk or cloth, cut into the form of leaves. ^ So says Father du Halde; whose authority I give without any comment, as the defence of Chinese chronology makes no part of the present undertaking. That the art of block- printing was prac- tised by the Chinese, and also by some other eastern nations, seve- ral centuries previous to the knowledge of such an art amongst the nations of Europe, is, on all sides, admitted; and it would be useless labour to collect the proofs of that which no one is disposed to deny. § With respect to the period at which Wood Engraving was first PRACTISED IN EuROPE, the Opinions of the learned have been greatly at variance ; some writers having dated its commencement but a little earlier than the invention of typography, to which it is sup- posed to have given rise ; whilst others have considered it of much more ancient usage. It has also been a question, and it is a ques- tion to which, perhaps, no certain answer can now be given, whe- ther we derived it from the Chinese ; or, without any previous know- ledge of their practice, discovered it ourselves. On the one hand, we have no historical evidence that this art was invented in Europe; and, on the other, it has been contended, that we possess very scanty * The ancient Romans and the Etruscans, ^ Tlie reader will find many curious parti- if I mistake not, often coloured the letters of culars relative to oriental block-printing in their engraved inscriptions with a red colour, the first volume of Papillon, " Traite Histo- and upon some occasions gilded them. rique, Scc. de la Gravure en Bois." 8vo. t Du Halde— torn. i. p. 3o3 and 413. Paris, 1766. X Du Halde— tom. ii. 288. 10 PAPILLON'S ACCOUNT OF [chap. i. accounts of that kind of intercourse between China and the inha- bitants of Europe, in early times, which might give hkehhoodto the supposition that it found its way to us from that country ; and, moreover, that the writings of the earhest European travellers, who visited China, are silent upon the subject. The question is, there- fore, one of great difficulty, as we are left to decide concern- ing it, on one side, or the other, not so much upon the evidence of facts, as upon the preponderance of probabilities. The arguments respecting it, however, will best develope themselves in the course of our inquiry. The earliest document in favour of Wood Engraving in Europe that I am acquainted with (if document that may be called which so many critics have agreed in condemning as spurious) is given by Papillon; a writer on whom Heineken did not hesitate to pronounce the severe sentence, that " he found him too ignorant to merit any " notice." * Papillon, however, has since found a defender in Zani; whose learning and deep research into the subjects I am treating of, certainly entitle him to respect, and Avhose authority will be ad- mitted as a sufficient ground for niy granting a further hearing to the French writer in this place : especially as his case has not been fairly stated, and as the importance of the facts he records, renders an inquiry into their authenticity well worth the labour. * The sentence was more severe than the vishly says in a note (Idee Generale, p. 239), oflfence merited. Papillon had understood " Je n'aurois pas nomme ici Papillon, si je the generic term aha (a term properly ap- " n'avois pas cite, sur sa foy, dans mon ou- plied to denote gaming of all sorts) to signify " vrage Aleraand, I'edit de St. Louis de I'an- cards. It was at most a venial error, and " nee 1254. Mais apres avoir cherche et lA could indeed be defended upon the ground " moi-meme cet edit dans la Bibliotlieque that cards might very properly be included in " Royale de Paris, j'ai vu que cet ecrivain its meaning. — Even the authors of the Voca- " est trop ignorant, pour etre allegue A bolario della Crusca use it to denote cards, " I'avenir." — Heineken's own readers are the (Venezia, 1763. t. i. p. 4'24. § xii.). They sufferers, since his book contains several er- say, " Carte diciamo anche a un mazzo di rors, which a httle more respect for the la- " Carte dipinte, delle quali ci serviamo per bours of other writers, and, amongst the rest, " giucare. Lat. alea, charts lusorix, &c." for those of Papillon, would perhaps have Heineken, how ever, is very angry, and pee- prevented his committing. CHAP, i] THE TWO CUNIO, A.D. l-28o. 11 The nature of the investigation makes it necessary, in the first place, that I should insert an extract of considerable length, from Papillon's book; in the course of Avhich I shall occasionally offer a short observation of my own, by which the reader will be the better prepared for the argument which follows. " It is more than thirty-five years ago," says Papillon, " since I " mislaid three sheets of paper, upon which I had written the de- " scriptions of certain ancient books of wood engravings. For a " long time there only remained a very confused idea of them in my " mind : I remember to have searched for those papers more than " twenty times in the course of writing my book, or upon the occa- " sions of my sending such parts of it as Avere finished to the press. " By accident, on the day of All-Saints, in the year 1758, I chanced " to discover those manuscript sheets, which had given me so much " uneasiness, amongst a bundle of papers for hanging rooms, which " my deceased father was, at one time, accustomed to manufacture, " The circumstance gave me the greater pleasure, as, from the " name of a Pope, I discovered in these writings an epoch of en- " graving prints, and characters, in wood, certainh' much more an- " cient than any hitherto known in Europe ; accompanied by a story " relative to this subject, at once curious and interesting. I had " so far lost the remembrance of all this, that I had not de- " signed to make even the slightest mention of it in this history " of my art.* Tliis is the proper place to speak of it : but, first, " I must inform my readers how it came to my knowledge. *" J 'avols tellement perdue le souvenir de " en bois sont sans date et sans noms de " tout cela, que je n'avois pas daign6 en dire la " Graveurs, de faqon que Ton ne peut rai- " nioindre chose dans cette Histoire de men " sonnablement remonter plus haut, pour leur» " Art." And, in fact, his book seems to " antiquite, qu'au commencement du quiii- have been, for the most part, written before " zienie siecle, quoique la Gravure en bois he happened to find the memoranda so long " ait pu itre inveniie dans k quatorzieme,'' mislaid : for in the preceding paragraph &.C. He, therefore, appears to have intro- (tom. i. p. 82.) he conjectures that engraving duced this narrative, just as he found it, with- in wood may have been invented in the xivth out taking the trouble to alter that which he century. " Toutes les anciennes Gravures had previously written, however contradictory. 12 PAPILLON'S ACCOUNT OF [chap. i. " When I was a very young man, and employed by my father, " almost every week-day, in different places, to paste or arrange " our papers for the hanging of rooms, it happened that in 1719 " or 1720, I was sent to the village of Bagneux, near Mont-Rouge, " to a Mr. De Greder, a Swiss Captain, who there possessed a very " pretty house. After I had papered a closet for him, he em- " ployed me to paste certain papers, in imitation of Mosaic, upon " the shelves of his library. One day, after dinner, he found me " reading in one of his books, and was, in consequence, induced to " shew me two or three very ancient volumes, which had been lent " to him by a Swiss officer, one of his friends, that he might examine " them at his leisure : we conversed together about the prints con- " tained in them, and concerning the antiquity of Engraving in " Wood. I will now give the descriptions of these ancient volumes; " such as I wrote them in his * presence, and as he had the good- " ness to dictate, and explain to me, " Upon a * cartouch,'-f- or frontispiece, decorated with fanciful " ornaments, (which, although gothic, are far from disagreeable,) " and measuring about nine inches in width, by six in height; with, " at the top of it, the arms, no doubt, of the family of CuNio, are * " Telle que je I'ecrivis devant lui, et English language by which to express its " qu'il eut la bonte de me I'espliquer et de meaning. It is used to denote those fantastic " me la dieter." (p. S4). We have, there- ornaments which were formerly introduced fore, no other than a correct copy of that in decorating the wainscots of rooms; and which Papillon w rote more than thirty-five frequently served the purpose of frames, sur- years before, with these ancient books before rounding inscriptions, small paintings, or him, and in the presence of M.de Greder; other devices. These car/oMc^ei were much not an account w ritten by memory. in vogue in the sixteenth and seventeenth cen- Papillon was born in June lG98 : in 17 19 turies, for the frontispieces of books of prints ; or 17*:0, therefore, when he saw the book and, indeed, Callol and Delia Bella etched in question, he was in his 21st or 22d year, niany entire sets of small subjects, surrounded In 1758, when he recovered the manuscript by similar ornaments. From the irregularity of memoranda which he had so long mislaid, their forms, the terms— tablet, shield, or he was, of consequence, about GO. pannel — would be but ill expressive of tlieir f I am obliged to retain the French word character. cartoncli, since I can iiiid no term in tlie CHAP. I.] THE TWO CUNIO, A. D. 1285. 13 " rudely engraved the following words, in bad Latin, or ancient " gothic Italian, with many abbreviations :" [So far Papillon himself, who described what he saw before him. The coat of arms at top, says he, is no doubt that of the family of Cunio : as for the inscription, he could not determine whether it was in Latin, or in old Italian; much less could he read it. It is, however, probable that he was able to make out the names of Alexander, Pope Honorius IV., and the two Cunio. Mr. de Greder deciphered, and translated the inscription, and dictated to him to this effect :] "THE HEROIC ACTIONS, REPRESENTED IN FIGURES, " Of the great and magnanimous Macedonian King, the bold and " valiant Alexander; dedicated, presented, and humbly offered to the " most holy father Pope Honorius IV., the glory and support of " the Church, and to our illustrious and generous father and mother, " by us Alessandro Alberico Cunio, Cavaliere, and Isabella Cunio, " twin brother and sister: first reduced, imagined, and attempted to " be executed in relief with a small knife, on blocks of wood, made " even arid polished by this learned arid dear sister; continued, and finished " by us together, at Ravenna, from the eight pictures of our invention, " painted six times larger than here represented; engraved, explained ^' by verses, and thus marked upon the paper, to perpetuate the number " of them, and to enable us to present them to our relations and friends, in " testimony of gratitude, friendship, and affection. All this was done " and finished by us when only sixteen years of age." * * The cramped style of this inscription, in " saint pere le Pape, Honorius IV, la gloire the French, furnishes, I think, most satisfac- " et le soutien de I'Eglise, et a nos illustres lory evidence, that it was bona fide, and lite- " et genereux pere et mere, par nous Alex- rally, translated from a Latin original: " andre Alberic Cunio, Chevalier, et Isabella Les Chevaleukeux Faits " Cunio, frereetsoeurjumeaux,premierement en Figures. " reduit, imagine et essaye de faire en relief, " Du grand et magnanime Macedonien " avec un petit couteau, en tables de bois, « Roi, le preux et vaillant Alexandre, dedie, " unies et polies par cette sgavante et chere " presente et offert humblement au tres- " soeur, continues et acheves ensemblement 14 PAPILLON'S ACCOUNT OF [chap. i. Having given this inscription, as dictated to liim in French by Mr. de Greder, Papillon continues his remarks — " This cartouch " is enclosed in a square, formed by a simple black line, one-twelfth " of an inch in thickness ; a few light hatchings, irregularly placed, " and executed without precision, indicate the shadows of the or- " naments. The whole, like the prints which follow, was taken " off, according to all appearances, with a pale tint of indigo in " distemper, by passing the hand several times over the paper, " after it had been laid on the block; in the simple manner used by " the manufacturers of cards in printing their addresses, and the " wrappers in which they enclose their packs of cards. The ground, " or field of the print, not having been sufficiently hollowed out in " the block in some places, has occasioned the paper, Avhich is of a " brownish colour, to be smeared in those parts; in consequence of " which the following memorandum was written on the margin be- " neath; that the fault might be rectified. It is in gothic Italian, " which M. de Greder had great difficulty to decipher, and was, " no doubt, written upon this proof, probably the first taken from " the block, by the hand of the Chevalier Cunio, or that of his " sister." " The ground of the wooden blocks must be hollowed deeper, " that the paper may not touch it any more in receiving the im- " pression." * Papillon resumes his remarks. " Immediately following this frontis- " piece," says he, "are the eight pictures, engraved in wood, of the same " dimensions, and surrounded by a similar fillet: they have, also, a few " d Ravenne, d' apres les huit tableaux de " fini, Sg^s seulement I'un et I'autre de seize " notre invention, peints six fois plus grands " annees parfaites." " qu' ici representes; tallies, expliques en The dedication appears to have been writ- '' vers, et ainsi marques sur le papier, pour ten by the brother. " en pprpetuer le nombre, et en pouvoir * This written memorandum, like the " donner A nos parens et amis, par recon- printed inscription, Papillon, it is to be re- " noissance, amitie et affection. Ce fait et gretted, has only given iu French. CHAP. I.] THE TWO CUNIO, A. D. 1285. as " light hatchings to indicate the shadows. At the bottom of each of " these prints, between the broad hne or fillet Avhich bounds the sub- " ject, and another parallel line, distant from it about the breadth of " a finger, are four Latin verses, engraved upon the block, which " poetically explain the subject; and above each is its title. " The impressions of all of them resemble that of the frontispiece ; " being of a grey tint, and spotty ; as if the paper had not been " damped or wetted before it was laid upon the engraved blocks. " The figures, Avhich are passable in respect to their outlines, although " of a semi-gothic taste, are sufficiently well characterized and " draped ; one may perceive by them, that, in Italy, the arts of " design were then beginning, by degrees, to experience melioration. " The names of the principal personages represented, are engraved " under their figures : as Alexander, Philip, Darius, Campaspe, and " others. " First subject. Alexander mounted on Bucephalus, whom he " has tamed. Upon a stone are these words : Isabel. Cunio pinx. " et scalp. " Second subject. The passage of the Granicus : near the trunk " of a tree are engraved these words : Alex. Alb. Cunio Equ. pmx. " Isabel. Cunio Scalp. " Third subject. Alexander cutting the Gordian knot. Upon " the pedestal of a column are these words: Ale ran. Alhe. Cunio " Equ. pinx. et scalp. This print is not so well engraved as the " preceding. " Fourth subject. Alexander in the tent of Darius. This print " is one of the best, both for composition and engraving, of the " whole set. Upon the border of a garment, the following words " are engraved : Isabel. Cunio pinxit et scalp. " Fifth subject. Alexander generously giving Campaspe, his " mistress, to Apelles, who was painting her picture. The figure of " this beauty is far from unpleasing. The painter appears trans- " ported with joy at his good fortune. At the bottom, upon a sort of 16 PAPILLON'S ACCOUNT OF [chap. i. " antique tablet, are these words : Alex. Alb. Cimio Eqiies. pinx. et " scalp. " Sixth subject. The famous battle of Arbella. Upon a hillock " of earth are these Avords : Alex. Alb. Equ. et Isabel. Cunio Pictor. " et Scalp. This also is one of the subjects, the best composed, de- " signed, and engraved. " Seventh subject. The vanquished Porus, conducted into the " presence of Alexander. This design, independent of its merit, is " very remarkable, as it is composed very much like that of the " same subject by the celebrated Le Brun : one would almost think " that he had copied this print. The figures of Alexander and " Porus have equally an air of grandeur and magnanimitj-. Upon a " stone, near a bush, are engraved these words: Isabel. Cunio pinx. " et scalp. " Eighth, and last subject. The Glory and grand Triumph of " Alexander, upon his entry into Babjdon. This piece is also well " composed, and was executed, like the sixth, by the brother and " sister conjointlj'^; as these characters, engraved at the foot of a " wall, testify: Alex. Alb. Equ. et Isabel. Cunio, Pictor. et Scalp. " This print has been torn at top : a piece, about three inches in " length by one inch in height, is wanting. " Upon the blank leaf, which follows this last print," continues Papillon, " are these words, badU^ written in old Swiss characters, " with ink so pale that they are scarcely legible." [Of course Papillon could not read Swiss — Mr. de Greder, there- fore, translated them for him into French.] " This precious book was given to my grandfather Jan. Jacq. " Turine, a native of Berne, by the illustrious Count de Cunio, " magistrate (podesta) of Imola, who honoured him with his liberal " friendship. Of all the books I possess, I esteem it the most; on ac- " count of the quarter from whence it came into our family, the " science, the valour, the beauty of the amiable twins Cunio, " and their noble and generous intention of thus gratifying their CHAP. I.] THE TWO CUNIO, A. D. 1285. 17 " relatives and friends. Behold their singular and curious history, " in the manner in which it was several times related to me by " my venerable father, and according to which I have caused it " to be written more legibly than I myself could have done it, * [The signature of this ancient possessor of the book does not appear.] " That which follows," says Papillon, " is written with blacker " ink ; but in the same kind of characters, although better " formed. " The young and amiable Cunio, twin brother and sister, were " the first children of the son of the Count di Cunio, which he " had by a noble and beautiful Veronese lady, allied to the fa- " mily of Pope Honorius IV. when he was only a Cardinal. This " young nobleman had espoused this young lady clandestinely, " without the knowledge of the relations of either of them ; who, " when they discovered the affair, by her pregnancy, caused the " marriage to be annulled, and the priest, who had married the two " lovers, to be banished. The noble lady, fearing equally the " anger of her father and that of the Count di Cunio, took refuge " in the house of one of her aunts, where she was delivered of " these twins. Nevertheless, the Count di Cunio, out of regard to " his son, whom he obliged to espouse another noble lady, per- " mitted him to bring up these children in his house, Avhich was " done with every instruction and tenderness possible, as well on " the part of the Count, as on that of his son's wife, who con- " ceived such an affection for Isabella Cunio, that she loved and " cherished her as if she had been her own daughter ; loving " equally Alessandro Alberico Cunio her brother, who, like his " sister, was full of talent, and of a most amiable disposition. " Both of them made rapid advances in various sciences, profiting * The style of this memorandum, as given of a cramped translation from old writing in in the French, is also very unlike Papillon's another language. Tlie same observation ap- usual manner of writing. It bears every mark plies to the longer narrative which follows. D ]8 PAPILLON'S ACCOUNT OF [chap. i. " by the instruction of their masters ; but especially Isabella, who, " at thirteen years of age, was already considered as a prodigy ; for " she perfectly understood and wrote Latin, composed verses, had " acquired a knowledge of geometr}', Avas skilful in music, and " played upon several instruments : moreover, she was practised " in drawing, and painted with taste and delicacy. Her brother, " urged on by emulation, endeavoured to equal her; often, how- " ever, acknowledging, that he felt that he could never attain so " high a degree of perfection : he himself was, nevertheless, one " of the finest young men of Italy; he equalled his sister in beauty " of person, and possessed great courage, elevation of soul, and " an uncommon degree of facility in acquiring and perfecting him- " self in whatever he applied to. Both of them constituted the " delight of their parents, and they loved each other so perfectly, " that the pleasure or chagrin of the one, or the other, was di- " vided between them. At fourteen years of age this j^oung gen- " tleman could manage a horse, was practised in the use of arms, " and in all exercises proper for a young man of quality ; he also " understood Latin, and had considerable skill in painting. " His father, having, in consequence of the troubles of Italy, " taken up arms, was induced, by his repeated solicitations, to " take him with him the same year," (viz. at the age of 14) " that, " under his eyes, he might make his first campaign. He was in- " trusted with the command of a squadron of twenty-five horse, " Avith which, for his first essay, he attacked, routed, and put to " flight, after a vigorous resistance, almost two hundred of the " enemy ; but his courage having carried him too far, he unexpectedly " found himself surrounded by many of the fugitives; from whom, " nevertheless, with a valour not to be equalled, he succeeded in dis- " engaging himself, without sustaining any other injury than that of " a wound in his left arm. His father, who had flown to his suc- " cour, found him returning with one of the standards of the " enemy, with which he had bound up his wound : he embraced " him, full of delight at his glorious achievements, and, at the same CHAP, i] THE TWO CUNIO, A. D. 1285. 19 " time, as his wound was not considerable, and as he was desirous " to reward such great bravery upon the spot, he solemnly made " him a knight, (although he was already one by his birth,*) dub- " bing him in the same place where he had given such great proofs " of his extraordinary valour. The young man was so transported " with joy at this honour, which he received in the presence of " the troops commanded by his father, (who, in consequence of " the death of his father, which had recently happened, was now be- " come Count di Cunio,) that, wounded as he was, he instantly de- " manded the permission to go and see his mother ; that he might " inform her of the glory, and of the honour which he had just " acquired ; which was granted by the Count, the more readily, as " he was glad to have this opportunity of testifying to that noble " and afflicted lady, (who had always remained with her aunt a few " miles from Ravenna) the love and esteem which he ever con- " tinned to entertain for her ; of which he certainly would have ** given more solid proofs by re-establishing their marriage, and " by publicly espousing her, had he not felt it his dutj^ to cherish " the wife his father had obliged him to marry, by whom he had " several children. " The young Knight, therefore, immediately set out, escorted by " the remains of his troop, out of which he had eight or ten men " killed, or wounded. With this equipage, and these attendants, " Avho bore testimony to his valour wherever he passed, he arrived " at the residence of his mother, with whom he staid two days ; " after which he repaired to Ravenna, to show a similar mark of re- *' spect to the wife of his father, who was so charmed by his noble " actions, as well as by his attentions towards her, that she herself led " him by the hand to the apartment of the amiable Isabella, who, " seeing him with his arm bound up, was at first alarmed. He " remained a few days in this city ; but, impatient to return to his * Probably this expression in the original (Knight) was anciently, perhaps, as it is now only meant that the young Cunio was a patri- in Italy, synonymous with gentleman, or cian by birth. The term " Cavaliere" nobleman. D 2 20 PAPILLON'S ACCOUNT OF [chap. i. " fiather, that he might have an opportunity of distinguishing him- " self in new exploits, he set off before his wound was yet healed. " The Count reprimanded him for not having sent back his troop, " and for not remaining at Ravenna till he was cured, and would " not permit him to serve again during the rest of the campaign : " shortly after, when his arm was perfectly healed, he sent him " home, saying to him pleasantly, that he did not choose to be " outdone by him all the remaining time that the troops would " continue in action that year. It was soon after this, that Isabella " and he began to compose and execute the pictures of the ac- " tions of Alexander. He made a second campaign with his father, " after which he again worked upon these pictures, conjointly with " Isabella, who applied herself to reduce them, and to engrave them " on blocks of woods. After they had finished and printed these pieces, " and presented them to Pope Honorius, and to their other relations " and friends, the Cavalier joined the army for the fourth time, " accompanied by a young nobleman, one of his friends, called " Pandulfio ; who, enamoured of the lovely Isabella, was desirous " to signalize himself, that he might become more worthy of her " hand, before he espoused her. But this last campaign was fatal " to the Cavalier Cunio : he fell, covered with wounds, by the side " of his friend, who, whilst attempting to defend him, was also " dangerously wounded. Isabella was so much affected by the '' death of her brother, which happened when he was not yet nine- " teen, that she determined never to marry : she languished, and " died when she had scarce completed her twentieth year. The " death of this beautiful, and learned young lady, was followed by " that of her lover, who had always hoped that his attentions and " affection towards her would be rewarded by her consent, at •' length, to become his, — and also by that of her mother, who " could not survive the loss of her beloved children. The Count di " Cunio, who had been deeply afflicted by the death of his son, " could scarcely support that of his daughter. Even the Countess " di Cunio, who loved Isabella with great tenderness, fell ill of CHAP. I] THE TWO CUNIO, A. D. 1285. 21 " grief for her loss ; and would have sunk under it, had she not " been supported by the manly fortitude of the Count. Happily " the health of the Countess was, by degrees, re-established. Some " years afterwards, the generous Count di Cunio gave this copy of " the actions of Alexander, bound * as it now is, to my grandfather ; " and I have caused the leaves of paper to be inserted, upon which, " by my orders, this history was written." [Papillon resumes his observations.] " From the name of Pope Honorius IV. engraved on the frontis- " piece of these ancient prints of the actions of Alexander, it is " most certain that this precious monument of engraving on wood, " and of the art of taking impressions, was executed betAveen the " years 1284 and 1285 ;t because that Pope, to Avhom it was " dedicated, governed the church only for the space of two years ; " that is, from the second of April 1285, to the third day of the " same month in the year 1287 : the epoch, therefore, of this ancient " specimen of engraving, is anterior to all the books, printed in " Europe, that have been hitherto known. Mr. Spirchtvel, the offi- " cer who was the possessor of this copy, and the friend of Mr. de " Greder, was one of the descendants of Jan. Jacq. Turine, who " was the ancestor of his mother. The death of Mr. de Greder " having taken place many years ago, I am unable to learn where " this book is at present to be seen, so that its authenticity might " be established to the satisfaction of the public, and that which " I have written be confirmed. It is, hoAvever, very probable that " the copy which Avas given to Pope Honorius, may be preserved in " the Library of the Vatican, at Rome." * Note of Papillon to this passage. " the attack of the worms: the cover has " This ancient and Gothic binding is made " been eaten by them into holes in many " of thin tablets of wood, covered with lea- '^ places." " ther, and ornamented with flowered com- f Papillon should have said 1285 — or " partments, which appear simply stamped 1286. It is possible, indeed, that the work " and marked with an iron a little warmed, was begun in 1264. " without any gilding. It has not escaped •22 PAPILLONS ACCOUNT OF [chap. r. I will not add to the length of this extract, by transcribing the account that Papillon has left us of two other ancient books of wood engravings, which he saw, upon the same occasion, in the house of Mr. de Greder ; as they had no marks from which their dates might be conjectured.* I shall proceed, with all due impar- tiality, to notice the opinions of different writers respecting the genuineness of the above interesting narrative ; and to set forth, on the one hand, the arguments that may be advanced in its favour; and, on the other, the difficulties which oppose themselves to our belief of it. I have already observed, that most authors (by which I mean more especially those who have treated on the subject of engrav- ing) appear to have considered the whole account as absolutely spurious. Several of the German writers, indeed, are so well satis- fied on this point, that they deem its very refutation unnecessary. Neither Heineken, in his " Idee Generale," and " Dictionnaire des " Artistes," — nor Huber, in his " Manuel des Amateurs," nor Bartsch, in his " Peintre Graveur," have even deigned to notice it. It was enough, that Italy had dared to advance her claims to the invention of copper-plate engraving ; that she should put forth pretensions to priority in wood engraving also, was too much to be borne. It would however be unfair to infer, that these writers withheld their pens, because they knew not how to disprove the evidence of Papillon and the Swiss officer ; — no doubt they thought that so palpable a for- gery, as they considered it, was best treated with silent contempt. Heineken, I fmd, indeed, had mentioned the story in a previous work, although with such little alterations, as he thought requisite, to fit it for his purpose ; for, instead of the name of Pope Honorius, in the dedicatory inscrii)tion, he inserted that of Pope Urban ; and added, moreover, that Papillon, when he wrote the account, was onl\^ fourteen years of age ; whereas it is certain that he was, at least, one and twenty. * One of them contained figures of tlie of ancient Kings and Heroes. Prophets and Sibyls ; the otlier, the portraits CHAP. I.] THE TWO CUNIO, A. D. 1285. 23 These misrepresentations did not escape the censure of De Murr ; * and Heineken, who, doubtless, considered some explanation neces- sary, afterwards wrote a long chapter on the subject of Papillon's book, and more especially on that Avriter's account of the two Cunio, which appeared in his work, printed in 1786, under the title of " Neue Nachrichten." After a few general remarks, similar to those in his " Idee Generale," upon the folly and credulity of Papillon, and the nu- merous errors of liis book ; and an unsuccessful attempt to show that the honest eulogium, shortly before bestowed upon the French writer's labours, by some learned journalists of Germany, was no other than " satyr in disguise," he enters upon an elaborate ex- amination of the subject in question. Through this examination it is unnecessary to accompany him, as the result of his inquiries may be sufficiently collected from the following extract. " It will readily be imagined," says Heineken, " that during my " stay at Paris, throughout the j'^ear of 1769, 1 was very desirous to get " some more certain intelligence respecting these wood engravings. " That there was something wrong f about Papillon, I had, indeed, " a right to conclude from the general tenor of his book, and especially " from his description of these engravings, which I have faithfully " translated : nevertheless, I hoped to learn something further on * Christophe Theophile de Murr, (Biblio- nated in carelessness, or in design, I shall leave theque de Peinture, de Sculpture, et de Gra- the reader to determine, vure; 2 vols. 12mo. Frankfort, 1770) after + Heineken takes some pains to show that having given Papillon's narrative of the two poor Papillonw&s not in his right mind ; and, Cunio, verbatim, observes as follows — " Je ne amongst his other arguments for that purpose, " sQai pas pourquoi Mr. de Heineken, quotes a passage from his book, 1. 1. p. 335, " au second volume Von Kilnstlern und in whichhe says," Par un accideiit etunefata- " Kiindstsachen, p. sxxvi. cite si fausse- Utt commune a phisieurs graveurs, aussi bien " ment ce trait curieux et remarquable. Au qu^mo'i, Le Fer re est devetiu aliened' esprit :" " lieu d' Honore,i\ met Vrbain; il dit, que asif a little pleasantry of expression, such as the " Mr. Pa^i7/o« etoit alors 14 ans. Mais il French writers, especially, have ever felt them- " en avoit au moins 21, etant ne I'an I698." selves at full liberty to indulge in, could really Whether these blunders of Heineken origi- constitute fit grounds for a statute of lunacy. 24 PAPILLON'S ACCOUNT OF [chap. i. " the subject in a conversation with himself: but when I repre- " sented to him the extreme improbabihty of wood engravings " having been executed at Imola, or Ravenna, in 1285; a thing " mentioned by no Itahan writer whatever; and also that the " chronology of Pope Honorius IV., did not at all agree with that of " Count Cunio ; for that although the history of Ravenna did mention " a Count Alberico Cunio, he did not live at the time of Honorius, " but of Urban VI. and Martin V. ; I could get nothing from " him, except that he could not read the " Old Latin, or Gothic " Italian imcription on the engraved frontispiece, and was absolutely " ignorant in what language it was really written. That which he " had written, he repeated, was merely a faithful record of what " De Greder had dictated to him. " Now, although, in my further researches," continues Heine- ken, " I could discover nothing more ; for Bagneux is not far from " Paris, and is often resorted to as a place of amusement; and " although all the connoisseurs of Paris laughed at my talking about " that Romance of Papillon, and Mr. Mariette, in particular, as- " sured me that I should make myself ridiculous by even men- " tioning Papillon, (for that I could not but know that he (Mariette) " who was so thoroughly acquainted with Italy, must long ago have " discovered such a work, had such a work, executed in 1285, existed,) " I am, nevertheless, still of opinion that such wood-cuts of the " Life of Alexander the Great do exist; although not of the an- " tiquity which Papillon supposed. There is no such book, " engraved by the Count Cunio and his sister at Ravenna, and dedi- " cated to Pope Honorius IV., to be found in the Vatican library ; " if I may rely on the information of the Counsellor Bianconi, " and the prelate Bottari : but still there must be something true " in Papillon's account ; for, from 7ny knowledge of his character, " and his manner, when I conversed with him, I am firmly per- *' suaded that he did not invent that which he told me. That a " history of Alexander the Great, engraved in wood after a ma- " nuscript dedicated to Pope Honorius, might have been printed at CHAP. I.] THE TWO CUNIO, A. D. 1285. m " the latter part of the fifteenth century, when such works were " most frequent; and that these wood-cuts might have been the *' work of an engraver called Cunio, is by no means impossible ; " especially as there really existed painters of that name at " Milan* The Swiss Captain may answer for the ro- " mance about the twins." Heineken cannot be accused of want of candour upon this occasion. He appears like a pleader, who, after having rigidly cross-examined a suspected witness, is at length convinced of his veracity. The reader will, however, soon find that he was him- self in error, when he asserted that there was no Count Alberico Cunio in the time of Honorius the IVth; and will learn, in a sub- sequent chapter, how far he ought to bow before the boasted om- niscience of Mariette. The truth is, that upon these, as upon all other subjects, much knowledge still remains to be obtained, even by him who knows the most. + * Unfortunately, however, we have no ac- count of any artist of the name of Cunio (always excepting the twins) until late in the sixteenth century. •f That Mariette, whose reading and eru- dition, upon all matters relating to the arts of design, were certainly very extensive, should now and then have forgot this maxim, (as upon the occasion of his conversation with Heineken) will hardly be wondered at, by any one who peruses the extravagant compli- ments lavished upon him by all the cognos- centi of his day ; and more especially by the writers of Italy. The following specimen, extracted from a letter written by Monsignor Bottari to the editor of the Lives of the Painters, by Giambattista Passeri, and pre- fixed to that work, upon its publication at Rome, in 1772, in 4to, may suffice. After having bestowed a well-merited eulogium on the work in question, he says: " The first account which I had of these " Lives, I received from the most learned " Sig. Pietro Mariette; who, in a letter " addressed to me, and printed at the begin- " ning of the sixth volume of the ' Lettere " Pittoriche,' at p. 10, says: I kwve a Life " of Pietro da Cortona in MS. by Gio. " Battista Passeri, which is unfinished; and " that part of it which is done, is ill done- " But let not this criticism of Monsieur " Mariette surprise you, for in matters of " this kind he is the most erudite and insati- " able {incontentabile) man now living, or, " perhaps, that ever did live ; nor is it pro- " bable that there will ever be another pos- " sessed of a museum more rich in works of " this kind, or more interesting, as well for % E 26 PAPILLON S ACCOUNT OF [chap. i. Strutt mentions the story of the two Cunio, but considers it worthy of but httle credit; an opinion, in the formation of which his own miscomprehension of the original French appears to have had no small share. " If this story be true," says he, " and such engravings " with the foregoing title ever did exist, they must have been ex- " ecuted in the years 1284 or 1285; for Honorius IV., to whom the " work is dedicated, sat only those two years in the Papal Chair. " But, as Papillon gives this story upon the sole evidence of the " Swiss officer, and had never seen any part of the engravings, " the generality of authors have not been inclined to give much " credit to the fact, which at best is exceedingly doubtful." * Now it is most evident, from Papillon's account, that he had seen these prints with his own eyes, and examined them at his leisure. The Swiss officer merely assisted him by deciphering and translating the inscriptions upon the frontispiece, and the manuscript his- tory of the two Cunio, inserted at the end of the book, after the prints. Padre della Valle, in his preface to the fifth volume of his edition of Vasari, (Siena, 1791 to 1794) gives Papillon's narrative at length, and shows no inclination to question its authenticit^^ " It would be " no matter of wonder," says he, "if at Ravenna, which, during the " its printed books, as its manuscripts ; which work of wood engraving, like that described " treasures, had Passeri had an opportunity by Papillon, did exist, in his " Idee Gene- " of seeing them, would, doubtless, liave en- rale," published two years after his visit to " abled him to make this life of Pietro da Paris : no doubt, lest Mariette, who was " Cortona more elegant, more ample, more then alive, should laugh at him for imagining " correct, and more rich, as he did the that such a work could have escaped Itis re- " others," &c. Thus the injustice of the searches: but, in 1786, Mariette having then French critic's censure (for Passeri's work been more than ten years dead, he took cou-^ is deservedly admired) furnished an excellent rage, and boldly asserted the right to speak opportunity for a highflown panegyric. his own opinions ! Heiiieken, it is to be observed, did not say * Dictionary of Engravers. — vol. ii. Es- one word of Papillon's story of the two say, p. 13. Cunio ; or of his decided opinion, that some CHAF. I.] THE TWO CUNIO, A. D. 1285. ^ " middle ages, was the Athens of the line arts, some one, amongst the " numerous artists, who flocked to it, not only from the different cities " of Italy, but also from countries on the other side of the Alps, " and even from Greece, should have invented the art of engraving " in wood for the purposes of impression."* Lanzi, I am obliged to confess, is not of the same opinion : he, indeed, mentions Papil- lon's account, but acknowledges " that it contains some things so * He conjectures, indeed, that the term allumhiar, used by Dante in speaking of Oderigo d'Agubbio, the miniature painter, (Canto xi. del Purgatorio). O, dissi lui, non se tu Oderisi L'hoiior d'Jgobbio, et Thonor di quell' arte, Ch' alliiminar t chiamata in Parisi ? might include, in its meaning, the art of en- graving the outlines of the figures, intended to be coloured, in wood ; and, he observes, that " certain manuscripts of Dante, and in other " ancient books, are to be seen impressions," (he speaks of letters) " v\'hich appear to have " been made with engraved pieces of wood ; " because we find in them that great degree " of regularity and resemblance, which, with- " out incredible labour and diligence, could " not be obtained by a pen directed by the " hand of any copyist, which cannot be, at " all times, equally firm and obedient." Bullet had the same idea. See Zani, p. 17b. This extreme regularity in the characters of many old manuscripts has been often observed, and gives sufficient ground for the opinion, that some mechanical process was, at least occasionally, resorted to by the ancient Cali- graphists. I think there is reason to believe, that stensils were often used by those who wrote the large choral books, containing the different services performed in the Roman Catholick churches ; the smaller letters in which are, sometimes, above an inch in height : but I have not, hitherto, seen any old manuscript in which the letters appear to be stamped in the manner described by Padre, della Valle. As for the celebrated MS. of the four gospels, by Ulphilas, believed to be of the fourth or fifth century, and preserved in the hbrary of Upsal, in Sweden; the characters of which are said to have been printed in gold and silver, on coloured parchment, by means of iron types heated ; I can only say, that the account is entirely beyond my com- prehension. I have not, indeed, read the- learned dissertation which M. Ihre, a pro- fessor of eloquence at Upsal, wrote concern- ing this book. Fournier speaks of it, p. 1)8. Fapillon, vol. i. p. 12 and 77. Heineken " Idee," p. 248 : and J arisen, " Essai sur la Gravure," vol. ii. p. 18 and 162. But whatever method the old Caligraphists may have adopted, to procure uniformity in the size and shape of their letters, it does not, I think, appear to have had any influence in promot- ing the Art of Printing, whether from wooden blocks or with moveable types. The copy- ists of manuscripts, who lived by their pen, would, as Heineken observes, have been glad that Typography had never been invented. E 2 28 PAPILLON'S ACCOUNT OF [chap. i. " very hard to be believed, that he judges it the safest mode to say " nothing concerning it." * Zani views the matter in a very different light. " The long and " particular description which Papillon gives of these prints," says he, " is an indubitable proof that he had viewed them, at his conve- " nience, with his own eyes — for we cannot suppose, that that " professor dreamed such a story, or that he intended to amuse " his readers with a romance of his own invention. " I am aware," he adds, " that some amateurs will laugh at " Papillon, as well as at myself, for having been so easily induced " to believe him, and for thinking to bring forward, as an authentic " monument of the priority of Italy, even in wood engraving, a " work which no writer has hitherto known. It is impossible, " they will say, that there should be only one copy of it in the " world ; and that this should have escaped the diligence of " the celebrated Fussli, the compiler of the great dictionary of " painters, and the countrj^man of M. Spirchlvel and M. de " Greder. " He, however, who should reason in this manner," continues Zani, " might, upon the same grounds, deny the loss of many " manuscripts, and even of printed books, which, according to the " testimony of credible authors, have become a prey to the flames; " or have perished during the anarchy of revolutions, or the dis- " tresses occasioned by wars. The learned part of my readers will " not require examples. Nevertheless, let him, who wants such " conviction, search throughout all the libraries of Europe for the * " Storia Piltorjca," torn. i. p. 74. Bas- pillon's account. The truth is, that, in tlie sano. 1793-6. It is probable, that if Latizi absence of the proofs which Zani some time bad been informed of the circumstances after pubHshed relative to Finigtierra's disco- which Zani afterwards discovered, relative to very, lie had enough to do to defend the pre- the family of Ciinio, he would have formed tensions of Italy, even to priority in copper- a different opinion of the authenticity of Pa- plate engraving. CHAP, i] THE TWO CUNIO, A. D. 1285. 29 " book, entitled 'MeditationesReverendissimi patrisdominiJohannis " de Turrecremata,' printed at Rome by Ulric Han, in 1467, and he " will be presently informed by the learned librarians, that of that " edition there exists but one copy, which is preserved in the library " of Nuremberg.* This book is, therefore, unique. Now let " us suppose, that, by some accident, this book should perish ; " could our descendants, on that account, deny that it had ever " existed .'^ " And what," continues our writer, " will those, who argue in " this manner, say, when they read in my large w^ork,-}- that so great " is the rarity of ancient prints, that, notwithstanding my most " diligent search in the frequent journeys which I have under- " taken, I have not chanced to see two impressions of many en- " gravings of the fifteenth century, which, nevertheless, is an age far " less remote than that of Honorius IV. " For my own part," adds Zani, " I confess that I give full be- " lief to the account of Papillon, because I find in it every mark of " truth. It is not a single print that he describes, but a series of " eight pieces, bearing in front of them a brief dedication, and " accompanied by Latin verses. He shows how those two noble " amateurs must have printed these engravings, by placing the " paper upon the blocks, and passing their hands over it, in lieu " of other modes of pressure. It is possible that, at this moment, * "Unicum exemplumlibri hujus rarissimi di una Enciclopedia metodica delle Belle " quod hactenus detegi potuit, idque optime Arti spettanti al Disegno ;" and is introduced, " conservatum, UNiCA tanquani Ph^nix with some variations, in the latter part of his " eMat in bibliotheca publica Norimbergensi." volume, entitled " Materiali," &,c. Panzer, vol. ii. p. 407- n. 6. I have been It is greatly to be wished, that the author informed, liowever, that the Imperial library may, at length, receive that general support at Vienna, also, possesses a copy of this book. which may enable him to publish the fruits "t" A very extensive work relative to engraving^ of his long studies; since, however, like for which Zani has been collecting materials all other writers, he may have formed some these thirty years. A detailed prospectus of erroneous judgments, there can be no doubt the undertaking was first printed in 24nio. that his work will contain a large proportion at Parma, 1789, under this title, " Prodrome of erudite and original matter. 30 PAPILLQN'S ACCOUNT OF." [chap.j. " I may be blinded by m\^ partiality to my own nation ; but, I " would almost assert, that to deny the testimony of the French " Avriter, would be like denying the existence of light on a fine " sunshin)'^ day." * So much for opinions — let us now examine the evidence upon which this story rests. The witness to the fact is but one. It behoves us, therefore, in the first place, to inquire if he be a witness worthy of credit ; onej whose word can be taken ; one, who, had he been interested in de- ceiving us, would, nevertheless, have told the truth. In all these respects, the character of Papillon stands unimpeached ; and we have seen that Heineken himself, the determined opposer of all Italian pretensions, bore testimony to the probity of the man, al- though he condemned his book. In his " Idee Generale," he had pre- viously expressed himself to the same purport. Speaking of engrav- ing in wood in Italy, he there observes, " that he cannot name any " artist of that country, who engraved in wood, before Ugo da " Carpi, Dominico Beccafumi, and Baldassar Peruzzi ; paintersi " who were nearly contemporaries, and who worked at the begin- " ning of the sixteenth centur)^ What MaroUes says of the en- " gravers upon wood in Italy, anterior to these masters," continues he, " is simple conjecture. Florent le Comte has copied his faults, " and Papillon has augmented them more than all the rest, in his " treatise upon engraving in wood; a work, of which the first vo- " lume (for I am not a competent judge of the second) is so filled " with errors, fables, and trivial matters, that it is not Avorth the " pains to refute them. Nevertheless, I am convinced that the " author, whose character I am Avell acquainted with, believed " all that he wrote, and erred only from ignorance. "-f- Papillon was, therefore, an honest writer. * Zani. " Material! per servire alia storia, " pendant je suis convaincd que I'auteur, &c. deir Incisione in Rame e in Legno." " dont je connois le caractere, a ecrit tout Parma, 1802. 8vo. pp. 84, 85, 86. " cela de bonne foi, sans en savoir davan- t " Idee Generale," pp. 130, 151. " Ce- " tage." CHAP. I.] THE TWO CUNIO, A. D. 1285. 31 But, although honest in his testimony, would not such a person as Heineken has described Papillon, be very liable to be deceived ? To this simple question, it seems reasonable to answer, \ es ! But was Papillon really so ignorant, so misinformed on the subject he treated of, as Heineken's judgment would lead us to suppose? Is the German writer's SAveeping condemnation of his book to be admitted as just, without examination? Was he himself a judge so competent, that from his sentence there should be no appeal ? It must indeed be admitted, that Papillon's work contains an ample proportion of error. He wrote at a period when little had been done towards the investigation of the early history of engraving by other authors. He copied many of the mistakes of the French writers who preceded him, and, perhaps, added some of his own. Zealous for the honour of his art, he was induced, upon very slight evidence, to insert, amongst the professors of wood engraving, many eminent designers who, it is probable, never handled a burin. But it is remarkable, that upon the very occasion which Heineken selected to pass so severe a sentence upon Papillon, the latter was right, and the former wrong. Heineken says, he cannot name any artist of Italy Avho engraved in Avood prior to Ugo da Carpi, Domenico Beccafumi, and Baldassar Peruzzi. The first of these can hardly be supposed to have begun to engraAC before lolO, and most pro- bably did not engrave till after that period. Beccafumi certainly did not practise engraving till much later in the century ; and as for the third, the contemporary and countryman of Beccafumi, there is some reason, at least, to doubt Avhether he engraved at all. Now there is no difficulty in pointing out Italian engravings on Avood, anterior to these masters, some bearing the marks * of the artists by Avhich they Avere executed, and others, their names. Of * Witness the old Italian artist, who en- companied with the figure of a bird. He "graved both on Mood and in copper, and will be spoken of in his proper place. marked his prints with the initials I. B. ac- PAPILLONS ACCOUNT OF [chap. the latter description, Papillon mentions a large wood print, some- what in the style of Mantegna, and certainly Italian, of a subject of the Roman history, allegorically represented, and inscribed Opus Iacobi ; and another large wood engraving, representing the Ma- donna, S. Sebastian, and S. Rock, inscribed Iacobus; whom he considers, and, probably, with some reason, a different artist from the foregoing.* Heineken, it is possible, never saw these prints ; or, if he did, mistook them for the productions of another school. The print of the " Madonna with the two Saints," if it be, as I think, one that I have seen (and shall, I hope, have an opportunity of describing here- after) is decidedly old Italian. The other I am unacquainted with. I will only, therefore, at present observe, that in the British Museum there is a set of circular prints of subjects from the NewTestament, one of which bears this inscription, 0/JZ/s/acoii. They are indisputably -f-Ita- * Papillon. Tom. I. p. 140. f Since writing the above, I find in Heineken's Btnt J3acl)rirt)ten ( a work published by him fifteen years after his " Idee Generale) at p. 123, the following title to a set of 12 large prints of the Tri- umphs of Julius Caesar :— " Triumphus Caji Julii Caesaris, qui quinquies trinmphavit. Primtim et excellentissimum egit Gallicum. Sequentem Alexandriiium. Deinde Poriti- cum, Proximum Africanum, Novissimum Hispaniensem. Edidit spectacula varii ge- neris, a quo deinde Rumanorum Priiicipes Caesares atque Imperatores appellati sunt Manibus propriis hoc prae- clarum opus in htcem prodire fecit, Jacobus Argentoratemis, Germanus, Archetypus So- lertissimus, anno virginei partus M. D. III. idibus Februarii sub hemispherio Fenelo jinem imposuit." Not having had an opportunity of seeing the original from which this inscription is taken, I am unable to satisfy the curiosity of the reader as to that part of it which Heine- ken appears to have thought proper to omit. But I happen to possess in my own collection, two pieces which I suspect may be a part of the above Triumphs. They have neither the name nor mark of the designer or the engraver; but are very much in the manner of the cir- cular prints in the British Museum, mentioned in the text. The style of them, however, is decidedly Old Italian, as well as respects their design, as the mode in which they are executed. The artist, therefore, whoever lie was, properly belongs to the Italian school; notwithstanding he may have been of German origin, or even a native of Strasburg; since it is evident, from his style, that he must have learned the principles of his art in Italy. I consequently still feel myself justified in leaving the passage in the text as I had origin- ally written it ; more especially, as it is not proved that both the Jacobi were the same CHAP. I.] THE TWO CUNIO, A. D. 1285. 33 lian, and of the old dry taste of the XVth century. I shall describe them in a future chapter. The French Avriter, therefore, did not merit the unqualified censure with which Heineken treated him. The materials of his work may be ill arranged, and his book badly written ; but he does not appear in the light of a person wholly incapable of judging of the merits, or of the school, or of the antiquity, of any work of wood engraving which might come under his cognizance. Papillon, indeed, from his infancy* had begun to collect materials for illus- trating the history of his favorite art, of which, as is well known, he became a professor of some eminence ; having been instructed in it by his father, who was also an engraver on wood. This prac- tical experience, combined with research, could not but give him great advantages, and render him the less liable to be deceived in liis decisions. His remarks, indeed, although it is still to be regretted that he was not more particular in his description of the compositions of these prints, and the number and situations of the figures in each, and that he did not give us the inscriptions upon them in their original language, are those of a man well accustomed to examine ancient prints. The blocks, he says, appeared to have been printed by means of the pressure or friction of the hand, with a light tint of indigo, in distemper : he describes the impressions to be granulous, if I may be allowed the term, in some places ; as if the paper had person; and, as Heineken's expression is, same with Boldrinm,) Dom. Beccafumt, " Ce que Marolles dit des graveurs sitr bois Baldassare Peruzzi, Ugo da Carpi, and EN Italie, avant ces maitres, n'est qu'une Antonio da Trento, as being, all of them, conjecture," &c. In his " Jgcue j^atfyit]}- Artists of the XVth century, instead of the ten," indeed, p. 151, he observes, that the XVIth. Might not Papillon, had he read Itahan wood engravers of the XVth century the passage, have retorted upon the German more frequently inscribed their works with writer, by applying what he had said of i,e names than those of Germany ; and, upon this Fevre : " Qu'il itoit devenu alieni d'esprit f occasion, he most unaccountably speaks of * Papillon, torn. i. p. 374. Nicolo Vicentino, (whom he considers the 34 PAPILLON S ACCOUNT OF [chap. i. been applied to the engraved block without being first damped. Now it is well known, that many of the very early wood prints were printed without any mixture of oil in the colour used tor the purpose ; and there is good reason, likewise, to believe, that the paper was often applied in its dry-* state. The observations of Papillon are, therefore, not only evidence that he saw and examined these prints Avith great attention, but that his eye was habituated to very nice discrimination, touching all those particulars which, perhaps more than any others that could be named, are guides to enable us to judge of the antiquity of wood engravings. He was consequently a competent witness. The probity of Papillon's character seems to preclude the idea that, in his account of the two Cunio, he had any intention to deceive. Nevertheless, had these two ancient amateurs been of French extraction, some motive at least for a forger\' might have been assigned ; as it is, there appears none. But, putting France out of the question, he shews no desire to exalt the pretensions of Italy at the expense of Germany ; for of the two ancient books of wood cuts which he saw at the same time with that of " the Actions of Alexander," one is described to be German ■,f and, indeed, in another part of his book, he awards to Germany the honor of ha\ ing first practised the art of engraving in chiaro-scuro ; :}: although Italy, on * The shining appearance of the backs of f It may not be irrelevant to observe, that these old wood engranngs which «ere taken Heineken bears testimonv to the existence of ofiFby friction, is, 1 think, a strong e\idence the other two books of old wood engravings that the paper was commonly used dry. Wet which Papillon saw at the house of De Gre- paper could hardly have supported the \iolence der, in company with that of " the Actions of of the friction which appears to have been Alexander." applied, and would not, I think, have been ;f The mode practised by Ugo da Carpi capable of receiving such a polish. Besides, and others, by which the effect of chiaro- ihe impressions being taken oflf with distem- scuro drawings is produced by means of two, per, or water colour, this colour, if tlie paper three, or more blocks of wood, printed witli had been used damp, would have run, and different tints, one after the other, upon Uie prevented tlie desired neatness and precision same paper. HI the impression. CHAP, i] THE TWO CUNIO, A. D. 1285. 35 the authority of Vasari, had long laid claim to that invention. The story, moreover, is given by him as an insulated fact : it makes no part of a favorite system ; nor is any hypothesis founded upon it. He, therefore, certainly wrote, as Heineken expresses it, dt bonne foi. There is, I think, no ground for the suspicion that M. de. Greder, the Swiss officer, prepared this book for the purpose of deceiving the young French artist ; nor is it likely, considering the nature of Papillon's studies, that such a trick could have been practised upon him. It was by accident that de Greder, one afternoon, found the young man looking into one of his books ; upon which he took occasion to shew him some very ancient ones, lent to him by his friend Mr. Spirchtvel ; and they got into conversation upon the antiquity of engraving in wood. Here is no appearance of premeditation or design on the part of de Greder : the occurrence was evidently unexpected. It was then that Papillon first saw the book containing the Actions of Alexander. I say that he first saw it, because if, as he tells us, he wrote the long manuscript account of the Cunio family, as translated and dictated to him by M. de Greder, it could hardly have been finished in the remainder of that afternoon. The in- scription upon the title-page, however, and the short memorandum written on the same leaf, no doubt immediately called his atten- tion. Nor can it be easily supposed that Papillon's scholarship was insufficient to enable liim to make out, at least, the proper names of Alexander, Pope Honorius IV. and the two Cunio ; even without the assistance of De Greder who, it seems most probable, immediately gratified him by translating the contents of " the printed dedication ;" and afterwards (although, as he says, with difficulty) " the short written memorandum" respecting the neces- sity of hollowing out the blocks deeper in those places where the paper was intended to be white in the impression. Now if no fraud was practised by Papillon upon the public, nor by M. de Greder upon Papillon, nor by M. Spirchtvel upon his fi-iend De Greder, and no motive for such fraud can be assigned, it must F 2 aa PAPILLON S ACCOUNT OF [chap. i. then be acknowledged that the whole story is supported by a chain of evidence not easily to be broken ; for the book came to Spirchtvel through his mother, who was the direct descendant of Jan Jacq. Turine, the person to whom the Count di Cunio, the father of the tAvins, presented it, some years after their death. But the supposition that the whole could have been a forgery, is still more satisfactorily refuted by the circumstances recorded in the dedication of the work to Pope Honorius IV., and the sub- sequent history of the two Cunio, the authors of it, in ancient manuscript ; the very length of which renders it impossible to be believed that it was forged, as Heineken would have us suppose, for the purpose of giving a spurious attestation of the antiquity' of the engravings; since a few lines would have answered the same purpose, and have furnished less means of detecting the deceit in future. Heineken, as we have seen, thought he had discovered internal evidence of forgery, both in the printed dedication and in the manu- script history ; and urged in proof of it, in his conversation with Papillon, that Count Alberico Cunio lived in the time of Pope Urban VI. and Martin V., and not in that of Honorius IV. But he was mistaken ; since a. Count Alberico Cunio is expressly mentioned in the History of Faenza, under the year 1285 — the same in which Honorius was made Pope ; and indeed the name of Alberico appears to have been a favorite Christian name in the family. The name of Cunio was not likely to have occurred to the Swiss officers, or any one else, meditating a forgery like that alleged ; since, although noble, and of high antiquity, it was not of sufficient note to find a place in general history, and is not once mentioned in the extensive Avork of " the Annals of Italy," by Muratori. In the dedication of the engravings in question, we have seen the name of Alessandro Alberico Cunio coupled with Ravenna ; and, in the manuscript history, the Count di Cunio, the father of the twins, is described as being afterwards magistrate of Imola. Now both these cities are in the vicinity of Faenza, where the family, or CHAP. I.] THE TWO CUNIO, A. D. 1285. 37 a branch of it, is spoken of by writers of undoubted credit in the Xllth, the Xlllth, and the XlVth centuries.* These circumstances, therefore, far from furnishing any just motive of additional doubt. * The indefatigable Zaiii, whose opinion on the subject has been already noticed, after having given the French writer's account of the two Ciniio, proceeds as follows : — (Materiali, &c. p. 233.) " Behold," says he, " that which Papillon " has left us respecting the twins of the " family of Cunio. Let the learned seri- " ously consider the subject, that it may be " determined whether this account is deserv- " ing of being classed amongst the fabulous " narrations of a writer of romance ; or whe- " ther it merits belief, and is worthy of the " most scrupulous examination. " In the mean time I will present them " with certain notices that I have happened " to find in two other writers, respecting the " family of Cunio. Biondo Flavio (His- " toriae ab inclinatione Romanorum Imperii " decades tres Venetiis, 1483) men- " tions this family in several places, saying, at " fol. 85, that ' mitltos habuit belli Duces ;' " and he affirms that in 1380 he knew the " famous Captain, Count Alberico Cunio, " who was still living in 1401. " Giulio Cesare Tonduzzi, in his Historic " di Faenzci, printed in l675, makes mention "at p. 191, under the year 1149, of the " Count Guido Cunio; and, at p. 322, he " relates that Onorius IV. of the family Sa- " villi was elected Pope on the 2d of April " in year 1285, in which year there happened " a memorable affair at Faenza between the " two families of the House of Manfredi. " The circumstances of this affair were as " follow : — The Frate Alberico, Car. Gau- " dente,* having received a blow on the face " from Man/redo, of the same family, pre- " tended to be reconciled towards him, and " afterwards invited him one day to dinner, in " company with Alberghetto, his son. The " dinner being ended, tlie revengeful Alberico " called out : ' let the fruit come ;' upon which " signal, his two sons, Francesco and Ugolino, " rushed forth ; and, witli the assistance of cer- " tain domesticks, killed the two guests with " their daggers. In consequence of which '' affair, the enmity which had subsisted " between the murderers and the Count " Alberico Cunio, son of the Count " Bernardino di Cunio, in regard of " Beatrice his wife, who was the daughter, " and the sister of the two Manfredi who " wei-e killed, was renezeed with increased " acrimony. " The same writer," adds Zani, " relates, " at p. 441, that the family of Cunio re- " moved in the course of time from Romagna " to Lombardy ; and that, when he wrote, it " flourished, as it still continues to do, in " Milan; ranking amongst the most noble fa- " milies of that city, and known by the appella- " tion of the Conti di Belgoioso. At p. 473, " under the year 1419, he speaks of the Count • An order of knigbthood then used in Italy, not very unlike tliat of the Knights Templars. BettimUi calls it the Order of Frati Gaudenti, " Risorgimento '- d'ltalia dopo il IMille." torn. ii. p. $35, 8vo. Bai' sano, 1736. PAPILLON S ACCOUNT OF [chap. I. form together, such a phalanx of corroborative evidence in support of tlie story, as, in my opinion, those who would impeach the truth of Papillon's statement, can never break through. The objections, on the other hand, which oppose themselves to our belief of the story, are, it must be allowed, sufficiently formidable in their appearance ; but they are not conclusive or unanswerable. They are chiefly as follow : First. — The relation of Papillon, it may be said, goes to establish the practice of engraving in wood, and of taking impressions from engraved blocks of wood in Italy, as early as the thirteenth cen- tury ; whereas no satisfactory ground for the belief that such a prac- tice prevailed in Europe, even so early as the fourteenth century, had hitherto been produced ; and it is scarcely to be credited that such an art should have been known in Europe at so early a period " Alberico Cunio the younger ; and, at fol. " slix. he places in the list of the Podesta, " the Consuls, and the Governors of Faenza " for the year 1315, a Count Bernardino " Cunio. " In the notices which I have here col- " lected," continues Zani, " there is nothing, " it is true, respecting the two twins of the " family of Cunio; nevertheless, we may, " I think, conjecture from these documents, " that that Count Alberico, who, in regard of " his wife Beatrice, was desirous to avenge " the death of his father-in-law and his bro- " ther-in-law, might have been the father of " the amiable twins Alessandro Alberico and " Isabella. " Tonduzzi asserts, that, in the same year " in which Honorius IV. was elected Pope, " the enmity between the murderers and the " Count Alberico Cunio was renewed ; and " Papillon has told us, that the troubles of " Italy occasioned the Count Cunio to take " up arms; and that the two twins dedicated " their work to Honorius IV. We read in " the Italian writer, that Beatrice, the wife " of Count Alberico, was of the House of " Manfredi; that is, one of the first families " of Faenza ; and we learn from the French " author, that the father of the Count Cunio " obliged his son to divorce the Veronese " lady, whom he had clandestinely married, " and to take for his consort one of a higher " class of nobility. It is not improbable that " this was Beatrice. " Let not the lovers of art in Imola, " Faenza, and Ravenna," adds Zani, " omit " to consider and compare that which has " been written by the two authors whom " I have cited ; and let them use their most " strenuous endeavours to establish a point so " conducive to the glory of their country, by " illustrating the history of the two twins of " the family of Cunio, and placing so interest- " ing a discovery in a clear light." CHAP. I.] THE TWO CUNIO, A.D. 1285. 39 as the thirteenth century, and that for more than a century after- wards we shoukl find no trace of its use. It was doubtless a strong feehng of this objection which occa- sioned Heineken, in his " Neue Nachrichten," p. 109, to suggest the opinion, that the book of " the Actions of Alexander" might have been engraved by some Italian artist of the XVth century, from a manuscript, ornamented with designs, which had been written, and dedicated to Pope Honorius, two centuries before. But the diffi- culties which stand in the way of such a conclusion are even greater than those which it was intended to remove. A work of this subject was very unlikely to have been dedicated to the Head of the Church in those early times ; except, as is stated in the dedication, in testimony of affection from the youthful twins, his relatives ; who might, not unreasonably, be supposed to have selected for their theme, the prowess of the Macedonian Chief, as the first name of one of them was Alexander, and as he had embraced the profession of a soldier. But it is surely extremely improbable that, in the XVth century, when the arts of design in Italy had advanced many steps towards their perfection, and where better originals were, in consequence, easy to be procured, an engraver of that country should have thought of copying a series of designs of the Xlllth century; and that series, not representing any sacred legend, to which the antiquity of the original might have been supposed to give weight and authority, but a fanciful delineation of the actions of Alexander the Great. Still more improbable it is, that the engraver of such a work (suppos- ing the manuscript to have been originally dedicated to Pope Hono- rius IV. by the two Cunio, or by any body else) should have preserved a dedication made to a person who had been dead two hundred years before : and even then it will be necessar}'", before Heineken's conjectvire can be supported, to insist that the printed dedication was ignorantly, or intentionally, mistranslated by De Greder — that Papillon could not even read the proper names engraved on the dedication, and on the eight pieces Avhich followed it — and that iO PAPILLOiN S ACCOUNT OF [chap. i. the whole of the manuscript history, which it has been shewn bears every mark of authenticity, was an impudent forgery, executed with great labour and research (for the author of it, as we have seen, was better acquainted with the history of the Cunio family than Heineken) to serve no earthly purpose whatever, except that of practising a silly, and temporary deception, upon a young artist. For, if it was a forger\% De Greder died without any further enjoy- ment of his joke ; as poor Papillon mislaid his papers, and his book did not make its appearance until thirty -live years after- wards ! Besides, the objections to " a Block-book," printed in the XVth centur\^ in Italy (and the union of text with the figures certainly entitles the work in question to that appellation) are nearly as great as to a similar book supposed to be of the Xlllth century ; since no other work of the kind, executed in Italy, whether of the Xlllth, XlVth, or XVth century, is on record. Leaving aside, tlierefore, the untenable hypothesis of Heineken, I would obser\ e, in answer to the Jirxt objection, that we cannot safely argue, from the silence of contemporaneous authorities, that the art of engraving in Avood was not practised in Europe in those early times ; however such silence may be an argument that it was not an art in high repute. Nor is our ignorance of such records a sufficient proof of their non-existence. As an illustration of the ,truth of this remark, it will be enough to observe, that, were it not for the accidental discovery, made towards the end of the last cen- tury, of a decree of the magistracy of Venice, particularly relating to engraving in wood, and bearing date 1441, we might to this day have been without any positive proof that that art was practised in Ital}^ previous to 1467 ; in which year the first book* printed there with wood-cuts made its appearance. Now the decree in question, which I shall presently produce, carries the art back at least to the .beginning of the century; and gives, I think, good reason for us to .* The Meditations of I. de Turrecremata before mentioned : see p. 29. CHAP. I.] THE TWO CUNIO, A. D. 1285 4l suppose, that it Avas practised by the Venetians long previous to that epoch. It may be added, that the art of engraving in wood is never spoken of by old historians as a new discovery, or as a new art ; and that, for aught we know, it might have been commonly applied to the purpose of furnishing devotional cuts of saints, and other objects of superstition, to the common people, throughout Christendom, for a very considerable time previous to its use in the manufacture of playing cards ; a purpose, to which, nevertheless, there seems some reason to believe that it was applied early in the XlVth century. Nor is it any proof, or strong argument against the antiquity of such a practice, that authentic specimens of wood engraving of those early times are not now to be found. They were, it may be supposed, for the most part, detached pieces ; whose merits, as works of art, were not such as to render their preservation at all probable. They were the toys of the day ; and, after having served the tempo- rary purpose for which they were manufactured, were, no doubt, swept away to make room for others of newer fashion ; especially in Italy, where the advancement of the arts of design was far more rapid than in any other country ; and where taste soon became refined. Indeed, the Italian artists, who lived in times when art was approaching towards perfection, or had attained its zenith, despised the rude productions of earlier centuries ; and there is reason to believe that the cliief cause of the extreme rarity of most of the Italian engravings on copper, of the XVth century, was the little respect with which those first essays of the art were treated by such as lived to admire the more perfect productions of Marc' Antonio. Vasari even, when speaking of the engravings of Andrea Man- tegna — which, though in a dry style, are admirable in their way — thus expresses himself: " e ne fu allora tenuto conto, perche non " si era veduto meglio."— " And they were then held in estimation," (or taken care of) " because people had not yet seen better." Bal- dinucci, in like manner, in his Life of Sandro Botticelli, informs us, G 42 PAPILLONS ACCOUNT OF [chap. i. that " that artist engraved many plates from his own designs, which, " in the course of time, were, for the most part, destroyed, or sup- " pressed, in consequence of the great improvement Avhich took " place in the art of engraving after his time." And yet Mantegna and Botticelli were both, in their day, masters of high reputation. It can, therefore, be no matter of wonder if the Italians omitted to preserve the rude works of their early engravers in wood, with the same care as appears to have been bestowed by the less polished Germans, in the X\'th century, upon the barbarous productions of their school, by pasting them into the covers of their manuscripts. Some few specimens of early Italian wood engraving, however, happily still exist, as will be presently shewn; and others, it is probable, may be hereafter discovered. The next, and second objection, that the book, which Papillon has described, is not to be found, and that nobody has seen another copy of it, has been already answered by Zani. As a further answer to that objection, it may not be irrelevant to remind the reader, that the two Cunio appear only to have taken off a very limited mnnher of impressions from their engravings, as presents to their near friends and relations ; whereas, of " the Meditations of I. de " Turrecremata," and, indeed, of some other printed books, of which not even one copy* is now known, there is every reason to suppose that a considerable impression was published. The youth of the tAvo noble amateurs, by whom these prints are said to have been executed, may be urged as a third objection to the truth of the story. The whole, it may be said, borders on romance. In answer to this objection, I must observe, that, taken in one point * The DoNATUS, for example, printed vol. i. p. l60. The list of printed books, of by SwEYNHEYMandPANNARTZ, in 1464, which only one copy is known, might pro- (as is supposed) and of which 300 copies bably be augmented ; and others might per- were published. " Not a single copy of this iiaps be mentioned, of which fragments only " work is known, or has been described." So have been discovered, says Mr. Dibdin : Bibliotheca Spenceriana, CHAP, i] THE TWO CUNIO, A. D. 1285. 43 of view, it is a strong evidence that Papillon's narrative is no forgery. That he, or the Swiss officers, supposing the prints to have been forged by either of them, with the intent to deceive, should, in- stead of looking out for the name of some ancient artist to whom to ascribe them, have pitched upon the names of Alessandro Alberico and Isabella Cunio — two persons of noble family residing at Ra- venna — (and those so young, that that circumstance alone Avas cal- culated to give an air of improbability to the tale which it was intended should be believed) is not within the range of credibility. This apparent objection, therefore, to the truth of the story, becomes, upon due consideration, a powerful argument in its favour. Not that the record itself can be shaken upon the ground that such an account of early talents is incredible. Several of the finest and most finished engravings of Lucas Van Leyden were executed before he had completed his fifteenth year ; * and the history of the arts furnishes many examples of early powers little less surprising. A FOURTH objection, founded upon the alleged merit of some of these prints of the Actions of Alexander, I must own, struck me, upon my first perusal of Papillon's narrative, with much greater force than any of the above ; and especially the resemblance which that writer discovered between one of them and a picture of Le Brun representing the same subject. In answer to this I would observe, that it is no easy matter, in treating of works of art, to find terms by which the exact share of merit possessed by any individual performance is to be expressed. We are naturally inclined to be liberal in our praises of that which, however defective. * All writers agree, tliat Lucas van Ley- Mahomet," as it is called, is dated 1508. He den was born at the end of May, or the is said to have astonished the artists of the beginning of June, 1494, and that he died in time by a picture of S. Hubert, painted when 1533. His " Conversion of St. Paul," one of he was only twelve years of age. The very his largest and most esteemed prints, is dated number of his works, considering their high 1509 ; but a great number of his engravings finish, and the shortness of his life, is, of itself, are supposed to have been executed before little short of miraculous, that period. His print of " Sergius, killed by g2 44 PAPILLON S ACCOUNT OF [chap. I. is better than we could have expected from the artist, or from the period in which he Hved ; and it is well known that even Vasari, a much greater artist, and incomparably a better writer than Papillon, was obliged, at the close of his voluminous work, to apologize for this his bias on the side of mercy.* The resemblance which Papillon discovered, or thought he discovered, between one of these prints and a picture of Le Brun, may be accounted for in one, who, like him, was accustomed to venerate that which he knew to be ancient, by the supposition of some accidental, although pro- bably only partial, similitude in the situations or attitudes of some of the principal figures. As to his eulogiums, it may be sufficient to observe that he was better fitted to judge of the mechanism of the art he practised, than qualified to estimate the merits of an extensive historical composition in painting ; and, moreover, that, when he wrote this account, he was a very young man. Thus much for Papillon's interesting narrative respecting the two Cunio : a document — for so, I think, I may now term it — from which we learn, that engraving in wood was practised as early as the THIRTEENTH CENTURY, in tliose parts of Italy, at least, which border upon the Gulf of Venice, The examination of this document has necessarily occupied many pages. The importance of the fact to be ascertained will, however, it is trusted, be admitted in extenu- ation of the writer. * IJAutore a gli Artefici del Disegno, in- serted, after Vasar'i& own life, at the end of ilie last volume. Edizioiie d\ Bologna, 1648. " To those to whom it should appear," says he, " that I have praised certain masters, " whether ancient or modern, beyond their " deserts ; and who, upon comparing such " ancient artists with those of our own time, " should feel disposed to laugh ; 1 can only " answer, that I have judged it proper to " bestow praise not merely in proportion to " the simple merit of the work 1 speak of> " but also with a reference to the time and " place in which it was executed, or other " particular circumstances attending it, &c." " Besides," adds Vasari, " one cannot ahrays " hold the balance of the goldsmith in one's " hand ; and those who have experienced the " difficulties of writing, especially when com- " parisons are to be made, which are always " odious, and when it is necessary to pass " judgment, will readily be induced to excuse " me, &c." CHAP. I.] THE TWO CUNIO, A. D. 1285. 4S The distance between this epoch of wood engraving, and the next of which we have any record, is, indeed, formidable. Time may, perhaps, restore those hnks of the chain which are at present wanting. * * I am much inclined to consider the well- known entry in a register of accounts of the French court, about 1 392, relative to the cards made by Jacquemin Gringonneur for Charles VI., as a document proving the use of wood engraving at that time; and, indeed, from the inaDDer in which cards are spoken of in a French romance finished in 1341, I think we may reasonably conjecture that they were manufactured from engraved wooden blocks, in France, even in the early part of the four- teenth century. Both these documents, toge- ther with my reasons for the above opinion, will appear in the ne.xt chapter. 4a THE DECREE OF THE [chap. II. CHAPTER II. The Decree of the Government of Venice, 1441 — Specimens of Old Ve- netian Wood Engraving described — Supposition that the Venetians obtained this Art from the Chinese, at a very early period — and that other European Nations discovered the Secret in the course of their Traffick zmth Venice — the Art, perhaps, improved in Germany — Silence of old writers, uith respect to Wood Engraving, accounted for — No evidence that it was invented in Europe — Opinion of those, who ascribe its Origin to the Invention of Flaying Cards, unsup- ported by Evidence — Remarks on the early Use of Playing Cards — Early Wood Engravings of Germany, and the Low Countries — Spe- cimens described — St. Bridget — A Print preserved at Lyons, dated 1384 — doubtful — St. Christopher, 1423, the earliest Print with a Date, of which there is no doubt — Its Companion, the Annuncia- tion : Reasons for suspecting these two Prints to be Italian. Other ancient Wood Engravings, with Dates, S^c. L HE next -written document that I find, in Avhich positive men- tion is made of wood engraving, is a Decree of the Government of" Venice ; which Temanza,* an architect of that cit)^ had the good * I know not upon what authority Lanzi, torn. i. p. 75. asserts that we owe the discovery of this document to Zanctti ; since it ap- pears to have been first noticed by Temanza, and published in a letter, addressed by him to the Count Algarotti, inserted in the Lettere Piltoricke, torn. v. pag. 320. Indeed Temanza expressly tells Algarotti (p. 311) that this discovery is the first fruit of the labour which he had bestowed in read- ing great part of the ancient laws of the old company of Venetian painters, from which he had made a selection then in his possession. It is worthy of remark, that he produces this decree as a proof that engraving was practised in Venice before the time of Fiiiiguerra ; mak- ing no distinction between the art of wood engraving, and that of engraving in copper. " Cose tulte," says he, " assai anieriori di " tempo alpredetlo M aso (Finigberka)." CHAP. II.] GOVERNMENT OF VENICE, 1441. 47 fortune to discover amongst the archives of the old company of Venetian painters. It has already been briefly noticed, and is as follows : " M CCCC XLI. October the 11th. Whereas the art and mys- " tery of making cards and printed figures, which is used at " Venice, has fallen to total decay ; and this in consequence of " the great quantity of playing cards, and coloured figures printed, " which are made out of Venice ; to which evil it is necessary " to apply some remedy ; in order that the said artists, who are a " great many in family, may find encouragement, rather than " foreigners. Let it be ordered and established, according to that " which the said masters have supplicated, that, from this time " in future, no work of the said art, that is printed or painted on " cloth, or on paper, that is to say altar pieces (or images *) and " playing cards, and whatever other work of the said art is done " with a brush and printed, shall be allowed to be brought or im- " ported into this city, under pain of forfeiting the Avorks so " imported, and xxx. livres and xii. soldi ; (pag. 6) of which " fine, one third shall go to the state, one third to the Signori " Giustizieri Vecchi, to whom the affair is committed, and one " third to the accuser. With this condition, however, that the " artists, who make the said works in this city, may not expose " the said works to sale in any other place but their own shops, " under the pain aforesaid, except on the day of Wednesday " at S. Paolo, and on Saturday at S. Marco, under the pain " aforesaid." * Ancona (an altarpiece), probably a cor- pictures of the fifteenth century which were ruption of eikhn icon, an image. It may ap- painted on cloth ; but none so early as 1440. pear to admit of a doubt, whether the in- It is not improbable, that some of the co- troduction of foreign pictures as well as loured wood prints above alluded to were of prints, was not intended to be prohibited by a large size, and, perhaps, printed on several this decree. I, however, think not. sheets of paper ; and that, in consequence, it Cloth was seldom used for painting upon became necessary that they should be pasted 'till the sixteenth century : I say seldom, be- on canvasses, before they were coloured, and cause I have seen a small number of Italian hung up as furniture. 48 THE DECREE OF THE [chap. II. Then follows the subscription of the Proveditori del Comune, and that of the Signori Giustizieri Vecchi. * The Italian f writers argue, and I think fairly, that this decree is of itself good evidence of wood engraving having been prac- tised at Venice, at least as early as the commencement of the fif- teenth century. The time that must have elapsed, say they, from the first introduction of wood engraving into Venice, to its full esta- blishment — when it furnished, perhaps, an article of beneficial commerce, and certainly afforded the means of subsistence to a very numerous body of artisans who practised it — cannot be com- puted at less than twenty or thirty years ; nor can a shorter period be supposed to have elapsed from that epoch till the year 1441 ; when it is described to have fallen, as if gradually, into little less than a total decay. * Nella vecchia matriccola di questi nostri pittori, (" Ella sa," says Temanzi, writing to the Count Algarotti, " che qui s' appella ma- tricola il libro delle leggi di catuua delle arti,) al capo sxxiii. si legge : mccccxli. adi. xi. Otubrio. Consciosia che Farte, S)- mestier, delle carte, e figure stampide, che sefano in Fenesia e vegnudo a total dejffaction, equesto sia per la gran quantita de carte da zugar, efegure depente stampide, Ic qual lienfate defuora de Venezia, ala qual cosa i da me- ter remedio, che i diti maestri, i quali sowo assaii infameja, habiano piU presto utilitade, che i forestieri. Sia ordenado, e statuido, come anchora i diti maestri ne ha supplicado, che da mo in avanti non possa vegnir over esser condutto in questa Terra alcun lavorerio dela predicta arte, che sia stampido, o de- pento in tella, o in carta, come sono an- chone e carte da zugare, e cadaun altro la- vorerio dela so arte facto a penello, e stam- pido, soto pena di perdere i lavori condutti, e liv. XXX. e sol. xii. pag. 0. dela qual pena pecuniaria un terzo sia del Comun, tin terzo di signori justitieri vechi, ai quali questo sia comesso, e un terzo sia del accusador. Cum questa tamen condition, che i maestri, i quali fanno de i predetti lavori in questa Terra, non possano vender i predetti suo lavori fuor delle sue botege sotto la pena preditta, salvo che de merchore a S. Polo, e da sabado a S. Marco sotto la penna predetta. Nel millesimo, e zorno soprascritto fo con- fermado lordene soprascritto per i specta- bili, et generosi homini mis. Nicolo Bondi- mero, mis. Jeronimo Querini, e mis. Andrea Barbarigo honorandi provedadori de Comun. Et per i spectabili signori justixieri vechi mis. Jeronimo Contarini, e mis. Nadal Ma- lipiero, el terze absente, mandando, e coman- dando, che de cetero la sia observada in tutto, e per tutto." f " Lettere Pittoriche." torn. v. p. S21. Lanzi " Storia Pittorica" torn. i. p. 75. — Bassano. 