(aT^Jj^ ivru i-x 
 
CHRONICLES 
 
 OP THE HOUSE OF 
 
 WILLOUGHBY DE ERESBY. 
 
CHRONICLES 
 
 OP THE HOUSE OE 
 
 WILLOUGHBY DE ERESBY. 
 
 Compiled from Histories of England, Peerages, and other authentic sources 
 
 BY 
 
 THE H0P LE ' ELIZABETH HEATHCOTE DRUMMOND WILLOUGHBY. 
 
 ILLUSTRATED WITH ANCIENT COATS OE ARMS AND MONUMENTS, ALSO WITH 
 PORTRAITS EROM THE ORIGINALS IN POSSESSION OE THE EAMILY. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 NICHOLS & SONS, 25, PARLIAMENT STREET, S.W. 
 
 MDCCCXCVI. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 TN the preparation of these “ Chronicles of the House of Willoughby de Eresby, I 
 ^ have found it necessary to consult a very large number of Works, from some of 
 which the extracts which follow have been arranged, with the view of showing the 
 important Historical events in which the holders of the Willoughby de Eresby 
 Title have from time to time taken part, all of which extracts have been verified 
 at the British Museum. 
 
 In the notices about the Duchess of Suffolk, words are taken from an 
 original Edition of Fox’s “ Book of Martyrs,” and, with other quotations, are given 
 as specimens of old spelling, but many palpable errors have been corrected. 
 
 I am greatly indebted to the family of Lady Georgina Bertie (Authoress of 
 :< Five Generations of a Loyal House”) and to the Publishers of the Works from 
 which quotations have been made, for so kindly granting me permission to use what¬ 
 ever portions I have needed. The extracts from Motley’s “ United Netherlands 
 and Lady Theresa Lewis’s “Lives of the Friends of Lord Clarendon are made 
 by special permission of Mr. Murray. 
 
 Since completing these Chronicles, Gilbert, 2nd Lord Aveland, has succeeded 
 to the title of Willoughby de Eresby as XXI. Baron, at the death of our mother, 
 November 13th, 1888, and on the 15th of September, 1892 was created Earl of 
 Ancaster. His eldest son, Gilbert, now bears the title of Lord Willoughby de Eresby. 
 
 E. H. D. W. 
 
 4, Belghave Square, SAW 
 
/nsz 
 
luTteagt' of % parous ait}) Baruitwes (Dillaugl^bp. 
 from 1313 to 1883- 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
PART I. 
 
 HOLDERS OF THE TITLE. 
 
Robert Willoughby, I. Lord Willoughby, 
 
 The f amil y of Willoughby, by a pedigree 
 drawn up in the time of Elizabeth, appears to 
 be descended from Sir John de Willoughby, 
 a Norman knight, who had the lordship of 
 Willoughby, in Lincolnshire, by gift of the 
 Conqueror. From this successful soldier we 
 pass to Sir William de Willoughby, who, in 
 the 54th of Henry III., was signed with the 
 cross, and accompanied Prince Edward into 
 the Holy Land. He married Alice, daughter 
 of John, Lord Beke, of Eresby, and eldest 
 co-heir of her brother Walter, Lord of Eresby, 
 and had issue. 
 
 Sir Robert de Willoughby, who was summoned 
 to parliament as Baron Willoughby de Eresby. 
 
 Dugdale informs us that in the 25th Edward 
 I. he was in the expedition into Gascony; and 
 in the 28th Edward I. 1300, he was returned 
 from the county of Lincoln, as holding lands or 
 rents, either in capite or otherwise, to the 
 amount of £40 yearly value and upwards, and 
 as such was summoned under the general writ 
 to perform military service against the Scots in 
 June in that year, at which time he was present 
 at the siege of Carlaverock. 
 
 The Castle of Carlaverock, which is said to 
 have been the Carbantorigum of Ptolemy, stood 
 in the parish of that name, in the county, and 
 about nine miles south of the town, of Dumfries, 
 on the north shore of Solway Frith, at the con¬ 
 fluence of the rivers Mth and Locher. 
 
 henry m. 
 
 1270. 
 
 The Family and Parents 
 of Robert Willoughby, I. 
 Lord Willoughby, born 
 1270.— Burke's Extinct 
 Peerage, p. 575. 
 
 EDWARD I. 
 
 12 9 7. 
 
 Lord Willoughby in 
 G ascony.—N icolus’s 
 “ Siege of Carlaverock," 
 p. 327. 
 
 1300. 
 
 Summoned to attend the 
 King at the siege of the 
 Castle of Carlaverock. 
 
 Description of the 
 Castle.—Nicolas, p. ix. 
 
 B 
 
Robert Willoughby, I. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 In the year of Grace one thousand three 
 hundred, on the day of Saint John, Edward 
 held a great Court at Carlisle, and commanded 
 that in a short time all his men should prepare, 
 to go together with him against his enemies the 
 Scots. 
 
 On the appointed day the whole host was 
 ready, and the good king with his household, 
 then set forward against the Scots, not in 
 coats and surcoats, but on powerful and costly 
 chargers; and that they might not be taken by 
 surprise, well and securely armed. 
 
 There were many rich caparisons embroidered 
 on silks and satins; many a beautiful pennon 
 fixed to a lance; and many a banner displayed. 
 
 And afar off was the noise heard of the neigh¬ 
 ing of horses; mountains and valleys were every 
 where covered with sumpter horses and waggons 
 with provisions, and sacks of tents and 
 pavilions. 
 
 And the days were long and fine. They pro¬ 
 ceeded by easy journeys, arranged in four 
 squadrons; the which I will so describe to you, 
 that not one shall be passed over. But first I 
 will tell you of the names and arms of the com¬ 
 panions, especially of the banners, if you will 
 listen how. 
 
 Henry the good Earl of Lincoln, burning 
 with valour, and which is the chief feeling of 
 his heart, leading the first squadron, had a 
 banner of yellow silk with a purple lion 
 rampant. 
 
 With him Robert le Fitz Walter, who well 
 knew the use of arms, and so used them 
 when required. In a yellow banner he had a 
 fess between two red chevrons. 
 
Robert Willoughby, 1. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 3 
 
 And William le Marshall, who in Ireland had 
 the chief command. He bore a gold bend 
 engrailed in a red banner. 
 
 Hugh Bardolf, a man of great appearance, 
 rich, valiant, and courteous. He bore, azure, 
 three cinquefoils of pure gold. 
 
 A great lord, much honoured, may I well 
 name the fifth, Philip the Lord of Kyme, who 
 bore red, with a chevron of gold sui’rounded by 
 crosslets. 
 
 I saw Henry de Grey there, who well and 
 nobly attended with his good Lord the Earl. 
 He had a banner, and reckoned rightly you 
 would find it barry of six pieces of silver and 
 blue. 
 
 Robert de Montalt was there, who highly 
 endeavoured to acquire high honor. He had a 
 banner of a blue colour, with a lion rampant of 
 silver. 
 
 In company with these was Thomas de 
 Multon, who had a banner and shield of silver 
 with three red bars. 
 
 These arms were not single, for such, or 
 much resembling them, were in the hands of 
 John de Lancaster ; but who, in the place of a 
 bar less, bore a red quarter with a yellow 
 leopard. 
 
 EDWARD i. 
 J300. 
 
 “ Siege of Car- 
 laverock.”—Nicolas, 
 pp. 7-9. 
 
And of this same division was William le 
 Vavasour, who in arms is neither deaf nor 
 dumb. He had a very distinguishable banner 
 of fine gold with a sable dauncet. 
 
 Also John de Holdeston, who at all times 
 appears well and promptly in arms. He was 
 with the Count, which makes it proper that he 
 should be named among his followers. He bore 
 gules fretty of silver. 
 
 I saw the good Robert Fitz Roger’s banner 
 ranged with that of the Earl in the march: it 
 was quarterly of gold and red with a black 
 bend. 
 
 That of John his son and heir, who has the 
 surname of Clavering, was not at all different, 
 excepting only a green label. 
 
 All those whom I have named to you were 
 the retinue of the good and well-beloved Earl. 
 His companion was the Constable, who was 
 itarl of Hereford, a rich, elegant young man. 
 He had a banner of deep blue silk, with a 
 white bend between two cotises of fine gold, on 
 the outside of which he had six lioncels rampant. 
 
 With him was Nicholas de Segrave, whom 
 nature had adorned in body and enriched in 
 heart. He had a valiant father, who whollv 
 abandoned the garbs and assumed the lion; and 
 who taught his children to imitate the brave, 
 -and to associate with the nobles. Nicholas used 
 
Robert Willoughby, I. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 5 
 
 his father’s banner with a red label; by his edwaed i. 
 brother John, who was the eldest, it was borne laverock 0 ”—Nicolas, 
 
 pp. 13-16. 
 
 entire. The father had by his -wife five sons, 
 who were valiant, bold, and courageous knights. 
 
 The banner of the eldest, whom the Earl 
 Marshal had sent to execute his duties because 
 he could not come, was sable with a silver lion 
 rampant, crowned with fine gold. I cannot 
 recollect what other Bannerets were there, but 
 you shall see in the conclusion that he had one 
 hundred good bachelors there, not one of whom 
 would go into lodgings or tent until they had 
 examined all the suspected passes, in which 
 they rode every day. The Marshal, the har¬ 
 binger, assigned lodgings to those who were 
 entitled to them. Thus far I have spoken of 
 those who are in and form the vanguard. 
 
 John the good Earl of Warren held the 
 reins to regulate and govern the second 
 squadron, as he who well knew how to lead 
 noble and honourable men. His banner was 
 handsomely chequered with gold and azure. 
 
 He had in his company Henri de Percy his 
 nephew, who seemed to have made a vow to 
 humble the Scots. His banner was very con¬ 
 spicuous , a blue l'ion rampant on yellow. 
 
 Robert le Fitzpayne followed them; he had his 
 red banner, side by side, with three white lions 
 passant, surcharged with a blue baton. 
 
 C 
 
Robert Willoughby, I. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 Add to these Walter de Money, who was in 
 this company "because they were all of one 
 household. He had his banner chequered of 
 silver and red. 
 
 The valiant Aymer de Valence bore a 
 beautiful banner there of silver and azure stuff, 
 surrounded by a border of red martlets. 
 
 With him Nicholas de Oarew, a valiant man 
 of great fame, which had often been displayed 
 both in cover and on the plains against the 
 rebellious people of Ireland. He had a hand¬ 
 some yellow banner with three lions passant 
 sable. 
 
 With them was Roger de la Ware, a wise 
 and valiant knight, whose arms were red, with 
 a white lion and crosslets. 
 
 Guy Earl of Warwick, who of all that are 
 mentioned in my rhyme had not a better 
 neighbour than himself, bore a red banner with 
 a fess of gold and crusilly. 
 
 John de Mohun bore there, yellow, with a 
 black cross engrailed. 
 
Robert Willoughby, I. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 7 
 
 Tateshal, for valour which he had displayed 
 with them, has one of srold and red chequered, 
 with a chief ermine. 
 
 Ealph ie Fitzwilliam bore differently from 
 him of Yalence, for instead of martlets he 
 had three chaplets of red roses, which became 
 him marvellously. 
 
 That which William de Eos displayed there, 
 was red with three white bougets. 
 
 EDWARD i. 
 1300. 
 
 “ Siege of Car- 
 laverock,”—Nicolas, 
 pp-19-23. 
 
 And the banner of Hugh Pointz was harry of 
 eight pieces of gold and red. 
 
 John de Beauchamp bore handsomely, in a 
 graceful manner, and with inspiring ardour, a 
 banner vair. 
 
 The ventailes were soon lowered, and the 
 battalions proceeded on their march. Of two of 
 them you have already been told, and of the third 
 you shall hear. , 
 
 Edward King of England and Scotland, Lord 
 of Ireland, Prince of Wales, and Duke of 
 Aquitaine, conducted the third squadron at a 
 little distance, and brought up the rear so 
 closely and ably that none of the others were 
 left behind. In his banner were three leopards 
 courant of fine gold, set on red, fierce, haughty, 
 
Robert Willoughby , 1. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 EDWARD I. 
 1300. 
 
 “ Siege of Car- 
 laverock.’ ’—N icolas. 
 pp. 23-27. 
 
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 and cruel; thus placed to signify that, like them, 
 the King is dreadful, fierce, and proud to his 
 enemies, for his bite is slight to none who 
 inflame his anger ; not but his kindness is soon 
 rekindled towards such as seek his friendship or 
 submit to his power. Such a Prince was well 
 suited to be the chieftain of noble personages. 
 
 1 must next mention his nephew John of 
 Brittany, because he is nearest to him; and 
 this preference he has well deserved, having 
 assiduously served his uncle from infancy, and 
 left his father and other relations to dwell in his 
 household when the King had occasion for his 
 followers. He was handsome and amiable, and 
 had a beautiful and ornamented banner, chequered 
 gold and azure, with a red border and yellow 
 leopards, and a quarter of ermine. 
 
 John de Bar was likewise there, who, in a blue 
 banner, crusilly, bore two barbels of gold, with a 
 red border engrailed. 
 
 William de Grandison bore paly silver and 
 azure, surcharged with a red bend, and thereon 
 three beautiful eaglets of fine gold. 
 
 Well ought I to state in my lay, that the 
 courteous Elias de Aubigny had a red banner, on 
 which appeared a white fess engrailed. 
 
 But Eurmenions de la Brette had a banner 
 entirely red. 
 
Robert Willoughby, I. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 9 
 
 After these I find in my account Hugh de Yere, 
 son of the Earl of Oxford, and brother to his 
 heir. He had a long and narrow banner, not of 
 silk but of good cloth, and quartered gold and 
 red, with a black indented border, and in the 
 upper part a white star. 
 
 John de Rivers had his caparisons mascally of 
 gold and vermillion; and they were therefore 
 similar to those of the good Maurice de Croun. 
 
 EDWARD i. 
 1300. 
 
 “ Siege of Car- 
 1 averoek. ”—N iuolas. 
 
 pp. 27-29. 
 
 Robert, the Lord of Clifford, to whom reason 
 gives consolation, who always remembers to over¬ 
 come his enemies. He may call Scotland to bear 
 witness of his noble lineage, that originated well 
 and nobly, as he is of the race of the noble Earl 
 Marshal, who at Constantinople fought with an 
 unicorn, and struck him dead beneath him ; from 
 whom he is descended through his mother. The 
 good Roger, his father’s father, was considered 
 equal to him, but he had no merit which does not 
 appear to be revived in his grandson; for I well 
 know there is no degree of praise of which he is 
 not worthy, as he exhibits as many proofs of 
 wisdom and prudence as any of those who accom¬ 
 pany his good Lord the King. His much- 
 honoured banner was chequered with gold and 
 azure, with a vermillion fess. If I were a young 
 maiden, I would give him my heart and person, 
 so great is his fame. 
 
 The good Hugh le Despenser, who loyally on 
 his courser knows how to disperse an enemy, had 
 a banner quarterly, with a black baton on the 
 white, and the gules fretty yellow. 
 
 1) 
 
Bobert Willoughby, I. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 li 
 
 Adam de Welles bore there, gold, a black lion 
 rampant, whose tail spread itself into two. 
 
 EDWARD I. 
 1300. 
 
 “ Siege of Car- 
 lnverock.”—N icolas. 
 pp. 33-35. 
 
 The handsome and amiable Robert de Scales 
 bore red, with shells of silver. 
 
 Touches, a knight of good fame, bore red, 
 with yellow martlets. 
 
 That of the Count of Laonis was known as 
 red with a white lion, and a white border with 
 roses like the field. 
 
 Patrick of Dunbar, son of the Count, bore in 
 no way different from his father, excepting a 
 blue label 
 
 Richard Suwart, who was in company with 
 them, had a black banner painted with a white 
 cross, flowered at the ends. 
 
12 
 
 Hubert Willoayitb/j, 1. Lord Willuughby. 
 
 EDWARD I. 
 1300. 
 
 “ Siege of Car- 
 lavoroek.’'—IN’ icolas, 
 pp. 37-39. 
 
 i * | 
 
 i i' i' '*■ 
 
 Simon de Fresel, of that company, bore black 
 with roses of silver. 
 
 The handsome Brian Fitz Alan, full of 
 courtesy and honour, I saw with his well- 
 adorned banner, barry of gold and red; which 
 was the subject of a dispute between him and 
 Hugh Pointz, who bore the same, neither more 
 nor less, at which many and many marvelled. 
 
 Then there was Roger de Mortaigne, who 
 strives that he may acquire honour ; he bore 
 yellow with six blue lions, the tails of which 
 we cal] double. 
 
 And of the handsome Huntercombe, ermine 
 with two red gemelles. 
 
 William de Ridre was there, who in a blue 
 banner bore crescents of brilliant gold. 
 
 With them marched the handsome Thomas de 
 Furnival, who, when seated on horseback, does 
 not resemble a man asleep; he bore six martlets 
 and a red bend in a white banner. 
 
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 John le Estrange had red caparisons with 
 two white lions passant. 
 
 Also I know John de Grey was there, who I 
 saw had his banner barry of silver and blue, 
 with a red bend engrailed. 
 
 And William de Cantilupe, whom I for this 
 reason praise, that he has at all times lived in 
 honour. He had on a red shield a fess vair, 
 with three fleurs de lis of bright gold issuing 
 from leopards’ heads. 
 
 And then Hugh de Mortimer, who well knew 
 how to make himself loved: he bore a red 
 banner with two fesses vair. 
 
 But by Simon de Montagu, who had a blue 
 banner and shield with a griffin rampant of fine 
 gold, the third squadron was brought to a close. 
 
 liiiiiitifaffjii 
 
14 
 
 Robert Willoughby, I. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 EDWARD i. 
 1300. 
 
 “ Siege of Car- 
 laverock.”—Nicolas, 
 pp, 43-45. 
 
 The fourth squadron, with its train, was led 
 by Edward the king’s son, a youth of seventeen 
 years of age, and bearing arms for the first time. 
 He was of a well proportioned and handsome 
 person, of a courteous disposition, and intelligent; 
 and desirous of finding an occasion to display his 
 prowess. He managed his steed wonderfully 
 well, and bore with a blue label the arms of the 
 good King his father. Now God give him grace 
 that he be as valiant and no less so than his 
 father: then may those fall into his hands who 
 from henceforward do not act properly. 
 
 The brave John de Saint John was every 
 where with him, who on all his white caparisons 
 had upon a red chief two gold mullets. 
 
 A white surcoat and white alettes, a white 
 shield and a white banner, were borne with a 
 red maunch by Robert de Tony, who well 
 evinces that he is a Knight of the Swan. 
 
 Henry le Tyes had a banner whiter than 
 smooth lily, with a red chevron in the middle. 
 
 Prowess had made a friend of William le 
 Latimer, who bore on this occasion a well- 
 proportioned banner, with a gold cross patec 
 pourtrayed on red. 
 
Robert Willoughby , I. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 15 
 
 Also William de Leyburne, a valiant man, 
 without but and without if, had there a banner 
 and a large pennon, of blue, with six white lions 
 rampant. 
 
 And then Roger de Mortimer, who on both 
 sides the sea has borne, wherever he went, a 
 shield barry, with a chief paly and the corners 
 gyronny, emblazoned with gold and with blue, 
 with the escutcheon voided of ermine. He 
 proceeded with the others, for he and the before 
 named were appointed to conduct and guard the 
 King’s son. But how can I place them? The 
 St. Johns, the Latimers, were leaders from the 
 first, who ought to have been in the rear of the 
 squadron, as those who best understood such 
 matters, for it would not be wise to seek else¬ 
 where two more valiant or two more prudent 
 men. 
 
 Their friends and neighbours were two bro¬ 
 thers, cousins to the King’s son, named Thomas 
 and Henry, who were sons of Monsieur Edmond, 
 the well-beloved, who was formerly so called. 
 
 Thomas was Earl of Lancaster: this is the 
 description of his arms; those of England with a 
 label of France, and he did not wish to display 
 any others. 
 
 Those of Henry I do not repeat to you, whose 
 whole daily study was to resemble his good 
 father, for he bore the arms of his brother, with 
 a blue baton, without the label. 
 
 EDWARD i. 
 1300. 
 
 “ Siege of Car- 
 laverock.”—Nicolas, 
 pp. 45-49. 
 
Robert Willoughby, I. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 16 
 
 EDWARD I. 
 1300. 
 
 “ Siege of Car- 
 laverock ”—Nicolas, 
 pp. 49-51. 
 
 <xx> 
 
 Mg| 
 
 <6 
 
 William de Ferrers was finely and nobly 
 accoutred and well armed, in red, with gold 
 mascles voided of the field. 
 
 He, by whom they were well supported, 
 acquired, after great doubts and fears until it 
 nleased God he should be delivered, the love of 
 the Countess of Gloucester, for whom he a long 
 time endured great sufferings. He had only a 
 banner of fine gold with three red chevrons. He 
 made no bad appearance when attired in his own 
 arms, which were yellow with a green eagle. 
 His name was Ralph de Monthermer. 
 
 After him I saw first of all the valiant Robert 
 de la Warde, who guards his banner well, which 
 is vaire of white and blac-k. 
 
 The heir of John de St. John was there a com¬ 
 panion ; he bore the name of his father, and also 
 his arms with a blue label. 
 
 Richard the Earl of Arundel, a handsome and 
 well-beloved Knight, I saw there, richly armed 
 in red, with a gold lion rampant. 
 
is suspended in his purse. 
 
 With them were joined both in company and 
 affection, the followers of the noble Bishop of 
 Durham, the most vigilant clerk in the kingdom, 
 a true mirror of Christianity; so, that I may tell 
 you the truth, I would be understood that he was 
 wise, eloquent, temperate, just, and chaste. 
 Never was there a great man, nor like person, who 
 regulated his life better. He was entirely free 
 from pride, covetousness, and envy : not, 
 however, that he wanted spirit to defend his 
 rig] its, if he could not work upon his enemies 
 by gentle measures, for so strongly was he 
 influenced by a just conscience, that it was the 
 astonishment of every one. In all the King’s 
 wars he appeared in noble array, with a great 
 and expensive retinue. He was detained in 
 England in consequence of a treaty which was 
 just entered into, but I know not about what 
 wrong, so that he did not come into Scotland; 
 notwithstanding, being well informed of the 
 King’s expedition, he sent him of his people one 
 hundred and sixty men at arms. Arthur, in 
 former times, with all his spells, had not so fine 
 a present from Merlin. He sent there his 
 ensign, which was gules with a fer de moulin of 
 
 He who all honour displays, John de Hastings, 
 was to conduct it in his name; for it 
 entrusted to him, as being the most intimate and 
 the best beloved of any one he had there. And 
 assuredly he well deserved to be so; for he was 
 
 ■B 
 
18 
 
 Bobert Willoughby, I. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 EDWARD I 
 1300. 
 
 “ Siege of Car- 
 laverock.”—Nicolas, 
 
 known by all to be in deeds of arms daring and 
 reckless, bnt in the hostel mild and gracious; 
 nor was there ever a Judge in Byre more willing 
 to judge rightly. He had a light and strong 
 shield, and a banner of similar work of fine gold 
 with a red maunch. 
 
 Edmond, his valiant brother, chose there the 
 black label. He could not fail of those honours 
 which he took so much pains to acquire. 
 
 They had a handsome and accomplished 
 bachelor, well versed in love and arms, named 
 John Paignel, as a companion, who in a green 
 banner, bore a maunch of fine gold. 
 
 And, as the good Edmond Deincourt could not 
 attend himself, he sent his two brave sons in his 
 stead, and with them his banner of a blue colour, 
 billette of gold, with a dancette over all. 
 
 Of John le Fitz Marmaduke, whom all 
 esteemed, Prince and Duke and others who 
 knew him, the banner was adorned with a fess 
 and three popinjays, which were painted white, 
 on a red field. 
 
 An d Maurice de Berkeley, who was a com¬ 
 panion in this expedition, had a banner red as 
 blood, crusilly with a white chevron, and a blue 
 label because his father was alive. 
 
Robert Willoughby, I. Lord Willoughby. 19 
 
 But Alexander de Balliol, who had his eye on ED Ysoa D 1 
 
 “ Siege of Car- 
 
 doing every good, hore a banner with a yellow pp 76 ^ 0 ^’ -Nicolas ’ 
 
 ground and a red escutcheon voided of the 
 
 field. 
 
 To those last named, without reckoning 
 double, were eighty-seven banners, which quite 
 filled the roads to the castle of Carlaverock, 
 which was not taken like a chess rook, but it 
 will have thrusts of lances, and engines raised 
 and poised, as we shall inform you when we 
 describe the attack. 
 
 Carlaverock was so strong a castle, that it did 
 not fear a siege, therefore the King came himself, 
 because it would not consent to surrender. But 
 it was always furnished for its defence, whenever 
 it was required, with men, engines, and pro¬ 
 visions. Its shape was like that of a shield, for 
 it had only three sides all round, with a tower on 
 each angle ; but one of them was a double one, 
 so high, so long, and so large, that under it was 
 the gate with a draw-bridge, well made and 
 strong, and a sufficiency of other defences. It 
 had good walls, and good ditches filled to the 
 edge with water; and I believe there never was 
 seen a castle more beautifully situated, for at 
 once could be seen the Irish sea towards the 
 west, and to the north a fine country, surrounded 
 by an arm of the sea, so that no creature born 
 could approach it on two sides without putting 
 himself in danger of the sea. Towards the south 
 
 
 
 it was not easy, because there were numerous 
 dangerous defiles of wood, and marshes, and 
 ditches, where the sea is on each side of it, and 
 where the river reaches it; and therefore it was 
 necessary for the host to approach it towards the 
 east, where the hill slopes. 
 