1795-6. Zani " Materiali," &c. p. 76. CHAP. II.] GOVERNMENT OF VENICE, 1441. 49 Temanza, indeed, possessed " certain fragments of wood prints, " rudely engraved, and representing different parts of Venice in its " ancient state;" which, from his knowledge of the various local alterations that had taken place in the city since that period, could not, he judged,* be of a later date than the commence- ment of the century. Lanzi ascribes to the same epoch, " certain ancient playing " cards, which the Count Giacomo Durazzo, formerly the Im- " perial Ambassador at Venice, possessed in his very rich cabinet " of prints, now passed into the collection -f- of his nephew, the " Marquis Girolamo. They are," says Lanzi, " of a much larger " size than those used at present, and very thick, like the cotton " paper found in ancient manuscripts. The figures are represented " upon a gold ground, and are three kings, two queens, and Uvo " pages {fanti), one of them on horseback: each card is marked " bastone, spada or denajo. \ The style of design a good deal re- " sembles that of Jacobello del Fiore; the work has been deemed " printed by the best judges; the colours appear to have been laid " on with a stensil. § I am unacquainted," adds Lanzi, " with a " more ancient monument of the kind." The edict in question is, I think, ample proof that wood en- graving was known in Venice, at least, as early as 1400. But this * Lett. Pitt. torn. v. p. 322. particular part of their cards, with a large •\ This magnificent collection of ancient brush, without soiling the remainder. Each prints, is, I believe, still in the possession of figure, of course, required as many stensils the same family at Genoa. I shall have future as colours. This simple machine was for- occasion to notice the rarities it contains. merlymuch used in the manufacture of paper- J Sono ire Regi ; e in oltre due donne, hangings for rooms. That it was anciently due fanti, iino a ca-callo; e ha ciascuno o resorted to in colouring wood engravings, ge- ■bastone, o spada, o denajo." " Storia Pitto- nerally, is 1 think less certain. The expense rica," torn. i. p. 76. and trouble required in preparing the neces- § A thin plate of tin, or other metal, cut sary stensils, it is probable, prevented that mto holes of various shapes and dimensions, mode of colouring from being adopted, except as required; by means of which the ancient whengreat numbers of the same print were re- folourers of cards were enabled to colour any quired to be tinted ; as was the case with cards. 50. ART OF WOOD ENGRAVING AT VENICE, [chap. ii. is not all. It speaks of the art of making cards, and printed figures, in terms which would have been every way appropriate, had the edict had for its object the re-establishment of the oldest manu- facture of Venice; and, when coupled with other circumstances, especially the account of the two Cunio, furnishes a strong ground for the conjecture, that engraving in wood had, from a very early period, been practised by the Venetians, who may easily be sup- posed to have learnt it in the course of their commerce Avith the Chinese, and that through their means it became at length promul- gated in various parts of Europe. * * Palmer, in his History of Printing, p. 5, suggests other means by which we may have got this art from the Chinese. Speak- ing of Block-Printing, he says ; " it is even " demonstrable, from authentick testimonies, " to have been practised in China and Japan " above four centuries before it was known " in Europe : it is not easy, I grant, to prove " that we received it from them, because of " their vast distance, and the little commerce " between us, before the year 1440: yet there " is no impossibility, but that it might have " been brought us by some merchant, either " by the way of Muscovy or the Red Sea, the " Persian Gulph, or Arabia, of which opi- " nion," adds he, " 1 could mention many " authors." Various modes, indeed, may be pointed out by which this art might have got to us from China or Tartary. We might have re- ceived it from the Arabs, who, at a very re- mote period, are known to have had inter- course with the Chinese. Indeed, the travels of two Arabs, who visited that country as early as the ninth century, are in print, trans- lated into the French language by the learned Eusebe Renaudot (Pai'is, 1718. 8vo). It is true the writer says nothing of engraving in w'ood ; but he informs us, p. 23, " that all " the Chinese, rich and pour, learned to read " and to write," which is some evidence that printing must then have been common in China ; for the expense of manuscripts must, at all times and in all places, have been be- yond the means of the poorer classes of the community ; and men seldom learn an art which they can have little opportunity of practising. But now that I have mentioned this an- cient narrative, I cannot refrain citing from it the account of a custom, which the writer informs us then prevailed in India or in China, (for he seems to have spoken of those coun- tries without sufficient distinction) : not that it has any reference to the art of engraving ; but because, as far as it goes, it is evidence of a very early, though perhaps unobserved, intercourse between the inhabitants of the most remote parts of Asia, and those of Eu- rope ; or else of some more ancient connex- ion between the barbarous nations, who de- luged Europe during the early centuries of the Christian a;ra, and the southern parts of Asia. " Dans les Indes," says the Arabian writer, (p. 37, 38) " lors qu'un homme accuse un CHAP, n.] PROBABLY DERIVED FROM CHINA. 51 Let us briefly examine the arguments by which such an hypo- thesis may be supported ; taking as the basis of the discussion, first, the known antiquity of this art in China ; and, secondly, the total silence of old historians as to its invention in Europe. " autre de quelque crime qui merite la mort, " c'est la coustume de demander a I'accuse " s'il soustiendra bien I'espreuve du feu, " S'il respond qu'oiiy, alors on fnit chauffer " un morceau de fer, jusqu'tl ce qiCil suit " tout rouge. Ou luy dit ensuite d'estendre " sa main, et on met dessus sept feuiiles d' un " certain arbre qu'ils ont dans les Indes, et " le fer rouge par dessus les feuiiles. II " marche ensuite de coste et d'aufre pendant " quelque temps, et apres cela il jette le fer. " Aussi-tost on luy met la main dans une " poche de cuir, qui est en mime temps ca- " chetee avec le sceau du Prince: au bout " de trois jours, s'il vient pour comparoistre, " en disant qu'il na souffert aucune brulure, " on luy ordonne de tirer sa main : sil ny " paroist aucune impression du feu, il est " declare innocent, et delivre du supplice " dout il estoit menace. L'accusateur est " condamne a payer un man d'or d'amende " envers le Prince. Quelquefois ils font " boiiillir de I'eau dans une chaudiere jusqu'd " ce qu'elle soit si chaude que personne " n'en puisse approcher. lis jettent alors " dans la chaudiere iin anneau de fer, et " commandent a celuy qui est accuse de " mettre sa main dedans, et de retirer I'an- " neau. J'en ay vu," says the Arabian writer, " un qui y mit sa main de cette maniere, et " qui la retira saine et entiere. L'accusateur " est de mesme condamue k payer un man " d'or." The same custom prevailed in Italy, and, perhaps, in other parts of Europe, about the same time, or soon after, Bettinelli (Risorgi- raentn d'ltalia, torn. ii. p. 369), after men- tioning other superstitious methods, by which the innocence or guilt of au accused person was established during the low ages in Italy, relates as follows : " The trial by fire obliged " the accused person to carry in his hands, for " the distance of nine or twelve paces, a plate " of iron, of the weight of three pounds, " heated till it was red hot ; or, else, he was " to thrust his hand into an iron glove, heated " in the same manner ; or into a cauldron of " boiling water, from the bottom of which " he was to take a ring. Immediately upon " his hand being taken out of the iron glove, " or from the cauldron, it was wrapped in a " cloth, \\hich was sealed with the seal of " the judge, and that of the accuser ; and, at '•■ the expiration of three days, the hand was " uncovered, in a public and formal manner, " by breaking the seals ; when, if it was found " to have sustained no visible injury, the ac- " cused person was declared innocent." These, and other similar practices, says Bettinelli, are of German origin. The testimony of the Arabian writer, however, and it is undoubted authority, since he was an eye-witness, proves them to be Asiatic. The two accounts re- semble each other in so many minute parti- culars, that it seems impossible the coinci- dence should have been the effect of chance. H 2 ^t EARLY IKTERCOURSE BETWEEN [chap. u. The ancient use of wood engraving amongst the people of China, Japan, and some other parts of the east, is not denied by those Avriters who, nevertheless, are unwilling to admit that we are in- debted to them for the discovery: the little intercourse, say they, which took place between us previous to the fifteenth century, and the vast distance of those countries, oppose the supposition that we got it from them; and, moreover, the earliest European travellers take no notice of Chinese printing. To the first of these objections it may be answered ; that however it is applicable to Europe in general, it is bj'^ no means applicable to Venice. The Venetians, even as early as the sixth century,* had rendered themselves a naval and commercial poAver of some consideration. The situation of their city, and the growing strength of their fleets, secured them from the calamities to which their neighbours were so often exposed ; and, little affected by the troubles and revolutions of Italy, during succeeding centuries of anarchy and barbarism, they silently pursued their course, solely intent on riches and aggran- dizement. It appeared, to use the expression of an Italian writer, as if thev had not determined to Avhat nation they should belong ; but, meanwhile, they lent themselves to that which they thought could best ser^' e them, and would be most productive of profit, -f- The centre of their commercial operations was Constantinople, where, even prior to the ninth century, they had the good fortune to make themselves serviceable to the Greek Emperours, and were well received. So intimate, indeed, Avas the communication between the Greeks and the Venetians, that Ave learn, from the most ancient chronicles, that the Greek language Avas commonly spoken in Ve- nice ; the dresses of the people, as Avell as their customs, Avere for * Busching. " La Italia Geografico-sto- f BettineU't. " Risorgimento d'ltalia," rlco-polilica," Veuezia. 1780. bvo. torn ii. torn. ii. p. 279. p. S9. CHAP. II.] VENICE AND CHINA. 5.3 the most part Greek ; and even their most maf^nificent buildings were, in a great measure, the works of Greek artists. In process of time, their credit became so firmly estabhshed at Constantinople, that in 1189, a district of that city was given to them by the Emperour. After the tenth century, they acquired possessions and territory in Tyre, at Jerusalem, and elsewhere ; insomuch, that, soon after 1200, the government gave directions to Marsilio Giorgio, that he should compose a full and particular account of the places under its dominion ; which work, if we except, perhaps, some books of travels, may be termed the earliest specimen of Venetian literature, * The east thus became to the Venetians an inexhaustible source of wealth ; for, by their skill and industry, they succeeded in extending their commercial relations, even to the extreme parts of Asia. They received into their magazines at Alexandria and Cairo, by sea, the productions of Arabia, Persia, and the most remote parts of India; and, thence, bringing them to Venice, distributed them to all parts of Europe, as well by sea as by land carriage. They succeeded, likewise, in establishing a direct traffic with Persia, Tartary, China, and Japan; sending, for that purpose, several of their most respectable citizens, and largely providing them with every requisite. -f About 12.50, though some accounts say earlier, Niccolo and ^laffeo (or jVIatteo) Polo, left Venice and proceeded to Constan- tinople; whence, crossing the Black Sea, they visited Persia, Tar- tary, and China. They staid several years at the court of Kublay, the Great Chan of Tartarj% whose flattering and cordial reception of the Venetian travellers is, I think, sufficient evidence of some previous intercourse between the two countries. About 1269 they returned to Venice; and in 1271, or the beginning of 1272, they set out upon a second visit to Tartary and China, taking with them Marco Polo, the son of Niccolo and the nephew of Maffeo : upon * BettineUi, torn. ii. p. 281. t Bettinelli, torn ii. 282. 54 IMPROBABILITY THAT WOOD ENGRAVING [chap. ii. this occasion, they are said to have been entertained seventeen years at the court of the Chan of Tartary. Marco, as is well known, wrote the account of his travels, some time after the return of the three citizens to Venice, which took place in 1295. * The early and intimate intercourse between Venice and the nations of the east, is, therefore, abundantly proved ; and this is all that was wanted, to shew that the supposition of the Venetians having ac- quired the art of engraving in w'ood through their means, is not unreasonable. But Marco Polo, it may be said, did not notice this art in the account which he left us of the marvels he had witnessed in China. The answer to this objection is obvious ; it was no mar- vel; it had no novelty to recommend it; it was practised in 1285, iis we have seen, at Ravenna; and had, perhaps, been practised a century earlier in Venice. His mention of it, therefore, was not called for, and he preferred instructing his countrymen in matters Avith which they were not hitherto acquainted ; and relating won- ders which, until corroborated by other testimony, were not be- lieved, f It is however necessary that I should give some further reasons for the opinion above declared. Since the showing that we might have got the art of wood engraving from the east, does not prove that we did. And as for the silence of old writers respecting its being invented in Europe, the same argument may be insisted upon, with equal force, to shew that we did not derive it from the east ; since no one has recorded it. I shall, therefore, with as much brevity as the question will admit of, defend my hypothesis upon the simple ground of probability. « * Tiraboschi. " Storia della Letteratura confirmed the truth of some of his accounts : Italiana." Modena, 1788. 4to. tom. iv. p. Q], but that which, most of all, established his ^^ seq. character for veracity, was the publication of t His book, for a long time, was considered " The Travels of the two Arabs" in the nintli as little better than a collection of fables of century, mentioned in a preceding note. — hb own invention ; later travellers, however, Tiraboschi. tom. iv. p. 103. CHAP. II.] WAS INVENTED IN EUROPE. 55 An ORIGINAL and great invention, and that of which we treat well merits that name, is amongst the rarest of human occurrences. We combine, we modify, we improve ; Ave correct that which was before defective ; and thus, by slow degrees, arts and sciences are brought to perfection. But of original and great inventions, it will not, I think, be going too far to say, that one of them is more than falls to the average proportion of an age. Such fruits of the human intellect, and especially those which relate to the sciences, or the fine arts, cannot be looked for, except from man in a state of civilization, peace, and comparative happi- ness; and were consequently very unlikely to be produced in Europe during those rude centuries in which the means of plunder and aggression on the one hand, and the arts of self-preservation on the other, constituted the chief occupation of men's thoughts, and were the main spring of their actions. It is indeed true, that in the Xlllth century Niccola Pisano, and Giovanni Cimabue, the first a sculptor, the second a painter, made the first steps towards the re-establishment and improve- ment of their respective arts : but they were not the inventoi^s of those arts, which, however degraded, had never entirely ceased to be practised, even in the most barbarous times, by Greek as well as by European artists. Still the times in which Pisano and Cima- bue lived, although the dawnings of civilization had begun to appear in Italy, were those of comparative darkness and ignorance. The encreasing pomp of the Roman church, fostered as it was by the enthusiasm of all classes of the people ; the rivalry of the diifer- ent Italian cities, which vied with each other in testifying their devotion to their patron saints, by works of superstitious magnifi- cence, (and never was this religious rivalry more general throughout Italy, than in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries*) were causes which could scarcely fail to operate powerfully towards effecting * Witness the Duomo of Orvieto, the Francesco at jissisi, and the fagade of tlie Campo Santo of Pisa, the Church of S. Duomo of Sieiuia; all of them striking exam- I 56 IMPROBABILITY THAT WOOD ENGRAVING [chap. ii. the restoration of the fine arts : and yet, so forcibly were they counteracted by the general distaste for literature and science, which still prevailed, added, perhaps, to the disquietude of those times, that had it not been for Giotto, (who may truly be said to have been gifted by nature with a genius of most rare occurrence, and who struck out a new path) painting would probably have con- tinued, for nearly two centuries, Avithout experiencing any sensible improvement; a supposition Avhich we are the better justified in forming, as, from his time to the time of Masaccio, a period of considerably more than a hundred years, little change in the art of painting, that can be called improvement, did take place. The thirteenth, or even the fourteenth century, therefore, was not likely to have been productive of an Invention like that we treat of, even in Italy, where letters and science, nevertheless, revived sooner than in other parts of Europe. Some writers, however, have insisted that the principle of this art, impresaion, was well known to the ancients ; and that this is evident from their stamps of iron and other metals, still preserved in our museums, with Avhich, as it is supposed, they marked their names or other inscriptions on their bales of goods, and on various articles of their manufacture ; and, moreover, that this practice of applying stamps continued to be used throughout Italy, and in other parts of Europe, during the low ages. The art of taking impressions from engraved blocks of wood, according to these writers, is little else than a modified application of a principle of universal notoriety from time immemorial, and consequently, scarce merits the name of an invention. Nay, Typography itself, it should seem, is no new invention : the idea of it, say they, was familiar to Cicero; and it is also known that the ancient artists, in stamping their inscriptions upon their lamps of pies of the religious eeal and costly magni- and sculpture ; to say nothing of a very large ficence of those centuries, and decorated proportion of the principal churches in other with numerous works of early Italian painting parts of Italy. CHAP. II.] WAS INVENTED IN EUROPE. 57 Terra-Cotta, used each letter separately, as our bookbinders do in lettering their volumes : the idea of moveable characters, there- fore, say they, was no novelty. * The stamps and signets of the ancients, their lamps, their vases, and their bassi-relievi of clay, which first being cast, or pressed into form, by means of molds, were afterwards finished by the tools of the modeller — and often, in parts, marked with letters, or ornaments, by the simple operation of stamping — sufficiently prove, I acknowledge, that they were no strangers to the art of impression. It also appears that they had stamps of separate letters. But it is to be observed that the mode of impression here spoken of, in which the effect is produced by the simple operation of pressing one body against another body of softer texture, and thereby occasioning a change of form in its surface, is very distinct from that which is the subject of our inquiry : for the effect which is produced in the impressions taken from engravings on Avood, is not that of a change of form in the surface of the paper on which * " On sail que les Grecs et les Remains " idee d'imprimer avec des types mobiles." " avoient des bagues qui leur servoient non- J akseh, Essaisur I' Originede la Gravure. " seulement de cachets, mais qu'ils appo- torn. i. p. 75, et torn. ii. pp. 34, 35. " soient aussi sur difFerens objets. lis con- Cicero, in refutation of the opinion, that the " noissoient meme les lettres mobiles, ainsi universe was the efiect of the accidental union " qu'on en a des preuves sur les lampes de of numberless atoms {De Natura Deorum, " terre cuite, telles queM.deMurr {Journal lib. ii. cap. 37) thus expresses himself: Cur " zur Kunstgeschichte, torn. ii. p. 182) dit non idem putet, si innumerahiles unius et " en avoir v(i a Venise et au Cabinet de viginti formcz litterarum, vel aurece, vel " Portici, et dont ils se servoient a peu pres qualeslibet, aliquo conjiciantur, posse ex his " de la meme maniere que le font aujour- in terram excussis annales Ennii, deinceps " d'hui nos relieurs pour les etiquettes sur les legi possint ejfici. St. Jerome, also, re- " dos des livres. commends the practice of teaching children " M. de Murr pense meme que les Ro- to read and spell, by means of separate letters " mains avoient des planches xylographiques ; cut in hard wood, 'or ivory. See Lambinet " et, s\nyaxA'M..Yi&c\ier {Beschreibung typo- " Origine de I'lmprimerie." torn. i. pp.45 " graphischen Seltenkeiten Erste Liefening. et seq. (8vo. Paris, IS 10). " p. 33) Ciceron s'etoit deja forme une I 58 IMPROBABILITY THAT WOOD ENGRAVING [chap. n. such impressions are taken, but a change of colour ; the parts im- pressed on the white paper being rendered apparent, not by any indentation of the paper in those parts, but by the black tint with which the projecting surface of the block was charged previous to the operation of printing it; which tint, by that operation, was transferred to the paper. Unless, therefore, some evidence be brought to prove that the ancients used their stamps, not only to impress wax. clay, and other soft bodies, but, also, that they applied them charged with ink, or some other tint, for the purpose of stamping paper, parchment, or other substances, little, or not at all, capable of indentation — (and we are hitherto without such evidence), we shall still have reason to believe that they were wholly unacquainted Avith the art of which we treat. * * Abundant evidence, in support of this opinion, might easily be brought forward- La wi/we?, before cited (torn. i. pp. 51, 52) describes an ancient stamp in intaglio, which was evidently intended to be used upon wet clay, and is au interesting illustration of the observations offered in the test. " En 1808," says he, " dans une fouille pres de Nasium, ancienne forteresse des Gaules, chez les Leuci, aujourd'hui Nais, village situe sur la riviere d'Ornain, departe- ment de la Meuse, on trouva deux pelites pierres en forme de tablettes, ckargees d'in- scriptions sur leur tranche seulement, et non sur leur surface. Les caract^res ne pou- voient etre lus, parce qu'iis etoient graves en sens inverse. M. Barthelemi, proprietaire, envoya ces pierres ii I'Academie Celtique de Paris. M. Dulaure, charg6 de les examiner, a juge que les tablettes ou ces caractcres etoieut empreints durent etre dans I'origine dfes esp^ces de sigilla ou formes matrices qu'on appliquoit sur une matitire molle ou mise en fusion. 11 a vu qu'iis servoient ^ iniprimer sur un vase contenant des medica- mens composes ; la vertu de ces medicamens et le nom du medecin qui les avoit prescrits ou du pharmacien qui etoit charge de les vendre. Voici la premiere inscription de ce genre : Q. Jun. Tauri Anodif Num. ad omn. Lipp. Le savant Dulaure lit : Quinti Junii Tauri- dii anodinum ad omnes It/ppas. Remede anodin de Quintus Junius Tauridius pour tons les maux d'yeux .... Memoires de VAcademie Celtique de Paris, 1808, Nos. 9 et 10, avec planches." Jansen, " De I'lnvention de I'lraprimerie," Paris, 1809, 8vo. p. 190, observes: " On sait que les Romains avoient coutume de marquer leurs vases. Ou trouve une infinite de ces vases de terre charges d'inscriptions, sur lesquels on peut voir les recueils d'anti- quites de M. le Comte de Caylus. Fasa sianare veut naturellement dire cacheter des vases, des bouteilks, et c'est ce qui se prati- CHAP. II.] WAS INVENTED IN EUROPE. 59 Such a conclusion is less derogatory to the genius and talent of the ancients, than it would be for us to suppose that they had discovered the rudiments of this art, but were unequal, during so many centuries, to the task of bringing it to perfection ; for as to the idea, which some writers have suggested, that the ancients were aware of the advantages which might be derived from the art of printing, and yet did not choose to practise it, I must own it has no place in my belief The transition, therefore, from the use of these stamps, in what- soever manner they Avere applied, to the art which we term print- ing, or taking impressions from letters or engravings, by means of black or any other tint, on paper, was not an obvious transition. The world appears to have existed more than two thousand years without its having occurred to any one to make it ; and it seems very improbable, that it should have fallen to the lot of the unen- lightened and degraded inhabitants of Europe, during the anarchy of the twelfth or thirteenth century, to be the means of effecting that, to which the united talents of the sages of Greece, Egypt, and Rome, had been incompetent. Lanzi justly observes, that the stamps of the ancients, and the impressions from seals of metal, found on deeds and conveyances of the low ages, 'prove nothing more, than that mankind walked for many succeeding centuries upon the borders of the two great inventions of Typography and Chalcography, without having the luck to discover either of them ; and appear neither to have had any influence upon the origin of those arts, nor to merit any place in their History. * Upon the Avhole, the most reasonable conclusion appears to be that the Venetians acquired the art of wood engraving at a very early period of their intercourse with the people of Tartary, Thibet, and China; that they practised it, amongst the other arts which quoit. On mettoit le iiom du consul sur le annee etoit le vin qu'on y conservoit, See." bouchoudelabouteille,pourfairevoirdequelle * Storia Pittorica, torn. i. p. 92. I 2 60 THE WOOD ENGRAVERS OF VENICE [chap. n. they had learned from their Eastern * friends, as a means of bene- ficial traffic with the continent of Europe ; and that, in the course of time, the artists of Germany, and other parts, found out their secret and practised it themselves. But to return to the edict of which we were speaking. It is to be observed, that the government of Venice did not deem it necessary to provide against the importation of printed figures and cards of foreign manufacture until 1441 ; which is, I think, some evidence that, in the beginning of that century, they were not manufactured in such large quantities, or of so good a quality, in other parts of Europe, as they were afterwards. For the Venetian merchants of that period, Avhose commercial relations extended to every part of civilized Europe, would not have failed to import such articles of devotion, luxury, or amusement, long before, had not the demand for them been fully supplied by their own artists, at as cheap a rate as they could be imported from foreign parts. It is therefore probable, that, although the art of engraving in wood had been practised in many parts of Europe, as well as in Venice, prior to 1400, the Venetian engravers continued to be more numerous, and, perhaps, more skilful, than those of other countries, until some time after that period ; but that, at length, wood * Bmching, before cited, (torn. ii. p. 15,) ference is made to another document, appa- cnumerates several sorts of manufacture which rentlj' respecting them, as well as the painters, it is probable the Venetians learned in their of the year 1345. — The showy productions intercourse with the East, and which, he says, of ancient Venetian manufacture are even they exclusively possess; especially a parti- now proverbial throughout Italy, under the cular mode of making looking-glasses and appellation of " le galanterie di Venezia." glass beads. Temanza (Lett. Pitt. torn, v, Mr. Douce possesses, in his highly valu- p. 327) mentions a complaint preferred by able and interesting collection, a curious chart the Venetian looking-glass makers against the of Venetian workmanship of about 1400: it painters, previous to 1436, for endeavouring is neatly drawn with a pen, and folded in a to prevent them from ornamenting their look- manner very similar to many of the oriental ing-glasses with painting, without having re- manuscripts. The style of the cover in which course to them ; which the company of paint- it is enclosed, and, indeed, its whole appear- ers seem to have considered an infringement ance, is truly Asiatic, of liieir privileges. Upon this occasion a re- CHAP. II.] INCORPORATED WITH THE PAINTERS. 61 engraving became improved by the artists of other parts ; and that these, after the use of playing cards Avas become general, so in- creased in number and dexterity, as to be able to furnish their cards and printed figures at a lower price, and of a better quality, than the Venetian artists themselves could do ; thus menacing entirely to supersede the use of the productions of an ancient Vene- tian manufacture, even in the city of Venice itself. Under these circumstances the government prudently stept forward for the pro- tection of its own citizens Avith the above decree ; Avhich, as Zani observes, was intended to favor those artists who resided within the city of Venice exclusivelv, bj^ prohibiting the importation of such kind of works, not only from distant parts of Europe, but even from places under the dominion of the Venetian republic* We learn from this document, that the artists who engraved in wood were incorporated with the painters of Venice, making part of the same company, as the barbers anciently did, with the surgeons, in this country. This sort of union was common with the artists of those early times throughout Italy. The professors of painting, indeed, held the first rank, but all those who practised any art or handicraft at all con- nected with it, were included in the same corporate body. Thus the company of S. Luke at Venice comprised the engravers in wood, who manufactured cards and printed figures, and painters of the lowest order; besides the makers of trunks, chests, and various other articles of furniture, which it was customary, in those times, to decorate with carved-work and painting ; also the carvers and gilders, who prepared the gold grounds upon which paintings were executed, and the ponderous decorations that surrounded them ; all which things were finished before the painter commenced his labours, as the picture and its frame were never separated. The * Zani, " Materiali, &c." p. 77. Zani as a matter of course, that all these foreign makes this remark in reference to a passage manufacturers of cards were Germans : " qui in Heineken, (Idee Gmerale, p. 245) who, saiis doute," says he, " eioient des Alle- after noticing the decree in question, observes, mands." G2 SILENCE OF OLD WRITERS RESPECTING [chap. ii. painters' company at Bologna comprised even the saddlers, and those Avho made the sheaths of swords and daggers ; because such things were often ornamented with painting and gilding : that of Florence comprised all those artists who worked in metal or on wood, and to Avhose arts the knowledge of design was in a greater or less degree necessary.* The silence of old writers, as to the art of engraving in wood, has already been noticed, and I have endeavoured to account for it. In addition to the arguments which I then used, I must observe that it is probable that, for a very long time, the nature of this art remained a secret, known to few, except those who practised it ; and that it was commonly confounded with painting or drawing. The representa- tions of saints, and other devotional subjects, which the first wood engravers produced, were rudely engraved and printed in outline; and then daubed over with a few gay colours, in the manner so long afterwards continued in Germany and the low countries ; so as to catch the eye of the vulgar, who no doubt considered them as pictures, and, like the vulgar of our own times, so denominated them. Being manufactured with little labour, they were sold at a cheap rate, and perhaps sometimes distributed gratis to the common people, who hung them up in their private oratories, or in other parts of their dwellings. Hence it is reasonable to suppose, that they w^ere little esteemed by the richer classes of the community, who considered them as paintings of an inferior kind, and them- selves employed artists of eminence to execute more finished pic- tures of such devotional subjects as they required, on vellum, or * La n zi, Sloria Pittorica, torn. i. pp. 30, many interesting records which, although they 3 1 . The company of painters at Venice, he might have been imperfect as laws, would, no says, was established previous to 1290. Un- doubt, have thrown further Jight upon the fortunately the original books of this an- arts of the early Venetians — and, amongst the cient company were destroyed a little be- rest, perhaps, upon their wood engraving — fore 143fi, and new ones written in their are irrecoverably lost. stead ; in '.\hich, however, such of the See a second letter written by Temanza to ancient laws and regulations as were then Count Algarotti, inserted p. 32,S of the fifth deemed profitable were inserted. Hence vol. of the " Lettere Pittoriche." CHAP, n.] WOOD ENGRAVING ACCOUNTED FOR. 63 on board. It is, therefore, not extraordinary that the ancient use of wood engraving should have escaped the notice of contempora- neous historians, since many of them were, perhaps, unconscious even of the existence of such an art; and those who were acquainted with it, considered it as an art of small importance. Similar observations apply to playing cards. These were, no doubt, at first designed and finished by the hand ; but soon became manufactured in large quantities by the engravers in wood. Never- theless, persons of elevated rank still continued to employ artists of superior ability to paint them with the greatest delicacy in minia- ture ; and it is related that Filippo Maria Visconti, Duke of Milan, when a young man, paid no less than fifteen hundred crowns of gold for a pack of cards. * It is probable that the old Venetian cards described by Lanzi, which, although printed, had the ground behind the figures gilded, were intended for the use of the higher classes of the community. Heineken,-f- and some other writers, haA-e ascribed the invention of engraving in wood to the manufacturers of cards ; but they have been unable to produce any evidence in support of such an opinion. * Filippo Maria Visconti was born 1392, " aureis emerit auctore vel in primis Marti- and died 1447. It is therefore probable, as " a7io Derthonensi ejus Secretario, qui De- Zani observes, (Materiali, &c. p. 186) that " orum imagines, subjectasque his animalium these cards were purchased prior to 1412. " figuras, et avium miro iugenio, summaque It will be seen from the original passage in " industria perfecit," &c. which the circumstance is recorded by De- Cards, indeed, appear to have been ex- cembrio in his life of the said Fisconli, (Me- ecuted in various manners for people of high diolain apiid MeJchioris Malatestcc, 1630, distinction, and of various materials. Janseii cap. l.xi. p. oS) that these cards were very (torn. i. p. 86, " Essai sur I'Origine de la Gra- different from such as are now used. vure") tells us, that Bre/^Ao^describes a pack " Variis etiam ludendi modis ab adoles- of piquet cards, in which the figures were en- " centia usus est ; nam modo pila se exer- graved and gilt on plates of silver. Judging " cebat, nunc folliculo : plerunque eo hidi from their style of design, he was of opinion " genere, qui ex imaginibus depictis Jit in that they were the work of some artist of the " quo praecipue oblectatus est adeo ut inte- Low Countries in the sixteenth century. " grum eorum ludum mille et quingentis -|- Idee Generale, p. 237, et seq. 64 EARLY USE OF PLAYING CARDS [chap. ii. The argument of these writers is briefly as follows : the use of playing cards having become general, say they, the artists, whose occupation it was to make them, finding the great length of time which was required to design them with the hand, began to think that much labour would be saved were they to engrave their outlines upon blocks of wood, and print them ; and that, therefore, they in- vented the art in question. This mode of reasoning seems founded upon the agreeable supposition, that the means of accomplishing any desired purpose are ahva) s to be ready at the call ; and could be applied, with equal force, in support of the opinion, that wood engraving had been invented two centuries earlier, for the purpose of satisfying the popular demand for the images of saints. The truth is, that we have no evidence whatever of wood engraving having been invented in Europe, but, on the contrary, many I'easons to suppose that we got it from the East ; amongst which may be named the mode of printing used by our early en- gravers on Avood, and the custom, still, I understand, preserved in Germany, of gluing the design itself, which it is intended to engrave, upon the wooden block : both of them methods Avhich exactly re- semble those practised, from time immemorial, by the Chinese. I am of opinion with Breitkopf, that wood prints of saints,* and other devotional subjects, preceded the use of Avood engraving in the manufacture of playing cards ; and, indeed, if wood en- graving was practised, as I have endeavoured to shew, prior to 1285, such must have been the case ; since we have no good autho- rity for supposing that cards came into any thing like general use until considerably after that period. That, upon the use of playing cards becoming prevalent, the artists who were accustomed to engrave the figures of saints, and other devotional subjects, were not tardy in applying the art they had so long practised, to the purpose of manufacturing those articles of amusement, may well be believed. Nor could the additional * So I learn from Jansen, " Essai sur TOrigine de la Gravure," torn. i. p. 104. CHAP. II.] EARLY USE OF PLAYING CARDS. 65 encouragement, which the great demand for playing cards occa- sioned, fail to stimulate the exertions and increase the numbers of the professors of engraving in wood. The use of cards, therefore, although it does not appear to have given rise to the invention of that art, powerfully operated towards its further promulgation ; and is, on that account, in a considerable degree connected with its early history. In one point of view, indeed, the antiquity of cards becomes a feature of great importance in our inquiry ; because, whatever documents can be produced which prove their general use in any European countrj^ at any early period, may, without an unreasonable stretch of hypothesis, be brought in evidence, that the art of wood engraving was known in that country at that time. For, before Avood engraving was resorted to in the manu- facture of cards, they must have been designed and painted by the hand ; and the labour required in preparing entire packs of cards in that manner, must have made them far too expensive an amuse- ment to be indulged in by any but the more opulent classes of society, and, consequently, must have acted as a prohibition against their general use. The early history of playing cards themselves is, however, in- volved in great obscurity ; and I am the less disposed to enter upon the difficulties of its discussion, as a gentleman,* much better fitted for the task than I am, has been some time emploj^ed upon a work relative to that curious subject, which, when completed, will, I have no doubt, satisfy the inquiries of those who are lovers of research, as far as the materials and evidence, now existing, can furnish the means. Referring the reader, therefore, to that work for fuller in- formation, I shall content myself with a slight review of the question. Anstis, in his History of the Order of the Garter, produces a passage, cited from a wardrobe computus, made in the sixth year of * Mr. IV. S. Singer, to whose liberal communications upon the subject, and of kindness I am indebted for several interesting whose name future mention will be made. K 66 EARLY USE OF PLAYING CARDS. [chap. ii. our King Edward the First, (a. d. 1277) in which mention is made of a game entitled " The Four Kings." The words are " Walter© Sturton, ad Opus Regis, ad ludenclum ad qiiatuor reges, viii.s. yd." and hence that writer conjectures that playing cards were then used in England ; a supposition which might seem the less unreasonable since we have no account of any game played in Europe, in which Four Kings were used, except in cards. * Still it is possible that this game might have been the oriental game of chess, which Avas sometimes played with four kings. * Mr. Strutt, who has given this passage, in p. 185 of his Sports and Pastimes (2d edit.) proceeds to observe, that, in the opinion of those learned in Asiatic history, cards were used in eastern parts of the world long before they were known in Europe ; and hence he considers it not improbable, that Edward the First, who, before his accession to the throne, had resided nearly five years in Syria, might have learned the game of' The Four Kings' in that country, and introduced it at court upon his return to England. He admits, however, that the total silence of every kind of autho- rity respecting card playing, from the above period until 1463, (an interval of more than one hundred and eighty years) when Edward the Fourth, upon the petition of the card makers of London, prohibited the importa- tion of foreign cards, appears to constitute a powerful objection to such a conjecture. Still Mr. Strutt justly observes, that the silence of ancient documents respecting card playing " is by no means a positive proof " that the game of ' The Four Kings' was not " played with cards, nor that cards did not " continue to be used during the whole of the " above-mentioned interval in the higher cir- " cles, though not perhaps with such abuses " as were afterwards practised, and which " excited the reprehension of the moral and " religious writers. Besides," continues he, " at the time that cards were first introduced, " they were drawn and painted by the hand " without the assistance of a stamp or plate : " it follows of course that much time was re- " quired to complete a set or pack of cards : " the price they bore no doubt was adequate " to the labour bestowed upon them, which " necessarily must have enhanced their value " beyond the purchase of the under classes of " the people ; and, for this reason," continues he, " it is, I presume, that card playing, " though it might have been known in Eng- " land, was not much practised until such " time as inferior sets of cards, proportion- " ally cheap, were produced for the use of " the commonalty; which seems to have been " the case when Edward the Fourth ascended " the throne," &c. With respect to the objection which, ac- cording to the same writer, some have urged against the antiquity of playing-cards ; viz. that in those early times there was no paper proper for their fabrication, I shall only observe that it appears to me to be ill-founded. Two sheets of the ancient cotton-paper pasted to- gether, and rubbed over with size, would have constituted a body of sufficient strength and thickness for any purpose required in playing- cards. CHAP. II.] EARLY USE OF PLAYING CARDS. 67 The Abbe Longuerve declares, that the use of cards was pro- hibited to the clergy by a Council held at Cologne in 1281;* and Papillon informs us, that cards were forbidden by an edict of S. Louis, upon his return from the Holy Land in 1254.-f- Both these writers, it is now commonly believed, were mistaken in the sense in which they understood the prohibitory passages in these two edicts. Dice and other games of hazard, it is said, were referred to, but not cards. The celebrated Tiraboschi, however, cites a manuscript of one Sandro di Pipozzo di Sandro,| entitled, " Trattato del Governo della Famiglia," composed in 1299, in Avhich playing-cards are ex- pressly mentioned ; and Heineken informs us, that in a book entitled * See Zani, p. 79, and note 73, p. 152. The words which Longuerve considered ap- plicable to cards, were these: Item (Clerici) " ad aleas et taxiUos non hidant, nee hiijus " modi ludis intersint." (Hartzheim, "Con- cilia Germanise," vol. iii. p. 364. •f- Papillon, torn. i. p. 80. The words in this edict of S. Louis of 1254, which Papil- lon understood as relating to cards, are : " Praeterea prohibemus districte, ut nullus " homo Itidat ad taxillos, sive aleis, aut " scaceis." Heinekett, " Idee Generale," p. 239. Zani, p. 153. J Tiraboschi — " Storia della Lettera- tura Italiana," torn. vi. p. 1194. Modena, 1788 al 1794. This manuscript was first referred to by the authors of the Foca- holario della Crusca, who, beside other mention of it, cite from it these words : se giucherd di danari, o cost, a alle carte gli apparecchierai la via, &c. There are, how- ever, it seems, two or three copies of it ; aud Zani, " Materiali, S)'c." p. l60, appears in- clined to believe this passage relative to cards to be an interpolation of a copyist of the be- ginning of the fifteenth century ; although I think without sufficient reason. The truth is, that Zani, in consequence of having, as he thought, detected the fallacy of some pre- tended documents in favor of the antiquity of cards, and finding the early Councils silent re- specting them, became sceptical to all. He appears to have had no idea that card-playing could at any time have been considered as an innocent amusement ; a reflection which, had it occurred to him, (and he himself cited a pas- sage from Morelli's Chronicle which might have given him the hint) would in a great degree have obviated his objections. How- ever, some of the documents which he dis- credited have since been confirmed ; and others have been discovered which furnish rea- son for the belief that cards, of some kind or other, were in use, in various parts of Europe, even earlier than had heretofore been com- monly supposed. Perhaps, ere this, he has found that the passage in Sandro di Pipozzo K 2 68 EARLY USE OF PLAYING CARDS. [chap. ii. " Das gulden Spiel," (the Golden Game) printed by Gunther Zainer in 1472,* in folio, it is said, that playing cards were first introduced, or came, into Germany in the year 1300. It may seem somewhat extraordinary, that in opposition to this document, which he himself brought forward, Heineken should have attempted to shew that cards were invented in Germany. -f Mr. Singer argues from it, with more plausibility, that they found their way into Germany from Italy ; where he is of opinion, with Breitkopf, that they were first used. Charles V. king of France, w^ho died in 1380, is said to have banished from his kingdom all games of hazard, and to have ho- nored Jean de Saintre with his favor, because he abstained from playing at cards or dice ;:|: and the archives of France contain an * Idee Generale, p. 241. " U est dit," says he, " Tit. V. que le jeu de cartes a commence d prendre coiirs en Alemagne en ISOO. Nun ist das spil vol untrew, und ah ich gelesen han, so ist es kommen in tiiet- schland, der ersten in demjar, da man zalt Ton crist geburt tausend dreihundert jar." The passage is also given by Jansen, who differs, however, from Heineken respecting the year in which the book was printed. He says it was printed by Gunther Zainer at Augsburg in 1478. He adds: " Mais il faut croire, dit M. de Murr," (for Jansen has seldom any opinion of his own) " que cette epoque est reculee de cinquante ans de trop; et, suivaut M. de Heineken, ii est impossible de determiner au juste le temps de leur invention." Jansen, " Origine de la Gravure," tom. i. p. 88. + " Id6e Generale," p. 239. Heineken was however, afterwards, obliged to give up his hypothesis, and admit, that the Italian game, called Trappola, was, in all probability, as Breitkopf had conjectured, more ancient than his favourite German game of Lansquenet. Compare his Jdee Generale (p. 233, &c.) with his Bcue Dacjbncfjten, pp. 136, 137, 138, and 139, in the last of which pages he is forced to confess, that " the passage in the lOillOen jfjpicl of 1472, means no more than that playing-cards did not come into Germany before 1300; and that, therefore, it cannot be concluded that, at that early period, cards, printed on paper or pasteboard, existed in Germany ; although," he says, " it is still probable that playing-cards, which were known in Italy in 1299, might have made their ap- pearance in Germany as soon as 1300." % See Zani, note 77, p. 155, and note 79, p. 162, who quotes Bullet, " Recherches Historiques sur les Cartes a jouer," a Lyon, 1757- Bullet cites the following passage from the Chronicle of this Jean de Saintre : " Et vous qui etes noyeux joueux de Cartes et de Des, Sfc." The words are supposed to be spoken by the king to his attendants. CHAP. II.] EARLY USE OF PLAYING CARDS. 69 entry, in a book of accounts, of one Charbot Poupart, treasurer, about 1392, which is as follows : " A Jacquemin Gringonneur Peintre pour trois jeux de Cartes a or, ei a diverses couleurs, de plusieurs devises, pour porter de- vers le dit Seigneur (Charles VI.) pour son ebatement, LVI sols parisis." * With respect to this last document, I must observe that I think it evident, from the moderate price paid for these three packs of cards, that they must have been first printed from engraved blocks of wood, and afterwards gilt and coloured by hand ; although, no doubt, with more than an ordinary degree of care, as they were for the king's use. f It is also remarkable, if I rightly understand the expression : " de plusieurs devises," that these packs of cards were of three distinct sorts. | Cards, however, were used in France considerably before this period, if we can rely on the authenticity of a manuscript of * Heineken, " Id^e Geuerale," p. 237. Jansen, " Essai sur I'Origine de la Gravure," torn. i. p. 85. Zani, note 77, p. 155. •f- I am surprised that it should not have occurred to any of the numerous writers on this subject, that the price here mentioned must have been, even in the fourteenth cen- tury, wholly inadequate to the labour of drawing and colouring three packs of cards by the hand. The artists who coloured cards, or other wood prints, were probably styled painters, in France, as well as in Ger- many, where, as we shall presently find, they were termed Briefmaler. We have seen that they made part of the company of paint- ers at Venice; and there is, I think, good reason to be of opinion that the term painter was anciently applied to denote any artist whose business it was to lay on colours, whether on paper, on board, on canvass, or on any other material, as it is indeed by the common people to this day. Meerman, however, amongst others, cites the above document in proof of the opinion, that all the playing-cards of the fourteenth century were drawn, in the manner of the miniatures in ancient manuscripts, by the hand. This it was necessary for him to insist upon, before he could produce his hero, Lawrence Coster, as the inventor of wood engraving. See Jansen, " de I'lnven- tion de I'lmprimerie," p. lyi. % Possibly they were of the kinds described by Conrad Gesner in the passage which will be cited in a note to a subsequent page of this chapter. Zani (Materiali, p. 181) sus- pects that they might have been composed of the figures of men, quadrupeds, and birds, hke those made for Filippo Maria Fisconti, mentioned in a preceding note. 70 EARLY USE OF PLAYING CARDS. [chap. ii. M. Lancelot, entitled " Renart le Contrefait," which, at fol. 95, con- tains the following passage : " Si comme fols et folles sont Qui pour gaigner au bordel vont ; Jouent aux dez, aux cartes, aux tables, Qui a Dieu ne sont delectables." " This romance," says Jansen, who cited it upon the authority of M. Van Praet, " is in verse, and was composed by an anonymous writer, who appears to have been a native of Champagne. He informs us, at fol. 83, of the period at which he wrote." " Celui qui ce roman escript, Et qui 1ft fist sans faire faire, Et sans prendre autre exemplaire, Tant y pensa et jour et nuict, En I'an mil iij cent xxviij. En analant y mist sa cure Et continua I'escripture. Plus de xiij ans y mist au faire ; Aincoit qu'il le pense parfaire, Bien poet veoir la maniere." " This passage fixes the entire completion of the romance in 1341. The author," adds Jansen, " records many facts anterior " to this date ; he speaks of Philippe de Valois as still living."* Contrasted with the testimony of the above romance, is a French manuscript in folio, of" the legendary life of Alexander the Great," preserved in the Bodleian Library. It is beautifully written on vellum, and most superbly decorated with miniature paintings. At the end of the MS. is this inscription : * Jansen, " Essai sur I'Origine de la Gravure," torn. i. pp. 99, 100. CHAP. II.] EARLY USE OF PLAYING CARDS. 71 " Komans du boin Roi Alixandre — qui fu perescript le xv'm jour de " Decembre I'an M.ccc.xxxviii." Then follows, in letters of gold : " Che Hire fu perfais de la enluminure au xviii jour dAvril per " Johan de Guse I'an de grace m.ccc.xliiii." The text of this MS. is interspersed with highly wrought illumi- nations of a square form ; independently of which the bottom margins of the pages are ornamented with the representations of a vast va- riety of games and sports, in small figures, arranged in the man- ner of friezes. These miniatures appear to have no connexion, whatever, with the matter contained in the text ; and are purely decorative. The games of chess, and tables, (if I rightly remember) occur frequently ; but I could find no representation of card-play- ing; and hence I conclude that cards could not have been in general use, at that time, in the place where this MS. was illuminated.* Mr. Singer, however, has recently discovered a very curious document, relative to the early use of playing-cards, in an illu- mination in another French manuscript romance, supposed to be likewise of the fourteenth century ; although, probably, some years later than the above. It is remarkable (and it goes a good way towards confirming Mr. Singer's hypothesis, that cards were first used in Italy) that the group represented appear to be playing with Italian cards, a card, the face of which is visible, being marked with pieces of money, or denari.f This valuable MS. was formerly in the possession of the Duke of Roxburgh, and is, I am informed, now preserved in the library at Lee Priory in Kent. * Mr. Strutt has often availed himself of copied them from him. the miniatures in this MS. in his work of •}• The public will, I believe, be gratified " Sports and Pastimes ;" and, indeed, as I with an engraving of this curious miniature, neglected, when at Oxford, to transcribe the in Mr. Singer's work, inscriptions at the end of the volume, I have 72 EARLY USE OF PLAYING CARDS. [chap. ir. It may be observed that the writer of the Romance of" Renart le Contrefait," classes card players with those who played at dice, and other games of hazard ; and we have already seen cards reprobated by King Charles the Fifth : both of them circumstances which may seem ill to accord with the silence of the Councils of those early times respecting cards. For had card-playing been then in general use, and classed with games of hazard, destructive to good morals, it is contended by some writers that those Councils would not have failed to prohibit it in their synods, as they did other games much more innocent in their tendency, under severe penalties. Upon such grounds, Zani, who has taken great pains to elucidate the subject, by reference to the early Councils,* is led to conclude that playing-cards are not so ancient as has been commonly supposed. The people of Germany, he suspects, were amongst the last Avho were acquainted with their use. His suspicion " is founded upon " the following words of the Synodus Herbipolensis, anno Christi " 1446 (Hartzheim, Conciha Germanise, tom. v. p. 333) : Ludus " alearum, scaccorum, chorearum, taxillorum, annulorum, et glo- " borum Monachis, et Monialibus prohibemus districte. Now if in " this Synod," says he, " we find even the game of chess rigor- " ously prohibited, which is rather a game of talent than of for- " tune, we must reasonably conclude, that playing-cards, of which " it makes no mention, were not then known."-!- The first German Council, indeed, in which Zani found playing- cards prohibited, is the Synodus Bambergensis, anno Christi 1491 (Hartzheim, tom. v. p. 597). The passage is as follows : — " Titulus " XVL Usum tabernarum, prseterquam in itinere constituti et ne " tabernas in domibus suis teneant, ludosque taxillorum et char- " tariim, et his similes in locis publicis, praesertim inter Laicos, " omnes et singuli Clerici in Pra^laturis etiam, et in sacris Ordinibua " constituti, sibi hac sacrse nostrse Synodi prohibitione sub excom- " municationis poena noverint esse interdictos, et prohibitos. In " the Synodus Caminensis, 1492 (p. 661)," continues Zani, " cards Zani, " Materiali, 8cc." p. 152, et seq. t Wer.i, p. 158, 159. CHAP. 11.] EARLY USE OF PLAYING CARDS. 73 " are also prohibited; and in the Varmiensis Sj'^nodus, 1497, cap. " xxxvii. (p. 664) are named : Mercantias, choreas, ludos taxil- " lorum, scurriha verba et turpia (Clerici) omnino vitent, — but " nothing is said of cards." The silence of the German councils respecting playing cards, 'till the year 1491, seems indeed remarkable; especially when con- trasted with the manner in Avhich we have seen them spoken of in France as early as the middle of the fourteenth century : to say nothing of the other documents cited by Heineken from Gunther Zainer's Gulden Spiel, and the Chronicle at Ulm. In Italy, France, and Spain, cards do not appear to have escaped this censure so long ; and hence it may seem reasonable to con- clude that they began to be productive of pernicious effects sooner in those countries than in Germany. Nevertheless, I am not inclined to dispute the antiquity of playing cards in Germany ; especially as it seems doubtful how far the framers of the early Councils might have deemed a specific mention of them necessary to their prohibition. Upon this question I shall now offer a few remarks, with a view to reconcile such apparent con- trariety of testimony ; lest the alleged silence of those Councils, with regard to cards, should be too easily admitted as proof against their early use ; and employed, as Zani has employed it, as a weapon by which to overthrow all other documents, however apparently genuine, that may be brought forward in favor of their antiquity. The chief point to be decided is, whether or not the early Coun- cils could have intended to prohibit playing-cards under the term Alea. Heineken appears to have thought not ; and Zani adopted the same opinion after considerable research : and yet it may, at least, admit of a doubt, whether the evidence brought forward by the last mentioned writer, in confirmation of that opinion, might not be used, with equal effect, in support of an opposite conclusion. In considering the question, it is necessary, in the first place, to ascertain the proper acceptation of the word alea — so often found in the decrees of the Councils, and in the writings of old authors ; and L 74 EARLY USE OF PLAYING CARDS. [chap. ii. it is evident that, in determining this point, we must keep in view, not the ancient derivation of the term, but simply the force and meaning attached to it in the times in which those documents were written. Amongst the many works which Zani examined for this purpose, he mentions (Materiah, &c. p. 156) several interesting tracts inserted in Gronovius (Thesaurus Grsecarum Antiquitatum, Lugduni Bata- vorum, 1697-99, vol. vii. col. 905, et seq.) " from amongst which," says he, " I shall select that of Bulengerio, that of Souterio, and " another of Senftlebio. The first tell us (cap. Iviii. col. 924) that " ALEA proprie dicitur de talis, tesseris, calculis, et omnibus fortuitis, " quae vetita: — the second thus writes (lib. i. cap. xxx. col. 1062) ; " Quum ALEA dicatur omnis ludis in varietate fortunse consistens, " factum est, ut figurata locutione Alea saepe sumatur ; and the " third writer (cap. ii. col. 1135) quotes the definitions of various " other authors, beginning thus : — " S. Isidorus, lib. xvii. cap. 57. Alea est Indus tabulae inventae " a Graecis in otio Trojani belli a quodam milite, nomine Alea, a " quo et ars nomen accepit." " Polydorus Virgilius, fib. ii. cap. 13. Ita apud nos sexcenti " sunt modi ludendi ad aleam : est enim alea omnis ferme Indus, " qui in varietate fortunae consistit, ut sunt tesserae cum primis, et " CHARTiE LUSORi^, cum quibus qui se valde delectant, maxime " omnium semper egent." " Sipontinus ad Praefat. Plinii. Alea dicitur omnis Indus magna " ex parte in fortunae varietate consistens, sed proprie de tesseris '• dicitur. " Raderus, ad lib. xiv. ep. xii. Mart. Alea propria est hujus ludi, " quamvis de omni generathn ludo alEjE dicatur, speciatim tamen " tesserae convenit." " Ita enim Joh. Rauchbar, p. ii. quaest. xxv. num. xxiii. Alea, " inquit, omnes fortunae lusus tam simplices, quam mistos complec- " titur, ut sunt tesserarum, talorum vel taxillorum, cuborum, scru- " porum, astragalorum, chartarum, vel foliorum, lutriculae (forte " latrunculorum), fritilli, equorum hgneorum." CHAP. 11] EARLY USE OF PLAYING CARDS. 75 The majority of these passages, it is evident, describes the word ALEA as age7ieric term, applicable, by custom, to all games of fortune. But Zani unaccountably thought otherwise. " From all these deiinitions," says that writer, " and from the " many others that I might in this place have quoted, it appears to " me, we may infer that the word alea, as used by all the authors " Avho wrote before playing-cards were known, signified no other " than all sorts of games of dice, and more especially that game " which we translate from the Greek, Aleossi. Because, if we were " to extend its meaning so as to include playing-cards, we might " then insist that they had been in use from the earliest period of " the Christian sera, and even antecedent to it. For Hartzheim (vol. i. " p. 131) makes us acquainted with a manuscript of the Canons of " the Apostles which was given by Pope Adrian the First to the " King Charles, where, at cap. xlii. and xliii. are these Avords : " Episcopus, aut Presbyter, aut Diaconus, alece atque ebrietati " deserviens, aut desinat, aut certe damnetur. " Subdiaconus, aut Lector, aut Cantor similia faciens, aut desinat, " aut communione privetur. Similiter etiam Laicvis." It is not easy to comprehend Zani's meaning in the above passage. His inference is certainly a bad one ; for the early occurrence of the term alea, supposing it to have been used generically, could never be brought in proof of the existence of any particular game, at any parti- cular period ; any more than the ancient use of the words quadruped, or tree, could be produced as evidence that any particular tree, or any particular quadruped, was known to the ancients. Zani proceeds : " The great improbability that cards were ever intended to be " comprehended in the simple term alea, being thus demonstrated, it " becomes fair to argue, that the silence of the Synods, the Councils, " and the Edicts of Princes, as well as that of contemporaneous " authors, respecting playing-cards (inasmuch as the said Synods, &c. " prohibited so many other games), proves most amply that, in their " time, they were not even invented ; and that if they had been " invented, and it was thought proper to prohibit them, they would L 2 76 EARLY USE OF PLAYING CARDS. [chap. ii. " have been distinguished by the name by which they are called at " present, or by some other which might have characterized them. " For, otherwise, how could those, who were addicted to play, have " known that cards were prohibited under the generic term alea ?" Zani's assumed demonstration, as has been just now observed, is inadmissible. Did we however find that the early Councils were constant in the specific mention of all the games of chance which they intended to prohibit, their silence respecting cards, until so late as 1491, would be favorable to his subsequent argument? But this does not appear to have been the case; and, consequently, his reasoning is far from being conclusive. The word alea originally designated a particular game, which was a game of chance. It afterwards became a generic term, embracing in its meaning all games, the result or success of which depended in a greater or less degree on chance, and was thus used in the early Councils. In process of time, various other games of chance, different from those at first practised, came to be invented, and amongst the rest Flaying-Cards. Does it follow as a necessary, or as a probable con- sequence, that because some of the newly invented games differed in their manner from those games of chance which were at first used, they should therefore l^e separately specified in the prohibitory decrees of Councils and Princes, who, under the generic term alea, had been long accustomed to forbid all games of fortune .^ Is it likely, as Zani has imagined, that a gamester of the thirteenth, fourteenth, or fifteenth century, supposing cards to have been then in use, could have been ignorant, that, under the term alea, they Avere intended to be prohibited ? It may, indeed, be fairly con- tended that the use of the term alea, in any early council, is not sufficient to prove that cards were then known ; since the term was undoubtedly used many centuries previous to the invention of cards : but it does not follow that cards could not then have been known, and intended to be prohibited under the term alea, because, as it was a generic word, it might very pioperly have included cards within its meaning. CHAP. II.] EARLY USE OF PLAYING CARDS. 77 The chief argument in favour of Zani's opinion, that I am aware of, (and, were there nothing to oppose to it, it would seem one of considerable weight) is, that Cards were particularly specified in the prohibitory decrees of later councils. But this argument becomes a weak one, when, in addition to the many opposing documents in favor of the antiquity of cards, given in the text, and others of the same kind wliich could be brought forward, it is observed, that although playing-cards are named in some of the later Councils, they are not in all : for we have seen them specifically prohibited in the Synodus Bambergensis, 1491, and yet no mention is made of them in the Synodus Varmiensis, in 1497. When, in addition to such considerations, we call to mind, that undoubted evidence exists of the general use of playing-cards throughout many countries of Europe, long previous to 1490,* it * Jansen, " Origine de la Gravure," torn. i. p. 88, has the following note : " Suivant " M. Neubronner, administrateur a Ulm, les " archives de cette ville contiennent un an- " cien manuscrit sur velin, appele le livre " rouge (a Uteris initialibus rubris) oxi il y a " une defense de jouer aux cartes, datee de " 1397." Query : Can this be the Manuscript Chro- nicle, completed in 1474, in which Heineken discovered a memorandum relating to the ex- portation of playing-cards r See p. SO. John I. king of Castile, is said to have pro- hibited cards in 1387. The authenticity of this document is questioned by Zaiii, (" Materiali," p. 164, et scq.) but apparently upon insuffi- cient grounds. Mr. Striitt (Sports and Pas- times, p. 285, 2d edition) tells us, on the authority of Bullet, that " the Provost of Paris, Jan. 22, a. d. 1397, published an ordinance, prohibiting the manufacturing part of the people from playing at tennis, dice, cards," &.c. That cards were known in France prior to 1400, is, indeed, acknow- ledged by Zani himself ; who cites a passage from the Sermons of Frere Oliviero Maillard (Lions, 1498), " Videtis quod habetis in sta- " tutis vestris ; uuiiquid anno millesimo tjua- " dringentesimofuit prohibitum quod omnes " ludi chartarum," &.c. &,c. Zani (" Materiali, "p. 155) seems incredu- lous concerning the existence of the book called ©a.iS gulbcn .§picf, mentioned by Heineken, and said to be printed by Gimther Zainer at Augsburg, in 1472 or 78, in which cards are said to have been introduced into Germany in the year 1300 ; and, indeed, if such an ancient printed book does exist, containing a passage respecting German playing-cards, it is of itself sufficient to overturn his system. That it does however exist, there can be little ground of doubt, since Heineken cited the original pas- sage in the German, and mentioned the name of the printer ; and the passage was also, as we have seen, cited by Jansen, a more recent author ; with the additional intelligence, that 78 EARLY USE OF PLAYING CARDS. [chap. ii. will not, I think, be going too far to conclude, that cards might have been intended to be prohibited, with other games of chance, by the early German Councils, under the generic term alea ; and, at least, that their not being mentioned by a Council of any particular period, is no evidence that they were not then known. But, independent of the probability that the early Councils might have intended the prohibition of cards under the generic term alea, other arguments, accounting, in some degree, for their silence re- specting cards, may be adduced. There is reason to believe, as has already been suggested, (see note, p. 67) that, at first, they were considered as an innocent diversion ; and it is also probable, that for some time after they had begun to degenerate into a means of gambling, especially confined, perhaps, to the higher classes of society, they might escape ecclesiastical censure. Cards, as is Avell known, are, in Spain, termed naipes ; by which name, with the alteration only of the p into a b, they were also anciently known in Italy ; although in this latter country they were likewise called carte. It would appear from the following passage in the " Cronica del Giovanni Morelli," of the year 1393, that as late as that period the Italians considered cards in the light of an innocent and childish amusement : " Non giuocare a Zara, ne ad altro giuoco " di dadi, fa de' giuochi che usano i fanciulli ; agli aliossi, alia trottola, " a' ferri, a' 7iaibi, etc. — Not to play at hazard, or at other games of " dice, but at such plays as are used by children, as cockle-shells, " tops, ferri (I know not what this game was), cards," &c.* But after the year 1400 they began to be considered no longer so, and were severely censured by S. Bernardino ; who, in his forty-second the book was printed at Augsburg, and the Italian cards. It is, however, quite as pro- alteration of its dale (perhaps a correction), bable that they were the manufacture of Ger- from 1472 to 1478. many or the Low Countries. As to the foreign cards, the biportation of * Morelli was bom in 1371, and began to which into England, was prohibited under write his work in 1393. It was printed at Edward the Fourth, I am aware that it is possi- Florence in 1718. The passage cited is at ble they might have been French, Spanish, or p. 270. Zani, p. 182. CHAP. II., EARLY USE OF PLAYING CARDS. m Sermon, " contra Alearum Ludos," (artic. iii. cap. 11,) says: " Et " idem est judicium sicut de tabulariis, ita etiam de tabellis " taxillis taxillorum Tertiae autem participantes " sunt qui fiunt participes ex naibis seu carticellis, de quibus innu- " merabilia mala egrediuntur;" and at cap. iii. he repeats, " Sed •' etiam contra omnes tabularia, taxillos, et carticellas sicut " sunt tabularia, taxilli, et carticella, sive naibi." Saint Antonino, archbishop of Florence, Avho was born in 1389, and died in 1459, also speaks of cards as no longer amongst the amusements of children, although he is not quite so severe in his expressions respecting them as S. Bernardino. After mentioning games of hazard, he says, " Et idem videtur de chartis, vel naibis, " quamvis sit ibi aliquid industriae, principaliter tamen est fortunae. " Ludus autem scaccorum non est fortunae ; sed industriae."* Upon the whole, it appears probable that, although cards had been long before known in Italy, as well as in other parts of Europe, they did not come into general use, as affording the means of amusement and gambling to grown persons, until after the year 1400. Although even this datum must be taken in a limited sense ; since card-playing appears to have prevailed sooner in some coun- tries than in others. But to return to the subject of engraving on wood. I have already expressed the opinion that wood engraving was first introduced into Europe by the Venetians ; that the latter got this art from China ; and that, in the course of the commerce Avhich took place between Venice and the continent of Europe, the art gradually became known. I have also argued from the decree of the govern- * These two passages from the writings of their use. I have no doubt that my friend S. Bernardino and S. Antonino will be found Mr. Singer, in his treatise on this subject, in 2^a«j (pp. 171 and 177), who has, indeed, will know how to turn these documents collected together a prodigious number of (which Zani has thrown together, and left passages, from old as well as modem writers, in the shape of materials) to their proper relative to cards ; without, however, com- account, jng to any conclusion as to the antiquity of 80 WOOD ENGRAVING IN GERMANY [chap. ii. ment of Venice, dated 1441, that, some time prior to that period, it had been improved b);^ the artists of other parts, who, as we have seen, became, in their turn, exporters of playing-cards and other wood-prints. The inhabitants of Germany and the Low Countries appear more especially to have devoted themselves with eagerness to the prac- tice of this art ; their productions in which, it is probable, began to constitute a branch of their commerce soon after the year 1400.* If we may beUeve Heineken, who quotes the authority of an ancient Chronicle in manuscript, which he found at Ulm, " they " used to send their playing-cards in large bales, as well into Italy, " as to Sicily and other parts, by sea, receiving in return for them " spices and other merchandize." -f The term kartenmacher, or card-maker, is mentioned in the Burger-buche of Augsburg, in 1418; I and in that of Nurenberg, in 1433 and 1438 ;§ and certain it is, that, from the commenceiuent of the lifteenth century, it is a more easy task to trace the history and progress of wood-engraving * So we may fairly infer from the Venetian Zvlin, complevit hoc opus 1474, utlD UtltfC ber decree, if the supposition be admitted, that jSubrih : some of the foreign wood engravings which it ^W^m ^picI.l^anDcI. prohibited were the productions of Germany, ,^ , ^^ , , ... , ^ , , or the Low Countries. ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^tm^^t, mtn m- t Heineken quotes the words in the Ger- cfrcn unb anDcre IDaarcn t!Cr?tocljcn, tooraujS man {Idee Generale, p. 245), but without bic .lEcnge der €ibartenmacl)er, jSn ^k\) i)ier informing us of the date of the manuscript, aufgcljalten, ah^untijmcn i.^t. or of the period to which the passage refers. The above memorandum being written In his MtVii J[)acl)Cic|jttn (178G), p. 139, (perhaps after the book was completed) under he is more explicit : for, besides again quoting the Kubrick, it is impossible to determine to the original passage (although with some slight what period it relates. verbal alteration ; and, consequently, we may J Brietkopf, " lir.iiprung bcr .§piclfpiel 3Sriefe, (a game or a " pack of letters) or I want a card, but I want ein 93rieft, that is, I " want a letter. "f This observation is used by Heineken to shew that the Germans did not get their playing-cards from the French ; " for if we had had them originally from France," sa3^s he, " they " would have retained the same name with us by which they were " anciently known and are still called in France." But I must observe that whatever weight this remark may be en- titled to, as furnishing an argument to prove that the Germans did not get their cards from France, it is very far from assisting to support its writer's hypothesis, that the use of cards gave rise to * Idee Generale, p. 249- t Ibid. p. 240. M 2 84 WOOD ENGRAVING IN GERMANY [chap. ii. the invention of engraving in wood, and the subsequent apph- cation of that art to the manufacture of the images of saints, and other devotional pieces ; since we might more reasonably conjecture from it, that the persons who manufactured and sold these prints of saints, &c. each accompanied with some short inscription, or marked with a letter of the alphabet, were, on that account, termed Brief- maler (painters of letters — epistohe) than that they were so called because they manufactured cards, which in their nature bear no ana- logy to letters whatever. It is therefore probable that the term Briefmaler was used in Ger- many before playing-cards, such as are now used, were known in that country ; and applied to denominate those artizans who manu- factured these sets of coloured images of saints and other religious subjects, accompanied, perhaps, by short admonitory sentences. And, if the rage for holy mysteries and religious games, so general throughout Europe in the centuries which preceded the Reformation, be considered, it will not be a very extravagant stretch of conjecture to suppose, that, in early times, a set of those devout representations, accompanied by inscriptions, and marked with the letters of the alphabet, might even have been termed a Spiel Briefe,* or a game * Since writing the above, I have been Pandectarum seu Partitionum Universa- favored by Mr. Singer with a passage ex- Hum, Conradi Gesneri. Tiguri 1548. tracted from a writer of the sixteenth cen- foL Titttlus x\\. de Grammatica, fol. 17. tury, by which it appears that, even as late Gesner's book is little other than an index to as that period, sets of prints, such as I have books which treat upon general subjects. The described, (though others seem to have been above passage, for example, is the only one of profane subjects) continued to be manu- on cards, and is given without any comment, factured and sold under the appellation of The reader, indeed, is referred to Lndovicus cards; although playing-cards, such as are Vh'es, who, in his dialogue called " Ludus now used, had long before become common. Chartarum seu Fo/iorum," p. 48, edit. Basil, " Chartee lusorise variis in locis impresse, 1555, gives a short account of Spanish and elegantissime, aut Parisiis apud Wechelium French packs of cards, but says nothing of cum senleiitiis veterum poetarum : et alia; their origni. cum rythrais Gallicis; et alia; in Germania A further argument in support of my hy- cum sententiis Biblicis lingua vernacula." — pothesis, has been furnished by my friend, CHAP. II.] AND THE LOW COUNTRIES. 85 or pack of letters ; and used, perhaps, as a devout recreation, in a way not very dissimilar from that in which cards appear to have been used upon their first introduction into Europe; — that is, with- out any relation to gambling. The persons Avhose occupation it had been to fabricate these sets of devout images, were of course the best fitted to execute and ma- nufacture any other sorts of work that required the same process : playing-cards being afterAvards introduced into Germany, they would, therefore, presently apply themselves to the manufactory of them; still, however, retaining the appellation of Briefmaler (paint- ers of letters) by which they had been originally designated ; and in like manner these new productions might be termed Spiel Briefe, be- cause they were packages or sets of coloured prints, issuing from the workshop of the Briefmaler.* Mr. Fuseli, an artist whose elevated and powerful genius is no less honorable to Switzerland which gave it birth, than the example of his works, and the eloquence of his discourses, have proved beneficial to the arts in the country which he has adopted. " In the vulgar tongue of Zuric," says Mr. Fuseli, " and still more in that of the " Roman Catholic Cantons of Switzerland, " Helgen which is a corruption of Heiligen " — holy — saints — is used to denote a figured " print — Estampe. The reason for this is " evident — the first prints represented the " figures of saints or other devotional sub- " jects, and were, on that account, termed " Helgen ; the term, in process of time, " became generic, and is now used to d&- " note prints of any kind, even of the most " profane subjects." I was not aware, when I framed the above hypothesis, that such evidence could be brought forward in its support. * Nevertheless, if I may depend upon Heineken " l^tnt Bai\)nc])tin," p- 138, no mention of the term Briefmaler is found in the old German Chronicles, so early as there is of the term Kartenmacher. Still that writer insists, and Brietkopf, he says, is of the same opinion, that the term Briefe is more ancient than that of Karten, cards. The term Kar- tenmacher, as has already been observed, occurs in 1418, in the Burgerbuche of Augs- burgh. Heineken argues " that all writings in " which the term Kartenmacher or Karten- " maler is found, are more modern than the " invention of printed playing-cards, in Ger- " many ;" (here, no doubt, he means to infer, that diough the Itahans first introduced the use of cards, the Germans first discovered the art of engraving and printing them) " and if," says he, " you find mention, in " the city books of Nuremberg, in 1433, of " a Kartenmacherin, and, in 1438, of a 80 WOOD PRINT OF ST. BRIDGET. [chap. II. /- Here, then, is an hypothesis which appears to be full as well supported by evidence, and as reasonable as that of Heineken. It is, however, but an hypothesis, and may require further proof If true, it necessarily carries back the art of engraving in wood, in Germany and the Low Countries, to a much earlier epoch than that from which the German writers have hitherto been accustomed to date its origin ; and they will consequently pardon me for having suggested it. Besides these small cuts, however, the old artists of Germany and the Low Countries engraved devotional subjects of larger di- mensions. One of these, bearing every mark of high antiquity, I am enabled to present to the reader, by favour of the Right Hon. the Earl Spencer, K. G. who possesses the original, and has most obligingly permitted it to be copied for the present work. By the inscription over the head of the figure, which is neverthe- less, in part, unintelligible, being a good deal rubbed, we discover that it was intended to represent St. Bridget, who is seated writing. The figure evinces itself the work of an artist of no mean talents : " Kartenmalerin, (whereas you do not find " mention of a Briefma/er, until 1477,) it " only proves that printed playing-cards, or " Brief e, were invented before 1433, and " that already, in 1433, they were known in " Germany by the name of Karten, cards ; " but that, towards the year 1477, the pro- " fession of Kartenmacher had become se- " parated from that of the Briefmaler, or " iiluminist of wood-prints in general." " The word Karten,'^ he says, " is de- " rived from the word Cartone, and owes its " introduction to the commerce of the Ger- " mans with Italy." " Playing-cards," Heineken again observes, " are still called by the ancient term, Briefe, " in some provinces, and especially in coimtry- " places." The above passage, if I may be allowed to interpret it in my ovra way, will be found rather confirmatory than othenvise of the hypothesis in the text. I suppose that the better informed classes of the community discovered, before 1433, that the ancient term Briefe was, by no means, an appropriate appellation for playing- cards, such as zcere then in use; and very properly changed it for the foreign name, Karten — cards — to distinguish cards from other prints ; especially those of sacred images ; whereas the common people satisfied them- selves with calling them by their old name, little mindful of its etymology ; and never considering that their Spiel Briefe were no longer what they had been. dbfig-ifabif gOtfrtUttSf CHAP. 11.] WOOD PRINT OF ST. BRIDGET. 87 the proportions are good ; the attitude is easy and natural ; and the folds of the drapery are marked with intelligence, and well cast. The face and hands are expressed with few lines, but in a masterly manner. On the other hand, the total absence of every principle of perspective, in the bench upon which St. Bridget is seated, and the desk which supports her book, is very remarkable ; and gives to the entire composition an effect not very unlike that of the figures of the Evangelists, sometimes found in manuscripts of the very early centuries.* Upon the whole, I am inclined to consider this engraving as the production of an artist of the Low Countries, (where a better style of art prevailed in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, than was common, in those times, in Germany,) and of a date not later than the close of the fourteenth century : since, after that period, an artist, who was capable of designing so good a figure, could scarcely have been so grossly ignorant of every effect of linear perspective, as was evidently the case with the author of the performance be- fore us.-f- The impression appears to have been taken off, with a light tint * It has, by the bye, a good deal of re- from this circumstance ; as the print appears semblance to the Greek drawing of St. to have been coloured without the smallest Luke, engraved in my " Italian School of degree of care. Design." " Ces armoiries,"says Jawse/i, "del'Iuvention t I shall leave the partisans of Lawrence de I'lmprimerie," (p. 53.) speaking of Coster's Janszoon, or Coster, to make what they can seal, of which he also has given a copy, " qui of the armorial bearings introduced in one sont celles de la famille du fils prune d'un des «omer of this ancient engraving. Lawrence premiers comtes de HoUande, ont ete portees bore the same arms, but with the addition of par quelques-unes des plus illustres maisons a bar of bastardy and a lambel, as appears de ce pays, telles que celle de Brederode, de by his seal given in Meermari. The lion iu Teylingen, de Langerack, de Soutelande, et the print of St. Bridget is tinted yellow, and de Warmont," 8cc. It is possible that the Iialf the shield (that part of it which is under same arms might have been borne by some the animal's feet and belly) is of a dark crim- town or monastery in the Low Countries, son ; but I think no conclusion as to the where the print, perhaps, was published, proper blazoning of the arms, can be drawn 88 WOOD PRINT AT LYONS, DATED 1384. [chap. ir. in distemper, by means of friction, in the manner already described, and was afterwards rudely daubed over with a few gay colours, which were not, I think, laid on by means of stensils, such as, it is supposed, were used in painting cards, but by the hand. These colours, as they very much obscure the merit of the original print, are omitted in the copy.* If we can depend upon the correctness of M. Thiery,f the library of the academy at Lyons possesses a print, pasted into a folio volume, entitled " La Legende Doree," at the bottom of which is inscribed ScHOTiNG of Nuremberg, with the date 1384. He adds, that an- other engraving, still more ancient, is preserved in the library of the Vatican at Rome. Of the more ancient print in the Vatican I have no account, and I am obliged to add, that I fmd no mention of the Nuremberg print of 1384, in the recent French writers on the subject of engraving. Perhaps they discovered, upon examination, that what Thiery took for a 3, was in reality a figure of 4, or even a 5. But it is very possible that the Parisian authors may not have been at the trouble to visit Lyons for the purpose, and that the date may be genuine. This, I much hope, may prove to be the case ; as we are, it must be confessed, greatly in want of documents with which to fill up the chasm between the epoch of the two Cunio, and that of the * The face and hands are lightly tinted coat of arms and the crown, are tinted a with flesh colour. The hat and the wallet, bright yellow. The ground is coloured with supported upon the pilgrim's staff, and the verdigrease. The last part of the operation drapery of St. Bridget (except the veil upon of the illuminist, appears to have been that her head, part of which is black, and the re- of giving what he, no doubt, considered a mainder, with the thin drapery folded round few masterly touches, with a sort of lake, her throat, white) are of a tint similar to that mixed with a large proportion of gum, which of soot diluted with much water. The bench has occasioned those parts to have a shining upon which St. Bridget is seated, and the appearance. The broad border round the desk, the staff, the letters S. P. Q. R. the print is of this colour, glories round the head of the saint, and those t " Guide des Amateurs, &c. d Paris," j-ound the Virgin and Child, the lion in the 1787. pp. 427, 428. CHAP. II.] WOOD PRINT OF ST. CHRISTOPHER, A. D. 1423. 