 
 ■HI 
 
Hubert Willoughby , 1. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 EDWARD i. 
 1300. 
 
 •* Siege of Car- 
 laverock.”—Nicolas, 
 pp. 63-67. 
 
 20 
 
 And in that place by the King’s commands his 
 battalions were formed into three, as they were 
 to be quartered; then were the banners 
 arranged, when one might observe many a 
 warrior there exercising his horse : and there 
 appeared three thousand brave men at arms; 
 then might be seen gold and silver, and the 
 noblest and best of all rich colours, so as entirely 
 to illuminate the valley; consequently, those of 
 the castle, on seeing us arrive, might, as I well 
 believe, deem that they were in greater peril 
 than they could ever before remember. And as 
 soon as we were thus drawn up, we were 
 quartered by the Marshal, and then might be 
 seen houses built without carpenters or masons, 
 of many different fashions, and many a cord 
 stretched, with white and coloured cloth, with 
 many pins driven into the ground, many a 
 large tree cut down to make huts; and leaves, 
 herbs, and flowers gathered in the woods, which 
 were strewed within; and then our people took 
 up their quarters. 
 
 Soon afterwards it fortunately happened that 
 the navy arrived with the engines and provisions, 
 and then the footmen began to march against the 
 castle; then might be seen stones, arrows, and 
 quarreaus to fly among them; but so effectually 
 did those within exchange their tokens with those 
 without, that in one short hour there were many 
 persons wounded and maimed, and I know not 
 how many killed. 
 
 When the men at arms saw that the footmen 
 had sustained such losses who had begun the 
 attack, many ran there, many leaped there, and 
 many used such haste to go, that they did not 
 deign to speak to any one. Then might there 
 be seen such kind of stones thrown as if they 
 would beat hats and helmets to powder, and 
 break shields and targets in pieces; for to kill 
 and wound was the game at which they played. 
 
Robert Willoughby , I. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 21 
 
 Great shouts arose among them, when they per¬ 
 ceived that any mischief occurred. 
 
 EDWARD i 
 1300. 
 
 “ Siege of Car- 
 laverock ”—Nicolas, 
 pp. 67-69. 
 
 There, first of all, I saw come the good 
 Bertram de Montbouchier, on whose shining 
 silver shield were three red pitchers, with besants 
 in a black border. 
 
 With him Gerard de Gondronville, an active 
 and handsome bachelor. He had a shield neither 
 more nor less than vaire. These were not 
 resting idle, for they threw up many a stone, and 
 suffered many a heavy blow. 
 
 The first body was composed of Bretons, and 
 the second were of Lorrain, of which none found 
 the other tardy; so that they afforded encourage¬ 
 ment and emulation to others to resemble them. 
 Then came to assail the castle, Fitz-Marmaduke, 
 with a banner and a great and full troop of good 
 and select bachelors. 
 
 Robert de Willoughby, I saw, bore gold fretty 
 azure. 
 
 Robert de Hamsart I saw arrive, fully pre¬ 
 pared, with fine followers, holding a red shield 
 by the straps, containing three silver stars. 
 
 Henry de Graham had his arms red as blood, 
 with a white saltire and cnief, on which he had 
 three red escallop shells. 
 
 G 
 
22 
 
 Robert Willoughby , I. Lord Willoughby . 
 
 EDWARD i. 
 1300. 
 
 “ Siege of Car- 
 laverock.”—Nicolas, 
 pp. 71-73. 
 
 Thomas de Bichmont, who a second time 
 collected some lances, had red armour, with a 
 chief and two gemelles of gold. These did not 
 act like discreet people, nor as persons en¬ 
 lightened by understanding; but as if they had 
 been inflamed and blinded with pride and 
 despair, for they made their way right forwards 
 to the very brink of the ditch. 
 
 And those of itichmont passed at this moment 
 quite to the bridge, and demanded entry; they 
 were answered with ponderous stones and 
 cornues. Willoughby in his advances received a 
 stone in the middle of his breast, which ought to 
 have been protected by his shield, if he had 
 deigned to use it. 
 
 FitZ'Marmaduke had undertaken to endure as 
 much in that affair as the others could bear, for 
 he was like a post; but his banner received 
 many stains, and many a rent difficult to mend. 
 
 Hamsart bore himself so nobly, that from his 
 shield fragments might often be seen to fly in 
 the air; for he, and those of Eichmont, drove 
 the stones upwards as if it were rotten, whilst 
 those within defended themselves by loading 
 their heads and necks with the weight of heavy 
 blows. 
 
 Those led by Graham did not escape, for there 
 were not above two who returned unhurt, or 
 brought back their shields entire. 
 
 Then you might hear the tumult begin. With 
 them were intermixed a great body of the King’s 
 followers, all of whose names, if I were to repeat, 
 and recount their brave actions, the labour would 
 be too heavy, so many were there, and so well did 
 they behave. Nor would this suffice without 
 those of the retinue of the King’s son, great 
 numbers of whom came there in noble array; 
 
There I saw Ralph de Gorges, a newly- 
 dubbed knight, fall more than once to the 
 ground from stones and the crowd, for he was 
 of so haughty a spirit that he would not deign 
 to retire. He had all his harness and attire 
 mascally of gold and azure. 
 
 Those who were on the wall Robert de Tony 
 severely harassed, for he had in his company the 
 good Richard de Rokeley, who so well plied those 
 within that he frequently obliged them to 
 retreat. He had his shield painted mascally of 
 red and ermine. 
 
 Adam de la horde mined the walls as well as 
 he could, for his stones flew in and out as thick 
 as rain, by which many were disabled. He bore, 
 in clear blue, three gold lioncels rampant 
 crowned. 
 
 The good Baron of Wigtown received such 
 blows that it was the astonishment of all that he 
 was not stunned ; for, without excepting any 
 lord present, none shewed a more resolute or 
 unembarrassed countenance. He bore within a 
 bordure indented, three gold stars on sable. 
 
 Many a heavy and crushing stone did he of 
 Kirkbride receive, but he placed before him a 
 white shield with a green cross engrailed. So 
 stoutly was the gate of the castle assailed by 
 him, that never did smith with his hammer 
 strike his iron as he and his did there. 
 Notwithstanding, there were showered upon 
 them such huge stones, quarrels, and arrows, 
 that with wounds and bruises they were so hurt 
 
24 
 
 Robert Willoughby, I. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 EDWARD L 
 1300. 
 
 “ Siege of Car- 
 laverock.”—Nicolas, 
 pp. 77-81. 
 
 and exhausted, that it was with very great 
 difficulty they were able to retire. 
 
 But as soon as they retreated, he of Clifford, 
 being advised of it, and like one who had no 
 intention that those within should have repose, 
 sent his banner there, and as many as could 
 properly escort it, with Bartholomew de Badles- 
 mere, and John de Cromwell, as those who 
 could best perform his wishes; for whilst their 
 breath lasted, none of them neglected to stoop 
 and pick up the stones, to throw them, and to 
 attack. 
 
 iigjgj 
 
 But the people of the castle would not permit 
 them to remain there long. Badlesmere, who all 
 that day behaved himself well and bravely, bore 
 on white with a blue label a red fess between 
 two gemelles. 
 
 Cromwell, the brave and handsome, who went 
 gliding between the stones, bore on blue a white 
 bon rampant double-tailed, and crowned with 
 gold; but think not that he brought it away, or 
 that it was not bruised, so much was it battered 
 and defaced by stones before he retreated. 
 
 After these two, La Warde and John de Gray 
 returned there, and renewed the attack. Those 
 within, who were fully expecting it, bent their 
 bows and cross - bows, and prepared their 
 espringalls, and kept themselves quite ready 
 both to throw and to hurl. 
 
 Then the followers of my Lord of Brittany 
 recommenced the assault, fierce and daring as 
 lions of the mountains, and every day improving 
 in both the practice and use of arms. Their 
 party soon covered the entrance of the castle, for 
 none could have attacked it more furiously. 
 Not, however, that it was so subdued that those 
 who came after them would not have a share in 
 
Robert Willoughby, I. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 25 
 
 I □ o □ a 
 
 ! aD 
 
 I ☆ 
 
 \ x" X X 
 
 \ X X 
 
 their labours; but they left more than enough Em !300. D 1 
 
 “ Siege of Cnr- 
 
 for them also. laverock,”—Nicoh 
 
 pp. 81-So. 
 
 After these, the people of my Lord of 
 Hastings assembled there, where I saw John de 
 Cretinques in danger of losing a horse. When 
 upon it, one came beneath pricking it with an 
 arrow; but he did not seem'to be dissembling, 
 he used such haste to strike him. On his white 
 shield he had caused to be depicted a red 
 chevron with three mullets. 
 
 He who bore a dancette and billets of gold on 
 blue, John Deincourt by name, rushed to the 
 assault, and there extremely well performed his 
 duty. 
 
 It was also a fine sight to see the good 
 brothers of Berkeley receiving numerous blows; 
 and the brothers Basset likewise, of whom the 
 eldest bore thus, ermine, a red chief indented, 
 charged with three gold mullets; the other, 
 with three shells; found the passages straitened. 
 Those within continually relieved one another, 
 for always as one became fatigued, another 
 returned fresh and stout; and, notwithstanding 
 such assaults were made upon them, they would 
 not surrender, but so defended themselves, that 
 they resisted those who attacked, all that day 
 and night, and the next day until tierce. But 
 their courage was considerably depressed during 
 the attack by the brother Robert, who sent 
 numerous stones from the robinet, without 
 cessation from the dawn of the preceding day 
 until the evening. Moreover, on the other side 
 he was erecting three other engines, very large, 
 of great power and very destructive, which cut 
 down and cleave whatever they strike. Fortified 
 town., citadel, nor barrier—nothing is protected 
 
 H 
 
26 
 
 Robert Willoughby, I. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 EDWARD I. 
 1300. 
 
 “ Siege of Cur- 
 laveroek."—Nicolas, 
 pp. 85-89. 
 
 from their strokes. Yet those within did not 
 flinch until some of them were slain, hut then 
 each began to repent of his obstinacy, and to be 
 dismayed. The pieces fell in such manner, 
 •wherever the stones entered, that, when they 
 struck either of them, neither iron cap nor 
 wooden target could save him from a wound. 
 
 And when they saw that they could not hold 
 out any longer or endure more, the companions 
 begged for peace, and put out a pennon, but he 
 that displayed it was shot with an arrow, by 
 some archer, through the hand into the face. 
 Then he begged that they would do no more to 
 him, for they will give up the castle to the King, 
 and throw themselves upon his mercy. And the 
 marshal and constable, who always remained on 
 the spot, at that notice forbad the assault, and 
 these surrendered the castle to them. 
 
 And this is the number of those who came out 
 of it; of persons of different sorts and ranks 
 sixty men, who were beheld with much astonish¬ 
 ment, but they were all kept and guarded till 
 the King commanded that life and limb should 
 be given them, and ordered to each of them a 
 new garment. Then was the whole host re- 
 ioiced at the news of the conquest of the castle, 
 which was so noble a prize. 
 
 Then the King caused them to bring up his 
 banner, and that of St. Edmond, St. George, and 
 St. Edward, and with them, by established 
 right, those of Segrave and Hereford, and that 
 of the Lord of Clifford, to whom the castle was 
 entrusted. 
 
 And then the King, who is well skilled in 
 war, directed in what way his army should 
 proceed. 
 
 Here ends the Siege of Carlaverock. 
 
Robert Willoughby , I. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 27 
 
 On the 21st June, 1 Edward IT. 1308, 
 Willoughby was ordered to attend at Carlisle 
 with horse and arms to serve against the Scots. 
 
 EDWARD II. 
 130S. 
 
 Lord Willoughby 
 ordered to Carlisle.— 
 Nicolas, p 327. 
 
 In 4 Edward 2., upon the death of Anthony 
 Bee, Bishop of Durham, he was found to 
 be one of his Cousins and nest heirs (viz. 
 son of Alice, daughter of John, brother to 
 that Bishop) and at that time forty years of 
 age. 
 
 1310. 
 
 Found heir of the 
 Bishop of Durham.— 
 Dngdale, 
 
 “Barouugo,'’ p. 83. 
 
 Having been thus serviceable to the King in 
 his wars of France, and Scotland; and possess¬ 
 ing so ample an estate, by the accession of 
 those lands, which came to him by descent from 
 that Bishop, he had summons to Parliament 
 amongst the Barons of this realm, in 7 
 Edward 2. And in 8 Edward 2 received 
 command to be at Newcastle upon Tine, on the 
 festival of the Blessed Virgin, well fitted with 
 horse and arms, to restrain the Incursions of 
 the Scots. 
 
 In the 8th Edward II. 1315, he was, with 
 others, ordered to investigate the facts stated in 
 the petition of the Prior of Park Norton against 
 Sir Philip Darcy; and shortly afterwards to 
 inquire into and determine a complaint of the 
 inhabitants of Lincoln, relative to divers 
 robberies, murders, &c. in that county. On the 
 30th June, Willoughby was for the last time 
 commanded to serve in the Scottish wars. 
 
 He died in 1316, aged about 46. 
 
 1313. 
 
 His summons ns a 
 Baron —Dngdale, 
 p. 83. 
 
 131-1. 
 
 1315. 
 
 Lord Willoughby in¬ 
 vestigates complaints 
 in Lincolnshire.— 
 Nicolas, p. 328. 
 
 1316. 
 
 Lord Willoughby’s 
 death.—Nicolas, p. 
 328. 
 
Bobert Willoughby , I. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 By Margaret liis wife, the daughter of Lord 
 Deincourt, he left John, his son and heir, then 14 
 years old. 
 
 ARMS OF LORD WILLOUGHBY. 
 (Nicola«, p. 328 ’> 
 
John Willoughby, II. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 EDWARD IL 
 1316. 
 
 THE Wardship of this John (being in minority), in consideration of a Thousand 
 Marks, was, in 16 Edward 2. granted to William, Lord Zouche of Haringworth. But not 
 long after (viz., in 20 Edward 2). he receiv’d the honor of Knighthood, by Bathing, &c. 
 having all his accoutrements relating to that Solemnity allowed out of the King’s Ward¬ 
 robe : and, in 1 Edward 3. making proof of his age, had Livery of his Lands. 
 
 In 7 Edward 3. this John was in the Scottish Wars. So likewise in 8 and 9 Edward 3. 
 being then in the retinue of Eubulo le Strange. Again, in 10 Edward 3 and 11 Edward 3. 
 and in 12 Edward 3. he was in that made into Flanders. So likewise in 13 Edward 3. and 
 in 16 Edward 3. charg’d with Twenty Men at Armes, and Twenty Archers, for the Wars 
 of France ; the King himself being in that Expedition. 
 
 The King tooke shipping, and sailed into Normandie, having established the lord Percie 
 and the lord Neuill, to be wardens of his realme in his absence, with the Archbishop of 
 Yorke, the Bishop of Lincolne, and the Bishop of Duresme. The armie which he had 
 over with him, was to the number of foure thousand men of armes, and ten thousand 
 archers, beside Irishmen and Welshmen, that folowed the host on foot. The cheefest 
 capteins that went over with him were these. First his eldest sonne, Edward, Prince of 
 Wales, the Earles of Hereford, Northampton, Arundell, Cornewall, Huntington, Warwike, 
 Suffolke, and Oxford; of Barons, the Lord Mortimer, who was after Earle of March, the 
 Lords John, Lewes, and Roger Beauchampe; also the Lords Cobham Mowbraie, Lucie, 
 Basset, Barkeley, and Willoughbie, with diverse other Lords, besides a great number of 
 Knights and other worthie Capteins. They landed by the advise of the Lord Godfrey of 
 Harecourt, in the lie of Constantine, at the port of Hague saint Wast, neere to saint 
 Saviour le Yicount. The Earle of Huntington was appointed to be governour of the fleet 
 by sea, having with him a hundred men of armes, and foure hundred archers. 
 
 After that the whole armie was landed, the King appointed two marshals, the Lord 
 Godfrey of Harecourt, and the Earle of Warwike, and the Earle of Arundell was made 
 constable. There were ordeined three battels, one to go on his right hand, following by 
 the coast of the sea; and another to march on his left hand, under the conduct of the 
 marshals; so that he himself went in the middest with the maine armie, and in this order 
 forward they passed towards Caen, lodging everie night togither in one field. They that 
 went by the sea, tooke all the ships they found in their waie, and as they marched foorth 
 thus, what by water and land, at length they came to a towne called Harflew, which was 
 given up, but yet neverthelesse it was robbed, and much goods found in it. After this 
 they came to Chierburge, which towne they wan by force, robbed, and burnt part of it, but 
 
 Lord Willoughby’s minori¬ 
 ty and majority.—Dugdale 
 “Baronage,” p. 83. 
 
 EDWARD III. 
 1334-1343. 
 
 Engaged in several warlike 
 Expeditions. — Dugdale, p. 
 
 1346. 
 
 The King passeth over into 
 
 Normandy.-Holinshed’s 
 
 Chron., vol. III., p. 369. 
 
 The ordering of the King’s 
 
 Armie.-Holinshed, vol. 
 
 III., p. 369. 
 
 I 
 
EDWARD in. 
 1346. 
 
 The order of Battle of the 
 English at Creoy, who were 
 drawn up in three Battalions 
 on foot.—Johnes’ Froissart, 
 1847, Chap, cxxvii. 
 
 30 John Willoughby, II. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 the castell they could not win. Then came they to Mounthurge and tooke it, robhed it 
 and burnt it cleane. In this manner they passed foorth, and burnt manie townes and 
 villages in all the countrie as they went. The towne of Carentine was delivered unto 
 them against the will of the soldiers that were within it. The soldiers defended the 
 castell two daies, and then yeelded it up into the Englishmen’s hands, who burnt the 
 same, and caused the burgesses to enter into their ships. All this was doone by the battell 
 that went by the sea side, and by them on the sea togither. 
 
 The King of England encamped in the plain, for he found the country abounding in 
 provisions; hut, if they should have failed, he had plenty in the carriages which attended 
 on him. The army set about furbishing and repairing their armour; and the King gave 
 a supper that evening to the earls and barons of his army, where they made good cheer. 
 On their taking leave, the King remained alone, with the lords of his bed-chamber; he 
 retired into his oratory, and, falling on his knees before the altar, prayed to God, that, if 
 he should combat his enemies on the morrow, he might come off with honour. About 
 midnight he went to his bed ; and, rising early the next day, he and the Prince of Wales 
 heard mass, and communicated. The greater part of his army did the same, confessed, 
 and made proper preparations. After mass, the King ordered his men to arm themselves, 
 and assemble on the ground he had before fixed on. He had enclosed a large park near a 
 wood, on the rear of his army, in which he placed all his baggage-waggons and horses; 
 and this park had but one entrance ; his men-at-arms and archers remained on foot. 
 
 The King afterwards ordered, through his constable and his two marshals, that the 
 army should be divided into three battalions. In the first,he placed the young Prince of 
 Wales, and with him the Earls of Warwick and Oxford, Sir Godfrey de Harcourt, the Lord 
 Reginald Cobham, Lord Thomas Holland, Lord Stafford, Lord Mauley, Lord Delaware, 
 Sir John Chandos, Lord Bartholomew Burgherst, Lord Robert Neville, Lord Thomas 
 Clifford, the Lord Bourchier, the Lord Latimer, and many other Knights and Squires 
 whom I cannot name. There might be, in this first division, about eight hundred men-at- 
 arms, two thousand archers, and a thousand Welshmen. They advanced in regular order 
 to then: ground, each Lord under his banner and pennon, and in the centre of his men. In 
 the second battalion were the Earl of Northampton, the Earl of Arundel, the Lords Roos, 
 Willoughby, Basset, Saint Albans, Sir Lewis Tufton, Lord Multon, the Lord Lascels, and 
 many others; amounting, in the whole, to about eight hundred men-at-arms, and twelve 
 hundred archers. . The third battalion was commanded by the King, and was composed 
 of about seven hundred men-at-arms, and two thousand archers. 
 
 The King then mounted a small palfrey, having a white wand in his hand, and attended 
 by his two marshals on each side of him: he rode a foot’s pace through all the ranks 
 encouraging and entreating the army, that they would guard his honour and defend his 
 right. He spoke this so sweetly, and with such a cheerful countenance, that all who had 
 been dispirited were directly comforted by seeing and hearing him. When he had thus 
 visited all the battalions, it was near ten o’clock: he retired to his own division, and 
 ordered them all to eat heartily, and drink a glass after. They ate and drank at their 
 ease; and, having packed up pots, barrels, &c., in the carts, they returned to their bat¬ 
 talions, according to the marshals’ orders, and seated themselves on the ground, placing 
 then’ helmets and bows before them, that they might be the fresher when their enemies 
 should arrive. 
 
 That same Saturday, the King of Prance rose betimes, and heard mass in the monastery 
 
John Willoughby, IT. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 -EDWARD IIL 
 
 1346. 
 
 of St. Peter’s in Abbeville, where he was lodged: having ordered his army to do the same, The order of the French 
 he left that town after sun-rise. When he had marched about two leagues from Abbeville, EVo ‘ ssart * 
 
 and was approaching the enemy, he was advised to form his army in order of battle, and 
 to let those on foot march forward, that they might not be trampled on by the horses. 
 
 The King, upon this, sent off four knights, the Lord Moyne of Bastleberg, the Lord of 
 Noyers, the Lord of Beaujeu, and the Lord of Aubigny, who rode so near to the English 
 that they could clearly distinguish their position. The English plainly perceived they 
 were come to reconnoitre them : however, they took no notice of it, but suffered them to 
 return unmolested. When the King of France saw them coming back, he halted his 
 army; and the knights, pushing through the crowds, came near the King, who said to 
 them, “My Lords, what news?” They looked at each other, without opening their 
 mouths : for neither chose to speak first. At last, the King addressed himself to the 
 Lord Moyne, who was attached to the King of Bohemia, and had performed very many 
 gallant deeds, so that he was esteemed one of the most valiant knights in Christendom. 
 
 The Lord Moyne said, “ Sir, I will speak, since it pleases you to order me, but under the 
 correction of my companions. We have advanced far enough to reconnoitre your enemies. 
 
 Know, then, that they are drawn up in three battalions, and are waiting for you. I would 
 advise, for my part (submitting, however, to better counsel,) that you halt your army here, 
 and quarter them for the night; for before the rear shall come up, and the army be 
 properly drawn out, it will be very late, your men will be tired and in disorder, whilst they 
 will find your enemies fresh and properly arrayed. On the morrow, you may draw up 
 your army more at your ease, and may reconnoitre at leisure on what part it will be most 
 advantageous to begin the attack; for, be assured they will wait for you.” The King 
 commanded that it should so be done : and the two marshals rode, one towards the front, 
 and the other to the rear, crying out, “ Halt banners, in the name of God and St. Denis.” 
 
 Those that were in the front halted; but those behind said they would not halt, until 
 they were as forward as the front. ‘When the front perceived the rear pressing 04 they 
 pushed forward; and neither the King nor the marshals could stop them, but -they 
 marched on without any order until they came in sight of their enemies. As soon as the 
 foremost rank saw them, they fell back at once, in great disorder, which alarmed those in 
 the rear, who thought they had been fighting. There was then space and room enough 
 for them to have passed forward, had they been willing so to do : some did so, but others 
 remained shy. All the roads between Abbeville and Crecy were covered with common 
 people, who, when they were come within three leagues of their enemies, drew their 
 swords, bawling out “ Kill, kill,” and with them were many great Lords that were eager 
 to make show of their courage. There is no man, unless he had been present, that can 
 imagine, or describe truly, the confusion of that day ; especially the bad management and 
 disorder of the French, whose troops were out of number. What I know, and shall relate 
 in this book, I have learned chiefly from the English, who had well observed the confusion 
 they were in, and from those attached to Sir John of Hainault, who was always near the 
 person of the King of France. 
 
 The English, who were drawn up in three divisions, and seated on the ground, on seeing The Battle of Creoy,' v*. 
 then’ enemies advance, rose undauntedly up, and fell into their ranks. That of the Prince 2 ^ 
 was the first to do so, whose archers were formed in the manner of a portcullis, or harrow, Cha P- cxxix - 
 and the men-at-arms in the rear. The Earls of Northampton and Arundel, who com¬ 
 manded the second division, had posted themselves in good order on his wing, to assist 
 
EDWARD in. 
 1316 . 
 
 Battle of Crccy. 
 
 John Willoughby, II. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 and succour the Prince, if necessary. You must know, that these Kings, Earls, Barons, 
 and Lords of Prance, did not advance in any regular order, hut one after the other, or any 
 way most pleasing to themselves. As soon as the King of Prance came m sight of the 
 English, his blood began to boil, and he cried out to his marshals, “ Order the Genoese 
 forward, and begin the battle, in the name of God and St. Denis.” There were about 
 fifteen thousand Genoese cross-bowmen; hut they were quite fatigued, havmg marched 
 on foot that day six leagues, completely armed, and with their cross-bows. They told the 
 constable, they were not in a fit condition to do any great things that day in battle. The 
 Earl of Alen$on,hearing this, said, “This is what one gets by employing such scoundrels, 
 who fall off when there is any need for them.” During this time a heavy rain fell, accom¬ 
 panied by thunder and a very terrible eclipse of the sun; and before this rain a great flight 
 of crows hovered in the air over all those battalions, making a loud noise. • Shortly after¬ 
 wards it cleared up, and the sun shone very bright: but the Prenchmen had it in then- 
 faces, and the English in their backs. When the Genoese were somewhat in order, and 
 approached the English, they set up a loud shout, in order to frighten them; but they 
 remained quite still, and did not seem to attend to it. They then set up a second shout, 
 and advanced a little forward; hut the English never moved. They hooted a third time, 
 advancing with their cross-bows presented, and began to shoot. The English archers 
 then advanced one step forward, and shot their arrows with such force and quickness, that 
 it seemed as if it snowed. When the Genoese felt these arrows, which pierced their aims, 
 heads, and through then- armour, some of them cut the strings of their cross-bows, others 
 flung them on the ground, and all turned about and retreated quite discomfited. The 
 Prench had a large body of men-at-arms on horse-back, richly dressed, to support the 
 Genoese. The King of Prance, seeing them thus fall back, cried out, “ Kill me those 
 scoundrels; for they stop up our road, without any reason. ” You would then have seen the 
 above-mentioned men-at-arms lay about them, killing all they could of these runaways. 
 
 The English continued shooting as vigorously and quickly as before; some of their 
 arrows fell among the horsemen, who were sumptuously equipped, and, killing and 
 wounding many, made them caper and fall among the Genoese, so that they were in such 
 confusion they could never rally again. In the English army there were some Cornish 
 and Welshmen on foot, who had armed themselves with large knives: these, advancing 
 through the ranks of the men-at-arms and archers, who had made way for them, came 
 upon the Prench when they were in this danger, and, falling upon Earls, Barons, Knights, 
 and Squires, slew many, at which the King of England was afterwards much exasperated. 
 The valiant King of Bohemia was slain there. He was called Charles of Luxembourg; 
 for he was the son of the gallant King and Emperor, Henry of Luxembourg: having 
 heard the order of the battle, he inquired where his son, the Lord Charles, was : his 
 attendants answered, that they did not know, but believed he was fighting. The King 
 said to them : “ Gentlemen, you are all my people, my friends and brethren at arms this 
 day: therefore, as I am blind, I request of you to lead me so far into the engagement 
 that I may strike one stroke with my sword.” The knights replied, they would directly 
 lead him forward; and in order that they might not lose him in the crowd, they fastened 
 all the reins of their horses together, and put the King at their head, that he might 
 gratify his wish, and advance towards the enemy. The Lord Charles of Bohemia, who 
 already signed his name as King of Germany, and bore the arms, had come in good order 
 to the engagement; but when he perceived that it was likely to turn out against the 
 
John Willoughby , II. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 33 
 
 EDY/ABD III. 
 134G. 
 
 French, he departed, and I do not well know what road he took. The King, his father, Buttle uf Crecy. 
 had rode in among the enemy, and made good use of his sword; for he and his com¬ 
 panions had fought most gallantly. They had advanced so far that they were all slain; 
 and on the morrow they were found on the groimd, with their horses all tied together. 
 
 The Earl of Alengon advanced in regular order upon the English, to fight with them ; 
 as did the Earl of Flanders, in another part. These two Lords, with their detachments, 
 coasting, as it were, the archers, came to the Prince’s battalion, where they fought 
 valiantly for a length of time. The King of France was eager to march to the place 
 where he saw their banners displayed, but there was a hedge of archers before him. Ho 
 had that day made a present of a handsome black horse to Sir John of Hainault, who had 
 mounted on it a Knight of his, called Sir John de Fusselles, that bore his banner : which 
 horse ran off with him, and forced his way through the English army, and, when about 
 to return, stumbled and fell into a ditch and severely wounded him: he would have been 
 dead, if his page had not followed him round the battalions, and found him unable to rise: 
 he had not, however, any other hindrance than from his horse ; for the English did not 
 quit the ranks that day to make prisoners. The page alighted, and raised him up; but he 
 did not return the way he came, as he would have found it difficult from the crowd. 
 
 This battle, which was fought on the Saturday, between La Broyes and Crecy, was very 
 murderous and cruel; and many gallant deeds of arms were performed that were never 
 known. Towards evening, many Knights and Squires of the French had lost then- masters : 
 they wandered up and down the plain, attacking the English in small parties : they were 
 soon destroyed; for the English had determined that day to give no quarter, or hear of 
 ransom from anyone. 
 
 Early in the day, some French, Germans, and Savoyards had broken through the 
 archers of the Prince’s battalion, and had engaged with the men-at-arms; upon which the 
 second battalion came to his aid, and it was time, for otherwise he would have been hard 
 pressed. The first division, seeing the danger they were in, sent a Knight in great haste 
 to the King of England, who was posted upon an eminence, near a windmill. On the 
 Knight’s arrival, he said, “ Sir, the Earl of Warwick, the Lord Stafford, the Lord Reginald 
 Cobham, and the others who are about your son, are vigorously attacked by the French ; 
 and they entreat that you would come to their assistance with your battalion, for, if their 
 numbers should increase, they fear he will have too much to do.” The King replied, “Is 
 my son dead, unhorsed, or so badly wounded that he cannot support himself ? ” “ Nothing 
 of the sort, thank God,” rejoined the Knight; '‘but he is in so hot an engagement that 
 he has great need of your help.” The King answered, “ Now, Sir Thomas, return back to 
 those that sent you, and tell them from me, not to send again for me this day, or expect 
 that I shall come, let what will happen, as long as my son has life ; and say, that I com¬ 
 mand them to let the boy win his spurs; for I am determined, if it please God, that all 
 the glory and honour of this day shall be given to him, and to those into whose care I 
 have intrusted him.” The Knight returned to his Lords, and related the King’s answer, 
 which mightily encom-aged them, and made them repent they had ever sent such a 
 message. > 
 
 It is a certain fact, that Sir Godfrey de Harcourt, who was in the Prince’s battalion, 
 having been told by some of the English, that they had seen the banner of his brother 
 engaged in the battle against him, was exceedingly anxious to save him; but he was too 
 late, for he was left dead on the field, and so was the Earl of An marie, his nephew. On 
 
 K 
 
EDWARD III. 
 131G. 
 
 34 
 
 John Willoughby , II. Lo'id Willoughby. 
 
 Buttle of Crccy. 
 
 The English on the morrow 
 again defeat the French.— 
 Froissart, Chap. exxx. 
 
 the other hand, the Earls of Alengon and of Elanders were fighting lustily under then- 
 banners, and with their own people; but they could not resist the force of the English, 
 and were there slain, as well as many other Knights and Squires that were attending on 
 or accompanying them. The Earl of Blois, nephew to the King of France, and the Duke 
 of Lorraine, his brother-in-law, with their troops, made a gallant defence; but they were 
 surrounded by a troop of English and Welsh, and slain in spite of their prowess. The 
 Earl of St. Pol and the Earl of Auxerre were also killed, as well as many others. Late 
 after vespers, the King of France had not more about him than sixty men, every one 
 included. Sir John of Hainault, who was of the number, had once re-mounted the King, 
 for his horse had been killed under him by an arrow: he said to the King, “Sir, retreat 
 while you have an opportunity, and do not expose yourself so simply: if you have lost 
 this battle, another time you will be the conqueror.” After he had said this, he took the 
 bridle of the King’s horse, and led him off by force ; for he had before entreated of hnn to 
 retire. The King rode on until he came to the Castle of La Broyes, where he found the 
 gates shut, for it was very dark. The King ordered the governor of it to be summoned: 
 he came upon the battlements, and asked who it was that called at such an hour ? The 
 King answered, “Open, open, governor; it is the fortune of France.” The governor, 
 hearing the King’s voice, immediately descended, opened the gate, and let down the 
 bridge. The King and his company entered the castle; but he had only with him five 
 Barons, Sir John of Hainault, the Lord Charles of Montmorency, the Lord of Beaujeu, the 
 Lord of Aubigny, and the Lord of Montfort. The King would not bury himself in such 
 a place as that, but, having taken some refreshments, set out again with his attendants 
 about midnight, and rode on, under the direction of guides who were well acquainted with 
 the country, until, about day-break, he came to Amiens, where he halted. This Saturday 
 the English never quitted their ranks in pursuit of any one, but remained on the field, 
 guarding their position, and defending themselves against all who attacked them. The 
 battle was ended at the hour of vespers. 
 
 When, on this Saturday night, the English heard no more hooting or shouting, nor any 
 more crying out to particular Lords or their banners, they looked upon the field as their 
 own, and their enemies as beaten. They made great fires, and lighted torches because of 
 the obscurity of the night. King Edward then came down from his post, who all that 
 day had not put on his helmet, and, with his whole battalion, advanced to the Prince of 
 Wales, whom he embraced in his arms and kissed, and said, “ Sweet son, God give you 
 o-ood perseverance : you are my son, for most loyally have you acquitted yourself this day: 
 you are worthy to be a sovereign.” The Prince bowed down very low, and humbled 
 himself, giving all honour to the King his father. The English, during the night, made 
 frequent thanksgivings to the Lord, for the happy issue of the day, and without rioting; 
 for the King had forbidden all riot or noise. On the Sunday morning there was so great 
 a fog that one could scarcely see the distance of half an acre. The King ordered a 
 detachment from the army, under the command of the two marshals, consisting of about 
 five hundred lances and two thousand archers, to make an excursion, and see if there were 
 any bodies of French collected together. The quota of troops, from Rouen and Beauvais, 
 had, this Sunday morning, left Abbeville and St. Ricquier in Ponthieu, to join the French 
 army, and were ignorant of the defeat of the preceding evening: they met this detach¬ 
 ment, and, thinking they must be French, hastened to join them. 
 
 As soon as the English found who they were, they fell upon them; and there was a 
 
John Willoughby, II. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 35 
 
 EDWARD III. 
 1316. 
 
 sharp engagement; but the French soon turned their hacks, and fled in great disorder. 
 
 There were slain in this flight in the open fields, under hedges and bushes, upwards of 
 seven thousand; and had it been clear weather, not one soul would have escaped. 
 
 A little time afterwards, this same party fell in with the Archbishop of Rouen and the 
 great Prior of France, who were also ignorant of the discomfiture of the French; for they 
 had been informed that the King was not to fight before Sunday. Here began a fresh 
 battle: for these two Lords were well attended by good men at arms : however, they 
 could not withstand the English, but were almost all slain, with the two chiefs who 
 commanded them; very few escaping. In the course of the morning, the English found 
 many Frenchmen who had lost then- road on the Saturday, and had lain in the open 
 fields, not knowing what was become of the King, or their own leaders. The English put 
 to the sword all they met: and it has been assured to me for fact, that of foot soldiers, 
 sent from the cities, towns and municipalities, there were slain, this Sunday morning, 
 four times as many as in the battle of the Saturday. 
 
 This detachment, which had been sent to look after the French, returned as the King Tho English number the 
 was coming from mass, and related to him all they had seen and met with. After he had creey.—FwisM^Gbap* 
 been assured by them that there was not any appearance of the French collecting another cxxxL 
 army, he sent to have the numbers and condition of the dead examined. 
 
 He ordered on this business, Lord Reginald Cobham, Lord Stafford, and three heralds 
 to examine their arms, and two secretaries to write down all the names. They took much 
 pains to examine all the dead, and were the whole day in the field of battle, not returning 
 but just as the King was sitting down to supper. They made to him a very circumstantial 
 report of all they had observed, and said, they had found eighty banners, the bodies of 
 eleven princes, twelve hundred knights, and about thirty thousand co mm on men. 
 
 The English halted there that day, and on the Monday morning prepared to march off. 
 
 The King ordered the bodies of the. principal knights to be taken from the ground, and 
 carried to the monastery of Montenay, which was hard by, there to be interred in conse¬ 
 crated ground. He had it proclaimed in the neighbourhood, that he should grant a truce 
 for three days, in order that the dead might be buried. He then marched on, passing by 
 Montreuil-sur-mer. 
 
 His marshals made an excursion as far as Hesdin, and burnt Vaubain and Serain; but 
 they could make nothing of the castle, as it was too strong and well guarded. They lay 
 that Monday night upon the banks of the Canehe, near Blangy. The next day they rode 
 towards Boulogne, and burnt the towns of St. Josse and Neufehatel: they did the same 
 to Estaples, in the country of the Boulonois. The whole army passed through the forest 
 of Hardelou, and the country of the Boulonois, and came to the large town of Wisant, 
 where the King, Prince, and all the English lodged; and, having refreshed themselves 
 there one whole day, they came, on the Thursday, before the strong town of Calais. 
 
 Willoughby, having been summon’d to Parliament from 6 Edward 3. until the 23rd Lora Willoughby's death, 
 of that King’s reign inclusive, departed this life the same year. —Dugdaie, v . S3. 
 
EDWARD III. 
 
 1360 . 
 
 Burke's Peerage for 
 p. 1370. 
 
 36 John Willoughby, II. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 He married Joan, daughter and heiress of Sir Thomas Eosceline, Knt., and was 
 succeeded by his eldest son, John. 
 
 Effigies of Lord Willoughby, and Joan Eosceline his Wife, 
 in Spilsby Church, Lincolnshire. 
 
John Willoughby, III. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 IN the 26 Edward 3, this John, upon the danger of an Invasion by the French, was 
 constituted one of the Commissioners in Lincolnshire, to Array and Arme all Knights, 
 Esquires, and other persons of body able, and estate sufficient, for defence of the Sea- 
 coasts in that County. 
 
 On the Sunday morning, the King of France, who was very impatient to combat the 
 English, ordered a solemn mass to be sung in his pavilion; and he and his four sons 
 received the communion. Mass being over, there came to him the Duke of Orleans, the 
 Duke of Bourbon, the Earl of Ponthieu, the Lord James de Bourbon, the Duke of Athens, 
 Constable of France, the Earl of Tancarville, the Earl of Saltzburg, the Earl of Dammar- 
 tin, the Earl of Vantadour, and many Barons of France, as well as other great Lords who 
 held fiefs in the neighbourhood, such as my Lord of Clermont, Sir Arnold d’Andreghen 
 marshal of France, and many more, according to a summons they had received for a 
 council. They were a considerable time debating: at last it was ordered, that the whole 
 army should advance into the plain, and that each Lord should display his banner, and 
 push forward in the name of God and St Denis. Upon this, the trumpets of the army 
 sounded, and every one got himself ready, mounted his horse, and made for that part of 
 the plain where the King’s banner was planted and fluttering in the wind. There might 
 be seen all the nobility of France, richly dressed out in brilliant armour, with banners and 
 pennons gallantly displayed; for all the flower of the French nobility were there : no 
 Knight nor Squire, for fear of dishonour, dared to remain at home. By the advice of the 
 constable and the marshals, the army was divided into three battalions, each consisting 
 of sixteen thousand men-at-arms, who had before shown themselves men of tried courage. 
 The Duke of Orleans commanded the first battalion, where there were thirty-six banners 
 and twice as many pennons. The second was under the command of the Duke of 
 Normandy, and his two brothers, the Lord Lewis and Lord John. The King of France 
 commanded the third. 
 
 The King was mounted upon a white palfrey, and, riding to the head of his army, said 
 aloud : “ You,'men of Paris, Chartres, Rouen and Orleans, have been used to threaten what 
 you would do to the English, if you could find them, and wished much to meet them in 
 arms : now, that wish shall be gratified: I will lead you to them; and let us see how you 
 will revenge yourselves for all the mischief and damage they have done you; be assured 
 we will not part without fighting.” Those who heard him replied: “ Sir, through God’s 
 assistance, we will most cheerfully meet them.” 
 
 It chanced, on that day, that Sir John Chandos had rode out near one of the wings of 
 
 L 
 
 EDWARD III. 
 1353. 
 
 Lord Willoughby consti¬ 
 tuted a Commissioner.- 
 
 Dugdale, p. S3. 
 
 1356. 
 
 The disposition of the French 
 before the battle of Poitiers. 
 —Froissurt, chap. olix. 
 
 Froissart, chap. clx. 
 
EDWARD III. 
 1356 . 
 
 3S 
 
 John Willoughby, III. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 the French army, and Lord John de Clermont, one of the King’s marshals, had done the 
 same, to view the English. As each Knight was returning to his quarters, they met; they 
 both had the same device upon the surcoats which they wore over their other clothes; it 
 was a Virgin Mary, embroidered on a field azure, or, encompassed with the rays of the sun 
 argent. On seeing this, Lord Clermont said; “ Chandos, how long is it since you have 
 taken upon you to wear my arms ? ” “ It is you who have mine,” replied Chandos , for 
 
 it is as much mine as yours.” “ I deny that,” said the Lord of Clermont; and were it 
 not for the truce between us, I would soon shew you that you have no right to wear it.” 
 “Ha,” answered Sir John Chandos, “you will find me to-morrow in the field, ready 
 prepared to defend, and to prove by force of arms, that it is as much mine as yours. 
 The Lord of Clermont replied; “ These are the boastings of you English, who can invent 
 nothing new, but take for your own whatever you see handsome belonging to others.” 
 With that they parted, without more words, and each returned to his own army. 
 
 I wish to name some of the most renowned Knights, who were with the Prince of Wales. 
 There were Thomas Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, John Vere Earl of Oxford, WTlliam 
 Montacute Earl of Salisbury, Robert Ufford Earl of Suffolk, Ralph Lord Stafford, the 
 Earl of Stafford, the Lord Richard Stafford, brother to the Earl, Sir John Chandos, the 
 Lord Reginald Cobham, the Lord Edward Spencer, the Lord James Auclley and his 
 brother the Lord Peter, the Lord Thomas Berkley (son of the Lord Mam-ice Berkley, 
 who died at Calais, nine years before), Ralf Lord Basset of Drayton, John Lord W arren, 
 Peter Lord Mauley, the sixth of the name, the Lord John Willoughby de Eresby, the 
 Lord Bartholomew de Burghersh, the Lord William Felton and the Lord Thomas Felton 
 his brother, the Lord Thomas Bradestan. Sir Walter Pavely, Sir Stephen Cossington, 
 Sir Matthew Gournay, Sir William de la More, and other English. The whole army of 
 the Prince, including everyone, did not amount to eight thousand: when the French, 
 counting all sorts of persons, were upwards of sixty thousand combatants ; among whom 
 were more than three thousand Knights. 
 
 The battle of Poitiers, be- The Prince harangued his men ; as did the marshals, by his orders ; so that they were 
 
 TJZ57ZZZ ail in high spirits. Sir John Chandos placed himself near the Prince, to guard and advise 
 
 Froissart uhap. chd. . aiu \ ne ver, during that day, would he, on any account, quit his post. 
 
 The Lord James Audley remained also a considerable tune near him ; but, when he saw 
 that they must certainly engage, he said to the Prince, “ Sir, I have ever served most 
 loyally my Lord your father, and yourself, and shall continue so to do, as long as I have 
 life. Dear Sir, I must now acquaint you, that formerly I made a vow, if ever I should be 
 engaged in any battle where the King your father or any of his sons were, that I would be 
 foremost in the attack, and the best combatant on his side, or die in the attempt. I beg 
 therefore most earnestly, as a reward for any services I may have done, that you would 
 grant me permission honourably to quit you, that I may post myself in such wise to 
 accomplish my vow.” The Prince granted this request, and, holding out his hand to him, 
 said; “ Sir James, God grant that this day you may shine in valour above all other 
 Knights.” The Knight then set off, and posted himself at the front of the battalion, with 
 only four Squires whom he had detained with him to guard his person. This Lord James 
 was a prudent and valiant Knight; and by his advice the army had been drawn up in 
 order of battle. 
 
 The engagement now began on both sides: and the battalion of the marshals was 
 advancing before those who were intended to break the battalion of the archers, and had 
 
John Willoughby , III. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 39 
 
 EDWARD nL 
 1356. 
 
 entered the lane where the hedges on both sides were lined by the archers ; who, as soon 
 as they saw them fairly entered, began shooting with their bows in such an excellent 
 manner, from each side of the hedge, that the horses, smarting under the pain of the 
 wounds made by then- bearded arrows, would not advance, but turned about, and, by their 
 unruliness, threw their masters, who could not manage them, nor could those that had 
 fallen get up again for the confusion: so that this battalion of the marshals could never 
 approach that of the Prince: however, there were some Knights and Squires so well 
 mounted, that, by the strength of their horses, they passed through, and broke the hedge, 
 but, in spite of their efforts, could not get up to the battalion of the prince. The Lord 
 James Audley, attended by his four Squires,* had placed himself, sword in hand, in front 
 of this battalion, much before the rest, and was performing wonders. The battalion of 
 the marshals was soon after put to the rout by the arrows of the archers, and the assist¬ 
 ance of the men-at-arms, who rushed among them as they were struck down, and seized 
 and slew them at then- pleasure.'" In another part, the Lord John Clermont fought under 
 his banner as long as he was able ; but, being struck down, he could neither get up again 
 nor procure his ransom: he was killed on the spot. Some say this treatment was owing 
 to his altercation on the preceding day with Sir John Chandos. 
 
 In a short time, this battalion of the marshals was totally discomfited; for they fell 
 back so much on each other, that the army could not advance, and those who were in the 
 rear, not being able to get forward, fell back upon the battalion commanded by the Duke 
 of Normandy, which was broad and thick in the front, but it was soon thin enough in the 
 rear; for, when they learnt that the marshals had been defeated, they mounted their 
 horses and set off. When the men-at-arms perceived that the first battalion was beaten, 
 and that the one under the Duke of Normandy was in disorder, and beginning to open, 
 they hastened to mount their horses, which they had, ready prepared, close at hand. As 
 soon as they were all mounted, they gave a shout of “ St. George, for Guienne! ” and Sir 
 John Chandos said to the Prince; “ Sir, sir, now push forward, for the day is ours : God 
 will this day put it in your hand. Let us make for our adversary the King of Prance ; 
 for where he is will lie the main stress of the business : I well know that his valour will 
 not let him fly; and he will remain with us, if it please God and St. George: but he 
 must be well fought with; and you have before said, that you would show yourself this 
 day a good Knight.” The Prince replied, “John, get forward; you shall not see me turn 
 my back this day, but I will be always among the foremost.” He then said to Sir Walter 
 Woodland, his banner bearer, “Banner, advance, in the name of God and St. George.” 
 The Knight obeyed the commands of the Prince. In that part, the battle was very hot, 
 and greatly crowded: many a one was unhorsed: and you must know, that whenever 
 anyone fell, he could not get up again, unless he were quickly and well assisted. 
 
 The Prince charged the division of the Duke of Athens, and very sharp the encounter 
 was, so that many were beaten down. The Prench, who fought in large bodies, cried 
 out, “ Montjoye St. Denis! ” and the English answered them with “ St. George for 
 Guienne!” The Prince next met the battalion of Germans, under the command of the 
 Earl of Saltzbrng, the Earl of Nassau, and the Earl of Neydo; but they were soon over¬ 
 thrown, and put to flight. The English Archers shot so well, that none dared to come 
 within reach of their arrows, and they put to death many who could not ransom themselves. 
 The three above-named Earls were slain there, as well as many other Knights and Squires 
 attached to them. 
 
 Their names 
 
 : Dutton of Dutton,—Delves of Doddington,—Fowlehurst of Crewe,—Hawkestone of Wainehill. 
 
EDWARD m. 
 1356. 
 
 A Frenchman, running a- 
 way from the battle of 
 Poitiers, is pursued by an 
 Englishman, who is himself 
 made prisoner.—Froissart, 
 cnap. ebeii. 
 
 The manner in which King 
 John was taken prisonei at 
 
 the battle of Poitiers.- 
 
 Froissart, chap, elxiii. 
 
 40 
 
 John Willoughby, III. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 The King’s battalion advanced, in good order, to meet the English: many hard blows 
 were given with swords, battle-axes, and other warlike weapons. The King of France, 
 with the Lord P hili p his youngest son, attacked the division of the marshals, the Earls 
 of Warwick and Suffolk. 
 
 King John, on his part, proved himself a good Knight; and, if the fourth of his people 
 had behaved as well, the day would have been his own. Those, however, who had 
 remained with him acquitted themselves to the best of their power, and were either 
 slain or taken prisoners. Scarcely any who were with the King attempted to escape. 
 Am ong the slain, were the Duke Peter de Bourbon, the Duke of Athens, constable 
 of France, the Bishop of Chalons in Champagne, the Lord Guiscard de Beaujeu, and 
 the Lord of Landas. In another part of the field of battle, the Earls of Vaudemont 
 and Genville, and the Earl of Vendome, were prisoners. Not far from that spot were 
 slain, the Lord William de Nesle and the Lord Eustace de Bibeaumont. 
 
 It happened that, in the midst of the general pursuit, a Squire from Picardy, named 
 John de Helennes, had quitted the King’s division, and, meeting his page with a fresh 
 horse, had mounted him, and made off as fast as he could. At that time, there was near 
 to him the Lord of Berkeley, a young Knight, who, for the first time, had that day dis¬ 
 played his banner: he immediately set out in pursuit of h im. When the Lord of Berkeley 
 had followed him for some little time, John de Helennes turned about, put his sword under 
 his arm in the manner of a lance, and thus advanced upon the Lord Berkeley, who taking 
 his sword by the handle, flourished it, and lifted up his arm in order to strike the Squire 
 as he passed. Jo hn de Helennes, seeing the intended stroke, avoided it, but did not miss 
 his own; for as they passed each other, by a blow on the arm he made Lord Berkeley’s 
 sword fall to the ground. When the Knight found that he had lost his sword, and that 
 the Squire had his, he dismounted, and made for the place where his sword lay: but he 
 could not get there before the Squire gave him a violent thrust which passed through both 
 his thighs, so that, not being able to help himself, he fell to the ground. John upon this 
 dismounted, and, seizing the sword of the Knight, advanced up to him and asked him if 
 he were willing to surrender. The Knight required his name: “I am called John de 
 Helennes,” said he, “ what is your name ? ” “ In truth, companion,” replied the Knight, 
 
 “ my name is Thomas, and I am Lord of Berkeley, a very handsome castle situated on the 
 “ river Severn, on the borders of Wales.” “Lord of Berkeley,” said the Squire, “you shall 
 be my prisoner: I will place you in safety, and take care you are healed, for you appear 
 to me to be badly wounded.” The Knight answered, “I surrender myself willingly, for 
 you have loyally conquered me.” He gave him his word that he would be his prisoner, 
 rescued, or not. John then drew his sword out of the Knight’s thighs and the wounds 
 remained open; but he bound them up tightly, and, placing him on his horse, led him a 
 foot-pace to Chatelherault. He continued there, out of friendship to him, for fifteen days, 
 and had medicines administered to him. When the Knight was a little recovered, he had 
 him placed in a litter, and conducted him safe to his house in Picardy; where he remained 
 more than a year before he was quite cured, though he continued lame; and when he 
 departed, he paid for his ransom six thousand nobles, so that this Squire became a Knight 
 by the great profit he got from the Lord of Berkeley. 
 