89 decree of the government of Venice. For although the retrospec- tive allusions of that decree render it evidence that the art of wood engraving had been practised at Venice very long previous to its date ; still, for the sake of those who will not be satisfied with any thing short of a due array of stubborn and incontrovertible proofs, I would gladly be enabled to produce other monuments of its ancient use: and I cannot conceal my surprise that Zani, who argued in favour of the authenticity of the account of the two Cunio, should not have perceived, that by endeavouring, as he did, to throw doubt upon almost all other early records of wood en- graving, he was doing all in his power to render that account the more difficult of belief The earliest print, bearing a date, of the existence of which we have at present any certain knowledge, was discovered by Heineken ; who thus described it in his writings : " I found," says he, " in the " Chartreuse at Buxheim, near Memmingen, one of the most an- " cient convents in Germany, a print of ' Saint Christopher carry- " ing the infant Jesus across the sea :' opposite to him is the hermit " holding up his lantern to give him light; and behind is a " peasant, seen in a back view, carrying a sack, and climbing the " ascent of a steep mountain. This piece is of a folio size, and " coloured in the manner of our playing-cards ; at the bottom of it " is this inscription : " Cristafen fatienx Hie quacunque tuerts. •♦ 3[lla neiiipe Tiie morte mala nan mortms. " iHillestnuj cccc° n tercto. " At least," continues Heineken, " we know from this piece, " with certainty, that the figures of saints, and, also, letters, were " engraved in 1423. Nor can any fraud be suspected in this in- " stance. The print is pasted within the cover of an old book of " the fifteenth century." ** Some one of the ancient monks of N 90 WOOD PRINTS OF ST. CHRISTOPHER [chap. ir. " the convent perhaps desired to preserve it, and at that time no " one troubled himself about the Antiquity of Engraving, or dis- " puted upon the question."* It was due to Heineken that I should describe this most interest^ ing specimen of early wood engraving in his own words ; since, but for his research, it might have continued to lie unnoticed in the convent of Buxheim, perhaps, for centuries to come. It has now found an asylum worthy of so precious and rare a document, in the splendid library of Earl Spencer, Avhere it is preserved in the same state in which Heineken discovered it, pasted in the inside of one of the covers of a manuscript in the Latin language,-)- of the year 1417. Lord Spencer, Avith a liberality for which he is eminently distinguished, has permitted it to be faithfully copied, of the same dimensions as the original, for the present work ; and the reader will therefore be a competent judge of its merits, — except as respects the colours, with which, like the last described print, it was tinted after printing, and which it has been judged proper to omit, that its true pretensions, as a work of engraving, ma)^ the better appear. I shall say but a few words concerning this engraving, as a work of art. The principal group is composed with dignity ; and, indeed, as respects its arrangement, is not inferior to many pictures of the same subject, executed by esteemed artists of later times. The reciprocity between St. Christopher and the sacred infant, is well conceived ; the head of the saint is expressive ; and the drapery, floating over his shoulder, is folded in a grand style. But the ex- tremities, and some other parts of the figures, are so defective in point of drawing, as to give reason to suspect that the artist, who * " Idee Generale," p. 250. the print of " The Annunciation," in the same t The MS. isentitled " Laus ViRGiNis." volume; both of the dimensions of tlie ori- See Mr. Dibfiins " Bibliotheca Spenceii- ginals, and accurately executed. A bud copy ana," vol. i. p. iv. Mr. Dibdin has given a of the print of " St. Christopher" is intro- fac-simile of the group of St. Christopher duced in Janseii's work so often cited, copied, •and the Child, and another of the Angel, in I believe, from one made by De Murr. ^juanmipf Dirmwre mala ix6mnma\$ except upon a careful comparison, much less to decide as to their respective pretensions to originality. -j- * The impressions in Lord Spencer's copy, at least in many instances, have a sort of hori- zontally striped and confused appearance, which leads me to suppose that they were taken from engravings executed on some kind of wood of a coarse grain. ■f I had not an opportunity of comparing these two copies together : but I examined the one only two days after I had carefully examined the other. The memorandums which I made relative to the Bodleian copy, on the spot, are as follow : Biblia Paiiperum — first edition, accord- ing to Heineken — complete — forty prints. The prints, however, coloured, and recently pasted down upon broad margin, like an ordinary book of prints. One of the colours with which it is tinted is verdigrease, which has become opaque, and thereby rendered the strokes of the engraving, in those parts, very difficult to distinguish. Another of the co- lours which frequently occurs is a sort of madder lake, shining, and apparently of the same quality as that used on the St. Bridget, though it is not laid on quite so thick. The impressions in this copy have not that striped confused appearance that those in Lord Spencer's copy have ; the letters are more easy to read, and the tint with which they are printed is of a greyer hue. The paper is of a lighter tint. The blocks appear to have been executed with less care, and in a ruder and less finished manner, than those of Lord Spencer's edition, though still the hands are often well indicated. Upon the whole I am very much inclined to think Lord Spen- cer's the earliest. Besides the copy of the Bihlia Pauperum, which Heineken (Idee Generale, 322), upon the authority of Meer- man, mentions in the Bodleian Library, he refers to another in the Library of Corpus Christi College at Oxford. Tliis is an error. No copy of the work exists in that col- lection. CHAP, in.] BIBLIA PAUPERUM. 131 The four first editions, according to Heineken, are correct copies of each other. The Jifth edition differs from them all ; not only in the number of the prints, which is increased to fifty, but, also in the compositions of the subjects, which, judging from a fac-simile given by Heineken of the last print, were designed by an artist of a very different and inferior school ; and are in a style not very unlike the more Gothic productions of Israel Van Meek. They are engraved, however, with great neatness of execution, and the characters of the inscrip- tion are better formed, and cut with more precision, than those of the former editions. I should judge this edition to be considerably more recent than that from which I have made selections. It nevertheless appears to be of extreme rarity, since Heineken knew but of one copy of it, which was preserved in the library of the convent of Wolfenbuttel. I shall briefly mention the subjects by which this edition is aug- mented, the verses accompanying them, the distinguishing letter upon each, and the number of the leaf* 1. et Jesse, fromwhose Sody The Birth of the Balaam and his Ass, rises the Ge?iealogical Virgin. with the Angel. Tree of Christ. Sic de radice Ex Jacob ista Processit virgula yesse. Processit stellula clai'a The 3Iarriage ofTobit and Sarah. Fit tobie sara Nutu dei copulata. Sicut spina rosam genuit. The 3Iarriage of the The Marriage of Isaac Virgin. and Rebecca. Ut impleantur Promissa sic copulantur Est desponsata Joseph hec virgo beata. * The reader will observe that these letters are of a very different form from those in the edition already described. S2 132 BIBLIA PALPERUM. [chap. hi. No. 3. contains the same subjects as No. 1. in the preceding editions, 4 D Moses visited by Jethro. The Visitation of Eliza- The Levite visiting his bet/i. Father-in-law. Hie consobrinum Hie gratulatur Letanter suscipit ilium. Dum a socera visitatur. Hec neptem visitat infans gaudendo insultat. No. 5. contains the same subjects as No. 2. in the foregoing editions. 6. f The Ciranncision of The Circumcision of The Circumcision of Abraham. Christ. Isaac. Circumcisus Abi-am Hie preeepto tuo Fiffuraiu denotat istam. Parat deus vulnere scisso. Observando legem Ihesus patitur lesionem. Nos. 7. to 17. inclusive, contain the same subjects as Nos. 3. to 13. in the preceding editions. 18. ^ Isaiah iceeping for Je- Christ ueeping for Jeru- The Lamentation of rusalem. salem Jeremiah. Hie mala futiira Flet jeremias Deplorat maxima cura. Fmidendo guttulas pias. Christus deplorat locum gemitibus. Nos. 19. to 26. inclusive — Same subjects as Nos. 14. to 21. in the preceding editions. No. 27. same as No. 23. in the foregoing editions. 28. C» Lamech tormented by The Scourging of Job abided by Satan his Tuo Wives. Christ. in the presence of his Wfe. lUusus iste Christum judei, Te figurat Ihesum Christe. Job leduut crimine rei. Pelle thum plagas pro nobis sufferens istas CHAP. III.] BIBLIA PAUPERUM. 133 29. 6* A Concubine taking the Christ crotvned with Croivn from the Head Thorns, of a King. Stultus est vere Qui spem ponit in muliere. Schimei insulting David. Spernit hie regem Verbis factis sufferentem. Pro corona nobis celestia dona. Nos. 30. and 31. contain the same subjects as Nos. 22. and 24. in the preceding editions. 32. fl** Lamech, Tubal Cain, Christ nailed to the The Prophet Isaiah and an Assistant, f org- Cross. sawed in tivo. ing Nails. Isti nunc parant Serra divisus Quibus christum crucifigant. Fuit hie in arbore clusus. Heu sic confixus sit pius et benedictus. Nos. 33. 34. — Same subjects as Nos. 25. 26. in the preceding editions. 35. ?. Joshua causintr the Body of the King of Ai to be taken dotvn from the Cross. Jo- shua, ch. viii. Rex cum existit Corpus deponere dixit. Christ takeii doivnfrom the Cross. The Bodies of the Seven Sons of Saul taken down from the Crosses, to ivhich they had been affixed. — //. Book of Kings (viz. II. Book of Sa- muel), ch. xxi. Clavis confixi Figura est ihesu christL Hie propter festum optat deponere christum. 134 BIBLIA PAUPERUM. [chap. III. 36. I, The dead Body of Christ in the Laji of the Virgin. Naomi lamentinsr the Death of her Sons. Hec natos plorat Functos flebiliter orat. Adam and Eve lament- ing the Death of Abel Deplorant multum Extinclum pueruni istum Fasciculum mirre puto dilectum redolere. Nos. 37. to 50. inclusive, represent the same subjects at Nos. 27. to 40. in the preceding editions. The inscriptions in the five editions of the " Bibha Pauperum" above described are in Latin. At length, in 1470, an edition was published with the text translated into the German language. This edition, like the four first, contains only forty prints : the designs are by another hand. Heineken has given a copy of the first leaf, in his Idee Generale, p. 323. The composition of the Annunciation, in the centre, is not ungraceful ; but the style is more modern than that of the other editions. The engravings, judging from this copy, are executed in a slight manner. The last print of this edition is marked with the arms of the engraver (as Heineken supposes) and the date, thus : mWo but notwithstanding these arms, the name of the artist, and even the place where the Avork Avas published, remain unknoAvn. Another German edition of this book, by a different artist, is also mentioned by Heineken : it has only forty prints, the last of Avhich is marked thus : IM< CHAP. III.] BIBLIA PAUPERUM. 135 The last figure is intended, it is supposed, for a 5. The artist who engraved this edition is Hkewise unknown. Besides these several editions of the " Biblia Pauperum," printed with wooden blocks, there exist two in which the text is printed in moveable characters ; one in the German, the other in the Latin language. They were published from the press of Albrecht Pfister, at Bamberg, about 1462; although they are without date, and are considered the earliest examples of books printed on both sides of the page, with metal types, and decorated with wood-cuts. Both these editions will be found correctly described in Mr. Dib- din's Catalogue of Lord Spencer's magnificent library. Heineken appears to have seen only one of them, — the German, — and to have been ignorant of the printer's name. Mr. Dibdin has given copies of one or two of the engravings ; which, in truth, furnish no very favorable sample of the arts of Franconia, in 1462 ;* and will, I trust, be admitted as not a little corroborative of the judgment I have given as to the comparative merits of the early schools of art in Germany and the Low Countries. The original composition of this short abstract of holy writ, illus- trated by designs of the chief stories of the Old and New Testament is, it is probable, of great antiquity. Heineken describes a manu- script of it, which he considers of the fourteenth century ; and informs us that upon the first leaf of an incomplete copy of the second edition of the Biblia Pauperum, in the royal library at Hanover, some ancient possessor of the book had written thus : S. Ansgarius est autor hujus libri. " A hand less ancient," continues he, " has added, in the Ger- " man language, to the following effect : ' This book of devout and * I can by no means agree with Mr. Dib- tion et d'ensemble que dans les dessins des din as to the propriety of Camus's observa- editions anterieures.'" The word I am sure lion, " that ahhough these cuts are ' encore escaped him inadvertently, for he justly ob- tr^s-grossi^res, il y a cependant plus d'inten- serves of the cut representing " Elijah car- 136 BIBLIA PAUPERUM. [chap. hi. " pious images was (probably) lirst invented, in honour of God " and for the devotion of the laity (the word probably is Avritten by " a more modern hand) by S. Ansgarius, the first bishop of Ham- " burg.' He who wrote the word probably, has added : vid. 'Claudii " Ornhielmi historia, Sveonum Gothorumque ecclesiastica, lib. I. " cap. 21. p. m. 70. item Tenzel, et la vieille Chronique et Histoire " de Zeeland.' Ansgarius, a native of France, and a monk of the " convent of Corbie," continues Heineken, " was sent into lower " Saxony, and towards the North, to convert the Pagans ; on which " account he Avas styled the Apostle of the Northern Nations. In " the year 831, he was created the first Bishop of Hamburg, and " in 844 he was translated to the Bishoprick of Bremen, Avhere he " died in 864." Heineken saw, " in the cloister of the church termed the Dome " at Bremen, two bassirelievi sculptured in stone, the figures of " which are of a middle size, and line for line the same as those in " the German* edition of the Biblia Pauperum. One of them is " in the first arch of the vault, close to the principal entrance of the " church ; and represents, in the middle, the Annunciation ; and, " on either side. Eve tempted by the Serpent, and Gideon with the " Fleece. At bottom are the two busts of prophets, and the same " Latin inscription : Legitur in Genesi, &c. in Gothic characters ; " and also the same verses : " Vipera vim perdit " Rore madet vellus *' Sine vi pariente puella. " Pluviam sitit arida tellus. •• Virgo salutatur innupta manens gravidatur. ried up to heaven," that it is singularly gro- edition, which, indeed, as well as the others, tesque and ridiculous; epithets very inap- he ascribes to the school of Germany. The plicable to the prints in the first editions of inscriptions accompanying those bassirelievi, the Bihlia Pauperum, which, although in a were in the Latin language, and, of conse- dry style, were evidently designed by the quence, he cannot mean to compare tliem Viand of one who, in his time, merited the to the engravings in the edition printed with appellation of master. the inscriptions in the German tongue. • Of course Heineken means the first CHAP. Ill] BIBLIA PAUPERUM. 137 " In the eighth arch of the vault is represented, in like manner, " the baptism of Christ; and, on each side of it, Pharaoh drowned " in the Red Sea, and the two Spies carrying the bunch of grapes ; " with the same Latin inscriptions. It is probable that the other " arches were anciently ornamented with the rest of these subjects, " which may have been defaced and destroyed in the commo- " tions and revolutions that have befallen Bremen." Heineken seems to consider it not quite impossible that this sculpture might have been executed under the directions of Ansga- rius himself, — that is, in the middle of the ninth century. For my own part, I am very much inclined to doubt the existence of any cloister or church with an arched roof, divided, as this appears to be, by groins, of so high an antiquity, throughout Germany, or, indeed, anywhere else. Ansgarius, however, might still have been the original author of the " Biblia Pauperum." " The words of Ornhielm," as Heineken observes, " are remarkable.* He says that books were attributed " to Ansgarius, written by cyphers and images, (per numeros et " signa,) Avhich were called pigmenta, — paintings. Perhaps," con- tinues Heineken, " these words occasioned the ancient possessor " of the copy at Hanover, to attribute the book to this bishop." Such may indeed have been the case : but it is very possible that that person had some further traditional authority for ascribing it to Ansgarius. The bassirelievi in the cloister of Bremen, even supposing them to be not earlier than the thirteenth or fourteenth century, may still be considered as in some degree corroborative of * These are his words : " lugenii monu- pericopas et sententias, ipsi iu quotidianum menta aliqiia reliquisse videtur, sed quorum usum delectas excerptasque, ac numeris li- nulla posterorum cura ad nos pervenerint. brorum capitumque enotatas, ut, cum usus Et quidem quos per numeros et signa con- requirerit, ad mauum essent, excitandae pietati scripsisse eum libros Rembertus memorat, ac resipiscentiae, nee non frequenti medi- indigitatos pigmentorum vocabulo, eos con- tationi mortis ad extremi illius rigidissimi tinuisse palam est quasdam aut e divinarum judicii." litterarum, aut pie doctorum patrum scriptis, 138 THE BOOK OF CANTICLES. [chap. hi. the story ; since they might have been executed in honor of the Apostle of the North, and in remembrance of his method of instructing the people in the mysteries of the Christian religion, upon the rebuilding or restoration of the church over which he presided ; and were, perhaps, copied from or renewed upon the authority of more ancient sculptures or paintings then in existence, or even from manuscripts ascribed to Ansgarius himself But, however ancient the original invention oftheAvork,the age of the several engraved editions of it without date, must still, in a great measure, remain conjectural. The four editions first mentioned appear to have been copied from each other. That from which specimens have been given, is, in my opinion, as before observed, a production of the Loav Countries or of Holland; and I am very much inclined to think it of a date not later than 1420 ;* but I speak with less confidence on this point, as, from the commencement of the fifteenth century until near its close, very little change of style is to be discovered in the designs of the artists of those schools. HisTORiA SEU Providentia Virginis Mariae, EX Cantico Canticorum. Such is the title given by Heineken to a small folio volume com- posed of thirty-two subjects taken from the Book of Canticles, and printed, two on each leaf, from engraved wooden blocks, on one side of the paper only. These prints are interspersed with passages of text, engraved in large characters, on scrolls fantastically dis- posed amongst the figures ; a circumstance which gives to the whole work a very singular appearance, and no doubt occasioned Hei- neken, who Avas blind to its real merits, to term it " the most Gothic of all the block-books."f Lambinet, however, is incorrect * See p. 99. ment upon this occasion (Idde, 8cc. p. 374) t The impropriety of Heineken's judg- did not escape the notice of Mr. Dibdin, who CHAP. III.] THE BOOK OF CANTICLES. 139 when he says that " some of the scrolls proceed from the mouths of the figures." The leaves, like those of the " Biblia Pauperum," are pasted back to back. Heineken mentions tAVO editions of this book ; the first, of course, in his opinion, engraved and published in Germany ; the second, copied from it in Holland or Flanders. Of the former edition, the Count Pertusati, he informs us, pos- sesses a complete copy ; that Mr. Verdussen of Antwerp had one similar ; and that a third copy is preserved in the Bodleian Library. The Hotel de Ville at Harlem, possesses an incomplete copy of the latter edition ; which, according to Meerman (p. 225) was purchased from the heirs or descendants of Laurence Coster. This copy, it appears, has, at the top of the first leaf, the following Flemish or Dutch inscription engraved in wood. IDit IS tie Uorsmicljeit ba jHarie trer rnolr* soUes* en is seljete in latl). cati. Heineken insists that " this inscription proves that the copy at justly observes of the work before us (Biblin- theca Spenceriana, vol. i. p. xxxvi) " that it " is, upon the whole, very greatly superior to " the generality of books of this description." The same writer, however, has framed an hypothesis relating to the mode in which the impressions of this curious work were pro- duced, which is not equally well-founded. He observes (p. xlii) that " after the most " careful examination of this very early and " curious specimen of the graphic art, he " inclines strongly to the opinion that it is " the production of some metallic substance, " and not struck off from wooden blocks." I do not think it necessary to go into the argument by which Mr. Dibdin endeavours T to support his opiniou, (formed, like that of Mr. Landseer before noticed, upon the sup- posed inadequacy of wood engraving to pro- duce that sharpness and precision in the strokes, by which the work I am speaking of is distinguished,) because four pages of Lord Spencer's copy, now before me, furnish undoubted evidence that the engravings from which the impressions were taken, were exe- cuted on blocks of wood. This evidence I shall presently produce — meanwhile, I feel myself obliged to protest against what, upon the same occasion, my friend has advanced, relative to the priority of German over Italian chalcography, and the silly credulity displayed by Papillon in his story of the two Ciinio. 9 140 THE BOOK OF CANTICLES. [chap. hi. " Harlem is of a later edition, printed after the Latin one."* He adds, " that it is well known that the first printed books have no " titles, and more especially those printed from engraved wooden " blocks." But there is, I think, reason to suspect that the above title (which, from its being in the Flemish or Dutch language, whilst the text of the Avork itself is in Latin, produces a strange anomaly) is not genuine ; and that it is no other than a silly fraud devised by some one of the compatriots of Coster, for the purpose of establish- ing a fact which it is, in reality, better calculated to overthrow.f Lord Spencer's copy of this book corresponds in every respect with the description of the one at Harlem, except that it has no such title : it is entire, and its margins are in such perfect preser\'ation, as to leave no doubt that it is in the same state in which it was published. Heineken endeavours to draw another argument in favor of the originality of the edition possessed by Pertusati, Verdussen, and the Bodleian Library, from the various errors, in that edition, in the Latin inscriptions on the scrolls ; which, he says, are corrected in the other edition. But it is evident that this circumstance makes in favor of an opposite conclusion. The artist who originally invented the work must have been well acquainted with Latin, since it is, in fact, no other than an union of many of the most beautiful verses of the book of Canticles, with a series of designs illustrative of the divine mysteries supposed to be revealed in that sacred poem ; and consequently we have reason to consider that edition the original, in which the inscriptions are given with the most correctness ; and to ascribe the gross blunders in the other, to the ignorance of some ordinary wood engraver by whom the work was copied. * It is not very easy to understand what f Since writing the above, I find that Heineken means in this passage — ^The text in Scriverius, in speaking of " the Book of both the editions is in Latin. Heineken, Canticles," mentions the Dutch title. That it may be proper to observe, has brought no title is, therefore, not a very recent inven- proof whatever that either of the editions was lion, published in Germany. CHAP. III.] THE BOOK OF CANTICLES. 141 But, independent of the inscriptions, in the edition possessed by- Lord Spencer, being free from most of the errors found in the other, the figures themselves, in that edition, have every characteristic of originaUty : they are designed and executed with great care and dehcacy ; but, at the same time, with so much freedom, intelli- gence, and masterly decision in every part, as to leave no doubt that they were engraved upon the original designs of an artist of no ordinary abilities in those early times. The figures in the edition in the Bodleian Library are, it is true, by no means deficient in spirit ; but they want much of the clear- ness and precision so remarkable in the others, and are, moreover, of very unequal merit ; some of the heads, for example, having great beauty, whilst others are carelessly executed, and what artists term very much out of draAving. Upon the whole, therefore, after a very careful examination of both the editions, I feel little hesita- tion in pronouncing that edition the first which Heineken terms the SECOND. Lambinet, I suspect, is in error, when he tells us that " Gaignat possessed a copy of this book in which the inscriptions were printed in moveable characters ;" he is certainly mistaken when he asserts " that in the Bodleian Library to be so." He, however, describes a copy in the imperial library at Paris which, (unless he examined it with the most culpable negligence) must be very different from the two editions above mentioned. " The text," he says, " is " printed on both sides of the leaves, and bears the date 1470 : the " figures," he adds, " appear to be more ancient than that epoch."* Having given my reasons for believing that edition of the block- * " Origiiie de I'lmprirnerie," torn. i. after mentioning the two first editions of the p. 69- What Lambinet means by the text " Book of Canticles," (p. 319) sajs in a being printed on both sidts the paper, unless note : " L'exemplaire de la bibliotheque na- he intends to infer that the figures are also " tionale est d'une edition post^rieure d ces printed on both sides, I am at a loss to ima- " deux-la ; il est date de 1470. Les feuillets gine. M. Daunou, in his " Analyse," in- " y sont imprimes des deux cotes." serted torn. i. p. 311. of Lambinet's work, 142 THE BOOK OF CANTICLES. [chap. hi. book under consideration to be the/>s^, which Heineken terms the second, I now proceed to speak of Lord Spencer's copy, which, as has been said, is of the first edition. Upon first viewing this work, I was of opinion that each of the designs contained in it was engraved upon a separate block of wood: but, upon a more careful examination, I have discovered that the contents of each two pages, — that is, four subjects, — Avere engraved on the same block. The number of wooden blocks, therefore, from which the whole was printed, was only eight. This is proved in the first two pages of the copy before me ; where, near the bottom of the two upper subjects, the block appears to have been broken in two, in a horizontal direction, — after it Avas engraved, — and joined together again ; although not with such exactness but that the traces of the operation clearly show themselves. The traces of a similar accident are still more apparent in the last block, containing the Nos. 29, 30, 31, 32. The whole work was, therefore, printed on eight sheets of paper from the same number of engraved blocks, the first four subjects being printed from the same block upon the same sheet, — and so on with the rest ; and, indeed, in Lord Spencer's copy, each sheet, being mounted upon a guard, distinctly shows itself entire. I consider this work to be without doubt of the same school as the edition of the " Biblia Pauperum," of which specimens have been given ; but somewhat less ancient. The manner of expressing the foliage of the trees by gently curved touches, ranged over each other in a horizontal direction ; and of indicating the clumps of herbage by a few strokes placed perpendicularly in the middle, and diverging at each side ; is the same in both : — every thing testifies that both are the productions of artists who had gone through the same routine of study, and thereby acquired the same systematic mode of charac- terizing particular objects.* Nevertheless, there is a lightness and * There is, I think, indeed, good reason " the Book of Canticles," and the " Spe- to believe that the " Biblia Pauperum," culum Salvationis," were, in great part, en- CHAP. III.] THE BOOK OF CANTICLES. 143 gracefulness in the figures in the book now before us, which distinguish it from all the other block-books I am acquainted with, and proclaim its author the Parmigiano of his school. The characters of the inscriptions, also, are executed with greater neatness and precision than those of the Biblia Pauperum, and the impressions are taken off with a darker brown, I will not attempt to describe these prints individually ; for, as the chief actors in most of them are the same, they of course a good deal resemble one another. I shall satisfy myself with men- tioning the number of scrolls on each design ; the first words of each inscription, where, with the help of the Vulgate Bible, I am able to make them out ; and, to facilitate reference, I shall add the chapter and verse from which each inscription is taken. As I pro- ceed, I shall select a few specimens, which, from the correctness of the artist who copies them, will enable those who have not an op- portunity of seeing the original work, to form some idea of its merits. The reader is, no doubt, aware, that all those passages in the Book of Canticles which we consider typical or prophetic of Christ's love for his Church, are, in the Roman Catholic Church, considered applicable to the Madonna, who, of consequence, is a principal figure in each of the engravings. Block Design I. 1 . This composition is illustrated by two inscriptions on scrolls. The first is as follows : Osculetia- me osciilo oris sui : quia meliora sunt uhera tua vino. (Cant. cap. i. V. 1.) In the edition which Heineken calls the First, the word vino is erroneously written viro. The second scroll has this inscription : Veni in ortiim* meum soror graved by the same wood-engraver, although as T could, as it is in the original. The H, from the designs of diflferent artists. I shall as in the word Hortum, is generally omitted: speak further on this subject when I come to the letter i is frequently substituted for the y, treat of the last mentioned work. and the y for the i : the diphthong ae, as in * I have given the orthography, as nearly filiae, is constantly written with the e alone. 144 THE BOOK OF CANTICLES. [chap. hi. Block Desigu mea sponsa, messui mirrham 7neam cum aromatihua meis : (cap. V. V. 1.) In the other edition the word mtssui is written mesiin. 2. Two scrolls — on the first : Caput tuum tit Carmdus : Col- lum tuum sicut turris ehurnea (cap. vii. v. 4. 5.) The inscription on the second scroll begins thus : Nigra sum sed formosa,Jilie Jerusalem, ^c. (cap. i. v. 4.) This leaf is copied on a reduced scale in Heineken (Idee Generale, p. 374.) 3. There are two scrolls also in this print, the first is in- scribed : Trahe me : post te curremus in odorem unguent- orum tuorum (cap. ii. v. 14.) The second : Sonet vox tua in auribus meis : ^-c. 4. This has also two scrolls, the inscriptions on which commence : En dilectus mens loquitur mild : Surge, ^-c. (cap. ii. V. 10.) and Quam pulchra es arnica mea, ^c. (cap. iv. V. 1. II. 5. Two scrolls — on the first : Qualis est dilectus tuus, ^c. (cap. V. V. 9.) The second scroll begins : Dilectus meus candidus, ^-c. (cap. v. v. 10.) 6. There is only one scroll in this composition : the in- scription begins : Adjuro vosjilie Jerusalem, per capreas cei-vosque, SfC. — In the other edition the word capreas is written capitas, and cei-vosqiie appears tervosque. 7. This composition has two scrolls. The inscription in the first begins : Erunt verba (not ube7'a as in the Vul- gate) tua sicut botri vinee, ^c. (cap. vii. v. 8.) The other edition has also the word verba. The second inscription begins : Botrus cipri dilectus meus mihi, ^c. (cap. i. V. 13.) 8. There are three scrolls in this composition. The first words on them are : Ortus conclusus est, ^-c. (cap. iv. CHAP, in.] THE BOOK OF CANTICLES. 147 Block Design V. 12.) Jons ortorum puteus aquarwn, ^-c. (cap. iv. V. 15.) Surge, ^c. I am not able to decipher the third inscription. III. 9. The figures in this composition are less incommoded by the scrolls, than is the case in most of the others ; for which reason I have selected it as a specimen by Avhich the reader may be enabled to form some idea of the general style of the work. It might seem un- necessary that I should say any thing concerning the inscriptions on this print, as they are correctly given in the copy : nevertheless, for the convenience of those who are not used to the abbreviations so fre- quent in the old block-books, the words are here sub- joined : Dilectus mens mihi, et ego illi, qui pascitur inter lylia. (cap. ii. v. 16.) Ego flos campi, et li/lium convalUum. (cap. ii. v. 1.) 10. There are two scrolls in this composition also. Pulchre sunt gene tue, SfC. (cap. i. v. 9.) Leva ejus sub capite meo, ^-c. (cap. viii. v. 3.) 11. This has also two inscriptions on scrolls ; the first com- mences : Que hahitas in ortis, SfC. (cap. viii. v. 13.) The other, I am not able to decipher. 12. There are no less than seven scrolls, containing the same number of inscriptions, interspersed among the figures in this composition ; a circumstance that gives it a very singular appearance, and much diminishes the effect of the figures, which, though of very small dimensions, have a considerable share of beauty. I shall content myself with giving the beginning of two or three of the inscriptions : Quo abiit dilectus tuus, ^-c. (cap. V. V. 17.) SI Hostium est compingamus illud, ^c. u2 148 THE BOOK OF CANTICLES. [chap. hi. Block Design (taken from cap. viii. v. 10, but altered.) Vulnerasti cor meum, ^-c. (cap. iv. v. 9.) IV. 13. Two scrolls : Descendi in hortum meum, Sj-c. (cap. vi. V. 10.) Talis est dilectus mens, <^-c. (cap, v. v. 16.) 14. Two scrolls : Aperi mild soror mea, ff-c. (cap. v. v. 2.) Pessulum Hostii mei, ^'-c (cap. v. v. 6.) 15. Two scrolls : Iiidica miki quern diligit, SfC. (cap. i. v. 6.) Si ignoras te 6 pidchra, ^c. (cap. i. v. 7.) 16. Two scrolls: Anima mea liquefacta est, t^-c. (cap. v. v. 6.) Statura (it is written Cratura or Gratura) tua assimilata est pahne et ubera tua botris. (cap. vii. v. 7.) V. 17. Tavo scrolls : Quisriiihi dettefratrem, ^c. (cap. viii. v. I.) Ecce quam pulchra es, <^c. (cap. vii. v. 6.) 18. Two scrolls : Fapus distillajis labia tua, ^c. (cap. iv. v. 11.) Comedi favum cum melle meo, bibi vinum 7neum cum lacte meo : (cap. v. v. 1 .) Mr. Dibdin has inserted part of this composition in the first volume of his Bibliotheca Spenceriana, p. xxxix. 19. There are three scrolls in this composition : Si dederit homo omnem substantiam suam pro dilectione, ^-c. (cap. viii. V. 7.) Lampades ejus sicut Lampades ignis, SfC. (cap. viii. V. 6.) Aqiie multe non potuerunt extinguere charitatem : (cap. viii. v. 7.) 20. Two scrolls : Que est ista que ascendit de deserto, SfC. (cap. viii. v. 5.) I cannot find the other inscription, which begins Ista est speciosa, SfC. in the Vulgate. — The figure of the Virgin carried up to heaven by an eagle, is copied at p. xi. of the first volume of the Bibliotheca Spenceriana. CHAP. III.] THE BOOK OF CANTICLES. 149 Block Design VI. 21. 22. 23. Two scrolls. Ecce dilecto meo et ad me conversio, S^c. (cap. vii. V. 10.) Revertere, revertere sulamitis, ^c. (cap, vi. V. 12.) Two scrolls. I cannot make out either of the inscrip- tions upon them. On a mount, in the distance, ap- pears the figure of Christ on the Cross, which, though of very minute dimensions, is drawn in every part with great intelligence, and is full of expression. Three scrolls. Dilecti me, egrediamu?' in agrum, ^c. (cap. vii. V. 11.) Madragore odorem dederunt in portis nostris. (cap. vii. v. 13.) Videamus si floruit vinea, ^-c. (cap. vii. V. 12. The figures in this design are prettily rouped, and are full of feehng and expression. 150 THE BOOK OF CANTICLES. [chap hi. Block Design 24. There is but one scroll in this compartment. Fasciculus mirre dilectus meus mihi, S^c. (cap. i. v. 12.) The vir- gin is represented supporting a crucifix. VII. 25. Two scrolls. Surgam et circuibo civitatem, ^-c. cap. iii. V. 2.) The other inscription is not easy to decipher, and does not appear to correspond with any verse in the Vulgate. There are no less than twelve small figures in this composition, independent of the two armed men on horseback, which Mr. Dibdin has in- serted at p. xli. of his Bibliotheca Spenceriana. They are all of them executed with surprising delicacy ; especially the four half figures of a Pope, two Car- dinals, and a Bishop, who are represented each with a sword and a shield, and whose heads are full of character and expression. 26. Two scrolls. The inscription on one of them does not appear to have been taken from any verse in the Canticles, and begins ; — Comeditc amici et bibite, ^c. The other inscription is ; — Guttur iU'ms sicut vimim optimum, dignum dilecto meo ad porta7idum. (cap. vii. V. 9.) Christ appears, seated at a table, accompanied by the Virgin Mary and three female attendants : on the table are four chalices and three consecrated wafers. 27. Two scrolls. Tota pulchra es arnica mea, ^-c. (cap. iv. V. 7.) Tenui eum, nee dimittam, S^c. (cap. iii. v. 4.) , 28. Two scrolls. Ecce pulchra es arnica mea, Sj-c. (cap. i. V. 14.) Ecce tu pulcher es dilecte mi, et decorus, Lec- tulus noster ftoridus. (cap. i. v. 15.) The subjoined CHAP. III.] THE BOOK OF CANTICLES. 151 Block Design group, extracted from this compartment, is remark- able for its easy gracefulness. VIII. 29. This composition has three scrolls. Mille clypei pendent, SfC. (cap. iv. V. 4.) Ego Murus : et uhera mea sicut turris, ^c. (cap. viii. v. 10.) Collum tuum sicut turris que edificata est cum propugnaculis. (cap. vii. v. 4. et cap. iv. V. 4.) In this composition are two figures of angels, the draperies of which are admirable. They will be found copied after our description of the last print of the series. 30. Two scrolls. Ego dormio et cor meum vigilat. (cap. v. V. 2.) Iji lectulum salomonis sexaginia fortes ambiunt, omnes tenentes gladios. (cap. iii. v. 7. 8.) The group of warriors, standing behind the bed, is interesting by 152 THE BOOK OF CANTICLES. [chap. III. Block Design the varieties of armour, of which it furnishes spe- cimens. 31. Two scrolls. Pone me iit signacidum super cor tuum. (cap. viii. v. 6.) I cannot find the other inscription in the Vulgate, nor can I read it. Christ and the Ma- donna are represented supporting a large seal or stamp, on which is designed the mystery of the Trinity. 32. Two scrolls. Species ejus ut libani, electus ut cedri, talis est dilectus mem. (cap. v. v. 15. 16.) Veni de Lyhano Sponsa mea veni de Lybano, veni coronaheris. I close my selections from this volume with the figure of Christ, who is represented about to crown the Madonna ; and I have placed on each side of it the two angels mentioned under No. 29. ^"«%^ CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 153 It has already been observed that Heineken, in speaking of this work, styles that edition the Jirst, which I term the seco)id. His enumeration of the pieces it contains is according to this latter edition, wherein some of the leaves appear to be placed differently from what they are in the original edition before us. Heineken sup- poses that the two subjects contained in each page, were engraved on one block ; and consequently he only gives the beginning of the first inscription in the upper compartment of each of the sixteen pages. In the copy, which he describes, the four first pages, viz. Nos. 1. 2. 3. A. 5. 6. 7. 8. are placed as in the copy before us; then come the two pages which I have described under Nos. 17. 18. 19. 20. ; after these follow the two pages containing the Nos. 9. 10 — 11. 12. ; and then the two pages containing Nos. 21. 22 — 23. 24. : these are followed by the pages containing Nos. 13. 14 — 15. 16; and lastly come the four pages, Nos. 25. 26 — 27. 28 — 29. 30 — 31. 32. I shall not attempt to account for this arrangement of the pages, so different from that of the original edition ; but I thought it necessary to notice the circumstance, as the copy in the Bodleian Library, like that of Mr. Verdussen, at Antwerp, is arranged conformably to Heineken's list. See Heineken's " Idee Generale," p. 374. I must not omit to observe, that the Bodleian copy has been newly bound, and that each leaf is pasted down on paper of larger dimensions, in the ordinary way of mounting prints ; so that the impressions do not alternately face each other, as they did anciently. This copy is also coloured. Speculum Humanae Salvationis; called also Speculum Figuratum. The last block-book that I have undertaken to describe, is the " Speculum Salvationis," so celebrated in the annals of typogra- X 154 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. phical controvers}'^ ; if indeed the appellation of block-book can pro- perly be given to a Avork like the present, in which the text, accom- panying the figures, is printed, for the most part, with moveable characters, in one edition of it, and, in the other editions, entirely so. In truth, it seems to hold a distinct place, midway between the ordi- nary books, printed entirely from engraved wooden blocks, and the first specimens of typography in its mature state ; and is therefore, independent of its intrinsic merit, and the story attached to it, particularly interesting. I shall first briefly describe the work itself, and shall afterwards offer some remarks on the long disputed question of its origin. This work, like the "BibliaPauperum," and the "Book of Canticles," is of a small folio size, and is printed on one side of the paper only. There are four or five editions of it, in which the cuts are not copied from each other, (as in four of the editions of the Biblia Pauperum, and the two editions of the Book of Canticles ;) but taken off from the same engraved blocks ; besides two or three editions published, several years later, as it is supposed, in Germany, with figures designed and engraved in a much ruder style. I shall speak princi- pally of the two editions which I have seen, in one of which the text is in the Latin — in the other, in the Dutch language. The Latin edition is comprised in thirty-one sheets and a half^ divided, according to Heineken, into five quires, or gatherings. The first gathering is of only five leaves, and contains a sort of in- troduction to the work, descriptive of its contents ; the second, the third, and the fourth gatherings, have each of them fourteen leaves, and the fifth has sixteen leaves ; making in all sixty-three leaves. This edition is, by most writers, considered the first ; but its priority is by no means certain, as I shall hereafter shew. In the Dutch edition, the introduction occupies only four leaves, and consequently there are only sixty-two leaves in the whole. After the introduction, in both these editions, the remaining fifty- eight leaves are ornamented at top by wooden cuts of an oblong form, each of them divided in the middle by a slight Gothic pillar. CHAP. III.] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 155 into two compartments; so that each cut contains two designs. These designs, for the most part, represent stories of the Old or New Testament; but the subjects of some of them are taken from passages of profane history, which the author of the work thought typical of the events recorded in sacred writ. Each subject has underneath it a short Latin inscription engraved on the same block, independent of the text, which is printed in two columns, and occupies the remainder of the page. The cuts are taken off like those of the two block-books already described, by means of friction, with a brown tint, in distemper. I have observed in a former page * that there is reason to believe that the " Biblia Pauperum," the " Book of Canticles," and the cuts of the " Speculum Salvationis," were engraved in great part by the same wood-engraver, although from the designs of different artists. The remark, however, must be understood with some liini- tations. There is little doubt that the principal wood-engravers of those times had pupils who assisted them in executing the exten- sive Avorks confided to their care. That part of a cut which re- quired little skill, or that entire design which least captivated the taste of the master, was often entrusted to the scholar ; and hence those occasional dissimilarities of execution which a careful observer will discover in different cuts of the same block-book, (especially in accessorial parts) although their general style be the same, and although they bear every evidence of having proceeded from the work-shop of one master-artist. Several of the cuts in the Speculum bear so striking a resemblance to some of those in the Biblia Pau- perum, as to leave little or no doubt that they were engraved by the same hand ; others, in their mode of execution, exactly corre- spond with some of those in the Book of Canticles. Upon the whole, therefore, I am of opinion that the same engraver, who had been employed to execute the blocks of the Biblia Pauperum, was also, but at a later period, entrusted with those of the Book of Can- * See note, p. 142. X 2 156 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS, [chap. hi. tides ; and lastly, or about the same time, with those of the Speculum ; which work it is probable he did not live to complete ; since the latter cuts of the Speculum, as I shall again have occasion to notice, were evidently engraved by a distinct artist from the one employed in the former part of that work ; and, I think, from the compositions of a different designer. Heineken observes, that the cuts of the Speculum appear to have been engraved on wood of a hard and close grain, and that he can- not sufficiently admire the skill of the artist by whom they were executed, " The most able engraver of our own times," says he, *' could not surpass them, nor cut the wood with more delicacy and " clearness :" an eulogium not wholly unmerited, although, upon the whole, the engravings in the Speculum possess these qualities in a less eminent degree than those of the Book of Canticles, Before I proceed to lay before the reader a list of the cuts in this curious volume, it is necessary for me to observe, that in the ancient manuscripts of the Spernlnm Salvationis, when they are entire, the work is composed of a preface and forty-five chapters, in prose Latin, Avith rhythmical terminations to the lines. The preface contains a short account of the contents of the chap- ters. In each chapter, one principal subject is proposed ; but three others, which the author considered allusive to the principal subject, are afterwards introduced. The subjects, for the most part, are taken from the Bible, or from the traditional history of the church; but some of them are selected from profane history. The three last chapters have, each of them, eight subjects. Thus Heineken informs us that, in the illumined manuscripts of this work, he invariably found that every chapter was ornamented with two paintings, each divided into two compartments, and containing two subjects ; except the three last chapters, which had each of them four paint- ings, or eight subjects. The work therefore, when complete, should contain the designs of one hundred and ninety-two subjects, whereas the first printed editions of the Speculum have only fifty-eight cuts, or one hundred and sixteen designs. CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 157 In the course of the following catalogue of the engraved designs, I shall occasionally notice what I find commendable or defective, and from such spontaneous remarks, added to the specimens which Avill be presented to the reader, he will be best enabled to judge of their pretensions as works of art, or at least of the opinion of the writer concerning them. Each cut, as has already been said, contains two historical re- presentations, with short Latin inscriptions underneath them, ex- planatory of their subjects. They are placed in the following order. Cap. I. Impression 1 . The Fall of Lucifer. The Creation of Eve. Casus Luciferi. Deus creavit hominem ad ymaginem et sirailitudinem suam. Heineken has given an indifferent copy of this print in his Idee Generale, p. 443. It is also copied in Meerman. 2. Adam and Eve forbidden to eat Eve deceived by the Serpent, of the Tree of Knowledge. De omni ligno paradisi commeditis. Nequaquam moriemini sed eritis sicut discernentes, &c. The naked figures of Adam and Eve in this and the following leaf, are drawn in a miserable style. Cap. II. .3. Adam and Eve eating the for- Adam and Eve driven out of Para- bidden Fruit. dise. Mulier decepit virum ut secum Angelas expulit eos de paradise coramederet. gladio ignito. 4. Adam digging the Ground, and The Ark of Noah. Eve spinning. Hie Adam operatur terram in SU' Archa Noe. dore vultus sui. 158 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. The figure of Eve spinning, with the infant Cain seated in her lap, is not inelegantly composed. 7 i)icaM'opRtinrftRmfmVeu3ltii$ 6u Cap. III. 5. TViC Birth of the Virgin pre- King Astiages sees the Vineyard in dieted. « Vision. Hie annunciatur ortus Marie. Rex Astrages mirabile vidit somp- nium. The back-ground of the left hand compartment, represents a^ shepherd with some sheep, executed so exactly in the style of those introduced in two or three of the cuts of the book of Canticles, as CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. Ud to leave little or no doubt that they were engraved by the same hand. 6. The Garden and the Fountain, emblematic of the Holy Virgin. Ortus conclusus fons signatus. Salaam and his Ass. Balaam prenunciavit ortum marie in Stella. Cap. IV. 7. The Nativity of the Virgin. The Genealogical Tree of Christ. Nativitas gloriose virgiuis Marie. Egredietur virga de radice Yesse. Upon the upper part of the genealogical tree, in the right hand compartment, the Madonna is represented seated, with the Infant Saviour in her lap ; the group, although extremely small, is executed with much taste and delicacy. 8. The Gate of a City, closed, another Emblem of the Virgin Mary. Clausa porta significat beatam vii'- ginem mariam. The Temple of Solomon. Templum Salomonis significat beatam mariam. Cap. V. D. The Offering of the Virgin in the Temple. Maria (oblata) est domino in templo. 10. Jephtha sacrificing his Daugh- ter in fulfilment of his Vow to the Lord. Jepte obtulit filiam suam domino. The Offering of the Table of Gold in the Temple of the Sun. Mensa aurea oblata est in templo solis. The Queen Semiramis on the Top of a Tower. Regina persarum contemplabatur patriam suam in orto suspensili. The composition of Jephtha sacrificing his daughter is one of the 160 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. most spirited of the series, and is here copied. The female figure possesses considerable beauty and expression. Cap. VI. 11. The Marriage of the Virgin. The Marriage of Sarah and Tobit. Hie virgo maria desponsata Joseph. Hie Zara desponsatur Thobie ju- niori. The author of these designs seldom failed in his representations of the female character. The figure of Sarah, in the compartment to the right, possesses a virgin modesty and an easy gracefulness of deportment which are particularly captivating. i2. A Toiver, upon which are Two A City, to the Walls of which are Meti blotving Trumpets. attached many Shields. Hpc turris dicta baris significat Hec turris david de qua pendebant mariarn. mille clypei. CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 161 Cap. VII. 13. The Annunciation. Hie annunciatur ihesus per angelum virgin! marie. 14. Gideon and the Fleece. Vellus gedeonis repletiim etiam terra sicca manente. Moses and the Burning Bush. Dominus apparvit moysi in rubo ardenti. Rebekah giving Drink to the Ser- vant of Abraham. Rebecca nuncio abrahe potum tri- buebat. Car VIII. 15. The Nativity of our Saviour. Nativitas domini nostri ihesu christi. 16. Aaron's Rod. Virga aaron floruit contra naturam virtute divina. The Cup-bearer of Pharaoh sees the Vineyard in a Vision. Pincerna pharaonis vidit in sompnis vineam. The Sybil shewing to Aug?istus the Image of the Virgin. Sybilla vidit virginem cum puero. Cap. IX. 17. The Adoration of the 3Iagi. The Three Magi seeing the Star Tres mag. adorant puerum cum Tres magi viderunt novam stellam '"""^"bus. -^ ^^.^^^^ One of the Magi, in the compartment on the right, instead of bemg on horseback, hke the others, is seated upon a chimerical animal, with a long arched neck, and a head like a leopard He seems to be explaining the purport of the celestial appearance to the two kings, his companions. 18. The Three Warriors bringing the Water of the Cistern to David. Tres fortes attulerunt david regi aquam de cisterna. Solomon seated on his Throne. Thronus salomonis. 162 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALV AXIOMS, [chap. hi. Cap. X. 19. The Presentation in the Temple. The Ark of the Old Testament. Maria obtulit filium suum in templo. Archa testamenti significat mariam. 20. The Candlestick i7i the Temple The Lifant Samuel devoted to the of Solomon. Lord. Candelabrum templi Salomonis. Puer Samuel oblatus est domino. Cap. XI. 21. The Flight of the Holy Family The Egyptians adoring the Image into JSsrypt. and the Destruetion of of the Holy Virgin. the Idols. Omnia ydola corrueruut intrante Egiptii fecerunt imaginem virginis ihesu in egiptum. cum puero. The sjoup in the left hand compartment is composed with great simplicity of %t\!\e, and furnishes additional evidence in support of the opinion given at page 155; that the same artist who had en- graved the " Biblia Pauperum" and " the Book of Canticles," was also employed to execute the work before us : the head of Joseph, and the general character of his figure, in this design of " the Flight " into Eg\pt," bear so striking a resemblance to the Joseph in " the Nativity" in the " Biblia Pauperum," copied at page 116, (although the attitude is different) as to amount to little short of proof that both were executed hy the same wood-engraver. 22. The young Moses breaking in Nebuchadnezzar seeing the Vision Pieces the Crotcn of Pharaoh. of the Statue. Moyses projecit coronam Phara- Nabusrodnasur vidit statuam in onis et frt^it. sompno. CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 163 Cap. XII. 23. The Baptism of Christ. The Vessel of Brass in which the Jews washed themselves upon enter- ing into the Temple. Jhesus baptisatus est a johanne in Mare eneum in quo ingressuri in jorclano. 24. Naaman cured of his Leprosy. templum lavebantur. The Ark carried over the River Jordan. Naaman leprosus (lavit) septies et Jordanus siccatus est in transitu mundatus est. filiorum dei. Cap. XIII. 25. The Temptation of Christ. Daniel destroying the Image of Bel, and killing the Dragon. Cristus triplicitur fuit temptatus a Daniel destruxit bel, et interfecit dyabolo. 26. David killing Goliath. draconem. David killing the Bear and the Lion. David superavit goliam philisteum. David interfecit ursam et leonem. Cap. XIV. 27. 3Iary Magdalen at the Feet of The King Manasses in Captivity. Christ. Magdalena penituit in domo sy- Manasses egit penitentiam in cap- monis. tivitate. 28. The Return of the Prodigal Soti. Pater familias filium prodigum suscepit. Nathan reproaching David ivith his Sins. David de adulterio redargutus penituit. The calm but austere dignity of a monitor sent from God is finely Y 2 164 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. portrayed in the figure of Nathan, in the right hand compartment. The figure of David is very inferior, although not without expression. Cap. XV. 29. Christ's Entry into Jerusalem. Jeremiah upon a Toiver, lamenting the Fate of Jerusalem. Cristus flevit super civitatem jhe- Jeremias lamentabatur super jhe- rusalem. rusalera. 30. The Triumph of David. Heliodorus beaten tvilh Rods. David susceptus est cum laudibus. Helyodorus flagellabatur. Cap. XVI. 31. The Last Supper. The Israelites gat her i7ig Manna in the Wilderness. Cristus manducat pascha cum dis- Manna datur filiis Israel in deserto. cipulis suis. Christ and the twelve apostles, in the compartment to the left, are seated on stools around a circular table. Judas is distinguished from the rest by having no diadem or glory round his head. The artist has committed a lamentable error of perspective — the nearest figures in the piece being represented of the smallest dimensions. 32. The Jeivs eating the Paschal Melchisedec meeting Abraham, Lamb. Judei manducaverunt agnum pas- MelchisedechobtulitAbrahepanem chaleni. et vinura. Cap. XVII. 33. The Soldiers, sent to take Christ Sampson killing a Thoiisand Phi- in the Garden, struck to the Ground listines with the Jaw-bone of an at his Word. Ass. Cristus prostravit hostes suos unico Sampson prostravit mille cum man- verbo. dibla azini. CHAP. III.] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 165 34. Sanger killing Six Hundred Men with a Pious: h-share. Sanger occidit sexcentos viros cum vomere. David slaying Eight Hundred Men ivith his Sword. David occidit octingentos viros cum petu suo. These two compartments, as well as that of Sampson in the last leaf, exhibit many interesting specimens of ancient armour, in a style very much resembling those noticed in one of the prints of " the Book of Canticles." Cap. XVIII. 35. Christ betrayed with a Kiss. Cristus dolose traditus. Joab killing Abner. 36. David playing on the Harp be- fore Saul. Rex Saul reddidit david malum pro bono. Joab interfecit fratrem suum amasam. The Sacrijice and Death of Abel. Cayn dolose interfecit fratrem suum Abel. Cap. XIX. 37. Christ insidted by the Soldiers of the High-Priest. Cristus fuit velatus, consputus et colaphisatus. 38. Ham mocki7ig his Father Noah. Cam derisit patrem suum noem et alii eum condolebant. Hur insulted aiid spit upo7i by the Jeivs Hur vir marie suffocatus sputo Judeorum. The Philistines mocking Sampson when Slind. Philistei Sampsonem exceccantes deriserunt. The figure of Noah, in the left-hand compartment, although in the meagre style of the time, is designed with great spirit ; espe- cially in the head and hands, which evince, in every touch, the intelligence of a consummate artist .166 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIOMS. [chap. hi. 39. The Flagellation of Christ. Jhesus ad columpuam ligatus est et flasellatus. Cap. XX. The Prince Achior tied to a Tree. Achior princeps ligatus est ad ar- 40. Lamech tormented hy his Two Wives. Lameth confligitur a malis suis uxoribus. borem a servis holofernis. Job tormented by the Demon and by his Wife. Job flagellaljatur a demone et ab uxore. I have caused the design of Lamech and his wives to be copied, and doubt not that the reader will appreciate its merits. The other compartment is, upon the whole, less agreeable, though the wife of Job is by no means an inelegant figure. CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 167 Cap. XXI. 41. Christ crowned with Thorns. A Concubine taking the Crown from the Head of a King and put- ting it on her own. Cristus coronatur spinea corona. Conciibina ipsius coronam regis acceptam sibi ipsi imposuit. The ignominious bondage of the monarch in the right hand com- partment, is well expressed ; and the figure of the female is far from ungraceful. 42. Schimei insulting David. The King Amnion disfiguring the Messengers of David. Siraey maledicit David. Rex amon dehonestavit nuncios david. Cap. XXII. 43. Christ bearing the Cross. Abraham about to sacrifice Isaac. Cristus baiulavit crucem suam. Ysaac ligna portat pro sua immo- latione. 44. The Son of the Lord of the The Two Spies carrying the Bunch Vineyard murdered by his Servants. of Grapes. Exploratores uvam in vecte povtant. Heres vinee projectus est extra vineam et interfectus est. These two inscriptions, as Heineken observes, are misplaced: that on the right belongs to the subject on the left hand. Cap. XXIII. 45. Christ nailed to the Cross. Tubal-Cain superintending his Workmen, who are forging Iron. Xpuscrucifixus mortem suam figuris Inventores artis ferrarie et melo- predixit. diarum. The author, says Heineken, intended to indicate by this type' 168 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. that Tubal-Cain invented the nails by which Christ was fastened to the Cross. 46. Isaiah suspended and saiced in A King killing his Child. Two. Ysaias propheta dividitur serra Rex moab immolavit filium super lignea. murum. The naked figure of Isaiah, although in the meagre style of the time, is drawn with intelligence and spirit. Cap. XXIV. 47. Christ on the Cross hetiveen the The Dream of Nebuchadnezzar of Ttvo Thieves. the Tree cut down. Cristus pendens in cruce. Nabugodnosor in sompnio vidit arboreni. The three naked figures of Christ and the two malefactors are also designed with great feeling and spirit. 48. The King Codrus causing him- Eleazar killing the Elephant by self to be put to death for the good plunging his Sword into its Selly. of his Country. Rex codrus dedit se ipsum in exi- Eleasar confodens elephantem ab ciura pro suis. ipso oppressus est. Thus far, according to Heineken, the chapters are conformable to the ancient Latin manuscripts. 49. The Descent from the Cross. Joseph's Coat brought to Jacob. Dolor marie de filio. Jacob deflet filium suum Joseph. I have already observed that the latter cuts of this series are cer- tainly engraved by a diiferent artist from the one who executed the preceding ; and that the designs also appear to be of another hand. The truth of this remark will be sufficiently apparent to the reader CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 169 in the subjoined copy of the Descent from the Cross. He will observe, that in its style of design, as well as of execution, it differs very materially from those before copied. The tree, for example, on the right, is round and clumpy ; and the hatchings, with which the figures are shaded, are ranged diagonally; whereas, in the pre- ceding cuts, the figures are almost uniformly shaded by horizontal hatchings ; and the trees, as may be seen in the cut copied at page 158, are of a conic form, with sharply pointed tops, like those of " the Book of Canticles." It is moreover proper to notice that beginning with this page, the printed work, which, as Heineken observes, is so far conformable to the ancient Latin manuscripts, no longer continues to be so. I shall leave it to the research of future Avriters to account for this remarkable circumstance. '?)olonnea'ielxtoo L 170 SPECULUM HUMA.NAE SALVATIOMS. [chap. hi. 50. Adam and Ere lamenting over the dead Body of Abel. Prothoplausti luxenmt necem abel. 51. The Burial of Christ. Hora completorii datur sepulture. 52. Joseph put into the Well. Joseph missus in cistemam. 53. Christ's Descent into Limbo. Sancti patres liberantur de inferao. 54. God commanding Abraham to have the Laud of Ur. Liberatio Abraham de yr calde- orum, 55. The Resurrection of our Sa- viour. Resuirectio domiiii nostri Ihesu Cristi. Naomi tceeping the Death of her Sons. Noemv flet mortem filiorum. The Burial of Abner. David flevit super exequias abner. Jonas sicalloiced by the Whale. Jonas a cete devoratus. Moses leadincr the Children of Is- rael out of Egypt. Israhel liberatur a Pharaone. Lot and his Family quiftinsr Sodom. Liberatio loth a sodomis. Sampson carrying off the Gates of the City of Gaza. Sampson tulit portas gaze. 56. Jonas vomited tip by the Whale. Exitus ione de ventre ceti. Stone-Masons at Work. Lapis reprobatus factus est in lapi- dem anguli. 57. The Last Juds'mcnt. Extremum judicium. The Parable of the Lord, taking an account of the Debts ouing to him by his Servants, and causing the tricked Servant to be cast into a Dungeon. !\obilis reversus ex longinquis fecit rationem. CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 171 58. The Parable of the Wise and the Foolish Virgins. Reguum celorum simile decern vir- ginibus. Daniel explaining the Hand-writiiig on the Wall. Maiius domini scripsit in pariete. The cut representing the parable of the wise and foolish virgins is so beautifully composed, that I am sure the reader will be gratified by its introduction in this place. It would be difficult to point out any design of that subject, of later times, in Avhich the story, to use a technical phrase, is better told, or in which the figures are more gracefully disposed. QreOT^^ttBftmbus z2 172 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. The Speculum Humanae Salvationis, as is well known, is ascribed, upon the authority of Hadrian Junius, a Dutch writer of the sixteenth centurj^ to the press of Lawrence Costee, of Harlem, (or, as he styles him, " Laurentius Joannis, cognomento ^dituus CusTOSVE,") who, he assures us, was the true inventor of typography ; notwithstanding that a contrary opinion in favor of the pretensions of the printers of Mentz had long gone abroad, and was become so deeply rooted in the minds of men, as to render its removal a task of extreme difficulty. The account of Junius, which is given at length in the note below,* is in substance as follows : * " Habitavit ante annos centum duocle- triginta Harlemi in aedibus satis splendidis (ut documento esse potest fabrica quae in hunc usque diem perstat Integra) foro immi- nentibus e regione Palatii Regalis, Laurentius Joannes cognomento Aedituus Custosve, (quod tunc opimum et honorificum munus fnmilia eo nomine clara haereditario jure pos- sidebat) is ipse qui nunc laudem inventae artis Typographicae recidivam justis vindiciis ac sacramentis repelit, ab aliis nefarie pos- sessam et occupatam, summo jure omnium triumphorum laurea majore donandus. Is forte in suburbano nemore spatiatus (ut solent sumpto cibo aut festis diebus cives qui otio abundant) coepit faginos cortices principio in literarum typos conformare, quibus iuversa ratione sigillatini chartae impressis versiculum ununi atque alterum animi gratia ducebat, nepotibus generi sui liberis exeniplum fu- turum. Quod ubi feiiciter successerat, coepit animo altiora (ut erat ingenio niagno et subacto) agitare, primumque omnium atramenti scriptorii genus glutinosius tena- ciusque, quod vulgare lituras trahere expe- riretur, cum genero suo Tlioma Petro, qui quaternos liberos reliquit, omnes ferme con- sulari dignitate functos (quod eo dico ut artcm in familia honesta et ingenua, baud servili, natam intelligant omnes) excogilavit, inde etiam pinaces totas figuratas additis charac- teribus expressit ; quo in genere vidi ab ipso cxcusa adversaria, operarum rudimentum pa- ginis solum adversis, baud opistographis : is liber erat vernaculo sermone ab auctore con- scriptus anonymo, titulum praeferens, Spe- culum T^ostrae Salutis : in quibus id observa- tum fuerat inter prima artis incuuabula (ut nunquam uija simul et reperta et absoluta est) uti paginae aversae glutine commissae cohaerescerent, ne illae ipsae vacuae defor- mitatem adferrent. Postea faginas formas plumbeis mutavit, lias deinceps stanneas fecit, quo solidior minusque flexilis esset materia, durabiliorque : e quorum typorum reliquiis quae superfuerant conflata oenophora vetustiora adhuc hodie visuntur in Lauren- tianis illis, quas dixi, aedibus in forum pros- pectantibus, habitatis postea a suo pronepote Gerardo Thoma, quern honoris caussa no- mino, cive claro, ante paucos bos annos vita defuncto sene. Faventibus, ut fit, invento novo studiis hominum, quum nova merx, nunquam antea visa, emptores undique ex- CHAP. III.] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 173 He relates that, " about an hundred and twenty-eight years " before he wrote, this Lawrence Coster resided in a large house, " situated opposite the royal palace at Harlem, which was still " standing. That Coster, during his afternoon w^alks in the vici- " nity of the city, began by amusing himself with cutting letters " out of the bark of the beech-tree ; and with these, one after " another, the letters being inverted, he printed small sentences for " the instruction of his grand-children. That being a man of ciret cum huberrimo qiiaestu, crevit simul artis amor, crevit ministeriiim, additi fami- liae operarum ministri, prima mali labes, quos inter Joannes qiiidam, sive is (ut fert suspicio) Faustus fiierit ominoso cognomine, hero suo infidus et infaustus, sive alius eo nomine, non magnopere laboro, quod si- ientum umbras inquietare nolim, contagione conscientiae quondam dum viverent tactas. Is ad operas escusorias sacramento diclus, postquam artem jungendorum characterum, fusilium t^porum peritiara, quaeque alia earn ad rem spectant, percalluisse sibi visus est, captato opportune tempore, quo non potuit magis idoneum inveniri, ipsa nocte quae Cliristi natalitiis solennis est, qua cuncti pro- miscue lustralibus sacris operari solent, cho- ragium omne typorum involat, instrumentorum herilium ei artiiicio comparatorum supellecti- lem convasat, deinde cum fure dorao se pro- ripit, Amstelodamum principio adit, inde Coloniam Agrippinam, donee Magontiacum perventum est, ceu ad asyli aram, ubi quasi extra telorum jactum (quod dicitur) positus tuto degeret, suorumque furtorum aperta officina fructum huberem meteret. Nimirum ex ea, intra vertentis anni spacium, ad annum a nato Christo 144'2. iis ipsis typis, quibus Harlemi Laurenlius fuerat usus, prodisse in lucem certum est Ale.\andri Galli Doctrinale, quae Grammatica celeberrimo tunc in uso erat, cum Petri Hispani tradatibus, prima foetura. Ista sunt ferme quae a senibus an- nosis fide dignis, et qui tradita de manu iti manum quasi ardentem taedam in decursu acceperant, olim intellexi, et alios eadem referentes attestantesque comperi. Memini narrasse mihi Nicolaum Galium, pueritiae meae formatorem, hominem ferrea memoria et longa canitie venerabilem, quod puer non semel audierit Cornelium quendam biblio- pegum ac senio gravem, nee octogenario minorem (qui in eadem officina submmistrum egerat) tanta animi contentione ac fervore commeinorantem rei gestae seriem, invent! (ut ab hero acceperat) rationem, rudis artis polituram et incrementum aliaque id geuus, ut invito quoque prae rei indignitate lachry- mae eruniperent, quoties de plagio inciderat nientio : tum vero ob ereptam furto gloriam sic ira exardescere solere senem, ut etiam lictoris exeraplum eum fuisse editurum in plagiarium appareret, si vita illi superfuisset : tum devovere consuevisse diris ultricibus sa- crilegum caput, noctesque illas damnare atque execrari, quas una cum scelere illo, communi in cubili per aliquot menses exe- gisset. Quae non dissonant a verbis Quirini Talesii Cos. eadem fere ex ore librarii ejus- dem se olim accepisse mihi confessi." &c, &c. Meerman Documenta, No. 2. 174 SPECULUM HUMAN AE SALVATIONIS. [chap. in. " genius and research, and finding the ink then commonly used apt " to spread, he afterwards discovered, with the assistance of his " son-in-law, Thomas the son of Peter (who, he tells us, left four " children, most of whom, afterwards, enjoyed high offices in the " state) a more glutinous kind of ink, with which he succeeded in " printing entire pages with cuts and characters. That he, Junius, " had seen specimens of this kind, printed on one side of the paper " only, in a book entitled ' Speculum NostrsE Salutis,' written by an " anonymous writer in the Dutch language ; the blank pages being " pasted together that the leaves might turn over, like those of an " ordinary book, without shewing the vacancies. That, afterwards, " Coster made his letters of lead instead of wood ; and lastly of " pewter, finding that metal harder, and consequently, more proper " for the purpose ; and that various drinking cups, made of the " remains of this old type, were still preserved in the aforesaid " house, where, but a few years before. Coster's great nephew, or great " grandson, Gerard Thomas, had died at an advanced age. That " the invention in question, soon meeting with encouragement, it " became necessary to augment the number of hands employed ; " which circumstance proved the first cause of disaster to the new " establishment ; for that one of the workmen, named John (whom " Junius seems to suspect might have been Fust — for he does not " absolutely accuse him), as soon as he had made himself sufficient " master of the art of casting the type, and joining the characters " (notwithstanding he had given an oath of secrecy), took the earliest " opportunity of robbing his master of the implements of his art ; " choosing, for the completion of his purpose, the night preceding the " feast of the Nativity, when the whole family, with the rest of the " inhabitants of the city, were at church, hearing midnight mass. " That he escaped with his booty to Amsterdam, thence to Cologn, " and, lastly, that he took up his residence at Mentz, where he esta- " blished his printing press ; from which, within the following year, " 1442, were issued tAvo works, printed with the characters which " had been before used by Lawrence Coster, at Harlem ; the one CHAP, in.] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 175 " entitled * Alexandri Galli Doctrinale,' the other, * Petri Hispani " ' Tractatus.' " This account, Junius assures us, he had from several old gentle- men Avho had filled the most honorable offices of the city, and who, themselves, had received it from others of equal respectability and credit, as a Avell founded tradition ; " as a lighted torch," says he, " passes from one hand to another without being extinguished." He adds, " that he well remembers that Nicholas Galius, the tutor " of his youth, who was an old gentleman of very tenacious me- " mory, used to relate that, when he was a boy, he had often " heard one Cornelius, then an old man upwards of eighty years " of age, who had been a bookbinder, and, in his youth, had " assisted in the printing office of Coster, describe, with great " earnestness, the various trials and experiments made by his " master in the infancy of the invention : upon which occasions ** he would even shed tears, especially when he came to the story " of the robbery committed by one of the Avorkmen, which he " related with great vehemence ; cursing those nights in which, as " he said, for some months, he had slept in the same bed Avith so " vile a miscreant ; and protesting that he could, with the utmost " pleasure, execute the thief with his own hands, if he had been " still alive :" " which relation," as Junius tells us, " corresponded " with the account which Quirinus Talesius, the Burgomaster, " confessed to him he had heard from the mouth of the same old " bookbinder." The reader is no doubt aware, that it is very principally upon this testimony that the writers of Holland found, what they con- sider the undoubted pretensions of Harlem to the invention of printing : I say principally, because, whatever pains the writers of the adverse party may take to persuade us of the contrary, the pre- tensions of Harlem, and still less those of Holland generally, do not rest upon this evidence alone. It must, indeed, be admitted, that Junius is the earliest writer at present known, who makes express mention of Lawrence Coster, 176 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. or Laurent Jansszoon, as the inventor of Typography ; but he is far from being the first who asserted that that art was invented at Harlem. Hadrian Junius was born at Horn, in 151 1, and took up his abode at Harlem, in the year 1560: he commenced his work entitled " Batavia," towards the latter part of his life, completed it in January, 1575, and died on the 16th of June in the same year. His book was first printed in 1588. The passage relative to Coster is supposed, from its context, to have been written in 1568. Now we learn from Scriverius, that a treatise expressly upon the subject in question, was written at Harlem, between the years 1549 and 1561, by John Van Zuyren,* who was sometime Scabinus or Sheriff, and afterwards Burgomaster of that city. Of the body of this work, which was composed in Latin, in the form of a dia- logue, Scriverius feelingly regrets the loss ; assuring us that, had it been preserved, it would have been unnecessary for him to have had recourse to the testimonies of Junius and others ; and that Harlem, to the confusion of envy, would have then enjoyed the undisputed title to the invention of Typography. Scriverius has preserved the Latin title of this book, and some fragments of its dedicatory preface. The name of Coster does not appear. In one part, after admitting that the honour of having perfected the art of printing, and of having made it known throughout Europe, is justly due to Mentz, the author says, " Caeterum hoc teneat velim Ampli- " tudo tua N. N. in hac urbe nostra Harlemensi prima esse jacta " opificcii hujus prseclari fundamenta, rudia fortasse, sed tamen * Scriverius says : " a Joanne Zureno diu 1561, when he was advanced to the dig- ante turbas belgicas compositus, cum ipse nity of Burgomaster. He died, aged seventy- Scabinus Harlemi conservandis legibus dig- four, in llie year 1501. Scriverius's book nissime prjeesset, atque nouduni consulatum was first printed at Harlem, in tiie Dutch suscepisset ;" and we learn from Meerman, language, in 1628. It is given in a Latin torn. i. p. 63. that Van Zuyren filled the translation in Wolfius's Collection, office of Scabinus from the year 1549 to CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 177 " prima. Hie nata et in lucem edita est Typographia (quod Mo- " guntinensium pace dictum velim) suisque membris formata, ut " succrescere posset; ac diu certe, ut nuper nati infantes solent, " tractata figurataque sedulo, multosque hie annos intra privatos " tantum parietes stetit, qui sunt modo,* quamquam ruinosi, tamen " adhuc salvi et ineolumes, tanto pridem partu suo orbati ae spo- " liati misere." &c. The whole of the fragments preserved of Zuyrenus's preface are extremely interesting. The author, says Scriverius, asserts as follows : " Artem tj-pographicam Harlemi primam esse inventam. " Olficinam primam typographicam temporibus ipsius auctoris, " quum hsec scriberet, incolumem-f- adhuc fuisse, cum illis quae " ad eam pertinebant. " Artem banc novam atque tum adhuc rudem a peregrino quodam " subductam, " Hinc Moguntiam perlatam, " Ibi vero exceptam, nutritam," &e. Next in the order of time to the testimony of Van Zuyren, may be mentioned that of Theod. Volchart Coornhert, prefixed to that writer's translation of Cicero's Offices, in the dedication of the work to the Burgomasters, Judges, and Senators of Harlem, where the book was printed in 1561. Coornhert, like Junius, assures us that he wrote upon the autho- rity of " aged persons of the highest respectability and credit, who " had repeatedly informed him, not only of the family of the in- " ventor, and of his name and surname, but also concerning the " rude manner of printing which he at first practised, and the place " of his residence, Avhich they had often pointed out to him with * " Prospectantes in forum et curiam f " Uti adhuc hodie, quamquam mutata " nunc in duas tresve domus partiti ac divisi. " et diminuta, ut videre est in loco, qui " Ipsum typographeion antiquum ad Clariss. " dicitur Marckveld." Note of Scrive- " J. C. Dobbium pertinet, habitatum a rius. " bibliopego." Note of Scriverius, 2 A 178 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. " their fingers."* It may be fairly contended, in support of this account, that if the better informed classes of the people of Harlem, at the time, had been convinced that there was no good foundation for the tradition, and that it was no other than an old woman's tale, the writer would scarcely have thought of addressing it to the dignatories of the city, to whom it could not have been very grati- fving to be selected as the fit persons to listen to a fable which no one else believed. * The words of Coomhert, as translated by Meerman, (Documenta, No. 82) are as follow : " Viri spectatissimi prudentissimique, " saepe mihi bona fide narratuni est, utilissi- " mam artem typographicam in bac urbe " Harlemensi, etsi modo perquam rudi, in- " ventam esse ; emendare enim inveuta et ad " majoreni perfectionis gradura perducere " facilius est, quam nova invenire. Postea " banc artem servus quidam pertidus," (,tbe name of Coster is here introduced by Scri- verius, but without authority) " Moguntiam " transtulit, ibique illam perfectiorem reddidit, " et huic simul urbi inventionem hujus artis, " simulatque fama ejus rei divulgata esset, " conciliavit, adeo ut cives nostri, quando " hunc honorem vero inventor! adscribunt, " vix apud qiiemqiiam fidem inveniant, cum " tamen res ipsa a multis in nostra urbe " propter notitiam certissimam omnino cre- " datur, et a civibus veteranis cunctis extra " omnem dubitationis aleani ponatur. Neque " me fugit, famam illaui de Moguntia ob " majorum nostroruni incuriam temerariara " omnium mentibus tarn altis intixam esse " radicibus, ut nullum argumentum, quamvis " evidentissimum, certissimum et invictissi- " mum fuerit, inveteratam illam opinionem •* ex illorum animis evellere queat. Sed " quoniam Veritas, etiamsi paucis nota sit, << Veritas tamen manet, idcirco ego quoque " rem modo narratam certissimam esse credo, " convictus testimoniis fide dignissimis vi- " rorum senio et auctoritate gravium, qui " non solum de familia iuventoris Har- " lemensis, sed etiam de ejus nomine et cog- " nomine me saepe certiorem reddiderunt ; " imo primum impressionis modum rudiorem " descripserunt, et primi typographi aedes " iudice digito olim monstrarunt. Itaque, " non invidia honoris alieni, sed amore veri- " tatis inductus, intermittere non potui, quin " banc rem ad gloriam promeritam urbi nos- " trae vindicandam paucis attingerem. Haec " honesta et justa honoris cupido videtur " etiam in causa fuisse, cur typographia in " hac urbe ad instar surculi e radicibus ar- " boris vetustae denuo effloruerit atque incepta " fuerit. Etenim saepe contigit, lit cives " nostri in congressum colloquiumque mu- " tuum venientes, quererentur, alios hoc " honore immerito frui, atque adhuc a nemine " post illud tempus (sic illi ne alio quidem " contradicente loquebantur) banc artem in " nostra urbe exercitam esse. His quoti- " diauis dictis effectum est id, ut ego sociique " mei, qui honestum laborem olio prje- " ferunt, consilium de typographia Harlemi " constituenda in hujus urbis honorem, alio- " rum emoluineutum nostrumque commodum " absque uUius hominis damno promovendum " ceperimus." CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 179 Hitherto, however, it may be said, that our testimonies were Dutchmen. — True — but they were not, if we except Van Zuyren, natives of Harlem. Besides, they all agree in lamenting that their country had so long delaj'^ed publicly to establish its claims to that honour which was really its due ; and the particulars of the oral traditions, preserved by the people of Harlem, could with difficulty be collected, except by one resident in that city ; although the opinion that typography was there invented, was common through- out Holland. This we learn from Ludovico Guicciardini, who, as he was an Italian, may be considered impartial as to the matter in dispute, and who thus noticed the pretensions of Harlem in his work, entitled " Descrizione di tutti i Paesi Bassi," written, as it is said, in the year 1565, and printed at Antwerp, in 1567. Speaking of Harlem (p. 180) he says: " According to the common tradition of the inhabitants, and the " assertion of other natives of Holland, as well as the testimony " of certain authors and other records, it appears that the art of " printing and stamping letters and characters on paper, in the " manner now used, was first invented in this place : but the " author of the invention happening to die before the art was " brought to perfection, and had acquired repute, his servant, they " say, went to reside at Mentz ; where, giving proofs of his know- " ledge in that science, he was joyfully received; and where, " having applied himself to the business with unremitting diligence, " it became at length generally known, and was brought to entire " perfection : in consequence of which, the fame afterwards spread " abroad and became general," (e inveterata la fama) " that the " art and science of printing originated in that city. What is really " the truth, I am not able, nor will I take upon me to decide ; it " sufficing me to have said these few words, that I might not be " guilty of injustice tOAvards this town and this country."* * " III questa terra, non solo per voce " landesi, ma aucora per alcuni scriltori, e " publica degli abitatori, e di altri Hoi- " per altre memorie, si trova, die fu prima- 2 A 2 180 SPECULUM HUMAINAE SALV AXIOMS, [chap. in. The reader will observe that Guicciardini bears witness that, at the time he wrote, the pretensions of Harlem did not rest merely upon the authority of oral tradition — he refers, although, unfor- tunately, without specifying them, to the testimony of certain writers on the subject, and to other records then in existence. Like a cautious man, fearful of repeating an accusation, the truth of which he could not, or did not choose to be at the pains to ascer- tain, he softens the story of the robbery ; but the deticiencv of his testimony in this respect is amply made amends for, by the circum- stance, which he alone records, that the Avorkman of Coster did not go to Mentz until after his master's death. The reader, little versed in the mode in which typographical con- troversy has of late been treated, will be, jjerhaps, not less sur- prized than I was, at the boldness of a recent French writer of some note, who, in the face of these and other documents, thus begins his examination of the claims of Harlem : " A century had passed by, from the period of the invention of " printing," says Lambinet,* " when the inhabitants of Holland " began to think of asserting their claims to the honour of the dis- " covery. Adrian Junius lirst gave them the idea. That writer, " towards the end of liis life, undertook to compose a description " of Holland, under the title of " Adriani Junii Batavia," wliich he " dedicated to the States-General, the 4th of January, 1575. His " death, which happened on the 16th of June in the same year. " mente inventata I'arte dello imprimere, e " fezione ; onde e poi volata, e inveterata ia " stampare lettere, e caratteri in foglio al " fama, che di quella citta sia uscita I'arte e " modo d'oggi : impero venendo I'autore a " la scienza della stamps. Quel clie ne sia " morte innanzi, che I'arte fosse in perfe- " alia verita, non posso, ne voglio giudicare, " zione, e considerazioue, il servidore suo " bastandomi d' aveme tocco un molto, per " secondo dicono, ando a dimorare a Ma- " non progiudicare a questa terra e regione." " ganza, ove dando lurae di quella scienza, (Meerman — Documenta, No. 84). " fu raccolto allegramente, e quivi dato opera * Origine de I'lmprimerie, torn. i. p. 2G2, " con ogni diligenzia a lanto negozio, ne et seq. " vennero all' intera notizia, e total per- CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIOINIS. 181 " when he was sixty-three years of age, put an end to his enter- " prize. It was continued after his decease, and was not printed " until the year 1588. It is, therefore, a posthumous work, which " one or several continuators may have varied, interpolated, or " augmented, according to their fancy." The French writer then proceeds to give us what he, no doubt, considered a very fair, and, at the same time, a very spirited examination, (or, as he calls it. Analysis) of Junius's account ; after which he sarcastically tells us, that " Fournier the younger, Koehler, " Schoepflin, Fischer, and a great many other writers, have amused " themselves by refuting the statement of Junius seriously. Naude," says he, p. 121, " asks Junius and his partizans, how John Fust, " or any other John, could have carried on his back the presses, " the type, the cases, the tables of stone, &c. ? But this story of " the robbery," continues Lambinet, " is very aukwardly intro- " duced in the romance of Junius ; since, if we suppose Fust to " have been Coster's workman, he must have been, of consequence, " instructed in the mechanism of the art, and it must have been " very unnecessary and very inconvenient for him to have carried " off his apparatus." It is certainly not necessary to the defence of Junius's credit as a bona fide historian, and still less to the cause of Harlem generally, that that writer's verbal correctness in every particular of his narra- tive should be absolutely proved. Junius, however, does not say that the robber carried off all the printing apparatus of his master upon his shoulders, and that at one journey. The tables of stone, and many other articles, he could easily provide elsewhere. The press, if, as is supposed, it was of a simple construction, he could readily get made under his inspection Avhen he arrived at the end of his proposed journey : the type, and the matrices in which it had been cast, with a few other instruments, were all that could be moved Avithout manifest danger of immediate detection, and were all he could want ; and these, at two or three different times in the course of the evening, the thief might easily have carried to 182 SPECULUxAI HUMANAE SALV AXIOMS, [chap. hi. a short distance beyond the gate of Harlem, where his accomplice waited for him with a small cart or other means of conveyance. More daring robberies are frequently committed in open day ; and, in truth, the objections so often made against tliis part of Junius's account, are so frivolous as to be scarcely worth answering. M. Lambinet proceeds to compliment the old gentlemen upon whose authority Junius wrote his account ; facetiously styling them " des siecles parlans, et ambulans;" and, lest his readers should have forgotten his first assertion, repeats : " Such is the evidence upon which Harlem grounds her pretensions !" But it will be proper briefly to examine the French writer's sub- sequent argument; as it furnishes a good specimen of the mode in which the question has been treated by most of those who have declared on the side of Mentz. Lambinet approaches with dignified steps, not doubting of an easy victory. " "SVlien we are at a loss," says he, " to ascertain the truth of " facts, said to have taken place in former centuries, and in distant " countries, what are the means by wliich we may obtain any " moral certitude of their existence ? — They are four : 1 . Tlie tes- " timonv of eye-witnesses or of contemporaries ; 2. Oral tradition ; " 3. Written history ; and 4. Existing monuments. " Now," says Lambinet, " Ave have no testimony of any person " who saw Coster's printing-office, from the year 1430 to 1440: " and even supposing one person to have witnessed it," (meaning Cornelius) " his insulated testimony as to so complicated an inven- " tion would be worth notliing. It could not be entitled to belief, " unless corroborated bv several other eye-witnesses, who were " persons capable of understanding Avhat they saw," (instruits) " of " undoubted probity, and free from all prejudice." If nothing short of such ample testimony will satisfy- INI. Lambinet, it will not, I apprehend, be in the power of the partizans of Coster or of Harlem to bring him over to their side : — but it may fairly be asked of him, whether he is prepared to produce the testimony of several eye-witnesses of abilitv, undoubted probity, and unpre- CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 183 judiccd minds, in support of* the part Avliich he has taken? — He continues : " Oral tradition is a chain of testimonies given by persons who " have succeeded each other throughout the duration of centuries ; " beginning from the epoch Avlien the fact took phice. Tliis tra- " dition is neither faithful nor to be depended upon, except when " we can easil)-^ trace it to its source, by means of a series of inter- " mediate testimonies, imtil we arrive at those who were contem- " poraries of the fact ; for if this chain is broken, and interrupted " by intervals, — in that case, as it does not hold together, it can " only lead us to falsehood : now Lawrence had no eye-witnesses " of his invention, and therefore he cannot have oral tradition in " his favor." Unless the French writer takes it for granted that his readers should join with him, in the fust instance, in condemning the rela- tion of Junius as absolutely a tissue of falsehoods invented by him- self, or by those who he says continued his book alter his death, he cannot expect them to agree with him that Coster has not oral tra- dition, even such as he has defmed it, in his favor: for the son-in- law of Coster, Thomas Peter, Avas an eye-witness of his invention, and assisted him in improving it; and Cornelius, the book-binder, was also an eye-witness of it when a young man ; and, when grown old, related to Nicholas Galius, that which he knew and had wit- nessed ; and Galius, in his turn, related what Cornelius had told him, to Junius. The chain of testimonies, even such as M. liam- binet insists upon, is therefore complete; and, as it is com|)osed of but few links, it is, on that account, according to Mr. Locke's axiom, that in traditional testimony the fewer (he removes, the greater the force of the ])roof, so much the stronger. Nor, notwithstanding the French writer's pleasantry in styling these testimonies " walking centuries," is there any thing extra- vagant in the supposition of a fact having been thus preserved, and handed down to posterity by three succeeding testimonies, even 184 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. thougli it had taken place an hundred and forty years before it was, at length, recorded by the last of them ?