 It often happens, that fortune in war and love turns out more favourable and wonderful 
 than could have been hoped for or expected. To say the truth, this battle which was 
 fought near Poitiers, was very bloody and perilous: aud the combatants on each side suffered 
 
John Willoughby, III. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 41 
 
 EDWARD III. 
 1356. 
 
 much. The pursuit continued even to the gates of Poitiers, where there was much 
 slaughter and overthrow of men and horses; for the inhabitants of Poitiers had shut their 
 gates, and would suffer none to enter: upon which account, there was great butchery on 
 the causeway, before the gate, where such numbers were killed or wounded, that several 
 surrendered themselves the moment they spied an Englishman: and there were many 
 English archers who had four, five, or six prisoners. 
 
 The English and Gascons poured so fast upon the King’s division, that they broke 
 through the ranks by force; and the French were so intermixed with their enemies, that 
 at times there were five men attacking one gentleman. The Lord de Chargny was slain, 
 with the banner of France in his hands, by the Lord Beginald Cobham ; and afterwards 
 the Earl of Dammartin shared the same fate. 
 
 There was much pressing at this time, through eagerness to take the King ; and those 
 who were nearest to him, and knew him, cried out, “ Surrender yourself, surrender 
 yourself, or you are a dead man.” In that part of the field was a young Knight, who was 
 engaged by a salary in the service of the King of England; his name was Denys de 
 Morbeque. It fortunately happened for this Knight that he was at the time near to the 
 King of France, when he was so much pulled about; he, by dint of force, for he was very 
 strong and robust, rushed through the crowd, and said to the King in good French, “ Sire, 
 sire, surrender yourself.” The King who found himself very disagreeably situated, turning 
 to him, asked, “ To whom shall I surrender myself: to whom ? Where is my cousin the 
 Prince of Wales ? If I could see him, I would speak to him.” “ Sue,” replied Sir Denys, 
 “ he is not here ; but surrender yourself to me, and I will lead you to him.” “ Who are 
 you ?” said the King. “ Sue, I am Denys de Morbeque.” The King then gave him his 
 right hand glove, and said, “I surrender myself to you.” There was much crowding 
 and pushing about, for every one was eager to cry out, “ I have taken him.” Neither the 
 King nor his youngest son Philip were able to get forward, and free themselves from the 
 throng. 
 
 The Prince of Wales, who was as courageous as a lion, took great delight that day to 
 combat his enemies. Sir John Chandos, who was near his person, and had never quitted 
 it during the whole of the day, nor stopped to make prisoners, said to him towards the end 
 of the battle; “ Sir, it will be proper for you to halt here, and plant your banner on the 
 top of this bush, which will serve to rally your, forces, that seem very much scattered; for 
 I do not see any banners or pennons of the French, nor any considerable bodies able to 
 rally against us ; and yon must refresh yourself a little, as I perceive you are very much 
 heated.” Upon this the banner of the Prince was placed on a high bush; the minstrels 
 began to play, and trumpets and clarions to do their duty. 
 
 As soon as the two marshals were come back, the Prince asked them if they knew 
 anything of the King of France; they replied, “No, Sir, not for a certainty.” The Prince 
 then, addressing the Earl of Warwick and Lord Cobham, said, “ I beg of you to mount 
 your horses, and ride over the field, so that on your return you may bring me some certain 
 intelligence of him.” The two Barons, immediately mounting their horses, left the 
 Prince, and made for a small hillock, that they might look about them: from their stand 
 they perceived a crowd of men-at-arms on foot, who were advancing very slowly. The 
 King of France was in the midst of them, and in great danger; for the English and Gascons 
 had taken him from Sir Denys de Morbeque. When the two Barons saw this troop of 
 people, they descended from the hillock, and sticking spurs into their horses, made up to 
 
 M 
 
EDWARD III. 
 133G. 
 
 The Prince of 'Wales makes 
 a handsome present to the 
 Lord James Audloy, after 
 
 the Battle of Poitiers.- 
 
 Froissart, chap, clxiv. 
 
 September 19th. 
 
 The English gain consid¬ 
 erably at the Battle of 
 Poitiers. — Froissart, chap. 
 
 42 
 
 John Willoughby , III. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 them. On their arrival, they asked what was the matter: they were answered, that it 
 was the Xing of France, who had been made prisoner, and that upwards of ten Knights and 
 Squires challenged him at the same time, as belonging to each of them. The two Barons 
 then pushed through the crowd by main force, and ordered all to draw aside. They com¬ 
 manded, in the name of the Prince, and under pain of instant death, that every one should 
 keep his distance, and not approach unless ordered or desired so to do. They all retreated 
 behind the King; and the two Barons, dismounting, advanced to the King with profound 
 reverences, and conducted him in a peaceable manner to the Prince of Wales. 
 
 Soon after the Earl of Warwick and the Lord Reginald Cobbam had left the Prince, as 
 has been above related, he inquired from those Knights who were about him, of Lord 
 James Audley, and asked if anyone knew what was become of him; “Yes, Sir,” replied 
 some of the company, “he is very badly wounded, and is lying in a litter hard by.” “ By 
 my troth,” replied the Prince, “ I am sore vexed that he is so wounded. See, I beg of 
 you, if he be able to bear being carried hither: otherwise I will come and visit him.” 
 Two Knights directly left the Prince, and coming to Lord James, told him how desirous 
 the Prince was of seeing hi m . “A thousand thanks to the Prince,” answered Lord James, 
 “for condescending to remember so poor a Knight as myself.” He then called eight of 
 his servants, and had him self borne in his litter to where the Prince was. When he was 
 come into his presence, the Prince bent down over him, and embraced him, saying : “ My 
 Lord James, I am bound to honour you very much; for, by your valour this day, you 
 have acquired glory and renown above us all, and your prowess has proved you the bravest 
 Knight.” Lord James replied, “ My Lord, you have a right to say whatever you please, 
 but I wish it were as you have said. If I have this day been forward to serve you, it has 
 been to accomplish a vow that I have made, and it ought not to be thought so much of.” 
 “ Sir James,” answered the Prince, “ I and all the rest of us deem you the bravest Knight 
 on our side in this battle; and to increase your renown, and furnish you withal to pursue 
 your career of glory in war, I retain you henceforward, for ever, as my Knight, with five 
 hundred marcs of yearly revenue, which I will secure to you from my estates in England.” 
 “ Sir,” said Lord James, “ God make me deserving of the good fortune you bestow upon 
 me.” 
 
 Thus was this battle won, as you have heard related, in the plains of Maupertuis, two 
 leagues from the city of Poitiers, on the 19th day of September, 1356. It commenced 
 about nine o’clock, and was ended by noon. It was reported that all the flower of French 
 Knighthood were slain; and that, with the King and his son the Lord Philip, seventeen 
 Earls, without counting Barons, Knights, or Squires, were made prisoners, and from five 
 to six thousand of all sorts left dead upon the field. When they were all collected, they 
 found they had twice as many prisoners as themselves. 
 
 When all were returned to their banners, they retired to their camp, which was adjoin¬ 
 ing to the field of battle. Some disarmed themselves, and did the same to their prisoners, 
 to whom they showed every kindness; for whoever made any prisoners, they were solely 
 at his disposal, to ransom or not as he pleased. It may be easily supposed that all those 
 who accompanied the Prince were very rich in glory and wealth, as well by the ransoms 
 of his prisoners, as by the quantities of gold and silver plate, rich jewels, and trunks 
 stuffed full of belts, that were weighty from their gold and silver ornaments, and furred 
 mantles. They set no value on armour, tents, or other things; for the French had come 
 there as magnificently and richly dressed as if they had been sure of gaining the victory. 
 
John Willoughby, III. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 43 
 
 EDWARD III. 
 1356. 
 
 When the Lord James Andley was brought back to his tent, after having most respect¬ 
 fully thanked the Prince for his gift, he did not remain long before he sent for his bro¬ 
 ther, Sir Peter Audley, the Lord Bartholomew Burghersh, Sir Stephen Codington, Lord 
 Willoughby of Eresby, and Lord William Eerrers of Groby : they were all his relations. 
 He then sent for his four Squires that had attended upon him that day, and addressing 
 himself to the Knights, said : “ Gentlemen, it has pleased my Lord the Prince to give me 
 five hundred marcs as a yearly inheritance; for which I have done him very trifling bodily 
 service. You see here these four Squires, who have always served me most loyally, and 
 especially in this day’s engagement. What glory I may have gained has been through 
 theh means, and by their valour; on which account I wish to reward them. I therefore 
 give and resign into their hands the gift of five hundred marcs, which my lord the Prince 
 has been pleased to bestow on me, in the same form and manner that it has been pre¬ 
 sented to me. I disinherit myself of it, and give it to them simply, and without a 
 possibility of revoking it.” The Knights present looked on each other, and said, “ It is 
 becoming the noble mind of Lord James to make such a gift;” and then unanimously 
 added: “ May the Lord God remember you for it! We will bear witness of this gift to them 
 wheresoever and whensoever they may call upon us.” They then took leave of him; 
 when some went to the Prince of Wales, who that night was to give a supper to the King 
 of Prance from his own provisions : for the French had brought vast quantities with 
 them, which were now fallen into the hands of the English, many of whom had not tasted 
 bread for the last three days. 
 
 The King meaning to passe ouer himselfe in person into France, caused a mightie 
 armie to be mustered and put in a readinesse, and sent before him the Duke of Lancaster 
 ouer to Calis with foure hundred speares, and two thousand Archers, where the said 
 Duke joined with such strangers as were alreadie come to Calis in great numbers, and 
 together with them entered into the French dominions, and passing by Saint Omers and 
 Bethune, came to Mount Saint Eloie, a goodlie abbeie and a rich, two leagues distant from 
 Arras, and there the host tarried foure daies, and when they had robbed and wasted all the 
 countrie thereabout, they rode to Braie, and there made a great assault, at the which a 
 Baronet of England was slaine with diuerse other. When the Englishmen saw they could 
 win nothing there, they departed, and following the water of Some, came to a towne 
 called Chersie, where they passed the riuer, and there tarried Alhallowen daie, and the 
 night following. 
 
 On the same daie the Duke of Lancaster was aduertised, that the King was arriued at 
 Calis the seuenteenth daie of October, commanding him by letters to draw towards him 
 with all his companie. The Duke according to the King’s commandement obeied, and so 
 returned toward Calis. The King being there arriued with all his power, tooke counsell 
 which way he should take. Some aduised him first to inuade Flanders, and to reuenge 
 the iniurious dealing of the Earle and the Flemings: but he would not agree to that 
 motion, for he purposed fullie either by plaine force to make a conquest of France, or else 
 vtterlie to destroie and wast the countrie throughout with fier and sword. Herevpon he 
 set forwards the fourth of Nouember, and passing through the countries of Arthois, and 
 Vermendois, he came before the citie of Reimes. There went ouer with him in this 
 iournie, and with the Duke of Lancaster, his foure sonnes, Edward Prince of Wales, 
 Lionell Earle of Ulster, John Earle of Richmond, and the Lord Edmund his youngest 
 sonne. Also there was Henrie the said Duke of Lancaster, with the Earles of March, 
 
 The Lord James Audley 
 gives to his Squires the 
 pension of five hundred 
 mures he had received from 
 the Prince.—Froissart,chap. 
 
 1360. 
 
 The King preparoth to make 
 
 a journie into France.- 
 
 Holinshed, vol. III., p. 392 
 
 Braie as saulted. 
 
 The King’s arrival at Calais. 
 
 -Holinshed, vul. III., p. 
 
 392. 
 
EDWARD III. 
 1360 . 
 
 Tonnere won. 
 
 1369 . 
 
 Tho King of France, in¬ 
 tending to send a large 
 Naval Armament to the 
 English Coast, is prevented 
 by the arrival of the Duke 
 of Lancaster at Calais.— 
 Froissart, chap, celxvii. 
 
 44 
 
 John Willoughby, III. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 Warwike, Suffolke, Hereford, (who also was Earle of Northampton), Salisburie, Stafford, 
 and Oxford, the Bishops of Linoolne, and Durham, and the Lords Peroie, Neuill, Spenser, 
 Kirdiston, Eosse, Mamie, Cobham, Mowbray, De la Ware, Willoughbie, Eelton, Basset, 
 Eitz Water, Charleton, Audelie, Burwasch, and others, beside Knights and Esquires, as 
 Sir John Chandois, Sir Stephen G-oussanton, Sir Nowell Boring, Sir Hugh Hastings, Sir 
 John Lisle, Sir Richard Pembruge, and others. 
 
 The siege was laid before Reinies about Saint Andrewes tide, and continued more than 
 seuen weekes: but the citie was so well defended by the Bishop and the Earle of Porcien, 
 and other capiteins within it, that the Englishmen could not obteine their purpose, and 
 so at length, when they could not haue forrage nor other necessarie things abroad in the 
 countrie for to serue their turne, the King raised his field, and departed with his annie in 
 good order of battell, taking the way through Champaigne, and so passed by Chaalons, 
 and after to Merie on the riuer of Seine. From Merie he departed and came vnto 
 Tonnere, which towne about the beginning of the foure and thirtith yeare of his reigne 
 was woone by assault, but the castell could not be woone, for there was within it the Lord 
 Fiennes, Constable of France, and a great number of other good men of war, which 
 defended it valiantlie. 
 
 The King of France, during the summer (1369), had made great preparations of ships, 
 barges, and other vessels in the port of Harfleur, with the intent of sending a large force 
 to England, well furnished with men at arms, Knights and Squires. His brother, the 
 Lord Philip, Duke of Burgundy, was appointed commander of this army, which was to 
 destroy all England. The King of France fixed his residence in the good city of Rouen, 
 in order to attend more promptly to this business. He visited his fleet two or three times 
 every week, to which he showed much affection. Added to this, his summons were so 
 extensive that it was wonderful to see the numbers of men-at-arms who were collected in 
 Vexin, Beauvoisis, and in the neighbourhood of Rouen. Provisions and other stores were 
 so abundantly brought there, that they would have been sufficient for a voyage to Spain 
 or Portugal. The Lord de Clisson, who was one of the privy counsellors to the King, 
 approved not of this expedition to England, and did all he could to dissuade the King and 
 his nobles from it. He told them, they were not so much accustomed to naval engage¬ 
 ments as the English, and urged many reasons in support of this, as one who was better 
 acquainted with the manners and habits of the English, and the state of that country, 
 than many others. Notwithstanding this, neither the King nor his council would change 
 their mind, but resolved this armament should sail. 
 
 The King of England and his son the Duke of Lancaster, as well as several of his 
 council, had received information of this army, and of the intentions of the French to 
 invade and carry the war into England. They were much rejoiced at this, and had pro¬ 
 vided all the ports and harbours opposite to Ponthieu and Normandy with sufficient 
 garrisons of men-at-arms and archers to receive them, if they should come. The whole 
 kingdom of England was ready prepared to give them a good reception whenever they 
 should land. The King, having determined to send the Duke*of Lancaster, with a body 
 of men-at-arms to Calais, immediately named those whom he ordered to accompany him. 
 There were the Earl of Salisbury, the Earl of Warwick, Sir Walter Manny, the Lord Roos 
 of Hamlake, Sir Henry Percy, the Lord Basset, the Lord Willoughby of Eresby, the Lord 
 Delaware, the Lord de la Pole, Sir Thomas Grandison, Sir Alan Boxhall, Sir Richard 
 Stury, and many others; the whole force amounted to about five hundred men-at-arms, 
 
John Willoughby, III. Lord Willoughby. 45 
 
 and as many archers. They marched to Dover and its neighbourhood. When the tran¬ 
 sports were ready, they embarked, and having a favourable wind, arrived at the strong 
 town of Calais, where they landed, and by little and little disembarked everything which 
 belonged to them. They took up then - quarters in the town. 
 
 There issued forth from the garrison of Perigord upwards of two hundred lances of 
 Bretons, whom the Duke of Anjou had sent and posted there. They were commanded by 
 four valiant and hardy Knights, whose names were, Sir William de Longueval, Sir Alain 
 de la Houssaye, Sir Louis de Mailly, and the Lord d’Arcy. These Knights marched with 
 their men to a handsome and strong castle called Mont-paon, of which a Knight was Lord. 
 When these Bretons arrived, and had advanced up to the barriers, they manoeuvred as if 
 they intended an immediate assault, and completely surrounded it. Upon which Sir 
 William de Mont-paon, proving he had more of French courage than English, turned to 
 them, and in short surrendered. He gave admittance to these Knights and their com¬ 
 panions into his castle, of which they took possession, and said they would defend it 
 against all the world. They repaired find added to it whatever might have been wanting. 
 
 Intelligence of this was soon carried to Bordeaux, when the Duke of Lancaster told'the 
 Barons they were inactive, for that the Bretons had made an incursion, and had taken 
 Mont-paon, which was close to then - borders. Indeed, when the Duke and Barons first 
 heard of this, they were much ashamed and made immediate preparations for marching 
 towards that part; they set out from the city of Bordeaux on a Wednesday after dinner. 
 With the Duke of Lancaster there were many Knights and Barons of Poitou and 
 Saintonge. From Gascony were, the Captal de Buch, the Lord de Pommiers, and several 
 others. Of the English were, Sir Thomas Felton, Lord Thomas Percy, the Lord Roos, 
 Sir Michael de la Pole, the Lord Willoughby, Sir William Beauchamp, Sir Richard de 
 Pontchardon, Sir Baldwin de Franville, the Earl of Angus, and many more. They were 
 in all rather more than seven hundred spears and five hundred archers. 
 
 When the Duke of Lancaster was arrived at Mont-paon, with all his Barons, Knights, 
 and men-at-arms, he immediately laid siege to it. They built themselves substantial huts 
 all round the castle. They were not, however, idle, but began the assault with great 
 vigour,^ and had large quantities of wood and faggots cut down by the peasants, and 
 carried to the ditches, which.they threw in and covered with large beams and earth; by 
 which means they were so filled up that they could advance to the walls to skirmish with 
 the garrison, as was daily done, and there were many gallant conflicts. The four Breton 
 Knights in the castle were right good men-at-arms. They were not dismayed, however 
 near the English or Gascons might advance, and never suffered them to return 
 conquerors. , 
 
 In the garrison of St. Macaire, which belonged to the Bretons, were John de Malestroit 
 and Silvestre Budes, the governors of it, who, hearing every day of the great feats of 
 arms which were doing before Mont-paon, were anxious to be partakers of them. They 
 conversed frequently on this subject, saying, “ Since we know that our companions are so 
 near to us,, and are continually fighting, whilst we remain here doing of nothing, we 
 certainly do not act well.” When their companions,had all spoken, they began to consider 
 the danger there might be, if they should leave the garrison without one of the com¬ 
 manders. Silvestre Budes said, “By God, I will go.” “ Silvestre,”replied John, “you 
 shall stay, and I will go.” This dispute continued some time. At last they agreed to 
 draw straws, and that he who had the longest straw 7 should go, and the other remain. 
 
 EDWARD in. 
 1369. 
 
 1370. 
 
 Four Knights of Brittany 
 take the Castle of Mont- 
 
 paon. -Froissart, chap. 
 
 ccxciv. 
 
 The four Knights defend 
 themselves against the Duke 
 of Lancaster. — The Duke, 
 on taking the place, admits 
 them to ransom.—Froissart, 
 chap, coxcv. 
 
 N 
 
EDWARD IIL 
 
 • 1370 , 
 
 46 
 
 John Willoughby, III. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 Upon which they drew straws, and Silvestre Budes had the longest, which created a great 
 laugh among the company. Silvestre did not take it for a joke, hut went and made him¬ 
 self ready: when, mounting his horse, he set off with eleven men-at-arms, and rode for 
 the castle of Mont-paon. 
 
 There were continued attacks every day made on Mont-paon. The English had brought 
 thither large machines and other engines of assault, which they could now place near to 
 the walls where the ditches were filled up. There were also footmen covered with large 
 shields, who worked with pick-axes, and laboured so earnestly that one afternoon they 
 flung down upwards of forty feet of the wall. The Lords of the army directly ordered out 
 a body of archers, who kept up so well-directed and sharp an attack with their arrows, 
 that none could stand against them, nor even show themselves. Upon this, Sir William 
 de Longueval, Sir Alain de la Houssaye, Sir Louis de Mailly, and the Lord d Arcy, finding 
 from this situation that they could not any longer hold out, sent one of their heralds 
 mounted on horseback, through the breach, to speak with the Duke of Lancaster, for 
 they wished, if possible, to enter into a treaty. The herald advanced to the Duke, way 
 being made for him, and explained the business on which he was sent. The Duke, by the 
 advice of those about him, granted an armistice to the garrison during the time of a 
 parley; and the herald returned with his answer to his masters. The four Knights 
 directly came forward upon the ditch, and the Duke sent Sir Guiseard d’Angle to hold a 
 parley with them. 
 
 Upon the ditch, therefore, they entered on a treaty, by asking, “In what sort or 
 manner does the Duke intend to make us prisoners ? ” Sir Guiscard, who had received 
 his instructions, replied: “ Gentlemen, you have greatly displeased my Lord; for you 
 have detained him here several weeks, which has fretted him very much, and caused the 
 loss of several of his men, for which reasons, he will not receive you, nor grant you mercy, 
 but will have you surrender yourselves simply to h i m . He also insists on Sir William de 
 Mont-paon being first given up, for him to be dealt with according to his deserts as a 
 traitor.” Sir Louis de Mailly replied : “ Sir Guiscard, in regard to Sir William de Mont- 
 paon, whom you require from us, we swear.truly and loyally that we are ignorant what is 
 become of him, for he did not remain in this town a moment after you had begun to be¬ 
 siege it. But it will be very hard for us to surrender ourselves in the manner you insist 
 on, who are soldiers sent here for pay, just as your commanders may send you, or you 
 may be obliged to it by personal service; and, before we accept of such a bargain, we will 
 sell our lives so dearly that report shall speak of it a hundred years hence. Beturn, there¬ 
 fore, to the Duke of Lancaster, and tell him to accept of us in a courteous manner, upon 
 certain terms of ransom, as he would wish should be done to any of his party, should they 
 happen to be so unfortunate.” 
 
 Sir Guiscard answered, that he would very willingly do so to the utmost of his power. 
 With these words, he returned to the Duke, and took with him the Captal de Buch, the 
 Lords de Bosen and de Mucident, the better to forward the business. When these Lords 
 were come into the Duke’s presence, they remonstrated with him so eloquently, and with 
 such good success, that he granted their request, and received the four Knights, with 
 Silvestre Budes, and then- men, in mercy as prisoners. 
 
 Thus had he once more possession of the castle of , Mont-paon, and received the homage 
 of the inhabitants of the town. 
 
John Willoughby, III. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 4 r / 
 
 Willoughby, having been summon’d to Parliament from 24 Edward 3. till 44 of that 
 King’s reign inclusive, departed this life upon Monday next ensuing the Festival of the 
 Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin, in 46 Edward 3. 
 
 EDWARD III. 
 
 1373. 
 
 Lord Willoughby's death.— 
 Dugdaie, pp. 83, 84. 
 
Robert Willoughby, IV. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 THIS Robert, soon after, doing his Homage and Fealty, had Livery of his Lands: 
 and, in 47 Edward 3. being then retein’d by Indenture to serve the Xing with T hir ty 
 Men at Arms, and Thirty Archers, arrived with the Duke of Lancaster, at Calais. 
 
 In the moneth of Julie in this seuen and fourtith yeare of King Edward’s r e i g ne, the 
 duke of Lancaster was sent ouer vnto Calis with an Annie of thirtie thousand men (as 
 some write) but as Froissard saith, they were but thirteene thousand, as three thousand 
 men of armes, and ten thousand archers. This voiage had beene in preparing for the 
 space of three yeares before. The Duke of Britaine was there with them, and of the 
 English nobilitie, beside the duke of Lancaster that was their generall, there were the 
 earles of Warwike, Stafford and Suffolke, the Lord Edward Spenser that was constable of 
 the host, the lords Willoughbie, de la Pole, Basset, and diuerse others. Of knights, Sir 
 Henrie Percie, Sir Lewes Clifford, Sir William Beauchampe, the Chanon Robertsart, Walter 
 Hewet, Sir Hugh Caluerlie, Sir Stephen Cousington, Sir Richard Ponchardon, and manie 
 other. 
 
 When they had made readie their cariages and other things necessarie for such a iournie 
 which they had taken in hand, that is to say, to passe through the re alm e of France vnto 
 Burdeaux, they set forward, hauing their armie diuided into three battels. The earles of 
 Warwike and Suffolke did lead the foreward: the two dukes of Lancaster and Britaine, 
 
 EDWARD in 
 1373. 
 