* Junius, Avho was born in 1511, we will suppose, wrote his account of Coster in 1568. — He received this account when a young man. * Van Ziiyren, Coornhert, Guicciardini, and Junius, all agree in speaking of the story of the invention of printing at Harlem, as a fact of public notoriety in that city, when they wrote ; and indeed Guicciardini states that it was commonly believed throughout Holland — all of them agree that one of the workmen of the inventor carried the art to Mentz : and although the last-mentioned writer abstains from giving his sanction to the account of the robbery, it is very clear that he had heard it. — Now if we suppose this robbery to have taken place, as Junius says it did, in the year 1440, it becomes more than probable that even as late as 1568, when he wrote, per- sons were still living, who in their youth had heard the relation from those who lived when the event took place, and were ac- quainted with the circumstances attending it ; and it is to be regretted that Junius, in addi- tion to the respectable authorities of Galius and Talesius, who had formerly related to himself that which he recorded, did not, when writing his book, search out such per- sons, and insert their viva voce, or written declarations, in their own words. I am now sitting on a cushion, the cover of which was embroidered near a hundred and twenty years ago, by some great aunts of my mother, whose testimony as to the fact I here give in her own w ords : — the reader will perceive that if Mrs. O. should live and preserve her intellects to the age of her aunt Mary, she may then bear witness to what she often heard re- lated by the principal herself, of circum- stances which took place a hundred and forty- four years before. " Brompton Row, May 29, 1S14. " MY DEAU SON, "In answer to your inquiries " about the cushion covers in our possession, " xcorked by the daughters of my great " grandfather, John Taylor, Esq. I can only " with accuracy and certainty tell you, that " / remember them on the chairs, and a " settee, as it was then called, (before sofas " were introduced) belonging to the two " eldest of those ladies, from my earliest " childhood, as 1 lived much with them, and " particularly with the senior and survivor of " them, Mrs. Mary Taylor, who was born " in the year l6S0, and has frequently told " me that these, and other curious pieces of '' needlework, of which I have specimens, " were the performance of herself and sisters " in their youth, and some of them, but I can- " not say which, of their mother, — chiefly " done at my great-grandfather's house and " estate at Bifrons, in Kent : when, she said, " the Rev. Mr. Sacket, tutor to my grand- " father, Brooke Taylor, LL.D., used very " good-humouredly to seat himself in an high " window amid their circle, when he had " leisure, and read to them whilst they " worked, With regard to the dale of that " period, / think it must have beguji about " A.D. 1GL)5 — because Brooke Taylor, the " eldest brother, was not born till l6S5 " (August the 18th, at Edmonton); and we CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 185 perhaps of tAventy-five (An. 1536) from his tutor Nicholas Galius, who we may conclude was then full sixty -seven years of age, — for Junius speaks of him as an old gentleman of very tenacious memory, and such a description would not be suited to a younger man. Galius, when a youth — say of eighteen years of age, Avhich brings us to 1487 — heard the relation, several times repeated, from the mouth of Cornelius, the bookbinder, who was then upwards of eighty — we Avill call him eighty-two — and Cornelius, when a young man of three and twenty, lived with Laurence Coster — that is, in the year 1428. This chronological calculation is far from unreasonable, whilst it accords sufficiently well with the general tenor of Junius's state- ment,* as well as the shorter account of Guicciardini. Indeed, if " can hardly suppose he had a clerical tutor " before he was ten years of age, though, " from his rapid progress in learning, he was " entered a fellow commoner at Cambridge " at fifteen. His sister, Mrs. Mary Taylor, " my mother's aunt, and the eldest of John " Taylor's eighteen children, with whom I " often resided, was a fine sensible old lady, " and died at the age of tiinety, in the year " 1771, when I was two and twenty. What- " ever she asserted might be depended on, " and I wish I had attended more particu- " larly than I did, to many curious anecdotes '' she related — the above mentioned little " circumstance, however, is genuine. " I remain, &c. " Sar. Eliza. Ottley." If the reader smile at the matter herein recorded, he will, I trust, at the same time acknowledge, that the record itself furnishes an illustration of the observations in the text, relative to oral and traditional testimony. * I am obliged, however, to suppose Ju- nius in error, when he states that Talesius, as well as Galius, had the narrative from old Cornelius himself. Of Nic. Galius, we find no mention after 1531, 1533, and 1535, in which years his name occurs in the Fasti of the city of Harlem, as Scabinus; and, conse- quently, we may reasonably suppose him to have been born as early as 1459: but Quiri- nus Talesius lived until the year 1 573, when he was cruelly put to death by the Spanish soldiers. (Meennan, vol. i. p. 57-) It is therefore scarcely possible, unless we suppose both Cornelius and Talesius to have reached the age of nearly an hundred, that the latter should have heard the story from the mouth of the former. It appears not improbable, that there were two bookbinders of the name of Cor- nelius, at Harlem ; the one the son, or nephew of the other. For Meerman found mention of " Cornelius the bookbinder" in the records of the church of S. Bavon, at Har- 2b 186 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. m. Lawrence Coster, or Laurent Janszoon, by whichever name Ave call him, Avas the first inventor of" typography ; and if the example of his imperfect attempts did give rise to the more successful en- deavours of the printers of Mentz — it necessarily follows, I think, thatAve must date the period of his discovery of moveable characters, within the first thirty years of the fifteenth century. But to return to Lambinet, avIio, after having informed us concerning the qualities necessary to give authority to the testimony of eye-Avitnesses, and of oral tradition, now proceeds to speak of historical or Avritten testimony. " Written History," says the French Avriter, " records some " striking event that has happened in the presence of a multitude " of genuine Avitnesses, Avho make their depositions concerning it — " (sous les yeux d'une foule de temoins integres qui deposent en sa " faA'eur.) The historian puts the testimonies of these Avitnesses " together ; he calculates their different degrees of intelligence or " probity ;" [I Avill not quarrel Avith Lambinet about the degrees of probity of these " temoins integres"] " he considers their pre- " judices, their different interests ; he compares their depositions " Avith each other ;" &c. " he cannot attempt to impose a falsehood lem, under the years 1474, 14S5, 1487, Meerman to a conclusion little calculated 1496, 1503, 1507, 1508, and 1515. Now, to give weight to Cornelius's testimony; and if the chronology in the text is at all correct, which ill accords with the belief, that Jans- Cornelius must have been an old man of zoon or Coster died in the year 1 440 ; viz. ninety in the year 1496. I therefore think it that Cornelius, when he lived with Coster, more reasonable to conclude, that the four or in 1440, was only ten or twelve years of five last dates above mentioned refer to a age. If my hypothesis as to the two Cor- younger Cornelius, the relation and successor neliuses be admitted, every objection to the of him who had lived with Janszoon or Cos- chronology in the text, that I am aware of, ter, and that Talesius had heard the story ceases ; since Meerman found memoranda from this younger Cornelius, — than to sup- relative to Laurent Janszoon in the archives pose, with Meerman (vol. ii. p. 312), that they of the church of S. Bavon, of which Laurent all of them relate to the same individual — a was Custos, of the years 1423, 1426, 1432, supposition which, as its consequence, forces and 1433. CHAP. HI.] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 187 " upon posterity; for his contemporaries, were his assertions un- " founded, would cry out against him, and expose his error." I know not what to make of M. Lambinet's definition of written history. Does he mean to say that no facts, except such as take place in the presence of a multitude of Avitnesses, who themselves immediately, or soon after, testify what they have seen to the historian, merit to be recorded ? that the records of less public transactions do not deserve the name of history, and are unworthy of belief? " Now, even according to the admission of Meerman himself," continues the French writer, " the Dutch historians did not speak " of the invention of Lawrence Coster, until a hundred and thirty or " a hundred and forty years after his death; viz. Van Zuyren," (Lambinet should have said Coornhert) " in 1561 ; Guicciardini, in « 1567; Natalis Comes, in 1581; Junius, in 1588." It is cei'tainly very diverting to see M. Lambinet ending this catalogue of the Dutch historians, who spoke on the subject in question, with the name of Junius ; who he had before told us was the FIRST person who put it into the heads of the inhabitants of Hol- land to lay claim to the honour of the invention. " Before these writers," continues Lambinet, " Reinier de Snoy, " Brassica, Heda, de Roya, and Erasmus, do not say one word *' upon the subject — Charles Van Mander and Jacques de Jongh, " Avho' Avrote the history of the Dutch artists twenty years after " Junius, make no mention of Coster : they even doubt that such a " person ever existed.* — Indeed, in the posthumous works of John " Wagenaar, published at Amsterdam, in 1787, in 12mo., under the " title of ' Histories Chryver Jan Wagenaar,' we find, at page 108 * Here is another instance of Lambinefs (" Idee Generale, p. 281,") remarks the want of candour. If Fan Mander made no silence of Van Mander as to Coster, and en- mention of Coster, it was because he neither deavours to construe it as favourable to the considered him as a painter, a sculptor, or an side he had taken : " Carl Van Mander," engraver ; and he wrote the lives of the says he, (p. 283,) " a cru, sans doute, que ce Dutch and Flemish artists, not the History of " conte de Junius ne meritoit pas d'etre rap- their Printers. Heineken, like Lambinet, " porte. Cela devient d'autant plus probable, 2 b2 188 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. " of the second volume, an answer of Meerman to that celebrated " historian, who had asked his opinion concerning the history of " Lawrence Coster ; — he frankly tells him that he does not believe " it. — He, however, say they, retracted what he had ^^ ritten in a " subsequent letter : he was, therefore, not firm in his opinion (il " n'etoit done point ferme dans son opinion)." I cannot suffer this observation of Lambinet, as to Meerman's wavering, to pass unnoticed. It is ample testimony that the learned Meerman possessed that candour and impartiality of Avhich Lam- binet and most other writers on the subject are so woefullj' defi- " que cet auteur n'hesite pas de dire, que la *' ville de Harlem ose priteudre a la gloire " de i'invention de rimprimerie, See." To this passage Hejiieken gives the follow- ing note : " Carl Van Mander, apr^s avoir dit dans " la vie de Fan Ei/ck : que les anciens pein- "tres seroient bien etonnes de voir nos pein- " tures a I'huile, ainsi qu'Achilie, s'il enten- " doit nos canons foudroyans, inventes par le " moine Schwartz, il ajoute (fol. 200, de " I'edition de 1CJ04, in 8vo.) Que les anciens " ecrivains we le seroient pas mains, quand " its verroient I'art trts utile de la ti/pogra- " phie, DONT LA VlLLE DE HaRLEM " s'arrogeoit d'avoir la premiere " INVENTION AVEC ASSEZ UE PRESOMP- " TiON. Daer Harlem met genoech hes- " chetft, haer vermaet den roem van " d'eerste vindinghe te hebben." " Le zele des Hollandois pour soutenir " leur fameux Coster va si loin, que Jaques " de Jongh n'a pas h6site de falsifier ce teste " de Carl Fan Mander, dans sa uouvelle " edition de 17G4. II I'a change, p. l6, " disant : uaar van Harlem zich, op ge- " noegzamcn grond, den roem der eerste " vinding toeschrift ; noNT Harlem avec " ASSEZ DE FONDEMENT s'aTTRIBUE LA " PREMIERE INVENTION, &C." This 86- rious charge is answered by Enschedius, of Harlem, the printer, who, in a letter written by him, in Feb. 1776, to De Mitrr, and published at page 244 of the first volume of Jansen's " Essai sur I'Origine de la Gra- " vure," after proving that one of the books of wood-cuts described by Heineken amongst the productions of Germany, is Dutch, and not German, says : " Je me sers de cette " occasion pour vous raarquer I'erreur que " M. de Heinecke a commise dans son " Idie Ge/iirale d'une collection complite " d'estampes, page 283, quaud il charge le " dernier editeur de Karl van Mander d'avoir " falsifie le texte de son auteur. Cela est " tres-faux ; le sens est le mime dans la " dertiiere edition que dans la premiere, " quoique paraphrase du dialecte ilamand en " Hollandois, comme on le parle a present. " Karel Van Mander attribue sfirement I'in- " vention de la typographic a la ville de " Harlem." The e.\pression which Heineken has translated " ose pretendre" is doubtless no other tlian a piece of that pompous phraseology so common in the writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. CHAP. III.] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 18.9 cient, and is the best answer to the accusations of excessive patriotism, so frequently urged against him by Heineken, and the other Avriters of the Mentz party. Meerman, a Dutch gentleman, whom even those authors who have made themselves the most merry Avith what they term his erroneous decisions, have justly complimented upon his pro- found learning and erudition in typographical antiquities, is called upon, by his friend Wagenaar, as the person best able, from the local means of information which he possessed, and his known re- searches concerning the origin of printing, to give him an opinion concerning Coster — and he honestly tells him in reply, that he can- not, does not, give any credit to the story : — nay, he joins in all the arguments usually urged against Coster's pretensions — against the pretensions of Harlem.* In the course of his further inquiries, the light of evidence, of the existence of which he had at first no idea, breaks in upon him, and he becomes, as some candid and learned Avriters have done before him, a convert to that very doctrine which he was preparing to oppose. Will any reasonable man affirm, that an opinion so formed, so corrected, is not worth a dozen of the opinions of those men who first judge, and afterwards seek for evidence.'' Meerman, after he had discovered that evidence which induced him to abandon his old opinion, may, indeed, naturally be supposed to have embraced and defended his new one with augmented energy ; inasmuch as it was conducive to the honour of his country : the cause, in Avhich he then found himself engaged, was consonant to his wishes ; and, as Ave are all inclined to believe that which we wish to be verified, it is probable that he no longer allowed small objections to stand in the way of a system of typographical history, which, he was convinced, Avas, in the main, true : but those opposed to him can never with justice affirm that the basis of his system is no Avhere to be found, except in the patriotic zeal of its author.-f- * This letter is given at length in the 1st vol. •}• If Meerman's change of opinion be to be of Santander, " Diet. Bibliographique." brought forward as evidence against the cause 190 SPECULUM IIUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [ciiaimii. After moiitioniug two or tlirec old writers who award the inven- tion ofprintiniT to Mentz, M. Lambinet at length reeolleets the tes- timony of IJhie Zell in " the Cologn Cin'onicle." " It is trne," says he, " that in the Cologn Clu'oniele of the year " 1490, Uh'ie Zell testifies that the fn-st attempts at |)rintinj>- were " made in Holland; and that these were the Donatuses whieh lonu^ •* l)efor(>" (viz. helore the inventit)n of printing- in Mentz) " had " been senlptnred, (seulptes,) vnul had given the itlea." We shall presently shew, that the Cologn C'hroniele does not state whether these Donatuses were printed from engraved blocks of Harlem, it will be oasy lo shew lliat llic writers of the opposite party are not wholly ex- empt from the same weakness. Fischer, in his " Essai sur los Monuments Typographiques •' de Jean (Jutonberg," (-tto. :\ Maycnce, An. X.) p. 64, prepares his readers for the description of somo printed frasnienls lately discovered, which he ascribes to Gutenberg, in the following note: " Je ne balance pas " d'apr^s ccs m«emma " ' Vocabuhnum,' imprimee a Dcvciitcr, par " Richard PalVraet, en 1495, qui est encore " dans sa premiere ancienne couverture." CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 191 or with moveable characters : in this plaqe M. Lambinet is evidently endeavouring to mislead his reader. " But the opinion of the learned in general, and of Meerman " himself) is, that six or seven other works of the same kind had " been engraved on blocks of wood, previous to these Donatuses, " in Germany and in Italy." Here an acknowledgment of Meerman is ingeniously brought against himself. Of this I shall not complain, as it is only what I am endeavouring to do with Lambinet. " Besides, if it had been certain that these Donatuses were en- " graved at Harlem, Ulric Zell would not have failed to mention this " birth-place of Coster, as he has expressly mentioned Strasburg " and Gutenburg for the first attempts of the art, and jNIentz as " the place where it was perfected." This kind of negative argument is now become very fashion- able ; it implies that each old writer must have known every thing which, when he wrote, could be known ; and, as a matter of course, that he must have recorded every thing that he knew. Supposing, however, for a moment, that JM. Lambinet is right in the opinion that the earliest block-books were printed in Germany and in Italy; and not in Holland ; it will then be fair to infer that the Donatuses printed in Holland, which Ulric Zell mentions as having given the hint of typography to the printers of ^lentz, must have been printed with moveable characters : for, if block-printing had been in use in Germany, or elsewhere, before it was practised in Holland, he could never have intended to say, that the idea of typography was taken by the German printers from the block- books fabricated in Holland ; since those of Germany would have had at least equal claims to his mention, and he would never have travelled to Holland for that which could be found at home. The testimony of Ulric Zell, as preserved in " the Cologn Chro- nicle," of 1499, is as follows; and is certainly, as far as it goes, entitled to be considered as most unexceptionable evidence on the side of Holland, generally ; since Zell, who was the father of th^ 192 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. iir. Cologn press, appears to have derived his knowledge of the art of printing at Mentz, and was a native of Germany : " Item : this most revered art [of printing] was first discovered " at Mentz, in Germany ; and it is a great honour to the German " nation, that such ingenious men were found in it. This happened " in the year of our Lord mccccxl; and from that time, till the " year MCCCCL, the art, and Avhat belongs to it, was rendered more " perfect. In the year of our Lord mccccl, which was a golden " 5^ear, [or Jubilee year] then men began to print, and the first " book printed was a Bible in Latin, and it was printed in a larger " character than that with which men now print mass-books. " Item : although this art was discovered at Mentz at first, in the " manner in which it is now commonly used, yet the first example " of it was found in Holland, in the Donatuses which were before " printed there. And thence is derived the beginning of this art, " and it is [now] more masterly and subtle than the ancient manner " was, and by far more ingenious. [" The Chronicler," saj^s Mr. Dibdin, who has kindly permitted me to extract this translation from the " Bibliotheca Spenceriana," " goes on to refute the assertion advanced by Omnibonus, in the " edition of Quintilian, of 1471, which makes Jenson the inventor " of the art of printing; and thus proceeds :] " — but the first inventor of printing was a citizen of Mentz, and " was born at Strasbourg,* and Avas called John Gudenburch. " Item : from Mentz, the before-mentioned art first came to " Cologne, thence to Strasbourg, and thence to Venice. The " beginning and progress of the before-mentioned art was told " me, by word of mouth, by the worthy man. Master Ulrich " Tzell of Hanault, printer at Cologne, in the present year * It is remarkable that Gutenberg is, in" • Lignamine. This seems to have been a like manner, stated to have been a native of common error in very early times. See the Strasbourg instead of Mentz, in the Chro- " Bibliotheca Speuceriana," vol. iii. p. 262. Hide, printed at Rome in 1474, by J. P.de CHAP. III.] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 193 " Mccccxcix— by whom the forementioned art is come to Cologne." " &c. fol. cecxii recto."' Mr. Dibdin, in his observations on this interesting passage, answers the objections brought against it by Schoepflin in his Vhi- dicice Tijpographkce (p. 76-7) ; and corrects the erroneous assertion of that writer, who stated that Peter de Olpe, and not Ulric Zell, was the first Cologne printer. He proves that Zell printed there as early as the year 1466,— four years before Olpe—" Upon the whole," Mr Dibdin observes, that "the evidence of Ulric Zell appears to' be as " honest as it is curious," But to return to Lambinet, who noAv comes to the fourth kind of evidence which he proposed to discuss— existing monuments. " Those monuments whose origin can be traced to the period " when the facts, of which they are the witnesses, took place, are " without doubt the strongest proofs of historical truths. Their " number, their conformity, their agreement, prove the reality of " the fact, the moment they appear. It is impossible that the per- " sons living at the time, who saw them made, could have been " deceived with regard to facts at once numerous and of public " notonety. It is impossible that the learned of our own days, who " have these authentic ^and speaking monuments before their' eyes " should be all of them mistaken as to their ancient existence, and " the events which have consigned them to us." If by these " authentic and speaking monuments," Lambinet means ancient printed books without dates or colophons I believe his position may be safely denied :-the learned, it is true, cannot all be in the same error concerning them, since scarcely any two of them are agreed :-might it not be asked of him, where are the authentic and undoubted specimens of the press of Gutenberg .?* * Even the celebrated B:ble, of ^hich I printed by Gutenberg, of M-hlch edition he have spoken briefly ,n a note at p. 100, is says no copy is now known. See the Urst doubted.-L«;,^J,„e^, mdeed, is decidedly volume of his " Origine de I'lmnrimerie " of op,„,o„ that it is not that M'hich was p. 130, & seq. Fucher, iu his « Essai sur 2 c 194 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. " Now, I ask," continues he, " which is the authentic monument " of the invention of Lawrence Coster ? — Where is it to be found ? " Meerman, it is true, laboured five years to complete his Oiigines " Typographicce, and Karnebeck has engraved plates of the pretended " characters of Coster, with the greatest care. It is impossible to " find greater research or more profound erudition, than what is " contained in this work," &c. &c. &c. " But he never was " able to prove that ' the fragments of prayers' preceded by ' the " letters of the alphabet,' found pasted into the cover of an old book " b)'^ Enschedius, and printed on both sides, were the work of Lau- " rence Coster, any more than the Donatuses, the Speculum Salutis, " &c. which he attributes to him gratuitously." " I conclude, therefore," says M. Lambinet, " with Chevillier, " Fournier, Heineken, Fischer, and the great majority of those " bibliograpliers who are well informed and free from prejudice, " that there exists no proof that Laurent, surnamed Coster, was " either an engraver, a sculptor, or a printer." The man, confident in his own prowess, will not degrade himself by attacking his enemy unawares, ere he has buckled on his armour, and is prepared for the combat. The artful and cautious manner in which Lambinet has here disposed his forces, whilst none of those on the opposite side are at their proper posts, is of itself an indica- tion of his weakness. He attempts to insnare his adversary, and to cut him to pieces in detail — fearing to risk a general engagement. He sets off with threatening his defeat, and, afterwards, that he may appear to have been as good as his word, proclaims a victory which he has not gained. But — to have done with metaphor — the whole argument of Lambinet is a tissue of sophistry, calculated to deceive his reader into the belief of premises, which, in great part at least. les Monuments Tjpographiques de Jean (p. 71. and p. 75). Fischer is probably right, Gutenberg," thinks diflferentiy, and ascribes — but where are the proofs which Lambinet it to Gutenberg, who, he is of opinion, requires? printed it between the years 1450 and 1455, CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS 195 are not true, and the admission of consequences which do not ne- cessarily follow those premises. Enough has been already said to prove that Junius was not the inventor of the traditions which he recorded ; and that, without outrage to probability, those traditions may readily be supposed to have been preserved and handed down in the way which he and the other writers, who have been cited, describe. I shall now offer two or three remarks on some of the particulars of Junius's account; Avhich, far from meriting the title of romance, by which Lambinet and many other writers have designated it, bears very strong marks of genuine testimony. " Habitavit ante annos centum duodetriginta Harlemi in aedibus " satis splendidis, &c. — Laurentius Joannes cognomento Aedituus " Custosve, (quod tunc opimum et honorificum munus familia eo " nomine clara haereditario jure possidebat) &c." Junius, it appears, was in error when he asserted that the office of Custos (Coster) was hereditary in the family of Laurent Janszoon; but this trifling incorrectness can in no wise impeach the verity of his narrative generalh^ : that Laurent Janszoon was really the Custos of the church of St. Bavon, at Harlem, appeasr from the registers of that church, of the years 1423-1426-1432, and 1433, and it is very probable that, in consequence of his office, he was often called by the surname of Coster. " Is forte in suburbano nemore spatiatus (ut solent, &c.) coepit " faginos cortices principio in literarum typos conformare," &c. It has been urged, in objection to this passage, that the bark of the beech-tree is unfit for the purpose of making letters for printing ; being soft, Avhen it is green ; and too brittle to withstand the force of the press, Avhen dr}-. To this objection, it may be answered, that Junius does not assert that these small sentences were printed with a press : — they might have been printed, letter by letter, with the hand ; and the letters might have been cut on square jjieces of the bark of the beech-tree, prepared for the purpose, with a certain thickness of the solid wood attached to them, so as 2 c2 196 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. to have been capable of resisting considerable pressure.* Of the di- mensions of the letters here referred to, Junius says nothing : — they might, for aught we know to the contrary, have been of an inch square. — Upon the whole, we can only consider this passage as an obscure and imperfect tradition of the first attempts made by Coster to print Avith separate characters ; — attempts, the success of which gave rise to his farther experiments ; till at length the art, which had been at first taken up as the amusement of a leisure hour, became improved, and was practised by him as a profitable trade. " Quod ubi feliciter successerat, &c cum genero suo Thoma " Petro, qui quaternos liberos reliquit, omnes ferme consulari " dignitate functos (quod eo dico ut artem in familia honesta et " ingenua, baud servili, natam intelligant omnes) excogitavit," Junius not only records the name of the inventor of Typography, and describes the place of his residence — but even mentions the name of his son-in-law, whom he says left four children, who after- wards enjoyed high offices in the government. These particulars of family history, confirmed as they appear to be by authentic docu- ments, constitute abundant evidence as to the identity of Laurent Janszoon, and would have furnished ample means of detecting the falsehood of Junius, had he written with the intention of deceiving his readers : as for the trifling incorrectness of Junius, who speaks of four children of Thomas, the son of Peter, all of whom enjoyed the honors of the state, — whereas he had only three sons and two daughters — it is scarcely worth noticing. The difference is, indeed, good evidence that the genealogy of Coster's family, preserved by Scriverius, was not manufactured for the purpose of confirming Junius's statement. Junius continues : " inde etiam pinaces totas figuratas additis cha- * The conjecture in the text, was suggested to have been cut separately, on wood of the to me by a block, probably of Asiatic manu- thickness of an eighth of an inch, and after- facture, in the possession of Mr. Singer. The wards glued upon the plain surface of the letters are of the diameter of about half an block. inch each ; and appear, upon examination, CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 197 " racteribus expressit: quo in genere vidi ab ipso excusa ad- " versaria, &c is liber erat vernaculo sermone ab auctore con- " scriptus anonj^mo, titulum praeferens. Speculum Nostrae Salutis, " &c." " Postea faginas formas plumbeis mutavit, has deinceps " stanneas fecit," &c. I shall presently speak of the editions of the Speculum with which I am acquainted, meanwhile I must observe, that I am in- clined to consider the word postea of Junius, in this place, in the same light in which I have found by experience, we must so often take the words dopo and poi, in the writings of Vasari : viz. as no other than a means (carelessly and improperly used) of connecting two sentences together ; and I have no doubt whatever, that if the edition of the Speculum, of which Junius here speaks, Avas the same as either of the Dutch editions noAV known, it was printed, not with separate characters of wood, but with types of metal. Let the sentence, beginning with " Postea," precede that, in which Junius describes the Speculum, and the Avhole will be intelligible. That the letter-press of that work should have been printed, as Meerman supposes, Avith moveable characters of wood, is, I hesitate not to say, impossible.* Junius proceeds : " e quorum t5^porum reliquiis quae superfuerant " conflata oenophora vetustiora adhuc hodie visuntur," &c. It would have been more satisfactory evidence of the ancient existence of Coster's printing office, say the opposers of Junius, if his descendants had preserved the remains of his old type in its original state ! ! True — but that they should have converted it into useful, and, perhaps, ornamental articles of furniture, was by no means unnatural ; and it is to be remembered, that if Junius wrote that, for which he had no authoritj^ for the purpose of im- posing upon his readers, it Avould have been as easy for him to have stated that the old type itself still existed in Coster's house, as that it was converted into drinking cups. * Meermau appears to have changed his favor of type, the shafts of which were cast, opinion afterwards, and to have declared in and the letters upon them cut by hand. 198 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. in. Upon the story of the robbery I shall here offer no remark, ex- cept that it is evident from the words of Junius, when speaking- of the robber : " postquam artem jungendorum characterum, " fusihum typorum peritiam, &c percaUuisse sibi visus est," &c. that the type stolen from Coster was cast type. It is unnecessary to add to what has already been said concerning the authorities upon which Junius Avrote his account. If either they or he be entitled to our respect, it follows, I think, that his narrative, if defended at all, must be defended as, in the main, true ; — not explained away, so as to suit a previous hypothesis ; nor weakened by indiscreet concession, with a view to conciliate con- tending interests. If there be any truth in the assertion of Junius, that Coster printed the Speculum previous to the establishment of printing at Mentz, he was the inventor of Typography, properly so called ; — not of moveable characters of wood only, as Meerman satisfies himself with insisting upon, but also of cast metal types : — the printers of Mentz, indeed, will still claim the praise of having given the last polish to the newly discovered art — of having shewn, by the vastness of their undertakings, that they first appreciated its importance — and of having disseminated the knowledge of it throughout Europe : — but to Coster will belong the invention. — If, on the other hand, it can be clearly shewn that this work, the only one expressly ascribed to Coster by Junius, was not printed at Harlem, and that its claims to antiquity have been greatly over- rated — then it will be vain to pursue the controversy, and Ave shall be justified in concluding, with the majority of writers on the subject, that the pretensions of Coster have no solid foundation. I have already stated (p. 154) that one of the Latin editions of the Speculum is generally considered as the first edition of the book. I say generally; because Meerman has taken immense pains to prove that a Dutch, or Flemish edition, of which tAvo copies are preserved at Harlem, is the most ancient ; and Junius, as we have seen, Avhen speaking of the Avork, mentions a Dutch edition only. It is hoAvever probable that Junius had not happened to see a Latin CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 199 cop3' ; and it would, in any case, be too much to argue from his silence, as to the Latin editions, that he believed them to be less ancient than the Dutch, or printed by another hand. The chief arguments in favour of the priority of the Latin edition, (I speak of that which is commonly called the first Latin edition) are two:— first, the inscriptions under the cuts are in the Latin language ; a convincing proof, it is insisted by the opposers of Meer- man, that the artist, whoever he was, had an edition in that language in his contemplation when he engraved the cuts ; and, secondly, the text in that edition is in part printed from engraved wooden blocks, in the manner of the ordinary block-books ; which gives strong grounds for the belief, that the printer, at the commencement of his undertaking, w^as ignorant of the art of printing Avith move- able characters, but that he discovered it in the cour^ of the work. In the Flemish or Dutch editions, on the contrary, the text is entirely printed with moveable characters ; a circumstance which, when coupled with the anomah^ occasioned by the inscriptions under the cuts being still in the Latin tongue, furnishes, it must be alloAved, strong presumptive evidence that those editions Avere after- thoughts of the printer ; and executed by him, after the first Latin edition, for the convenience of such as Avere unskilled in the dead languages. Heineken forcibly urges these arguments in favour of the priority of this Latin edition. " It is admitted," says he, " that the Flemish " edition is printed entirely with moveable type, how then can any " one suppose that it is the first ? Is it probable that the printer, " whoever he was, after he had printed one edition entirely with " moveable type, should have had recourse to an engraver in wood " to assist in preparing a second edition ? And, if Ave suppose that " he himself Avas an engraver in Avood, and the inventor of typo- " graphy, what must have been his folly to abandon his invention " in a second edition ? " When Meerman insists," continues Heineken, " that it was not 200 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. " Coster himself, but his heirs after his death, who printed this " Latin edition, — part with wooden blocks, and part with moveable " characters of wood, — he is hurried away by his patriotism, and " forgets that neither Cornelius nor Junius say one word concerning " the press of the heirs of Coster. " In addition to this," continues the same writer, " I must ob- " serve, that it is by no means probable that an ancient printer " should have thought of printing a translation, rather than an *' original, when the original itself had not been yet printed. All " the world will agree .at least that the ancient manuscripts of this " book are in Latin, and that the Flemish translation is more " modern. The example which Meerman cites of the Bible, first " printed in Flemish, makes against him. The Latin Bible had " been previously printed in Germany. It is therefore more than " probable — nay, almost certain — that the Speculum Salvationis " in Latin, was, in like manner, first printed in Germany ; and that " it was afterwards translated and printed in the Low Countries."* This argument of Heineken is, upon the whole, a good one ; but his conclusion is, as usual, the result of the same patriotic zeal of which he accuses Meerman. For the text in the Flemish edition is printed, as he himself observes in another page,-f- with the very same type which was used in printing forty-three pages of the Latin edition ; and it is surely extremely improbable that the engraved cuts, and the type also, should have found their way from Germany into the Low Countries. Heineken conjectures that the Speculum Salvationis is less an- cient than the block-books before described. He is of opinion, " that the artist who engraved the twenty pages of text on wooden " blocks," in the Latin edition, " was one of those employed by " Gutenberg and Fust; (for," says he, " they had certainly " engravers in their service,) and that this engraver, having himself " become a printer, finished the remainder of the Avork with cast * " Idee Gen6rale," pp. 451, 452. t Wem. p. 449. « CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 201 " metal type, newly invented." Who this pupil of Gutenberg and Fust was, or who was the author of the cuts, he has not given us any clue to discover.* He is also of opinion, " that we cannot safely conclude that " the cuts and the text were engraved and printed at the time, " merely because the cuts represent the same subjects described in " the text. It is very certain," says he, " that Latin manuscripts " of this work existed, ornamented with vignettes painted in dis- " temper, in several of the libraries of Germany, at least as early " as the twelfth century, and nothing therefore would have been " more easy than for a designer or engraver in wood to copy these " vignettes after one of those manuscripts, and to engrave them in " wood, long before any one thought of printing the Latin text or " the Flemish -f- translation." To this argument, which I cannot help suspecting was used by Heineken as a measure of caution, (lest the antiquity of the cuts, and the school in which they were executed, should hereafter be proved, and brought forward as evidence in favor of the preten- sions of Harlem) it may reasonably be objected, that, had such been the case, some copy or fragment of the work, without the printed text, would probably be found ; Avhereas no such copy is known to exist : and, moreover, that the characters in the short inscriptions at the bottom of the cuts, although they were perhaps engraved by a different artist from the one who engraved the twenty pages of text in the Latin edition so often mentioned, appear to be of the same age. It should seem therefore most reasonable to con- clude, (under the supposition that the Latin edition is really the first) that the whole was undertaken at the same time ; the execu- tion of the cuts being confided to one or more artists skilful in engraving figures ; the pages of text, to others more accustomed to that department of wood engraving ; and that the printer, in the * Id6e Generale, pp. 446, 447. t Idem, p. 449- . . 2 D 202 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap.iii. course of his operations, became informed of the method of printing with moveable characters, or himself discovered it. But even supposing this to be certain, which I shall presently shew is very far from being the case, it would go but a little way in support of Heineken's opinion, that the Latin Speculum, and the first editions of all the block-books which he describes, are the pro- ductions of Germany. The arguments in favour of the priority of the Latin edition in which the text is in part printed from engraved blocks, appear indeed so strong, that, on first considering the subject, I felt little difficulty in joining with the great majority of bibliographical writers in the opinion, or rather conviction, that that edition was really the most ancient. Accident, however, put me in possession of undoubted evidence that such was not the case ; and the axiom, that one proof is worth a dozen arguments, was strikingly exemplified. For an opportunity chanced to otfer to me of comparing two very fine copies of the Speculum ; — one, of the Latin edition above-mentioned, — the other, of what is commonly termed the second Dutch edition ; * when I most unexpectedly discovered that the impressions of the cuts, in the Dutch copy, had been taken off previously to those in the Latin copy; and, consequently, that the Dutch is the oldest of the two. This was ascertained, beyond the possibility of doubt, by a A^ery careful comparison of many of the cuts in the two copies ; for, although, upon a first view, the impressions in both appeared equally perfect, I perceived, upon a minute examination, that several of those in the Latin edition had been taken off after certain little pieces of the engraved blocks, some of them in the central parts of the compositions, had been broken away by the operation of printing them ; Avhereas in the Dutch copy, the impressions of those little pieces were complete. * They were the property of the late of Blandford. Lord Spencer has since bought Ralph Willett, Esq. The Latin copy, shortly the Dutch copy, after 1 saw it, was purchased by the Marquis CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 205 Those, who are conversant with the subject of wood engraving, well know that engraved blocks are extremely liable to this species of accident upon their being first printed;* especially in those places Avhere the thin projecting strokes are not sufficiently sup- ported and strengthened by other strokes in their immediate vici- nity; and will immediately perceive that the deficiencies in the impressions of the wood engravings in the Latin Speculum, in parts which are found perfect in the impressions of the Dutch edition, constitute certain proof that they were taken off after those of the Dutch edition. For these small deficiencies in the impressions of the Latin edition cannot be accounted for by the supposition that the blocks were not sufficiently covered with the ink when they were printed ; or that the accidental intervention of some thin body, which might have fallen on the block after it was charged with the ink, pre- vented the paper fi-om coming in contact with the ink in those parts ; since the places where the little pieces have been broken out from the blocks, previous to printing the Latin edition, are clearly determined ; and are, indeed, distinctly perceptible, even on the backs of the impressions; in consequence of the shining appearance of the paper, as well as the indentation occasioned in it, in all places where it came in contact with the projecting strokes of the engraved block, during the application of the friction hy which the impres- sions were taken off. As I am probably the first bibliographical writer (if, during this chapter, I may be allowed to assume the title) who has thought of resorting to this mode of ascertaining Avith certainty the relative ages of the different editions of such books as are ornamented with impressions taken from the same engraved blocks ; and as my discoveries in this instance may be found of some use to him who shall hereafter feel disposed to prosecute such further inquiry * Their liability to sucb accidents was printing them by friction, formerly used, probably still greater, under tlie mode of 2 d2 204 SPECULUM HUMANAE SAL\ ATIOMS. [chap. hi. into the claims of Harlem as may reasonably promise, in their result, the means of pronouncing justly concerning this long dis- puted question, I am induced to illustrate my observations by the following fac-similes, shewing the minute diiferences in the im- pressions of several of the cuts in the two editions of the Speculum above mentioned.* I premise, lest the reader should suppose these * M_v first discovery, as has been said, was made upon a comparison of the two copies before mentioned. The Marquis of Bland- ford's Latin copy I have not since had an opportunity of examining further; but by the kindness of my friend, Mr. Singer, I have been furnished with the loan of another Latin copy of the same edition ; by means of which, and the Dutch copy of Lord Spencer, who has liberally entrusted it to my care for a few days, I have been enabled to pre- pare the elucidations now presented to the reader. Both these copies have the good fortune not to have had the blank sides of their leaves pasted together. The Dutch copy of Lord Spencer has therefore been compared with two copies of the edition called " the first Latin ;" and the same imperfections in the impressions of the cuts have been found in both the Latin copies, in places which are foundperfect in the edition called " the second Dutch." I have little or no doubt that the same variations will be found upon comparing any two other copies of the same editions ; and, if this be the case, I submit that these circumstances, added to the fact of there being no copy or fragment of this work known, in which the pages under the cuts are left blank or filled up by manu- script, constitute unanswerable evidence that the cuts and the text were printed at the same period; and that, consequently, there is no ground w hatever for the opinion of Heineken, mentioned at p. 201, that the cuts were, or might have been, engraved long prior to the printing of the text : unless, indeed, we are to admit the extravagant supposition, that an artist engraved these cuts twenty or thirty- years previous to the invention of typography, for the purpose of having them ready to pro- duce when that art should be invented! Nor is the hypothesis of a friend of mine more admissible ; \\ ho, having long been accus- tomed to consider the Latin edition, in part printed with wooden blocks, as the most ancient, and being unwilling to relinquish his old opinion, suggests, that the printer, to whom the engraved cuts apf>ertained, took oflF, in the first instance, as many impressions of the cuts as could be w anted ^br ali the different editions which he might, at any future time, be called upon to publish ; (let us suppose a thousand impressions of each cut ;) and that, these impressions being tied up in bundles, it might, and did, so happen, that the impressions last taken ofi" came into use in printing the first edition of the book. There is, in fact, only one reasonable and safe conclusion to be drawn from the varia- tions in the impressions of the cuts : viz. that those editions, in which we discover imperfec- tions in the impressions of the cuts, such as I have described, not to be found in other edi- tions, are of a date posterior to those editions in which such imperfections do not appear. CHAP, in] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 205 specimens to have been selected partially, with a view to favor my argument, (and lest, in consequence, he should be disposed to doubt whether or not the whole of the impressions in the edition, com- monly called " the First Latin," Avere taken off after those of the " second Dutch edition," as it is termed,) that, where a fracture is discoverable in any cut in the Dutch edition, the same is invariably found in the Latin edition : often, however, with considerable aug- mentation, as will now be shewn.* Edition, conimonly called the Second Dutch Edition. Edition, commoidy called the First Latin Edition. Impression 2. The base of the pillar dividing the two subjects is perfect in the Dutch copy. One of its perpendicular lines is broken away in the Latin : 8. Base of the pilaster on the right hand : one of the perpen- dicular lines is in some degree fractured in the Dutch copy : — the piece is broken away in the Latin : * These engraved illustrations are fac- fracture, and are noticed in the text. Minute similes, no further than as respects those exactness, in copying every touch of the parts of the blocks which, previous to the graver, in other parts, was not deemed of printing of the Latin edition, had suffered importance. 206 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. Impression 10. The base of the pilaster on the right hand bears evidence of a similar fracture of the block, in the Latin copy : sja».i., 11. Capital of the small pillar over the head of the Virgin: a small piece of it broken away, in the Latin copy : W 12. The tower in the right hand compartment, which is perfect in the Dutch copy, shews signs of a considerable fracture in one of its perpendicular lines, in the Latin : CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 207 1 Impression 14. Right hand corner at bottom: the foot of the servant of Abraham is perfect in the Dutch cop)^ but fractured in the Latin, and a piece of the horizontal hne underneath it, which is found in the Dutch copy, is wanting in the Latin : * s F 17. Left-hand compartment. — The left spandle of the arch, which is fractured in the Dutch copy, shews marks of still greater injury in the Latin; — part of one of the curved lines having been forced out of its place in the block, previous to printing the Latin copy : 46. Left-hand compartment. — The left curve of the arch is already' fractured in the Dutch copy ; — the fracture is considerably augmented in the Latin : ii^:^ 208 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. Impression In the base of the central pillar, in the same cut, one of the perpendicular lines, which is perfect in the Dutch copy, is fractured in the Latin : In the same cut, the block had received a small fracture in one of the upright lines of the base of the pilaster on the right-hand, previous to its being employed for the im- pressions of the Dutch copy : — in the Latin copy, the whole of that line is wanting ; 55. Base of the pillar in the center : considerably fractured in one of its upright lines, in the Latin copy : CHAP. III.] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 209 Impression The Base of the pilaster, or half pillar, on the right, in the same cut, appears likewise fractured in the Latin copy, as also a part of the perpendicular marginal line : whereas both these pieces are perfect in the Dutch copy : J The discovery thus made* of the relative ages of the two editions of the Speculum above mentioned, rendered me desirous of ascer- taining, by similar means, the order of time in which the two other ancient editions of this book were put forth ; " the first Dutch " edition," as it is called, and " the second Latin." Of the former edition, two copies, said to be the only ones at present known, are preserved at Harlem ; and that city likewise possesses a copy of the second Latin edition — also a book of very great rarity. Through the intervention of a friend,f I was a short time since enabled to transmit to Holland a few queries, the answers to which. * It is surprizing that neither Meerman nor Heineke?i should have thought of recur- ring to this mode of ascertaining the relative ages of the four early editions of the Specu- lum ; since they both knew that the cuts in all of them were taken off from tlie same identical blocks, and even observed that the impressions, in some editions of the work, did not appear so perfect as iu others. The former, (" Origines," torn. i. p. 106.) when speaking of Veldener's edition of 1483, says of the cuts ; " Quae tamen ex frequenti usu " tabularum illic aliquantulum apparent de- " tritae ;" and the latter, (" Idee Generale," p. 1 44.) amongst his arguments in favour of the priority of the edition which he calls " the first Latin," goes so far as to assert (which we have seen is not the truth) " that " he has remarked, that in ' the second " * Latin' and in ' the Dutch editions,' the " impressions of the strokes are ruder, and " not so sharp ; because," says he, " the " blocks had been in use some time before " the impressions for those editions were " taken off." -|- Mr. James Walker; whose excellent mezzotintos after some of the pictures in the imperial collection at Petersburgh are well known. By means of this gentleman, my letter was put nito the hands of Mr. W. H. S. Westreenen, of the Hague, Director of the Literary Academy of Zealand, Member of E 210 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. I had reason to flatter myselfj would put me in possession of the information sought for. Being aware of the possibility that my queries might be put into the hands of a decided partizan of Coster, and, perhaps, a strenuous supporter of the hypothesis of Meerman, I took care not to preface them by any thing which might lead my then unknown correspondent to suppose that their writer had any particular doubts as to the priority of the edition which Meer- man has taken so much pains to prove to be the first. The ques- tions, as to the fractures in the blocks, were confined to six in number ; which, with the answers received, are here inserted. Query 1. — In the impression of the Second Out, in the ^rst Latin edition of the Speculum, the base of the central pillar, dividing the two subjects, has one of its perpendicular lines wanting : thus — Is this line wanting in the^rst Dutch, and in the second Latin edition ? Answer. — " The part of the line, marked with points,* is open in the Jirst Dutch," as above, " but complete in the second Latin edi- tion;" — thus : that at Leyden, and Correspondent of the Dutch Institute. Mr. Westreenen had the goodness to forward my queries to his corres- pondent at Harlem, the learned bookseller and poet, Loorjes, and to transmit me the answers here given. I regret that I have not had the opportunity of seeing a work upon the discovery of printing, which Mr. Westreenen informs me he himself published in I8O9. * In my letter to Holland, I had used points to mark the vacant places concerning which I desired to be informed, in order to fix the at- tention of my correspondent to those particulars the more effectually. They are here omitted. CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 211 Query 2. — In the impression of the Third Cut in \he first Latin, and in the second Dutch edition, a small part of the upright line of the base of the pilaster on the right hand is Avanting : — Is it wanting in the first Dutch and the second Latin editions ; and is the fracture augmented in either of them ? Answer. — " The part of the line marked with points is open, both " in the second Latin 2iad first Dutch editions."* Query 3. In the impression of the Eighth Cut, in the second Dutch edition, a small part of the horizontal line, above the word mariam, adjoining the base of the pilaster on the right hand, is wanting, — thus : is this piece wanting in the first Dutch and second Latin editions ? Answer. — " In the horizontal ground line, the part marked with " points is complete in the second Latin and fii'st Dutch editions." The answer given to this question furnishes evidence that the edition of this work, commonly called the second Latin, preceded that termed the second Dutch, and, consequently, that it is the first edition of the book. But that the edition called the first Dutch, should, also, be complete in the impression of this piece of line, which is wanting in the edition called the second Dutch (notwithstanding this last is of a jirior date) is not easily to be comprehended. I am, therefore, obliged to suppose that the copy of the Dutch edition, upon which * I do not think it necessary to give a fac- simile of this Httle piece, as the answer re- ceived to my question involves no consequence whatever. Had this line been found complete in the second Latin edition, whilst in the first 2 ] Dutch, thefractitre was augmented, it would have proved not only that the edition called " the second Latin" was the Jirst edition of the book, but also that the first Dutch, as it is termed, was ihe fourth. 2 212 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIOMS. [chap. in. m}' correspondent at Harlem made liis remarks, happened to be restored, in this place, by a leaf of the second Dutch edition ; (for we know that neither of the two copies of the first Dutch edition, at Harlem, are cojnplete*) in which case the circumstance may easily be accounted for ; since it is ver\" possible that the block might not have suffered this small fracture until after the uhole of the impressions from it, for " the second Latin edition," and part of those for " the second Dutch edition," had been taken off. The fracture, after all, is so small, that in case the impression in the first Dutch edition happened to be smeared in that part, it might easilv escape the observation of any but a most scrutinizing eye. Query 4. — In the impression of the Tenth Cut, one of the perpen- dicular lines, in the base of the pilaster on the right hand, is want- ing in t\ve first Latin edition, thus : Is this line wanting in the second Latin iaci\6. first Dutch editions? Answer. — " In the base of the column at the right, the part of the " line marked -^^ith points, is complete in the second Latin," thus : " but open in the^rsf Dutch edition. » See Meerman, " Origines," torn. i. " Idee Gen^rale," p. 454. p. 117. note (b X ) and Heineken, f HAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 213 Query 5. In the right hand compartment of the cut. No. 12, a part of the perpendicular hne of a tower, therein represented, is wanting in the first Latin edition ; thus ; Is that part of the said line wanting in the second Latin and first Dutch editions ? Answer. — " The part of the perpendicular line of the tower, " marked with points, is complete in the second Latin edition," thus : " but open in ihe first Dutch edition." 214 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. Query 6. In the same cut, the chief part of one of the perpen- dicular lines of the base of the pilaster on the right, is wanting in the second Dutch andj^r.s^ Latin editions ; thus : Is this line wanting in {hejirst Dutch and second Latin editions ? Answer. — " The part of the line, marked with dots, is complete " in both the editions." The answers given by my correspondent to the third and sixth queries, would, when taken together, constitute most satisfactory evi- dence that the edition of the Speculum, called " the second Latin," is in reality the first edition of the book ; were it not that he asserts, that the small pieces of lines, referred to in these queries as wanting in " the second Dutch" and " first Latin editions," are perfect in both the other editions — a circumstance, which, in the present instance espe- cially, is calculated to create some doubt of his accuracy : since it is absolutely impossible that the impression of the piece of the block, referred to in the sixth query, (which we know with certainty was broken away before the part of the line of the tower, in the same cut, was fractured) should be found complete in an impression taken from the block after the line of the tower had been broken. Either my correspondent, when he wrote the answer to this question, did not exercise his usual accuracy, or he must have been led into error from the circumstance of this line's happening to have been restored in the Dutch copy by a pen. Upon the whole, it appears certain, as well from the answers given to the above queries, (especially the 1st, the 4th, and the 5th,) as from our previous investigation, that the two most ancient editions of the Speculum, are " the second Latin" and "the second Dutch editions," as they are called ; and not those whose rudeness of impression has occasioned every previous bibliographical writer to ascribe priority to them. CHAP. III.] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 215 The SECOND Latin edition, as it has been hitherto improperly called, Avas, I am well persuaded, the first edition of the BOOK; not only because of the reasons just now given, but, also, because it is evident, from the Latin inscriptions under the cuts, that the proprietor of the work first meditated an edition in that lan- guage. The text in this edition appears to have been entirely printed with the same type which was afterwards used for the whole of " the second Dutch edition," as it is called, except two pages ; and also for forty-three pages of the edition called " the first Latin."* The edition commonly called " the second Dutch edition" Avas probably commenced soon after the above : in this edition, as has been just observed, there are two pages printed with a type con- siderably different from the rest. Of the two remaining ancient editions of the Speculum, hitherto called " the first Latin," and " the first Dutch," I know not to Avhich to ascribe the priority. Nor can I speak Avith accuracy as to the characters with Avhich the edition last named was printed, further than that they were moveable types. The observations of Meerman, as to the marks made in the paper in many places, by the blank type used by the printer, instead of plain pieces of Avood or metal, to fill up those spaces in the pages Avhich Avere intended to be left white, — Avhether for the future insertion of initial letters, or at the termination of sentences — are decisive as to that point ; and clearly prove that there is no ground for the suppo- sition of M. Daunou (Lambinet. tom. i. p. 3'23) that this edition is entirely xylographic. The Latin copy before me exhibits several * Indeed Meerman, when speaking of " tulum dispar, imo in postrema turn Belgica the form of the characters, in the four first " turn Latina editione niihi videtur ipsissi- editions of the Speculum, (Origines, tom. i. " mus." Meerman had not seen the edition pp. 108, 109) says : " In omnibus vero qua- called " the first Latin," which was described " tuor editionibus (si quaedam folia principis to him by Fournier. It is certainly printed " Latinae, fixe charactere excusa, excepero) with the same type as " the second Latin" " unius ejusdemque semper figurae est, and " second Dutch editions." " neque nisi magnitudine et nitore aliquan- 216 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. instances of the kind in those jjages which are printed with move- able type ; and traces of a similar effect are to be discovered in some parts of Lord Spencer's Dutch copy ; although with difficulty — in consequence of the great pressure which, perhaps accompanied by damp, appears, upon some former occasion, to have been applied to it, by the book-binder. Were I to judge from the engraving given by Meerman of the first cut, and the accompanying text of the page, copied from the edition which he terms " the first Dutch," I should feel little hesitation in judging it to have been printed with the same type as the other three editions ; although, perhaps, with less neatness and care, and with ink of an inferior quality. For the variations of form and dimensions, discoverable in different specimens of the same letters in the engraved copy (variations which, no doubt, exist in the original in a smaller degree) are easily to be accounted for, when it is remembered that Meerman believed the work to have been printed Avith carved Avooden cha- racters ; and that his draftsman. Van Noorde, and the engraver, A. I. Polack, being so instructed, would naturally, in making their copy, be inclined to augment the almost imperceptible or equivocal variations of the original into decided differences. Meerman, however, mentions one circumstance which might lead to the supposition that the type with which this edition was printed, was not identically the same as was used for the other editions. The type in this edition, he informs us, (torn. i. p. 120) is somewhat smaller than that of the edition which he styles " the second Dutch;" for that tAventy lines of text in the former, occupy only the same space as nineteen lines in the latter edition. It is, there- fore, possible that the edition called " the first Dutch," may have been printed with a type cast in imitation of the type used for the other editions, in consequence of the original type having been worn out or lost before that edition was required. This diversity in the type of the edition called " the first Dutch," were it ascertained, would justify us in considering that edition as the last of the four ; and would, consequently, enable us to arrange the GHAP. III.] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 217 four early editions of the Speculum, in the order in which they were published. For, from the evidence which has been brought forward, it is certain that the two editions of the work, hitherto believed to be the third and fourth, are, in reality, the first and second ; and there is, also, as has been said, every reason to believe that the edition called " the second Latin" was the first of those two. Upon the whole, we cannot be far wrong in placing the four editions in the following order. The only doubt can be, which of the two last was the third published. First, The edition hitherto called " the second Latin." Second, That called " the second Dutch edition." Third, That called " the first Latin edition." Fourth, That called by Meerman " the first Dutch edition." The justness of this arrangement being admitted, it would not be difficult for any one who should advocate the cause of Harlem, to take up a formidable position, even upon the very basis of the opinions and admissions of those who have argued on the other side. For Heineken, whom most of the bibliographical writers of the Mentz party refer to as their oracle in such matters, has ex- pressed the belief that the last but one of these four editions (the first Latin) " was printed just at the time of the invention of typo- graphy ; "* and Daunou (whose modesty, in his admirable little trea- * " Cette quantite de feuilles iinprimees par surement des graveurs a leur service, et je la presse," says Heineken, speaking of the edi- crois que ce graveur, 6tant devenu lui-meme tion which he calls the Jirst Latin, (Idee Gen. imprimeur, a fait le reste de I'ouvrage avec p.447)" et cette manierede poser une vignette des lettres de fotite nouvellement inventtes, ^ la tete du discours, me portent d conjecturer, d'autant plus que ces caracteres ressemblent que le Speculum Sahationis est plus mo- entierement, pour la forme et pour le dessein, derne que les iivres precedens," (the Biblia aux tables du Donat, et generalement aux Pauperum, the Ars Moriendi, 8tc. &c.) caracteres de I'attelier de Faust et de " et public justement du terns de I'invention Schoeffer." This last assertion of Heineken de la typographie. Je m'imagine que le is unfounded — the characters of the Spe- graveur, qui a taille ces vingt tables de dis- culum do not resemble the type of Fust an(i cours en bois, 6toit un de ceux que Guten- Schoeffer. berg et Faust employerent; car ils avoient 2 F 218 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. tise given at the end of the first vokime of Lambinet, is a corrective of that writer's over confidence) observes (p. 421) that " the Spe- " culum Salutis, executed in part Avith wooden blocks, and partly " with cast type, is, perhaps, anterior to the year 1460;" adding, however, (doubtless because he saw that the characters were those of the Low Countries, and not of Germany) that, " if, as Heineken " supposes, it was printed by one of the workmen of Gutenberg " or Fust, there is little reason to believe that that workman was " established at Mentz." Now, if in conformity to the opinions of these writers, we should place the third edition of the Speculum (the first Latin) about 1455, and if it be, at the same time, admitted as probable, that an average period of a little more than seven years intervened between each two editions, — the first edition of the book must, according to such a calculation, have been printed about the year 1440 — which is all that the writers on the side of Harlem contend for. But as, on the one hand, it would be unfair to encumber the cause of Lawrence Coster with all the absurdities which his zealous, but indiscreet friends have insisted upon in his behalf; so, on the other, it would be injustice to Gutenberg, were we to take advan- tage, to his detriment, of an opinion hazarded, perhaps incautiousl)-, by one or more of the advocates of his claims. It will, therefore, be proper for us to inquire how far the internal evidence of the four early editions of the Speculum (which, from the general conformity of their execution — the paper on which they are printed — the resemblance of the type in all of them, and the identity of that tAqie, in three — there can be little doubt were printed at the same press) may justify the two following con- clusions — 1st, that they were printed in Holland ; and, 2dly, that they are of higher antiquity than any of the books printed in that country by those printers who are commonly said to have first in- troduced printing into Holland, and are known to have established themselves in different towns of that country, and other parts of the Low Countries, after the year 1472. For if these two points CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 219 are established in the affirmative, the onus of accounting for the existence of these books, printed in Holland before, according to the writers on the side of Gutenberg, the art of printing was there known, will rest with that adverse party ; and they will be con- strained, at length, to confess the probability that there is more truth in the story of Coster, or Janszoon, than they have hitherto been accustomed to acknowledge. The first of these points it will not be difficult to establish. Any person generally conversant with early printing, will, upon viewing either of the four first editions of the Speculum, immediately pro- nounce that it was printed, not in Germanj^, but in the Low Countries :* upon a more close examination, he will perceive that the angular Gothic, and broad-faced characters of that Avork (to use a technical expression) bear a much nearer resemblance to the types commonly used in the fifteenth century in Holland, than to those generally adopted by the chief printers of the more southern parts of Belgium ; and if he have the opportunity of comparing a sufficient number of the early printed books of Gouda, Utrecht, and other towns of Holland, with those published contemporarily at Louvain, and other parts of Brabant, he will not long hesitate to declare that Holland has a better claim to the execution of the work in question, than any other country. To this it may be added, that fragments of books, printed with the same type as the Speculum, and others with type so like it, as to render the distinguishing between one and the other a matter of no small difficulty, have been discovered at Harlem, and in other parts of Holland, pasted into the covers of ancient books ; and that it is certain that the blocks from which the cuts of the Speculum were taken off, existed in Holland in 1483, in which year, John * Being little conversant in the types used also collect from them, as well as from an by the early printers, I have had recourse to examination of early books printed in dif- the experience of my friends, Mr. Dibdiu ferent towns of Holland and Brabant, that and Mr. Douce ; both of whom assure me I am well justified in the opinion which fol- that I am warranted in my assertion ; and I lows it. 2 F 2 220 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. Veldener published, at Culenbourg, a new edition of the work, in the Dutch language, containing the impressions of the same blocks ; the whole printed in a quarto size, — Veldener having caused each of the blocks to be sawed down the central pillar, into two pieces, for that purpose. Moreover, two out of the four earliest editions of this work, are printed in the Dutch language, such as it was commonly spoken in the fifteenth century, in that part of Belgium which is now called Holland ; but which was never generally used in the more southern provinces of the Netherlands, where the Flemisli language formerly prevailed, as it does at present* To all these arguments it may be added, that the paper-marks found in the four earliest editions of the Speculum, do not occur in books of the fifteenth century, printed in any part of Germany, south or east of Cologne ; (if we except one mark which is found in some of the books of Schoeffer, printed at Mentz) but, for the most part, resemble those commonly found in the early printed books of the Low Countries, and more especially in those of Holland ; and that some of these marks occur, exclusively, in the books of the early Dutch printers. Upon this point, hoA\ever, the reader may require evidence in support of my assertion, and he is, there- fore, here presented with the tracings of these paper-marks (at least all those which occur in the two copies of the book before me) carefully made from the originals, and accompanied with the authority of an eminent bibliographer, as to the ordinary occur- rence of most of them in the earliest printed books of Holland and Flanders.-f- * This I say upon the authority of a gen- Serna Santander," Svo. Bruxe/ks, ] 803,) lliat tleinan, to whom I have shewn the Dutch although tlie paper-mark of a book can, of Speculum, and who, having resided many itself, neither enable us to discover the name years at Utrecht, is thoroughly conversant of the printer nor the age of the book ; never- both with the Dutch and Flemish languages. theless, it may often lead us to well-founded •f Santajider, the writer in question, pro- conjectures as to the place of its impression, perly observes, (" Supplement au Catalogue " En eft'et," says he, " j'oserai bien affirmer des Livres de la Bibliotheque de M. C. de la " qu'on peut connoitre aussi aisement par CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 221 The mark, 1., representing a singular kind of unicorn, is the only mark that is found on the paper of Lord Spencer's copy of what is called " the second Dutch edition," from the beginning of the work until the forty-fifth cut — (the first of the two pages that are printed with type different from the rest of the volume) — during which space it occurs twenty-four times ; but it does not once appear in the latter part of the book ; nor is it to be found in Mr. Singer's copy of what is termed " the first Latin edition." I learn, however, from my correspondent in Holland, that this paper- mark is found in the edition called " the second Latin," on the leaves containing the cuts numbered 47. 48. 50, 52. 55. 5d. and 57 ; and that it occurs twice in what is called " the first Dutch edition ;" viz. on the leaves containing the cuts numbered 20. and 22. Meerman, in speaking of the different editions of the Speculum, mentions this mark, which, it is to be observed, does not occur among the paper- " I'inspection dii filigrane du papier que par " la forme des caracteres d'un livre du quin- " zieme siecle, s'il a ete imprime en Italie, " en Allemagne, ou dans le Pays-Bas et la " Hollande ; de maniere qu'ayant recours " ensuite a quelques autres indices typogra- " phiques, on parvient facilement ^ connoitre " le lieu de son impression et quelquefois " rimprimeur mfeme." Had Santander ex- amined the paper-marks in the different edi- tions of the Speculum, he would not have made the assertion alluded to at p. 109, that Heineken had proved that this work, and all the old block-books with figures engraved in wood, were originally engraved and printed in Germany. 222 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. marks collected together and published by Santauder, in his " Sup- " plement" to the catalogue of his library : — for the unicorn which he has given in his second print, under No. 36, and which he tells us, in his text, occurs in books printed at Cologn, b^'^ Ulric Zell, Arnold Therhoernen, and Joh. Guldenschaff; and in others printed at Alost, by Theod. Martens, and by Joh. of Westphalia, at Lou- vain, is so very unlike the figure before us, especially in the tail of the animal, that I cannot but consider it the paper-mark of a different manufacture. II III The mark, II., occurs, with slight variations, (being sometimes without the cross at top,) in Mr. Smger's copy of " the first Latin edition," on the leaves containing the cuts numbered 2. 10. 14. 19. and 41. It is represented. No. 89, in the third print in Santander's " Supplement," above-mentioned, among the paper-marks Avhich he ascribes exclusively to Holland. It is found, he tells us, in books printed at Utrecht, by Nic. Ketelaer and Ger. de Leempt. This mark CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 223 and the following are, it is probable, the two marks of which Meer- man says it is difficult to give a description.* The mark. III., which bears so near a resemblance to the last mentioned, as to give reason to suppose that it was used by the same manufacturer, is not introduced in Santander's work. It occurs in the edition of the Speculum called " the first Latin," on the leaves con- taining the cuts numbered 18. 20. 24. 29. 36. 37. 38. 39. and 56. The mark, IV., occurs once only in the first Latin edition, on the leaf containing the cut No. 53. A mark a good deal resembling it, it appears from Santander, (second print. No. 31, of the before men- tioned work,) is found in books printed at Cologn, by Ulric Zell, Arnold Therhoernen, and J. Guldenschaff; in others, printed at Louvain, by Joh. of Westphalia and Conrad Braen ; in others, printed at Bruxelles, by the Fratres Communis Vitae ; and also in books printed at Deventer, by R. Paffroed. * " In principe editione Belgica," (says Meerman in a note, torn. i. p. 102, of his " Origines,") " chaitarii signum plerumque " bnbiilinn caput, uno loco rosani exprimit. " In altera (meo certe exemplo) plerumque " unicornu, semel bovinum caput, aliaque " etiam duo signa, quae vix describi possuut, " in folio auteni singulari, ac diversi typi, " figura anchorae couspicitur. In priori edi- " tione Latina, Fournierio, p. 153, teste, " idem apparet caput ; at in altera observavi " plerumque anchoram, quandoque unicornu." Meerman, however, was of the opinion, pre- valent when he wrote, that no satisfactory inference could be drawn from the paper- marks of old books, and, consequently, is less particular upon this point than it is probable he otherwise would have been. 224 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. The marks V. and V*. can only be termed varieties of the same paper-mark. The mark V. occurs in the preface of the first Latin edition. V*. is found in the second Dutch edition on the leaves containing the cuts numbered 50. and 52. This mark appears to be of frequent occurrence in books of the Low Countries. It is given by Santander, with small variations, under the Nos. 33. 34. 41. 42. 44. 52. 62. 6Q. 68. 78. 80. and 81. ; and is found, he tells us, in books printed at Cologn, by Ulric Zell, Arnold Ther- hoernen, Joh. Koelhoff, Conrad de Hoemborch, and Henry Quentell; in others, printed at Louvain, by John de Westphalia and Conrad Braen; in others, printed at Bruxelles, by the Fratres Communis Vitae; in others, printed at Alost, by Theod. Martens, and at Antwerp by Theod. Martens ; also in books printed at Gouda, by Ger. Leeu ; at Utrecht, by Nic. Ketelaer and Ger. de Leempt ; and at Deventer, by R. Paffroed. It is also found, Santander informs us, though of some- what smaller dimensions, in books printed at Paris, by Ulric Gering. The mark VI., which nearly resembles the last-mentioned paper- mark, except that it wants the flower at top, occurs in the edition CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 225 called " the second Dutch," on the leaves containing the cuts numbered 53 and 55. It is given, Avith small variations, in Santander, under the num- bers 40. 65. and 67 ; and is, he says, found in books printed at Cologne, by Ulric Zell, Arnold Therhoernen, Conrad de Hoem- borch, John Guldenschatf, Job. Koelhoff, and Hen. Quentell; in others, printed at Louvain by John of Westphalia ; at Bruxelles, by the Fratres Communis Vitae ; and at Antwerp, by Theod. Martens, It occurs, also, of smaller dimensions (as given by him under No. 93) in books printed at Deventer by R. Paffroed. The paper-mark VII., representing an anchor, occurs in the edition called " the first Latin," on the leaves containing the cuts, Nos. 1 L 12. 31. 47. 49. and 51., and is one of the marks mentioned by Meerman. It is remarkable that it is the only paper-mark found in Lord Spen- cer's copy of "the Book of Canticles;" where, however, it appears of somewhat smaller dimensions. Santander gives this mark, in his work above cited, under No. 51. It occurs, he tells us, in books printed at Cologne, by Ulric Zell, and Bart, de Unkel ; in others, printed at Louvain, by Conrad Braen and John Veldener ; and, also, in books printed at Utrecht, by Nic. Ketelaer and Ger. de Leempt. I X vin The t^te de hanf, VIII., occurs in " the first Latin edition," on the 2 G 226 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. leaves containing the cuts numbered 7. 17. 22. 27. and 55. The other, VIII.* is found, in " the second Dutch edition," in the leaves contain- ing the cuts numbered 47 and 57 : they can hardly be termed dis- tinct marks, although there is some small difference in their form. The tite de boeuf with, a star like this, supported by a simple up- right line rising from between the horns of the animal, is given by Santander under the numbers 1. 32. 48. 64. 70. 83. and 85. with more or less variety in the shape of the animal's head ; and is said by him to occur in books printed at Mentz, by Schoeffer; at Cologne, by Ulric Zell, Job. Koelhoff, Conrad de Hoemborch, Arnold Therhoernen, and Hen. Quentell ; also in books printed at Louvain, by John of Westphalia, and Conrad Braen ; in others, printed at Bruxelles, by the Fratres Communis Vita? ; and in others, printed at Utrecht, by Nic. Ketelaer and Ger. de Leempt. In short, however great the varieties of the tete de bauf, and however general its use as a paper-mark in the fifteenth century, it does not appear to occur, in books of the fifteenth centuiy, with the simple ornament of a star made by cross lines, supported on an upright line, as in the above fac-similes, except in such as were j)rinted at Mentz, (by Schoeffer,) at Cologne, or in the Low Countries. It is worthy of observation, that the t^te de haiif, IX., occurs but once in the copy before us of " the second Dutch edition," as it is CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 227 called ; and that it happens to be upon the leaf containing the cut No. 45 — the first of the two pages which, as has been before said, are printed with type different from the rest. This curious circum- stance seems to warrant the conjecture, that this edition, having been left incom])lete in these two pages by one printer, was, some time afterwards, finished by another. It is also remarkable that this tetc de hmif, with the upright line between the horns, crossed only by one simple line, was found by Santander, (avIio has given it. No. 91 of the before-mentioned,) in books printed in Holland only : viz. in those printed at Utrecht by Nic. Ketelaer and Ger. de Leempt.* The conclusion to be drawn from this combination of evidence is decisive as to the country in which the earliest editions of the Speculum Salvationis were printed. They were, without doubt, executed in Holland ; and so far, therefore, the result of our enquiry does not militate against the assertions of Junius. * Since writing the above, I have had the opportunity of examining several books of the fifteenth century, printed in Holland and other parts of the Low Countries, in the valuable library of Mr. Douce. Tlie anchor. No. 7, occurs more frequently than any other paper- mark, in a folio of Veldener, printed at Louvaiii.-^ln another folio, printed by Ger. Leeii, at Gouda, in 1481, the marks Nos. 5* and 6, are of frequent occurrence ; and in " Raymond de Sabundia," printed at Deventer by R. Paffroed without date, but supposed, in the Daventr. i/lustr. according to Visser, to have been printed previous to 1477, the paper-marks of most ordinary occurrence are those numbered 4. 5. and 6. Now we have seen that all such of the paper-marks that occur in the Speculum, as are described in Santander, are found in books of the fifteenth century, printed in Holland ; and that two of them, viz. 2 and 9, are found in books printed in Holland only ; and there is, therefore, 2 G upon the whole, good reason to consider the paper-marks found in the different edi- tions of the Speculum, as more especially appertaining to Holland than to the more southern parts of Belgium. 1 will not omit to add, that the book last mentioned, and another, which I saw upon the same occa- sion, also piinted by Paffroed,' do nothing towards confirming the observation of Fischer, mentioned in a note at pp. 189, 190, that the type of the Speculum resembles that, or rather is the same, used by R. Paffroed at Deventer. It is possible that this printer, like many others of the early Dutch printers, may sometimes have used a broad-faced Gothic letter, a good deal resembling that of the Speculum — for the present I must be allowed to consider M. Fischer's assertion, as no other than one of those hasty observations, hazarded by memory, which tlie person who writes them is so often, at a future period, obliged to retract. Q 228 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. This fact being established, we are, in the second place, to enquire what arguments can be produced in proof of the antiquity of the work ; whether such as may be drawn from the internal evidence of the book itself, or deduced from a comparison of it with other ancient volumes. Heineken, we have seen, is of opinion, that the edi- tion of the Speculum, which he calls " the first Latin," is at least as early as 1457 — Daunou places it earlier than 1460 — and I am unacquainted with any bibliographical writer who has not classed it among the earliest specimens of the art of printing. If a jury of twelve men, conversant in early typography, and unpre- judiced as to the question in dispute, were to be called upon to determine, whether or not this work is of at least equal antiquity with the books ornamented with wood-cuts, printed at Bamberg, in 1462, by Pfister, can any one doubt but that their answer to such a ques- tion would be in the affirmative ?* and yet it will be sufficient for the purpose of shewing that the claims of Harlem are not to be got rid of so easily as the -WTiters of the Mentz party have aifected to suppose, if it can be proved that either of the four first editions of the Spe- culum was printed before 1472; because it is on all sides acknow- ledged as an established fact, that the art of printing Avith cast type was not practised in any part of the Low Countries (unless indeed by Coster and his successors) previous to that year, or the year fol- lowing, when it is said to have been introduced into Flanders by John of Westphalia, and Theodore Martens.f * My bibliographical friends assure me considered spurious, upon the ground that tliat I should certainly have a verdict upon there is an interval of ten years between it this simple question. and the next dated book of the same printer. t It being ascertained tliat the Speculum (Vide Lambiiiet, torn. ii. p. Q.5\.) The date was printed in Holland, it becomes indeed of 1473, on the " Secunda Pars Hystorie scarcely necessary to prove its existence so " Scolastice," &.c. — Impressa in trajecto iti- far back as 1472, in order to disconcert the feriori, per maglslros Nycho/aitm Ketelaer system of the writers of the Mentz party, et Gherardum de Leempt, does not appear A book, entitled " Tondalus Visionen" — to be doubted; {Lamhitiet, torn. ii. p. 87.) gheprent t' Antwerpen be mi Matln/a Van but it may admit of a question, whether or der Goes, bears date 1472 ; but this date is not it was printed, as is supposed, at Utrecht. CHAP. III.] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 229 But notAvithstanding the world appears to be so far agreed upon this matter, that there is perhaps no person conversant with typo- graphical antiquities who would hesitate to declare his belief that one at least of the four first editions of this Avork is anterior to the year 1472, still I am not prepared to offer positive proof that such is the case. Next, however, to the demonstration which results from positive proof, we may class the conviction Avhich is the consequence of that combination of small details, each corroborative of the other, and all of them pointing towards and authorizing one and the same conclusion, Avhich is termed circumstantial evidence. Many facts The existence of the " Jacobi de Voragine " de Guide Legende," said to have been printed at Gouda, in 1473, by Gheraert Leett, is very doubtful, ( Visser's Catalogue at the end of Ja?iso)i's book " de I'lnvention " de rimprimerie," p. 240,) and he is thought not to have printed any book in that city until 147G or 1477. {Lambinet, torn. ii. p. 262, and Fisser, p. 245.) The dates of one or two other books, purporting to have been printed in Holland in the years 1472 and 1473, are considered spurious. Under the year 1474, Vhser mentions no certain book printed in Holland — under 1475, but one — said to have been printed at Deventer, but without the printer's name — under 1476, he speaks of one book, supposed to have been printed near Gouda, and of another print- ed at Deventer; but both without printers' names. Under the year 1477, mention is made of the first book printed at Deventer, by R. Paffroed : and also of the two first dated books printed at Delft. The books printed at Gouda and Delft are from this period sufficiently numerous. In the year 1479, we find John Veldener printing at Utrecht, where he established himself about that time ; and, under the same year, mention is made of the first dated books printed at Zwoll. In the year 1483, mention, for the first time, occurs of a dated book printed at Harlem : this book, however, seems of doubt- ful existence. In the same year, Veldener printed the Jifth edition of the Speculum at the town of Culenbourg, as has been said — and also a sixth edition of the same work, with augmentations — likewise a book with cuts from the Bible, with verses under each print. We find no book, with a date, printed at Leyden before this year. In 1484, and the year following, we read of a few dated books, printed at Harlem ; but we find no mention of any printed at Amsterdam during the fifteenth century. Upon the whole, the number of dated books upon record, printed in Holland, pre- vious to the year 1477, is so small, and those few are so doubtful, that it can hardly be affirmed, with certainty, that the 7iew school of printing (if I may be allowed the expression) was established in Holland before that period. This argument is strongly in- sisted upon by Meerman, " Origines," tom. ii. p. 'il8, note (h). 230 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIOJNIS. [chap. hi. from their very nature, are incapable of being ascertained by any other means ; and the moral certitude acquired by this sort of testi- mony is, in some cases, so com[)lete, as to leave little cause of regret that that kind of evidence, which can alone with propriety be termed proof) was wanting. The present is, I think, one of these cases, and I trust the cir- cumstances which I am now about to state, with as much brevity as possible, will be admitted as constituting together very ample ground for the conclusion that the four first editions of the Specu- lum Salvationis were executed previous to the year 1472 above specified. In the first place, I must call the reader's attention to the remarks offered, in various parts of this chapter,* upon the resemblance of style observable in the execution of many of the wood-cuts of the three works which have been described — " the Biblia Pauperum," " the Book of Canticles," and the work still under consideration ; a resemblance in many instances so striking, as to leave, in my opinion, no doubt that the same wood-engravers were employed upon all the three works in question. Several of the cuts in the Speculum, as has been said, appear to have been executed by the same hand that executed many of those in the " Biblia Pauperum ;" others bear evident marks of having been engraved by the same workman who cut many of those in " the Book of Canticles." Nor is the resemblance as to the executive part of the work, or what we may term the handling of the graver, less apparent between many of the cuts of the '* Biblia Pauperum," and several of those in " the Book of Canticles ; " although the artist, who made the designs for the former of those works, appears to have been a different person from the one employed to design the latter. For example, if the reader has an opportunity of examining the 9th, 11th, 15th, 16th, 23d, 24th, 31st, 32d, 37th, and 38th cuts of the " Biblia " Pauperum," (of the edition possessed by Lord Spencer,) and of * See pp. 142. 155. 158. l62. l65. and l69. CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 231 comparing them with the 1st, 2nd, 11th, 14th, and 16th pages of the edition of " the Book of Canticles," from wliich specimens have been given, he will find in the trees, represented in all of them, that peculiarity of touch in the mode of executing the foliage, (well ex- pressed by the vulgar term knack) which can alone be accounted for by the supposition that they were in reality engraved by the same hand. If these, again, are compared with the cuts of the Speculum, described under Nos. 10. 12. 17. 28. 29. 30. 35. and 36., the same Avorkmanship will be identified ; insomuch that we are fully justified in the conclusion that the three works in question were executed in the work-shop of the same master wood-engraver; with the ex- ception, as has been said, of the latter cuts of the Speculum, Avhich are engraved in a different style from all the rest. This being ascertained, it is evident, that if the antiquity of one of these works could be established, it would, in a considerable degree, serve us as a guide by which to form some judgment of the antiquity of the others. For, although the same artist may not unreasonably be supposed to have continued the practice of wood engraving even for more than twenty years, he can hardly be sup- posed to have maintained, during so long a period, the exact same style of execution ; for, if we examine the productions executed by artists who are known, we shall find that a very sensible altera- tion, in their manner of working, took place, during even a shorter period ; and often that, were it not for the cyphers affixed to their works, or the assistance Ave derive from the examination of their intermediate productions, it Avould be impossible for us, in a Avork executed by any artist at an early period of life, to dis- cover that resemblance of style to one executed b}?- the same per- son tAA'cnty years afterAA-ards, as Avould enable us to ascertain its author. We cannot therefore, I think, place an interval of more than ten or tAvelve vears betAveen the execution of the en" raving's of the three Avorks in question : and, as it has been shewn that there is no ground for the belief that the cuts of the Speculum Avere ever intended to be 232 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. in. published separately from the text, it follows, that we cannot date the first edition of that work more than from ten to twelve years later than the " Biblia Pauperum ;" which, from the greater rudeness of its style, we are justified in considering somewhat more ancient than the Speculum or " the Book of Canticles ;" but which, notwith- standing, may not have preceded the others by so long a period as we have supposed. The cuts of " the Book of Canticles" appear to have no pretensions to a higher antiquity than the greater part of those of the Speculum, and it is probable that the engravings of those two works were in hand at the same time. The engravings of " the Book of Canticles," however, being few in number, appear to have been completed in the workshop of the master-artist who had commenced the work, whereas the latter cuts of the Speculum, as has been said, were executed by a different hand ; perhaps in consequence of the original artist having died before he had com- pleted that more extensive undertaking.* This circumstance renders it probable that a small interval of time elapsed between the publication of "the Book of Canticles" and the first publication of the Speculum : I say but a small interval, because it is reasonable to suppose that the person for whom the engravings of the Speculum were made was employed in prepara- tions for the text whilst the execution of the cuts was in process ; and that he printed the text at the bottom of some of the cuts whilst the others were in hand. If the correctness of Mr. Horn, as to the date upon the original binding of a copy of the " Biblia Pauperum," formerly in his pos- session,"!- be admitted ; and if we could be certain that the edition of that work, so bound, was the same as that of which we have been speaking, or as that in the Bodleian Library, we should then be justified in boldly placing the publication of that work at least a few years previous to 1430; and, consequently, according to the above premises, be entitled to place the first edition of the Speculum * See pp. 155, 156. f See note, p. 99. CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 233 a little previous to the year 1440,* which is all that the defenders of Junius contend for. Such a chronology Avould perhaps be not far from the truth, and appears indeed to be necessary, if the story of Coster is to be insisted on. All, however, that I have at present undertaken to effect, is to shew good grounds for the belief that the first edition of the Speculum Avas printed previous to the year 1472. I would then, in furtherance of my present object, offer the following remarks : that there is every reason to suppose that the first editions of the " Biblia Pauperum" were those printed from wooden blocks in the Latin language — that the one, of which we have given specimens, appears on every account to have at least as good claims to priority as any of the other three,-}- and that the circumstance of its having been engraved by the same artists who engraved the original edition of " the Book of Canticles," is in favor of its originalit}' — and, lastly, that there can be no doubt that the augmented Latin edition, termed by Heineken the Jifth, is of a much later date.:|: * It is worthy of remark, that the edition ing to Meerman, "Origines," torn. i. p. 117, of the Speculum which we have shewn to be had, for a very long period, appertained to the FIRST, viz. that commonly called " the the family of Coster himself. I shall not second Latin," was formerly considered to insist on the authenticity of the printed in- be so. Heineken makes the observation scription found in this copy, " Ex Officina " Idee Generale," p. 449. " On donna," Laurentii Joannis Costeri, Anno 1440" — says he, " au commencement a Harlem cette but I submit that the circumstance of its " Edition pour la premiere, et ce n'est que having been anciently bound in the same " depuis quelque tems qu'on a change de volume with the first edition of " the Book " sentiment." The ancient belief, founded, of Canticles," is not a little corroborative of perhaps, on tradition, was therefore the true the opinion given in the text, that the first one. It is further worth observing that the editions of those two works were published copy of this edition, which is preserved at at nearly the same time, and at the same Harlem, made part of the contents of an place. old chest of books which was purchased by -j- See pp. 129, 130. the government of that city in the middle of J See p. 131. the seventeenth century ; and which, accord- 2 II 234 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. If it be admitted, that the first editions of the Bibha Paiiperum were in the Latin tongue, (and I think Heineken's argument that books of this kind were at first printed in their original language is incontrovertible) it follows, that as the German translation was printed at Bamberg,* by Pfister, in 1461, the Latin editions, or at least the first of those editions, must have been published some time before that period ; and in truth there appears ever}^ reason to ascribe to some of them a much higher antiquity. Of the Book of Canticles, it has been already observed that, besides the two editions of that work described by Heineken, Lam- binet and Daunou mention a third edition,-f a copy of which is preserved in the royal library at Paris. " This edition," says Lam- binet, " is much later than the others. The text is printed on both " sides of the paper, and bears the date 1470. The figures," he adds, " appear more ancient than that epoch." Daunou, also, styles it " a posterior edition ;" and there can be no doubt that such is the case : indeed the figures in the original edition of the Book of Can- ticles, bear so near a resemblance to the style of Van Eyck, as to justify the belief that they are full twenty or thirty years more ancient than the above epoch. | But the supposition that this Avork is of so high an antiquity, is not necessary to our present purpose : it will suffice, if it be ad- mitted (and this cannot well be denied) that the first edition of " the Book of Canticles" was printed only a few years before the third edition. For were we to place the first edition of the work no * See p. 135. tyrdom in her liaiid, and beliind licr are work- f Seep. 141. men emploved in building the magnificent % I have now before me a print engraved by steeple of a church. The little figures of the Corn. Van Noorde, and published by En- workmen preparing the masonry under a shed schedius, at Harlem, in 176y, from a picture adjoining the building, bear considerable of Van Eyck, bearing date 1437. It reprc- resemblance to the small figures in the sents a young female- Saint, seated on the back-ground of the first cut of the Book of ground, reading. She has the palm of mar- Canticles. CHAP. III.] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 235 earlier than 1465, and admit that five years elapsed between that publication and the first publication of the Speculum, Avhich is a longer interval than there is any reason to suppose really took place between them, the Speculum must then have been published in the year 1470 — that is, two or three years before the first dated books printed in any part of the Loav Countries ; which is all that Ave have, at present, undertaken to establish. The mode in which the typographical part of the Speculum is executed in the four first editions of that M'^ork, furnishes further evidence of its antiquity, as Avill presently be more fiilly sheAvn. It is not credible that John of Westphalia, Theodore Martens, John Veldener, Ger. Leeu, or any of the printers of the fifteenth cen- tury, who are said to have introduced the art of printing into Flanders and Holland, in its mature and perfect state, should have departed from their usual method of typography in the execu- tion of the editions in question. All the numerous books, AAdth Avood-cuts, published during the last twenty-eight years of the fifteenth century by these printers, of Avhich Ave have any ac- count, are executed in the usual Avay ; the cuts, like the text, being printed on both sides of the paper, AA'ith black printing-ink and a press. Still less can it be believed that one of these persons, supposing him to have printed the first edition of the Speculum (commonly called the second Latin edition) should afterwards have com- pleted tAvo pages of the second edition of the Avork (the second Dutch, as it is called) Avith an old Avorn out and battered type, unlike the rest, and Avholly unfit for use ; — that, after having printed this edition in the Dutch language, he should have published a second edition in Latin, partly printed with cast type, and partly Avith Avooden blocks ; and lastly, that he should have put forth another Dutch edition, printed, if we can judge from Meerman's account of it, with a Avorse type than the former, and inferior ink. It will suffice to call the reader's attention to one additional cir- 2 H 2 236 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. cumstance, in order to convince him of the extreme improbabihty, I might almost say impossibihty, that either of the four early edi- tions of the Speculum should have been printed by any one of the printers above alluded to. Upon an examination of the margins of the printed columns of text, in both the prose editions of the work, (the Dutch) he will discover that the printer, when he set up the type, was wholly unacquainted with the art of spacing out the vacancies between the words, as it is technically called, by means of small blank pieces of metal of different thicknesses, so as to make the lines of an equal length : in consequence of which, the right-hand edge of each column has a ragged and uneven appearance ; a defect in the setting of the types never to be found, as I am informed, except in books printed in the very infancy of the art.* There is, therefore, upon the whole, abundant evidence to shew : first — that the original edition of the Speculum was PRINTED IN Holland ; and, secondly — that it was printed before THE YEAR 1472 : and it will, consequently, remain for those who shall still withhold their assent to the testimony' of Junius, to account * Tiie library of my friend, Mr. Douce, been printed by Gutenberg, and the Psalter being eminently rich in the early printed of 1457, have also, I learn from Mr. Dib- books of the Low Countries, I requested din, the edges of the type perfectly in re- him to have the goodness to let me know gister. It is to be observed, that the pruned whether the same inequalities in the length of columns of the Speculum are all of them the lines, which I noticed in the Dutch Spe- very well in register on the hjl margin — culum, were to be found in any of them. — so that the defect mentioned in the text, Mr. Douce informs me, in answer, " that cannot be ascribed to the printer's want he has e.xamined all the early books which he of care or accuracy ; but is only to be ac- possesses, printed in the Low Countries, counted for by the supposition, that the and that all of them have the edges of the improved method of spacing out the lines so type perfectly even, according to the rules of as to make them of an equal length, had not good press-work ; and not with chasms like yet been thought of when the book was the Speculum, which," he observes, " cer- printed, or at least that it was entirely un- tainly indicate printing in its earliest and known to the printer of the Speculum. rudest state." The Bible supposed to have CHAP. HI] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 237 for the existence of a Avork, of which we have four ancient editions, neither of them capable of being classed amongst ancient books printed in Germany, nor among the productions of those printers who practised the art of typography in various parts of the Low Countries, after the example of Theodore Martens and John of Westphalia. This they will probably find no easy task ; and, at all events, they will not be able to accomplish it without admitting the fallacy of so many of their former opinions and doctrines, that It were as creditable for them to give up the point at once, or at least to acknowledge that, after all, there may be more foundation for the story of Laurence Coster than they were aware of It has already been stated that, except tAventy pages of the text in one of the Latin editions,* the four early editions of the Spe- culum were printed Avith moveable characters; that, in three of the editions, the type is identically the same, and that it is cast type. But although tliis last-mentioned fact, I hesitate not to say, is certain, there have been, notwithstanding, so many contradictory opmions respecting the type of the Speculum, that it cannot be termed uncontroverted. I therefore think it necessary to offer a few remarks on the subject; and that they may be rendered more mtelligible to the reader, I prefix a fac-simile, shewing the nu- merous pieces that type is composed of; which have been col- lected together with no small pains, during a frequent examination of the text m the tAvo editions called " the second Dutch " anrl " the first Latin, "t It would be, perhaps, improper to term this a fac-simile of the prmter's alphabet; since by far the greater number of the pieces represented, are either double letters, or accompanied by marks * The pages of the "first Latin edition," 21. 22. 26. 27. 46. and 55. as it is called, Ml.ich are printed from Mooden f I shall afterwards speik of the different blocks, are those containing the cuts numbered type used, as before observed, in two pac^es 1. 2. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. n. js. 14. iG. 17. of the edition called " the second Dutch "^ 238 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. in. of abbreviation, signifying that they stand for whole syllables, or, in some cases, for entire words. I have been unable to dis- cover a capital K, eitlier in the Latin or the Dutch edition of the Avork. a a ft 551$ b ceo cacrcrof (l)d dd CO t69 ctai iTkH If FUUjti lu nli^n n-tDo ol^p pfiy^ jp^ xo ru- J> $ $ C 1^ Co (T ft (u€ tt^ta^trtttitotttii Any person conversant with printing, upon first viewing the Speculum, naturally determines that, except the twenty pages of block-printing so often noticed, in one of the Latin editions, it was printed with cast metal type. Upon a more attentive examination of a page, however, he discovers small, but yet, sometimes, very evident variations of form in different specimens of the same letter, which it appears difficult to account for : he finds, perhaps, by measurement, that the same word, although spelt exactly in the same manner, does not alwaj- s occupy exactly the same space ; and he is induced to hesitate as to the correctness of his first judgment : if not, indeed, to abandon it entirely, as not bearing the test of scrutiny. In the latter case, he either attaches himself to those who, like Fournier and Meerman, considered the Speculum to have been printed with separate characters, carved in wood ; or is obliged to conclude, that the type used for the occasion was prepared by the CHAP. III.] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 239 painful and tedious operation of cutting each individual character, on a separate piece of metal, by the hand.* Having embraced either of these two opinions, he finds, in the work before him, ample cause for his admiration of the invincible patience, the skill, and the exactness of the artist, who could suc- * Meerman, latterly, thought of a third method, in which he supposed the shafts of the types to have been cast, and the letters to have been cut by the hand. " Origines," torn. ii. p. 51. He does not, however, ap- pear to have ascribed this method to Coster, but to the first Mentz printers ; so that my note, at p. 197, may require correction. I was led into the error by a misapplication of the following passage in Heineken, " Id6e Generale," pp. 259-60. note (b) " Plusieurs auteurs," says Heineken, " ont " compris enfin I'irapossibilite d'imprimer " avec des lettres mobiles de bois. lis ont " done imagine un autre genre, pour ex- " pliquer I'inegalite des caracteres dans ces " livres dont nous parlons. lis ont produit " a cette fin des lettres mobiles, sculptees de " bronze. Mais par mallieur elles ren- " contrent encore plus de difficulte que celles " de bois ; outre que la nialiere en est plus " dure, elles deniandent encore un tems in- " fini a etre sculptees. M. Meerman enfin, " pour sauver quelques circonstances, etablies " par Uii, pour prouver I'existence de I'ini- " primerie de Laurent Coster, a invent^ une " troisieme espece de lettres. II fait fondre " le corps dans des monies ou matrices, pour " qu elles deviennent egales, et ensuite il " fait tailler la lettre au bout a la main et au " couteau. Mais quand on est venu jusqu'a " fondre le corps, il faut etre bien imbe- " cille, pour ne pas fondre aussi la lettre. " Disons plutot la verite, d'autaut plus qu'on " rencontre meme dans les livres les plus ir- " regulierement imprinies, toujours quelques " marques, qui d6c^lent la fonte de lettres, " et avouous sincerement, que tons les livres " imprimis, le sont, ou avec des lettres " fixes, gravees sur bois, ou avec des lettres " de fonte." I will not go the length of Heineken, in supposing that separate cha- racters of wood were never used in printing, because it is not probable that an opinion, so prevalent as that of the ancient use of such characters was, in the sixteenth century, should have had no foundation. For letters of considerable dimensions, such as the larger characters of the Psalter of 1457, they might have been found to answer, and were, perhaps, employed on account of the cheap- ness of the material : the initial letters of that volume were, it appears certain, printed in that manner. But for the printing of text of ordinary dimensions, like that of the Spe- culum, separate wooden characters could never have been applied with success. The unsuccessful specimen of two or three words printed in that manner in the first volume of Meerman's work, is, of itself, an answer to this part of his system ; and ought to have induced him to listen to his friend Enschedius, the printer, who, as he himself confesses, tom. ii. p. 225, insisted, after repeated examinations, that all the edi- tions of the Speculum, not even excepting that which Meerman calls the first Dutch, were printed with cast type. 240 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. hi. ceed, not only in giving to the sculptured characters that general uniformity of" appearance, which at first occasioned him to consider them as cast out of moulds, but even so strict a resemblance be- tween perhaps a dozen specimens of the same letter in the first six lines of a page, as to baffle the exertions of the most correct eye to detect any sensible difference between them : except such as must necessarily occur even in the ordinary-method of printing with cast type ; either in consequence of one letter happening to have been more used and worn than another, more charged Avith the printing ink, or, from an irregularity not unfrequent in or- dinary press-work, forced deeper into the surface of the paper than the rest. If, however, he turns from the page which he has been examining, to one of those printed from a wooden block, he will be convinced, by the comparison, that the uniformity of appearance which he witnessed in the characters of the former, could not have been pro- duced by means similar to those used in the execution of the latter : for in the page printed from the engraved block, he will discover, throughout, a sensible difference of form, as well as dimensions, be- tween all the various repetitions of the same letter; and in the capital letters, especially, he Avill find this difference so material, as to render it easy for him to trace with a point the precise A^ariations of form by which, for example, each of a dozen letters, S, is to be distinguished from all the others. And yet it cannot but occur to him, that it must have been a task of less difficulty to preserve uni- formity in the shapes and dimensions of the letters, in a page of text engraved on a plain block of wood, Avhich Avould have afforded the artist not only the means of a constant comparison, but also a con- venient and steady rest for his hand during the operation of engrav- ing, than it could have been to cut the numerous characters required with so strict a resemblance to each other, on separate pieces of wood or metal. His second opinion he Avill find, therefore, to be subject to at least as many objections as his first one ; and, if he do CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 241 not carry his investigations further, he must be satisfied to rest in doubt and uncertaint5^ The first time I saw a copy of the Speculum, which chanced to be of the edition called " the first Latin," my own opinion under- went, in rapid succession, the changes above described. From the coup d'oeil of the first page of the preface, I was persuaded that it was printed with cast type; but, my attention being called to a more minute examination, I discovered a perceptible variation of form, and even, as I thought, of dimension, in some of the repe- titions of the same letter. The capital P for example, at the begin- ning of the thirteenth line, did not appear to me exactly the same as that which commences the twentieth line ; the same letter, at the beginning of the twenty-fourth line, appeared to have a black line closing it in at top, in which it differed from the two former ; and I thought I saw small differences between these three, and the two specimens of the same letter, at the beginning of the thirty-third and thirty-seventh lines, which, however minute, were, I conceived, sufficient to oppose the idea of their having been cast in the same mould. Upon examining the minuscules, I perceived, here and there, the marks of a sharp instrument, and I became of the opinion that they had been executed, not, indeed, on wood, but on pieces of metal, by means of the graver : until, turning to one of the pages printed from an engraved block, and seeing the comparative imper- fection of resemblance in the same letters, I was forced to relinquish my latter opinion, as on every account, to the full as untenable as my former one. It would be tedious to the reader to follow me through the many examinations by Avhich I at length succeeded, in convincing myself that the judgment, which I had at first formed, was just, and that the work was indeed printed with cast type ; more especially as it was not until after I had been some time firmly persuaded of that fact, that I discovered such evidence as was of a nature to be particu- larized by description, and thereby communicated to others. It may seem scarcely necessary to say any thing, in addition to 2i 242 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS [chap. in. wliat has already been said, in proof that the type used in the differ- ent editions of the Specuhim was moveable. The impressions of the blank characters, perceptible in some places in the vacant parts of the pages, and before noticed, are decisive as to that point ; and the fact, moreover, is generally admitted. Nevertheless, as I happen to have discovered an additional piece of evidence, in proof that such was the case, I shall briefly state it. The subjects of most of the cuts in the Speculum, are taken, as we have seen, from Scripture ; and as, at the bottom of each column of text, the printer states the book and chapter in which the story represented above it is contained, these references, by furnishing frequent repetitions of the same word, offer an easy mode of detect- ing those venial errors of orthography to which press-work is so liable ; and which, when they are found in words of common use, in the vernacular tongue of the printer, constitute the best possible evidence of the mobility of the types used upon the occasion ; as they cannot be accounted for, like the errors noticed at p. 140, in one of the editions of " the Book of Canticles," upon the ground of the workman's ignorance ; but must have been occasioned by the compositor happening, accidentally, to insert one character instead of another, when re-setting the word. The Avord capittel, chapter, in the Dutch edition, occurs twice at the bottom of almost every page of the book ; sometimes abbrevi- ated, but generallj'^ spelt at length. At the bottom of the column under the cut representing " Naaman cured of his leprosy," No. 24, this word is spelt carittel, the compositor having by mistake intro- duced an r instead of a p ; under that of " Naomi weeping the " death of her sons," No. 50 ; it is spelt thus ; capittel, — the e, by mistake, having an accent over it — an error Avhich nowhere else occurs ; and at the bottom of the text, under the cut of " God com- " manding Abraham to leave the land of Ur," No. 54, the word is spelt thus — capktd ; the printer, in his hurry, having mistaken the double letter st for the double tt. There is therefore no doubt that the characters used in the differ- CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 243 ent editions of the Speculum (except twenty pages in one of the Latin editions) were moveable types ; and I now proceed to pro- duce Avhat I trust will be admitted as satisfactory evidence, that these types were cast. In order, however, that this evidence may be clearly understood, it will be proper, in the first place, to offer a few remarks concerning the mode supposed to have been used by the inventors of printing, in preparing their type. The operation by which the casting of letters was effected during the infancy of typography was very different from the process now used in letter-foundries, and far less perfect. The first cast type is believed to have been made by pouring melted lead, pewter, or other metal, into moulds of earth, or plaister, formed, whilst the earth or plaister was in a moist state, upon letters cut by the hand in wood or metal ; in the ordinary manner used from time imme- morial, in bell-founding, and in casting statues of bronze and other articles of metal, whether for use or for ornament. The mould thus formed could not be of long duration like a matrix cut or stamped in metal, since it was obviously subject to fracture; nor could it be equally true or perfect in other respects, as it was liable to warp in drying. From moulds thus constructed, but a small number of specimens of each letter could be taken, before they would require to be re- newed. This, it is reasonable to suppose, was effected by forming new moulds upon the various specimens of the characters which had been cast out of the old ones. Those characters, however, before they could have been fit for use, it had been necessary to clear, by means of the graver, from the small particles of extraneous metal left upon them in the process of casting ; so that the small acci- dental dissimilarities in the different specimens of each letter, origin- ally occasioned by this imperfect mode of casting them, were neces- sarily augmented by the after-process of finishing or clearing them with a sharp instrument ; and thus the renewed moulds, formed upon the letters thus prepared, would necessarily differ, and in some cases very materially, from the former ones, and also (for these 2 I 2 244 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap, hi. moulds could be multiplied at pleasure) from each other. That a book, printed with type thus manufactured, should present a never ending variety in the forms of the different specimens of the same letter, is, therefore, not surprizing; it is rather a subject for our admiration,' that the dissimilarity in the characters in the work be- fore us, is not greater, and more immediately apparent. This necessary variety in the appearance of the characters, in books printed with type made by the above process, renders it ex- tremely difficult to prove, from a comparison of those characters, that such books were, in reality, printed with cast type at all ; and, indeed, a French writer, whom we have often cited, says, in speak- ing of the larger sized type of the Psalter of 1457, " that he thinks " it impossible to pronounce whether those characters, wherein," says he, " so many inequalities and variations in the same letters " have been observed, were cut in Avood, or cast in moulds of clay " or plaister, seeing that these two processes, although different, " would give the same result of inequality and disproportion ; as " may be seen," says he, " in multiplied examples in the history of " printing by stereotype."* Notwithstanding, however, that the remark of Lambinet, as to the difficulty of distinguishing, by the impression, between carved type, and such as was cast by the imperfect method above described, and afterwards finished by the hand, is not wholly unfounded ; still I am of opinion, that if due diligence be used in the examina- tion, such a distinction will, in most cases, not be found impossible. Besides the smaller varieties of form in the letters, commonly to be found in books printed with type prepared by the ancient mode of casting, the marks of accidental fractures or distortions of a more obvious kind will sometimes be discovered in particular letters ; occasioned, perhaps, by some fracture or distortion Avhich the mould, out of which that particular letter was cast, had encountered whilst drying. If, notwithstanding such an imperfection of the mould, * Lambinet, torn. ii. p. 314. CHAP. HI] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 245 several letters were cast out of it, (which, in the infancy of ty- pography, would probably be the case, if the fracture was not of such a magnitude as to render the letters cast from it wholly unfit for use) each of those letters would retain peculiar marks, by which it might be distinguished from other specimens of the same letter that had been cast out of moulds which were free from such defects ; even notwithstanding the after-process of clearing the let- ters from the superfluous metal left upon them in casting, which, in the type of the Speculum, at least, appears to have been hastily performed by a sharp instrument. Now, as in the mode of casting above-mentioned, a sufficient quantity of type for printing could only be obtained by moulds often rencAved upon the characters before cast, it would occasionally happen that the renewed moulds would be formed upon letters which, having themselves been cast out of fractured or distorted moulds, Tetained the marks of such imperfection ; and thus the traces of the original accident would descend, if I may use the expression, to a large portion of the specimens of that particular character ; more especially if the ori- ginal accident occurred at an early period of the operation of pre- paring the type. A remarkable accident of this kind appears to have occurred during the process of casting the type used for the Speculum ; and as it furnishes, in its effect, very sufficient evidence of its origin, I shall here describe it. Among the characters of common occur- rence in Lord Spencer's Dutch copj^ is the following f^ . It is not so often found in the edition called "the first Latin :" that language not admitting so frequently of its introduction. This character, in its perfect shape above represented, occurs in the 30th line of the first page of the preface of the Dutch edition, and is repeated, with small variations in its appearance, in the same line, and in the 10th, 11th, 13th, 15th, 18th, 21st, 27th, and 32d lines of the same page. But it is remarkable that, in most instances, as well in this page as in other parts of the book, it appears with the marks of fracture or dislocation, in the line of abbreviation over the letter, 246 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALYATIONIS. [chap. iii. thus, fi : whence there appears reason to conclude that the original fracture or warping of the mould, occurred at an early period of the process of casting the type. In some instances, as, for example, in the 4th line of the right-hand column of text, under the cut No. 18, the mark of abbreviation over this letter, appears broken into two dis- tinct pieces, thus, ^ ; (an accident which, perhaps, happened to the letter after casting, in the course of its use, in consequence of the weakness of the type in that part) whilst, in others, on the con- trary, the indication of the original dislocation of the mould is scarcely perceptible. The above circumstances not only furnish satisfactory proof that the type of the Speculum was cast, but, also, that it is identically the same in two, at least, of the editions of the work : for the same marks of dislocation, in the line of abbreviation over the letter which we have noticed, are found in several places in the edition called " the first Latin;" as in the first page of the preface, at the 31st, 35th, 36th, and 38th lines ; in the fourth page, at the 30th and 32d lines ; in the column of text on the right-hand, under the 30th cut, at the 6th, 10th, 17th, 19th, 22d, and 24th lines ; and in many other parts of the volume : nor have I any doubt that, upon examination, the same defects in this particular letter will be discovered in the first edition of the Speculum, hitherto called, " the second Latin," which, as has been already observed, there is every reason to conclude was printed with the same type. By similar means it may, probably, hereafter be ascertained, that the fragment of a Donatus, Avhich was discovered at Harlem in the binding of a book of accounts of the year 1474,* and of which a * This fragment, which is printed on vol- book-binder. Meerman calls this the third lum, was found attached to the binding of a edition of the Donatus, and supposes that it book of accounts of the church of Harlem, was printed, by the successors of Coster, a written entirely in the year 1474; and it is little before 1474. Upon this point, it may jemarkable that the MS. contains an entry, be sufficient to observe, that he appears to i.i which mention is made of Cornelius the have had no better authority for his chrono- CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIOINIS. 247 page is copied in plate VI* of Meerman's work, was also printed with the same characters ; a fact which, if it be established, will, by a fair inference, greatly strengthen the cause of Harlem, by shewing the probability that, according to ancient tradition, the early editions of the Speculum were really printed in that city. Whether or not the Fragmentum Doctrinalis Alexandri Gall/, two leaves of parchment in 4to. mentioned by Fischer, and noticed in a note at p. 190 of this work, was printed with the same characters, and whether or not that fragment is identically the same which is ascribed, in Visser's catalogue, to the press of the successors of Coster, I cannot determine. Lord Spencer has lately made the acquisition of four leaves of vellum, of a small 4to size — part of an edition hitherto unknown of the Catonis Disticha — which was certainly printed with the type used for the Speculum, notwith- standing that, in consequence of the shrinking of the vellum, the characters appear of somewhat smaller dimensions. A full page logical arrangement of the different Dona- tuses, than he had for the different editions of the Speculum, in his arrangement of which it has been shewn he was egregiously mis- taken. The fragment above-mentioned, there- fore, may perhaps be much older than 1474. I regret that we are not informed whether or not this fragment, when it was discovered, exhibited any marks of having been itself part of a book which had been bound and used, previous to its being applied to the purpose of assisting in the binding of the account book of 1474. This interesting fragment was not dis- covered until after Meerman's laborious work was very far advanced. He speaks of it, torn. ii. p. 218, in a long note, (already re- ferred to at p. 229,) from which I extract the following passage : — " Imo, quum probabile " Don sit," says Meerman, " folium hoc peti- " tum ex editione apud exteros impressa, " quae in bibliopegi usum mutilata fuerit, sad " potius, residua aut inutilia folia libelli " isthic loci excusi eam in rem inserviisse, " concludere porro licet, eum prodiise ex " ofHcina Laurentiana Harlemi, quandoqui- " dem a. 1474. Nulla adhuc alia per totam " Hollandiam erecta erat, quum scholae Mar- " tinianae alumni demum a. 147". Delphis " et Goudae (non vero a. 1473, ut falso " scripsit Marchantius ' Hist, de I'lmprim.' " p. 62.) Harlemi vero demum a. 1484, libros " vulgaverint ; queis adde, quod in officina " Laurentiana ministri quondam partes ipse " egisset Cornelius. Sed dubium omne ex- " imit conformitas cum typis Specidi Be/gici '* secundae editionis maxima, quae mihi aliis- " que, ambo archetypa cum cura conferen- " tibus, statim sese manifestavit," &c. 248 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. in. contains twenty-one lines. The fi exhibiting the marks of fracture or dislocation, in the horizontal line of abbreviation over it, more or less apparent, occurs in the last line of the 1st page, in the 9th line of the 4th page, and in the 7th line of the 8th page. In the 4th line of the 2d page, in the 15th of the 3d page, and in the 9th and 11th lines of the 8th page, the same character occurs, but without any marks of the imperfection so often noticed. I under- stand it to be the intention of Mr. Dibdin, to present his readers with the fac-simile of an entire page of this interesting fragment, in the fourth volume of his " Bibliotheca Spenceriana." In my endeavours to show that the type of the Speculum was cast type, I have referred to a particular defect of frequent occur- rence in the same letter, because I considered that evidence, of itself, decisive of the question, at the same time that it was easy of communication. I will only add that, independent of this proof, any person of a correct eye will, upon an attentive comparison of the different specimens of any one letter, in any page of the book, (except the twenty pages of block-printing, in one of the Latin editions) discover abundant and convincing evidence that such was the case. If the type of the Speculum be compared with the types of other early printed books, it will, I believe, be found to be more abundant in ligatures than any other, of equal dimensions, known to have been used in the Low Countries, or perhaps elsewhere, during the fifteenth century. This circumstance is strongly favourable to the antiquity of the Avork. For the inconvenience arising from the too frequent use of types, each containing two letters, a practice which was probably resorted to in the infancy of typography, that the printed book might resemble the work of the caligraphist, and thus pass for manuscript, occasioned them by degrees to be more sparingly used after the art was no longer a secret; especially in books printed with characters of a large size ; as by the diminution of the number of pieces employed, the expense and labour of pre- paring the type was greatly diminished. CHAP, in.] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 249 To this It may be added, that the type of the Speculum is very remarkable for its heaviness of appearance ; the dark strokes of the characters being thicker in proportion to the dimensions of the let- ters than is the case in the types ascribed to Guttenberg, in those of Fust and Schoeffer, or perhaps in those of any other ancient printer. This peculiarity in the tj^pe of the Speculum was, it is probable, necessarily occasioned by the nature of the material used for its construction ; which, from the general want of sharpness in the ap- pearance of the letters, and the frequent fractures and zigzag bend- ings in the fine strokes ofsomeof them — the capital I in particular — there seems reason to believe was pewter, or some other soft metallic composition, ill calculated to resist the force of the press, unless in characters of thick and heavy proportions. If this conclusion be well founded, it will be admitted as in no small degree corroborative of the testimony of Junius. It remains for us to say a few words concerning the difference between this type, and that with which two pages only of " the " second Dutch edition," as it is called, are printed ; viz. the 45th and the 56th. The form of this latter type, so far as the two above-mentioned pages furnish the alphabet, are given in the annexed fac-simile : 211 a a nb ta l^lrfCc ca crop m co-^ O ta t^tF Oi td-e e f ee ^ eif e a® oagt gf ^ii corjul) te ^ pe p? ip.q qr i ttx d u cocug) e f(e(c fi (I (b ft- S: 1 1? t ta tr t? d to ttu n tr oiwj ^.g-i- This type differs considerably from that used in the other parts of the work ; not only in the forms of several of its letters — the capital A, for example, and the capital D — but also in its size : twenty-seven 2 K S50 SPECULUM HUMAKAE SALVATIONIS. [chap. ni. lines of text in these two pages occupying nearly the same space as twenty-live lines in the other pages of the volume. It is also re- markable, that some letters are found joined to others following them, in this type, which never occur so joined in the other; as the consonants b and h, for example, followed by the vowels a, e, and i. The ink, moreover, used in printing these two pages, is browner, and appears to have been more diluted with oil,* than that used in other parts of the work, and the paper is thinner and of an inferior quality. But it is especially worthy of notice, that this tj^pe, when applied to the purpose of completing these two pages of the Dutch edition, appears to have been in much worse condition than the other type ; and, indeed, it bears the marks of having suifered so much from previous hard usage,f as to render it difficult to believe that the printer would have resorted to it, upon the present occasion, had he had any other. The only reasonable hypothesis therefore that I am able to frame, by which to account for these two pages being printed in a manner so inferior to the rest, and the still more extraor- dinary introduction of twenty pages of block-printing in the Latin edition so often mentioned, is, that the printer Avho printed the first fiDiTiON of the Speculum (called " the second Latin,") left, upon his death, the second edition, (hitherto styled " the second Dutch,") and the third edition (erroneously called " the first Latin,") in- complete ; that the type which had been used for those editions having been stolen or destroyed, shortly previous to the death of such printer, or perhaps soon after his decease, his successor, natu- * In this respect, these two pages appear book, printed with the type used in the two to bear a resemblance to those of the edition pages above-mentioned, has hitherto been which Meerman calls " the first Dutch," discovered. From the battered appearance of which are printed, he tells us, with browner the character, one might almost conjecture that and more oleaginous ink than the other edi- it had been made of lend — the material of tions, a circumstance which is in favor of which, according to Junius, Coster made his my opinion, that that edition was afterwards type, before he discovered that pewter, from printed by the same person who had com- its being somewhat harder, was beltei fitted pleled the two pages of the other. for the purpose. f I am not aware tliat any fragment or CHAP. Ill] SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. 251 rally desirous to make the most of the property which he had inherited, lost no time in completing the text of the tAvo pages wanting in the Dutch edition, by having recourse to the remains of some old type which had been thrown aside by his predecessor as no longer fit for use ; but that finding the imperfections of this old type, of Avhich he, probably, possessed but a small quantity, and being himself unequal to the task of casting new, (an art which whether from his youth or other causes he had not been suf- ficiently instructed in during the life-time of him from whom he* inherited,) he was obliged, in order to complete the twenty pages wanting in the Latin edition, to have recourse to one of the nume- rous artists who, long previous to, as well as after, the invention of typography, practised engraving in wood. The rude manner of printing used in completing the two last mentioned editions of the Speculum, can only be accounted for by the supposition that, at the time and place in which they were pub- lished, the art of typography, which had been shortly before prac- tised with good prospect of success, although still in its infancy, had, by some strange mishap, experienced a check which little less than * Thomas Peter, tlie son-in-law of Coster, when, by the robbery, which (judging from and who assisted liim in his invention, is sup- the account of Guicciardini) took place posed to have died before him, leaving sons, shortly after that pei'iod, he found himself the eldest of whom could not, according to suddenly deprived, not only of the necessary the genealogical account of the family given type for printing, but also of the services of, by Meerman, have been more than twenty perhaps, his grandfather's best workman, it years of age, when Coster himself died: an can neither be a matter of surprize that he event which, it is believed, took place about was obliged to complete the second and third the year 1440. This young man, therefore, editions of the Speculum, in the rude man- although his youth was not such as to render ner that has been described ; nor that he was it likely that he was entirely ignorant of the unable, in the fourth edition of the work, art which his grandfather and his father had published, perhaps, a few years after these, heretofore practised, could scarcely have pos- to equal that part of the press-work of the sessed more than an incomplete acquaintance former editions which bad been before exe- with it, when, upon the death of Coster, he cuted under the care and inspection of Coster was called upon to take the management of himself, the new establishment ; and consequently 2 K 2 252 SPECULUM HUMANAE SALVATIONIS. [chap, hi; occasioned its immediate destruction, and greatly impeded its pro- gress for the time to come. That this was the case appears evident from the other Dutch edition, which there is reason to beheve was printed the last of the four, (and probably some time after the last mentioned Latin edition,) but which Meerman erroneously styles the iirst : this edition, although it is printed with moveable, and, no doubt, cast type, being executed, according to Meerman's descrip- tion of it, in a manner so inferior to the others as to prove that the printer who executed it was far less perfectly skilled in the different secrets of the art he practised,* than he was by whom the first edition had perhaps many years before been published. Upon the whole, the conclusions to be drawn from the examina- tion and comparison of the four early editions of the Speculum, appear incompatible with any system of typographical history, except such as has for its basis the ancient traditions recorded by * This inferiority of talent or diligence in those who appear to have immediately suc- ceeded Coster in the practice of late of very remote antiquity, which is preserved in the British Museum, and is supposed, by him, to have been, originally, part of the sheath of a sword, or dagger. Five figures, perhaps intended to describe the rape of Helen, are represented upon it in outline. They are executed with the graver; and as the surface of the plate is flat, it might, as Mr. Strutt ob- serves, even now be printed by the ordinary method used in taking the impressions of copper-plates, were not the metal apparently too fragile to endure the force of the press. CHAP. IV.] ANCIENT USE OF ENGRAVING IN METAL. 261 A patera of yellow metal, which was formerly in the Museum of the Cardinal Carpegna, and is represented in the plate beneath, is particularly interesting, although it is of less remote antiquity ; as the effect of the engraved figures is enlivened in some places by parallel hatchings, similar to those used in copper-plate engraving in modern times. The learned Buonarroti, by whom it is described, observes " that it would be sufficient to occasion our astonishment " that the ancients did not discover the art of chalcography, were it " not known that discoveries of this sort generally occur accident- " ally to mechanics in the exercise of their calling."* * tt Osservazioni Istoriche sopra alcuni Medaglioni Antichi." Proemio, p. xvii. 4to Roma, I698. -mi THE PROCESS OF WORKING IN NIELLO, [chap. iv. Vasari, who has been sometimes not improperly styled the Herodotus of modern art, informs us, that we are indebted, for the important invention of chalcography, to the good fortune and talents of Maso, or ToMMASO FiNiGUERRA, an eminent Florentine gold- smith of the fifteenth century. During that century a species of handicraft was much practised by the goldsmiths throughout Italy, but especially at Florence, termed, " working in niello." This mode of workmanship, Avhich fell into neglect in the sixteenth century, was used in the decoration of plate destined for sacred purposes ; as chalices, reliquaries, and Paxes ; also on the hilts of swords, the handles of knives and forks, and on clasps and other female ornaments. It was likewise fre- quently adopted in small cabinets made of ebony, which, here and there, were ornamented with little statues of silver, and plates of the same metal " worked in niello," with figures, with historical repre- sentations, or with arabesques.* The process employed in this kind of w^ork is described by Vasari in one of the preliminary chapters to his " Lives of the Painters," where, at the same time, he fu'st introduces us to Finiguerra ; and 1 am the more induced to give the passage, as well as whatever else is to be collected from Vasari relative to the origin of Chalcography, in a careful translation of his own words, as he is the only author Avho wrote on the subject at a time when oral testimony, at least, to the facts he relates, might still have existed, and, consequently, the only historian of any real authority ; and as subsequent writers have quoted him, for the most part, very incorrectly.^ " The method," savs he, " of producing works of niello, which " are no other than designs hatched or painted upon silver, as we " paint or hatch delicately with a pen, was discovered by the * Lanzi, " Storia Piltoiica," toni. i. p. contain the names of almost every author on 77, Edizione di Bassaiio. the subject of enj^raviiig, except tliose who, i" A catalogue of those who have mis- writing in Italian, were enabled to use tated the account of Vasari would, indeed, Vasari's own words. CHAP. IV.] VASARIS ACCOUNT OF FINIGUERRA. 263 " goldsmiths even in the time of" the ancients ; for there are to be " seen holloAVs cut with instruments of" iron, and fdled up with some " kind of composition, in their works of" gold and silver. " The way of making works of this kind is, first to design the " intended subject Avith a point of steel upon the silver, Avhich must " be of an even and smooth surface, and then to engrave it with the " hurin — an instrument which is made of a square rod of iron, cut " at the end, from one angle to the angle opposite, obliquely ; so " that being very sharp and cutting, as it were, on both sides, its " point runs along Avith great ease, and the artist is enabled to " engrave Avith it most delicatelj'. With this instrument all things " are done Avhich are engraved upon plates of metal ; whether with " the intention of filling the work afterAvards Avith niello, or of " leaving it empty ; according to the Avill of the artist. " When, therefore, he has engraved and finished his Avork Avith " the burin, he takes silver and lead, and, mixing them together " on the fire, makes of them a composition Avhich is of a black " colour, very brittle, and, A\^hen melted, of a nature to run with " great nicety into the work.* This composition is then bruised " very fine, and laid upon the engraved plate of silver, which it is " necessary should be quite clean ; the plate is then placed near a " fire of green wood ; Avhen, by means of a pair of belloAvs, the " flame is blown upon the niello, Avhich, being dissolved by the " heat, runs about till it has filled all the engraved Avork made " by the burin. Afterwards, Avhen the silver is cold, the super- " fluous part of the composition is scraped off, or Avorn away by " degrees with a pumice-stone; and lastly, the Avork is rubbed " Avith the hand, or with a piece of leather, until the true surface " appears, and every thing is polished. " In this mode of Avorkmanship, Maso Finiguerra, of Florence, " was a most admirable artist, as may be seen in certain Faxes by * Vasari appears in tliis passage to have niello was composed. The defect will be omitted some of the ingredients of which the found supplied in a subsequent page. •264 VASARI'S ACCOUNT OF FINIGUERRA. [chap. iv. " his hand, worked in 7iiello, in the church of St. Giovanni, at " Florence, which are justly deemed astonishing productions. " From this kind of Engraving was derived the art of Chalco- " graphy, hy means of which we now see so many prints, by Ita- " lian and German artists throughout Italj^ ; for as those who " worked in silver, before they filled their engravings with 7nello, " took impressions of them with earth, over which they poured " liquid sulphur, so the printers discovered the way of taking off " impressions from copper-plates with a press, as we see them do " in these daj^s."* The above is all the information that we find relative to the origin of Engraving, in the first edition of Vasari, })rinted in 1550; for although Finiguerra is mentioned by him a second time in that edition, in the life of Pollajuolo, nothing is said of his jiractice of taking impressions from his engravings on paper ; so that but for his augmented work, published in 1568, we might still be in ignorance of Maso's pretensions as the inventor of chalcography.-f- Whether the Aretine biographer intended that his readers should infer, from the latter part of this passage, that Maso was the inventor, or whether he himself was uninformed of the fact until after the publication of the first edition of his book, may appear to be a question not very easy to determine ; though, for reasons, which will hereafter appear, I am inclined to the former opinion. * f asari, torn. i. p. Gl, Edizione di Bo- " degli scoiti delle figure al di sotto in sii; logiia. This passage is the same in all the " invenzione difficile et capricciosa ; Et it editions. " modo dcllo intagliare in nunc le Stampe •|- There is indeed a passage in the Life of " dclla Jigure," &c. " He left to painting Andrea Mantegna, in the first edition of " the difficult art of foreshortening figures, Vasari, which might lead any person, un- " di sotto in si," &c. — " and the method of acquainted with that writer's careless mode " engraving figures upon co/iper-plates," &,c. of expression, to suppose that he meant I am of opinion, however, that Vasari meant to give Mantegna the credit of the in- no more than that Mantegna was the first vention of chalcography. " Lascie) costui who published large engravings worthy of " alia piltura," says Vasari, " la difficultii notice, in any number. CHAP. IV.] VASARI'S ACCOUNT OF FINIGUERRA. 265 Vasari's next mention of Finiguerra, is in his lives of Antonio and Pietro del Pollajuolo. " There was," says he, " in Florence, " at the same time," viz. about 1450, " another goldsmith, called *' Maso Finiguerra, who was deservedly of extraordinary repute, " especially for his management of the burin, and his works of " nidlo ; for there never had been known any artist who, in small " or in greater spaces, could execute such a prodigious number of " figures as he did ; as may still be seen in certain Paxes which he " made for the church of S. Giovanni, at Florence, with most " minute stories of the Passion of Christ. He designed a vast " deal and extremely well, of which are many proofs in my Book ** of Drawings, representing as well naked and draped figures as " historical subjects, done by him in Acquarella."* It has been objected to the correctness of Vasari, in the above passage, that only one Pax by Finiguerra is to be found at S. Giovanni, and that representing, not stories of the Passion of Christ, but " the Assumption of the Madonna." This objection is not conclusive ; for, in another part of the life of Antonio Pollajuolo, after describing various works in silver executed by that artist's scholars, he adds : " but man)'^ of these, as Avell as of the works of " Pollajuolo, have been melted down and destroyed, in conse- " quence of the necessities of the city in time of war;" a fate which may also have befallen some of these works of Finiguerra in later times. The learned Gori, however, gives us a piece of intelligence, which makes it more than probable that Vasari was, upon this occasion, misinformed. After dwelling with rapture upon the Pax of " the Assumption of the Madonna," by Maso, a work of which we shall hereafter have occasion to speak more particularl}^ he informs us that another Pax of the same kind, is also preserved among the treasures of the church of S. Giovanni, representing, in a composi- tion of minute figures, " the Crucifixion of our Saviour ;" a work * Vasari, Ediz. di Bologna, torn. i. p. 371. the first edition and in all the subsequent This passage, like the last, is the same in ones. i2 M 266 VASARIS ACCOUNT OF FINIGUERRA. [chap. iv. of great beauty, Avhich Matteo, the son of Giovanni Dei, an excel- lent goldsmith, and a citizen of Florence, delivered finished in the year 1455; receiving, in payment for his labour and the materials, sixty-eight florins of gold.* We may, therefore, conclude that Vasari, desiring to view the w^orks of Finiguerra, of which he had heard such high commendations, was shewn, by the person who had them in custody, both these Paxes as the productions of the same artist. We now come to the third and last passage in which Vasari speaks of Finiguerra: it is found in the beginning of a chapter, added to the second edition of his Avork, wherein he has given an account of Marc Antonio and other engravers, and is by far the most important to the present inquiry, as it is there only we are expressly told that he first practised the mode of taking impressions from engraved plates on paper. The original, however, of this passage, especially in that part of it Avhich relates to the other im- pressions or casts produced by means of earth, sulphur, and smoke, is extremely obscure ; insomuch, that most of the Italian writers who have treated on the subject since Vasari, have been satisfied to transcribe his words, as if fearful to attempt their explanation. The process used in making these sulphurs was, no doubt, still of gene- ral notoriety amongst artists when Vasari wrote ; and hence, eager to proceed, he indulged in a conciseness of expression which, it never occurred to him, was, in itselfj wholly inadequate to explain so complicated an operation to those who should live near three cen- turies after its disuse. " The art of copper-plate engraving," says Vasari, " derived its " origin from Maso Finiguerra, a Florentine goldsmith, about the " year of our Lord, 1460. For it was the custom of that artist, '• whenever he had engraved any work in silver which was to be " filled with niello, to take an impression or mould of it, pre- " viously, with very fine earth : over this mould he poured melted * jint. Francisci Gori — " Thesaurus Veteium Diptyclioruni," torn. iii. pp. 315-16-17. CHAP. IV.] VASARI'S ACCOUNT OF FINIGUERRA. 267 " sulphur, from Avhich, when cold, the earth was removed : the " sulphur cast, then exhibiting an impression corresponding with " the engraved plate, was, lastly, rubbed with soot moistened with " oil, until all its cavities were filled with black ; when the whole " produced an effect similar to that which the niello afterwards " gave to the engraving on the silver. He also took impressions " upon damped paper, with the same dark tint, pressing a round " roller, smooth in every part, over the paper ; by which means " his works became printed ; the impressions so taken assuming " the appearance of drawings done with a pen."* Vasari then proceeds to relate that Finiguerra was followed, in the practice of taking impressions from his engravings, b}^ Baccio Baldini, and so forth. Such, I am convinced, is Vasari's true meaning. It is to be observed, that the word orgento, in the Italian, is followed by a semicolon ; and that, again, by a capital E, as at the beginning of a sentence. This mode Avas often used by Vasari and other old Italian writers : the semicolon, with the capital letter following it. * Lest I should be accused of having taken " The origin, therefore, of copper-plate unwarrantable liberties in the translation in " engraving was derived from Maso Fini- the text, I here insert Vasari's own words, " guerra, a Florentine, about the year of our accompanied by as literal a translation of " Lord 1460 : for that artist impressed with them as I am able. " earth all the things which he engraved in " II principio dunque dell' intagliare le " silver, for the purpose of filling them with " stampe venne da Maso Finiguerra Fio- " niello, and having poured over them" (the " rentino, circa gli anni di nostra salute 1460. earthen impressions) " liquid sulphur, they " perche costui tutte le cose, clie intaglio in " became printed and filled with smoke ; " argento per empiric di niello, le im pronto " whence, being rubbed with oil," (literally, •" con terra, e gittatovi sopra solfo liquefatto, " whence in oil,") " they shewed the same " venneroimprontate, e ripiene difumo; onde "as the silver; and this he also did with " aoliomostravanoil medesimojchel'argento; "damped paper, and with the same tint " E ci6 fece ancora con carta humida, e con " pressing over it with a round roller, smooth " la medesima tinta agravandovi sopra con un " in every part, which not only made them " ruUo tondo, ma piano per tutto, il che non " appear printed, but they came as if drawn " solo le faceva apparire stampate, ma veni- " with a pen." " vano come disegnate di penna." 2 m2 268 VASARIS ACCOUNT OF FINIGUERRA. [chap. iv. were, together, at least equivalent to the colon. The learned Lanzi,* indeed, when citing this passage, changed the semicolon after the word argento into a full stop ; thereby rendering the sense of the author more clear — a liberty in which I have followed him in the above translation. On the other hand, some of the modern editors of Vasari, have incautiously discarded the capital E as a bar- barism; leaving the semicolon, insufficient of itself for the proper division of the sentence, as it was : not reflecting that the sense of a passage, at best not very easy to understand, might thereby be rendered more obscure. The first author, however, who perverted the meaning of Vasari's words in this place, though no doubt with the intention of making them intelligible, was Baldinucci, who, of the two processes above described, most unaccountably makes one. " Finiguerra," says Baldinucci, " whenever he had engraved any thing in silver, for " the purpose of filling it with niello, was accustomed to impress it " with earth ; and then, having poured over it melted sulphur, his " Avork became in such a manner printed in that sulj)hur, that " having afterAvards filled its impressed cavities Avith a certain tint " mixed Avith oil, and pressed damp paper over it, by means of " a wooden roller, his engraving became expressed upon the paper, " in the same manner as it was in the silver : and these printed " papers had the appearance of pen-drawings. "-f The words of Vasari cannot admit of this construction. What- ever obscurities there maj^ be in his mode of expression, it is most clear that he intended to describe, not one uninterrupted series of varied operations, all for the single purpose of taking an impression of his work on paper ; but tAvo distinct processes : the one beginning with the impressed earth, and ending Avith the completion of the sulphur ; when, its cavities being filled Avith black, it looked as the silver plate Avould do after it received the niello : the other, the * Sloria Pittorica, torn. i. p. 78. del Disegno," &c. torn. iv. pp. S. 4. Ediz. del t Baldinucci, " Notizie de' Professori Maniii. CHAP. IV.] FINIGUERRA'S IMPRESSIONS IN SULPHUR. 269 more simple operation of taking an impression from the plate itself on paper, by first filling the engraved work with soot mixed with oil, then laying damped paper upon the plate, and lastl}^ pressing over it with a roller. It is surprising that Baldinucci should not have seen this, and that the manifest unfitness of a substance so brittle as sulphur, for the purposes of impression, should not have occurred to him. Still more surprising it is that he should have been followed, as we shall find to have been the case, in so ill- founded an interpretation of Vasari's Avords, by others, to whom the insufficiency of the sulphur to resist the necessary pressure of the roller, did appear most obvious. The impressions, therefore, which Finiguerra was accustomed to take from liis engravings on silver, were of two kinds. The first, cast out of earthen moulds, in sulphur : the second, printed on paper from the plate itself, by means of a roller. Of the former kind — the sulphur — two specimens still exist, of the authenticity of which there can be no doubt ; since they are, both of them, the impressions of the Pax of " the Assumption" before mentioned, and must have been taken by Maso himself, before he ' completed that celebrated work with the luello. One of these sul- phurs formerly belonged to the learned Gori, who mentions it in his writings,* and is now in the magnificent cabinet of the Durazzo family at Genoa, accompanied, as Lanzi informs us,-|- by a paper in Gori's hand writing, in which he attests the having confronted it with the silver Paa. A short dissertation upon the other sulphur, written by its proprietor, the Count Seratti, has been published by Zani ; and as, from its presenting a detailed account of what may be justly termed one of the most interesting monuments of the arts of the fifteenth century, it cannot but be acceptable to the reader, it is here inserted. It is necessary however to premise, by Avay of caution, that Seratti was one of those who unfortunately adopted Baldinucci's * Thesaurus Veterum Diptycliorum, torn. f Storia Pittorica, torn. i. p. 79. iii. p. 315. 270 SULPHUR BY FINIGUERRA DESCRIBED, [chap. iv. erroneous interpretation of the passage in Vasari last mentioned ; and that, consequently, the justness of his argument cannot be so well depended upon, as the accuracy of his description. Upon some of the writer's opinions, indeed, it will be necessary that we should animadvert, lest other persons, after the example of a recent German writer* upon the same subject, should admit them into their creed, to the great discredit of Finiguerra's pretensions. ♦' A short Dissertation upon the Sulphur by Maso Finiguerra, in the " possession of the Count Seratti. " Maso Finiguerra lived from 1400 to 1460. He was the disciple " of Masaccio.f He applied himself to the study of the goldsmith's " art, designed in chiaro-scuro, modelled in basso-relievo, and " excelled in works of niello. In executing works of this kind, " the intended subject was engraved with the burin upon a plate of " silver ; this was afterwards covered over with niello, which was a " metallic substance, reduced to powder, composed of silver, copper, " lead, sulphur, and borax ;% so that it was more easily fusible than " silver, and of a black colour : the necessary degree of heat was " then applied, which, melting this metallic compound, without " affecting the silver plate, occasioned it to run about until it had " filled all the strokes of the engraving. Lastly, the superfluous " part of the niello which rose above the surface of the silver plate, " was consumed by scrapers, files, and pumice stone, until the * Mr. Bartsch, of whose opinions more Vasari, who, in speaking of the ingredients hereafter. of which the niello was composed, carelessly f Seratti does not appear to have had omitted to mention the copper, the sulpliur, any authority for placing the birth of Fini- and the borax. It is evident that silver and guerra in the year 1400 or his death in UfciO. lead alone, could never have made a black His assertion that he was a scholar of Ma- and brittle substance capable of pulveriza- saccio, seems to have no other foundation tiou, such as he describes the niello to have than the opinion of Baldinucci. been. X Seratti has here supplied a defect of CHAP. IV.] SULPHUR BY FINIGUERRA DESCRIBED. 271 " even surface of the plate appeared in every part; so that the " niello only remained in the strokes made by the burin, thus giving " to the engraved design its true effect. " There have been celebrated, as the principal works of Maso, " two Faxes, which are preserved among the treasures of the " church of S. Giovanni, at Florence. The one, representing * the " Assumption,' is certainly by him. It was executed in 1452; and cost " upwards of sixty-six florins of gold — a large sum in those times — " as appears in the ledger for that year, marked AA. preserved in " the archives of the church. The other Fax was made by Matteo, " the son of Giovanni Dei, in 1455, and represents the cruci- " fixion : it is very inferior to that of Maso, both in composition " and design."* " The Tax representing * the Assumption,' is well known as " being the most certain and best authenticated work by Finiguerra " of that kind, and, perhaps, indeed the only one now existing; " it is also celebrated for the delicacy and intelligence with which it " is engraved, and the beauty of its design." " The figures in this composition are about forty in number; all of " them so eminent for beauty and expression, that the Avhole might " rank with the finest productions of the best sera of painting, were " it not for a little too much regularity in the distribution of the " figures, and some degree of hardness in the outlines of the folds * Gori, (" Thesaurus Veterum Dipty- opere elaboratae sunt," &c. &c. There chorum,") torn. iii. p. 315, et seq. after can be little doubt that the engraved pictures having spoken of other magnificent works of which occupy the centre of these magnificent art in the treasury of the Church of S. Gio- pieces of plate, were executed separately vanui, thus commences his description of from the massy frames that surround them, these two Paxes. " Juxta haec pretiosa and that they were fixed into them bv sol- monumenta duae tabulae argenteae ad pads dering, after they were completely finished. osculum dandiim suscipiendumque, ponderis Otherwise, indeed, it would have been dif- librarum fere viginti, signis argenteis inauratis licult to take the impressions of the plates in circumoruatae, cum manubris argenteis in earth and sulphur, and impossible to have postica parte, espouuntur, quae immenso done so on the damp paper with a roller. 272 SULPHUR BY FINIGUERRA DESCRIBED, [chap. iv. " of the draperies. Mariette desired a copy of" it, which was sent " to him, together with some memoranda respecting it, by the " Cav. Gaburri."* " Upon this undoubted production of Maso, the Italians rest " their pretensions, in opposition to the Germans, of having " been the first to invent that sort of engraving in metal, which " was afterwards found adapted to impress designs upon paper."-f- " Vasari and Baldinucci relate, that when Finiguerra had en- " graved any work, he printed it, before he introduced the niello, " with very fine earth ; that upon this earth he poured melted sul- " phur; and that then, having filled the cavities in the sulphur" (corresponding to the engraving in the silver plate) " with soot, " mixed with oil, he printed his designs on paper with a wooden " roller.:}: " It is possible that upon some occasions he may have attempted " this process : but his chief object in casting the sulphur must " have been to assure himself of the perfection of his work, previous " to introducing the niello. Sulphur is of too brittle a nature to *' resist the force that would be required to take an impression from " it : moreover, the colour which is found in the sulphur which " I possess of the Fax of the Assumption, is pure lamp-black, or " soot diluted in water, without any oil,§ and, consequently, inca- * The inquiries of Marielte, with Ga- upon the authority of Vasari, ascribe to Fini biini's answer to tliem, will be found in a guerra. subsequent page. J We shall notice the erroneous opinions •j- We have judged that it would be most and unfounded assertions of Seratti, in this satisfactory to the reader, that we should give and some of the following paragraphs of his Seratti's short dissertation, with all its errors, dissertation, in a subsequent page, entire. It has already been shewn that engrav- § This piece of information, founded, per- ings on metal, every way calculated for impres- haps, upon a chemical analysis of tiie black sion, had been executed more than two thou- colour introduced in Maso's sulphur, seems sand years before the mode of taking impres- somewhat at variance with Vasari's words, sions from them on paper was discovered ; " onde a olio," &c. (vide p. 267) nor Can I and it is hardly necessary to repeat, that it undertake to reconcile the apparent contra- is the latter inveution only which the Italians, diction, any further than by the supposition CHAP. IV.] SULPHUR BY FINIGUERRA DESCRIBED. 273 " pable of giving an impression upon paper. Besides, had he been " desirous of taking impressions upon paper, he could have done it ** more effectually from the engraved plate itself; and thus have *' spared himself the pains required in taking the earthen impres- " sion and, afterwards, the sulphur cast. It is, indeed, said that the " Count Durazzo possesses some fragment on paper, printed by " Maso in this manner. " It is not improbable, considering the estimation in which the " works of Finiguerra were held, from the very first, that Baldini, " or Botticelli, or other artists, contemporary with, or little poste- " rior to him, might make copies of some of them for the purpose " of printing ; after accident had discovered to them that engraved " plates of silver or copper could be applied to such a use. Hence " may have arisen the opinion, that Baldini and Botticelli engraved " under the direction and from the designs of Finiguerra :* the more '' so as, upon a comparison of the Pax of the Assumption, the un- " doubted work of Maso, with the prints of Baldini and Botticelli, " we discover the same difference as between an original by a great " master, and the imitations of inferior artizans and copyists. " The ingenious operation of casting the sulphur, and filling the " engraved cavities transferred to it, with soot, was, no doubt, ** undertaken by Finiguerra, that he might discover whether his " Avork was perfect, if it was in harmony, if any thing was wanting " in the design, if any corrections were required ; for after the " introduction of the niello, nothing could be amended. All these " things it was impossible for him to ascertain from the silver plate, " with the strokes of the burin empty ; where the design itself could that the small portion of oil, which had been cation of moderately heated water, without rubbed over the sulphur, might, in the course losing a considerable proportion of the black of three hundred and fifty years, have so far tint with which they are printed ; and yet evaporated, as to render its detection a there can be little doubt that that tint was matter of no small difficulty. I can speak originally mixed with oil. from experience, that many of the impres- * I know not where Seratti met with this sions of early engravings, even some of those opinion, of Marc Antonio, will not bear the appli- 274 SULPHUR BY FINIGUERRA DESCRIBED. [chap. iv. " be but faintly seen, and the general effect and harmony of the " work not at all. Nor could he introduce any extraneous matter " into the engraved cavities, as that would have prevented the " niello afterwards from adhering properly to the silver, " It was therefore necessary for him, in the first place, to take " an impression from his plate with some very tine kind of earth ; " not that this simple process could, alone, answer his purpose; " for as such an impression, besides being in a direction opposite " to the engraved plate, would display all the strokes of the " engraving convexly, the work upon it would have been incapable " of receiving an even tint by any means he could emplo^^ By " impressing, first the earth upon the plate, and then pouring the " sulphur upon the earth, the sulphur came the same way as the " plate, with the work concave; so that soot or lamp-black was " easily introduced into it ; when the whole acquired the same " effect as it was intended the mello should afterwards give to the " silver. " The Count Seratti possesses the sulphur taken by Finiguerra " from his Fax of * the Assumption,' which might, perhaps, more " properly be termed the * Coronation of the Virgin.' This sul- " phur was originally fixed in a wooden frame of considerable " dimensions, ornamented with columns and cornices of carved " work, gilt. From so rich a decoration, some idea may be formed " of the estimation in which it was held at that early period. The " ornament, having suffered from the injuries of time, has been, " since, carefullv cut away ; leaving the sulphur, in the form of " a small picture, with that part of the wood only in which it was " first inserted. The sulphur, which had sustained injury by small " pieces having been chipped off in some places near the centre, has " been restored by the professor Luigi Levrier. " In supplying the parts wanting, which were but very small, it " was judged necessary to avoid the use of sulphur, lest the heat " requisite in the application of it might affect the adjacent parts of " the work : wax would not answer, because it is liable to change CHAP. IV.] SULPHUR BY FINIGUERRA DESCRIBED. 275 " colour; nor scagUola, because it shrinks in drying. The pro- " fessor therefore used a fine kind of plaister, tempered with oil ; " and upon this copied the parts deficient, stroke for stroke, Avith " the point of a small pencil and oil colour, from the original silver " still preserved in the church of S. Giovanni. The parts restored " are to be discovered by viewing the sulphur in an oblique direc- " tion, the lines in those places being even with the surface of the " sulphur, but in the remainder, concave. " The sulphur has been compared with the silver pax, and scru- " pulously confronted with it, line for line, in every part : upon " this occasion no variation whatever was discovered between the " one and the other ; whence we may infer that Finiguerra, upon " taking this impression, found that his work required neither " addition nor amendment. This exact comparison proves its " originality. That it should be copied is absolutely impossible ; and, " after the niello was introduced, an impression could no longer " be taken : the sulphur was, therefore, beyond all doubt, made " by the hand of Finiguerra himself. In some respects, this sulphur " has a value beyond that of the silver pax, fi'om which it was " taken ; the latter, from its great age, having acquired a dark " patina, and being worn in some places ; so that the work appears " very faint, and is difficult to be distinguished ; whereas the former " is well preserved, and of a most brilliant and striking effect. " This sulphur is semicircular at top, and measures, from the " summit of the arch to the bottom, four inches and ten twelfths. " Its breadth, is three inches and three twelfths. In the midst, a " little towards the upper part of the composition, Jesus Christ is " seen placing a crown on the head of the Virgin : both these " figures are seated under a kind of tabernacle. In the place of " pilasters to support the tabernacle are tAvo angels standing, with " vases containing roses ; and, a little below, are four other angels, " two on each side, also standing, with lilies in their hands. Above, " on either side, stand three angels, blowing trumpets ; and within " the circular boundarj^ of the picture, over the tabernacle, are four 2 N 2 27(J SULPHUR BY FINIGUERRA DESCRIBED. [chap, iv, " other angels, in the air, holding a scroll, on Avhich is written, " ASSVMPTA. EST. MARIA. IN. CELVM. GAVDET. EXER- " CITVS. ANGELORVM. " In the foreground of the composition, the objects nearest the " eye are two saints on their knees (S. Augustine and S. Ambrose). " The former holds a crozier, and is dressed in his sacerdotal cope, " on the collar of which are these letters, AGOSTI : the latter has " a book* in his hand, and on the collar of his dress, similar to the " other, is written ANBRVS. A little behind these, on the one " side, are five female saints ; two of whom, S. Catharine and *' S. Agnes, are distinguished, the former, by her wheel, the latter, " by a lamb. On the other side are five male saints : among ■" these S. John the Baptist is designated by his under-garment of "" camel's hair, and the cross in his hand. Behind these figures, on " the one side, are three other female saints ; one of them, S. Mary " Magdalen, with the vase of ointment ; and, on the other, three ** more saints of the opposite sex. Behind these, again, are three " other female, and three male saints ; the females being, all of " them, on the left hand of the composition, the males on the " right; using the terms left and right, to denote those parts of " the picture which are opposite to the left or right hand of the " spectator, as they are used in describing prints. " I have," adds Seratti, " made many experiments, with the " assistance of proper persons, in the hopes that old works of niello " might be rendered capable of being printed. I imagined, that " in order to extract the niello from the engraved plate, it would " be expedient to make use of solvents which would act upon the " lead, the borax, and the sulphur, Avithout affecting the copper or " the silver ; for had any solvent, used for the purpose, the power " of acting even upon the copper, it could not be applied with * That which Seratti took for a book is, appears joined to the other, as if in the act probably, nothing more than part of the fur- of prayer, tiier liand of the Saint, which, in Zani's copy, CHAP. IV.] SULPHUR BY FINIGUERRA DESCRIBED. 