 Lord Willoughby does hom 
 ago and servos the king.— 
 Dugdale, p. 84. 
 
 The Duke of Lancaster sent 
 oucr into Franco with an 
 armie.—Holinshed, vol. III. 
 p. 408. 
 
 Noblemen that went with 
 him in that journie. 
 
 They passed through the 
 countrie without assaulting 
 any towns. 
 
 0 
 
EDWARD III. 
 1373. 
 
 50 
 
 Robert Willoughby, IV. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 The Frenchmen meant not 
 to fight with the English¬ 
 men.—Holinshed, vol. III., 
 p. 408. 
 
 The order of the Duke of 
 Lancaster’s armie in march¬ 
 ing. 
 
 The Archbishop of Itauenna 
 Bent from the Pope. 
 
 1374. 
 
 Commissioners appointed to 
 meet and commune of peace. 
 —Ilolinshcd, p. 409. 
 
 1382. 
 
 RICHARD II. 
 
 Lord Willoughby found one 
 of the co-heirs of the Earls 
 of Suffolk.—Dugdale, p. 84. 
 
 the middle ward or battell, and the rereward was gouerned by the Lord Spenser constable 
 of the host. They passed by S. Omers, by Turrouane, and coasted the conntrie of Arthois, 
 and passed the water of Some at Corbie. They destroied the countries as they went, and 
 marched not past three leages a day. They assailed none of the strong townes nor fortresses. 
 Tor the French king had so stuffed them with notable numbers of men of warre, that they 
 perceiued they should trauell in vaine about the winning of them. At Roy in Yermandois, 
 they rested them seuen daies, and at their departure set fire on the towne, because they 
 could not win the church which was kept against them. From thence they drew towards 
 Laon, and so marched forward, passing the rivers of Ysare, Marne, Saine, and Yonne. 
 The Frenchmen coasted them, but durst not approch to give them battell. 
 
 Neere to Ribaumount, about 80 Englishmen of Sir Hugh Caluerlie’s band were dis¬ 
 tressed by 120 Frenchmen: and likewise beside Soissons, 120 English speares, or (as other 
 writers haue) fiftie speares, and twentie archers were vanquished by a Burgonian knight 
 called Sir John de Yienne, that had with him three hundred French speares. Of more 
 hurt by anie incounters I read not that the Englishmen susteined in this voiage. For the 
 Frenchmen kept them aloofe, and meant not to fight with their enemies, but onelie to 
 keepe them from vittels, and fetching of forrage abroad, by reason whereof the Englishmen 
 lost manie horsses, and were indeed driuen to great scarsitie of vittels. When they had 
 passed the riuer of Loire, and were come into the countrie of Berrie, they vnderstood 
 how the Frenchmen laid themselues hi sundrie ambushes to distresse them, if they might 
 espie the aduantage : but the Duke of Lancaster placing his light horssemen, with part of 
 the archers in the fore ward, and in the battell the whole force of his footmen with the 
 men at armes, diuided into wings to couer that battell, wherein he himselfe was, the 
 residue of the horssemen with the rest of the archers he appointed to the rereward, and so 
 causing them to keepe close togither, marched foorth till he came into Poictou, and then 
 in reuenge of the Poictouins that had reuolted from the English obeisance, he began a 
 new spoile, killing the people, wasting the countrie, and burning the houses and buildings 
 euerie where as he passed. 
 
 Whilest the Duke of Lancaster was thus passing through the realme of France, Pope 
 Gregorie the eleuenth sent the Archbishop of Rauenna, and the Bishop of Carpentras as 
 legats from him, to treat for a peace betwixt the realms of England and France. They 
 rode to and fro betwixt the French King and his brethren, and the Duke of Lancaster: 
 but the Duke and the Englishmen kept on their waie, and so finallie keeping forwards 
 about Christmasse came to Burdeaux. The legats pursued their treatie, but the parties 
 were so hard, that no reasonable offers would be taken. The two Dukes of Lancaster and 
 Britaine laie in Burdeaux all the residue of the winter, and the Lent following. 
 
 At the sute of the Popes legats, a respit of war was granted. It was further agreed vpon, 
 that in the beginning of September, there should meet in the marches of Picardie, the 
 Duke of Lancaster, and other of the English part, as commissioners to intreat of peace: 
 and the Duke of Aniou and other on the French part, the Popes legat to be there also as 
 mediator. When this agreement was thus accorded, the Duke of Lancaster and the 
 Duke of Britaine, with the Earls of Warwike, Suffolke and Stafford, the Lords Spenser, 
 Willoughbie and others, tooke the sea at Burdeaux, the eight of Julie, and returned into 
 England. 
 
 In this year also Willoughby was in that expedition, then made into Flanders; and, in 
 5 Richard 2. upon the death of William de Ufford, Earl of Suffolk, was found to be one of 
 
Robert Willoughby-, IV. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 1 
 
 BICHARD II. 
 
 his co-heirs. In 9 Richard 2. he accompanyed John of G-ant Duke of Lancaster into 
 Spain, for recovery of the in h eritance of Constance his wife; and in 10 Richard 2. was 
 again reteined by Indenture to serve the King for the defence of this Re alm . 
 
 He departed this life upon the ninth day of August, 20 Richard 2. 
 
 1382. 
 
 Lord Willoughby in Spnin 
 —Dugdale, p. 84. 
 
 1396. 
 
 Lord Willoughby’s death.— 
 Dugdale, p. 84. 
 
 Effigies of Lord Willoughby, and Elizabeth his Third Wife 
 in Spilsby Church, Lincolnshire. 
 
RICHARD II. 
 1396. 
 
 Burke's Peerage for 
 p. 1370. 
 
 52 Robert Willoughby, IV. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 Lord Willoughby' married Alice, elder daughter of Sir William Skipwith, Knt., Lord 
 Chief Baron of the Exchequer, temp. Edward III., by whom he had 
 
 WILLIAM, his successor. 
 
 THOMAS, ancestor of the Lords Willoughby de Broke. 
 
 JOHN, ancestor of tho Willoughbys, Baronets, of Baldon House, Oxou 
 
 Seal of Lord Willoughby, 
 
 From the Harley MS. 246, f. 97 b. 
 
William Willoughby, V. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 THIS William had Livery of his Lands; and was one of the Peers in that Parliament ^° e rd pe ^ m ™^ a ^ t * 
 of 22 Richard 2 at which time King Richard made a formal Resignation of his Kingly Dugdaie, p. 84. 
 
 ° ^ The Life and Death of King Richard II. 
 
 ACT n. 
 
 Scene 1.—London. A Room in Ely House. 
 
 Persons represented. 
 
 King Richard the Second. 
 
 Edmund of Langley, Duke of York 0 , ,, v . 
 
 _ , . _ , l Uncles to the King. 
 
 John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster I 
 Duke of Aumerle, (Son to tlie Duke of York). 
 
 Bushy \ 
 
 Bagot \ Creatures to King Richard. 
 
 Green j 
 
 Earl of Northumberland. 
 
 Lord Ross. 
 
 Lord Willoughby. 
 
 Queen to King Richard. 
 
 Gaunt on a Couch; the Duke of York and others standing ly him. 
 
 Gaunt am I for the grave, gaunt as a grave, 
 
 Whose hollow womb inherits nought but bones. 
 
 K. Rich. Can sick men play so nicely Tf ith their 
 names ? 
 
 Gaunt. No, misery makes sport to mock itself: 
 
 Since thou dost seek to kill my name in me, 
 
 I mock my name, great king, to flatter thee. 
 
 K. Rich. Should dying men flatter with those that 
 live? 
 
 Gaunt. No, no; men living flatter those that. (be. 
 
 K. Rich. Thou, now a dying, say’st—thou flot- 
 
 Gaunt. Oh! no; thou diest, though I the sicker b 9. 
 
 K. Rich. I am in health, I breathe, and see thee 
 
 Gaunt. Will the king come t that I may breathe 
 my last 
 
 In wholesome counsel to his unstay’d youth. 
 
 York. Yex not yourself, nor strive not with your 
 breath; 
 
 For all in vain comes counsel to his ear. 
 
 Enter King Richard, and Queen; Aumerle, Bushy, 
 Green, B»got, Ross, and Willoughby. 
 
 The king is come : deal mildly with his youth; 
 
 For young hot colts, being rag’d, do rage the more. 
 Queen. How fares our nobis uncle, Lancaster? 
 
 K. Rich. What comfort, man ? How is’t with 
 aged Gaunt ? 
 
 Gaunt. 0, how that name befits my composition! 
 Old Gaunt, indeed; and gaunt* in being old: 
 Within me grief hath kept a tedious fast; 
 
 And who abstains from meat, that is not gaunt ? 
 
 For sleeping England long time have I watch’d ; 
 Watching breeds leanness, learness is all gaunt: 
 The pleasure that some fathers feed upon, 
 
 Is my strict fast, I mean—my children’s looks; 
 
 And, therein fasting, hast thou made me gauut: 
 
 Gaunt. Now, He that made me, knows I see thee 
 ill; 
 
 Ill in myself to see, and in thee seeing ill, 
 
 Thy death-bed is no lesser than the land, 
 
 Wherein thou best in reputation sick : 
 
 And thou, too careless patient as thou art, 
 
 Commit’st thy anointed body to the cure 
 
RICHARD IL 
 1399. 
 
 54 
 
 William Willoughby, V. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 Of those physicians that first wounded thee : 
 
 A thousand flatterers sit within thy crown, 
 
 Whose compass is no bigger than thy head; 
 
 And yet, incaged in so small a verge, 
 
 The waste is no whit lesser than thy land. 
 
 0, had thy grandsire, with a prophet’s eye, 
 
 Seen how his son’s son should destroy his sons, 
 
 From forth thy reach he would have laid thy shame; 
 Deposing thee before thou wert possess’d, 
 
 Which art possess’d now to depose thyself. 
 
 Why, cousin, wert thou regent of the world, 
 
 It were a shame to let this land by lease: 
 
 But, for thy world, enjoying but this land, 
 
 Is it not more than shame, to shame it so ? 
 
 Landlord of England art thou now, not king: 
 
 Thy state of law is bondslave to the law; 
 
 And thou- 
 
 K. Rich. -a lunatick lean-witted fool, 
 
 Presuming on an ague’s privilege, 
 
 Dar’st with thy frozen admonition 
 
 Make pale our cheek ; chasing the royal blood, 
 
 With fury, from his native residence. 
 
 Now by my seat’s right royal majesty, 
 
 Wert thou not brother to great Edward’s son, 
 
 This tongue that runs so roundly in thy head, 
 
 Should run thy head from thy unreverend shoulders. 
 
 Gaunt. 0, spare me not, my brother Edward’s son, 
 For that I was his father Edward’s son; 
 
 That blood already, like the pelican, 
 
 Hast thou tapp’d out, and drunkenly carous’d: 
 
 My brother Gloster, plain well-meaning soul, 
 
 (Whom fair befall in heaven, ’mongst happy souls!) 
 May be a precedent and witness good, 
 
 That thou respect’st not spilling Edward’s blood: 
 Join with the present sickness that I have; 
 
 And thy unkindness be like crooked age, 
 
 To crop at once a too-long wither’d flower. 
 
 Live in thy shame, but die not shame with thee!— 
 These words hereafter thy tormentors be,— 
 
 Convey me to my bed, then to my grave : 
 
 Love they to live, that love and honour have. 
 
 [Exit, borne out by his Attendants. 
 E. Rich. And let them die, that age and sullens 
 have; 
 
 For both hast thou, and both become the grave. 
 
 York. ’Beseech your majesty, impute his words 
 To wayward sickliness and age in him : 
 
 He loves you, on my life, and holds you dear 
 As Harry duke of Hereford, were he here. 
 
 K. Rich. Right; you say true: as Hereford’s 
 love, so his: 
 
 As theirs, so mine; and all be as it is. 
 
 Enter Northumberland. 
 
 North. My liege, old Gaunt commends him to your 
 majesty. 
 
 K. Rich. What says he now ? 
 
 North. Nay, nothing; all is said : 
 
 nis tongue is now a stringless instrument; 
 
 Words, life, and all, old Lancaster hath spent. 
 
 York. Be York the next that must be bankrupt so! 
 Though death be poor it ends a mortal woe. 
 
 K. Rich. The ripest fruit first falls, and so doth he; 
 His time is spent, our pilgrimage must be: 
 
 So much for that.-Now for our Irish wars: 
 
 We must supplant those rough rug-headed kerns ;* 
 Which live like venom, where no venom else, 
 
 But only they, hath privilege to live. 
 
 And for these great affairs do ask some charge, 
 Towards our assistance, we do seize to us 
 The plate, coin, revenues, and moveables, 
 
 Whereof our uncle Gaunt did stand possess’d. 
 
 York. How long shall I be patient ? Ah, how long 
 Shall tender duty make me suffer wrong ? 
 
 Not Gloster’s death, nor Hereford’s banishment, 
 
 Not Gaunt’s rebukes, nor England’s private wrongs, 
 Nor the prevention of poor Bolingbroke 
 About his marriage, nor my own disgrace, 
 
 Have ever made me sour my patient cheek, 
 
 Or bend one wrinkle on my sovereign’s face.— 
 
 I am the last of noble Edward’s sons, 
 
 Of whom thy father, prince of Wales, was first; 
 
 In war, was never lion rag’d more fierce, 
 
 In peace, was never gentle lamb more mild, 
 
 Than was that young and princely gentleman: 
 
 His face thou hast, for even so look’d he, 
 Accomplish’d with the number of thy hour's; 
 
 But, when he frown’d, it was against the French, 
 And not against his friends: his noble hand 
 Did win what he did spend, and spent not that 
 Which his triumphant father’s hand had won : 
 
 His hands were guilty of no kindred’s blood, 
 
 But bloody with the enemies of his kin. 
 
 0, Richard! York is too far gone with grief, 
 
 Or else he never would compare between. 
 
 K. Rich. Why, uncle, what’s the matter ? 
 
 York. 0, my liege, 
 
 Pardon me, if you please; if not, I, pleas’d 
 Not to be pardon’d, am content withal. 
 
 Seek you to seize, and gripe into your hands, 
 
 The royalties and rights of banish’d Hereford ? 
 
 Is not Gaunt dead ? and doth not Hereford live ? 
 Was not Gaunt just ? and is not Harry true ? 
 
 Did not the one deserve to have an heir ? 
 
 Is not his heir a well-deserving son ? 
 
 Take Hereford’s rights away, and take from time 
 His charters, and his customary rights ; 
 
 Let not to-morrow then ensue to-day; 
 
 Be not thyself, for how art thou a king, 
 
 But by fair sequence and succession ? 
 
 If you do wrongfully seize Hereford’s rights, 
 
 Call in the letters patent that he hath 
 
 By his attornies-general to sue 
 
 His livery,f and deny his offer’d homage, 
 
 You pluck a thousand dangers on your head, 
 
 You lose a thousand well-disposed hearts, 
 
 And prick my tender patience to those thoughts 
 Which honour and allegiance cannot think. 
 
 2T. Rich. Think what you will; we seize into our 
 hands 
 
 His plate, his goods, his money, and his lands. 
 
 York. I’ll not be by, the while: My liege, fare¬ 
 well: 
 
 What will ensue hereof, there’s none can tell; 
 
 But by bad courses may be understood, 
 
 That their events can never fall out good. [Exit. 
 K. Rich. Go, Bushy, to the earl of Wiltshire 
 straight; 
 
 1 Irish Soldiers. 
 
 Claim possession; a law i 
 
William Willoughby, V. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 55 
 
 RICHARD IL 
 1309. 
 
 Bid him repair to us to Ely-house, 
 
 To see this business: To-morrow next 
 We will for Ireland; and ’tis time, I trow; 
 
 And we create, in absence of ourself, 
 
 Our uncle York lord governor of England, 
 
 For he is just and always lov’d us well.— 
 
 Come on, our queen: to-morrow must we part; 
 
 Be merry, for our time of stay is short. [Flourish. 
 
 [.Exeunt King, Queen, Busht, Aumerle, 
 Green, and Bagot. 
 
 North. Well, lords, the duke of Lancaster is dead. 
 Foss. And living too; for now his son is duke. 
 Willo. Barely in title, not in revenue. 
 
 North. Richly in both, if justice had her right. 
 Ross. My heart is great; but it must break with 
 silence, 
 
 Ere’t be disburden’d with a liberal tongue. 
 
 North. Nay, speak thy mind; and let him ne’er 
 speak more, 
 
 That speaks thy words again, to do thee harm! 
 
 Willo. Tends that thou’dst speak, to the duke of 
 Hereford ? 
 
 If it be so, out with it boldly, man; 
 
 Quick is mine ear to hear of good towards him. 
 
 Ross. No good at all, that I can do for him; 
 Unless you call it good to pity him, 
 
 Stript and bereft of all his patrimony. 
 
 North. Now, afore heaven, ’tis shame, such wrongs 
 are borne, 
 
 In him a royal prince, and many more 
 Of noble blood in this declining land. 
 
 The king is not himself, but basely led 
 By flatterers; and what they will inform, 
 
 Merely in hate, ’gainst any of us all, 
 
 That will the king severely prosecute 
 ’Gainst us, our lives, our children, and our heirs. 
 Ross. The commons hath he pill’d* with grievous 
 taxes, 
 
 And lost their hearts; the nobles hath he fin’d 
 For ancient quarrels, and quite lost their hearts. 
 
 Willo. And daily new exactions are devis’d; 
 
 As blanks, benevolences, and I wot not what; 
 
 But what, in heaven’s name, doth become of this ? 
 North. Wars have not wasted it; for warr’d he 
 hath not, 
 
 But basely yielded upon compromise 
 
 That which his ancestors achiev’d with blows; 
 
 More hath he spent in peace, than they in wars. 
 
 Ross. The earl of Wiltshire hath the realm in farm. 
 Willo. The king’s grown bankrupt, like a broken 
 man. 
 
 North. Reproach, and dissolution, hangeth over 
 him. 
 
 Ross. He hath not money for these Irish wars, 
 His burdenous taxations notwithstanding, 
 
 But by the robbing of the banish’d duke. 
 
 North. His noble kinsman : most degenerate king! 
 But, lords, we hear this fearful tempest sing, 
 
 Yet seek no shelter to avoid the storm: 
 
 We see the wind sit sore upon our sails, 
 
 And yet we strike not, but securely perish* 
 
 Ross. We see the very wreck that we must suffer; 
 And unavoided is the danger now, 
 
 For suffering so the causes of our wreck. 
 
 North. Not so; even through the hollow eyes of 
 death, 
 
 I spy life peering; but I dare not say 
 How near the tidings of our comfort is. 
 
 Willo. Nay, let us shore thy thoughts, as thou 
 dost ours. 
 
 Ross. Be confident to speak, Northumberland: 
 We three are but thyself; and, speaking so, 
 
 Thy words are but as thoughts; therefore be bold. 
 North. Then thus:—I have from Port le Blanc, a 
 bay 
 
 In Brittany, receiv’d intelligence, 
 
 That Harry Hereford, Reignold lord Cobham, 
 
 [The son of Richard Earl of Arundel,] 
 
 That late broke from the duke of Exeter, 
 
 His brother, archbishop late of Canterbury, 
 
 Sir Thomas Erpingham sir John Ramston, 
 
 Sir John Norbery, sir Robert Waterton, and Francis 
 Quoint,- 
 
 All these well furnish’d by the duke of Bretagne, 
 With eight tallf ships, three thousand men of war, 
 Are making hither with all due expedience!, 
 
 And shortly mean to touch our northern shore: 
 Perhaps, they had ere this ; but that they stay 
 The first departing of the king for Ireland. 
 
 If then, we shall shake off our slavish yoke, 
 
 Imp§ out our drooping country’s broken wing, 
 Redeem from broking pawn the blemish’d crown, 
 Wipe off the dust that hides our sceptre’s gilt, || 
 
 And make high majesty look like itself, 
 
 Away, with me, in post to Ravenspurg: 
 
 But if you faint, as fearing to do so, 
 
 Stay, and be secret, and myself will go. 
 
 Ross. To horse, to horse! urge doubts to them 
 that fear. 
 
 Willo. Hold out my horse, and I will first be there. 
 
 [Exeunt. 
 
 When the lord gonernor Edmund duke of Yorke was aduertised, that the duke of The Commons aenie to resist 
 
 ■ . n the Duke of Lancaster.— 
 
 Lancaster kept still the sea, and was readie to arriue; he sent for the lord chancellor Hoiinshed, voi. m., P . 498. 
 
 Edmund Stafford bishop of Excester, and for the lord treasurer William Scroope earle of 
 
 Wiltshire, and other of the king’s priuie councell, as John Bushie, William Bagot, Henrie 
 
 Greene, and John Russell knights : of these he required to know what they thought good 
 
 to be doone in this matter, concerning the duke of Lancaster, being on the seas. Their 
 
 aduise was, to depart from London, vnto S. Albons, and there to gather an armie to resist 
 
 the duke in his landing, but to how small purpose their counsell serued, the conclusion 
 
 thereof plainlie declared, for the most part that were called, when they came thither, 
 
 * Perish by confidence in oar security, t Stout, J Expedition, 
 5 Supply with new feathers. |1 Gilding. 
 
RICHARD II. 
 1399. 
 
 56 
 
 William Willoughby, V. Lord Willoughby, K.Q. 
 
 boldlie protested, that they would not fight against the duke of Lancaster, whome they 
 knew to be euill dealt withall. 
 
 Tk, Dui . The lord treasurer, Bushie, Bagot, and Greene, perceiuing that the commons would 
 
 landeth in Yort.hire.— oleaue yj^o, take part with the duke, slipped awaie, leauing the lord gouernour of the 
 Hntahed, TOI. III., p. 408 . the lord e^ceUor to make what shift they could for themselues : Bagot got 
 
 him to Chester, and so escaped into Ireland; the other fled to the castell of Bristow, in 
 hope there to be in safetie. The duke of Lancaster, after that he had coasted alongst the 
 shore a certeine time, and had got some intelligence how the peoples minds were affected 
 towards him, landed about the beginning of Julie in Yorkshire, at a place sometime 
 called Bauenspur, betwixt Hull and Bridlington, and with him not past threescore persons, 
 as some write: but he was so ioifnllie receiued of the lords, knights and gentlemen of 
 those parts, that he found means (by their helpe) forthwith to assemble a great number 
 of people, that were willing to take his part. The first that came to him, were the lords 
 of Lincolnshire, and other counties adioining, as the Lords Willoughbie, Bos, Darcie, 
 
 The Duke of Lancnster’a 
 oath to the lords that aided 
 
 The harts of the commons 
 wholie bent to the Duke of 
 
 and Beaumont. 
 
 At his co mmin g vnto Doncaster, the earle of Northumberland, and his sonne sir Hemie 
 Persie, wardens of the marches against Scotland, with the earle of Westmorland, came 
 vnto him, where he sware vnto those lords, that he would demand no more, but the lands 
 that were to him descended by inheritance from his father, and in right of his wife. 
 Moreouer, he vndertooke to cause the paiment of taxes and tallages to be laid downe, and 
 to bring the king to good gouernment, and to remooue from him the Cheshire men, which 
 were enuied of manie; for that the king esteemed of them more than of anie other ; 
 happilie, bicause they were more fcithfull to him than other, readie in ah respects to 
 obeie his commandements and pleasure. From Doncaster hauing now got a mightie 
 armie about him, he marched fourth with all speed through the counties, comming by 
 Euesham vnto Berkelie: within the space of three daies, all the kings castels in those 
 parts were surrendred vnto him. 
 
 The duke of Yorke, whome King Richard had left as gouernour of the realrne in his 
 absence, hearing that his nephue the Duke of Lancaster was thus arriued, and had 
 gathered an armie, he also assembled a puissant power of men of armes and archers (as 
 before yee haue heard) but all was in vaine, for there was not a man that willinglie would 
 thrust out one arrow against the duke of Lancaster, or his partakers, or in anie wise offend 
 him or his freends. The Duke of Yorke therefore passing foorth towards Wales to meet 
 the King, at his comming foorth of Ireland, was receiued into the castell of Berkelie, and 
 there remained, till the comming thither of the duke of Lancaster (whom when he per- 
 ceiued that he was not able to resist) on the sundaie, after the feast of saint James, which 
 as that yeare came about, fell vpon the fridaie, he came foorth into the church that stood 
 without the castell, and there communed with the duke of Lancaster. With the duke of 
 Yorke were the bishops of Norwich, the lord Berkelie, the lord Seimour, and other : with 
 the duke of Lancaster were these, Thomas Arundell archbishop of Canturburie that had 
 beene banished, the abbat of Leicester, the earles of Northumberland and Westmerland, 
 Thomas Arundell sonne to Richard late earle of Arundell, the baron of Greistoke, the 
 lords Willoughbie and Ros, with diuerse other lords, knights, and other people, which 
 dailie came to him from euerie part of the realrne : those that came not were spoiled of 
 all they had, so as they were neuer able to recouer themselues againe, for their goods 
 being then taken awaie, were neuer restored. And thus what for loue, and what for feare 
 of Iorso, they came flocking vnto him from euerie part. 
 
William Willoughby, V. Lord Willoughby, K G. 
 
 57 
 
 RICHARD II. 
 1399. 
 