277 *' safety ; since, as there is no silver without some alloy of copper, " the plate itself would be corroded in the operation, and rendered " unfit for printing. " I conceived that the small particles of copper and silver, used '" in composing the niello, finding themselves insulated and sepa- " rated by the solution of the lead, the borax, and the sulphur, " with which they had been bound together, would have come " away of themselves ; leaving the engraved cavities, made by the " burin in the plate, entirely emptJ^ In works of niello coarsely *' engraved, and especiall^^ in letters of not too small a size, this " was the case ; and such engraved plates, which had, at first, been " filled with niello, were rendered capable of furnishing impres- " sions. But with those of minute and delicate workmanship I " could never succeed. Some solution of the niello was, indeed, " effected; but, I suppose, the small component particles of silver " and copper remained so tightly fixed in the fine strokes made " by the burin, that it was impossible for them to disengage them- " selves. The impressions wliich we have of works of niello, must ■" have been taken, either from those niellos Avhich were executed " in the time of Baldini and Botticelli, when the art had been " discovered of taking impressions from engraved plates, on paper, " previous to introducing the niello ; or from such plates as had " not been finished, and in which the melted niello had conse- " quently never been introduced." " The print of the conversion of S. Paul, is from a plate which " was intended to be worked in niello, by an artist of the name of " Dati :* the plate was discovered in its present unfinished state, " and, in consequence, it has been capable of furnishing impres- * The Count Seratti was some time go- to a print in the Count's collection, concern- veinor of Leghorn. It was there that Fini- ing which some conversation had taken place guerra's sulphur was shewn to Zani, to whom, during Zani's stay at Leghorn ; and of which, upon his departure, the Count presented the it is to be regretted, Zani himself makes no dissertation which he had written. The further mention in his notes, above concluding paragraph probably relates 278 REMARKS ON SERATTIS DISSERTATION, [chap. iv. " sions. Tliis work is now preserved in the Gallery at Flo- " rence." Seratti begins the above dissertation by boldly affirming, that Finiguerra lived from 1400 to 1460, and that he was the scholar of" Masaccio; relying upon Baldinucci alone, for Vasari does not give us such information. He soon afterwards gives Baldinucci's erro- neous account of Maso's discovery, stating, very improperly, that Vasari and Baldinucci have so written ; for, as has been already shewn, Vasari gives no such relation. He next proceeds to observe that these sulphurs, from their brittle nature, are ill fitted for the purpose of throwing off impressions ; and, lastly, in consequence, (proud and jealous of his sulphur cast, which, with the exception of the silver pax, he, perhaps, was gratified by considering as the onh'^ specimen still existing of Maso's extraordinary talents) he con- cludes that the story of his taking impressions from his engravings on paper, is altogether unfounded. For although he admits that he might have taken such impressions from the plate itself, adding, that it is said the Count Durazzo possesses some fragment of that kind, still, in what immediately follows, he evidently means it to be inferred that he did not. He observes that, considering the great estimation in which Finiguerra's niellos were held from the first, it is not improbable that Baldini or Botticelli, after accident had discovered to them that engraved plates could be printed, might copy some of them, (i. e. Finiguerra's works) for the purpose of printing. He ends by telling us that the impressions which we have from works of niello, must have been taken from plates en- graved in the time of Baldini and Botticelli, or from such other engravings as by accident had remained unfinished, and conse- quently not filled with the niello. Thus Avould this writer deprive Maso of the honor due to him as the inventor of copper-plate print- ing, to transfer it to Baldini or Botticelli : not reflecting that, when he denied the authority of Vasari, he denied the only authority upon which Italy rests its claims to the invention in question. It would be labour in vain to attempt any further elucidation of CHAP. IV.] PROBABLE INTENTION OF THE SULPHURS. 279 the process used by Finiguerra in making his casts of sulphur. It was indeed most ingenious ; and to any one who considers the ex- quisite deHcacy of the engraved work which, first printed with earth, Avas afterwards to be transferred to the sulphur cast, witii every minute stroke of the burin — strokes finer than the finest hair — perfect and entire, would appear altogether incredible, did not the existence of the monuments themselves constrain the belief As to the purpose for which these sulphurs were made, Vasari is silent. Lanzi* and Seratti have supposed them to have been the means used by Finiguerra to ascertain the effect of his work before he introduced the niello ; the latter of those writers adding, that he could not introduce into the cavities of his engraving any extra- neous matter, because it would have prevented the niello, after- wai'ds, from adhering properly to the silver. Both of these opinions seem destitute of any solid foundation. To the first it may be objected, that the sulphur of Seratti has been found exactly similar to the silver Pav in its finished state, which makes greatly against such an opinion ; and what, it may be asked, in reply to the second, was the earth, pressed into the cavities of the engraving, prepara- tory to the sulphur, but extraneous matter ? Seratti, however, no doubt, meant glutinous or oleous matter. Ujion these points, Bartsch is very satisfactory. " It is clear," says that writer,-}- " that every thing advanced by Lanzi and Zani, as " to the necessity and the intention of these sulphurs, is but simple " conjecture Our experience fully convinces us that Maso, " Avhen he wanted to see the effect of his work, had no occasion to " resort to any other expedient than the one employed in our days " by every engraver of copper-plates ; that of filling the strokes of " his engraving with some kind of black. It is true that this " method is not always sufficient for the engraver whose plate is " destined to throw off impressions upon white paper ; because the * " Stoiia Pittoiica," toni. i. p. 78. •\- " Le Peintre Graveur," torn. xiii. et seq. p. 14. et seq. 280 PROBABLE INTENTION OF THE SULPHURS, [chap. iv. " strokes of the burin, when viewed upon the copper, have always *• an effect more or less calculated to deceive ; appearing generally " more soft and beautiful than they shew when printed upon tht? " white paper; where the smallest faults, the most trifling irregula- " rities in the thickness or depth of the strokes, immediately strike " the eye. This ordeal, this rigid examination, Avas not necessary " to the worker in 7neUo : his work Avas finished and perfect ; when " looked at and examined, upon the plate itself, it appeared so; " and, consequenth'-, he had no need to assure himself of it by " a proof printed upon paper, or any other material whatsoever. " With regard to the remark of Zani," (Bartsch should have said Seratti) " that Maso could not introduce black, or any other extra- " neous matter, into the strokes of his engraving, as it would pre- " vent the niello from adhering properly to the silver, I have only " to say that it is wholly unfounded. It is, in fact, absolutely " impossible for any artist to prevent dirt and grease from getting " into his Avork during the long process of engraving a plate. This " dirt or grease being incompatible Avith the niello, Avas, therefore, " to be removed before the 7iiello Avas introduced : for this purpose " of cleansing their plates, the Avorkers in 7iiello used a particular " process. Thus Ave read in Cellini :* ' As the beauty of a work " of niello consists in its appearing united, and free from little holes " or bubbles, it is necessary that the plate should be Avell b*oiled in " clean Avater mixed Avith oak ashes, Avhich operation is termed, " amongst our goldsmiths, la cenerata. After, therefore,' continues " Cellini, ' your plate has been boiled in these ashes for a quarter " of an hour, it should be put into a bason filled Avith the purest " water, Avhen the engraving should be Avell rubbed Avith a small " brush made of bristles, till the strokes are thoroughly cleansed " from every impurity.' " These sulphur casts, therefore, Avere not necessary to enable Maso to judge of the effect of his engravings in the various stages * " Trattato del Oreficeria," cap. ii. p. 24. CHAP. IV.] VASARI'S ACCOUNT CONSIDERED. 281 * of their advancement ; besides the labour required in casting"them opposes such an idea. They were not used for the purpose of throwing off impressions on paper ; nor were they fitted for such a purpose. Tlie most natural conclusion appears to be, that they were made by Maso with great care, as interesting memorials of works which he was soon to deliver into the hands of his em- ploj'^ers : they might serve as objects of study and example to his scholars, and were, perhaps, occasionally given to friends. That they were held in very high estimation is sufficiently evi- dent from the ponderous magnificence lavished, by their first possessors, upon the Frames, or Tabernacles, in which they were enshrined. Upon a careful comparison of the three passages Avhich have been given from Vasari, with each other, according to the usual mode of examining evidence, we shall find in them every mark of candid and fair testimony. They are found at very distant parts of that writer's voluminous Avork, and were doubtless written at distant periods. Each of them contains some particular in which the others are defective ; each, at the same time, is, upon the whole, corroborative of the rest. There is no contradiction among them — no want of consistency. In the first passage (Chap, xxxiii. of the preliminary observations on painting) Vasari instructs us in the mode in which works of niello were executed : he informs us that it appears from existing monuments of gold and silver, that the ancients practised a kind of workmanship not very dissimilar: that Maso Finiguerra was an admirable artist in that way ; as is seen in his Paxes at S. Giovanni : and, lastly, that from this kind of workmanship was derived the art of engraving and printing copper-plates : " for that, as it was cus- " tomary with those who worked in silver, to take the impressions " of their engravings, before they filled them Avith the niello, by " means of earth, over which they poured liquefied sulphur; so the " printers found out the method of taking off impressions from cop- " per-plates with a press, as is now used." 2 o 282 VASARFS ACCOUNT CONSIDERED. [chap, ivi It has already been observed that, although this passage may appear to afford but equivocal evidence of Maso's individual pre- tensions, if taken singly, there is, nevertheless, reason to believe that Vasari could not have been ignorant of them when he wrote it, and, consequently, that he must have intended it as a brief record of that artist's claims to the invention in question, Vasari, who was born in the year 1512, expressly tells us, in that part of his life where he mentions the occasion of his undertaking his great work of the lives of the painters, sculptors, and archi- tects, (about 1544,) that he had been accustomed from his boy- hood to make written memoranda of whatever he was able to collect relative to the old artists ; " every information concerning " whom," says he, " I held most dear." In various parts of his book he informs us that, besides the viva voce, or written information of his friends, he was assisted by the Avritings of Lorenzo Ghiberti, Domenico Ghirlandaio, and other old artists ; and at the end of his Life of Ghiberti, he records his intimacy, Avhen a youth of fifteen, with Vittorio Ghiberti, the descendant of Lorenzo ; from whom, in the year 1528, he tells us he procured some original drawings of Lorenzo, and of Bartoluccio, another artist of the same family, with other designs by Giotto. At this time Vasari intended being a goldsmith, and was studying that art under one Mauno, of whom he speaks in terms of affec- tionate regard. The art of working in niello had not yet fallen entirely into disuse ; nor is it improbable that the practice of taking the impressions of works of that kind in sulphur, still continued, and was practised by Manno himself It cannot be doubted that Vasari was accustomed to meet, at the house of his master, with the prin- cipal artists of the same profession ; some of whom must have been acquainted with those who had been the contemporaries of Fini- gucrra himself, and })erhaps the witnesses of his invention : and, as vve learn from Cellini,* that in the time of his youth (an. 1515) the * Benvenuto Cellhii, " Trattato del Oreficeria," ediz. 1509, p. 11. CHAP. IV.] VASARI'S ACCOUNT CONSIDERED. 283 old goldsmiths of Florence were never ceasing in their praise of Fini- guerra's works of niello, we may fairly conclude that the mention of his name would occur, not unfrequently, among those of the pro- fession a dozen years afterwards ; and that the opening of a port- folio of prints would occasionally give rise to a repetition of the often told, and then well attested, story of his discovery of chalco- graphy. It is therefore very improbable that Vasari was vminformed of Maso's claims to that invention, until after the publication of the first edition of his work ; and there appears, moreover, good reason to believe that he received the account, Avhich he has given us, from persons of undoubted authority. Vasari, it may be observed, speaks of the custom of taking sul- phurs of such Avorks in silver as were intended to be filled with iiiello, as commonly practised among the goldsmiths. It is to be regretted that he did not, at the same time, afford us some infoi*ma- tion as to the period when AVorks of niello were first introduced in Florence. The first mention of them, that I have been able to find in the body of his work, is at the end of the Life of Spinello Aretino, Avhere one of that artist's sons, Forzore, is described as a goldsmith espe- cially excelling in works of niello. This Forzore, we learn in another place,* was the scholar of one Maestro Cione, who flourished, we are told, about 1330. This is at all events sufficient to carry the art back as early as the fourteenth century ; and it is probable that it was in use long before; for Vasari never speaks of it as a new art. Brunelleschi, the celebrated architect, born 1377, Avas in his youth a goldsmith, and Avas admired for his Avorks of niello, and, upon the Avhole, there is reason to conclude that Finiguerra Avas preceded by many others Avho practised that mode of Avorkman- ship, Avhich, perhaps, from a very early period, had constituted a distinguished part of the emploj^ment of every goldsmith. -j- * Vita d'Agostino et J\gnolo, Scultoii f Mr. Bartsch informs us (Peintre Gra- Sanesi. veur, torn. sill. pp. 2. 36.) upon the autho- 5 O 2 284 VASARI'S ACCOUNT CONSIDERED, [chap. iv. That Vasari was silent respecting so many of these artists, amounts only to this; that he did not think their productions called for especial notice; and it is probable that even Finiguerra himself, notwith- standing his great excellence in the above-mentioned art, and his pre- tensions as a draftsman and a sculptor, would have been despatched with the short eulogium bestowed on him in the Life of Pollajuolo, (an eulogium which is soon afterwards insidiously made the occasion of heaping greater honours on Pollajuolo at Maso's expense,) but for his discovery of Chalcography. Nay, perhaps, but for that discovery, works of niello, which gave rise to it, would scarcely have obtained a mention. As for Baccio Baldini, his name but once appears ; and his prints, now so much sought after by collec- tors, are got rid of in a single line, without a description of even one of them. The reason for all this is to be found in the prodigious number of artists of every denomination, with which all Tuscany, but espe- cially Florence, abounded, even as early as the commencement of the fourteenth century ; a number so great, that had Vasari mi- nutely described the works of each individual, his writings must have been extended to at least four times their present bulk ; to say nothing of the professors of painting, sculpture, and architecture, who flourished from that period, to the time in which he wrote, throughout every state of Italy. Working in niello was, therefore, practised in Florence, and, perhaps, in most other parts of Italy, long before Maso distin- guished himself; and it was, we are told, the custom of those who exercised that art, to take sulphur casts from their engravings, pre- vious to filling them Avith the niello. rity of Lessing (Collectaneen zur Litteratur. for the practice of that art, in his work torn. xii. article NieUum) tliat the art of entitled : Diversarum artiitm schedula. The working in niello was practised in France as work of Theophilus, he informs us, was early as the seventh century. He adds, that published, for the first time, by Christian Theophilus monachus, who lived in the Leiste, after a MS. in the library at VVolfen- twelfth century, has left detailed instructions buttel. CHAP. IV.] VASARIS ACCOUNT CONSIDERED. 285 " From this practice," says Vasari, " the art of engraving and ** printing copper-plates was derived." Now the only reasonable interpretation to be given of this sentence is, that some one of those who were accustomed to make these sulphurs, as memorials of their works on silver, discovered by accident — for almost all great discoveries have been made by accident — that impressions could also be taken from engraved plates on damped paper. Vasari's concluding words are, it is true, " so the printers" (that is the printers of copper-plates) " found out the method of taking off " impressions from engravings on copper, with a press, as is now the " custom :" but these words, if indeed they are any other than a mere antithesis, can only mean, that the method of taking off im- pressions from engraved plates by means of a common roller, or other imperfect instrument, having been discovered, they — the printers — improved and perfected the apparatus necessary for such a purpose : for until the mode of printing engraved plates was dis- covered, there could be no persons whose occupation it was to print them ; and, indeed, until after the discovery was made known, no engraved plates left the work-shop of the goldsmith unless when filled with niello, and, consequently, not in a state admitting of such an operation. Besides, we have no evidence that Finiguerra him- self did not become a printer of copper-plate engravings ; and the expression " so the printers," &c. may, therefore, refer to him and his immediate followers. The person who made the discovery must, according to all fair hypotheses, have been a goldsmith. Such, Vasari informs us, in the introduction to his life of Marc Antonio, was really the case, and that that goldsmith was Maso Finiguerra. - We are there expressly told, that, " the art of engraving and print- ing cop per- plates, (dell' intagliare le stampe) had its beginning with Maso Finiguerra, or came from Finiguerra, (venne da Maso Finiguerra) about the year 1460: for that that artist made sulphur casts of all the things that he engraved in silver, which were in- tended to be filled with niello, before he introduced the 7iiello ; 286 FURTHER INQUIRY CONCERNING. [chap, iv; that he also took impressions from his engravings with a tint made of soot and oil, upon damped paper, hy means of a wooden roller which he pressed over it : and lastly, that the impressions so produced looked like drawings done with a pen." Vasari then proceeds to inform us, that Finiguerra Avas folloAved in the practice of engraving and taking impressions from his plates on paper hy Baccio Baldini ; that afterwards the secret became known to Mantegna, at Rome ; that it also found its way into Germany, and so forth. To the question — when did Maso make this discovery ? it may be no easy matter to give an answer. For it is, I think, evident, that the year 1460, or thereabouts, from which Vasari dates the commencement of chalcography (" il principio dell' intagliare le stampe") does not refer to the period at Avhich he supposed Maso to have first discovered the mode of taking impressions of his en- gravings on silver by means of a roller, but to the epoch when engravings on copper, or other metals, began to be executed and used for the common purposes of printing and publication. Some of the Italian writers, indeed, insist, that what is said by Vasari of his taking impressions of all the things that he en- graved in silver, previously to his filling them with niello, is not only to be taken literally, but that it is to be considered as applying equally to his practice in both the methods above described ; the sulphur and the paper : thus Lanzi observes : " that as it appears " from the books of the Arte de' Mercante, that, in 1452, he re- " ceived payment for his pax in the Church of S. Giovanni, and as " he was then a master of experienced abilities, and thoroughly " practised in his art, it is fair to suppose, Avith Gaburri and Tira- " boschi, that as he ' made proofs of all the Avorks that he engraved " in silver,' (tutte le cosi che intaglio in argento) he must have " used that mode from 1440, or, perhaps, a fcAV years before ; and " here, therefore," says he, " Ave have the beginnings of chalco- " graphy in Florence, very clearly deducible from history."* * u Storia Pittorica," torn. i. p. 87. CHAP. IV.] MASO FINIGUERRA. 287 This mode of reasoning msLj not, perhaps, entirely satisfy the reader ; for although Vasari asserts that Maso took impressions of all his works in silver — that assertion, even alloAving it in its full extent, appears to refer to the impressions taken with earth and sulphur only ; he does not say that he took impressions of all his Avorks of silver on damped paper. The former mode, as we before observed, was doubtless practised by goldsmiths who preceded him : the latter was discovered by himself, accidentally, in the course of the varied operations which his profession required : for to infer otherwise, would be to suppose either that he possessed this art in- tuitively from his birth, or that he had been taught it by some one who practised it before him : the first an absurdity ; the second in opposition to history, as well as to all other evidence of which we are possessed ; since we find no traces of such a practice, either in Florence or in any other part of Europe, previous to the time in which Finiguerra flourished. It seems probable, nevertheless, that the Italian Avriters, in placing Finiguerra's discovery a fcAV years prior to 1440, are not far from the truth ; and our reasons for such an opinion will the better appear, when we have collected together the few circumstances of his life which are on record, and accompanied them Avith such an examination of the style of his Avorks, as may furnish a reasonable ground of conjecture as to the period when he flourished, and the school from which he derived his professional education. Could Ave place implicit trust in Baldinucci, Ave should need little other information as to the last of these particulars. " At the time Avhen the celebrated Masaccio lived in Florence," says that Avriter, " teaching the true method of painting, many " artists, benefiting by his instructions and by the imitation of his " Avorks, became excellent. One of these Avas Tommaso, called " Maso Finiguerra, a Florentine goldsmith, avIio designed Avith a " pen and acquarella so admirably, that his draAvings are, perhaps, " not inferior to those of any artist of that period. Indeed I my- " self can testify that he drcAV a great deal, as the designs by his 288 FURTHER INQUIRY CONCERNING. [chap. iv. '* hand, which were in the collection formed by the late Cardinal " Leopold, of Tuscany, were, of themselves, extremely numerous ; " and the best of them, in every respect, so like those of Masaccio, " that I have no hesitation in affirming, although I have not found " it recorded by any writer whatever, that he was the disciple of " that great artist, by whom, indeed, all those who began to dis- " tinguish themselves at that early period, were directed in the true " principles of art."* These drawings of Maso, now in the ducal collection at Florence, I have seen,-f- and think them Avell deserving the character Baldi- nucci has given of them. They are principally studies of single figures, designed Avith a pen upon white paper, and slightly shaded with bistre or Indian ink ; and they possess, in an eminent degree, that correctness of outline, and simplicity of manner, which espe- cially characterize the works of Masaccio; qualities which, after the middle of the lifteenth century, Avere too often bartered, by the artists of Florence, for a style of less purity ; particularly in their draperies, which were frequently perplexed with small and artificial folds, and trivial ornaments, and assumed an air of flutter, very unlike the tranquil dignity observable in those of that justly esteemed master. From the great resemblance of style amongst so many of the Flo- rentine artists who lived at the same time, however, this sort of argument cannot be deemed sufficient to support Baldinucci's hy- pothesis, as to the identical master by whom Maso was instructed ; although it may go a good way, especially Avhen aided by other evidence, in enabling us to determine to what epoch of the Floren- * Baldinucci, " Notizie de' professor! del particular, is, lie says, " superbly drawn." disegno," &c. torn. iv. pp. 1-2. Each of these drawings, he adds, is marked at •\ Zaiii, who has examined them more re- bottom with a sort ot star, or asterisk ; cently, informs us, (" Materiali," &c. p. 118, ^^hich, he is of opinion, was added, not by note 33) that they are about fifty-six in num- Finiguerra himself, but by some ancient pro- ber, and that some of them represent the prietor of the drawings, figures of eagles ; one amongst which, in ^ CHAP. IV.] MASO FINIGUERRA. 289 tine school he properly appertains, and the probable period of his initiation. We learn from a letter of Baccio Bandinelli, that Finiguerra was one of those artists who assisted Lorenzo Ghiberti in finishing the celebrated bronze gates of the Baptistry at Florence ; a circum- stance Avhich, although omitted by Vasari, is, nevertheless, not in opposition to his testimony, Vasari relates, that " Lorenzo was " assisted in the labour of finishing those gates with chiselled " work, after the operation of casting them in metal, by many " young men, who afterwards became excellent masters : viz. — by " Filippo Brunelleschi, Masolino da Panicale, Nicolo Lamberti, " goldsmiths ; Parri Spinelli, Antonio Filareto, Paolo Uccello, " Antonio del Pollajuolo, Avho was then a very young lad, and by " many other's," Bandinelli's mention of Maso is highly credit- able to him, as it classes him Avith some of the best painters and sculptors of the fifteenth century ; and it is remarkable, that he appears at the head of the list. " One of these," says he, " was " Maso Finiguerra, another was Desiderio" (da Setignano ;) " be- " sides whom there were Piero and Antonio del Pollajuolo, and " Andrea del Verrocchio ; all of them celebrated artists in painting " and sculpture." * It is proper, however, in this place to observe, that Ghiberti executed two pair of folding- gates of bronze for the Baptistry. The first of these, representing, in small compartments, stories of * " Lettere sulla Pittura," &c. torn. i. other old artists mentioned in the text, he pp. 74. 75. Baccio Bandinelli addressed affirms, that ten artists like Benvenuto would this letter to his friend, the Majordomo of not be equivalent to one of their fingers. the grand duke, upon the occasion of its The severity of this censure was dictated by being in contemplation to employ him, in Baccio's hatred of Cellini, who certainly did company with Benvenuto Cellini, to make not merit to be ranked so low. Baccio, certain bassi-relievi of bronze for the choir iiowever, could have no interest in praising of the Duomo. He speaks of Cellini as of Maso, and the testimony of so great an artist, one ignorant of design, and only fitted to as to his talents, at once places him in a rank assist in the execution of the inventions of very distinct from that of the ordinary gold- others. After naming Finiguerra, and the smiths. 2 P fm FURTHER INQUIRY CONCERNING [chap. iv. the New Testament, was begun about 1407, and finished in 1424: the other, and most celebrated, with larger compartments from the Old Testament, was still in hand as late as 1445.* The informa- tion, therefore, contained in Baccio's letter, leaves the precise period, when Maso was employed as assistant in these works, still conjec- tural. But from the circumstance of his being named before Desiderio, who was one of the scholars of Donatello, and died with the reputation of a great sculptor, at the age of twenty-eight, it seems reasonable to give him the seniority ; and it is probable that Desiderio was born early in the fifteenth century.-f Vasari's mention of Maso, in the beginning of the life of Antonio del Pollajuolo, has already been noticed. Antonio is there described as a person who, by the force of a powerful genius, joined to his un- remitting diligence in designing from nature, and modelling figures in relief, had, at a very early age, acquired such skill in his profes- sion of goldsmith, as to be able to enter the list with " Maso Fini- " guerra, a goldsmith, who at that time enjoyed a very great repu- " tation ; of which indeed he was well deserving, as there never " had been known any artist who, in works of the burin, finished " with niello, could compose and execute such a prodigious number " of figures in a small space, as he did." This competition between Maso and Antonio took place about 1450 ; at which time, it will not be too much to suppose the former, whose fame Avas then at its height, to have been forty years of age ; Pollajuolo, his rival, being twenty-four : a conclusion which, if admitted, ])laces the birth of Maso Finiguerra about 1410 : and indeed, as well from the above considerations as from the style * Zani, " Materiali," &c. p. 1 18, note 34. however, upon tlie whole, that we arc justi- f It is difficult to discover, either from fied in placing Desiderio earlier than the Vasari or Baldinucci, the exact period at Pollajuoli ; more especially as his life pre- which Desiderio lived : for it appears certain cedes their's in Vasari's work, which is ar- that there is a considerable error of date in ranged chronologically. the account of the former writer. I think. CHAP, iv] MASO FINIGUERRA. 291 and character of his works, there apjoears reason to beUeve that he was born earlier than that period, rather than later. His father was, in all likelihood, the same person respecting whom Manni found an authentic document stating him to have been dead before 1426;* a document which he erroneously con- sidered as regarding the son. That he likewise was a goldsmith, is a conjecture not unreasonable, though unsupported by evidence. The masters of Maso were doubtless men of the same profession, in which he afterwards attained so much eminence ; namely, gold- smiths and sculptors in bronze and other metals : for the term sculptor, under which Finiguerra was designated by Bandinelli, is surely not improperly applied to the artist Avho, after he had modelled his statue or his basso-relievo in clay or wax, and cast it in metal, had only performed half his task ; it still remaining for him to put the last finish to his work — all those exquisite touches which give value to the productions of a master, by the tedious operation of the file and the chisel. But why should we search further for Maso's preceptors in the art, after we have seen him assisting in the school of Ghiberti, the most consummate artist in works of bronze and other metals, that Florence or the fifteenth century could boast ; whose gates at the Baptistry were deemed by Michelangiolo not unworthy to be the gates of Paradise ;f a master, in whose study so large a proportion of the Florentine youth, during forty years, imbibed those principles of art Avhich afterwards proved unerring guides to them in the pursuit of excellence in the various professions of painting, sculpture, and architecture ? In this community of young artists, Maso was obliged assiduously to exert himself, that his improvement might keep pace with that of his companions. Moreover, the fi-escoes in the chapel at the church of the Carmine, which Massolino da Panicale, cut off in the flower of youth, about 1418, left scarcely begun, though beo-un * Baldinuai, " Notizie," &c. torn. iv. + Vasari, Vita di Lorenzi Ghiberti. p. 1. Nota del Manai. 2 P 2 292 FURTHER INQUIRY CONCERNING [chap. iv. with promise, had been allotted to Masaccio ;* and Florence soon witnessed a style of art very unlike any thing that had been seen before ; a purity and correctness of outline, a mellowness of colouring, and a perfection of imitation, especially in the heads of the figures, to which painting, it is probable, had hitherto been considered absolutely inadequate. Among those who, in the hours of leisure, flocked to design in this Chapel, Finiguerra was certainly one of the most constant in his attendance ; and, indeed, as Raldinucci observes, he so entirely possessed himself of the style of Masaccio, that he appears in his designs as if guided by the spirit of that great artist. Finiguerra, therefore, although not the disciple of Masaccio, who was a professor of painting only, and consequently unfitted to teach the processes employed in other arts, may properly be classed among those artists who, immediately struck with the perfection of the new svstem of art which Masaccio had just then introduced, made it, ever after, the model of his imitation, and the foundation of his practice. For although the arts he professed, required, in the exercise of them, a mechanism and process very different from painting ; still, painting and sculpture being, both of them, governed by the same great fundamental principles of design, many of the beauties Avhich were displayed by Masaccio in productions of the one art, Avere found applicable to the other; insomuch, indeed, that Vasari assures us that the painters and sculptors of the time, alike, benefited by the study of Masaccio's frescoes. Besides, work- ing in niello Avas, in its effect, similar to painting, except that it admitted not of colouring. Of Maso's works in silver, none are now known excepting the Pax of " the Assumption," in the Church of S. Giovanni, finished in 145:2, and already so often mentioned. For although Baldi- * There is no small confusion with respect has taken pains to correct tiic ovcrsiglits of to dates in Vasari's accounts of Massolino Vas:iri in sucli matters, and not iinfrequentiy and Masaccio. I follow Baldinucci, v\iio with success. CHAP. IV.] MASO FINIGUERRA. 293 nucci tells us that some of the bassi-relievi of the history of S. John the Baptist, which decorate the magnificent altar of massy silver in the same church, were executed by him, in competition with An- tonio Pollajuolo, the learned Gori* appears to have found no notice of such a circumstance in the records of the time : and we may, therefore, conclude that Baldinucci had no other authority than his own arbitrary construction of the words of Vasari, who, after noticing a trial of skill between Maso and Antonio, in which, says he, "Antonio " equalled his rival in diligence, and surpassed him in design," pro- ceeds to inform us, that Pollajuolo (not Finiguerra) was, in conse- quence, employed to execute some of the silver bassi-relievi on the said altar. As consistently with the duty of impartiality, Ave have found it necessary to record this sentence, apparently so little to the credit of Maso Finiguerra, we ought not to omit to soften its severity, by apprising the reader that it would be no difficult task to produce similar passages, in which Vasari, out of pure zeal for the artist whose life he is then writing, who, for the time being, commonly appears the beloved of his heart, has exalted him above his neigh- bours, of claims at least equal; these last being treated by him with a like courtesy when it comes to their turn. As a designer of naked figures, Pollajuolo probably became, in the end, superior to Maso ; whose works, being generally on a small scale, did not require nor even admit of the display of those anatomical details upon which the former set so high a value ; and which, in the eyes of a Florentine painter of the middle of the sixteenth centur)', such as Vasari was, could not but appear paramount to every other consideration. But Maso, on the other hand, possessed a delicacy of feeling to which Pollajuolo was ever a stranger : joined, as has been before said, to a purity of st3de, of which too many of the Florentine artists of the latter part of the fifteenth century lost sight in the pursuit of frivolous variety and capricious ornament, * " Thesaurus Veterum Diptychoiuni," toni. iii. p. 310, et seq. 294 FURTHER INQUIRY CONCERNING [chap. tv. Notwithstanding the positive testimony of Vasari in favour of Finiguerra, the honour of the invention of chalcography was long disputed with the Italians by the WTiters of other nations. It was insisted, by the adverse party, that, from the known inaccuracies* of the Aretine biographer, his authority, unsupported by other evi- dence, could not be deemed conclusive ; and, it was urged, that no print bearing the name or cypher of Maso Finiguerra could be found ; whereas Germany produced many engravings, the dates upon which bore witness to their high antiquity. Thus the celebrated connoisseur Pierre Jean Mariette, when writing from Paris to his friend the Cav. Gaburri at Florence, after other inquiries relative to art, puts the following questions concern- ing Finiguerra : — " I wish also to receive from you some informa- " tion respecting the invention of copper-plate engraving, and " whether or not it was really discovered in Florence by means " of Maso Finiguerra : for that which Vasari asserts does not " appear to me to be sufficiently proved ; as we see prints by the " old masters of Germany with dates anterior to all the prints " engraved in Italy which I have hitherto seen.-f- In fact I have " not yet seen any print, either by the said Maso, or by Baccio " Baldini. I have seen two or three by Pollajuolo, and many by " Mantegna. It will be necessary to see some of those of Maso, " before we can decide who was the inventor. For the present I " have a strong prejudice against him. Do me therefore the favour * When the great extent of Vasari's work has been accused by the writers of other states is considered, and when it is remembered of Italy. But it ought to be remembered tliat that be had not the advantage of being pre- an author naturally dwells most upon those ceded by any one who wrote expressly upon circumstances with which he is best acqunint- the same subject, the verity of his account, in ed ; and his accusers may be reminded that almost all matters of consequence, becomes they are indebted to his industry for the little rather a subject for our praise, than his oc- information tliey possess of many ancient casional incorrectness, in facts of smaller im- artists of their own provinces, port, is for our animadversion. Excessive f Mariette ought to have said " which I partiality to the painters of Tuscany is an- have hitherto recognized." other crime of which the Aretine biographer CHAP. IV.] MASO FINIGUERRA. 295 " to tell me if you have seen any print by him ; since it is impossible " that such things should not be found at Florence where he " worked. I cannot at all understand Vasari in that part Avhere " he relates the manner of the discovery. You will oblige me very " much by assisting me to render that passage of his book more " intelligible."* In another letter to the same gentleman, dated Jan. 1732, he says, " I am better informed than any one as to the " rich collection of prints made by the Prince Eugene, since I " arranged and made an ample catalogue of them. There is cer- " tainly nothing among them by Maso Finiguerra; nor in the " collection of the king, which is an extremely fine one, and, " especially, rich in prints engraved by the ancient masters. " I know, indeed, of one print, representing Hercules killing the " serpent, upon which are these letters, I. F. T.,f which, taken the " reverse way, might be read thus, — ^Thomas Finiguerra incidit; " but I am not satisfied with such a conjecture; whereas I have " prints by old German masters, very well known, with very " ancient dates, concerning the authenticity of which there is no " doubt. In the mean time I will suspend my judgment, and shall " be most happy if, in the ancient collections of prints of which " you tell me, you happen to meet with something certain, that may " oppose my opinion, and confirm the assertion of Vasari.":^ In Oct. 1732, Gaburri writes from Florence a very long letter in answer to Mariette's numerous inquiries. What he says upon the subject in question is as follows : — " The delay of my letter is in " consequence of my most earnest desire to give you a decided " answer to the various questions which, at different periods, you " have done me the honour of putting to me concerning our Maso " Finiguerra of Florence, the inventor of copper-plate engraving. * " Lettere suUa Pittura," &c. torn. ii. print in a subsequent page, pp. 230. 231. % " Lettere sulia Pittura," torn. ii. pp. -[• Further mention will be made of this 263. 264. 296 FURTHER INQUIRY CONCERNING [chap. iv. " according to the attestations of Vasari and Filippo Baldinucci ; " which opinion is Hkewise confirmed by the senator Bonarroti, in " his preface to the observations upon the large medals in the " Museum of the Cardinal Carpegna.* I have then to inform you " that, without exaggeration, I have rummaged all Florence, hoping " to have the good fortune to discover at least one print bearing " the name or the cypher of that artist. But, after having in vain " searched the Museums of the Gaddi, the Niccolini, the Giraldi, " and Covoni families, besides many other smaller collections be- " longing to private persons, Avhich I was also determined to examine " for the same purpose, I have at last given the matter up in despair ; " and all that I have been able to do, has been to get a drawing made " for you of one of the two Paxes which exist in our most ancient " church of S. Oio. Battista, where is the Baptismal Font. Of " these Paxes Vasari makes mention, and also Filippo Baldinucci, " who speaks of them in the Preface to his treatise upon engraving " in copper. They are not however both of them the work of " Maso Finiguerra ; one of them having been made by Matteo di " Giovanni Dei, Avho was also a goldsmith ; which latter I do not " send you, but only the other, which alone is by the said Fini- " guerra. " On the back of the drawing you will find written the name of " the author; and, besides this, I send with it every document " respecting these Paxes ; which information is contained in the " archives of S. Giovanni, and has been kindly communicated to " me by the very learned Doctor Anton. Francesco Gori, a most " worthy priest, who has published works of profound erudition. " From these documents you may at least learn the exact epoch of " time in which the works they refer to Avere executed ; and thence " draw the conclusion, that from Finiguerra's practice of Avorking " in niello, which was about 1450, (though we may suppose the dis- * In the passage already referred to at the beginning of this Chapter. CHAP. IV.] MASO FINIGUERRA. 297 " covery to have taken place a few years before,) the art of chalco- " graphy had its origin, conformably to what is said by the before- " mentioned writers. Certain it is, that I cannot believe the prints " which are in the Dante, printed bj^ Niccolo della Magna, to " be the works of Finiguerra; first, because Vasari opposes " such an idea, attributing them to the hand of Sandro Botti- " celli ; and secondly, because, if they had been engraved by " Maso, in that first manner, and printed by the hand with a " common roller upon damped paper, they would have a more " rude and barbarous appearance. And, indeed, to be con-> " firmed in the persuasion that the prints in the said Dante, are " really by Sandro Botticelli, it is sufficient to confront the " little figures in those prints, with the figures which are painted " by him in the altar-picture of the chapel of the noble family " Palmieri ; the descendants of the famous Matteo Palmieri, who, to- " gether with his wife, is pourtrayed in the picture ; both on their " knees. Upon an examination of the above-mentioned picture, " which is in the church of S. Pier Maggiore, in this city, we im- " mediately discover, in every part, a manner corresponding to the " said prints. It is, indeed, true, that the deceased Sig. Abate " Antonmaria Salvini asserted, as a thing most certain, that there " was a Dante with figures by Maso Finiguerra, and I am told " the same, as well by Sig. Gaetano Bernestadt, as by Sig. Dottor " Biscioni, who say they have often heard it asserted. Indeed, I pos- " sess, in my OAvn collection, a few prints belonging to the different " cantos of the Commedia of Dante, which are, in every respect, " (in tutto e per tutto) different from those which are said to be, and " really are by Sandro Botticelli ; but they have neither name, " cypher, nor date, and as they are in a manner extremely rude- " and bad, they may, perhaps, be those which belong to the im- " pression of Dante mentioned by Salvini."* What this edition of Dante is, of which Gaburri here speaks, I know not ; but I - * " Lettere suHa Pittura," Sic. torn. ii. pp. 367. 368. 2 Q 298 FURTHER INQUIRY CONCERNING [chap. iv. suppose, with Lanzi,* that the prints he describes as being in his own collection, and so inferior to those Avhich are found at the two first cantos of the edition of 1481, were no other than the additional prints which, in some copies of that edition, are found pasted at the heads of the third and following cantos. In this research Ave find Mariette expecting, that to satisfy his doubts on the subject, his friend should discover a print, bearing the name or cypher of Maso Finiguerra. A little consideration ought to have made him sensible that such an expectation was most unwarrantable. He states that he had seen many engravings by Andrea Mantegna : had he seen one with the name or cypher of that artist ? No : it was by his knowledge of Andrea's manner, acquired from his drawings and pictures, and, perhaps, still more from the general notoriety of that artist's prints, that he distinguished them. He had seen two or three by PoUajuolo : one print, indeed, by that artist, bears his name at length ; all the others, which are supposed to be by him, that I know of, are without either name or cypher. He tells Gaburri that he had seen no prints by Baldini, whose works are believed to be very numerous, (and, of course, some of them were in the two great collections which he named) because he found none with the name or initials of that artist ; and not mentioning Sandro Botticelli, we may suppose that he had not seen, or had not recognised, any by that master, although he might have learned from Vasari's life of Botticelli, that the plates in the Dante of 1481, a work which, as it is not of extreme rarity, must have been in the King of France's library, were engraved by Sandro's own hand. Gaburri, on the other hand, in his search after Finiguerra's prints, appears to have been wholly unmindful of the character which Vasari gave of that artist ; and forgetting that he, as well as others, * Sloria Pittorica, torn. i. p. S3. Lanzi first vignettes only are by Botticelli. I shall was of opinion that tliese additional prints examine into the propriety of this opinion, were executed by an artist of inferior abilities when I come to speak of Botticelli, after the book was printed, and that the two CHAP. IV.] MASO FINIGUERRA. 299 might have acquired great skill in the management of the burin, long before the art of taking the impressions of engraved plates on paper was even thought of, seems, in the general rummage which he instituted at Florence, to have expected to find productions designed and engraved in a very rude and barbarous taste, as well as badly printed ; and probably, in his hurr}^ with such an impres- sion upon his mind, passed over the very monuments he was looking for. It never occurred to him that he might answer the objections of his correspondent, by observing that very few of the most ancient en- gravers of Italy marked their plates with cyphers or monograms ; and that among the numerous prints of the early Florentine engravers, in particular, one onh% by Antonio Pollajuolo, bears the name of its author. As to the pretended attestation of Baldinucci, and the confirmation of Finiguerra's claims by Bonarroti, Mariette was suf- ficiently well read upon the subject, to know that the one and the other had no other evidence in support of their assertions or opi- nions, than the account given by Vasari ; and that, consequently, the whole question still rested upon the credibility of Vasari alone, in a matter wherein the ancient dates upon several engravings executed in Germany or the Low Countries, appeared to furnish a reasonable ground for doubt. Mariette, therefore, remained of his first opinion, notwithstanding that, it is now ascertained, an undoubted impression by Finiguerra was under his own key ; and some of the writers of Italy* them- selves, began to fear that the pretensions of their country to the invention of chalcography, rested upon a very precarious founda- tion ; whilst others framed the improbable hypothesis, that the art was discovered in Germany and in Italy, about 1460, by two artists, who were each ignorant of the other's good fortune. The Baron Heineken, one Avould imagine, had never read the * Particularly Bottari, although himself " rica," torn. i. p. 87. a Florentine. — Vide Lanzi, " Storia Pitto- 2 q2 300 IMPRESSIONS OF WORKS [chap. iv. passage relative to Finiguerra, in Vasari's life of Pollajuolo, or the just eulogium passed upon him in Baldinucci, when he treated him as a common goldsmith, from whom nothing was to be expected but pieces of foliage and grotesques. After speaking of the failure of Gaburri and Mariette in their attempts to discover Maso's prints, he says : " It is, nevertheless, still probable that, among the quan- " tity of ancient prints of foliage and grotesques, engraved, most " certainly, by the Italian goldsmiths, there may be some of the " productions of this artist. Indeed there are two little pieces of •* this kind, which are marked MF. and are in a style of engraving " quite distinct from that of Marc Antonio; insomuch, that we " may suppose the cypher to signify Maso Finiguerra. I must, at the " same time, however, confess that it is a mere conjecture."* Our countryman, Strutt, copied, as not improbably a production of Maso's burin, a small print, then in the collection of Dr. Monroe; in which is represented, on the right, a naked figure of Hercules supporting the universe, and, on the left, an old man seated at a table, and, apparently, employed in engraving on a minute circular plate. On the table, Mr. Strutt discovered something resembling the initial letter F. The identity of this letter F, however, is, at best, doubtful, and it is now ascertained that the print in question^ is one of several engravings, which were executed in the same rude manner, by an artist who, if we can credit Bartsch,:}: lived as late as 1515; and who, perhaps, adopted a mode of en- graving which had then gone out of fashion, with the intention of deceiving the connoisseurs of his day ; as Goltzius, it is well known, did, with success, in later times. Certain it is, that his prints bear the appearance of great antiquity. It is not a great many years since a discovery was made, Avhich, although it did not go the length of contirming Finiguerra's title to * " Idee Gen^rale," p. 140. British Museum. They will be spoken of in t This print, with several others by the a subsequent page, same artist, is now in the collection of the J" PeintreGraveur/'tom.xiii. p.408,etseq. CHAP. IV.] OF NIELLO DISCOVERED. .30? the invention in question, was, nevertheless, upon the whole, very much calculated to strengthen the authority of Vasari ; since, from the peculiarity attending it, it could not but be allowed to be a strong presumptive evidence that that author did not write merely from hearsay, but that he himself had seen proofs of works of niello, on paper, ascribed to Finiguerra. " Sig. Antonio Armano, " of Bologna," says Lanzi, " a very great judge of prints, was led " to suspect, from the words of Vasari, that these proofs might be " confounded with pen-drawings : he searched for them in many " collections of designs, and found several proofs of works of niello, " by anonymous goldsmiths of the fifteenth century.* These " curious specimens are now preserved in the very interesting col- " lection of early prints which was formed by the late Count Gia- " como Durazzo, formerly the Imperial Ambassador at Venice, " and which has since devolved to his nephew, the Marquis ** Girolamo. " Many of these," continues the same writer, " came out of the " ancient collection of the Gaddi-f- family, at Florence ; and are by " artists inferior to Finiguerra, excepting two, which do not seem " vniworthy of his burin. To them Avere afterwards added not a " few by artists of other schools of Italy. Their origin is sometimes " discovered by their style of design ; sometimes, with more cer- " tainty, by inscriptions, or other unequivocal marks. Upon one " of them, representing a nativity, for example, we read, in cha- " racters the reverse way, ' Dominus Phil/ppus Stancharitis fieri " fecit ;' where the family named, added to other circumstances, " indicates Bologna. A small print represents a woman who is " turned towards a cat, and has this inscription, likewise in cha- * I have, myself, indeed, more than once, masters. Many interesting letters addressed heard Armano relate the story. to him upon the subject of his collections in f The Cav. Gaddi was one of the first this way, by the different agents whom he em- noblemen of Italy, who possessed a proper ployed to make purchases for him, are to be relish for the original designs of the great found in the " Lettere suUa Pittura," &c. 302 IMPRESSIONS OF WORKS OF NIELLO. [chap. iv. " racters reversed, va in la Caneva ; and on another we read, Man- " tengave Dio ; both Lombard or Venetian, as the dialect evinces. " From all this we may argue, that the words of Vasari, in wliich " he ascribes to Finiguerra the practice of proving his Avorks before " he filled the engraved cavities with niello, cannot be limited to " him only, or to his school. It, indeed, appears that that mode " Avas used by Caradosso* (of Milan) and other excellent artists of " Italy, as a very important part of their art ; and that they likewise " were directed by these proofs, and not by chance, in the finishing " of their works of niello. Nor Avill it be enough to oppose the " silence of Vasari as to this point. That he was not sufficiently ac- *' quainted with the history of the Venetian and Lombard artists " has been often, with justice, objected to him ; and if he was " thus uninformed relative to their painting, how much more " may we suppose him to have been ignorant of their engraving. " The proots therefore of the workers in niello," continues Lanzi, " are found in all parts of Italy, and are especially known by the " direction of the inscriptions upon them, which, being written fi'om " left to right in the original plates, appear in the impressions, as in " oriental writings, from right to left ; and in the same manner the " other parts of the print are reversed. There are likewise other " marks by which they are to be distinguished. Being printed " with the hand, or with a roller, thej' have no mark of the plate ; " nor must we expect to find in them that precision and clearness " in the strokes, which the press afterwards gave to the impressions " of ensjraviuos. Thev are also distinofuished by the tint Avith Avhich " thev are printed, Avhich Avas generally soot mixed with oil, or " some other verv liffht colour:" but this and the last are verv uncertain characteristics, being indeed generally applicable to the very early impressions of the most ancient Italian engravings, Avhich * Caradosso is briefly mentioned by Vasari, give us his authority for the assertion, tliat he in the life of Bramante, and appears to have svas accustomed to take the impressions of flourished about 1500. Lanzi has omitted to his works of niello. CHAP. IV.] IMPRESSIONS OF WORKS OF NIELLO. 303 were taken off before a proper press and good printing ink were discovered. " It has been conjectured that the silversmiths Avere " Ukewise accustomed to make similar proofs even of their works " a graffito, and others in which niello was not used. Be this as it " may, these proofs from their works were preserved in their " studies, and in those of their scholars, to whom they might serve " as models ; and by these means some of them have remained to " our days."* But although the practice of proving their works of niello appears to have been common among the Italian goldsmiths of the fif- teenth century ; still, among the proofs which have been found, none> according to Lanzi, seem to have pretensions to an antiquity higher than 1440, about which period it is contended that Maso Finiguerra discovered the method of taking impressions from his engravings in silver. The opinion of Lanzi upon this subject is chiefly grounded upon the inscriptions found upon many of these proofs, which are always in Roman letters, whereas those characters did not, he says, return into general use in Italy until about that epoch. Nor is the barbarous taste of several of them a proof of their more remote antiquity. " There are, it is true," says that excellent writer, among those in the Durazzo Collection, " proofs " of niello of a style of design more rude than that of Maso, and " perhaps of schools distinct from the Florentine : but, because more " rude, are they, on that account, more ancient? Maso, and the " Florentine artists who succeeded Masaccio, had, in 1440, already " improved their style : but can we say the same of other schools ? " Besides, are we sure that the silversmiths, from whom these " proofs came, selected the designs of the best masters ; and that the " Bolognese, for example, did not copy a Pieta of Jacopo Avanzi ; " the Venetians, a Madonna of Jacobello del Fiore ? The more dry, " the more rude, or the more ugly, cannot therefore be brought " against Finiguerra as a proof of more remote antiquity : else we * Lanzi, " Storia Pittorica," toiu. i. pp. 79- 80. 81. 304 IMPRESSION SUPPOSED TO BE BY [chap. iv. " should fall into the entertaining sophism of Michele Scalza, Avho " affirmed that the Baronci* were the most ancient inhabitants of " Florence, and of the whole world, because they were the most " deformed."-)- Finiguerra, therefore, until some better evidence is produced of the more remote antiquity of the custom among the goldsmiths of other parts of Italy, seems still to have the best claim to the honour of the discovery. Of the proofs taken by Finiguerra on paper, from his works of niello, some have supposed there exist specimens in the collection of the gallery at Florence. It is possible, as Lanzi observes, that one or two of those in the Durazzo Cabinet may be by him. Nor will I omit to mention, in this place, that I myself have for many years possessed a small print which was extracted from a book of draAvings, and Avhich I consider to be, without doubt, the proof of a work of niello of a Florentine artist of the middle of the fifteenth century. It was probably the proof taken of one of these Paxes, and in every respect corresponds so exactly with the character given us of Finiguerra's productions by Vasari and other writers, that I scarcely hesitate to pronounce it the work of that extraordinary artist. It represents the Madonna seated on a magnificent throne, with the infant Saviour on her lap : on each side of her is an angel stand- ing with a lily in his hand, the emblem of virginity, awaiting her commands. Behind are six other angels, three on each side of the throne, seated on benches, and playing on musical instruments ; and above are four more of those celestial attendants, and six clierubims. On the plane beneath are ten female saints ; amongst whom S. Ca- tharine is distinguished by her wheel, S. Clara by her monastic habit, S. Mary Magdalen by her long hair and the vase of ointment, S. Lucia by her eyes in the dish, and S. Agnes by her lamb : the whole forming, in a space of little more than four inches in height, by three in width, a composition of no less than thirty figures. ■* Boccaccio, " Decatnerone,"— Giornata vi. Novella 6. f Lanzi, toin. i. p. 93. 1 M^SO IFIWIGZ'EM.M^'^. J'rom t3>e ortgittal in ti/e I'osses^ion ofiiey:iuiior. CHAP. IV.] MASO FINIGUERRA. 305 This little picture, for I may so term it, is semicircular at top, and is bounded by a rich frame studded with precious stones. On each side is a pilaster of the Corinthian order, supporting a frieze, or cor- nice, the upper part of Avhich was perhaps unfinished at the time the artist took this proof; and in the two spandles, over the arch of the picture, is introduced the Annunciation of the Virgin. The lower part of the architectural decoration, where it is possible there may have been an inscription, is wanting. Upon a careful examination of this work, we shall discover in it all those qualities for which Finiguerra w^as, above every other goldsmith of his time, so eminent. The figures, notwithstanding their extremely minute proportions, are drawn with great correct- ness and purity of style; and, in their draperies especially, bear a strong resemblance to the figures of Masaccio, of whom Bal- dinucci considers him to have been the disciple. They are judi- ciously varied in their attitudes, and so skilfully disposed, that it would be perhaps impossible to point out any composition of that age, in which fulness and perspicuity are so happily united. As a work of the burin, it evinces the greatest delicacy of hand, and in- credible diligence. That it is of a period not later than 1450, I am strongly of opinion. About that time Botticelli and others began to introduce a style of drapery more varied, but less pure, and which, by degrees, became more and more frittered into many small serpentine folds, very unlike the simplicity of the school of Masaccio. Moreover the glories round the heads of the saints and angels, which are here re- presented solid, and with excavated rays, a remnant of the custom of the fourteenth century, were by most of the Florentine artists, who succeeded that epoch, either entirely omitted, or indicated only with one or two simple lines. Brunelleschi had, shortl)^ before, in- troduced in Florence a taste for the architectural orders of Greece and Rome, which often, in the works of inferior architects of the time, displayed itself in an uncouth mixture of Grecian and Gothic ornament ; of which the throne of the Madonna, and the horizontal 2 E 306 IMPRESSION SUPPOSED TO BE BY [chap. iv. mouldings by which the pilasters in this little print are divided, may- be produced as examples. That it is the proof of a work of niello is sufficiently evident : there is, indeed, no inscription upon it, which, by exhibiting the letters reversed, might, according to Lanzi's remark, distinguish it from other prints ; but there are other marks, which decidedly prove that the whole composition is in a direction opposite from what the artist intended : thus the little angels, who are playing on musical instruments, hold the bow of the violin, or strike the chords of the guitar, Avith the left hand instead of the right. The mode, in which it is printed, likewise corresponds exactly with the description given by Lanzi of the specimens in the Durazzo collection : it was evidently taken off by a common roller, or other imperfect method of printing, with a tint of litflp consistency, like that produced with soot and oil; and is, in point of impression, very irregular and defective through- out : the work, in some places, being scarcely perceptible ; in others, pretty distinct. The paper, upon which it is printed, is extremely thin, and appears to have been oiled all over : this was possibly a part of the artist's process, either that it might acquire a shining appearance like metal, or that, the impression becoming transparent, he might, on the other side of the paper, be enabled to view his figures in the same direction as in the silver. After all, I do not positively assert it to be the work of Finiguerra, although the more I have examined it, the more I have felt strengthened in that opi- nion. A comparison of it with the Pax in the church of S. Gio- vanni, at Florence, may, at some future time, ascertain the truth or fallacy of my conjecture. Meanwhile the copy, which is here given of it, may not prove unacceptable to the reader. Thus had I written some months before I was acquainted with the very interesting account published by Zani, and accompanied by a correct copy of an undoubted print by Maso Finiguerra, which he had the good fortune to discover at Paris — one of the impressions that Maso took from his celebrated Pax of * the As- sumption,' before he finished it Avith the nkllo. The opportunity of CHAP. IV.] MASO FINIGUERRA. 307 making- the desired comparison was now in my power, and 1 saw, with satisfaction, that my conjectures respecting the print above described, were well founded. Indeed the resemblance between it and the print copied in Zani, is so striking, that the person* from whom I first received intelligence of that Avriter's publication, and who had, several times, previously seen the print in my possession, thought erroneousl}% as he assured me, upon first viewing Zani's copy, that the original at Paris, from which it had been taken, could be no other than a duplicate impression of the same plate with my own. But although it appears most evident, from the comparison, that the print just described, and that at Paris, are alike the pro- ductions of Finiguerra, still, upon a careful examination, there will be found, in the former, every mark of a considerable priority of date. Not to enter into various minute distinctions between them, it may be sufficient to observe, that the folds of the draperies in that print, are designed and executed with a dryness of manner from which the latter is almost wholly exempt. In the print of ' the Assumption,' the draperies are cast in a bolder style, and the smaller folds are marked with great tenderness, so as to appear, as it were, subservient to the larger ones ; by which means the masses of light are preserved, the figures have greater relief, and the whole acquires a certain breadth of effect, which is far from unpleasing. Moreover, the former print is, as I have already said, feebly and imperfectly printed, whereas the latter, as Ave shall hereafter find, is described as being very well printed. From these considerations, I feel little hesitation in pronouncing that the print above described is the impression of a work en- graved by Maso some years before he executed ' the Pax of the * This person was Mr. Thomas Dodd, to before the arrival of Zani's book in EnS • ^I^rtin Schongauver, Israel Van Meek, and others. Mr. Bartsch strongly urges the paucity of these proofs of the Italian goldsmiths from their works of niello. " To hear Lanzi, indeed," says he, " one would suppose that " the number of these proofs of niello was very considerable, that " one could perceive in them the difference of schools, and that " they were dispersed throughout every province of Italy. But on " careful examination of what is said by that eloquent author, one " discovers, that his arguments, however ingenious, are not sustained " by solid and satisfactory proof Where, Ave ask him, is this great " number of impressions of works o{ niello? He himself only speaks " of those preserved in the Durazzo cabinet, at Genoa. We are " not acquainted Avith those pieces, but we haA^e eA'cry reason to " belieA'e that their number does not much exceed that of the " thirty-tAA'o Avhich have been since given to the public in the " copies, AA^iich Ave shall hereafter describe.* We inquire of him, " Avhich are the collections, not only in Italy, but in all Europe, " Avhere prints of this sort are to be found ? We ourselves have " seen several of these great collections, and Ave are acquainted " Avith the most celebrated, as Avell by catalogues, as through other " channels of information ; but we have found them all, either " entirely destitute of, or very scantily [)rovided Avith, prints of this " kind. The rich, the immense imperial collection of prints at " Vienna, never possessed one single piece." To these assertions of INIr. Bartsch, and to his questions (for the * Bartsch's descriptions of these interesting specimens have been already given. CHAP, v.] BARTSCH'S ARGUMENT EXAMINED. 343 Tespected Lanzi is no longer amongst us to answer for himself) I reply : first, that I consider it very possible that some of these proofs may have eluded his search — if, indeed, he ever searched for them, except Avith the hopes of not finding them — amongst ancient anonymous prints. It is next to impossible that the immense Im- perial Collection at Vienna should not contain a single example of that description; unless we may suppose it to have been, at all times, a part of the office of keeper of that collection, to turn out or destroy, as noxious intruders, dangerous to the pretensions of Germany to priority in chalcography, whatever specimen of the kind was from time to time discovered. Secondly, I answer, that I apprehend the fact is not as he has stated it. These proofs of the Italian gold- smiths from their works of niello, or other engravings in silver, are not so very uncommon as he would lead us to suppose. Of what description, I would ask in my turn, are the twenty-four pieces in the collection of Mr. Otto, at Leipzig, which Heineken and Huber ascribed to Finiguerra, and which Bartsch has inserted in an ap- pendix to his catalogue of anonymous prints by Italian engravers of the fifteenth century?* Does it not appear probable, from their descriptions, that some of them, at least, are proofs taken by an Italian goldsmith, from his works of niello, or other engravings for the decoration of plate? Do not Heineken and Huber, in their accounts of these prints, observe of some of them, that they appear to be the impressions of engravings executed on the lids of small boxes ? Besides, some collections that Mr. Bartsch is acquainted with, appear to be " scantily provided with the impressions of works " oi niello" — Why omit them in his catalogues? But the extreme rarity of these proofs of works of niello, if ad- mitted, is not so strong an argument, as Bartsch would insinuate, against the prevalence of the custom amongst the Italian goldsmiths in those early times. It is reasonable to suppose that they seldom took, more than two or three impressions from any one engravino', * These pieces will be described in our next chapter. 344 BARTSCn S ARGUMEINT EXAMINED. [chap, v. previous to filling it with niello, when it became no longer capable of being printed. Manj^ of these proofs have been, doubtless, destroyed; others lost; a catastrophe to which, from the minute dimensions of most of them, they are especially subject; others still remain, unheeded, amongst old collections of drawings ; and others, better printed than the rest, for there can be no doubt of the gold- smiths having, by degrees, improved the process by which they obtained these impressions, escape, undistinguished, in volumes or portfolios of old engravings. For where the impression of a work of niello happens to have been well taken off, and there is no in- scription upon it, which, by presenting its characters reversed, may serve to ascertain it, it may not be so easily known. I have already described half a dozen small prints in my own small collection, which, I am fully convinced, are of the number of these proofs of the Italian goldsmiths : some of them are printed with tolerable effect ; others, less perfectly ; but, as they are destitute of inscrip- tions, I would not undertake to convince Mr. Bartsch that they are, really, what I consider them. Ought not the confessed rarity of the prints, even of the early German school, to have deterred Mr. Bartsch from having recourse to such an argument? The plates of all these appear to have been engraved for the express purpose of publication, and, conse- quently, may be supposed to have furnished many impressions : for Germany produces no document, from which it may be conjectured that its goldsmiths of the fifteenth century practised working in niello, or that, previous to the discovery of a well constructed press, they made any attempts to procure impressions from their en- gravings on metal. And yet that writer informs us, in the preface to his Catalogues of the German engravers, from 1466 to the latter part of the sixteenth century, " that so great was the rarity of the " prints described in those Catalogues, that he had only chanced • to see one single impression of about half of them ;" although he had had recourse to all the great collections at Vienna. Having demonstrated, as he conceives, that few, if any, of these CHAP, v.] BARTSCHS ARGUMENT EXAMINED. 345 proofs of the early Italian goldsmiths exist, excepting those in the Durazzo Cabinet, Bartsch next proceeds, with great ingenuity, to shew that the idea of their having ever been general throughout Italy, has little or no foundation, and that, after all, the whole of those existing may be the Avork of one artist. " With regard to the authors of these prints," (says he) " it is " very difficult to determine their number, or to prove that they " resided in different cities of Italy. The inequality of execution " observed in them, is, perhaps, only a deceitful variety; and " it is very possible that the pieces attributed to ten* different " masters are the work of but two, nay, perhaps, even of but one " artist." " The inscriptions upon a few of them, indicating, in one instance, " the city of Bologna, in two others, the dialect of Lombardy, are " not such certain attestations of their origin, as Lanzi seems to sup- " pose; since the former, inscribed with the name of a famil}'^, and " the two latter, containing devices, may have been, in fact, executed " by one and the same goldsmith, resident at Florence, in exact " and literal conformity to the desire of three amateurs ; one of " whom lived at Bologna, the others, in some town of Lombardy." Would it be believed that Bartsch, whilst he thus wrote, knew that one of the proofs of Avhich he speaks, was taken from an un- doubted work of Francesco Francia of Bologna ?-{• It is hardly necessary to urge the want of candour, evinced in this argument, and the monstrous improbability of its writer's hy- pothesis. He is obliged to abandon it, and proceeds : " But even allowing that there may have been several gold- " smiths, who left impressions of their works of 7iieUo, and who " resided, either in the same city, or in various cities of Italy, it is " most certain, that in their exercise of the newly discovered art, * In the absence of the Abate Boni's Cabinet, were the work of ten different work, I am led to conjecture, from the above goldsmiths. passage, that that writer was of opinion, that f Viz. the 7neUo of the Crucifixion, de- the proofs of works of niello, in the Durazzo scribed No. 4, p. 324, of this chapter. 2 Y 346 BARTSCH S ARGUMENT EXAMINED. [chap. v. " they did not advance one step beyond Maso their prototype." — That is, Maso, it is almost certain, never got beyond his impressions taken from sulphurs, and the other goldsmiths of Italy, most cer- tainly, never advanced one single step towards the further improve- ment of the new art, till about 1460, Where Mr. Bartsch got this intelligence, he has omitted to inform us. I answer, that the reverse is almost certain, " It is, moreover, remarkable," continues he, " that Vasari " places the discovery of Finiguerra about the year 1460 ; that " is, several years later than it really took place ; and that he " says that Finiguerra was followed by Baldini ; who, nevertheless, " does not make his appearance as an engraver, Avith any degree of " certainty, until 1477, in the tAvo prints," Bartsch ought to have said three, " which he engraved for the work printed at Florence, " under the title of il month santo di dio." " Vasari, indeed, it is well known, is not always implicitly to " be depended on ; nevertheless, his absolute silence as to the " existence of engravings printed from the time of Finiguerra's dis- " covery until Baldini, proves sufficiently that he had never seen " any. This, his silence, confirms our opinion ; namelj^ that " Finiguerra Avas blind to the importance of his discovery ; that " the goldsmiths his contemporaries had not the wit to make any " thing of it ; that the one and the others satisfied themselves with " casting their sulphurs, and taking from them as many impres- " sions as their fragile nature would permit ; that is to say, a num- " ber, at best, very inconsiderable." " Such was the languishing state of the art in Italy, when a " native of Germany published prints, which, the moment they " are looked at, leave not the smallest room to doubt that they " were engraved on plates of copper, and printed with a press. " We speak of the excellent artist whose name is unknown, but ** who used the initials (^>S« and Avhom we term the engraver of " the year 1466." Here Mr. Bartsch comes to the point. Italy, he says, had made CHAP, v.] BARTSCH'S ARGUMENT EXAMINED. 347 no step whatever, towards perfecting the new art, Avhen a Ger- man artist surprised the world by the production of fine prints ! ! Let me now be permitted to make a few observations upon this specious tissue of garbled evidence, false premises, and unwarranted conclusions ; fabricated, with more ingenuity than fairness, for the purpose of depriving Italy of the honours due to her as inventress of chalcography, and transferring them to Germany. Where, I would ask, did Mr. Bartsch learn that Baldini did not make his appearance as an engraver, with any degree of certaint}^ until 1477, in the prints of the Monte Santo di Dio? Where is his authority for ascribing those prints to Baldini at all "> They indeed may be by that artist, and probably are so : but neither Vasari nor any other old writer says one word of the matter. Is Baldini mentioned in the preface or in the colophon of that curious book, as the author of the engravings which it contains ? No on the contrary, no mention whatever is made of those embellishments, a circumstance which, of itself, seems sufficient to prove that prints were, at that time, no new things at Florence. For had they been the first public essays of the chalcographic art in that city, there can be little doubt that Nicolo della Magna, the publisher, would have made a merit of the introduction of such novel decorations; dwelling on the utility and importance of the new art, as did the publisher of the geography of Ptolemy, printed at Bologna, and bearing date 1462; a date which probably requires amendment, and, it is thought, ought to have been 1472. How came Mr. Bartsch, upon this occasion, to forget to men- tion the very curious Florentine almanack described by Strutt, and accompanied by seven small folio prints, representing the seven planets, with their attributes; a work which he himself admits must have been engraved as early as 1464;— that is, two years prior to the earliest date he had been able to discover on any German engraving on metal— and whose magnitude certainly opposes the idea of its having been a first essay of the art, or of the artist, whoever he was .? The artist, indeed, Mr Bartsch, seem^ 2 y2 348 BARTSCH'S ARGUMENT EXAMINED. [chap. v. afterwards to think, was Baldini ; for he describes the series, in the supplement to his hst of the prints attributed by him to that en- graver. Why did he withhold this information on the present occa- sion ? The answer is obvious ; — he well knew that, had he introduced it, his favourite hypothesis must instantly have fallen to the ground. The fabric he had raised with so much care, was built on another's freehold. Still the sojourn Avas so much to his taste, that he could not resolve to quit it. His title was bad, but he flattered himself that it would escape investigation; that the plausible arguments he had used in its support would have their intended effect, and that he would be left in undisturbed possession. Before the im- partial tribunal of truth, he is soon discomfited ; his eloquence is of little avail, and the right owner is once more re-established in his invaded property. So much for Bartsch's argument. Had that author been satisfied to urge, on the behalf of Germany, that that nation was, next to Italy, the first to practise engraving on copper ; and that its pro- fessors greatly contributed to the advancement and perfection of the new art; no reasonable person could have denied assent to his proposition : but when, at the close of his discourse, he recommends that Italy and Germany should shake hands, and equally divide between them the honour of the invention, we are reminded of the man, who, when he found he must lose his law- suit, modestly offered to be satisfied with one half of the estate Avhich had been the subject of litigation. CHAP. VI.] ANCIENT FLORENTINE ENGRAVERS. 349 CHAPTER VI. The Works of Ancient Engravers of the Florentine School, described. Baccio Baldini — Sandra Botticelli — Antonio del Pollajtwlo. An- cient Prints of this School by unknown Artists. Other early Flo- rentine Engravers. Ghei^ardo. Robetta. In the brief sketch given in the preceding chapter, of the pro- gress of the art of taking impressions from engraved plates of metal, from its invention by Finiguerra, to the final establishment of chalcography, Ave have distinguished that art, after the example of Lanzi, into three states of advancement : we have there, also, spoken of the proofs taken by the goldsmiths from their works of niello, or other engravings for the decoration of plate ; because, in the ar- rangement of a collection of ancient prints, these seem to merit the first consideration ; as constituting a distinct class, illustrative of the art we treat of in its frst or infant state. The impressions of other ancient engravings, executed on softer or coarser metals than copper, or printed by an imperfect process, may, in like manner, as Lanzi observes, be considered as the monuments of the new art during its second stage of advance- ment ; and, consequently, may naturally appear to merit the being placed in a second corresponding class. Many difficulties, however, oppose themselves to such an arrangement, in a work like the present; and the following objections to it may suffice to justify the method intended to be pursued in the ensuing 350 BACCIO BALDINI. [chap. vi. pages : viz. that we find impressions of the same plate, some of them, apparently taken off with an imperfect apparatus, and a tint of little consistency, (and these are, probably, the earliest,) and others, printed with a powerful press and dark glutinous oil colour. So that were we to attempt the above classification, the print which, from the imperfectness of the impression we had chanced to see, we had classed amongst the examples of the art in its second stage of advancement, might be found, in another collection, printed with all the strength and power of the finest print of Marc Antonio; the finest impressions of whose engravings have, as is well known, a richness and depth of colour not to be surpassed. Moreover, in such a classification, it Avould be necessary, in many instances, to separate the works of the same engraver ; as in the case of Mantegna, who, having practised the art of engraving whilst in its second or imperfect state, lived long enough after- wards to contribute, by his example, to its final perfection and establishment. In the descriptions, therefore, of ancient prints, which we now proceed to lay before the reader, we shall class the engravings of each school, as nearly as possible, in chronological order ; without, however, separating the known works of any one master from each other ; and in the few instances in which the writings of Vasari, or any other writer of authority, furnish materials, we shall give some account of the artists themselves, as m ell as of their performances. Of the inventor, Finiguerra, we have spoken fully in a former chapter : Baldini next appears to claim our notice. BACCIO BALDINI. All the information we possess concerning this ancient engraver, is contained in a short passage of Vasari ; wherein that writer, after having recorded the story of Finiguerra's discovery, relates that *• he was followed by Baccio Baldini, a Florentine goldsmith, e CHAP. VI.] BACCIO BALDINI. 351 " who not being a very skilful designer, engraved all that he did " from the inventions and designs of Sandro Botticelli."* This account, scanty as it is, cannot safely be taken in a rigidly literal sense. It is not credible that Botticelli, who was an artist of eminence, constantly occupied in large works of painting, should have found time, on all occasions, to make designs for Baldini to engrave from ; and, indeed, he was sometimes emplo3'ed, for a length of time together, at a distance from Flo- rence; as in the years 1473-4, when he superintended and assisted in the execution of the fresco paintings, made by the order of Sixtus IV., in the chapel newly erected by him in the palace of the Vatican, at Rome. Nor can the expression, that Baldini was not a skilful designer, justify our supposition that he was ex- tremely defective in a part of the art in which, at all times, it was especially the pride of the artists of the Florentine school to excel. Perhaps Vasari meant to say no more than that Baldini, in comparison of many other artists of Florence of the same period, was inferior in design and invention; and that, consequently, for many of his principal works of engraving, he availed himself of the designs of Botticelli and other masters. We have before had occasion to observe, that Vasari, in the short account of the infancy of chalcography prefixed to his lives of Marc Antonio and others, betrays evident impatience to pro- ceed. Finiguerra, Baldini, and Mantegna, are indeed the only three ancient engravers of the Italian school that he there men- tions ; although, in other parts of his Avork, he speaks of the engravings of Pollajuolo and Botticelli. It seems, therefore, reasonable to conclude, from his notice of Baldini in this place, that that artist held an eminent rank amongst the professional en- gravers of Florence of his time ; and, especially, that his works * " Fu segiiitato cestui da Baccio Baldini, " con inventione, e disegno di Sandro Bot- " Orefice Fiorenlino, il quale non havendo " ticelli." " molto disegno, tutto quello, che fece, fu .J52 BACCIO BALDINL [chap. vi. were numerous, and well known. Now we possess many en- gravings, which, at the same time that they bear every charac- teristic mark of the Florentine school of this early period, appear also, from the peculiarities of their style and execution, to be the productions of one artist : and perhaps the above consideration may be deemed sufficient to justify the conjecture, that those pieces are really by Baldini. We commence the catalogue of Baldini's supposed works, with a description of twenty-four prints, which were formerly in the cabinet of the celebrated Baron de Stosch, Avho became possessed of them during a long residence at Florence. They were pur- chased, after the death of Stosch, by M. Otto, of Leipzig, and were ascribed, by Heineken* and Huber,f to Maso Finiguerra. Bartsch, who saw a duplicate impression of one of them, (No. 4,) assures us, that they are by the same engraver who executed the set of fifty prints, known in Italy under the title of II Giuoco di Tarocchi ;:}: an assurance to which we are inclined to give the more credit, as Heineken has given us the fac-similes of two others, (of which copies will be presently presented to the reader,) which, upon examination, appear to justify the remark. We are aware that the circumstance of one or two of the titles, under the figures of the Giuoco di Tarocchi, being written in the Venetian dialect, may appear to constitute a reasonable ground for the opinion stated by Lanzi,§ and afterwards by Zani, || that those engravings are of the Venetian or Paduan school ; but a very careful com- parison of many of them with various ancient engravings of the Florentine school, and, amongst the rest, Avith the three prints published in 1477, at Florence, in the Monte Santo di Dio, has as- * liEbE Bacl]ncl)ttn, p. 281, et seq. indeed, says that these prints are ascribed, by t " Manuel des Amateurs de I'Art," good judges, to Mantegna. In answer to torn. iii. p. 29, et seq. this, I can only say that I find not in them % " Peintre Graveur," torn. xiii. p. 142. the smallest resemblance to his style. I " Storia Pittorica," torn. i. p. 82. Lanzi, || " Material!," &c. p. 70. CHAP. VI.] BACCIO BALDINI. 353 sured us, that they are really Florentine; and, indeed, that they are by the hand of the same individual engraver. Huber observes, that, after an examination of the twenty-four pieces in question, he is obliged to confess, that although the en- gravings of the German artists, of the same period, are superior to those of the Italians, in the management of the burin ; the latter have infinitely the advantage, in the grace and contour of the figures, and the taste with which they are composed. No. 1. "A female, almost naked, lying upon the ground; per- " haps intended for Venus ; above, is a scroll with these words : " AMOR VUOL FE E DOVE FE NONN E, AMOR NON PUO. This Subject " appears to have been engraved on the top of an oval box. The " same inscription is to be found on No. 17." A careful imitation of the copy given by Heineken of this piece, will enable the reader to form some judgment of its style ; which a good deal resembles that of the Cupid riding on the Dolphin, in- troduced at page 333. 2. '• A young man and a young woman, who serve as supporters " to a circular shield, upon which the arms of the Medici family are 2 z 354 BACCIO BALDINI. [chap. VI. " sketched with a pen : two short inscriptions at top, as the reader " will perceive from the following copy, are added in the same " manner. At the bottom of the shield, is a vase of ilowers ; and, " upon it, is a basket filled with apples ; of which fruit each of the " figures holds one in the air. The female is dressed in the Greek " costume, and has two girdles. This subject appears to have been " engraved on the lid of a round box. " Diameter, 4 inches 3-4ths. 3. " A circular print, with a large border, composed of eight " bunches of fruit, tied together; in the middle is a half-length " figure of a corpulent young man, whose head is encircled with CHAP. VI.] BACCIO BALDINI. 355 " vine-leaves : he has a paroquet on his shoulder, and is playing on " the guitar. " Diameter, 7 inches l-4th. 4. " Another circle, representing a naked Cupid, at the period " of adolescence, with a bandage over his eyes, and his vs^ings ex- *' tended. His arms are tied over his head to a tree, to Avhich he " is also bound near the feet and at the waist. On each side of " him are two females, magnificently dressed in the fashion of the " time : the first, on the left side,* menaces him with a fan ; the " second, with two arrows and a broken bow ; the third, on the " opposite side, holds a quiver, and threatens him with a spindle, " and the fourth advances towards him with a knife. " Diameter, 7 inches one-half 5. " Another circle, wherein is represented the same Cupid ; his " eyes bandaged, and his wings extended, with his hands tied be- " hind his back. On each side of him, as in the print last described, " are two women : the first seizes him by one of his wings ; the " second pulls him by the ribbon which supports his quiver, and " menaces him with a battledore ; the third is going to strike him " with a large sword, and the fourth has a pair of scissars. " Diameter, 6 inches one-half. 6. " Another circle, surrounded by an ornament of foliage, " wherein are introduced eight ovals ; each containing a Cupid " playing upon a musical instrument : beautiful little figures, exe- " cuted M'ith great delicacy. In the round space, within this border, * Bartsch, vol. xiii. p. 142, prefaces his To preserve uniformity, therefore, in the account of these pieces by saying, " En present work, I have, where the left or the " transcrivant ici le detail de M. Huber, r^gA^hand of the print is referred to, made " nous remarquerons seulement, que cet the necessary alteration in the word. By the " auteur appelle le c6t6 droit ce que nous right, I mean that pafC of a print which is " nommons le c6te gauche, et vice versa." opposite to the right-hand of the spectator. 2 z 2 356 BACCIO BALDINI. [chap, vi, " are two heads of a man and a woman, in profile, looking at each " other : above is a small fillet, on which is written with the hand : " dammi conforto. Heineken, (I3eue j0acl;rul)ten, p. 283,) does not " mention this inscription. " Diameter, 7 inches l-4th. 7. " Another circle, surrounded by a border of foliage, in which " are six upright ovals ; each containing a Cupid playing on a " musical instrument ; as in the preceding print. At the bottom is " another oval, lengthways ; in which are two figures, lying on the •' ground, of a naked woman, and a man who presents her with a " carnation. In the circle, in the middle, are two elegant figures of " a gentleman and lady dancing. , " Diameter, 8 inches. 8. " Another circle, with a border composed of fruits. The " middle represents a landscape, in which is seen a bear attacked " by five large dogs. Above, between two orange-trees, are two " cartouches, upon which the balls of the arms of the Medici family " are traced with a pen and ink, as in No. 2. " Diameter, 8 inches. 9. " Another circle, in a little border. The scene represents a " garden, in the near-ground of which is a cavalier playing on the " guitar : he is seated by the side of a lady, finely dressed, who has " a garland, in one hand, and, in the other, a rose, and whose robe " is embroidered with pomegranates. Between these two figures, is " another lady standing, playing on a small harp; and above, " near an inclosure, two lovers are seen caressing each other. On " the right, is a table laid out with fruit, and a large vase. '* Diameter, 6 inches one-half. 10. " Another circle, surrounded by a small border of foliage. " The inside presents a monstrous face, seen in fi-ont, with large eyes, CHAP. VI.] BACCIO BALDINI. 357 " and two hands, which open the mouth with two of the fingers, in " such a manner as to shew all the teeth. " Diameter, 7 inches l-8th. 11. " Another round print, where, within a border of laurel, is a " cartouch, without any inscription ; and, on each side, a medallion, " also in a border of laurel, attached, by ribbons, to that in the " middle. The medallion on the left contains the half-length " figure of a young man in profile, with a flower in his hand ; that " on the right, a lady seen in front. Above, a dog is seen attack- " ing a stag, and a hare running away : below, a dog is seizing a " wild boar, and another dog is devouring a hare. " Diameter, 6 inches. 12. " Another circle, in which is represented, in a landscape, a " lady, whose head is decorated with a large garland of flowers : she " is seated, holding a unicorn between her knees, which she caresses " with the one hand, whilst, with the other, she holds a collar, to " put about its neck ; that she may tie it to the trunk of a tree, " which is behind her. At her feet is a little dog ; and, on each " side, a tree, from which hangs a tablet, or cartouch, without any " inscription. " Diameter, 6 inches l-4th. 13. " Another circle, in which is represented Judith, standing, " dressed in the antique costume, and holding, in her left-hand, " the head of Holofernes, whilst, with her right, she brandishes an " enormous sabre over her head. The body of Holofernes is behind " her, extended on the ground. On each side is a tree ; to the trunk " of one of which is aflixed a cartouch, without inscription. " Diameter, 5 inches 3-8ths. 14. " Another circle, representing the same subject ; though with " some variation. Judith is standing, holding the head of Holo- 358 BACCIO BALDINI. [chap. vi. " femes with one hand, and, with the other, a large sabre, the " point of which is inclined downwards. She is richly dressed, and " has a crown on her head. Behind her is the dead body, extended " on the ground. " Diameter, 5 inches l-4th. 15. " Another circle, in which are represented a gentleman and " a lady, promenading in a landscape ornamented with three " cypresses ; and a young man in the fore-ground, playing on the " pipe and tabor. " Diameter, 5 inches 5-8ths. 16. " Another circular print, in the middle of which is a space " intended to contain armorial bearings. On the right is a young " warrior, Avho holds a small scroll in his left-hand, on which is " written* — gianson. With his right-hand, he sustains a large " ornamental vase, assisted by a young female, dressed in the " Greek costume, who is placed on the other side of the print, and " Avho also holds a scroll, on which is written — medea. Beneath is " a small figure of a ram. " Diameter, 6 inches. 17. " Another circle, wherein, on the right of the print, is seen " a cavalier standing upon a piece of rock, holding in his right- " hand a scroll, containing these words — amor vuol fe, e dove " FE NONNE — and sustaining a sphere ; assisted by a female, dressed " after the antique costume, who is standing on a rock on the " opposite side of the print : she also holds a scroll, on which are •' these words — amor non puo. The head of a cherubim serves ♦* as support to a circle in the middle, which is left empty. " Diameter, 5 inches 3-4ths. * Querj — if written or engraved ? CHAP. VI.] BACCIO BALDINI. 359 18. " Another circle ; in the middle of which is a globe, intended " to contain armorial bearings. On the right, is a young lady ; " and, on the left, a young cavalier. These tvs^o figures hold a crown " of laurel over the globe. Above, in the air, is a Cupid, who " shoots an arrow at the cavalier ; and beneath is a dog asleep upon " some herbage. " Diameter, 4 inches 3-4ths. 19. " Another circle ; in which is seen a man, whose hands and " arms are tied to a tree; and a woman, who is shewing him the " heart, which she has been tearing from his bosom : on each side is " an escutcheon hung to a tree. " Diameter, 4 inches. 20. " Another circle, in which is represented a guardian angel, " with large extended wings, dressed in a pontifical habit and a " mitre, leading an infant by the hand : the back-ground is a " landscape. " Diameter, 4 inches. 21. " An oval, 8 inches l-4th in length, by 4 inches in height. " Two Cupids supporting, by long ribbons, a circular border of " fruits and foliage; in the midst of which is a little Cupid standing, " his eyes bandaged, and his wings extended, holding in one hand " his bow, and, in the other, an arrow. 22. " Another oval, 9 inches l-4th in length, by 4 inches in " height. In the middle is represented a car, surmounted by a " trophy of gabions which throw out flames, and drawn by " Cupids ; some playing on musical instruments, others carrying " torches. The procession is opened by a Cupid who bears a " standard ornamented with flames, on which is inscribed — purita; " and is terminated by another Cupid, bearing a similar standard, " on which are these words — al fuogedil. 360 BACCIO BALDINI. [chap. vi. 23. " Another oval, 7 inches 3-8ths in length, by 2 inches 3-8ths " in height, representing two females elegantly dressed, seated " in a landscape, and supporting a border formed of two cornu- " copias. The circular space in the middle is emptj'. A fine " impression. 24. " Another oval, 6 inches 3-4ths in length, by 2 inches 3-4ths " in height, representing two warriors, each with one knee on the " ground, who support an escutcheon of an octagon form, on which " is the figure of a female, dressed in the antique costume, with her " hands raised towards heaven." Heineken says, that these pieces do not appear to have been printed with a press ; but, in the manner described by Vasari, by the application of a common roller moved backwards and forwards. The impression of one of them. No. 6, is, he adds, taken off double, in consequence of the paper having got a crease during the opera- tion. Huber observes of them generally, that they are, for the most part, well printed and in good preservation. Heineken and Huber both remark of the two first of these prints, that they appear to haA^e been engraved on the tops of boxes ; an assertion which seems ill to accord with the circumstance of the inscription upon No. 1, being in its proper direction. At least it is so in Heineken's copy ; and that inscription, unlike the inscriptions and the arms of the Medici family on No. 2, (which, in the original, are added with a pen,) bears every mark of an engraved inscription. It is, indeed possible, that in the original of No. 1, the inscrip- tion may be reversed ; and that Heineken's engraver, who, most probably, worked only from a finished tracing, may have erro- neously copied the wrong side of that tracing. Such an error, in case he had not been apprised of the peculiar nature of the ori- ginal print, and, consequently, of the importance of the circum- stance, would, indeed, be extremely likely to happen : certainly much more so than that the German critic should not have re- CHAP, vr.] BACCIO BALDINI. 361 fleeted, that if the figures, with the inscription, had been engraved on the top of a box, that inscription would naturally have been engraved in the direction used in writing, from left to right ; and that consequently, in such case, the inscription in the impression would appear, as in oriental writings, from right to left. Huber, however, who wrote after Heineken, has given no explanation of the apparent anomaly, and Bartsch copies the descriptions of the last mentioned writer, verbatim, without comment. The reader is, therefore, left to determine the point in question upon the pre- ponderance of probabilities ; and I will only add concerning it, that the circular or oval form of most of these engravings, is in favour of the supposition, that they are really the impres- sions taken by some goldsmith, from engravings executed upon plate, or other ornamental furniture; and that the pro- bability of such being the case, is further strengthened by the circumstance that, with the exception of No. 4, of which Bartsch informs us he saw a duplicate, they appear to be unique. Amongst the first uses to which the new art of chalcography appears to have been applied, was that of making almanacks, play- ing cards, and, we may doubtless add, devotional pieces. Of the former kind, Strutt discovered a set of engravings, in the collection of Dr. Monro, which are certainly of the old Florentine school, and most probably by Baldini ; at least they bear so strong a resem- blance of manner to the three prints in the Monte Smito di Dio, and several other pieces usually ascribed to that engraver, as to leave no doubt that they are by the same hand. It is, however, proper to observe, that the impressions of these engravings, which are now preserved in the collection of the British Museum, appear to have been taken off after the plates had been worn by repeated use, and rudely retouched all over ; so that they want much of that softness and delicacy of appearance, which no doubt the early impressions possessed : it is remarkable that, nevertheless, no other 3 a 362 BACCIO BALDINI. [chap. vi. impressions of them are known. We shall describe them in Mr. Strutt's own words.* * These curious and valuable specimens of ancient engraving, which, I believe,' says Mr. Strutt, * are unique, must have been exe- cuted as early as the year 1464 The set consists of eight plates ; namely, the seven planets, and an almanack, by way of frontis- piece, on which are directions for finding Easter, from the 5'^ear 1465 to 1517 inclusive; and the dates regularly follow each other, which plainly proves that there can be no mistake with respect to the first ; and we may be well assured, in this case, the engravings were not antedated ; for the almanack of course became less and less valuable every year.' I. ' The almanack,' continues Mr. Strutt, ' exhibits a calendar of the saints' days, and a calculation of the day on which Easter would fall, from 1465 to 1517 inclusive. Upon twelve small circles in the middle of the plate, are represented the employ- ments for the twelve months of the year, with the zodiacal sign belonging to each month ; and the gradual increase and decrease of the days, is expressed by the extent of the shadow upon the border, within which these delineations are inclosed. They are as follow : ' January. An elderly gentleman seated at a table, spread with provisions, near the fire, holding a glass with liquor in his hand. * February. The gardener digging his ground. * March. The employment of the two figures represented in this compartment is rather obscure; probably the man is planting shrubs or herbs in the garden, according to the direction of the lady who is standing by him. * Dictionary of Engravers, vol. i. p. 15, pieces; the almanack and the planet Venus, and pp.25. 26. 27. Mr. Strutt has also PI. II. and III. of the same work. given very faithful copies of two of these CHAP. VI.] BACCIO BALDINI. 363 ' April. Hawking, and hunting the hare. * May. Running at the ring. ' June. Mowing. * July. Gathering in corn, and thrashing. ' August. Sickness : the doctor is examining the urinal. ' September. Gathering grapes. * October. Making wine. * November. Ploughing. * December. Killing of swine, and providing good fare for Christmas. ' The following directions are written in Italian, at the bottom of the plate : If you will know when Easter shall be, find the date of the year in this eng7-aving, the letter A standing for April, and the letter Mfor March. II. ' This plate represents the planet Venus : she appears in the clouds, riding in her chariot drawn by doves, accompanied by Cupid, who has just discharged an arrow at one of the ladies stand- ing in a balcony : at a distance we see an unfortunate lover upon his knees, invoking the assistance of the deity : the rest of the figures appear to be immediately under the direction of her powerful influence. On the wheels of her chariot are represented the Bull and the Balance, with these inscriptions — toro and bilance — the signs of the zodiac, over which this planet was supposed to preside. ' At the bottom of this, and the six other plates, are inscriptions, importing the properties of the planets represented upon them. I shall give the following entire as a specimen for the whole. • VENERE . E segno . FEMININO . POSTA . NEL TERZO . CIELO . FREDDA . E VMIDA . TENPERATA L.\ QUALE . AQVESTE . PROPRIETA . EAMA BELLI . VESTIMENTI . ORNATI DORO . E DARGENTO . E CHANZONE E GAVDII . E GVOCHI . ET . E LACIVA . ET HA DOLCE PARLARE . EBELLA NELLIOCHI . E NELLA . FRONTE . E DI . CORPO . LEGGIERI . PIENA . DI CARNE . E DI . 3 A 2 364 BACCIO BALDINI. [chap. vi. MEZZANA . STATVRA . DATA . A . TVTTI . OPERE . CIRCA . ALLA . BELIZZA . ET . E SOTTO POSTO . ALLEl . LOTTONE E . IL . SVO . GIORNO , EVENERDI . E LA . PRIMA . HORA . 8 . 15 . ET 22 . E . LA . NOTTE . SVA . E MARTE DI . E IL . SVOAMICO . E GIOVE . EL NIMICO . MERCVRIO . ET . HA . DVE HABITATIONNI . EL . TORO . DI . GIORNO . E LIBRA . DI . NOTTE . E PER CONSIGLIERE . EL . SOLE . E LAVITE . SVA . EXALTATIONE . EIL PESCE . ELA MORTE EDVMILIAZIONE . E VIRGO . E . VA . IN 10 MESI . 12 SENGI . INCOMINCANDO . DA LIBERA . E IN 25 . GIORNO . VA VNO . SENGNO . EIN . VN GIORNO . VA VNO GRADO . E 12 MINVTI . E . IN VNA ORA . 30 MINVTI. [It is not worth while to attempt the translation of this astrolo- gical stuff, and we, therefore, immediately proceed to Mr. Strutt's description of the next plate.] III. * GiovE — Jupiter. He is seated in his chariot, in the clouds, with a crown upon his head, and a dart in his left-hand ; before him is represented Ganymede, kneeling, with a small vase in one hand, and a cup in the other. The chariot is drawn by two eagles ; and on the wheels are the two signs, Sagittarius and the Fishes, with the words SAGiTARio and pisce. The distance is a mountainous coun- try, with figures, on horseback and on foot, hunting and hawking : in the fore-ground, towards the right, we see an emperor upon his throne, with figures, doing him homage ; and, to the left, three figures, representing (as it is supposed) Boccacio, Dante, and Petrarch, seated in an alcove, &c. with the inscription underneath, beginning thus : — GIOVE . EPIANETA . MASCVLINO . POSTO . NEL SESTO . CIELO . CALDO . E HVMIDO . TEMPERATO . DI NATURA . DARIA . DOLCE . SANGVIGNO . SPERANTE, &C. IV. ' Sole — the Sun. He is represented, splendidly armed, with a crown upon his head, and seated in his chariot, drawn by four horses ; u[)on the chariot-wheel is the zodiacal sign of the Lion, inscribed beneath, leo. In the back-ground, we see a castle upon a hill, and some figures shooting at a mark with cross-bows : near CHAP. VI.] BACCIO BALDINI. 565 them are two men, praying to a crucifix ; others are diverting themsehes with mock fights ; and a laughable figure of a dwarf is standing by them, with a sword under his arm : others, again, are throwing stones and wrestling ; whilst, in the front, an emperor is seated, and three tumblers are depicted before him, exhibiting their feats of activity. The inscription begins in this manner: — SOLE . E . PIANETA . MASCVLINO . POSTO . NEL QVARTO . CIELO . CALDO . E . SECHO . INFOCATO , CHOLERICO . DI COLORE . DORO, &C. V. ' Marte — Mars. He is seated in his chariot, drawn by two horses, and represented completely armed, with wings upon his head, and a sword in his right-hand : upon the wheels of the chariot, are the Ram and the Scorpion, two signs of the zodiac, and under them is written — ARIETE and scarpione. At a small distance is a castle, with figures fighting before it, and a man is represented ringing the alarm-bell : in the fore-ground, a foraging party of soldiers are seen falling upon a company of herdsmen, and seizing their cattle : the inscription begins in the following manner : — MARTE . ESENGNO . MASCVLINI . POSTO . NEL QVARTO*. CEILO . MOLTO . CALDO . FOCOSO . ET HA QVESTE . PROPRIETE . DAMARE . MILIZIA . BATTAGLE . ET UCCISIONI . MALIGNO . DISCORDINATO, &C. VI. ' Satvrno — Saturn. He is seated in his chariot, drawn by two dragons : in his right-hand he holds a scythe ; and upon the wheels of the chariot are two signs, the Goat and the Water-bearer, in- scribed CAPRICORNO and aqvario. The distant country is bounded with mountains, and with castles ; and a figure is represented hanging upon a gallows, holding a cross in his hands : near to the spectator, is seen a man, ploughing with two oxen, in a large space overflowed with water; and other men are thrashing corn in the * I suspect tins word should be quinto, however, to Mr. Strutt's accuracy, in giving as in another print of the same subject, which these inscriptions, will presently be described. I have trusted, 366 BACCIO BALDINI. [chap. vi. open field. Towards the left, appears an hermitage, surmounted with a cross ; and the hermit is seated at the door, near which is a man cutting wood, and two other labourers with their tools : in the fore-ground, to the right, is a prison, and before it, a man, seated, with his legs and arms in the stocks, and two grotesque figures are standing in the front : towards the left, are men killing hogs, one of which is hanged upon a tree. The inscription at bottom begins as follows : SATVRNO . E PIANETA . MASCVLINO . POSTO . NEL SETIMO . CIELO . FRIDDO . E SECHO . MA . ACCIDEITALMENTE . HVMIDO . DI NATVRA . DI TERRA, &C. VII. ' Mercvrio — Mercury. He is represented in his chariot, holding his caduceus, and drawn by two birds, like hawks : on the wheels of his chariot, are two zodiacal signs, the Virgin and the Twins, inscribed, virgo and gemini. We are here presented with the inside of a city : in the back-ground, is a view of a street ; and, in the front, towards the right, a large building, which the workmen are deco- rating with ornaments : below, appears the potter, with a variety of small vessels ; and, in the fi-ont, the sculptor, carving a head in stone : above him are two philosophers, holding a celestial sphere, and, near them, a table, covered with viands : in the building, towards the left, we see a musician, playing upon an organ. It is singular enough, that the bellows, by means of which the instru- ment is supplied with wind, resembles the common bellows which we have in our houses at this day : in a compartment below, are two figures at a table, writing ; and a third is regulating a clock. The perspective, in which science the artist had here an opportunity of she^ving his abilities, is most dreadfully defective. The inscrip- tion at the bottom begins in this manner : — MERCVRIO . E PIANETA . MASCVLINO . POSTO NEL SECONDO . CIELO . ET SECHO . MA PERCHE . LA SVA . SICCITA . E MOLTO . PASSIVA LVI . E FREDO, &C. CHAP. VI.] BACCIO BALDINI. 367 VIII. * LvNA — the Moon. She is seated in her chariot, drawn by two females, holding a bow in her left-hand, and a dart in her right : upon the wheel of the chariot is the zodiacal sign of the Crab, with the Latin name, cancer, written underneath it. The distance repre- sents a mountainous country, with a castle and a town, very rudely executed. Nearer to the eye, is a fowler, setting his nets ; figures, fishing, in a boat ; and a man shooting at a flock of birds with a bow and arrow : near him, some people are seated at a table, playing at dice : in the fore-ground, towards the left, is a water-mill, part of the wheel of which appears ; and a bridge over the river, upon which we see a man on horseback, and an ass fallen down under his load : beneath the bridge are naked figures, in the water, fisliing with a net. The inscription at the bottom of the plate begins as follows : — LA LVNA . E PIANETA . FEMININO . POSTO . NEL PRIMO . CIELO . FREDA . E . VMIDA . FLEMATECHA . MEZANA TRA EL HONDO . SVPERIORE ET LO . INFERIORE . AMA . LA GEOMETRL\, &C.' The above series of engravings, admitting Mr. Strutt's argument as to their date to be conclusive, as appears to have been univer- sally allowed, is decisive evidence of the early establishment of chalcography at Florence, where, without doubt, they were ex- ecuted. It is probable, that in Italy, as we know to have been the case in Germany,* it had been the custom, long previous to the invention of typography, to manufacture almanacks by means of wood en- graving; and that such things were sold by those Avho dealt in * A large folio work has been for some of them, is a very curious almanack, embel- time publishing in Germany, in parts, con- lished, like the almanack in the British Mu- taining the impressions of a great number of seum above described, by twelve circles, re- ancient engraved blocks still in existence, presenting the occupations of the twelve Of the two first parts of this work, I have months of the year. There appears to be seen a copy in the possession of my friend good grounds for supposing that it was exe- Mr. Douce. Amongst the contents of one cuted betsveen the years 14i50and 1440. 368 BACCIO BALDINI. [chap. vi. playing-cards, the images of saints, and, perhaps, in various articles of stationery. Upon the discovery of chalcography, the Florentines, who had not yet received among them the invention of typography, appear to have applied their new art to similar purposes of utility or amusement; and it is certain that the artist, by whom the series above described was engraved, executed more works of the same kind than one. Two prints of the planets, belonging to another set of larger dimen- sions, and, apparently, somewhat still more ancient, are in the valuable collections of Mr. Lloyd and Mr. Douce. These pieces measure ten inches and seven-eighths in height, (independent of the inscrip- tions underneath them, which occupy about one inch and seven- eighths more,) by eight inches and seven-sixteenths in breadth ; and are both of them early impressions ; taken before the plates had suffered, as is the case with those in the British Museum, by retouching. The general subjects* represented in these two prints, are much the same as in the corresponding pieces of the set above described, but the arrangement of the groups is in some degree varied. Mr. Lloyd's print represents the Planet Mars — The God is seated in his chariot on the clouds, and is drawn by two horses. He is completely armed, with wings to his helmet, and grasps a sword in his right hand. His name, Marte, appears on a label over the chariot, and the signs of the zodiac, ISCAR- * The subjects introduced in the many be described in nearly the same words as sets of the Planets which appear to have were used by Strutt in describing the above, been engraved in the fifteenth and sixteenth The designer, it is true, often varied the centuries, in Italy and Germany, (and, per- arrangement of his compositions; but the haps, I might add France) were, if I may general occupations of the chief groups re- be allowed the expression, conventional : so presented in these sets of the Planets, appear much so, that a set of wood-prints of the to have been for the most part strictly ad- seven Planets, in my possession, probably hered to. executed in Nuremberg, about 1520, might CHAP. VI.] BACCIO BALDINI. 369 PIONI and ARIETE, are inscribed on other labels, underneath the wheels. In the back-ground, on the right-hand, is a fortified castle, sur- rounded by a moat, in which a man is seen ringing the alarm-bell. Without the castle is a soldier standing, with a spear in his right hand, and his left resting on his shield. More in the centre are four figures fighting, and behind them is a large bonfire. Upon an eminence, on the left, a drummer is stationed beating his drum. The fore-ground is occupied by a numerous party of soldiers; who are assailing a party of peasantry, and endeavouring to carry off their women and cattle. Towards the centre of this group, a soldier is seen embracing a female with both his arms, and a coun- tryman, who, in the struggle, has fallen to the ground, is en- deavouring to free her from his grasp ; whilst a second soldier, behind the woman, appears aiming a blow with an axe at a large dog which is flying at him. Behind this soldier and the dog, a third soldier is endeavouring forcibly to bear aAvay another female. Further to the right, is a peasant with his spade uplifted ; and near him is a dog, and two children running away terrified. A little to the left, a peasant is extended dead on the ground, and another appears to have just received a wound in the neck from the lance of a soldier, whose helmet is decorated with two Avings. Behind these figures, on the left, a troop of cavalry are represented, driving before them the sheep and oxen which they have seized. A second party of cavaliy, completely armed, Avith their visors closed, are arriving on the right. The inscription commences : MARTE . E . SEGNO . MASCULINO . POSTO NEL ftUINTO CIELO MOLTO CALDO FOCOSO . E A QUESTE P | * ROPRIETA DAMARE MILITIA BATTAGLIE ET UCCISIONI . MALIGNO DISORDINATO, &C. This piece possesses a considerable share of spirit and expression. * This perpendicular mark is here intro- artist commences the next line of the iuscrip- duced to shew the termination of the line tion with the second letter of the word pro- in the original. It is remarkable that the prieta. 3 B 370 BACCIO BALDINI. [chap. vi. The impression is taken off with a light grey colour, approaching to green, but apparently by means of a press. The print in the possessiori of Mr. Douce represents the Moon. Luna — the Moon. She is seated in her chariot, in the clouds, and drawn by tAvo females, elegantly dressed. She has a bow in her left-hand, and an arrow in her right; and upon the wheel of her chariot, which is directed towards the left, is the zodiacal sign of the Crab — but without the name cancer found in the cor- responding print of the series in the British Museum. Her title, LUNA, is engraved on a label at the top of the print. The extreme distance rises so high, in the composition, as almost to touch the chariot : it represents, in the middle, a large stream of water, which is joined by a smaller stream, and appears to take its course towards the fore-ground, where jjart of it passes under a bridge of two arches, and gives motion to a water-mill. In the dis- tance, on the right-hand of the river, several men are seen, catching birds ; and, a little nearer, on the same side, a gentleman and lady, seated in an arbour, are amusing themselves with the same diversion, by means of nets. Tlie extreme distance, on the left, represents a castle, with a flag flying upon it, situated on a rocky mount ; and, on the middle-ground, on that side, a group of several men are amused at a circular table, by the tricks of a juggler. Near this group are two young men with bows. Upon the river, two other men, in a boat, are employed in fishing with a net. From the off-wall of the bridge, in the fore-ground, rises a column, supporting a sun-dial ; and, upon the bridge, is a man, seated on a horse, with two sacks of grain, which he is bringing to the mill, on the right, to be ground : behind him is an ass, fallen down under the load of two other sacks, and two men, Avho are endeavouring to raise the animal, by pulling at its tail and at the halter. In the water, under the bridge, two naked figures are bathing, and others are fishing with a net. At the door of the mill a man is seen tying up the mouth of a sack. CHAP. VI.] BACCIO BALDINI. 371 With the permission of Mr. Douce, the reader is here presented with a careful copy of the chariot of Luna ; and perhaps he will be of opinion with the author, that the two female figures, drawing the car, possess much spirit and elegance. I must not omit to observe of this interesting print, that, unlike the planet Mars in Mr. Lloyd's collection, it is printed with dark oil colour, and is, in every respect, a good impression — a sufficient proof, if its supposed antiquity be admitted, that the example of the old engravers of Germany was not necessary, as Bartsch affirms, to instruct the Italians in the mode of taking the impressions of their engravings. My opinion, that the series, of which the two engravings last described formed a part, are more ancient than those described by Strutt, is principally formed upon the greater rudeness of the ortho- graphy, in the inscriptions underneath them ; and the circumstance of the numerous repetitions which occur in them of the letter S, appearing always (or with only one exception) in a reversed direc- tion ; whereas, in the inscriptions on the almanack and the accoro- 3 B 2 372 PACCIO BALDINI. [chap. vi. panying planets, described by Strutt, that letter is generally repre- sented in its proper direction. An engraver, whose chief occupation in the early part of his life, had been to engrave figures and inscrip- tions for the decoration . of plate, would, for a long time, be liable to similar errors ; and, indeed, they occur, though less frequentlj^ in the inscriptions on one of the plates, by the same artist, in the Monte Santo di Dio. The orthography of the inscription, under Mr. Douce's print, is carefully attended to in the following transcript : — L/V LUNA EPIANETA FEMININO . POSTO NEPRIMO CIELO FREDA . HE VMIDA ET FLEMATICHA . M * ] EZANA TRALMONDO SUPERIORE ET LO IN- FERIORE AMALAGEOMETRIAETCIOCHE AESSA | SA PARTIENE DIFACCIA TONDA DISTURA (di Statura) MEZANA METALLI AL ARGIENTEO DELLE CHONP I MPLESSIONILAFREADETENPIELVERNODEGLIELEMENTILAQUA EL DI SUO E IL VENERDI CH | ON LA HORA PRIMA . 8 . 15 E 22 E LA SUA NOTTE E QUELLA D^L VENERDI AMICO SUO E GIOVE IN | IMICO MARTE . A UNA SOLA ABITAZIONE . EL CHANCHRO PRESSO A SOLE EMETRCHURIO (mercurio) . LA ESAL | TAZIONE SUA . E IL TAURO LA MORTE . OVERO . VMILIAZIONE . E SCORPIO . VA . IN . 12 . SENGNI . IN . 28 . DI . COMICIANDO I DAL CHANCRO . IN 2 . DI . E I . VA . UN SENGNIO . 13 GRADI . PERDI . 52 . MINUTI 56 . SECONDI . PEDRORA . E IN 28 DI . A DISCOR | SI . E .... 12 SENGNI CHONPUTAMENTE . E PIU 8 GRADI . E 26 MINUTI . E 20 . SECHONDI P (per) QUESTO SIDIMOSRA, &C. The remaining two lines of the inscription are so much rubbed, and otherwise mutilated, as to be illegible. The annexed fac-simile of part of the first six lines will convey some idea of the rudeness of the original. * As in a recent page, the perpendicular the terminations of the lines in the original marks here introduced are intended to denote inscription. CHAP. VI.] BACCIO BALDINI. 37.J LALVNA EPIAtJETA FE/AINlNOfOSTO NEPRIA\0 CIEUO FE^EDM EfANA Tf\AL/AONDO^V PERI ORE ET LOlNFEWOkE A/AALKGEO ZAPARTltNE DlFACClA TONPA DlZTvt\K /^^£CANA yAETALLl A^PLE^^10NI LAFREA DETEHPI ELVEKHO DEGUELE/^' Tl LAq\ ONLAHORAPWA'NA-S lDRO BOTTICELLI. [chap. vi. " west end of the church : in it was represented the Adoration of " the Magi, with great propriety of expression ; especially in the " figure of the first old man, who, kissing the foot of our Lord, " and melting with tenderness, shews most evidently that he has " attained the end for which he undertook his very long journey. " In the person of this king is represented the portrait of old Cosimo " de' Medici ; and it is, of all that now exist of him, the truest and " most striking resemblance. The second king represents Giuliano " de' Medici, the father of Pope Clemente VII. He is wrapt in " contemplation, whilst he devoutly bows before the infant, and " offers his present. The third, who is also on his knees, and " appears, whilst worshipping the infant, to return him thanks, and " to acknowledge him to be the true Messiah, is Giovanni, the son " of Cosimo. Nor is it possible to do justice to the skill displayed " by Sandro in the heads in this picture; the diversity of character " by which those of the young and the old men are distinguished, " or the various points of view in which they are represented ; " some of them being seen in front, some in profile, others in three- " quarters, or looking down : the whole evincing all that judgment " in the composition, which could be expected from his consum- " mate mastery ; Sandro having so well characterized the attend- " ants of each of the three kings, that the servants of the one cannot " be mistaken for those of the others. It is certainly a most ad- " mirable work for colouring, design, and composition ; and so " beautifullj^ finished that, even in these days, every artist is asto- " nished at it.* And, indeed, it acquired him so great a reputation, " as well at Florence as in other parts, that Pope Sistus IV., Avho " had recently built the chapel in the Papal Palace at Rome, and " determined upon ornamenting it Avith pictures in fresco, appointed " him to the superintendance of that work : upon which occa- " sion, Sandro himself executed the following subjects: — viz. when "• Christ is tempted by the Devil ; — Moses killing the Egyptian, and * This picture is now the property of the author. CHAP. VI.] SANDRO BOTTICELLI. 409 " when he assists the Daughters of Jethro against the Shepherds " of Midian — also the Sons of Aaron, who, whilst sacrificing, are " destroyed by fire from Heaven — and some of the figures of the " Popes, which are, in the niches, over the Sacred Histories. " Whence having acquired increased fame and reputation amongst " the many artists of Florence and other cities who worked in com- " petition with him, he received from the Pope a considerable sum " of money. This he soon dissipated in his lodgings at Rome, " Avhere, according to his usual custom, he lived without any " thought for the morrow ; and, having finished that part of the " work which had been allotted to him, he immediately returned " to Florence. " Here, being a person fond of novel pursuits, he commented " upon a part of Dante ; and designed and engraved the Inferno ; " about which work he consumed a great deal of time. This, " preventing his painting, was the occasion of very great disorder " in his affairs. He likewise engraved many other things from " designs which he had made ; but in an indifferent manner, because " he had but little skill in the management of the burin ; so that " the best print which we see by his hand is the Triumph of the " Faith of Fra Girolamo Savonarola of Ferrara,* of whose sect he * I think I have given the true meaning " meglio eke si vegga Di sua mano ^ i7 of this interesting passage of Vasari, relative " trionfo della Fede di Fra Girolamo Sa- to Botticelli's engravings, in the text ; never- " voiiaro/a da Ferrara," &c. In the first theless, for the further satisfaction of the edition of Vasari, the passage respecting reader, the words of the A retine writer are Botticelli's engravings is shorter; but the here inserted. " Dove per essere persona sense of it is the same. Indeed it happily " sofistica comentt* una parte di Dante : e furnishes a satisfactory proof, that the inter- " figurl^ lo Inferno, e lo mise in stampa, pretation given in the text of the terms " dietro al quale consum6 di molto tempo, " mise in stampa,' ' is according to Vasari's " per lo che non lavorando, fi» cagione d'in- true meaning. For after the sentence reia- " finiti disordini alia vita sua. Mise in tive to the engravings from Dante, which is " stampa ancora molte cose sue di disegni verbatim the same in all the editions, he " ch'egli haveva fatti, ma in cattiva maniera, says : " Mise in stampa ancora il trionfo " perche I'intaglio era mal fatto, onde il " della Fede di Fra Girolamo Savonarola da 3g 410 SANDRO BOTTICELLI. [chap. vi. " was so active a partizan, that it occasioned him to abandon paint- " ing ; and, in consequence, as he had no income to support him, " caused the greatest embarrassment in his circumstances. For, " being obstinate in his attachment to that part}^ and going about " continually whining, he neglected to attend to his work ; and, " at length, when he was grown old, he found himself so poor, that " if Lorenzo de' Medici, (for whom, besides many other things, he " had executed considerable works at the Spedaletto of Volterra,) " as well as several other respectable friends Avho admired his " talents, had not assisted him, he Avould have been almost starved " to death. In the church of S. Francesco, outside the gate at " S. Miniato, there is, by the hand of Sandro, a circular picture of " the Madonna, with angels of the size of life, which was esteemed " a most beautiful performance." Vasari proceeds to relate a couple of anecdotes of Sandro's plea- santry, not worth translating; and a third, which, as it contains a second mention of his Commentary on Dante, is not AvhoUy uninteresting. " It is recounted of Sandro," says Vasari, " that, for a joke, he " accused one of his acquaintance, to the vicar, of heresy ; and " that the person having appeared, and demanded the name of his " accuser, and the nature of the alleged offence, was informed, " that it was Sandro ; and that he had asserted him to hold the " opinion of the Epicureans, who say, that the soul dies with the " body. The accused person, therefore, desired that he might be " Ferrara ;" and tliis piece, he expressli/ tells signs. And, in fact, the general tenor of us, in his second and augmented edition, was Vasari's account, agrees in this respect ; as it engraved by Sandro's own hand. The would have been light work to Botticelli, words, " mise in .stampa ancora (also) im- who designed with greater facility than mediately referring, as they do in this place, to almost any artist of his time, to prepare the engravings from Dante, appear, therefore, drawings for the Inferno, for other artists to to leave no doubt that Vasari meant to say that engrave from ; and could never have been the those pieces were also engraved by Botticelli occasion of the inconveniences in his affairs himself; and not, as some writers have sup- which Vasari speaks of. posed, by Baldini, or others, from his de- CHAP. VI.] SANDRO BOTTICELLI. 411 * brought, face to face with his accuser, before the judge; when, * Sandro having appeared, he thus addressed the tribunal : — ' It is ' indeed true that I entertain this opinion of the soul of that fellow, ' because he is a beast. Besides which, do you not perceive that ' he is a heretic — seeing that, although he is so destitute of learn- * ing, that he can scarcely read, he has the assurance to write a ' Commentary on Dante,* and takes his revered name in vain ?' " It is said," continues our author, " that Sandro always esteemed ' those whom he knew to be studious of the art, and that he gained ' a great deal of money; although, from want of care and proper * management, he got rid of it as fast as he made it. At length, ' being old and infirm, he was obliged to Avalk upon crutches ; and, ' lastly, in the year 1515, he died at the advanced age of seventy- ' eight, and was buried in the church of Ognisanti, at Florence. " In the Guardaroba of theDukeCosimo, there are, by his hand, * two female heads, in profile, of great beauty ; one of which is * said to be the portrait of a lady who was beloved by Giuliano * de' Medici, the brother of Lorenzo ; and the other, that of Madonna Lucretia de' Tornabuoni, the wife of the said Lorenzo. ' There is also, by the pencil of Sandro, in the same collection, an ' animated figure of Bacchus, drinking out of a barrel which he ' holds up to his mouth with both his hands. " In the Duomo, at Pisa, in the ' Capella dell' Impagliata,' he ' commenced a picture of the Assumption, with a glory of angels; ' but as the work did not satisfy him, he left it imperfect. In * I would gladly be informed concerning Sandro, upon the occasion of the altar-piece Sandro's commentary. I have, sometimes, painted by him for Matteo Palmieri, leads suspected that he might have written, or fur- me to suspect that he might, perhaps, have nished the materials for, the short account of written some whimsical opinions as to the the early Florentine artists, prefixed to Lan- etiquette and rules of precedence which he dino's commentary ; and that this was all. imagined proper amongst the different classes But Vasari's second mention of the circum- of saints and angels in heaven ; and that, in stance in this place, coupled with the account these opinions, he had been found (as, I be- of the accusation of heresy, which he for- lieve, Dante is in some places) at variance merly stated to have been brought against with the established doctrines of the church. 3 G 2 412 SANDRO BOTTICELLI. [chap. vi. S. Francesco, at Monte Varchi, he painted the picture at the principal altar; and at the church of the ' Pieve' at Empoli, on that side where is the St. Sehastian by Rossellino, he painted two angels. He was among the first that discovered the method of preparing and executing the decorations on the standards, and similar things, carried in processions, by letting in the cloths, or silks, of different colours, in pieces ; so that the colours shcM'ed on both sides the standard, and the work was not so liable to fade : in which manner he painted the standard of ' Or San Michele,' filled with .beautiful and varied representations of the Madonna,"* &c. " Sandro Avas a most excellent designer, and drew a great deal, insomuch that, for some time after his death, his designs were sought after and highly prized by the artists ;t and in our book]: are several which are executed with great freedom and judg- ment. In his historical compositions he was copious, and intro- duced a great number of figures ; as may be seen in the frieze of the Crucifixion which the friars of S. Maria Novella bear in procession, and which Avas worked in tapestry after his designs. Sandro, in fine, merited great praise for all his works of paintino-, * I am unable to understand clearly the which would do no discredit to the hand of meaning of the author in the two lines which RafFaello, or da Vinci, complete this sentence, and have, therefore, | That is, the large volume in which Va- omitted them. sari had collected together the original designs t A stronger testimony to the merits of of all the greatest artists of Italy, from the Botiicelli, than tliat the artists of Florence revival of painting by Cimabue to his own should have coveted to possess his drawings, time. The drawings contained in this col- even some years after the greatest painters lection (which, perhaps, consisted of more and sculptors of the sixteenth century had than one volume) appear to have been dis- made their appearance, can scarcely be con- persed about a century ago. The Duke of ceived. That the fact, however, was as Devonshire's cabinet possesses some of them ; Vasari has stated, I can readily believe; and a few others, especially a sheet of having, amongst other drawings by him in studies by Cimabue, which was, probably, my own collection, two studies of heads from the first leaf of the collection, are in my nature, drawn on a tinted paper with a silver own. point, and touched in the lights with white. CHAP. VI.] SANDRO BOTTICELLI. 41J " and especially for those which he executed in his more delicate " and finished manner ; as was the case with the picture of the ** ' Adoration of the Magi' at Santa Maria Novella, before-mentioned, " which is really an astonishing performance. There is also great " beauty in a little circular picture by his hand, with small figures, " which is preserved in the apartment of the superior of the convent " * degli Angeli,' at Florence. Lastly, M. Fabio Segni, a gentle- " man of Florence, possesses, by the hand of Sandro, a picture of " the same dimensions as the said * Adoration of the Magi,' of the " greatest possible beauty ; in- which is represented ' the Calumny " of Apelles.' This picture was presented by the painter himself " to Antonio Segni, his intimate friend, and under it we now read " the following lines, which were written by the above-named " M. Fabio.* " Indicio quemquam ne falso Isedere tentent, " Terrarum Reges parva Tabella monet. " Huic similem Aegypti Regi donavit Apelles. " Rex fuit, et dignus munere : munus eo." Here ends Vasari's Life of Sandro Botticelli. The testimony of Vasari, in the above account, appears too decisive as to the fact of Botticelli's having engraved many pieces from his own designs, and, amongst the rest, certain plates from the Inferno of Dante, to admit of any reasonable doubt concerning it ; or, at least, of such having been the common belief when Vasari wrote : (unless, indeed, it be urged, that Vasari's expression, as to his having engraved the Inferno of Dante, may refer only to a single plate, not now known :) and as several engravings from passages of the Inferno are found in the Edition of Dante published by Nicolo della Magna, in 1481, which, in their style of design and com- * This picture is now preserved, amongst of painting, in the collection of the Gallery other specimens of the early Florentine school of Florence. 414 SANDRO BOTTICELLI. [chap. vi. position, closely resemble the known works of painting still existing by this ancient Florentine artist, we are surely not going too far, when we conclude, that these pieces are those to which the Aretine biographer intended to refer. But although the text of Vasari warrants such a conclusion, and, indeed, seems to authorise no other, still it must be confessed, that these pieces from Dante bear, in their style of execution, a very strong resemblance to the engravings which we have ascribed to Baldini, and especially to the series of the Prophets, and the three prints in the Monte Santo di Dio. Hence, no doubt, the opinion of those who consider the pieces in question to have been designed only by Botticelli, but engraved by Baldini ; an opinion which we have already shewn to be in opposition, not only to the letter, but also to the general spirit, of Vasari's account. For, as we before observed, the task of making certain drawings from Dante, for Baldini to engrave from, could not have occupied Botticelli (who was one of the most practised designers of his age) for that length of time, or have given rise, in consequence, to that embarrassment in his affairs, which Vasari describes. It is not improbable that Baldini, to whom Botticelli was in the habit of furnishing designs, might, in return, have instructed his friend in the art of engraving ; and that the latter, who, as Vasari says, was fond of novel pursuits, finding the task of engraving figures upon so small a scale more troublesome than he had expected, called in the occasional aid of Baldini. Perhaps, on the other hand, Sandro might now and then have corrected the outline of Baldini's engravings, on the copper; and indeed I cannot help suspecting that he did so, in some parts of the first print in the " Monte Santo di Dio ;" especially the head and the upper part of the figure of the young man looking up to heaven. Lanzi* was of opinion, that the first two engravings of the Dante of 1481, only, (which, in all the copies of that work, are found printed upon the pages at the beginning of the first and * " Storia Pittoiica," torn. i. p. 83. CHAP. VI.] SANDRO BOTTICELLI. 415 second cantos,) were executed by Botticelli himself; and that the other seventeen, which are sometimes found, pasted in the vacancies left for the purpose at the beginning or at the end of other cantos, were engraved by a different and inferior artist. But I cannot discover a difference sufficiently marked, between those two prints and the others, to justify such a supposition. For although, in some of the latter pieces, the heads and the extremities of the figures appear to be drawn with less care and intelligence than is the case in the first two, the same cannot be said of others. Upon the whole, whilst I admit that the question is one of extreme difficulty, I incline to the opinion, that a few of the engravings are entirely the work of Botticelli ; that he was assisted, more or less, by Baldini in the execution of others ; and, that some of them were engraved by Baldini alone. Engravings for the Edition 0/ Dante, printed at Florence, by Nicolo di Lorenzo della Magna, in 1481. These prints measure six inches three-quarters in width, by three inches three-quarters in height. I. Canto. On the left of this piece, is a fine expressive figure of Dante, lost in contemplation, in the depths of a forest. Nearer the centre, the poet again appears, coming out of the Avood, and looking up, his left-hand raised over his head, towards the sky. Both these figures are turned towards the right. A little further, towards the right, the spirit of Virgil, the destined guide of Dante, makes its appearance : the upper part only of this figure is seen. In the fore-ground, on the right-hand, are a lion and a panther; and, behind them, the author of the poem is introduced, for a third time, in a very animated figure, in a back view, running away terrified from a wolf. In this engraving, as well as in most of the others of the series, the artist has included the representations of different passages of the 410 SANDRO BOTTICELLI. [chap. vi. Canto, and, of consequence, of different points of time, within the limits of the same composition ; according to the custom of the early schools of painting. The whole is executed with great feeling, and the heads and the extremities of the figures, especially, evince more intelligence of design than Baldini was, I think, master of II. Canto. Dante and Virgil appear, on the left of the print, standing, in earnest conversation, under the foliage of two trees : the former being seen in a back view, the latter in front. In the middle, upon a rising ground, the two poets are introduced a second time ; Dante, as before, being represented in a back view, and Virgil in front. The eyes of both of them are directed towards a small and not inelegant female figure, intended to repre- sent Beatrice, which appears, surrounded by rays of glory, in the sky. At the top of a hill, on the right, is the entrance into Hell, over which is inscribed : per me. The two above described pieces will be found copied in Hei- neken's ' Idee Generale,' and in Jansen, ' Essai sur 1' Origine de la Gravure.' An indifferent copy of the second piece is likewise given in Strutt's ' Dictionary of Engravers.' III. Canto. On the left of this engraving, on the further side of the river Acheron, Dante and Virgil are represented about to enter the gate of Hell ; their figures being directed towards the right. Virgil points, with his left hand, to an inscription over the entrance, which Dante appears to read with emotion. This inscription, in which the letter s is in both instances reversed, contains the first words of the three celebrated lines at the opening of the third canto : Per me si va nella citta dolente. Per me si va nell etherno* dolore Per me si va TRA la perduta gente. * So spelt in the edition of 1481. CHAP. VI.] SANDRO BOTTICELLI. 417 In the centre of the piece, Dante and Virgil appear a second time, within the precincts of Hell ; and, be3^ond them, a group of unhappy spirits, amongst whom a king and a bishop mav be descried, is seen following a demon Avho bears a standard. The steps of all these figures are directed towards the right. On the right of the piece, Dante and Virgil appear a third time, standing on the brink of the river, and turned toAvards the left ; and the figure of Dante is also represented a fourth time, fallen down in a sAvoon. Between these figures and the spectator, the hideous Charon, with wings, and the face of a monster, is seen, sitting in his boat. This print is numbered 3 (the figure reversed) and also in. at the left corner at bottom. A fac-simile of this engraving will be found in the fourth volume of the ' Bibliotheca Speuceriana.' IV. Canto. In the upper part of this piece, towards the left, Dante appears recumbent, and just awakened from the swoon or trance into which he had fallen by a clap of thunder. Further to the left, he is represented again, descending, with his guide, into Limbo, the outer circle of the infernal regions. This habitation of the souls of the Poets, the Philosophers, and the Heroes of Antiquity, is surrounded by seven circular walls with battlements, and, on the right, are seven towers. In the circular space in the centre, Dante and Virgil are once more seen, conversing with the spirits which inhabit the place. An armed figure, in the middle, was probably intended to represent Julius Caesar : Latinus, and his daughter Lavinia, appear seated, a little on the right of the last-mentioned figure ; and three other figures are represented standing. Further to the right, behind the towers before-mentioned, appears Homer, who is represented with a sword, and is followed by Horace, Ovid, and Lucan. The number of the piece is rudely engraved, in Roman numerals, at the left corner at bottom ; and the Arabic figure, 4, is at the right hand corner at top. 3 H 418 SANDRO BOTTICELLI. [chap. vi. V. Canto. In the upper part of this piece, on the left hand, are seen Dante and Virgil, who are arrived within the second circle : here Minos decides respecting the punishments of the condemned spirits that are brought before him, some of which are seen pre- cipitated into the abyss by a whirlwind. In the fore-ground, on the right, the two poets are represented a second time. Dante appears calling to him the spirits of Paolo and Francesca, which are seen mourning their fate in the space above. The number V is engraved near the left hand corner at bottom. VI. Canto. The centre of the print represents the monster Cerberus, with wings, large claws, and three heads. He is seated amongst the wicked, condemned of the vice of gluttony, whom he tears in pieces ; at the same time that they are also punished by a continued shower of enormous hail stones. The monster is turned towards the left, and appears threatening the destruction of Dante, who is introduced in the upper part of the piece, on that side, in an attitude indicating his alarm. Under the figure of Dante, that of Virgil is represented, in the act of collecting a large handful of earth or mud, in order to throw it at the monster, to quiet him. On the right of the piece, Virgil and Dante are again represented ; Dante being in conversation about the two parties of the hianchi and the neri, with a Florentine, named Ciacco ; whose figure, kneeling on one knee, is turned towards the right. The number of the Canto is introduced in a reverse direction, so as to appear like four, IV. on the left-hand, at bottom. This piece will be found copied in the fourth volume of the * Bibliotheca Spenceriana.' VII. Canto. In this piece the punishments of the avaricious and the prodigal are represented. These persons, amongst whom are introduced a bishop, a cardinal, a king, and an emperor, appear on the ground, on their hands and knees ; and are employed in rolling large weights, by pushing at them with their breasts. In the middle CHAP. VI.] SANDRO BOTTICELLI. 419 of the print, near the top, the monster Pluto appears falling back- wards at the rebuke of Virgil, who is represented, with Dante, upon a rising ground on the right. The two poets appear again, lower in the composition, towards the left ; and in the middle, at bottom, the upper part of the figures of Virgil and Dante are seen, for a third time, descending into the fifth circle. The number of the canto, seven, appears in a reverse direction, on the left-hand, at bottom. VIII. Canto. In the middle of the upper part of this piece, Dante and Virgil are seen, between two rocks, descending towards the river Styx. On the right they appear, a second time, at the bank of the river, about to enter the boat of Phlegias. In the centre of the print, the boat of Phlegias is again introduced, and Virgil appears pushing away the spirit of Philippo Argenti, who had endeavoured to insult Dante. On the left are two towers, guarding the entrance of the burning city of Dite. A demon appears running in at the gate ; and, behind him, Virgil is repre- sented, for the fourth time, comforting and encouraging Dante, who had been so terrified at what he saw, as to be induced to desire his immediate return to the regions of light. At the bottom of the print, near the middle, the number eight is inscribed in Roman numerals reversed. IX. Canto. On the right of this piece, the horrid figure of Medusa is introduced ; and, in the middle, Virgil appears covering the eyes of Dante with his hands, lest, seeing her, he should be turned into stone. Behind the group of Dante and Virgil is a tower, and a celestial spirit which appears crossing the river Styx dry-footed. On the left is another tower, upon the summit of which are three furies, enveloped in flames. The gate of this tower is opened by the angel, with the touch of his wand, to the astonish- ment and mortification of two groups of demons, which guarded it on either side. 3 H 2 420 SANDRO BOTTICELLI. [chap. vi. The number nine, in Roman numerals reversed, is engraved near the middle of the print, at bottom ; thus : IIIIV. X. Canto. On the left, at the upper part of the print, is an open gate, guarded by two demons. Dante and Virgil have just entered it, and fmd themselves in an inclosed place, filled with burning sepulchres, containing the souls of those who have been condemned of heresy. In the middle, at bottom, Virgil, accompanied by Dante, is introduced, a second time, pointing to the cover of one of these sepulchres, on which is inscribed, in four lines — pap an astas lo gu ARDO ; the letter s in both instances being reversed. More to the right, Dante is seen, a third time, in conversation with the Floren- tine Cavalcante, whose head and left arm appear rising amidst the flames out of his sepulchre. The figure X. is inscribed at the bottom of the plate, near the middle. This piece is inferior, in point of design, to most of the pieces of the series. XL Canto. Dante and Virgil are here represented in the upper part of the print, on the left : they are seated upon a rocky emi- nence, amongst burning sepulchres of a different kind fi'om the former, in Avhich the heads of their miserable inhabitants appear through the flames. The cover of the tomb of the pope is again represented, on the right of the figure of Dante ; and is inscribed, in five lines, thus : anas tasio papa guar do — the s being in both instances in its proper direction. The No. XL, in Roman numerals, reversed, so as to appear like nine; thus: IX. — is inscribed at the left-hand corner, at bottom. XII. Canto. In the upper part of this piece, on the left, the Minotaur is represented, who, at the appearance of Virgil and Dante, being unable to do them injury, turns his rage against him- self In the distance, near the centre, Dante and Virgil are again introduced, near the river of blood, in which those are plunged ~W""^.fi': ,c- •1^ a- '' "iSl H ^ :.f ;.""!'i^ CHAP. VI.] SANDRO BOTTICELLI. 421 who have been guilty of the blood of others. On the right-hand, the centaurs Nessus, Chiron, and Pholus, oppose their passage. On each side of the river of blood are placed the centaurs, that they may shoot their arrows at those condemned spirits who venture to raise themselves above the surface of the stream. The figure of Dante is represented, a third time, in the fore-ground on the right, seated on the back of a centaur, which Chiron has given orders to carry him. The number XII. is inscribed, in characters reversed, on the left-hand of the plate, at bottom. By the permission of George Hibbert, Esq. who, for that pur- pose has obligingly favoured the author with the loan of one of the finest copies of the Dante of 1481 in the kingdom, a careful fac- simile of this piece is given to the reader in the annexed plate. XIII. Canto. Dante, accompanied by Virgil, enters a thick wood, in which there is no path, and wherein the trees are full of knots, and covered with empoisoned thorns. The trees of this forest contain, shut up within their barks, the souls of condemned persons, and amongst their branches are the harpies. Dante and Virgil appear three times in this composition : first, in the upper part of the piece, on the left ; secondly, a little towards the right, where Dante is seen tearing a branch containing the soul of Piero delle Vigne ; and, thirdly, in the fore-ground, on the right, where Virgil appears collecting together the fragments which have been torn from the bush containing the soul of Jacomo da Padoua, by the dogs employed to hunt down and tear in pieces the miserable Lano Sanese. The number XIII., in Roman numerals, reversed, is inscribed at the bottom of the plate, near the middle. XIV. Canto. This piece represents a tract of sterile land, covered with burning sand, where those who have been guilty of impiety towards Heaven, are tormented by flames of fire falling upon them f]-om above, and resting on various parts of their bodies. The figures of the damned are all naked, and running, or struggling on 422 SANDRO BOTTICELLI. [chap. vi. the ground, in various attitudes, expressive of the tortures they endure. One alone, whose head is covered with a regal crown, and who is intended to represent the proud and impious Capaneus, lies recumbent, in tranquil state, as if despising the utmost rigour of divine vengeance. Dante and Virgil, who are on an elevated wall on the left, appear to be in conversation with Capaneus. The two poets also appear, a second time, on the right. The forest, which constitutes the subject of the last described piece, forms the back- ground of the present one. The number XIIIl., reversed, is in- scribed on the left-hand corner, at bottom. XV. Conto. In this piece, Dante and Virgil appear standing on one of the two broad walls, or banks of stone, which form a boun- dary on either side the river of blood, and run in a diagonal direc- tion, from near the left-hand corner of the print at top, to the middle at bottom. The remaining space on the right is occupied by naked figures, tormented like those in the last described print, by flames of fire. The figure of Dante is near the left-hand upper corner of the piece, and is turned towards the right : he is stooping down, and in earnest conversation with the spirit of Brunetto Latini. Virgil, whose figure is placed a little more to the right, and seen in a back view, appears turning round and addressing Dante with the advice that he should remember what Brunetto was telling him. The number XV., reversed, is engraved near the centre, at bottom. XVI. Canto. The same river that appears in the last described piece, forms a more prominent feature in the present. Dante and Virgil are standing on the bank, as in the other. The Tuscan poet is occupied in conversation with the souls of Ruggieri Guidoguerra, Tegghiaio Aldobrandi, and Jacopo Rustichucci. Nearer to the right-hand corner, the two poets are again introduced, and Virgil is seen throwing the girdle of Dante at a monster that appears rising from the bottom of the river, and of which Dante seems terrified. The head only of this monster is seen. The number of the canto CHAP. VI.] SANDRO BOTTICELLI. 423 is engraved in Roman numerals reversed, on the left-hand bottom corner of the print. XVII. Canto. The monster Gerione, whose head only was seen in the piece last described, is the most striking object in the one before us. His head, which is that of a man, is surmounted by a crown ; but his body is that of a serpent, and he has the claws of a griffin. He is turned towards the right, and on his back is seated the poet Virgil, who appears inviting Dante to place himself also on the monster's back, before him. On the right D^nte appears a second time, in conversation with three condemned spirits, who appear seated amidst the flames, each with a shield containing armorial bearings hung round his neck. At the bottom of the piece, part of the head of the monster Gerione is seen again, as well as the upper parts of the figures of Dante and Virgil, whom he is conducting, seated on his back, to the lower regions of hell. The number XVII., in characters reversed, is inscribed near the bottom corner, on the left-hand. A copy of this engraving will be found in Mr. Strutt's Dictionary of Engravers. This piece, and the preced- ing, are executed in a cruder manner than many of the others, and are, at the same time, inferior in point of design. XVIII. Canto. Being brought b}^ Gerione to the foot of a rock, which forms the boundary of the eighth circle, called malebolge, the two poets descend from the monster's back. Dante and Virgil appear standing on the left, upon the borders of the bolgia, whereon a demon, armed with a scourge in each hand, is driving before him the souls of condemned persons. In the distance, on the right, Dante and Virgil are introduced a second time, and appear to be talking together, concerning Venetico de Caccianimici of Bologna, whose head is seen looking up from below. On the fore-ground, to the left of this group, Dante and Virgil appear, a third time, bend- ing forward towards the left, in order to discover Thais. The figures in this piece have considerable merit, and the whole has 424 SANDRO BOTTICELLI. [chap. vi. a soft effect. The number XVIIL, reversed, is indistinctly engraved at the bottom of the print, near the centre. XIX. Canto. On the left, and in the centre of this piece, are manv round pits of equal dimensions. Flames of fire issue from some of them; and the legs of condemned spirits, each Avith flames at their feet, are seen coming out of others. Dante, and his com- panion Virgil, make their appearance four times in this piece. First, on the left ; secondly, on a sort of arched rock, on the right ; and twice at the right-hand corner, at bottom, where the upper part of their figures only are seen. The number XVI III., in Roman numerals, reversed, is inscribed at the left-hand corner of the piece, at bottom. Besides the nineteen pieces above enumerated, Mr. Bartsch describes a twentieth, Avhich is no other than a varied composition of the subject represented in the third plate of the series. This piece was probably designed, as Avell as engraved, by a different hand from any of the above ; and is shaded Avith simple diagonal hatchings in the manner used by Mantegna, and adopted, soon after the establishment of engraving, by a large proportion of the engravers throughout Italy. It has no number. It will be found, copied in outline, in the fourth volume of the ' Bibliotheca Spen- ceriana,' being inserted as a variety, together with the other nine- teen pieces, in Lord Spencer's copy of the Dante of 1481. Vasari, after having made mention of the prints for the Dante, observes generally, that Botticelli engraved various other pieces from his own designs ; and especially a print representing ' the Triumph of the Faith of Fra Girolamo Savonarola, which he assures us Avas preferable to all that he ever did in that Avay. Could this identical piece by Sandro be discovered, Avhich, excepting the ' Inferno of Dante,' is the only one Vasari specifies, it Avould, doubtless, greatly assist us in determining concerning the others by his hand. No ancient engraving, however, exactly answering CHAP. VI.] SANDRO BOTTICELLI. 425 the above title, has hitherto been found ; and when I venture to suggest that the following piece may, very possibly, be that which the Aretine biographer intended to describe, I must, at the same time, assure the reader, that I should not offer such a conjecture, were it not, in the first place, that the design is so strictly conformable, in its style, to the known works of Botticelli, as to leave, I think, no doubt of its being his ; and, secondly, that the subject represented in it, viz. the triumph and universal exercise of the Christian virtues, appears to be such as Vasari, in his hasty, and, often, careless manner of writing, may readily be supposed to have described under the above title ; more especially if one of the two probabilities be admitted, — either that he omitted to read the inscriptions on the plate, or that he wrote from memory. THE PREACHING OF ERA MARCO DI MONTE SANTA • MARIA IN GALLO. Era Marco, of the Convent of Minor Franciscans at Monte Santa Maria in Gallo, a village near Ancona, is represented preaching from a pulpit, which is placed near the bottom of the engraving towards the left. On the pulpit is this inscription in small mi- nuscules : frare marco de monte sancta maria in gallo. The Friar's numerous auditors, some standing, others seated on benches or on chairs, occupy the lower part of the print. Beyond this audience, the mount, or bank of Charity, instituted by Era Marco, is repre- sented by a large heap of money, from whence certain citizens are distributing alms to the poor. On a label underneath, are the words, MONS PiETATis, engraved in capitals ; as are all the other inscriptions on the piece, except that on the pulpit before-men- tioned. Further, in the back-ground, are seven fabrics, four on the left-hand, and three on the right, in which are exhibited the seven works of mercy ; and a chapel is also seen, on the right, in which Christ is introduced appearing to St. Gregory, during the celebra- 3 I 4-26 SANDRO BOTTICELLI. [chap. vi. tionofmass. Each of these fabrics bears an inscription : infirmus ERAM ET VISIT ASTIS ME — NUDUS ERAM ET VESTISTIS ME, &C. &C. The distance shews, in epitome, within the segment of a circle, the globe of the earth — the ocean — various cities, &c. and, OA'^er it, the vault of heaven is represented by various belts or zones of parallel cur- vature, wherein are placed the seven planets, and the fixed stars. In the centre of the upper part of the print, over these zones, Jesus Christ and the Madonna are seen, seated on either side of the glory of the Father, which is represented by a circular space, left white, and surrounded by two rows of cherubims. Our Saviour, who is on the left, appears giving the benediction with his right hand, whilst, with the other, he holds a scroll, on which is inscribed : VENITE BENIDITTI PATRis Mil. The Virgin is on the right, and holds in her right hand, a scroll, with an inscription commencing thus : FiLii DULCissiME, &c. In the spaces on either side the figures of Christ and the Madonna, are the host of angels, ranged behind each other in four rows of similar curvature to the zones beneath — the entire figures of the angels in the front row being seen, but the upper part only of the others. At the bottom, on the left-hand, in the impression of this piece described by Bartsch,* is the following inscription : Septem miseri- cordiae opera, hi aes incisa Florentiae sub inventam incidendi artem, cujus ai'cheti/pum Romae in Musaeo F. Gualdi Ariminen. Milit. S. Stephani asservatur, et Urbano VII f. P. M. Lnci reddita. 1632. The collection of Mr. Lloyd possesses an impression of this inte- resting print, but without the inscri})tion at bottom, which has been scratched out. It bears the aj)pearance of a modern impression taken from an ancient engraving, after the plate had been coarsely retouched all over. The figures are designed with great spirit, and, in many })arts, very skilfully grouped. In its style of engraving, it bears no resemblance to the prints for the Dante, being shaded throughout by parallel diagonal hatchings, which, in many places, * " Peintre Graveur," vol. xiii. p. 89. CHAP. VI.] SANDRO BOTTICELLI. 427 terminate abruptly at one end, near the contours of the figures, so as to produce a harsh and disagreeable etfect. Perhaps it was some- thing of this kind to which Vasari referred when he observed of Sandro's engravings, ' che I'intaglio era mal f'atto.' It measures twenty inches in height, by fourteen inches in width. Mr. Bartsch considers the above inscription as decisive of the engraving in question being merely a copy of an ancient Floren- tine print formerly preserved in the Museum Gualdi at Rome ; but I think this by no means a necessary inference, and am rather of opinion that the original, spoken of as existing in 1632 at Rome, was the design, or rather the picture, from which Botticelli had engraved the plate; and that this plate having long laid neglected, perhaps in some convent of the Franciscan order. Pope Urban VIII. hearing of it, might, in 1632, give directions that it should be republished. I am, indeed, the more inclined to believe such to have been the case, because Botticelli appears often to have employed himself in painting similar representations of religious mysteries, in composi- tions of numerous figures on a small scale; and because, in its style of execution, the print in question, so far from having the appear- ance of a modern copy, bears the strictest resemblance to manj'- known Florentine engravings of the fifteenth century. This plate, if I am right in the opinion that it is the true one, and not a copy, must, according to Bartsch, have been engraved between the years 1470 and 1480. He informs us that he collects thus much from the Annales Minorum, sen triwn ordimtm a S. Fransisco imtitu- torum, by the father Luc Wadding. Rotnae, 1735. Vol. xiii. p. 456, No. XI. where the author speaks of this ancient engraving* as being preserved in the collection of rarities appertaining to his order. Fra Marco, Mr. Bartsch adds, died in 1496. * There is, unfortunately, no copy of this plate itself, and not an impression from it work of Wadding, in the library of the only, might have been preserved, in the time British Museum, and, consequently, I have of the writer, amongst the valuables of the Jio opportunity of referring to it ; else I should convent to which he belonged, hope to tiud, upon examination, that the 3 I 2 428 SANDRO BOTTICELLI. [chap. vi. Since writing the above, I have had the good fortune to meet with an interesting tract of Fra Marco, in octavo, or small quarto, printed at Florence, in 1494, by Antonio Miscomini. The book bears the following title : * Da Frate Marco dal Monte Sancta Maria in Gallo dell ordine de Frati minori della provincia della Marcha di Ancona fu composto questo libro delli comandamenti di Dio del Testa- mento Vecchio et Nuovo et Sacri Canoni.' Under this title is a wood- cut, spiritedly executed in outline, representing ' Fra Marco, preaching,' of which Mr. Dibdin has, I believe, given a fac-simile in one of his typographical works. On the reverse of fol. a. ii. is another wood-cut, copied upon a small case, and with considerable variations, from Botticelli's engraving above described. It is styled, in a printed title over it, * Jigura della vita eterna o vero del paradiso et delli modi et vie di pei'venire ad quello.' This work, bound in a volume with one or two other Italian tracts of the same kind, was formerly in the Pinelli Library, and is, at present, in the pos- session of Messrs. J. and A. Arch. The text, I am sorry to say, gives no further account of its author, than that, in the month of December, 1486, he was preaching at Venice. The following piece, as well in respect to its style of design, as the manner of its execution, exactly resembles the last described engraving in Mr. Lloyd's collection, and is, no doubt, by the same hand. THE LAST JUDGMENT. The upper part of this print represents, in the middle, Jesus Christ seated, with his arms extended, in a glory of a form similar to that in which he is standing in the second print of the Monte Santo di Dio, and bordered by ten cherubims. At a small distance from these cherubims is the host of angels, ranged around the glory, so as still to preserve the form of an upright oval. One of the angels. CHAP. VI.] SANDRO BOTTICELLI. 429 immediately under the figure of Christ, is standing on the clouds, and holds the instruments of his passion ; namely, the cross, the spear, the reed with the sponge, the nails, and the crown of thorns. Four other angels are placed, two on each side of this figure, blow- ing trumpets. On either side the outer glory of angels, near the top of the print, the patriarchs, the saints, and the martyrs, are ranged in two rows, fifteen on either hand ; those in the front row being seated on the clouds, and those behind, standing. Amongst those on the left-hand, the Madonna, St. Peter with the keys, Moses with the tables of the law, and Pope Gregory with the Holy Spirit at his ear, are distinguished ; and amongst those on the right, are St. John the Baptist dressed in camel's hair, St. Paul with his sword, and David with a harp or dulcimer. In the lower part of the print, the composition is divided into two distinct parts, by the sepulchres, of a square form, which their inhabitants have just vacated. On the left, are the righteous, whom the angels are collecting together, and conducting, up four steps, to the gate of heaven. On the right, the devils are dragging or thrusting the wicked into Hell, Avhich is represented divided into different caverns, destined to receive the different classes of sinners, in the heart of a mountain. Under these caverns, in which the wicked are tormented in various manners, as in the representa- tions of Hell described in former pages of this chapter, are the titles : LUSSURIA, ACCIDIA, IRA, GOLA, AVARITIA, INVIDIA, SUPERBIA. The letter s, in these inscriptions, appears in its proper direction. This most interesting and spirited performance contains, in the whole, not less than an hundred and fifty figures, and measures nineteen inches and a half, in Avidth, by fourteen inches in height. An impression of it, probably taken from the plate after it had been retouched, is in the collection of the British Museum ; and another similar, is in the possession of Sir Mark Masterman Sykes, Bart. The engraving now about to be described, is, in every respect, so exactly what, from my acquaintance with Botticelli's designs and works of painting, I should expect from him, that, from the 430 SANDRO BOTTICELLI. [chap. vi. first moment I chanced to see it, I have entertained little or no doubt of its being really a genuine production of his burin. The composition, the design, the characters, are decidedly his ; and the bold negligence, approaching to rudeness, with which it is engraved, is truly characteristic of a painter ; at the same time that it appears to justify Vasari's criticism respecting the deficiency of Sandro in the executive part of the art. Though engraved with less neatness than the two pieces last described, it is, like them, shaded by simple diagonal hatchings. THE ASSUMPTION OF THE MADONNA. The lower part of this piece, which is engraved on two large plates, intended to be joined together, represents the Apostles assembled around the vacant sepulchre in which the Virgin was entombed. They are witnesses of her assumption, and are in various attitudes expressive of reverence or astonishment. In the upper part of the print, the Madonna appears seated on the clouds, borne and surrounded by angels bearing palm-trees, lilies, and branches of the rose-tree. Seven of these angels, over her head, are singing out of a large scroll : other angels, four on the right- hand and four on the left, are in the air, playing on musical instru- ments. U})on a rocky eminence, half way up the print, on the left, is St. Thomas on his knees, extending his hands to receive the girdle Avhich the Virgin lets fall towards him. The distance presents the view of a city. This piece, Avhen joined, measures thirty inches in height, by twenty-one inches and three-quarters in width. An impression of it is in the valuable collection of Mr. Lloyd. Of the three engravings above described, it is proper the reader should be informed, that Mr. Bartsch places the first, and the third, in his catalogue of prints by unknown Italian engravers of the fifteenth century ; and that, without assigning any authority, he CHAP. VI.] SANDRO BOTTICELLI. 431 ascribes the second piece, representing the Last Judgment, to Nico- letto da Modena. That he should not also have augmented the catalogue of his favourite Nicoletto* with the large print last * In a former chapter of this work, (p. 339, et seq.) I have had occasion to notice the preliminary Essay prefixed by Mr. Bartsch to the thirteenth volume of his " Peintre Graveur," and to animadvert upon ^hat writer's unfair attempts to deprive the Italians of the honour due to them as the inventors of chalcography. In his arrange- ment of the catalogues of the early Italian engravers, in the same volume, the German critic appears to keep the same laudable purpose constantly present to his mind. He had asserted in his Essay, that the Itahans never thought of turning their invention to any account until some time after the Ger- mans had gone far towards bringing it to perfection : and it required some manage- ment that the bulk of the volume, following that Essay, might not appear at variance with such assertion. Having given an account, therefore, of Finiguerra, and a list of the thirty impressions from works of niello in the Durazzo Cabinet, he proceeds (instead of at- tempting a mode of classification calculated to exhibit the gradual progress of the new art at Florence, and in other cities of Italy) to throw a very large proportion of the most ancient Italian engravings together into one undistinguished mass, with others executed at the very close of the fifteenth century, or hi the early part of the sixteenth ; and indeed, whether from carelessness, or with the view to throw doubt upon the antiquity of the others, he inserts some pieces which would more properly be arranged after those of the scholars of Marc Antonio. Next follows his catalogue of Baldini, wherein he studiously avoids the mention of Strutt's in- genious argument in proof of the antiquity of the eight engravings of the planets and the almanack in the British Museum. The short catalogue of Pollajuolo's engravings comes next, and is followed by the catalogue of an unknown engraver, who marked his plates with a P., and sometimes with O. P. D. C, and dated one of them with the year 1511. Men- tion is next made of Marcello Fosolino, of whom he says : " Peintre qui a vtcu vers I'an 1500, a Vicence." After Fogolino, comes Girolamo Mocetto, whose engravings, Mr. Bartsch informs us, appear to have been exe- cuted at the close of the fifteenth century, and to be more ancient than those of Andrea Man- tegtia — of course wishing his readers to infer, that the engravings of Mantegna appertain more properly to the sixteenth than to the fifteenth century. It is needless to remark further on Mr. Bartsch's arrangement of this volume, which, at the same time that it affects to be chrono- logical, is so managed as to leave the in- cautious reader with the impression, that Italy can only boast of three or four engravers earlier than the commencement of the six- teenth century. Mr. Bartsch finds the dates 1500 and 1512 on two of the pieces of Nicoletto da Modena ; and as the engravings of that artist at the same time that some of them bear the appearance of considerable antiquity, are ex- ecuted with much variety of manner, he has found it convenient to his system to intro- 432 SANDRO BOTTICELLI. [chap. vi. described, is indeed somewhat extraordinary ; since he says ex- pressly of it — " grande piece dont la taille rappelle les pieces de " la Passion et les Triomphes de Petrarque, graves par Nicoleto de " Modene." The following series of twelve pieces, representing the Sibyls, are designed so exactly in the manner of Botticelli, and, in their style of engraving, bear so striking a resemblance to the two above described pieces of Fra Marco's Preaching and the Last Judg- ment, that I think I incur but little risk of error, when I ascribe them to the same artist. Indeed, the more 1 have examined them, the more I have been convinced that they are his work. THE SIBYLS. These pieces measure about seven inches in height, (including the bottom margins, each of which contains, like the Prophets and Sibyls by Baldini, eight Italian verses,) by four inches and an eighth to four inches and a quarter in width. Besides the verses underneath them, they have also other inscriptions. The impressions of nine of these pieces, preserved in the British Museum, have a harsh and disagreeable appearance ; and were doubtless taken off after the plates, being worn by frequent printing, had been coarsely re- touched. The inscriptions are all in capitals, and the letter S, in all of them, appears in its proper direction. I should consider these pieces to be later, by several years, than the Prophets and Sibyls of Baldini. 1. Sibylla persica. She is seated on a cloud, from Avhich pro- ceed rays, and has her feet also supported on a cloud, like some duce at least thirty of the earliest engravings ture to add, in defiance of every rule of fair of the Florentine school amongst them, with- connoisseurship. out any authority whatever, and, I will ven- CHAP. VI.] SANDRO BOTTICELLI. 433 of the prophets of Baldini. Her figure is turned a little towards the left. She raises her right hand, and points upwards with her fore- finger ; and has a book on her lap, which she holds with the other hand. Her long hair falls over her shoulders, and, besides a head- dress of a conical form, she has her brows encircled b)^ a wreath of small flowers. Her title, Sibylla Persica, is inscribed on the upper part of the sky, on the right; and on the left is an inscription, beginning : Ecce Jilius dei, &c. The verses at bottom commence thus : Ecco per cui la hestia, &c. 2. Sibylla Libica. She is seated and supported, like the last, on clouds, and is inclined a little towards the left. Her right hand is upon her bosom, and, with her left, she holds a book which lies on her lap. Her head-dress is fanciful, and not inelegant, and, like the sibyl Persica, she wears a wreath of flowers. Her title is in the sky, on the left ; and, on the right, is an inscription : Ecce tenientem diem, &c. The verses at bottom begin : // di verra chellet- temo signore, &c. 3. The Sibyl Delphica. Mr. Bartsch does not appear to have seen this piece, nor is it in the British Museum. 4. SiBiLLA Chimicha. She is seated, according to Mr. Bartsch, like the two first described figures, and is seen in front. She holds an open book with her left hand, at which she points with her right, and wherein is inscribed : In piteritia sua, &c. Her title, Sihilla Chimicha, is engraved on a scroll. The verses at bottom begin : Una Veraine Sancta, &c. 'O' 5. Sibylla Eritea. She is dressed in a habit resembling that of a nun, and is seated on a cloud, like the figures above described. The cloud upon which her feet are supported, is enclosed within a double circle enriched with stars. She is seen in front, and holds a sword in her right hand, whilst, with her left, she supports a large 3 K 434 SANDRO BOTTICELLI. [chap. vi. open volume, on which is an inscription, commencing: Morte morietur, &c. Her title, Sibi/Ua Eritea, is inscribed on a scroll, part of which is seen on each side her head. The verses at bottom commence : Hisgnardo iddio dello excelso ahitacolo, &c. 6. SiBiLLA Elispotica. She is seated on a singular and fanciful kind of chair, made of the branches of the palm-tree joined together, and is turned towards the left. With her left hand she holds a book, which rests on her knee ; and, with her right, a large scroll, which rises up above her head, and bears an inscription, com- mencing : Ex eccelso hahitaculo, &c. Her title is engraved, in larger characters, in the sky, underneath the scroll. The verses at bottom begin : Nella miescola stando vidifare, &c. Bartsch observes that, in the first impressions of this piece, part of the drapery which covers the right knee of the sibyl is left light; but that in the retouched impressions, this part is entirely covered with hatchings. This is the case with the impression in the British Museum ; and indeed I have little or no doubt that all the nine pieces of the series, preserved in that collection, and now before me, are retouched impressions. 