 This present Indenture made the nine and twentith daie of September, in the yeare of 
 our Lord 1399. Witnesseth, that -where by the authoritie of the lords spirituall and 
 temporall of this present parlement, and commons of the same, the right honorable 
 and discreet persons heere vnder named, were by the said authoritie assigned to go to the 
 Tower of London, there to heare and testifie such questions and answers as then and 
 there should be by the said honourable and discreet persons hard. Know all men, to 
 whome these present letters shall come, that we, sir Richard Scroope archbishop of 
 Yorke, John bishop of Hereford, Henrie earl of Northumberland, Rafe earle of West- 
 merland, Thomas lord Berkeleie, William abbat of Westminster, John prior of Canturburie, 
 William Thirning and Hugh Burnell knights, John Markham iustice, Thomas Stow and 
 John Burbadge doctors of the civill law, Thomas Erpingham and Thomas Grey knights, 
 Thomas Ferebie and Denis Lopeham notaries publike, the daie and yeere aboue said, 
 betweene the houres of eight and nine of the clocke before noone, were present in the 
 cheefe chamber of the kings lodging, within the said place of the Tower, where was 
 rehearsed vnto the king by the mouth of the foresaid earle of Northumberland, that before 
 time at Conwaie in Northwales, the king being there at his pleasure andlibertie, promised 
 vnto the archbishop of Canturburie then Thomas Arundell, and vnto the said earle of 
 Northumberland, that he for insufficiency which he knew himselfe to be of, to occupie so 
 great a charge, as to gouerne the readme of England, he would gladlie leaue of and 
 renounce his right and title, as well of that as of his title to the crowne of France, and his 
 maiestie roiall, vnto Henrie duke of Hereford, and that to doo in such conuenient wise, as 
 by the learned men of this land it should most sufficiently be deuised and ordeined. To 
 the which rehearsall, the king in our said presences answered benignlie and said, that 
 such promise he made, and so to do the same he was at that home in full purpose to 
 performe and fulfill; sauing th at he desired first to haue personall speach with the said 
 duke, and with the archbishop of Canturburie his cousins. And further, he desired to 
 haue a bill drawne of the said resignation, that he might be perfect in the rehearsall 
 thereof. 
 
 After which bill drawne, and a copie thereof to him by me the said earle deliuered, we 
 the said lords and other departed: and vpon the same afternoone the king looking for the 
 comming of the duke of Lancaster, at the last the said duke, with the archbishop of Can¬ 
 turburie and the persons afore recited, entered the foresaid chamber, bringing with them 
 the lords Roos, Aburgenie, and Willoughbie, with diuerse other. Where after due obei¬ 
 sance doone by them vnto the king, he familiarlie and with a glad countenance (as to them 
 and vs appeered) talked with the said archbishop and duke a good season; and that com¬ 
 munication finished, the king with glad countenance in presence of vs and the other aboue 
 rehearsed, said openlie, that he was readie to renounce and resigne all his kinglie maiestie 
 in maner and forme as he before had promised. And although he had and might suffi¬ 
 ciently haue declared his renouncement by the reading of an other meane person; yet 
 for the more suretie of the matter, and for that the said resignation should haue his 
 full force and strength, himselfe therefore read the scroll of resignation. 
 
 Willoughby, in 2 Henry 4, was retein’d to attend the King upon his expedition into 
 Scotland, with three Knights, besides himself, Twenty seven men at Arm.es, and One 
 hundred and Sixty nine Archers: and to continue with him from the 20th of June, till 
 13th of September ensuing: he had summons to Parliament from the 20th Richard 2 to 
 11 Henry 4. 
 
 He died in 1409. 
 
 The King renounces his 
 right and title to govern 
 England, unco Henry, Duke 
 of Lancaster and Hereford. 
 —Holinshed, vol. III., p. 
 5b. 
 
 HENRY IV. 
 
 1401. 
 
 Lord Willoughby attends 
 the King into Scotland.— 
 Dngdale, p. 84. 
 
 1409. 
 
 Lord Willoughby's death. 
 —Burku’s Extinct Peerage, 
 p. 675. 
 

 TTENRY IV. 
 
 1409. 
 
 Burke’s Peerage for 1882, 
 p. 1370. 
 
 58 
 
 William Willoughby, V. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 Married Lucy, daughter of Roger, Lord Strange of Knockyn, by whom he had 
 
 Robert, his successor. 
 
 Thomas, (Sir), a celebrated warrior, who received the honour of knighthood for his valour in the field. 
 He married Joan, daughter and co-heir of Sir Richard Arundell, Knt., and was succeeded by his elder son, 
 Robert (Sir), who was also found to be next heir male to his uncle, Robert, Lord "Willoughby, 30 
 Henry YI. He married Cicely, second daughter of Leo, Lord Welles, and dying 5 Edward IV., was 
 succeeded by his elder son, 
 
 Robert (Sir,) who died in two years afterwards, and was succeeded by his brother, 
 
 Christopher (Sir), who married Margaret, daughter of Sir William Jenney, of Knottshall, Suffulk, 
 and had issue, 
 
 William, his successor, of whom hereafter, as 10th Lord Willoughby ; 
 
 Christopher, from whom the Lords Willoughby of Parham derived; 
 
 Thomas, ancestor of Lord Middleton. 
 
 Lord Willoughby was succeeded by his elder son, Robert. 
 
 JL 
 
 T 
 
 
 
 JL 
 
 Arms op Lord Willoughby. 
 
 (From -Atlimule’s Order of the Garter.) 
 
Robert Willoughby, VI. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 THIS Robert, being a most active and heroick person, in the 3 Henry 5, attended that 
 warlike king into France, and was with him when he took Hareflew. 
 
 The hue and twentith of October 1415, being then Fridaie, and the feast of Crispine 
 and Crispinian, a day faire and fortunate to the English, but most sorrowful and vnluckie 
 to the French. 
 
 In the morning, the French Capteins made three battels, in the vaward were eight 
 thousand healmes of knights and esquiers, foure thousand archers, and fifteene hundred 
 crosbowes which were guided by the Lord de la Breth, constable of France, hauing with 
 him the dukes of Orleance and Burbon, the earles of Ewe and Richmond, the marshall 
 Bouciqualt, and the maister of the crosbowes, the lord Dampier aclmerall of France, and 
 other Capteins. The earl of Vandosme with sixteene hundred men of armes were ordered 
 for a wing to that battell. And the other wing was guided by sir Guichard Dolphine, sir 
 Clugnet of Brabant, and sir Lewes Bourdon, with eight hundred men at armes, of elect 
 chosen persons. And to breake the shot of the Englishmen, were appointed sir Guilliam 
 de Saueuses, with Hector and Philip his brethren, Ferrie de Maillie and Alen de Gaspanes 
 with other eight hundred of armes. 
 
 In the middle ward, were assigned as manie persons, or more, as were in the foremost 
 battell, and the charge thereof was committed to the dukes of Bar and Alanson, the earles 
 of Neuers, Yaudemont, Blamont, Salinges, Grant Pree, and of Russie. And in the rereward 
 were all the other men of armes guided by the earles of Marie, Dampmartine, Fauconberg, 
 and the lord of Lourreie capteine of Arde, who had with him the men of the frontiers ol 
 Bolonois. Thus the Frenchmen being ordered vnder their standards and banners, made a 
 great shew: for suerlie they were esteemed in number six times as manie or more, than 
 was the whole companie of the Englishmen, with wagoners, pages and all. They rested 
 themselues waiting for the bloudie blast of the terrible trumpet, till the houre betweene 
 nine and ten of the clocke of the same daie, during which season, the constable made vnto 
 the capteins and other men of warre a pithie oration, exhorting and incouraging them to 
 doo valiantlie, with manie comfortable words and sensible reasons. King Henrie also like 
 a leader, and not as one led : like a sovereigne, and not an inferior, perceiuing a plot of 
 ground verie strong and meet for his purpose, which on the backe halfe was fenced with 
 the village, wherein he had lodged the night before, and on both sides defended with hedges 
 and bushes, thought good there to imbattell his host, and so ordered his men in the same 
 place, as he saw occasion, and as stood for his most aduantage. 
 
 henry v. 
 
 1415. 
 
 Lord Willoughby attends 
 
 the King into France.- 
 
 Dugdale, p. So. 
 
 Battle of Agincourt.- 
 
 Holinshcd, vol. III., p. 552. 
 
 The French esteemed six tc 
 one English. 
 
HENRY V. 
 
 1415. 
 
 60 
 
 Robert Willoughby, VI. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 Battle of Agincourt.—The 
 order of the English armie 
 and archers. — Holinshed, 
 vol. III., p. 553. 
 
 all of archers. 
 
 Archers the greatest force 
 of the English armie. 
 
 A 
 
 politike inuention. 
 
 King Henrie's 
 his men. 
 
 to 
 
 First he sent priuilie two hundred archers into a lowe medow, which was neere to the 
 vauntgard of his enimies: hut separated with a great ditch, commanding them there to 
 keepe themselues close till they had a token to them giuen to let drive at their aduersaries, 
 beside this, he appointed a vaward, of the which he made capteine, Edward duke of Yorke, 
 who of an haultie courage had desired that office, and with him were the lords Beaumont, 
 Willoughbie, and Fanhope, and this battell was all of archers. The middle ward was 
 gouerned by the king himselfe, with his brother the duke of Glocester, and the Earles of 
 Marshall, Oxenford, and Suffolke, in the which were all the strong bilmen. The duke of 
 Excester vncle to the king led the rereward, which was mixed both with bilmen and 
 archers. The horssemen like wings went on euerieside of the battell. 
 
 Thus the king hauing ordered his battels, feared not the puissance of his enimies, but 
 yet to prouide that they should not with the multitude of horssemen breake the order of 
 his archers, in whome the force of his armie consisted. [For in those daies the yeomen had 
 then- lims at libertie, sith their hosen were then fastened with one point, and their jackes 
 long and easie to shoot in; so that they might draw bowes of great strength, and shoot 
 arrowes of ayard long; beside the head ] he caused stakes bound with iron sharpe at both ends, 
 of the length of fiue or six foot, to be pitched before the archers, and of ech side the foot¬ 
 men like an hedge, to the intent that if the barded horsses ran rashlie vpon them they might 
 shortlie be gored and destroied. Certeine persons also were appointed to remooue the 
 stakes, as by the mooueing of the archers occasion and time should require, so that the foot¬ 
 men were hedged about with stakes, and the horssemen stood like a bulwarke betweene 
 them and their enimies, without the stakes. This deuise of fortffieng an armie, was at 
 this time first inuented. King Henrie, by reason of his small number of people to fill up 
 his battels, placed his vauntgard so on the right hand of the maine battell, which himselfe 
 led, that the distance betwixt them might scarse be perceiued, and so in like case was the 
 rereward joined on the left hand, that the one might the more readilie succour an other in 
 time of need. When he had thus ordered his battels, he left a small companie to keepe 
 his campe and cariage, which remained still in the village, and then calling his capteins and 
 soldiers about him, he made to them a right graue oration, moouing them to plaie the men, 
 whereby to obteine a glorious victorie, as there was hope certeine they should, the rather 
 if they would but remember the just cause, for which they fought, and whome they should 
 incounter, such faint-harted people as their ancestors had so often ouercome. To conclude, 
 manie words of courage he vttered, to stirre them to doo manfullie, assuring them that 
 England should neuer be charged with his ransome, nor anie Frenchman triumph ouer him 
 as a captiue, for either by famous death or glorious victorie would he (by God’s grace) win 
 honour and fame. 
 
 Whilest the king was yet thus in speech, either armie so maligned the other, being as then 
 in open sight, that euerie man cried, Forward, forward. The dukes of Clarence, Glocester, 
 and Yorke, were of the same opinion, yet the king staied a while, least anie jeopardie were 
 not foreseene, or anie hazard not preuented. The Frenchmen in the meane while, as though 
 they had been sure of victorie, made great triumph, for the capteins had determined before 
 how to diuide the spoile, and the soldiers the night before had plaid the Englishmen at 
 dice. The noble men had deuised a chariot, wherein they might triumphantlie conueie the 
 king captiue to the citie of Paris, crieng to their soldiers : Haste you to the spoile, glorie 
 and honour, little weening (God wot) how soone their brags should be blowne awaie. 
 
 They thought themselues so sure of victorie, that diuerse of the noble men made such 
 
Robert Willoughby, VI. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 61 
 
 hast towards the battell, that they left manie of their seruants and men of warre behind 
 them, and some of them would not once staie for their standards: as amongst other the 
 duke of Brabant, when his standard was not come, caused a banner to be taken from a 
 trumpet and fastened to a speare, the which he commanded to be borne before him in steed 
 of his standard. 
 
 But when both these armies ccmming within danger either of other, set in full order of 
 battell on both sides, they stood still at the first, beholding either others demeanour, being 
 not distant in sunder past three bow shoots. Therevpon all things considered, it was 
 determined, that sith the Frenchmen would not come forward, the king with his armie 
 imbattlled should march towaids them. 
 
 These made somewhat forward, before whome there went an old knight Sir Thomas 
 Erpingham with a warder in his hand: and when he cast up his warder, all the armie 
 shouted, but that was a signe to the archers in the medow, which therwith shot wholie 
 altogether at the vauward of the Frenchmen, who when they perceiued the archers in the 
 medow, and saw they could not come at them for a ditch that was betwixt them, with all 
 hast set vpon the foreward of king Henrie, but yer'they could joine, the archers in the fore¬ 
 front, and the archers on that side which stood in the medow, so wounded the footmen, 
 galled the horsses, and combred the men of armes, that the footmen durst not go forward, 
 the horssemen ran togither upon plumps without order, some ouerthrew such as were next 
 them, and the horsses ouerthrew their masters, and so at the first joining, the Frenchmen 
 were foulie discomforted, and the Englishmen highlie incouraged. 
 
 When the French vauward was thus brought to confusion, the English archers cast 
 awaie then bowes, and tooke into then hands, axes, malls, swords, bills, and other hand- 
 weapons, and with the same slue the Frenchmen, untill they came to the middle ward. 
 Then approched the king, and so incouraged his people, that shortlie the second battell of 
 the Frenchmen was ouerthrowne, and dispersed, not without great slaughter of men: 
 howbeit, diuerse were releeued by their varlets, and conueied out of the field. The English¬ 
 men were so busied in fighting, and taking of the prisoners at hand, that they followed not 
 in chase of their enimies, nor would once breake out of their arraie of battell. Yet sundrie 
 of the Frenchmen stronglie withstood the fiercenesse of the English, when they came to 
 ha,ndie strokes, so that the fight sometime was doubtfull and perillous. Yet as part of the 
 French horssemen set their course to haue entered vpon the kings battell, with the stakes 
 ouerthrowne, they were either taken or slaine. Thus this battell continued three long 
 houres. 
 
 The king that daie shewed himselfe a valiant knight, albeit almost felled by the duke of 
 Alanson, yet with plaine strength he slue two of the dukes companie, and felled the duke 
 himselfe; whome when he would haue yelded, the king’s gard (contrarie to his mind) slue 
 out of hand. In conclusion, the king minding to make an end of that daies tornie, caused 
 his horssemen to fetch a compasse about, and to joine with him against the rereward of the 
 Frenchmen, in the which was the greatest number of people. When the Frenchmen 
 perceiued his intent, they were suddenlie amazed and ran awaie like sheepe, without order 
 or arraie. Which when the king perceiued, he incouraged his men, and followed so quickelie 
 vpon the enimies, that they ran hither and thither, casting awaie their armour: manie on 
 their knees desired to have their liues saued. 
 
 Capteins Bobinet of Borneuill, Rifflart of Clamas, Isambert of Agincourt, and other men 
 of armes, to the number of six hundred horssemen, which were the first that fled, hearing 
 
 R 
 
 HENRY V. 
 
 Hid. 
 
 Battle of Agincourt.- 
 
 Holiushed, vol. III., p. 654. 
 
 The English gaue the onset- 
 
 The two armies join buttelL 
 
 The vauward of the French 
 discomfited. 
 
 Their battell beaten. 
 
 A valiant King. 
 
 The French rereward dis¬ 
 comfited. 
 
62 
 
 Robert Willoughby, VI. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 HENRY V. 
 
 1415. 
 
 Ilnttle of Agincourt.—The 
 
 King's Cnrape robbed.- 
 
 Jlnlinshed, vol. III., pp. 554, 
 555. 
 
 All the prisoners slaine. 
 
 A fresh onset. 
 
 A right wise and valiant 
 challenge of the King. 
 
 that the English tents and pauilions were a good ware 'distant from the snme, without ame 
 sufficient gard to defend the same, entred upon the Mug’s eampe, and there spoiled the 
 hails, robbed the tents, brake vp chests, and caried awaie caskets, and slue such servants as 
 they found to make ame resistance. 
 
 But when the outcrie of the laekies and boies, which ran awaie for feare. of the French- 
 men thus spoiling the eampe, came to the king’s eares, he doubting least his enimies should 
 gather togither againe, and begin a new field; contrarie to his accustomed gentlenes, 
 commanded by sound of trumpet, that euerie man (vpon paine of death) should mconti- 
 nentlie slaie his prisoner. When this dolorous decree, and pitiful proclamation was 
 pronounced, pitie it was to see how some Frenchmen were suddenlie sticked with daggers, 
 some were brained with pollaxes, some slaine with malls, others had their throats cut, so 
 that in effect, hauing respect to the great number, few prisoners were saued. 
 
 When this lamentable slaughter was ended, the Englishmen disposed themselnes in order 
 of battell, readie to abide a new field, and also to inuade, and newlie set on then- enimies, 
 with great force they assailed the earles of Marie and Fauconbridge, and the lords of 
 Louraie and of Thine, with six hundred men of armes, who had all that daie kept togither, 
 but now slaine and beaten downe out of hand. Some write, that the king perceiuing his 
 enimies- in one part to assemble togither, as though they meant to giue a new battell for 
 presentation of the prisoners, sent to them an herald, commanding them either to depart 
 out of his sight, or else to come forward at once, and giue battell: promising herewith, that 
 if they did offer to fight againe, not onelie those prisoners which his people alreadie had 
 taken; but also so manie of them as in this new conflict, which they thus attempted should 
 fall into his hands, should die the death without redemption. 
 
 The Frenchmen fearing the sentence of so terrible a decree, without further delaie parted 
 
 out of the field. And so about foure of the clocke in the afternoone, the king when he saw 
 Thanks giuen w God for no apperanco of enemies, caused the retreit to be blowen; and gathering his arrnie 
 the victorie. togither, gave thanks to almiglitie God for so happie a victorie, causing his prelates and 
 
 chapleins to sing this psalme: In exit'll Israel ie Aegypto, and commanded euerie man to 
 A w orthie ™mpi e of . kneele downe on the ground at this verse: Non nobis Nomine, non nobis, sed. nomini tuo 
 godij, prince. ^ g i or i am% Which doone, he caused Te Deun i, with certeine anthems to be soong, giuing 
 
 laud and praise to God, without boasting of his owne force or anie humane power. 
 
 Montioie king at armes and foure other French heralds came to the king to know the 
 number of prisoners, and to desire buriall for the dead. He feasted the French officers of 
 armes that daie, and granted them then- request, which busilie sought through the field for 
 such as were slaine. 
 
 Noblemen primmer.. There were taken prisoners, Charles duke of Orleance nephue to the French king, John 
 
 duke of Burbon, the lord Bouciqualt one of the marshals of France (he after died in 
 England), with a number of other Lords, knights, and esquiers at the least fifteene 
 hundred, besides the common people. There were slaine in all of the French part to the 
 Tie nnmbe, „kin. on the number of ten thousand men, whereof were princes and noble men bearing baners one 
 French part. hundred twentie and six; to these of knights, esquiers, and gentlemen, so manie as made 
 
 xp the number of eight thousand and foure hundred (of the which fine hundred were 
 dubbed knights the night before the battell) so as of the meaner sort, not past sixteene 
 hundred. Amongst those of the nobilitie that were slaine, these were the cheefest, 
 Charles lord de la Breth high constable of France, Jaques of Chatilon lord of Dampier, 
 admerall of France, the lord Bambures master of the crossebowes, sir Guischard Dolphin 
 
Robert Willoughby, VI. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 63 
 
 great master of France, John Duke of Alanson, Anthonie duke of Brabant brother to the 
 duke of Burgognie, Edward duke of Bar, the earle of Neuers an other brother to the duke 
 of Burgognie, with the earles of Marie, Yaudemont, Beaumont, Grandpree, Boussie, 
 Fauconberge, Fois and Lestrake, beside a great number of lords and barons of name. 
 
 Of Englishmen, there died at this battell, Edward duke of Yorke, the earle of Suffolke, 
 sir Bichard Kikelie, and Dauie Gamme esquier, and of all other not aboue hue and 
 twentie persons, as some doo report; but other writers of greater credit affirme, that there 
 were slaine aboue hue or six hundred persons. The duke of Glocester the kings brother, 
 was sore wounded about the hips, and borne downe to the ground, so that he fell backwards 
 with his feet towards his enimies, whom the king bestrid, and like a brother valiantlie 
 rescued from his enimies, and so sauing his life, caused him to be conueied out of the 
 fight, into a place of more safetie. 
 
 Upon the three and twentith of Julie, the king tooke his ship at Portesmouth, accom¬ 
 panied with the dukes of Clarence and Glocester, the earls of Huntington, Marshall, 
 Warwike, Deuonshire, Salisburie, Suffolke, and Summerset; the lords Bosse, Willoughbie, 
 Fitz Hugh, Clinton, Scroope, Matreuers, Burchier, Ferreis of Grobie, andFerreis of Chartleie, 
 Fanhope, Graie of CodDore, sir Gilbert Umfreuille, sir Gilbert Talbot, and diuerse 
 other; and so hauing wind and weather to his desire, the first daie of August he landed 
 in Normandie, neere to a castell called Touque, where he consulted with his capteins, what 
 waie was best for him to take concerning his high enterprise. 
 
 His armie conteined the number of sixteene thousand foure hundred soldiers and men 
 of warre of his own purueiance, beside others. The duke of Clarence had in his retinue 
 a hundred lances, and three hundred archers; and beside him, there were three earles, which 
 had two hundred and fortie lances, and seauenteene hundred and twentie archers. The 
 duke of Glocester foure hundred and seauentie lances, and foureteene hundred and ten 
 archers. The earles of March, Marshall, Warwike, and Salisburie, each of them one 
 hundred lances, and three hundred archers apeece. The earle of Huntington fortie lances, 
 and six score archers. The earle of Suffolke thirtie lances, and fourescore and ten archers. 
 Beside these, there were thirteene lords, as Aburgauennie, Matreuers, Fitz Hugh, Clifford, 
 Graie, Willoughbie, Talbot, Courtnie, Burchier, Boos, Louell, Ferrers of Chartleie and 
 Harington, the which had in their retinue the number of fiue hundred and six lances, and 
 fifteene hundred and fourescore archers. Also, there were in this armie threescore and 
 seauenteene knights, which had vnder them nine hundred and fortie fiue lances, and two 
 thousand eight hundred and fiftie two archers : so that in all, there were fiue and twentie 
 thousand, fiue hundred, and eight and twentie fighting men: of which number euerie 
 fourth man was a lance. Beside the soldiers and men of warre, there were a thousand 
 masons, carpenters, and other labourers. 
 
 The Normans hearing of the kings arriuai, were suddenlie striken with such feare, that 
 they fled out of their houses, leauing the townes and villages, and with their wiues and 
 children, hag and baggage, got them into the walled townes, preparing there to defend them- 
 selues, and with all speed sent to the French king, requiring him to prouide for the defense 
 and preseruation of his louing subjects. 
 
 The king [of England] set forward toward the towne of Caen in most warlike order, 
 wasting the eountrie on euerie side as he passed. Which towne standeth nr a plame fertile 
 countrie, no stronger walled, than deepe ditched, and as then well vittelled and replenished 
 with people: for the citizens fearing the kings comming, had there prouided all things 
 
 HENRY V. 
 
 1415. 
 
 Battle of Agincourt.- 
 
 Holinshed, vol. III., p. 656. 
 
 Englishmen slaine. 
 
 1417. 
 
 The King took ship at 
 Portesmouth and landed in 
 
 Normandy.-HolinBhed, 
 
 vol. HI., p. 658. 
 
 The number of the armie 
 16,400 of his owne puruei- 
 
 The Nwmant flee to the 
 walled townes. 
 
 Caen besieged.—Holinshed 
 vol. Iir.,p. 659. 
 
HENRY V. 
 1417 . 
 
 The order of the assault. 
 
 Caen taken by the English- 
 
 Diuision of the spoile. 
 
 64 
 
 Robert Willoughby, VI. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 necessarie and defensible. But his majestie doubting least the Frenchmen would haue 
 burned the suburbs and buildings without the walles, sent the Duke of Clarence with 1,000 
 men before him, to preuent that mischeefe. The duke comming thither, found the suburbs 
 alreadie set on fire, but vsed such diligence to quench the same, that the most part was 
 saued. He also wan the abbeie church, which the Frenchmen were in hand to haue ouer- 
 llrrowne, by vndermining the pillers; but the duke obteining the place, filled up the mines, 
 and so preserued the church. 
 
 Then came the king before the towne, who caused forthwith to be cast a deepe 
 trench, with an high mount, to keepe them within from issuing foorth, and that doone, 
 began fiercelie to assault the towne; but they within stood manfullie to their defense, 
 so that there was sore and cruell fight betwixt them and their enimies. But when king 
 Henrie perceiued that he lost more than he wan by his dailie assaults, he left off anie more 
 to assault it, and determined to ouerthrow the wals, with vndermining. Wherefore with 
 all diligence, the pioners cast trenches, made mines, and brought timber: so that within 
 a few daies, the wals stood onelie upon posts, readie to fall, when fire should be put to them. 
 The king meaning now to giue a generall assault, caused all the capteins to assemble before 
 him in councell, vnto whome he declared his purpose, commanding them not before the 
 next daie to vtter it; till by sound of trumpet they should haue warning to set forward 
 towards the wals. He also prescribed vnto them, what order he would haue them to 
 keepe, in giuing the assault, and that was this ; that euerie capteine deuiding his band into 
 three seuerall portions, they might be readie one to succeed in an others place, as those 
 which fought should happilie be driuen backe and repelled. 
 