7. The Cumean Sibyl. Mr. Bartsch does not appear to have been acquainted with this piece, nor is it in the collection of the British Museum. 8. SiBiLLA Samia. She wears a high head-dress, over which is a veil, and sits on a handsome seat with a cushion. Her figure is turned towards the right. She holds part of her vest, which is richly embroidered, with her right hand, and rests her left hand on a large book, which is upon her knee. A naked sword lies, traversing the print, at her feet. On a long scroll, which winds behind her, part of it touching her left knee, is an inscription, commencing : Ecce veni et dives et pauper. Sec. Her title is engraved, on the right, in the sky, under part of the scroll. CHAP, vr] SANDRO BOTTICELLI. 435 The verses at bottom begin thus : Echo che presto ne verra quel die, &c. 9. Sibylla Phrigl\. She is seated and supported on clouds, in the manner already described, and is turned towards the right. She wears a kind of turban, and from under it proceeds a veil, the folds of which are fancifully, and not ungracefully, twisted round her neck. On her lap is an open book, which she supports with her left hand, whilst, with her right, she appears pointing to its con- tents. On the left, in the sky, is her title ; and, on the right, is an inscription beginning thus : Veniet de super jilius, &c. The verses at bottom commence : Vidi lo excelso iddio, &c. 10. Sibylla Tiburtina. She is seated and supported on clouds, and is turned a little towards the right. In her left hand, which is extended on the right of the print, she holds a book, closed, at which she points with her other hand. Her title is inscribed on the left, in the sky ; and above, is a scroll, the windings of which are seen on either side her head. On the scroll is an inscription, com- mencing : Nascetur in Bettelem, &c. The verses at bottom com- mence : El gusto iddio a tal 7nestier ma data, &c. 11. Sibylla Euro pa. She is seated on clouds, like the last, and is turned a little towards the left. She supports a large book, open, on her knee, to the contents of which she points with her left hand ; looking, at the same time, at the spectator. On the book is an inscription : Veniet colles et tnojites, &c. Her title is on a scroll behind her head. The verses at bottom begin : Verra quel verbo eterno in- maculato, &c. 12. Sibilla Agrippo. She is seated on clouds, like the last- described, and is turned a little towards the left. She holds a large book, open, with her right hand, and points towards it with her left. In the book is an inscription : Hoc verbum invisibile, &c. and 3 K 2 436 SANDRO BOTTICELLI. [chap. vi. on a scroll over her head is her title. The verses underneath begin as follows : Quando sara qiiesto sommo dikcto, Sec. This print is more coarsely executed than the others ; and was, I am inclined to think, entirelv engraved bv the artist bv whom thev were retouched. Per- haps the original plate of this figure had been lost ; and it became necessarv to re-engrave the piece, in order to complete the new edition of the work. [Bartsch, ' Peintre Graveur,' tom. xiii. p. 95, No. 50 ; and p. 98, No. 32.] Baldinucci, as we have had occasion to remark in a former Chapter,* says, in his life of Botticelli, that " that artist engraved " a considerable number of pieces from his own designs, but that, " in the course of time, they were, for the most part, destroyed, or " lost through neglect, in consequence of the great improvement " which took place in the art of engraving after his time : inso- " much," continues he, " that the only engravings I have chanced " to see bv his hand, are a set of twelve pieces, representing, in very " small figures, divers stories of the life of our Lord Jesus Christ."-f- In this passage, I am of opinion, Baldinucci meant to say, that, in consequence of the rapid advancement which Marc Antonio and others made in the art of chalcography after Botticelli's time, the copper-plate printers,^ who were in possession of the engraved plates of that ancient artist, soon neglected to print them, finding them in little demand ; and perhaps also, that at length they effaced some of them, in order that the plates, after they were polished anew, might serve for other engravings, better suited to the taste of the dav. Baldinucci does not, however, appear to have had any express authority for the above remark ; nor should I have thought .,,* Chap. i. pp. 41, 42. • copper-plate printers appear to have become ■\ Baldinucci, " Notizie de' Professori del the chief proprietors of engraved plates, ijisegho," &c. Edizione con Annotazione throughout Italy, soon after the beginning of del Manni, tom. iv. p. G4. the sixteenth century. \-.% It may be proper to obsenre that the CHAP. VI.] ANTONIO DEL POLLAJUOLO. 437 his words required any comment, were it not that Bartsch* seems to have considered them as bearing a reference to some especial sup- pression of Sandro's engravings, by the interference of magisterial authority. 1 will only add, concerning Sandro Botticelli, that I am much inclined to be of opinion that, amongst the anonymous engravings mentioned by Bartsch, in the thirteenth volume of the work so often referred to, there may be many others, besides those above described, which might, with propriety, be enumerated in this place as the pro- bable productions of his hand ; and especially the six prints of " the Triumphs of Petrarch," inserted by him, as has been before observed, in his Catalogue of Nicoletto da Modena. I am, however, unac- quainted with these pieces, and I found my conjecture, principally, upon Mr. Bartsch's own observations as to the resemblance which they bear to some of those that I have seen. ANTONIO DEL POLLAJUOLO. Nat. 1426. Ob. 1498. We possess, of Antonio del Pollajuolo, a large engraving, bearing his name ; and he is said, by Vasari, to have executed several others : but that author has neglected to specify the subjects they represent ; and I have therefore, with a view to facilitate the dis- covery of some of them, judged it expedient to extract such passages from Vasari's account of Pollajuolo, as may serve to make the reader acquainted with the general character of his works. * " Peintre Graveur," torn. siii. p. l60. not, in fact, admit of such an interpreta- " Les estampes de Boticello," says he, " ne tion. He says of Sandro's engravings : " le " peuvent avoir existe qu'en tres petit nombre, " quali in tempo son rimase oppresse a cagione " parceque les planches en ont ete supprimies, " del gran megliorare, die ha fatto quell' " comma Baldinucci nous I'apprend positive- " arte dopo I'operar suo." " ment." The expression of Baldinucci will 438 ANTONIO DEL POLLAJUOLO. [chap. vi. This artist, one of the most eminent of his time in painting and sculpture, was born in the city of Florence, of very low parentage. His father, however, fortunately saw in him the promise of talent, and, being too poor to give him, and his brother Pietro, a literary education, placed Antonio with Bartoluccio Ghiberti, a goldsmith of great reputation, and his other son with Andrea del Castagno, who was then considered the best painter in Florence. " Antonio, " therefore, under the guidance of Bartoluccio, learned the art of " setting jewels, acquired practice in works of enamel upon silver, " and was soon considered more skilful in the use of his tools than " any goldsmith of his time. " Lorenzo Ghiberti was, at this period, employed in the Brass " Gates for the Baptistry of Florence ; and, having noticed the " ability of Antonio, engaged him to assist him in that work, " together with several other young men.* Lorenzo, therefore, " having set him about one of the festoons, which he had then in " hand, Antonio made a quail, which is still to be seen, so beauti- " fully, and with such perfection, that it seemed ready to fly away. " Antonio, therefore, had not been many weeks thus occupied, " before he was allowed to be the best amongst those who were " employed to assist Lorenzo in his work ; as well for his know- " ledge of design, as for his ingenuity and diligence : and having " soon acquired the reputation of a consummate artist, he shortly " afterwards left Bartoluccio and Lorenzo, and opened a hand- " some goldsmith's shop of his own, in Mercato Nuovo, in the " above-named city ; where he for many years followed that art ; " designing continually, and modelling bassi-relievi, and other " things, in wax ; so that in a short time he was considered, as he " really was, the first in his profession." After the passage, often before referred to, relative to Maso Fini- * At this time Antonio was quite a lad, those who assisted him in the celebrated as appears from the passage in Vasari's life bronze gates. See p. 289. of Ghiberti, where he enumerates some of CHAP. VI.] ANTONIO DEL POLLAJUOLO. 439 guerra,* Vasari proceeds to inform us that Antonio-f- did some stories in competition with tliat artist ; " in which he equalled him in diligence, and surpassed him in design." " In consequence of this," continues he, " the ' Consoli dell' " Arte de' Mercatanti,' seeing the skill of Antonio, deliberated " amongst themselves, whether or not, as some stories in silver " were required to be made for the altar of S. Giovanni, Antonio " should not be commissioned to execute them ; for it had long " been their custom to allot, at different times, these works to the " most skilful artists. This question being decided in the affirm- " ative, Antonio executed two bassi-relievi, in which he represented " the Supper of Herod, and the Dancing of the Daughter of Hero- " dias ; which were of such excellence as to be considered superior " to any of the others which had been done. But above all is to " be admired his figure of S. John the Baptist, entirely of chiselled " work, which is in a space in the middle of the altar.:}: Whence " the said * Consoli' also commissioned him to make the silver " candlesticks, each of three cubits in height, together with a cross * See pp. 265, 290. " Johannis Baptistae in carcere decollationem, •j- It is supposed, as has been before ob- " et ostensioneui ejus capitis in disco tem- served, that PoUajuolo was first employed in " pore convivii natalitii regis Herodis ; opus the works at S. Giovanni (the Baptistry) about " Andreiz Michaelis del Verrocchio." The 1450. See p. 290. latter of these stories is, undoubtedly, the same J Vasari was in error when he ascribed this out of which Vasari has made two : ascribing figure of John the Baptist to PoUajuolo, as them, at the same time, to Antonio del Pol- we learn in Gori's Thesaurus Veterum Dip- lajuolo, instead of their real author, Andrea tychorum(tom.iii. p. 312), where that learned Verrocchio: so that in this small space, he antiquary, upon the authority of the ori- has committed as many errors as he well ginal books of the company above men- could. He seems, however, to have been tioned, informs us that it was the work of generally right in the encomiums which he Michelozzo, the son of Bartolommeo, in bestowed upon PoUajuolo, who, from the 1452. In the next page, Gori ascribes (no before- mentioned Gori's account of the e.x- doubt upon the same authority) the story of tensive works of silver made at this time for the Nativity of John the Baptist to Antonio the Company di Mercatanti, appears to have del PoUajuolo. And afterwards, " duae vero been considered the greatest amongst the " ex argento coraposilse (sunt) quae ostendunt artists employed. 440 ANTONIO DEL POLLAJUOLO. [chap. vi. " of proportionate magnitude : all which works he finished with " the greatest perfection ; engraving upon them so many beautiful " things, that they have ever since been the admiration of the " natives of Tuscany, as well as of strangers. " In this profession Antonio laboured with incredible diligence ; " as well in the works which he made of gold, as in those of enamel *' (smalto) and silver ; amongst which are certain paxes in S. Gio- " vanni of very great beauty ; for, although coloured with the fire, " they are so finely executed, that they could be done but little " better with a pencil. And in other churches, at Florence, at " Rome, and in other towns of Italy, are to be seen works of enamel " by his hand, Avhich are truly astonishing." Vasari next mentions several young men to whom Antonio taught the goldsmith's art ; and then proceeds to relate, that being de- sirous of excelling in the more noble art of painting,* he quitted his former profession, and applied to his brother Pietro, from whom, in a few months, he learned the use of colours. He adds, that, in company with Pietro, Antonio executed many works of painting, in oil colours, on board, on the wall, and on canvass ; after, which he goes on to describe those which that artist painted without his brother's assistance. " In the chapel of S. Sebastian, belonging to the Pucci family, " at the convent * de' Servi,' he painted the altar-piece, represent- " ing the martyrdom of that saint. In this picture, besides the * It appears, however, that Antonio did and his Annotator, Manni, cites tlie pnbhc not so soon abandon the Goldsmith's pro- archives, under the year 1489, as follows: fession, but that he exercised it, at least occa- Dominus Frariciscus Archangeli de Caval- sionally, to a late period of his life. Baldi- cantibus CappeUamu Cappel/anice f'irginis nucci cites a document of a determination of Marie de BaroncelUs in Ecclesia Sancli the government of Florence, in consequence Petri Scheradii local ad pensiouem Antonio of the victory of Volterra, to present the olim Jacobi del Pollaiolo Aurijici Civi Conte d' Urbino, who commanded their Florentino warn apothecam ad usiini Au- forces upon the occasion, with some pieces rijicis in populo S. Cecilie in f'ia di f^acche- of plate, and, amongst the rest, with a silver reccia. helmet, made by Antonio del Pollajuolo; CHAP. VI.] ANTONIO DEL POLLAJUOLO. 441 " figure of S. Sebastian himself, which was painted from the hfe, " and is the portrait of Gino di Lodovico Capponi, are several " excellent horses, well drawn naked figures, and admirable fore- " shortenings ; and, indeed, it is the most esteemed work of paint- " ing that Antonio ever produced. Throughout this work, he " sought to imitate nature to the utmost of his abilities ; and so " well succeeded, that, in the figure of one of the archers, who, " having placed the shaft of his cross-bow against his breast, stoops " down to pull the thong, he expressed in a most lively manner " the exertion necessarily employed, even by a strong man, in " bending such a powerful instrument : for we see in this figure the " swelling of the veins and muscles, and even that the man holds ** his breath, that he may acquire additional force. Nor is this " figure only worthy to be admired, but also the others, which, in " various attitudes, bear ample testimony to the diligence and " research employed by the artist in this picture ; — industrj^ which " Antonio Pucci, his employer, was so sensible of, that, upon the " work being finished, in 1475, he presented Antonio with three " hundred crowns ; observing, at the same time, that he paid little " more than the value of the colours.* After this, he painted, at " S. Miniato, on the outside of the church, near the entrance, a " figure of S. Christopher, ten cubits in height ; a work of great " excellence, and finished in a style nearly approaching to the " modern ; and which was considered the best proportioned figure. * Of this picture there is an outline, very preceded him ; but, as a composition, it is indifferently executed, in the Etruria Pittrice, by no means to be admired ; for, indepen- and also a separate print of the two figures dently of the archers being placed at measured with cross-bows, shaded ; but very inferior distances round the figure of the saint, four to the originals. Vasari's eulogium of the of them are evidently copied, with little or no picture is, notwithstanding, I think, greatly variation, from the same modelled figure, exaggerated. It is painted in a good sober seen in different views ; and the other two tone of colour, and with considerable force, figures, charging their cross-bows, from a and the figures are more correctly and power- second model, one seen in a back-view, tlie fully drawn than those of any painter who other in front. 3 L 442 ANTONIO DEL POLLAJUOLO. [chap. vi. ** of its size, that had then been produced.* He also painted a '* crucifix, with a S. Antonino, on cloth, which is placed in a chapel " at S. Marco, at Florence; and a figure of S. John the Baptist, " in the ' Palazzo della Signoria.' " In the house of the Medici family, he painted, for Lorenzo the " elder, three pictures of Hercules, of five cubits in height. In the " first of these, wherein he is represented squeezing Antaeus to " death, the figure of Hercules is most admirable ; as we see ex- " pressed in it, in the most lively manner, the great exertion of " Hercules, who, grinding his teeth, and straining every nerve and " muscle of his body to the utmost, raises himself on tiptoe, that he " may the better accomplish his purpose. Nor was he less suc- " cessful in the figure of Antseus, who, pressed within the arms " of Hercules, seems to have become faint, to have lost all vigour, " and, with his mouth open, to be at the last gasp. In the second " piece, in which he is represented killing the lion, Hercules presses " his left knee against the breast of the lion, whilst with both hands " (grinding meanwhile his teeth) he tears open the jaws of the fero- " cious animal ; unmindful of the wounds which, in its defence, it " is inflicting upon his arms. The third picture, in which Hercules " is killing the Hydra, is a most wonderful performance ; especially " for the serpent, which is coloured with such skill, and so much " like life, that it is impossible to surpass it. And, indeed, the poison, " the fire, the fierceness, and the rage of the monster, are expressed " with so much vivacity, that it is worthy not only to be celebrated, " but also to be imitated, in these respects, by all good artists. For " the company of S. Angelo, in Arezzo, he painted, in oil, a stan- " dard to carry in procession ; on one side of the cloth of which he " represented a crucifixion, and, on the other, a S. Michael, fighting " with the dragon ; which last is one of the finest things that * Baldinucci, torn. iv. p. 23, mentions wrote, the fresco was still in tolerable preser- a tnidition, " that Michelagnolo Buonaroti, vation. His annotator, Manni, in 1769, when a young man, frequently designed from regrets that it had been lately much injured by this figure of Pollajuolo." When Baldinucci the hand of an ignorant restorer. CHAP. VI.] ANTONIO DEL POLLAJUOLO. 443 " Antonio ever did : for the figure of the S. Michael, who, with " undaunted courage, attacks the dragon, grinding meanwhile his " teeth, and curving his brow, seems truly descended from heaven, " to work the vengeance of the Almighty upon the pride of " Lucifer. " Pollajuolo understood the naked body better than any artist " before him, and dissected many dead subjects in search of anato- " mical knowledge. And he was the first who discovered the " method of searching out the muscles, so as to represent them " in their proper form and order in his figures ; and of all these, " encircled by a chain, he engraved a battle, on copper ; and, after " that, he executed other prints, which are engraved in a much " better manner than those of the other masters who had been " before him. " By all these works, Antonio had acquired great celebrity " amongst the artists of his time ; insomuch that, upon the death " of Sixtus IV." (in 1483) " Pope Innocent, his successor, invited " him to Rome, where he made, of metal, the monument of Inno- " cent, in which he represented him, from the life, seated in the " manner which he used when he gave the benediction; which " work was placed in the church of St. Peter, by the side of the " chapel that contains the lance which pierced the body of Christ. " He also made the monument of Sixtus, upon which is the recum- " bent figure of that Pontiff) extremely well executed ; and this •' work being finished at a very great expense, and richly orna- " mented, was placed, entirely insulated, in the chapel called after " that Pope's name. " It is said that Antonio made, for Pope Innocent, the design for " the fabric of the ' Palazzo di Belvidere,' although, as he had not " much practice in the executive departments of architecture, the " work itself was conducted by others. " Lastly, Antonio and his brother Pietro, having both of them " acquired considerable fortunes, died, shortly after each other, " in the year 1498, and were buried at Rome, in the church of 3 l2 444 ANTONIO DEL POLLAJUOLO. [chap. vr. " S. Pietro in Vincula ; where, in memory of them, a monument is ** raised, on the left hand of the chief entrance of the church, with " the portrait of each in marble ; and this inscription : Antonius Pullarius patria Florentinus, pictor insign. qui DUOR. Pont. Xisti et Innocentij ^rea Moniment. miro opific. EXPRESsiT. Re famil. composita ex test. Hic secum Petro fratre CONDI voluit. Vix. An. LXXII. Obijt Ann. sal. M.IID. " Antonio made a basso-relievo of metal, representing a battle of " naked figures, which was carried to Spain, and was a work of great ** excellence ; as may be seen in the plaister casts of it still preserved " in the studies of many of the artists of Florence : and there was " found, after his death, a design and model which he had made for " Lodovico Sforza, for an equestrian statue of Francesco Sforza " Duke of Milan ; which design, varied in two different ways, is in " our book of drawings. In one of them, Sforza has, underneath *' him, the city of Verona ; in the other, he is richly habited, and is " making his horse spring upon an armed soldier ; the whole being " supported by a pedestal ornamented with battles. I have been " unable to learn the reason why these designs were not carried " into execution. The same artist made also some most beautiful " medals ; amongst which was one, executed upon occasion of the " conspiracy of the Pazzi, representing, on one side of it, the heads " of Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici, and, on the reverse, the choir " of S. Maria del Fiore, with the fact exactly as it took place. He " likewise made the medals of some of the Popes, and many other " things, with which our artists are not unacquainted."* In the short passage wherein Vasari speaks of Pollajuolo's en- gravings, there is a small variation of expression between the first * The short remaining paragraph of Va- taining nothing to our immediate pur- lari's life of Pollajuolo is omitted, as con- pose. CHAP. VI.] ANTONIO DEL POLLAJUOLO. 445 and the second editions of his work, which it may be proper to notice. In the first edition, after describing PoUajuolo's engraving of the bat le, he simply adds : " and he also engraved other plates, " in a better manner than had been practised by other artists." But in the second edition, he says : " and after that he engraved ** other prints, which were executed in a much better style of en- " graving than had been practised by the artists Avho preceded " him," — an expression, could we depend upon Vasari's accuracy, from which it would seem reasonable to conclude, that the battle he speaks of was amongst the earliest of Antonio's productions in that way, and that he afterwards executed other pieces of greater per- fection. Be this as it may, there is little doubt that the following piece is the battle of naked figures which Vasari intended to de- scribe ; although, as the reader will perceive, the figures it contains are not encircled by a chain. A BATTLE OF NAKED FIGURES. This celebrated print represents ten naked figures, each of the dimensions of from nine to eleven inches in height, armed with various offensive weapons, and fighting in a wood. On the right- hand, at bottom, a vanquished warrior, fallen on his back, is stabbed by his opponent, who, standing behind him, raises his head with his left-hand, whilst with the other he inflicts the wound. The conqueror, meanwhile, is himself menaced by the uplifted battle-axe of a man behind him. In the centre of the piece, two warriors, each of them having hold of a chain with the left-hand, are combating with sabres. Behind these two figures, is an excel- lent figure of a warrior, who, menacing his adversary with a sabre, which he grasps in his right-hand, endeavours at the same time, with his left, to prevent the stroke of a battle-axe, raised against him : and, further to the left, behind the last described figure, is a man drawing a bow. In the fore- ground, on the left, is a 446 ANTONIO DEL POLLAJUOLO, [chap. vi. spirited group of two combatants, armed with daggers, which the reader will find carefiilly copied in the annexed plate. The back- ground represents a forest ; and, on the left, upon one of the trees, a large tablet is suspended, on which is this inscription : — opus . ANTONii . POLLAIOLI . FLORENTINI. This piece, which was probably- engraved between the years 1460 and 1470, measures twenty- four inches and a half in width, by about sixteen inches and a half in height. The outlines of the figures are engraved with a firm and deep stroke, and the internal parts are shaded, with sin- gular delicacy and neatness of workmanship, by zigzag diagonal hatchings. The whole, while it justifies the observation of Vasari, that PoUajuolo possessed a far more perfect knowledge of the con- struction of the human figure than all the artists who had preceded him, appears also to merit the eulogium bestowed on it by Lanzi, who eloquently styles it — " la celebre hattagUa de nudi, idtimo e " vicinissinio grado aljiero stile di Michelangiolo."* Of the following engraving of PoUajuolo, described by Mr. Bartschjf I am not aware that any impression exists in the collec- tions of this country. HERCULES COMBATING THE GIANTS. Hercules, whose figure appears near the centre of the print, wears a sabre by his side, on the scabbard of which is inscribed his name, thus : hercules. He grasps an axe, with which he com- bats the giants, Avho are assailing him on all sides, armed with bows, poniards, and sabres. In the middle, at the bottom of the print, under the ligure of a giant, who, being thrown to the ground, covers himself with his shield, is the following inscription : QUO- MODO . HERCULES . PERCUSSIT . ET VICIT . DUODECIM . GIGANTES. This piece, continues Mr. Bartsch, does not bear the name of PoUajuolo, * " Storia Pittorica," torn. i. p. 94. f " Peintre Graveur," torn, xiii, p. 203. 'imiimmnmifi CHAP. VI.] ANTONIO DEL POLLAJUOLO. 447 but there is every reason to believe that it is by his hand, although it is somewhat inferior to the last described. It measures about twenty-two inches in width, by fourteen inches and three quarters in height. Mr. Bartsch adds, that the Imperial collection at Vienna possesses an unfinished proof of this engraving, in which the two upper corners of the print appear Avhite. It likewise wants the inscriptions. Mr. Bartsch also ascribes the following piece to Pollajuolo. HERCULES AND ANTiEUS. The right foot of Hercules comes a little forward, and he squeezes Antaeus to death, by pressing him round the loins with both his arms. Antaeus, meanwhile, makes efforts to disengage himself, by pushing, with his left elbow and right-hand, against the shoulders of his adversary. He bends his head towards the left, and appears to utter cries of agony. The back-ground is dark, except a part of the left edge of the plate. This piece is curved at top, and has neither name nor monogram. It measures about ten inches in height, by near six inches and three quarters in width. When I insert the following curious print, in this place, as a pro- bable work of Pollajuolo, I must, at the same time, confess that I do so in consequence of its general character as to design and com- position, rather than because it bears any particular or striking resemblance to the celebrated battle of naked figures above described, in respect of the mechanism of engraving. A BATTLE OF CENTAURS. This piece represents a combat between two centaurs, in the pre- sence of three warriors dressed in armour; each centaur being 448 ANTONIO DEL POLLAJUOLO. [chap. vi. armed with a weapon, composed of a staff, to the end of which three ponderous balls are attached by three chains. The centaur on the right-hand has the lower part of a lion : he is seen in profile, is turned towards the left, and has a large bow, and a quiver with arrows, thrown over his shoulder. He raises his weapon with both hands, and is about to inflict a tremendous blow upon his adversary ; Avho, seen more in front, and turned toAvards the right, rests his right knee on the ground, whilst, with both hands, he raises the staff of his weapon over his head, to ward off the blow. The lower parts of this centaur, whose broken bow is lying on the ground beneath, are those of a horse. The human parts of both these figures are draAvn with great anatomical intelligence, and energy of style. On the right, behind the first centaur, is one of the three warriors, holding a short staff with both hands, and turned towards the left ; and in the fore-ground, on the left, are the other two warriors, who, turned towards the right, are attentively viewing the combatants. Of these last, the one nearest the cen- taurs is seen in nearly a back view, and rests his right hand on his haunch; the other leans with his right hand upon his sword, the point of which rests on the ground. Both are excellent and well poised figures. The back-ground represents a hilly landscape with a few scattered trees. The outlines of the figures, in this piece, are engraved with a firm, deep stroke, but the shading is executed with delicate hatch- ings, loosely thrown in various directions. It is remarkable that, in many parts of the plate, even in such as are central, the marks of holes, made by nails or pegs of metal, afterwards filled up, are clearly perceptible. These nail-holes appear to be too many in number to justify the supposition, that they were made in order to keep the plate steady whilst printing ; and I am, consequently, not without my suspicions that the plate may have been originally engraved and used for the decoration of some piece of furniture, and that, at an after period, it was removed from its original •situation, in order that impressions might be taken from it. This CHAP. VI.] ANONYMOUS ENGRAVINGS. 449 interesting print, which has escaped the researches of Bartsch, was purchased by its present possessor, Mr, Lloyd, from the Riccardi collection. It measures twelve inches and five-eighths in width, by eight inches in height. VARIOUS ANONYMOUS ENGRAVINGS OF THE EARLY FLORENTINE SCHOOL. THE LIFE OF THE MADONNA. This series is composed of fifteen plates ; each measuring eight inches and three quarters in height, by six inches and a half in width. Bartsch, as I have had occasion to remark in a former page,* erroneously ascribes the work to Nicoletto da Modena. Heineken was nearer the mark when he inserted it in his catalogue of Botti- celli ;-f- who, nevertheless, was not, I think, the author. I have seen only two of the pieces ; but these have been sufficient to con- vince me that the work is of the early Florentine school : they are designed in the best style of the fifteenth century, and are finished, for the most part, in a very delicate manner, by diagonal hatch- ings, I have recourse to Bartsch, (Peintre Graveur, tom. xiii. p. 257, et seq.) for a description of the pieces. * See note, pp. 318, 319. Bartsch swells hand, on which he has signed his name at the catalogue of Nicoletto di Modena with length. The truth is, that very few of the these and other ancient Florentine engravings early Florentine engravers marked their plates without deigning to assign any reason what- with their names or cyphers, and that Nico- ever for so doing. It certainly might have letto, seldom, if ever, omitted to mark his. been expected of him that he should account, f " Diet, des Artistes," tom. iii. p. 213. in some way or other, for the modesty of Heineken entitles the series, " the Life of Nicoletto, in omitting to mark so many of Christ," and is of opinion that it comprises his most capital pieces, even with his mono- more than fifteen pieces ; though he had only gram ; especially as we have so many trivial seen that number, engravings of single figures of saints by his 3m 450 ANONYMOUS ENGRAVINGS OF [chap. vi. I. The Annunciation. The angel Gabriel is represented kneel- ing, on the left of the print, with a branch of lily in his right-hand. He is turned towards the Virgin, who appears rising from her orations ; and, with both her hands, expresses her astonishment at the unexpected messenger. The back-ground shews the interior of a vaulted chamber, supported in the middle by a column. II. The Visitation. The Virgin and S. Elizabeth are repre- sented meeting, near the middle of the print, and hold each other by the hand. On the left, behind the Virgin, Joseph is seen, resting Avith both hands on his staff; and, on the right, behind Elizabeth, Zaccharias appears, holding a stick with his right-hand, and, with his left, raising a part of his mantle. These four figures stand on a magnificent pavement of black and white marble, in front of a temple, supported by columns, which constitutes the back-ground. An impression of this engraving is in the collection of Mr. Lloyd. III. The Nativity. Near the middle of this piece, the Ma- donna is seen on her knees, adoring the newly born infant, who is lying on a bed of straw. S. Joseph is standing by, on the left of the print ; and, on the right, behind the Virgin, is the stable, with the ox and the ass. In the distance, on the right, the angel an- nounces the birth of Jesus to the shepherds, who are assembled on a hill ; and, at the top of the print, in the middle, the Almighty appears, surrounded by a glory of angels. IV. The Presentation in the Temple. In the middle of the print, Simeon is represented, holding the infant Jesus, who is quite naked, and seated on a sort of altar of a hexagonal form. The Ma- donna is standing on the right, and Joseph, who is prepared with the offering of a pair of doves, is on the left. The scene is a mag- nificent pavement in front of a temple. CHAP. VI.] THE EARLY FLORENTINE SCHOOL. 451 V. Christ disputing with the Doctors. The youthful Jesus is represented standing on an elevated plane in the centre of the engraving, in the back-ground. The doctors appear sitting on the two sides of the temple ; with the exception of two of them, who are standing in the fore-ground of the piece ; the one, seen in profile, on the left ; the other, represented more in a back view, on the right.* VI. Christ praying on the Mount of Olives. Jesus is seen in the back-ground, on the right, turned towards the angel, who is represented holding a chalice. The three disciples appear sleeping in the fore-ground ; the first, on the left-hand, is lying on his back ; the second, on the right, is seated, and rests his head on both his hands ; and the third is lying down in the middle, at a little distance from the others. VII. Christ insulted in the Palace of the High Priest. Jesus appears seated on a sort of throne, under a vaulted roof, in the middle of the back-ground ; his head being crowned with thorns,-f- and his eyes covered with a bandage. He holds a reed with his right hand, and with his left a globe. He is surrounded and insulted, in various manners, by a great number of the Jews, amongst whom may be remarked a man, standing on the left of Christ, who strikes him upon the head with his fist. VIII. The Flagellation. Our Saviour appears standing in * I have little or no doubt that the two " est couverte de tallies dans I'epreuve re- figiires, which Mr. Bartsch here describes " touchee." as standing on either side, were intended f In describing, afterwards, the variations for the Madonna and J oseph : for, in in the two different impressions of this piece, another page, (264) speaking of the varia- (p. 265) Mr. Bartsch contradicts what he tions between the_^rs^ and the second impres- here asserts : for, in speaking of the second sions of the piece, he says : " L'aureole impression, he says : " La tete du Christ " du saint, qui est debout au devant de la " est couronnee d'epines, tandis qu'elle ne " droite, blanche dans la premiere epreuve, " I'est pas dans la premiere epreuve." 3 M 2 452 ANONYMOUS ENGRAVINGS OF [chap. vi. the middle of the print ; his hands and his body being bound to a column. He is scourged by two men armed with whips, and, at the same time, the man on the left, pulls the cord by which he is bound. High up, in the back-ground, two of the superiors of the Jews are seen looking on from a balcony ; the one on the left-hand having a wand. IX. Christ bearing his Cross. Jesus, bearing his cross, di- rects his steps towards the right, escorted by a great number of soldiers armed with spears. Meanwhile the commander of the troops, mounted on horseback, lifts his mace, and appears to threaten St. John and the Madonna, who are seen in the fore- ground on the left-hand, as if desirous to prevent their following the Saviour. X. The Crucifixion. Jesus Christ is represented on his cross, in the middle of the print, between the crosses to which are at- tached the two thieves. Beneath the crosses are a great number of soldiers, on foot and on horseback. In the middle of the fore- ground, the Madonna is seen fainting, supported and assisted by several pious women, amongst whom is one, on the left-hand, who is on her knees, and seen in a back view. XI. The Resurrection. Christ is repTesented in the middle of the print, coming out of the tomb. He holds a banner in his left- hand, and, with his right, gives the benediction.* Six guards are seen sleeping, in different attitudes, on the ground, around the sepul- chre. Amongst them one in particular may be remarked, who is * In the early representations of the Re- for a small liberty which I have taken in my surrection, the figure of Christ almost always, translation cf Mr. Bartsch's description of perhaps I might say invariably, appears giving this piece. He says, " II tient une banniere the benediction with the right-hand, and " de la main gauche, et fait de la main droite holding a banner with the other. I mention " elevee uu geste conime pour marquer sa the circumstance in this place as the reason " Resurrection," CHAP. VI.] THE EARLY FLORENTINE SCHOOL. 453 lying flat on his stomach, on a large shield, in the fore-ground, on the left-hand. Mount Calvary and the three Crosses appear in the distance, on the right. XII. The Ascension.* The figure of Christ is seen, in the middle of the top of the print, standing on a cloud surrounded with rays of glory, and worshipped by four angels, two of which are in the air, and the others kneeling on the clouds. The Apostles, and the Virgin Mary, who appears on the right-hand, are ranged beneath on their knees, in a semicircular row. XIII. The Descent of the Holy Ghost. The Holy Ghost appears descending upon the Apostles and the Virgin Mary, who are assembled together in the upper apartment of a building, around the bottom of which the inhabitants of Jerusalem are represented, in various attitudes, expressive of their admiration and astonish- ment. Amongst them, on the right, is a man standing, with his legs asunder, at whose feet is a dog, barking. XIV. The Virgin presenting her Girdle to St. TnoMAS.f The Madonna is represented in the middle of the upper part of the print, seated on the clouds : she is surrounded by rays, and also by a glory of angels, St. Thomas is on his knees, on the right, near the tomb of the Virgin, which is filled with flowers. He is seen in a back view, and lifts up his arms to receive the girdle, which she presents to him with both her hands. In the back-ground is a landscape. XV. The Coronation of the Virgin. Of this piece, I happen to possess a first impression in my own * Mr. Bartscli, carelessly and erroneously, precede ; and also makes the mistake of styles this piece, " the Transfiguration." styling tlie apostle, to whom the Madonna f Mr. Bartsch places this piece after ' the presents the girdle, St. John the Evaugehsl, Coronation of the Virgin,' which it ought to instead of St. Thomas. 454 ANONYMOUS ENGRAVINGS OF [chap. vi. small collection ; and as from the elegance and purity of its design, the richness of its composition, and the delicacy with which it is engraved, it is worthy to be considered one of the most beautiful and interesting specimens of the early Florentine school, the reader, I trust, will not be displeased to have a more detailed description of it than Mr. Bartsch has enabled me to give of any of the other pieces of the series. The upper part of the print represents the Almighty, seen in a front view, and seated on a throne, raised upon an elevated platform, to which, in the near-ground, there is an approach by three steps. This throne is covered with a canopy of Gothic architecture, sur- mounted by a dome, which, with the lantern over it, reaches to the top of the piece. On either side the throne, as in the Pax by Finiguerra, in my possession, a cornice is continued to the edge of the print ; and over each of these cornices is a rich frieze, com- posed of ornaments of foliage, two cornucopias, and a vase from which issue flames of fire. The Madonna is devoutly kneehng before the Almight}^ who, with both hands, is about to place the crown upon her head : her figure is seen nearly in a back view, but turned a little towards the right. On either side the throne is a pilaster, from the lower part of which a parapet projects forward, as in Finiguerra's Pax of the Assumption ; and on each parapet, as in that Pax, is an angel, standing, holding a vase of flowers. Lower down, behind each parapet, the upper part of an angel is seen, holding a branch of lily : lower still, behind, and leaning on two lower parapets, which join to, and form a continuation of the former ones, are two other angels with lilies, one on each side ; and at the termination of each of these lower parapets is an angel, on its knees, supporting a festoon of flowers. Higher in the piece, nearly upon a level with the two angels holding the vases of flowers, and immediately under the two cornices before mentioned, stand six angels, three on either side, blowing trumpets ; and in the space on each side the throne and the elevated platform, stand a multitude of saints of both sexes. In the near-ground are four other saints. CHAP. VI.] THE EARLY FLORENTINE SCHOOL. 455 seen in a back view, on their knees. Of these last, the saint nearest the left-hand is turned towards the right, and has at the back of his head a solid diadem, or glory, of an oval form ; the only one in the piece, except the diadem round the head of the Almighty. The next saint, nearer the centre, is a youthful figure, and wears a gar- land of small flowers : this figure is also turned a little towards the right, and kneels with one knee on the lowest of the three steps before mentioned. The third saint, more to the right, kneels with both knees on the same step, and is turned a little towards the left. The figure of the fourth saint, near the right-hand border of the piece, is also turned towards the left ; but his head, which is orna- mented with a bishop's mitre, looks upwards towards the right. The two following interesting specimens of the early Florentine school, are in the possession of Mr. Lloyd. A BEAR HUNT. This piece represents a hunter, who, with his five dogs, is attack- ing and subduing a bear. The bear is turned towards the right, and has hold of one of the dogs with his paAvs and teeth : mean- while two other dogs are biting his head, a fourth has seized him by the thigh, and the huntsman, who is behind the bear, on the left, is piercing the animal with his spear. A tree with an upright stem, perhaps intended for a palm-tree, rises behind the group, near the centre ; and, in the distance, is a broad river winding amongst rocks. This engraving is not noticed by Bartsch. It is executed much in the manner of the planets of Baldini, described in a former part of this chapter, though the figures are much larger. Perhaps it might, with propriety, have been arranged in our cata- logue of that artist's supposed works. It measures eleven inches and a quarter in height, by eight inches in width, and was formerly in the Riccardi collection. 456 ANONYMOUS ENGRAVINGS. [chap. vi. THE ASSUMPTION OF THE VIRGIN. The lower part of this print represents eleven of the Apostles, who, kneeling around the vacant sepulchre of the Madonna, are witnesses of her Assumption. The eyes of all of them, with the exception of one on the right, are directed upwards towards heaven, where the Virgin appears, standing in the clouds, amidst a glory of cherubims, and attended by six angels seated on clouds, three on each side of her, and playing on musical instruments. Upon a bank on the left-hand, in the middle distance, is St. Thomas, who, kneeling on his right knee, has just received the Madonna's girdle. The distance represents a river, upon which are five small boats, and a rocky country interspersed with buildings. Amongst these, on the right-hand, is a water-mill, near which, in a square court, are eight men threshing corn. The draperies in this piece are designed with much purity though dryness of manner ; the figures are arranged with greater formality than is common in the works of those artists of the Florentine school who flourished towards the end of the fifteenth century, and the heads of the Madonna, the Angels, and all the Apostles, have glories or diadems of a solid appearance ; marks of distinction which, as I have observed in another place, fell gradually into disuse soon after the middle of the century, and are not, indeed, once found in the large two-sheet print of the Assumption by Bot- ticelli, before described. Upon the whole, I am inclined to consider this engraving very ancient. I must observe, however, that the impression in Mr. Lloyd's collection appears to have been taken off after the plate, which was originally finished in a very delicate manner, with cross hatchings, had been retouched all over. It measures seventeen inches in height, by twelve inches in width, and is not mentioned by Bartsch. The following piece is executed in a very different style of CHAP. VI.] GHERARDO. 457 engraving from anj' hitherto described in this work. The shading, which, in the engravings ascribed to Baldini, is, for the most part, effected by close hatchings, crossing each other in various direc- tions, but without curvature, is here represented by fine curved strokes, terminating, in many instances, in the light parts of the figures, Avith dots or other short dehcate touches of the burin, in the manner used by Martin Schongaver and other ancient engravers of the German school. The landscape also exhibits a similar kind of workmanship. Now we learn from Vasari that the prints of Schongaver made their way into Florence in considerable numbers, many years before the end of the fifteenth century ;* and I am therefore of opinion that this plate was executed by some early artist of the Florentine school, who, being struck with the supe- riority of mechanism displayed in those engravings, desired to imitate them. Possibl)^ it may be the work of that Gherardo, a contemporary of Domenico Ghirlandajo, who enjoyed the reputation of a good painter in mosaic, distemper, and, more especially, in miniature ; and of Avhom Vasari relates, that he engraved an excellent copy of one of IMartin's engravings representing a Crucifixion, with the Madonna and St. John the Evangelist standing on either side the cross, -j- and also some other pieces. If, at any future time, Gherardo's * According to Vasari, Michelangiolo de' Medici, his patron. Tlie artist, therefore, Buonaroti, when a boy, copied the celebrated probably died about 1493. Vasari, in the print of St. Anthony, by Schongaver, in life of Gherardo, iu his second edition, after colours. This must have been before the speaking of certain works of mosaic executed year 1490, since Buonaroti was bom in 1474. by him for Lorenzo de' Medici, proceeds as f In the first edition of his work, Vasari follows : " Whilst Gherardo was employed says nothing of Gherardo's engravings, but " in these works, there were brought to Flo- he is more explicit as to the time of his " rence certain prints, in the German style, death than he is in his subsequent edition. " executed by Martin, and Albert Durer :" In both of them he states that Gherardo died [the mention of Albert Durer's engravings at the age of sixty-three ; but in the first edi- in this place, must be put to the account of tion, only, he states that his decease was ac- the writer's accustomed carelessness,] " and celerated by grief for the death of Lorenzo " tliat kind of engraving happening to please 3 N 458 GHERARDO. [chap. vi. copy of this Crucifixion should chance to be discovered, it may then be possible to ascertain, by a comparison of it with the piece about to be described, the truth or fallacy of my conjecture. THE DEATH OF VIRGINIA. In the middle of the piece, Virginius, dressed in armour, and wearing a helmet ornamented with wings, is about to plunge his uplifted poniard into the bosom of his daughter, who is standing beside him on the left. Both these figures are seen in a front view. Behind the figure of Virginia, on the left, is another female, seen in profile, and turned towards the right, who, raising her arms, endeavours to arrest the stroke of the dagger. On the right, is the Consul Appius. He wears a crown of laurel, and is standing in the midst of a group of men, whose various gestures are expressive of terror and astonishment. On the left, in the back-ground, are three soldiers, two of them armed wdth spears ; and in the fore- ground, on the same side, is a child, who holds a torch, conversing with another cliild, who is astride on a walking-stick, and holds a sort of weather-cock affixed to the end of a wand in his left hand. The back-ground represents a rocky landscape, with here and there a tree, without any foliage. The two female figures in this piece are sufficiently graceful, but " him very much, he set himself to work " miuiature painter, applied himself to copy " with the burin, and copied some of those " it with the burin, and succeeded admirably; " engravings extremely well, as may be seen " tliough, as he did not live long afterwards, " in certain pieces in our book, together with " he did not pursue the art further, (non " various designs by his hand." In the intro- " seguit6 piit oltre.)" The fair sense to be duction to tlie hfe of Marc Antonio, Vasari collected from ail these statements seems to mentions, amongst other engravings of Martin be, that, towards the latter part of his life, Schongaver, the piece noticed in the text, Gherardo employed himself occasionally in of " Christ on the Cross, with St. John and engraving, and that, by way of improving him- " the Madonna, standing ; which print," con- self in the management of the burin, he tinues he, " was in so good a style of en- copied a few of Schongaver's prints. •' graving, that Gherardo, a Florentine CHAP. VI.] ROBETTA. 459 those of the men, especially the group of Appius and his attendants, have little to recommend them. The details of ornament in the dresses of the figures are finished throughout with scrupulous dili- gence, but the naked parts are not so well understood ; and the wdiole savours much of the taste of an artist who was more accus- tomed to paint or design in miniature, than to execute works upon a large scale. This print measures eleven inches and five-eighths in width, by nine inches and a quarter in height. We shall close this series of the engravings of the early Floren- tine school, with some account of the works of Robetta. ROBETTA. In the life of Gio. Francesco Rustichi, a Florentine sculptor of some eminence, Vasari gives an amusing account of a society or club, which was founded by Gio. Francesco, and consisted of twelve members, most or all of them artists. The party styled them- selves ' la co)npagnia del Paiuolo,' and it was their custom to meet at supper, alternately, at each other's houses. In the catalogue of the members of this club, after the name of Rustichi, we read, amongst others, the names of Andrea del Sarto, Domenico Puligo, Aristotile da San Gallo, and Ruberto di Filippo Lippi, all painters ; and with these Avas associated Robetta, who was, doubtless, the author of the engravings we are about to describe, and of whom Vasari gives us no further information, than that he was a gold- smith. These meetings appear to have taken place about the year 1511 or 1512; but we have no information as to the age of Robetta at that time ; and, consequently, in conjecturing the epoch to which his works of engraving appertain, we shall be best guided by their style of design, which is evidently that of the latter part of the fifteenth century ;* though there is also reason to believe that * Mr. Barlsch, however, torn. xiii. p. " Robetta florissoit vers 1520, et que par 392, says : " on a tout sujet de croire que " consequent ses estampes appartiennent 3 N 2 460 ROBETTA. [chap. vi. a few of his engravings were executed in the early part of the sixteenth century. The works of Robetta bear evidence that he was no ordinary goldsmith. He appears to have possessed a fertile imagination, and to have composed with facility. In his small draped figures of females or angels, he is frequently graceful ; but he was not equally successful in his naked figures, which are often lamely drawn, and ' sometimes ill proportioned. His engravings, which appear executed with freedom, are finished with close hatchings carelessly thrown in various directions; and, in the light parts of his figures, and upon the ground, he sometimes introduces a few dots, or short curved strokes, in the manner used by Schongaver, and other early engravers of Germany or the Low Countries. He sometimes signs his prints with his name at length ; but more frequently he uses the four letters R B T A . only. Many of his engravings are without any mark. Subjects of the Old Testament. The Creation of Eve. Adam is represented sleeping, seated on the ground, on the left of the print, his back and his head resting against a cluster of twigs. Eve appears coming out of his side ; her hands are joined together, and she bends forwards towards the Creator, who is standing on a bank of earth, on tne right. It is remarkable, that the Almighty " plutot au commencement du seizi^me that the society above mentioned, was in being " si^cle qu'^ la fin du quinzi^me." Huber, at least as early as 1512, since he expressly however, ' Manuel,' torn. iii. p. 50, is of a mentions one of their entertainments which very different opinion. " En general," says took place in that year ; and, for aught we he, " les productions du burin de Robetta know to the contrary, Robetta may then " paroissent de beaucoup anterieurs a celles have been a man of sixty, or upwards, as " de Mantegna." Now it is certain, if there appears reason to believe his friend Vasari's account is to be depended upon, Rustichi himself was at that time. CHAP. VI.] ROBETTA. 461 is represented in this print as a very young man, and not, as usual, with a long beard. This piece, which has neither the name nor initials of the artist, measures six inches and a half in height, by five inches and three eighths in width. {Bartsclis Catalogue of Robetta, No. 1 .) Adam and Eve driven out of Paradise. On the left is the angel, with a sword elevated in his right hand. Adam, whose figure is seen in nearly a back -view, in the middle of the print, directs his steps towards the right ; where Eve, seen in a front view, appears standing on a bank, having her right hand on her bosom, and, with her left, covering her nakedness. With- out name or mark. This piece measures six inches and seven-eighths in height, by five inches and three-eighths in width. {Bartsch, No. 2.) Adam and Eve with the Infants Cain and Abel. Adam appears, seated on the left, with the infant Cain beside him ; Eve is seated on the right, with the young Abel on her knees, whom she holds with her left hand. Her right hand rests on the large stone on which she is sitting ; and from under her left arm rises a distaff. This piece, which, like the foregoing, is without name or mark, measures six inches and seven-eighths in height, by five inches and a half in width. (Bartsch, No. 5.) The Sacrifice of Cain and Abel. In the middle of the print is an altar of a square proportion, beautifully decorated with ornaments of sculpture, in the manner of the antique. Upon it is Cain's offering of the first fruits of the earth, burning. Cain himself appears standing on the right, dressed in a short jacket, the folds of which he has hold of with his right hand : he raises his left hand, and bends forward, looking towards 462 ROBETTA. [chap. vr. his brother Abel, who is standing, on the left, with his offering of a small ram, or goat, which he bears in both hands. The figure of Abel has considerable elegance, and is larger than that of Cain, The back-ground, which rises high up in the print, represents a pleasing landscape, with two or three scattered houses situated on the banks of a lake. This piece, which, with the one following, was, I think, no doubt intended to accompany the three preceding, is in my own collection. It appears to have escaped the researches of Bartsch, and has no mark. It measures six inches and five-eighths in height, by five inches and a quarter in width. The Death of Abel The figure of Abel, lying on his back, on the ground, is seen in a boldly fore-shortened point of view, his head being towards the spectator, on the left of the print. In the fore-ground, on the right, stands Cain, Avho is seen in a back view. He rests his right-hand on his club, and raises his left as if in expostulation ; looking up, at the same time, at the Almighty, whose half-figure, leaning forwards from a cloud, appears in the sky, on the left, over the figure of Abel. Behind the figure of Abel is seen part of a rustic fence. This piece, which is in the collection of Mr. Lloyd, has neither the name nor the initials of Robetta. Bartsch appears to have been unacquainted with it. It measures six inches and three-quarters in height, by five inches and a quarter in width. Adam and Eve with the Infants Cain and Abel. This composition is very different from that of the same subject already described. Adam is seated on a bank, on the left of the print, fatigued after the labour of the day. At his feet is the infant Cain, seated on the ground, and holding a bird. On the right is Eve, standing with her distaff, and the infant Abel by her side. The back-ground represents a landscape. In the middle of the print. CHAP. VI.] ROBETTA. 463 at bottom, are the letters R b t a. Tliis piece measures nine inches and a quarter in height, by six inches and three-quarters in width. Mr. Bartsch notices two different impressions of this engraving. In the first, the sky is left white. In the second impression, which he says is retouched, there are several clouds, particularly on the right-hand. {Bartsch, No. 3.) A Repetition of the same Subject. Adam, whose countenance is expressive of sadness, holds the hoe, with which he has been tilling the ground, with his right hand, and is seated on a bank by the side of Eve, who has the infant Abel on her lap, and points towards Cain, who is sitting at her feet, in the fore-ground, on the right-hand. The back-ground represents a landscape. This piece, which is without mark, measures nine inches and seven-eighths in height, by seven inches in width. {Bartsch, No. 4.) Subjects of the New Testament, Saints, &c. The Adoration of the Shepherds. In the middle of the print, the Madonna is represented on her knees, her hands joined together, and elevated, adoring the infant Jesus, who is supported in the arms of an angel, who is kneeling on the right. Two other angels are on their knees, one on either side the Virgin, and a fourth angel, in a similar attitude of devotion, is seen a little behind. Beyond this group, a little to the right, is a build- ing fallen into ruins, through the door of which is perceived the ox and the ass. Towards the near-ground, on the same side, is Joseph, standing : he is seen in a back view, and turns his head towards a shepherd, who, with his arms extended and elevated, prostrates himself on the ground. This shepherd is attended by two dogs. In the fore-ground, on the left, are three other shepherds. The dis- 4G4 ROBETTA. [chap. vt. tance on this side presents the view of a village. Mr. Bartscli observes of this piece, that it does not bear the initials nor the name of Robetta, but that it is undoubtedly by his hand. It measures about ten inches and a half in height, by six inches and three quarters in width. {Bartsch, No. 7.) The Adoration of the Magi. The Virgin is seated on a rocky bank, in the middle of the print, and is seen in a front view. She has the Infant on her lap, who holds a small vase, one of the presents of the Magi. The stems of two trees, one on each side the Madonna, rise to the top of the print, and support a light canopy or roof of thatch, under which is a group of three angels singing out of a scroll. Immediately behind the Virgin, on the left, part of the figure of Joseph is seen, who appears conversing with her, and on the right are the ox and the ass. The Magi, with their attendants, occupy the near-ground on either side the print Amongst these, an old man, whose cap, sur- rounded by a crown, lies on the ground, appears kneeling on the right ; and a second, a youth, kneels on the left, offering his present of a small vase : on the ground beneath this figure is a turban. The back-ground represents the view of a lake surrounded by a hilly coun- try. On the right-hand, at bottom, under the cap of the old man before mentioned, is the name of the artist, thus : robetta. This piece, which is one of Robetta's most capital performances, measures eleven inches and three-quarters in height, by ten inches and three- quarters in width. [Bartsch, No. 6.) The Baptism of Christ. St. John the Baptist, accompanied by two angels, who appear conversing together, occupies the right-hand of the print. In his left hand he holds a long staff surmounted by a cross, and, in his CHAP. VI.] ROBETTA. 465 right, a bowl, from Avhich he pours water on the head of Christ, who, with his hands joined, is standing in the river Jordan. On the left, two men are seen, undressed, the one standing, and the other seated, on the bank of the river. In the middle, at the top of the print, the half figure of God the Father appears in a cloud, surrounded by four angels in the act of adoration. The letters RBTA, are engraved about the middle of the print, at bottom. This piece measures eleven inches and three-quarters in height, by eight inches and a half in width. (Bartsch, No. 8.) Christ taking leave of his Mother: Jesus, seen in profile, is standing towards the right, accompanied by his disciples. He bends his head with an air of sadness, and appears to listen to the Madonna, who, standing on the left-hand, in company with a number of persons who appear to take an in- terest in the scene, is addressing herself to him. Amongst other figures, may be remarked that of a naked infant, Avho is seated in the fore-ground, playing with a little dog. In the middle of the back-ground is a group of soldiers assembled around a well. The distance, on the right-hand, represents a town situated on an emi- nence. The letters r b t a are engraved in the middle of the print, at bottom. This piece measures ten inches and three-eighths in height, by eight inches and a half in width. (Bartsch, No, 9.) The Resurrection. Jesus Christ, holding a banner with his left hand, and pointing towards heaven (or perhaps giving the benediction) with the other, (see note, p. 452) appears hovering in the air, over the sepulchre which he has just vacated. Two soldiers, armed with spears, are running off towards the left. Two others, on the right, one of whom covers his head with his round shield, are getting up from the ground that they also may make their escape. Upon the front of the se- 3 o 466 ROBETTA. [chap. vi. pulchre is a basso-relievo, in which two angels are represented in the air, bearing the handkerchief of S. Veronica. The letters R b t a, are engraved in the middle of the print, at bottom. This piece measures eleven inches and three-quarters in height, by eight inches and a half in width. {Bartsch, No. 10.) The Virgin and Child, with Angels. The Madonna is giving the breast to the infant Jesus. The little St. John is seen further otf. On either side are angels, in all five in number, in attitudes expressive of adoration. This piece is marked robta, and measures five inches in width, by four inches and three-quarters in height. {Ba7'isch, No. 11.) The Virgiii and Child. The Madonna is seated, in a landscape, with the infant Jesus in her lap, whom she supports with her left hand, whilst, with her right, she presents him with a small bird. The letters ret a are engraved in the middle of the print, at bottom. It measures seven inches and three-quarters in height, by six inches and three-eighths in width. {Bartsch, No. 12.) The Virgin and Child, with Angels. The Virgin is seated, in the middle of the print, supporting the infant Jesus with both hands, who, seated on her lap, bends forward to embrace the little St. John the Baptist. On the left are two angels, figures of the greatest elegance, standing, one of whom raises his hands in devotion, and, at the same time, turns towards his companion, as if inviting him to join him. On the right, behind the Madonna, is another angel. This piece bears neither the name nor the initials of Robetta, but it is undoubtedly by his hand, and may, indeed, be considered one of his most beautiful productions. CHAP. VI.] ROBETTA, 467 It measures nine inches and nine-eighths in height, by seven inches and a quarter in width. (Bartsch, No. 13.) St. Sebastian and St. Rock, St. Sebastian, pierced by arrows, and bound to the trunk of a tree, stands on the left. On the right, stands St. Rock, holding a staff with his right hand, and, with his left, lifting up a part of his garment, in order to expose the wound in his thigh. In the sky is an angel, descending, with the palm and the crown of martyrdom, towards St. Sebastian. This piece, which has no mark, measures eight inches and three-eighths in height, by five inches and a half in width. {Bartsch, No. 14.) Faith and Charity. The figure of Faith has a chalice in the left hand, and a cross in the right. Charity is represented with a child on her lap, holding a bird, and another child seated by her on the ground. The back- ground represents a landscape. This piece is marked rbta, and measures seven inches and a half in height, by six inches and three- quarters in width. (Bartsch, No. 15.) Subjects of Heathen Mythology, Fancy Subjecis, &c. Ce res. The Goddess is represented with her brows encircled by a gar- land of ears of corn, and a sort of thyrsis in her hand, surmounted by a vase filled with fruits and grain. She carries an infant satyr, and is followed by another. This piece is marked rbta, and measures seven inches and an eighth in height, by five inches and a h^lf in width. {Bartsch, No. 16.) 3 o2 468 ROBETTA. [chap. vi. A Venus with Cupids. Venus appears seated on a bank, holding, with her right h»nd, a wand, to the end of which is affixed a vase, filled with fruits and flowers. She is playing with two little Cupids : one of them is upon her lap ; the other, who is standing by her, on the left, looks up towards her, and presses her bosom with his left hand. A third Cupid, holding a bird, is seated in the fore-ground, on the right, and, in the back-ground of the same side, a fourth Cupid is seen, seated on the ground, and amusing himself with a little dog, which he holds by a ribbon tied round his neck. All these Cupids are without wings. Towards the middle of the piece, rises a tree without foliage, to which is suspended a tablet, whereon the traces of the name of Robetta may be perceived, covered by dark hatchings. This piece measures nine inches and three-quarters in height, by seven inches in Avidth. {Bartsch, No. 18.) Apollo and Marsyas. Apollo is playing upon a pipe made of reeds, and is listened to by Marsyas, near whom, lying on the ground, is a sort of violin, the bow of which he holds in his hand. Tavo men, who are seated, and a female, who is standing, appear to be the judges of the per- formance. At the feet of Marsyas is a child, holding in his arms a small monkey. This piece is marked R B T a, and measures ten inches and an eighth in height, by seven inches and a quarter in Avidth. {Bartsch, No. 19.) All iinknown Subject. On the right of this piece, a young man is represented, seated on a stone, Avith his back against the trunk of a tree, to Avhich he is bound by cords, Avith his hands behind him. He appears to com- plain of his captivity to a young Avoman Avho is standing before CHAP. VI.] ROBETTA. 469 him with her hands crossed on her bosom. Another young female, who is standing, in the middle of the print, plays on the harp, and, on the left. Pan is represented, playing on a horn, which he holds elevated. In the fore-ground of this side, is a second young man, seated, in an easy attitude, on a piece of rock, at whose feet is a small snake twisted round a stump. All these figures are naked. The scene is a landscape. This piece bears the letters R b t a, en- graved in the middle of the print, at bottom, and measures nine inches and three-eighths in height, by six inches and three-quarters in width. (Bartsch, No. 17.) The Choice of Hercules. Hercules is represented, in the flower of his youth, standing, towards the left of the print, and resting with both hands on his club. He listens attentively to what is said to him by two naked females, intended to personify Virtue and Vice ; of whom the one, standing in the middle of the piece, is seen in front, and the other, on the right, in a back view. Behind, on the left, are the three Graces ; and above, on either hand, are Cupids flying in the air. This en- graving, according to Bartsch, bears neither the name nor the initials of Robetta. He considers it one of that artist's earliest produc- tions. It measures ten inches and an eighth in height, by seven inches and a half in width. (Bartsch, No. 20.) Hercules destroying the Hydra. Hercules, who is standing, near the middle of the print, is giving a blow to the Hydra with his club ; the monster being represented near the mouth of a cavern, on the left-hand. The back-ground exhibits a mountainous landscape. About the middle of the piece, at bottom, are the letters R b t a. This engraving measures nme inches and an eighth in height, by seven inches and a quarter in width. {Bartsch, No. 21.) 470 ROBETTA. [chap. vi. Mr. Bartsch observes, that there are two different impressions of this piece. In the^r,s^, the whole of the sky is left white, but, in the second, some clouds are introduced, and also a falcon chasing a heron. Hercules and Antaus. Hercules is represented strangling Antaeus ; and, in the fore- ground, on the left-hand, is an infant, who appears to be in con- vulsions. Bartsch observes that this piece is ill drawn. He con- siders it one of the artist's earliest works. It is without the name or initials of Robetta, and measures ten inches in height, by seven inches and a half in width. {Bartsch, No. 22.) Mutius Scavola. Mutius Scsevola stands on the right, burning his hand in the fire, which is upon an altar in the middle of the print. Near him are two soldiers, in attitudes testifying their astonishment at the action. On the lefl stands Porsenna, holding a small standard, and accom- panied by another soldier. This engraving is marked R b t a, and measures eight inches and a quarter in height, b}'^ six inches and a quarter in Avidth. {Bartsch, No. 26.) The Torments of Love. In the middle of this piece, a young man is represented, seated on a bank, with his back against a tree, and bound, by the left arm, to one of its branches by Cupid, at the same time that he is caressed by a woman, who is standing by him on the left. A man, on the same side, accompanied by an infant, stands looking at them. On the right, is another man, who is also accompanied by an infant, and appears forcibly leading away a female, whose countenance is full of sadness, and who raises her right arm in the air, in an attitude expressive of her distress. All these figures are CHAP. VI.] ROBETTA. 471 naked. Upon a tablet, suspended to the branch of a tree, near the right-hand border of the print, is the name, thus : robeta. This engraving measures eleven inches and three-quarters in height, by eleven inches in width. {Bartsch, No. 25.) The Old Woman and the four Lovers. In the middle of this piece is an old woman, standing, and seen in a front view. She looks down, towards the left, at a little child, who is seated on the ground, hugging and playing with a bird. Behind the infant is a young man, sitting on a piece of rock, cares- sing his mistress, who is seated upon his lap. On the right are two other lovers, who, standing, and holding each other round the waist, are conversing together; the woman being seen in front, and the man in a back view. All these figures are naked. On the left border of the print is a group of trees ; nearer the centre, in the middle ground, is a single tree; and, in the distance, is a hilly landscape, terminating, on the right, with the view of a small town. The two bottom corners of this plate appear to have been cut away. The print bears neither the name nor the initials of Robetta, but it is undoubtedly his work. It measures ten inches and an eighth in height, by seven inches and an eighth in width. (BaiHsch, No. 24.) It is worthy of remark, that the view of the town in the distance of this piece, is copied, with little alteration, but in a reverse direc- tion, from part of the back-ground of one of Albert Durer's en- gravings on copper ; viz. that styled by Bartsch, (vol. vii. No. 73) * L'efFetde la jalousie;' in which is represented a naked female, recumbent in the lap of a satyr, defended from the attacks of another woman, who is endeavouring to beat her with a stick, by the inter- position of a naked man, armed with a small tree, which he has torn up by the roots.* * This piece of Durer, as is the case with of engraving, is, unfortunately, without date, a considerable proportion of his early works It was, perhaps, executed by him between 472 ROBETTA. [chap. vi. Two Female Figures with a Lyre. On the left of this piece, a female, who is dressed in the costume of the antique, and holds a masque with her left hand, is repre- sented leaning upon a sort of altar, and apparently listening with great attention to the sound of a lyre which is placed upon the altar, and played upon by another female, who is standing on the right. The letters r b T A are engraved in the middle of the piece at bottom. It measures eight inches and a quarter in height, by five inches and three-eighths in width. [Bartsch, No, 23.) I must add, respecting this piece, that it appears to have been engraved by Robetta, from a very elegant design, painted in chiaro-scuro in fresco, by Filippino Lippi, the son of Fra Filippo Lippi,* in the ' Capella Strozzi,' in the church of S. Maria Novella, at Florence. I have not, indeed, seen the print ; but a drawing, made from the fresco itself, is now before me ; and it so exactly agrees with the above description (except that, in the print, the figures are reversed, having been engraved on the copper in the same direction as the painting) as to leave in my mind no doubt as to the fact. It is not improbable that some of Robetta's other works may also have been taken from the designs of Lippi ; and I am the more inclined to indulge such a conjecture, because amongst the members of the ' Compagnia del Paiuolo' before-mentioned, there was, as we have seen, one Ruberto di Filippo Lippi,f (doubt- the years loO-i and 1508, in the first of executed before any of the prints of the Ger- which years he engraved his celebrated print man artist found their way to Florence, of Adam and Eve. Robetta's print, there- * Filippino Lippi, after the death of his fore, may probably have been executed as father, which took place when he was yet a late as 1309 or IjlO. I must add, how- boy, became the scholar of BotliceHi. He ever, that, amongst the other engravings which died, aged forty-five, in the year 1505. I have seen by Robetta, I have found no f This Ruberto is spoken of, in Vasari's similar instance of plagiarism from Albert life of Gio. Francesco Rustichi, as the Durer ; whence I think it fair to conclude scholar and assistant of that artist. The pro- that the chief part of his engravings were bability is, that he was originally a scholar CHAP. VI.] EARLY FLORENTINE SCHOOL. 473 less so called because he was a relative, or had been a scholar ot Lippi) who may readily be supposed to have possessed some of Lippi's drawings, and occasionally to have obliged his friend Robetta with the loan of them to engrave from. That, besides the engravers already mentioned, there were many other natives of Tuscany, who, during the last forty years of the fifteenth century, and the early part of the sixteenth, practised the newly discovered art, there can be little doubt; and, indeed, the fact may be collected, as was observed in a former page, (319,) from the general tenour of Vasari's account.* He has neglected, however, to record the names of these artists, and, unfortunately, other obstacles join in opposing themselves to any present attempt to render our series of the ancient engravers of this school so com- plete as we could wish. For althoug^h, in default of the evidence of history, our inquiries might be aided by an extensive and frequent reference to ancient Italian prints themselves, these are of so great of Lippi, but that, preferring sculpture to painting, he afterwards attached himself to Rustichi. He is not mentioned at the end of the life of Filippino Lippi, amongst that artist's scholars, which leads me to suspect that he might have quitted him some time before his death, in 1505. * I have sometimes thought that Vasari meant to designate Andrea del Verrocchio as an engraver, when he called him, at the be- ginning of his life, " Orefice, Prospettivo, Scultore, Intagliatore, Pittore, e Musico;" though I admit that the term is equivocal, and may mean that, besides being a sculptor, a painter, and a goldsmith, he was also a carver in wood. Stronger grounds of con- jecture are furnished by Landino concerning Leone Battista Alberti, of whom, in one of the introductory chapters to his commentary upon Dante, (viz. that bearing the title " Fio- RENTINI EXCELLENTI IN DoTTRINa") he thus speaks : " Scrisse de sculptura : el " qual libro e intitolato statua. Ne sola- " mente scrisse : ma di mano propria fece : " et restano nelle mani mie commendatissime " opere di penello, di scalpello, di bulino, et " di getto dallui fatte." That even Lionardo da Vinci might have occasionally practised en- graving, I was some years ago led to think, upon the occasion of turning over the inva- luable volume of designs, by that great artist, in his Majesty's collection; in which I found, pasted on the leaves amongst Lionardo's studies of horses, two engravings, or, per- haps, two pieces of the same engraving re- presenting horses' heads, executed exactly in the taste and manner of his drawings. From what I remember of these fragments, I suspect they are no other than the anony- mous print mentioned by Bartsch, vol. siii. p. 331, and ascribed by him to lo. Ant, Brixianus, cut in two. 3 P 474 ANCIENT ENGRAVING BY [chap. vi. rarity, (more especially the engravings of the early Florentine school) that the means of" making the necessary comparisons are denied us. I shall close this chapter with the description of an engraving, not less singular on account of the matter it represents, than re- markable for the manner in which it is executed. I cannot, indeed, take upon me to assert positively that it is of the Florentine school ; but I incline to the opinion, and have therefore thought it better to insert it here, than to place it amongst the engravings of any other school to which it appears to bear less affinity. Bartsch, Avho has described it, (vol. xiii. pp. 357, 358.) gives it for title, " La puis- sance de I'Amour." He acknowledges, however, that its real signi- fication is enigmatical, and I, therefore, prefer styling it : AN UNKNOWN ALLEGORICAL SUBJECT. In the upper part of this print, in the middle, a graceful figure of a young man is represented, standing on a pedestal, and seen in front. In his right hand, he holds a long wand, surmounted by a vase, from which issue flames of fire, and, in his left, which is ele- vated, a crescent.* His bosom is exposed, but the folds of a mantle, which is thrown over his shoulders, cover the lower part of his body. Below this pedestal, on the left, a young man is seen kneehng, resting on his staff; and, on the right, an old man, the upper part of whose body is naked, is represented, kneeling on a pedestal of larger dimensions than the former : he is turned towards the man with the crescent, and holds, with both hands, a small idol, bearing a vase on its head, which he appears to present to him. On a third pedestal, resembling a tombstone, and situated under the pedestal which supports the first described figure, another old man appears. * Bartsch remarked, within the curve of a man on horseback. I am unable to distin- ibis crescent, an extremely minute figure of guish it in the impression before me. CHAP. VI.] AN UNKNOWN ARTIST. 475 lying asleep on his back; and, upon a fourth pedestal, a little more to the right, is an elegant female figure, seated, caressing an infant. This woman is accompanied by two other females, with their infants standing on each side of her, one of whom bears her child upon her shoulders ; and behind, on the right-hand border of the print, the heads of tAVO other female figures are seen, bearing vases, and also the head of an old man. Upon the ground, under the last described group, are two figures, seated; one of which, ac- companied by a little dog, appears bathing its feet in a small stream of Avater : nearer the middle of the fore-ground, is a young man, leaning on his left arm, asleep, at whose feet are a vase, a little child, and a dog ; and on the ground behind him are tAvo other men, the one seated, the other recumbent. In the fore-ground, on the left, are two horses : at the feet of one of them an infant appears, lying on the ground ; and on the back of the other is seated a naked man, whose brows are encircled by a garland. Behind these figures is an elevated platform, or pedestal, of wider extent than any of those before described, and reaching from near the centre to the left border of the print. Upon this pedestal stands a young man, naked, supporting, with his left hand, a large vase, which he appears to offer to a naked female, who is standing, more to the right, by his side. Behind these two figures, on the same pedestal, are a little child, and a vase of larger dimensions than the former ; and, on the left, are an old man with a child on his shoulders leaning on his staff, a younger figure holding with both hands a small vase, and three other figures, of which only the heads are seen. The back-ground, on the left, represents part of a colonnade of the Corinthian order ; and on the right are various portions of rich archi- tecture, decorated with statues and bassi-relievi. In the middle of the print, at bottom, is the mark of the artist, composed of the letters P P, in the manner which will be presently shewn. This engraving measures nine inches in width, by seven inches in height 3p 2 476 ANCIENT ENGRAVING BY [chap. vi. " This piece," says Mr. Bartsch, " is extremely remarkable for " the variety in the attitudes of the numerous figures it contains, " as well as on account of the correctness, the precision of outline, " and the gracefulness that reigns throughout. The shadows," he adds, " are for the most part produced by a very delicate sort of " work executed with the dry point ; a circumstance which gives to " the print much of the appearance of a drawing outlined with a " pen, and highly finished with Indian ink." It is proper, however, to observe, that the last remark seems to apply only to an impression of this interesting engraving, taken before the plate was worked over with dots, executed with the graver, by means, as Mr. Bartsch thinks, of the percussion of a hammer. I shall, therefore, here give the distinctions which that writer notices between the two impressions which came under his cognizance. " In the Jirst impression,'' says he, " the work is extremely de- " licate, and the upper parts only of the letters P P appear; the " lower parts of those letters, as well as the thin stroke which unites " them, being effaced.* " The second impression," continues he, " was taken from the " plate after it had been retouched by strokes of the hammer, by " some goldsmith of little ability, who spoiled the engraving ; more " especially as he omitted to fmish the whole subject : for the " figure of the young man holding the crescent, that of the old " man kneeling who presents him with the idol, five figures in " the fore-ground on the right-hand, and the architecture in " the back-ground on the same side, are left in the state to '* which that part of the plate was reduced when the artist under- " took the task of retouching it ; that is to say, all those figures " are very feebly expressed, the plate having previously suffered • " EfFacees :'' Bartsch must surely mean added in the second impression, not that they that the lower parts of the above letters were were effaced from the first. CHAP. VI.] AN UNKNOWN ARTIST. 477 " by too much printing. It is also to be remarked that, in this •' impression, the lower parts of the letters P P, and the thin " stroke by which they are joined together, are clearly ex- " pressed."* I have not had an opportunity of seeing the two impressions of this engraving, which Bartsch thus describes ; but I possess an impression of it, differing materially from both of them ; having been taken off after the artist, whom he supposes to have retouched the plate, had completed his work, with the exception of one or two very small parts, not worth noticing. I am, therefore, led to suspect that Bartsch's opinion, that the plate, after it had been worn by frequent printing, got into the hands of an ignorant goldsmith, by whom it was retouched, may be without foundation ; and that, on the contrary, the plate was worked up with dots by the original artist himself: under which supposition, the^Vs^ impression, noticed by Bartsch, must be considered as a proof, taken by the artist before he scraped off the hurr left by the dry point, preparatory to his beginning to finish the plate, according to his original inten- tion, with the graver, by means of the strokes of a small hammer. I am, indeed, the more inclined to this opinion, because, indepen- dent of its having been customary with the early engravers to begin their plates with the dry point, (of which numerous examples might be readily referred to in the works of Marc Antonio and others,) I do not discover, in the finishing of the print before me, those marks of ignorance of which Mr. Bartsch speaks ; although I can readily conceive that the proof impression described by him, may possess a greater freedom of outline and delicacy of effect, than the finished print, in consequence of the artist having been better skilled in design than practised in the management of the burin. The reader will be enabled to form some idea of the style of this singular engraving, from a copy of part of the right-hand * Bartsch, vol. xiii. pp. 359- 360. 361. 478 ANCIENT ENGRAVING BY [chap. VI. bottom corner of it, which, with the mark before-mentioned, is here inserted. It 4 i i The Abbe Lanzi, " Storia Pittorica," vol. i. p. 83, of the edition already referred to, mentions a print representing * Christ taken down from the Cross,' marked, like the above, with the letters P P ; initials which he considers as indicating Pietro Perugino ; but in the last and augmented edition of his Avork, (Bassano, 1809,) he omits the passage altogether ; doubtless because, upon further considera- CHAP. VI.] AN UNKNOWN ARTIST. 473* tion, he found there was no good ground for his original opinion; or rather, perhaps we ought to say, for the opinion of a former pos- sessor of the engraving in question, who, according, to Zani, " Ma- teriah," p. 129, had written underneath it, with a pen, Petrus Ferusinus. Zani, who saw this print in the collection of the Count Antonio Remondini, at Bassano, informs us, that it presents a com- position of fifteen principal figures, and that it is marked at bottom with the letters P P, tied together, in the lower parts of the letters, with a knot or flourish, in the manner indicated in the opposite plate. It measures, he says, seven inches and six lines in height, (I am uncertain whether or not he means old French inches,) by six inches and two lines in width. Zani adds, that he is acquainted with two or three other pieces marked in the same manner, one of which re- presents, in a composition of numerous and very minute figures, the hunting of a lion. This piece is described by Bartsch, vol. xiii. p. 3^, and, according to him, measures five inches and a half in width, by four inches and five eighths in height. I will only add that, besides the engravings above-mentioned, Bartsch also ascribes to the same artist a small print of a bacchanalian subject, copied from a larger one by Andrea Mantegna. This piece I have seen: it is marked n n, or, perhaps, rr; but I find nothing in it to induce me to con- sider it by the same hand as the above. THE END OF VOL. I. J. M'Creery, Printer, Black-Horse-Conrt, Fleet-Street, London. ERRATA. Page 27. .note, line 10 for, that " certaia," read that ia " certain." 94. .note, line 3 torn of, torn off. 147. .line 16 conTallium convalliim. 149 13 rooped grouped. 178 6 dignatories, dignitaries. 18o..note, line 9 1459, 1469. 195 . . line 20 appeasr, appears. 207 6 spandle, spandril. 305 5 spandles, spandrils. 327 . .the paging 337, 327. 327. .line 5 DIEANIRA, DEIANIRA. 376. .last line page 30, page 130. 422. .line 2 from bottom and of which, and at which. 494.. line 9 LAERTIOR, LAETIOR. 677. .line. ... 12 from bottom which, whom. u. 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