 In the morning next following, being the 4th of September, somewhat before the breake 
 of daie, he caused his people to approeh the wals, and to shew countenance, as though they 
 would giue a generall assault; and whilest they were busied in assailing and defending on 
 both sides, the Englishmen pearsed and brake through the wals by diuerse holes and ouer- 
 tures made by the pioners, vnder the foundation: yet the king vpon diuerse respects, 
 offered them within pardon of life, if they would yield themselues and the towne to his 
 mercie; but they refusing that to doo, the assault was newlie begun, and after sore fight 
 continued for the space of an home, the Englishmen preuailed, and slue so manie as they 
 found with weapon in hand, readie to resist them. 
 
 The duke of Clarence was the first that entred with his people, and hauing got the 
 one part of the towne, assailed them that kept the bridge, and by force beating them 
 backe, passed the same, and so came to the wals on the other side of the towne, where 
 the fight was sharpe and fierce; but the duke with his people setting on the Frenchmen 
 behind, as they stood at defense on the wals, easilie vanquished them, so that the 
 Englishmen entred at their pleasure. Thus when the king was possessed of the towne, 
 he incontinently commanded all armours and weapons of the vanquished, to be brought 
 into one place, which was immediately doone. 
 
 Then the miserable people came before the king’s presence, and kneeling on their knees, 
 held vp them hands, and cried; Mercie, mercie: to whom the king gaue certeine 
 comfortable words, and bad them stand vp. All night he caused his armie to keepe 
 themselues in order of battell within the towne, and next morning called all the magistrats 
 and gouernors of the towne to the senat house, where some for their wilfull stubbornesse 
 were adjudged to die, other were sore fined and ransomed. Then he calling togither his 
 souldiers and men of warre, not onlie gaue them great praises, -but also distributed to 
 euerie man, according to his desert, the spoile gotten in the towne, cheeflie bicause 
 
Robert Willoughby, VI. Lord Willoughby. K.G. 
 
 65 
 
 HENRY V. 
 1417. 
 
 at the assault they had shewed good proofs of their manhood and valiant coinages. 
 
 Willoughby was one of the chief Commanders at the siege of Caen. In consideration 
 whereof, and of his great Services in those Wars, he obtained a Grant of one hundred 
 pounds per annum, to be yearly received out of the Customs of Wools, Wool-Fells, and 
 Pelts, in the Port of Boston. 
 
 The king made great purueiance for the coronation of his queene and spouse, the fane 
 ladie Katharine: which was doone the daie of S. Matthew, being the twentie fourth of 
 Februarie, with all such ceremonies and princelie solemnitie as apperteined. 
 
 After the great solemnization at the foresaid coronation in the church of Saint Peters A roiall banket, 
 at Westminster, the queene was conueied into the great Hall of Westminster, and there set 
 to dinner. Upon whose right hand sat at the end of the table the archbishop of Cantur- 
 burie, and Henrie cardinal! of Winchester. Upon the left hand of the queene sat the king 
 of Scots in his estate, who was serued with couered messe, as were the forenamed bishops: 
 but yet after them. Upon the same hand and side, neere the boords end, sat the duchesse 
 of Yorke and the countesse of Huntington. The earle of March, holding a sceptre in his 
 hand, kneeled upon the right side : the earle marshall in like manner on the left of the 
 queene. The countesse of Kent sat vnder the table at the right foot and the countesse 
 marshall at the left. The duke of Glocester sir Humfrie was that daie ouerseer, and stood 
 before the queene bareheaded. Sir Kichard Neuill was that daie earner to the queene, 
 the earles brother of Suffolke cupbearer, sir John Steward sewar, the lord Clifford pantler 
 in the earl of Warwikes steed, the lord Willoughbie buttler in steed of the erle of Arundell, 
 the lord Graie Kuthin or Biffin naperer, the lord Audleie almoner in steed of the earle of Cam¬ 
 bridge, the earle of Worcester was that daie earle marshall in the earles marhalls absence; 
 who rode about the hall vpon a great courser with a multitude of tipped staues about him, 
 to make and keepe roome in the said hall. Of the which hall the barons of the cinque 
 ports began the table vpon the right hand, toward saint Stephans Chappell; and beneath 
 them at the table sat the vowchers of the chancerie. Upon the left hand nest to the cup- 
 boord sat the maior and his brethren the aldermen of London. The bishops began the 
 table against the barons of the cinque ports; and the ladies against the maior. Of which 
 two tables for the bishops, began the bishop of London and the bishop of Durham; and 
 for the ladies, the countesse of Stafford and the countesse of March. 
 
 The feast was all of fish, for the ordering of the seruice whereof were diuerse lords The first course, 
 appointed head officei'S, as steward, controller, surueior, and other honourable officers. 
 
 For the which were appointed the earles of Northumberland and Westmorland, the lord 
 Fitz Hugh, the lord Furneuall, the lord Graie of Wilton, the lord Ferres of Grobie, the 
 lord Poinings, the lord Harrington, the lord Darcie, the lord Dacres, and the lord de la 
 Ware. These with others ordered the seruice of the feast as followeth; and thus for the 
 first course. Brawne and mustard, eeles in burneur, frument with balten, pike in herbarge, 
 lamprie powdered, trowt, codling, plaice fried, martine fried, crabs, leech-lumbard flour¬ 
 ished, tartes; and a deuise called a pellican, sitting on hir nest with hir birds, and an 
 image of saint Katharine holding a booke, and disputing with doctors, holding this poesie 
 in her right hand, written in faire and legible letters, Madame le Boyne; and the pellican 
 answering C’e est la signe et du roy, pour tenir joy, 
 
 Et a tout sa gent, elle mette sa entent. 
 
 The second course was: gellie coloured with columbine flowers, white potage or creame The second coarse, 
 of almonds, breame of the sea, coonger, soles, cheuen, barbill and roch, fresh salmon, 
 
 Lord Willoughby rewarded 
 by a grant.—Dugdale, p. 85. 
 
 1421. 
 
 The coronation of Queeno 
 
 Katharine.-Holinshed, 
 
 vol. III., pp. 578, 579. 
 
 s 
 
HENRY Y. 
 1421. 
 
 The third course. 
 
 HENRY VI. 
 
 1422. 
 
 Lord Willoughby serves in 
 the wars of France.—Dug- 
 dale, p. 85. 
 
 1424. 
 
 The Lord Regent of France, 
 the Diike of Bedford, be¬ 
 sieges Yurie in Normandy. 
 Huliushed, vol. III., p. 5S8. 
 
 Vemueill gotten from th 
 Englishmen by crediting 
 lie. 
 
 66 Robert Willoughby, VI. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 halibut, gurnard, rochet broiled, smelts fried, ereuis or lobster; leech damaske, with the 
 kings poesie flourished therevpon, une sans plus ; lamprie fresh baked, flampeine flourished 
 with a scutchion roiall, and therein three crownes of gold, planted with flourdeluces and 
 floure of camomill.wrought of confections; with a deuise of a panther, and an image of St. 
 Katharine with a wheele in one hand, and a scroll with a poesie in the other, to wit, 
 
 La royne ma file, in cesta ile, 
 
 Per bon resoun, aues renoun. 
 
 The third course was, dates in compost, creame motle, carpe deore, turbut, tench, pearch 
 with goion, fresh stnrgion with welkes, porperons rested, mennes fried, ereuisse de eau 
 doure, pranis, eeles rested with lamprie, a leech called the white leech flourished with 
 hawthorns leaues and red hawes; a marchpane garnished with diuerse figures of angels, 
 among which was set an image of Saint Katharine, holding this posie, 
 
 II est escrit, pur voir et eit, 
 
 Per marriage pure, cest guerre ne dure. 
 
 And lastlie a deuise of a tiger looking in a mirror, and a man sitting on horssebacke all 
 armed, holding in his armes a tigers whelpe with this poesie : Per force sans resoun ie ay 
 prise ceste lest: and with his owne hand making a countenance of throwing of mirrors 
 at the great tiger, which held this poesie : Gile che mirrowr ma feste distour. Thus with 
 all honour was finished the solemne coronation. 
 
 Willoughby, in 1 Henry 6, was again reteined by Indenture to serve in the Wars of 
 Trance, with three Knights, thirty-six Men at Aims, and 240 Archers : at which time he 
 was associated with Thomas de Poynings, to conduct 400 Men at Arms, and 1,200 Archers, 
 unto John Duke of Bedford (the King’s Uncle) then Eegent there. 
 
 The Lord regent raised an armie of Englishmen and Normans, to the number of 1800 
 men of armes, and 8,000 archers and other. He had in his companie the earles of 
 Sahsburie and Suffolke, the lords Scales, Willoughbie, and Poinings, Sir Eeginald Graie, 
 Sir John Fastolfe, Sir John Saluaine, Sir Lancelot Lisle, Sir Philip Hall, Sir John 
 Pashleie, Sir John Greie, Sir Thomas Blunt, Sir Eobert Harling, Sir William Oldhall, and 
 manie other, both knights and esguiers, with whom he came before the towne of Yurie, 
 which was well defended, till they within perceiued themselves in danger, by reason of a 
 mine which the Englishmen had made, wherevpon they yeelded the towne. But the 
 capteins of the castell would not presentlie render the place, howbeit they promised to 
 deliuer it, if the same were not rescued at a day assigned by the Dolphin or his power. 
 Hostages were deliuered into the possession of the lord Eegent, by whose licence an 
 herald was sent to the Dolphin, to aduertise him of the time determined; who vnder- 
 standing the distresse of his freends, sent John duke of Alanson, as his lieutenant generall, 
 the erle Douglas, and manie other knights and esguiers, to the number of 16,000 Frenchmen 
 and Britons, besides 6,000 Scots, whom the earle Dowglas had latelie transported out of 
 Scotland. This roiall armie approched within 2 miles of Yurie. But when the duke of 
 Alanson ynderstood by such as he sent to view the conduiet of the Englishmen, that he 
 could not get anie aduantage by assailing them (although the Dolphin had giuen him 
 streict commandement to fight with the regent) he retired backs with his whole armie to 
 , the towne of Vemueill in Perch, that belonged to the king of England; sending word to the 
 * garrison, that he had discomfited the English armie, and that the regent with a small 
 number with him by swiftnesse of horsse had sailed himselfe. The inhabitants of Vemueill, 
 giuing too light credit herevnto receiued the duke of Alanson with all his armie into the 
 towne. In the meane time came the daie of the rescues of Yurie, which for want thereof 
 
Robert Willoughby, VI. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 67 
 
 HENRY V 
 1424. 
 
 was deliuered to the duke of Bedford by the capteine called Gerard de la Pallier, who 
 presenting vnto the duke of Bedford the keies of the castell, shewed him a letter also signed 
 and sealed with the hands and seales of 18 great lords, who the daie before promised by the 
 tenour of the same letter to giue the duke battell, and to raise the siege. “ Well” (said 
 the duke) “if their hearts would haue serued, their puissance was sufficient once to haue 
 proffered, or to haue performed this faith full promise: but since they disdaine to seeke me, 
 
 God and saint George willing, I shall not desist to follow the tract of their horsses till one 
 
 part of vs be by battell ouerthrowne.” And herewith he sent foorth the Earle of Suffolke with 
 
 COO horssemen, to espie the dooings of the Frenchmen, and where they were lodged. The 
 
 Earle heard the Frenchmen had gotten Yerneueill, and remained there still. These newes 
 
 he sent by post vnto the duke of Bedford, the which incontinentlie vpon that aduertisement 
 
 set forward in great haste towards his enimies. The Frenchmen hearing of his comming, Battle of Vemoiie 
 
 set their people in arraie, and made all one maine battell without fore ward or rere ward; and 
 
 appointed 400 horssemen, Lombai’ds and others to breake the arraie of the Englishmen, 
 
 either behind or at the sides, of the which was capteine Sir Stephan de Vinoiles, called the 
 
 Hire. The duke of Bedford likewise made one entier battell, and suffered no man to be on 
 
 horssebacke, and set the archers (euerie one hairing a sharpe stake) both on the front of the 
 
 battell, and also on the sides, like wings. And behind were all their horsses tied togither, 
 
 either by the reins or by the tailes, with the carts and cariages, to the defense whereof 
 
 were 2,000 archers appointed. 
 
 The duke of Alanson, on the one side, exhorted his people to plaie the men. On the 
 other side, the duke of Bedford, to incourage his men, willed them to remember 
 how oft they had subdued their adversaries in battell. But scarse had he ended his 
 exhortation, when the Englishmen rushed foorth, and boldlie set on their enimies, 
 crieing, “Saint George, a Bedford, aBedford;” and the Frenchmen likewise cried “Montjoy 
 saint Denis.” Then began the battell right fierce on both sides, continuing for the 
 space of 3 houres in doubtfull balance, fortune shewing herself so equall, that no eie could 
 judge to whether part she was more fauourable. But at length, after that those 400 
 horssemen, which were appointed, as yee haue hard, to breake the arraie of the Englishmen, 
 had passed thorough on the one side vnto the place where the cariages and horsses stood, 
 and could not passe further, by reason of the fierce shot of the English bowes, they falling 
 to the spoile made a hand, and therewith departed. Those archers then that were appointed 
 to keepe the cariages, being now at libertie, came forward, and so fiercelie shot at the 
 thickest prease of their enimies fighting on foot, that in the end they were not able longer 
 to indure, but were borne downe by fine force, and so vanquished. 
 
 This battell was fought the 28th of August, in the yeare of our Lord 1424, in the which 
 battell were slaine of the Frenchmen the earles of Aumarle, Yentadour, Forest, Marie, the 
 lords Grauile, Gaules, Fountaines, and Ambois, beside 300 knights. Of Scots also were 
 slaine, Archembald earle Dowglas, lames Dowglas sonne to the earle of Wicton, John earle of 
 Bouqhen, newlie made constable of France, sir John Sterling, sir James Graie, sir Alexandei 
 Linsaie, sir Robert Steward, sir Robert Swinton, and 2,700 Scots of name. In this battell 
 were slaine by report of Montjoy king at armes in France, and the English heralds there pre¬ 
 sent, of Frenchmen and Scots 9,700, and of Englishmen 2,100 but no man of name, sauing 
 o yoong esquires. And taken prisoners, *John duke of Alanson, sir John Turnebull a Scot, 
 and 200 gentlemen, beside common soldiers. The Frenchmen within Vernoill, seeing the 
 Dolphins armie thus ouerthrowne, deliuered the towne to the regent, their liues saued. 
 
 • Lord Willoughby aided in capturing the Duo d' Alengon.-Architectural Societies Reports, yoI. xiii., p. 163. 
 
HENRY VI. 
 1425. 
 
 68 
 
 Robeit Willoughby, VI. Lord Willoughby, K.G-. 
 
 The Earl of Salisbury be¬ 
 sieges the castle de la Fert 
 Barnard. — Holinshed, vol 
 III., p. 5S9. 
 
 Lord Willoughby at the 
 Siege of Mouns.—Dugdale, 
 
 p. 8&. 
 
 1429. 
 
 Goes to Bohemia. 
 
 1431. 
 
 Saint Seuerine besieged.— 
 Holinshed, vol III., p, 607. 
 
 1432. 
 
 The Duke of Bedford gath¬ 
 ered an urmie of 6000 men. 
 —Holinshed. vol. III., p. 
 608. 
 
 The eai'le of Salisburie besieged the castell de la Fert Barnard; during which siege a sale 
 was made of the towne of Alanson, being in the Englishmens possession, by a Gascoigne 
 that was one of the garrison there. But this sale being opened to the erle of Salisburie by 
 the same Gascoigne at the daie appointed, the lord Willoughbie and sir John Fastolfe, 
 with 2,000 men were sent to incounter with the buiers of that towne; so that when Charles 
 de Villiers cheefe merchant of this ware, came earlie in a morning with 200 horsemen, and 
 300 footmen, and approached the towne, abiding for the Gascoigne, he was aware the 
 Englishmen had compassed him and his companie round about, and setting vpon the 
 Frenchmen, slue and tooke all the whole number of them, saue Peter Danthenazie and 25 
 other, which by the swiftnesse of their horsses saued themselues. After this conflict, the’ 
 lord Willoughbie returned to the earle of Salisburie, lieng still at siege before the towne de 
 la Fert Barnard, which shortlie after was rendered. 
 
 Soon after this, likewise he was with the earls of Salisbury and Suffolk, at the Siege of 
 Mouns in Champaigne, which was then won, with other Towns and Castles to the number 
 of thirty six, and in 7 Henry 6, accompanied the great Cardinal Beaufort, in his journey 
 to Bohemia. 
 
 Robert Lord Willoughbie, and Matthew Gough, a valiant Welshman, with fifteen hundred 
 Englishmen, laid siege to a towne in Anjou called saint Seuerine. Whereof Charles the 
 French King being aduertised, sent with all speed the lord Ambrose de Lore, with manie 
 noble men to the succours of them within the towne, whereof the same lord Ambrose was 
 capteine; and therefore made the more hast to releeue his deputie, and the other being 
 streictlie beseiged, but yet staied at the towne of Beaumont, till his whole power might 
 come to him. 
 
 The Englishmen aduertised of this intent of the capteine, came vpon him in the night, 
 and found the Frenchmens watch so out of order, that a thousand men were entered into 
 the campe before they were espied: by reason whereof the Englishmen found small 
 resistance. But when the daie began to appeare, and that the sunne had set foorth his 
 bright beames abroad, that all things might be seene, the Englishmen giuen wholie to 
 spoile, followed not their enimies in chase, but being contented with then- preie and gaine, 
 began to retreit toward the siege againe, which lord Willoughbie still mainteined with 
 part of the armie 
 
 But see the chance. The Frenchmen which were comming after, hearing by the noise of 
 the people that some fraie was at hand, put spurres to their horsses, and set on the English 
 pestered with bag and baggage, of the spoile and preie which they had gotten in the French 
 campe. The other of the Frenchmen which before had fled, returned againe, and aided their 
 fellowes; so that the Englishmen being taken out of order, were compelled to flee, of whom, 
 Matthew Gough and diuerse other were taken prisoners. And yet of the other part manie 
 were slaine, and a great number taken: amongst whom was the lord de Lore, who (for all 
 that the Frenchmen could doo) was kept, and not deliuered. The lord Willoughbie hearing 
 of this mishap, raised his siege, and departed vene sore displeased in his mind, but could 
 not remedie it. 
 
 The Duke of Bedford gathered an armie of six thousand men, whereof were capteins; 
 Robert lord Willoughbie, Sir Andrew Ogard chamberlaine to the duke, sir John Mont¬ 
 gomerie bailiffe of Caux, sir Philip Hall bailiffe of Vernoill, sir Richard Ratcliffe deputie of 
 Calis, sir Rafe Neuill, sir Richard Harington baliffe of Eureux, sir Thomas Griffin of 
 Ireland, Dauid Hall, and many others. 
 
Robert Willoughby, VJ. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 69 
 
 HENRY VI 
 1432. 
 
 The duke of Bedford furnished with this armie and companie of worthie capteins came Leigme besieged, 
 to the siege before Laignie, where he made a bridge of boats, and brought his ordinance so 
 neere the towne, that to all people it seemed not long able to resist. But the earle of 
 Dunois, with diuerse hardie capteins, as valiantlie defended as the Englishmen assaulted. 
 
 At length the Erench king., perceiuing this towne to be the three cornered keie betweene 
 the territories Burgognion, English and French, and the losse thereof should turne him 
 to irreuocable damage, sent the lord of Rieux, Poiton, the Hire, the lord Gawcourt, and 
 six thousand men, with great plentie of vittels, to the intent either to raise the siege, or 
 else to vittell the towne. 
 
 The Frenchmen made a brag, as though they would haue assailed the Englishmen in 
 their campe, but when they perceiued the courage of the lord regent, and the desire he 
 had to fight, they framed themselues so in order of battell, as though they could doo all 
 things, and yet in effect did nothing: but that wildest part of them mainteined a skirmish, 
 a sort of rude and rusticall persons, were appointed to conueie into the towne thirtie oxen 
 and other small vittels. But this sweet gaine was deerelie paied for, if the losse with the 
 g ain ft be pondered in equall balance: for hauing regard to their thirty leane oxen, in the 
 skir mi sh were slaine the lord Saintreiles, also capteine John brother to the lord Gawcourt, 
 and fiftie other noble and valiant personages. 
 
 The Frenchmen in the beginning of August, remooned then- armie vnto Fort vnder Yer, 
 where, by a bridge of tuns they passed into the lie of France. The duke of Bedford 
 raised his siege, and returned to Paris. H33 
 
 The lord regent sent the earle of Saint Paule, and Robert lord Willoughbie, with a s. Valerie beaieged—Hoi. 
 competent number of men to besiege the towne of S. Valerie, which the Frenchmen a little 3 6 ’ ' oi ‘ m ’’ p ‘ 608 ' 
 before had taken. This siege continued the space of three weeks; at the end whereof 
 the Frenchmen within yeelded the towne, and departed with their horsse and harnesse 
 
 onelie to them saued. 
 
 The earle put there in garrison fresh and valiant souldiers, and appointed capteine there, 
 sir John Aubemond. The earle of Saint Paule and the lord Willoughbie, returning backe 
 to the regent, were joifulhe receiued. 
 
 The Frenchmen entering into high Burgoguie, burnt, tooke, and destroied diuerse Lord willoughbie u«d sir 
 
 . iiii ,-j Thomas Kiriell, sent by the 
 
 townes; wherevpon the Burgognians assembled a great armie both to reuenge tneir Duke of Bedford to Bur- 
 quarrels, and to recouer their towues taken from them. To whome as his freends, the duke "■“» s ”“ 
 
 of Bedford sent the lord Willoughbie, and sir Thomas Kiriell, with a conuenient number of 
 
 souldiers, which entering into the lands of Laonnois, were incountered with a great power 
 of their enimies. But after long fight, the Frenchmen were ouerthrowne, and of them 
 left dead in the field, an hundred and sistie horssemen, beside prisoners, which after vpon 
 vrgent cause were all killed. 
 
 Lord Willoughbie and sir Thomas Kiriell,returning with great wictorie out of Burgognie, 
 passing by the towne of Louiers, latelie reduced to the English obeisance, furnished it both 
 with men and munition. li34 
 
 A great number of the common and rusticall people in Normandie, dwelling by the sea i» Kom.ndi e . 
 
 *- > _ j —Hohnshed, vol. III., p. 
 
 coast, either prouoked by the French king, or desirous of alteration and change, made an 608 . 
 
 insurrection, put on harnesse, and by force expelled eerteine English garrisons out of then 
 holds, publishing and proclaming openlie, that then onelie purpose and intent was to expell 
 and banish the whole English nation out of then countries and coasts. 
 
 These rebels thus frantikelie assembled, with all speed marched toward Caen. But 
 
 T 
 
HENRY VI. 
 1434. 
 
 The Lord Willoughby and 
 Mathagon lay siege to St. 
 Severin, where the English 
 are at first victorious, but 
 are afterwards defeated by 
 the French. — Monstrelet’s 
 Chronioles, vol. III., ohap. 
 
 70 
 
 Robert Willoughby, VI. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 the dukes of Yorke and Summerset, then lieng in Normandie, hauing perfect know¬ 
 ledge hereof, immediatlie sent foorth the earle of Arundell, and the lord Willoughbie with 
 sis thousand archers, and thirteene hundred light horssemen, to staie and keepe them from 
 making anie further progresse. The earle of Arundell appointed the lord Willoughbie, 
 with two thousand archers, and certeine horssemen, to go afore him, and lie in a stale within 
 some couert place. Which doone, the earle followed; and so keeping in the multitude at the 
 backe, droue them before him as deare into a buckestale: and when the miserable wretches 
 came neere to the stale, the earle made a token, whereat a gun shot off for a signe. 
 Therewith the lord Willoughbie set on them before, and the earle behind, shooting so 
 fiercelie, that the poore eaitiues, wounded and galled with the shot of arrowes, threw awaie 
 their liarnesse, and cried out instantlie for mercie. 
 
 The Earle of Arundell mooued with compassion, caused his souldiers to staie from further 
 slaughter, and apprehending those that were knowen to be stirrers and leaders of the rest, 
 let the other returne home without further damage : but yet, yer the souldiers could be 
 brought backe vnder their standards, there were aboue a thousand of the rebels slaine. 
 And this commotion thus appeased, vpon inquirie of the principall offendors, such as were 
 found guiltie were put to terrible executions, as they had well deserued. 
 
 In this same year of 1434, the Lord Willoughby, accompanied by Mathagon, and 
 some other captains, and from eight hundred to a thousand combatants, laid siege to a 
 very strong place in the country of Maine called St. Severin, about two leagues distant 
 from Alengon, which was held by the French. The governor was a gallant knight, 
 named Sir Anthony de Loreuil, who, on the arrival of the enemy, made a vigorous 
 defence : nevertheless, the English surrounded the place on all sides, and remained there 
 about six weeks. 
 
 While this was going forward, the lord de Bueil, Sir William Blesset, the Lord de la 
 Yarenne, and other French captains, assembled about fourteen hundred fighting men, 
 with the intent to force the enemy to raise their siege. They remained for some days at 
 Beaumont le Yicomte, where part of them were quartered, and the remainder at Vivien, 
 four leagues distant from St. Severin. While at Beaumont, they called a council of all 
 the chief captains, to consider how they should act; when, after much noise and debating, 
 they considered themselves not strong enough to fight the English in their present 
 situation, and determined to attempt withdrawing the besieged the back way out of the 
 town. The captains now returned to their different quarters, and established good guards 
 around them during the night, both of horse and foot. The Lord de Bueil was, on this 
 expedition, lieutenant for the lord Charles d’Anjou, and had the charge of his banner. 
 
 The same night a detachment of the English, having had intelligence of the advance of 
 the French, took the field, and marched in silence until they came near to the town of 
 Vivien, whither they sent scouts to reconnoitre the state of the French, who, having 
 twice entered Vivien, brought word they were in tolerable good order. The English 
 then made an attack on their quarters about day-break, and easily defeated them with¬ 
 out much loss. Many were taken and killed: among the last was a valiant man from 
 Amiens, but originally from Auvergne, called John de Belley. When the business was 
 over, the English took the field with their prisoners; but the lords de Bueil and de la 
 Varenne, who were in Beaumont, hearing of this discomfiture from the runaways, made 
 instant preparations to pursue the English, who no sooner saw them than they rejoiced, 
 thinking to defeat them as they had done the others,—and each party met gallantly. 
 
Robert Willoughby, VI. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 71 
 
 ----- - HENRY VI. 
 
 1434. 
 
 1435. 
 
 St. Denise besieged.—Hall’s 
 Chronicle, ed. 1809, p. 175. 
 
 1436. 
 
 But heere is one cheefe point to be noted, that either the disdeine amongest the cheefe siege ° f Paris.—Hoiiushed, 
 peeres of the realme of England, or the negligence of the kings councell (which did not ’ P 
 
 foresee dangers to come) was the losse of the whole dominion of France, betweene the riuers 
 of Sone and Marne, and in especiall of the noble citie of Paris. For where before, there 
 were sent ouer thousands for the defense of the holds and fortresses, now were sent hun¬ 
 dreds, yea and scores, some rascals, and some not able to draw a bowe, or carrie a bill: 
 for the lord Willoughbie, and the bishop of Terwine, which had the gouernance of the 
 great citie of Paris, had in their companie not two thousand Englishmen. 
 
 Which weakenesse King Charles well perceiued, and therefore by authoritie appointed 
 the constable, Arthur of Britaine, the earl of Dunois, the lords de la Eoch and Lisle Adam, 
 with other valiant capteins and men of warre, as well Burgognions as French, to go before 
 Paris, trusting by fauour of certeine citizens, with whome he had intelligence, shortlie to be 
 the lord of the citie, without great losse or battell. So these capteins came before the 
 citie of Paris. But perceiuing that all things succeeded not according to then expectation, 
 they returned to Mont Martyr, and the next daie suddenlie set on the towne of Saint Denis, 
 and constreined the Englishmen that kept it, to flee into the abbeie, and into the tower 
 Yenin. In this conflict two hundred Englishmen were slaine, th9 residue vpon reasonable 
 composition rendered vp the place, and departed to Paris. 
 
 Thomas lord Beaumont, who of late was come to Paris with eight hundred men, issued 
 foorth with six hundred souldiers, intending to view the dooings and number of the French 
 
 Many valorous acts were done on both sides; but, in the end, the English lost the day, 
 partly from the prisoners whom they had taken at Yivien joining the French. A valiant 
 knight, named Arthur, was slain, and Mathagon made prisoner. Four hundred, or more 
 of the English were killed or taken, and the French left masters of the field, very joyful 
 for their victory. When the English who had remained at the siege of St. Severin heard 
 of the ill success of their companions, they raised the siege, and retreated to the garrisons 
 whence they had come. 
 
 The lorde Talbot, the lorde Willoughby, the lorde Scales, with the lorde Lisle Adame, 
 and flue thousande men, besieged the toune of St. Denise, with a strong bande. The Erie 
 of Dumoys hearing therof, accompanied with the lorde Lohac, and the lorde Bueill, and 
 a great company of horsemen, haisted thitherward, to rayse the siege, and in the meane 
 waie, they encountered with Sir Thomas Kiriell, and Matthew Gouthe, ridyng also toward 
 S. Denise, betwene whom, was a great conflict, and many slain on bothe par-ties: but 
 sodainly came to the aide of the Frenchmen, the garrison of Pont Melance, which caused 
 the Englishmen to returne, without any great arme or damage, sauyng that Matthew 
 Gouth, by foundering of his horsse, was taken and caried to Pount Melance. Duryng 
 whiche fight, the toune of Sainct Denise, was rendered to the lorde Talbot, and the other 
 lordes, whiche caused all the walles to be raised, and abated doune to the ground, sauyng the 
 walles of the Abbay, and a toure called Yenyn. After this toune gotten,the lorde Willoughby 
 left Sir John Euppelley at Pounthoyse, and departed to gouerne Paris, whiche then began to 
 smoke, and sone after, brast out in flame, (as you shall shortly, apparauntly perceiue). 
 After whose departure, the inhabitaines of Pounthoyse rebelled, and droue out the English¬ 
 men by very force, and rendered themselfes subjectes to king Charles. This toune was 
 small, but the losse was great, for it was the very conuenient kaye, betwene Paris and 
 Normandy, so that now the gate betweene them bothe, was set open and the passage at 
 large. 
 
72 
 
 Robert Willoughby , VI. Lord Willoughby , KG. 
 
 HENRY VI, 
 
 armie; but sudden!^ compassed about, within a small space was discomfited and taken, with 
 him fourescore prisoners, beside two hundred slaine in the field, the remnant chased to the 
 verie gates of the citie. The Parisiens, and especialhe the madster of the hallos, and some 
 of the vniuersitie, and Michaell Lallier, and manie notable burgesses of the citie (who 
 euer with an English countenance couered a French hart) perceiuing the weaknesse of the 
 Englishmen, and force of the French: signified to the French capteins their toward minds 
 willing them with all diligence to come and receiue so rich a preie without ame difficulty 
 
 The treson of the Parisiens. 
 
 Paris yeelded to the French 
 King. 
 
 Collins’ Peerage, vol. v., p. 
 72. 
 
 1441. 
 
 Lord Willoughby gave bat¬ 
 tle tothel'reuch.—Dugdale, 
 p. 85, 
 
 Lord Willoughby sent to 
 destroy the country of Am¬ 
 iens.—Holinshed, vol. III., 
 p. 619. 
 
 readie to be giuen and deliuered into their hands. 
 
 The constable delaieng no time, oame with his power, lodged by the charter house : and 
 the lord Lisle Adam, approohing to the walles, shewed to the citizens a charter, sealed 
 with the great seale of King Charles, by the which he had pardoned them their offenses, 
 and granted to them all their old liberties, and ancient priuileges, so that they would 
 hereafter be to him true and obedient: which thing to them declared, they ran about the 
 towne orieng; “ S. Denis, liue King Charles.” The Englishmen perceiuing this, determined 
 to keepe the gate S. Denis, but they were deceiued: for the cheines were drawne in euene 
 street, and women and children cast downe stones and scalding water on the Englishmens 
 heads, and the citizens in armour fought with them and chased them from street to street, 
 and from lane to lane, and slue and hurt diuerse and manie of them. 
 
 The bishop of Terwine, chancellor there for King Henrie, the lord Willougbbie, and sir 
 Simon Moruiher tooke great paine to appease the people: but when they saw that all 
 auailed not, they withdrew into the bastile of saint Anthonie, which fortresse they had well 
 vittelled, and furnished with men and munitions. Wildest this rumor was in the towne, the 
 earle of Dunois and others scaled the walles, and some passed the riuer by botes, and opened 
 the gate of saint James, by the which the constable with his banner displaied, entered, at 
 whose entrie the Parisiens made great joy. The bishop and the lord Willoughbie, with their 
 small companie, defended their fortresse ten daies, looking for aid: but when they saw that 
 no comfort appeared, they yeelded their fortresse, so that they and theirs, with certeme 
 baggage might peaceablie returne to Kone. Thus was the citie of Paris brought into the 
 possession of Charles the French king, after it had been IS years in the hands of the 
 English. 
 
 In 20 Henry 6, Willoughby gave battle to the Erench near Amiens; and being victorious, 
 returned with great booty to Roan. In the which year he was made Master of the Kings 
 Hart-Hounds. 
 
 In the beginning of this twentith yeare, Richard duke of Yorke, regent of France and 
 gouernour of Normandie, determined to inuade the territories of his enimies both by 
 sundrie armies, and in seueral places, and therevpon without delaie of time he sent the 
 lord of Willoughbie with a great crue of soldiers, to destroie the countrie of Amiens, and 
 John lord Talbot was appointed to besiege the towne of Diepe: and the regent himself, 
 accompanied with Edmund duke of Summerset, set forward into the duchie of Anjou. The 
 lord Willoughbie, according to his commission, entred into the countrie of his enimies in 
 such wise vpon the sudden, that a great number of people were taken yer they could 
 withdraw into anie place of safegard. 
 
Jtiobert Willoughby, VI. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 73 
 
 HENRY VI. 
 1441. 
 
 The Frenchmen in the garrisons adjoining, astonied with the clamour and crie of the 
 poore people, issued out in good order, and manfullie fought with the Englishmen. But in 
 the end, the Frenchmen seeing their fellowes in the forefront slaine downe, and kild without 
 mercie, turned their backes and fled. The Englishmen followed, and slue manie in the 
 chase, and such as escaped the sword, were robbed by the earle of Saint Paule, who was 
 comming to aid the Englishmen. 
 
 In this conflict were slaine aboue six hundred men of armes, and a great number taken. 
 The dukes of Yorke and Summerset likewise entered into Anjou and Maine, and there 
 destroied townes, and spoiled the people, and with great preies and prisoners repaired againe 
 into Normandie, whither also the lord Willoughbie withdrew, after his valiant enterprise 
 atchiued, with rich spoiles and good prisoners. 
 
 For all these eminent services, his lordship was created Lord Willoughby of Monblay 
 and Beaumesguil, and Earl of Yendosme and Beaumont, and installed a knight of the most 
 noble order of the Garter. 
 
 His lordship dying in the 30th of Henry VI., the honors acquired by himself expired. 
 
 Erie of Saint Pnule freend 
 to the English. 
 
 Honors enquired by Lord 
 
 Willoughby.-Burke's 
 
 Peerage for 1882, p. 1370. 
 
 1452. 
 
 Lord Willoughby’s death. 
 
 u 
 
74 
 
 Robert Willoughby , VI. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 HENRY VI. 
 1452. 
 
 Burke’s Peerage for 
 p. 1370. 
 
 His lordship married Elizabeth, youngest daughter of John Monta-cute, Earl of Salisbury, 
 by whom he had an only daughter and heiress Joan. 
 
 JL 
 
 JL 
 
 nr 
 
 JL, 
 
 qr 
 
 JL 
 
 Arms oe Lord Willoughby. 
 
 (From Ashmole’s Order of the Garter.) 
 
Joan, Baroness Willoughby, and 
 Richard Welles, VII. Lord Welles and VII. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 JOAN WILLOUGHBY married Sir Richard Welles, Knt., who bore in her right 
 the title of Lord Willoughby de Eresby, and was summoned to parliament as 7th Baron, 
 in 1455. 
 
 His Lordship was son of Leo, 6th Baron Welles, who fell in one of the conflicts 
 between the houses of York and Lancaster, and was attainted in 1461. Joan, Lady 
 Willoughby, dyed the same year, as it appeareth by an office taken after her death; and 
 this Richard Welles, Knight, continued Lord Willoughby afterwards, although his father 
 was attainted, and his wife dead. Lord Willoughby obtained a full restoration, however, 
 in blood and honours in 1468. 
 
 The Earl of Warwick commissioned Sir Robert Wells, son of the Lord Wells, to levy 
 troops in Lincolnshire, which he performed with great ease, by reason of his family’s 
 interest in those parts. Edw'ard having notice of it, sent an express order to the Lord 
 Wells, to come immediately to Court. His design was to oblige him to use his authority, 
 to persuade his son to forsake the rebels. The Lord Wells being come to London, and 
 hearing how much the King was incensed against his son, in a dread of feeling himself 
 the effects of his resentment, took sanctuary in Westminster Abbey. But the King 
 sending him a safe-conduct, he immediately came to Court. He even writ to his son, 
 enjoining him to quit the Earl of Warwick’s party, and dismiss his troops; but the son 
 refused to obey. Then Edward imaged at not being able to succeed, ordered the Lord 
 Wells to be beheaded. 
 
 HENRY VI. 
 1455. 
 
 Riolmrd Welles summoned 
 to parliament as Lord Wil¬ 
 loughby.—Burke’s Peerage 
 for 1882, p. 1370. 
 
 EDWARD IV. 
 
 1461. 
 
 Death and attainture of his 
 Father, Leo, VI. Lord 
 Welles.— Ibid. 
 
 Death of Joan, Baroness 
 Willoughby. —*‘ Collins on 
 Baronies,” p. 31. 
 
 1468. 
 
 Reversion of attainture.— 
 Burke’s Peerage for 1882, 
 p. 1370. 
 
 1470. 
 
 Lord Welles’s son raises 
 
 Troops for Warwick.- 
 
 Rapin’s “ History of Eng. 
 land,” cd. 1732, vol. I.. p. 
 607. 
 
 Lord Welles is beheaded by 
 the King’s order. 
 
' 182 . 
 
 Richard Hastings summon 
 ed to parliament.— Burke's 
 Peerage for 18S2, p. 1370. 
 
 Called Lord Welles and 
 
 Willoughby.-Collins on 
 
 Baronies, p. 4. 
 
 1503. 
 
 Death of Lord Welles. 
 
 1506. 
 
 Death of Baroness Welles. 
 —Burke'8 Peerage for 1882, 
 p. 1370. 
 
 Joane, Baroness Welles and Willoughby, and Richard Hastings, 
 IX. Lord Welles and IX. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 JOANE WELLES married Richard Hastings, and he was summoned to parliament 
 as Baron Welles. 
 
 Sir Richard Hastings, knt., in the right of Johan, his wife, was both Lord Welles and 
 Willoughby, reputed, called, and written, but dying without issue, in 1503, and his lady- 
 in three years afterwards, the ancient Barony of Willoughby reverted to her ladyship’s 
 kinsman (refer to Sir Thomas Willoughby, younger son of William, 5th Baron), W illi am 
 Willoughby. 
 
 Arms of William Hastings, I. Lord Hastings, K.G., Brother of Loud Welles. 
 
 (From Aslimole’s “ Order of the Garter.”) 
 
William Willoughby, X. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 LORD WILLOUGHBY was made one of the knights of the Bath, at the coronation 
 of King Henry VIII. 
 
 The King of Aragon also, hailing at that time warre with the French King, wrote to his 
 sonne in law King Henrie, that if he would send ouer an armie into Biskaie, and so to 
 inuade France on that side, for the recouerie first of his duchie of Guien; he would aid 
 them with ordinance, horssemen, beasts, and cariages, with other necessaries apper- 
 teining to the same. The king and his councell putting their affiance in this promise of 
 king Ferdinando, prepared a noble armie all of footmen, and small artillerie, appointing 
 the noble lord Thomas Greie marquesse Dorset to be cheefe conductor of the same. The 
 king dailie studieng to set foorth his warre which he had begun against the French king, 
 caused Sir Edward Howard his admerall with diligence to make readie diuerse goodlie 
 tall ships, as the Souereigne and others, to the number of eighteene, beside other smaller 
 vessels. 
 
 HENRY VIII. 
 1509. 
 
 Lord Willoughby made a 
 Knight of the Bath.—Col¬ 
 lins’s Peerage, vol. V., p. 73. 
 1512. 
 
 The French King hath his 
 
 hands full of troubles.- 
 
 Holinshed, vol. III., p. 812., 
 p. 568. 
 
80 
 
 William Willoughby , X. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 13ENJ5T VIII. 
 
 1512. 
 
 Noblemen appointed for the 
 viage to Biskaie.—Holins- 
 hed, vol. III., pp. 812, 814. 
 
 The English nobleR arriue 
 on the coast of Biskaie. 
 
 The English campe in Bis¬ 
 kaie breaketh vp. 
 
 1513. 
 
 Tornaio besieged by king 
 
 Henrie.-Holinshed, vol. 
 
 III., pp. 823, 825. 
 
 The citie of Tornaie on all 
 sides besieged. 
 
 Therewith hailing in his companie sir Weston Browne, Griffith Downs, Edward Cobliam, 
 Thomas Windham, Thomas Lucie, William Pirton, Henrie Shirbourne, Stephan Bull, 
 George Witwange, John Hopton, William Gunston, Thomas Draper, Edmund Cooke, 
 John Burdet, and diuerse others, he tooke the sea, and scowring the same, about the 
 middest of Maie he came before Portesmouth. About the vcrio selfe time the lord 
 marquesse Dorset, and other noblemen appointed for the iournie of Biskaie, as the lord 
 Howard sonne and heire to the earle of Surrie, the lord Brooke, the lord Willoughbie, the 
 lord Eerrers; the lord John, the lord Anthonie, and the lord Leonard Greies, all three 
 brethren to the marquesse; sir Griffith ap Eice, sir Morris Berkeleie, sir William Sands, 
 the baron of Burford, sir Eichard Cornewall brother to the said baron, William Husseie, 
 John Melton, William Kingston esquiers, sir Henrie Willoughbie, and diuerse others, with 
 souldiers to the number of ten thousand. 
 
 Amongst these were flue hundred Almans clad all in white, vnder the leading of one 
 Guiot a gentleman of Plunders, all which (with the residue abouenamed) came to South¬ 
 ampton, and there mustered their bands which were appointed and trimmed in the best 
 maner. On the sixteenth daie of Maie they were all bestowed aboord in Spanish ships 
 furnished with vittels, and other necessaries for that iournie. The wind serued so well 
 for their purpose, that they came all in safetie on the coast of Biskaie at the port of 
 Passagh southwest of Ponterabie ; and so the third daie of June they landed, and tooke 
 the field, imbattelling themselues for their safegard right stronghe. Within three daies 
 after that the armie was thus aland, there came to the marquesse an earle and an other 
 noble man, to welcome him and his companie. 
 
 Then about the end of October it was agreed amongest all the lords of the English hoast 
 that they should breaks vp their campe, and so they did. The lord marquesse and his 
 people went to saint Sebastian, the lord Howard and his retinue to Kendre, the lord 
 Willoughbie to Garschang, and sir William Sands with many other capteins repaired to 
 Ponterabie, and so euery capteine with his retinue was placed in one towne or other. 
 The king of England aduertised of the king of Spaine his meaning, sent an herald called 
 Windsor with letters vnto his armie, willing his men there to tarie, and promising to 
 send ouer to them right shortlie a new supplie, vnder the guiding of the lord Herbert his 
 chamberleine. 
 
 On the one and twentith daie of September the king remooued his campe toward 
 Tornaie, and approched the citie with his whole armie, and they of the citie issued 
 foorth to proffer the skirmish; but the archers beat them backe. Also the carriage men 
 that came with the herbingers, saw where certeine wagons were entering the citie, vnto 
 which they ran, and tooke some of them. The king with his battell planted his siege on 
 the north side the citie. The earle of Shrewsburie with the foreward lodged toward the 
 south side of the riuer, and there laie that night. The lord Herbert with the rereward 
 incamped himselfe on the west side, and beat the wals and towers of the citie with the 
 great ordinance. The next daie after their comming thither, being the three and 
 twentith of September, the earle of Shrewsburie with the foreward passed the riuer, and 
 ulanted his siege on the south side of the citie, stretching to the east end, and bent his 
 ordinance against the walles. And thus was the citie of Tornaie besieged on all parts. 
 
 The king of England lieng afront before Tornaie, caused his great ordinance to be 
 planted round about the citie, and diuerse trenches were cast, and rampiers made, and 
 the lord Lisle and the lord Willoughbie were appointed to mainteine the ordinance with 
 
William'Willoughby, X. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 81 
 
 their bands, and the earle of Kent was lodged before the gate called port Valencienso 
 that the citizens could not issue out, nor no aid could come in. The ordinance dailie 
 beat the gates, towers, and wals, which made a great batterie : and a few Englishmen 
 assaulted the port coquerell, hut they were too few in number; and if they had been 
 more in number, they had taken the towne, as the Tornasins confessed after. The 
 citizens of Tornaie considering their estate came togither to councell, and finallie all 
 agreed to treat. 
 
 Then the prouost sent to the king a trumpet, desiring a safe conduct for him and 
 certeine other to come and to speake with him: which request was to him granted. Then 
 the prouost of the citie, accompanied with eleuen with him of the best of the citie, came 
 to the armie, and spake with the lords of the councell, and after were led to the king’s 
 presence. The prouost kneeled downe and all his companie, and said: “ Eight high and 
 mightie prince although the citie of Tornaie is strong, well walled, well replenished with 
 people, vittels, artillerie, yea and the people in feare and dread of nothing; yet we know 
 that against your great puissance it can not continue long, although it were ten times as 
 strong as it is. Wherefore we knowing by report your honor, your wisedome, your 
 iustice, and noble hart, are content to become your subjects and vassals, so that we may 
 haue and injoy our old lawes, customes, liberties, and franchises, vnder you; as we haue 
 before this doone vnder other princes.” 
 
 Then said the king; “We haue well heard your petition, we will commune with our 
 councell and make you answer.” And when he had communed with his councell, he 
 answered saieng: “ Sirs, he that asketh mercie of vs, shall not be denied; and seeing you 
 come to treat, we remit you to our councell.” Then they went into the tent of councell, 
 and there the Tornasins fell at a point, and in conclusion they yielded the citie and ten 
 thousand pounds sterling for the redemption of their liberties, and so departed to the citie, 
 making relation of the king and his noble courage. On thursdaie the nine and twentith 
 daie of September, the king was in his rich tent of cloth of gold vnder his cloth of estate, 
 to whome came the citizens of the citie, and were sworne to him, and became his subjects. 
 
 Then the king appointed the lord Lisle, the lord Aburgauenie, and the lord Willoughbie 
 to take possession, which with six thousand men entered the citie, and tooke the market 
 place and the wals, and searched the houses for feare of treason. Then maister Thomas 
 Woolsie the king’s almoner called before him all the citizens yoong and old, and sware 
 them to the king of England, the number whereof was foure score thousand. Thus the 
 king of England by conquest came to the possession of the citie of Tornaie. On sundaie 
 the second daie of October, the king with his nobilitie all richlie apparelled with his 
 sword borne before him, his heralds and sergeants of armes with trumpets and minstrelsie 
 entered the citie, and came to our ladie church, and there Te Deum was soong. 
 
 The king and his councell ordered for the sure keeping of the citie of Tornaie, and 
 there ordeined sir Edward Poinings knight of the order of the garter to be his lieutenant 
 with foure hundred archers, with capteins, horssemen, and artillerie conuenient, and to 
 haue aid of Henaud and other the king’s friends adjoining; and of his gard he left there 
 foure hundred archers, and ordinance was appointed for the defense of the same. 
 
 Lord Willoughby departing this life, at Hertford, in Suffolk, 19th October, 17 Henry 8, 
 was buried in the Collegiate Church of Mettingham, in the same county. 
 
 HEXBY vm. 
 
 1613i 
 
 The prouost, -with eleuen 
 more, submit themselues and 
 ye’eld vp the citie to the 
 king. 
 
 The possession taken in t.ho 
 king of England’s behulfe. 
 
 Sir Edward Poinings made 
 Leutcnant of Tornaie. 
 
 1525. 
 
 Lord Willoughby’s death.— 
 Dugdale, p. 87. 
 
 Y 
 
HENRY VHL 
 1525. 
 
 Collins's Peerage, vol. 
 p. 74. 
 
 82 
 
 William Willoughby, X. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 v., Leaving issue by the Lady Mary Salines, his wife (a Spaniard, who had been Maid of 
 Honour to Queen Catherine, first wife of King Henry VIII.) one sole daughter, his 
 heir, named Catherine. 
 
 Arms of Lord Willoughby. 
 
 (From a Pedigree at Birdsall House, Yorkshire, the seat of Digby Willoughby, IX. Lord Middleton.) 
 
Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 KATHERINE, the daughter of William, the last Lord Willoughby de Eresby, who is 
 described by Fuller to have been “ a lady of a sharp wit, and sure hand to thrust it home 
 and make it pierce when she pleased,” was born in 1520, and, being his only child, 
 inherited his dignity and fortune. 
 
 On the death of her father, A.D. 1526, the orphan heiress was intrusted to the 
 guardianship of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and eventually became his fourth 
 wife. His third wife had been Mary, Queen of France, the sister of Henry YITT. 
 
 HENRY VIII. 
 1626. 
 
 Birth of Katherine Will¬ 
 oughby, Baroness Willough¬ 
 by.—“Five Generations of 
 a Loyal House,” Lady 
 Georgina Bertie, pp. 2, 3. 
 
 Her marriage to Charles 
 Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. 
 —Lady G. Bertie, p. 3. 
 
84 
 
 Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 HENRY VIII. 
 
 1535. 
 
 Alexander Seaton, selected 
 chaplain to the Duko and 
 
 Duchess of Suffolk.- 
 
 “ Ladies of the Reforma¬ 
 tion,” Rev. James Auder- 
 son, p. 319. 
 
 Duchess of Suffolk’s letter 
 to Viscountess Lisle.—Miss 
 Wood’s “Letters of Royal 
 and Illustrious Ladies,” vul, 
 II., p. 310. 
 
 1538. 
 
 November 14th. 
 Honor, Viscountess Lislo’s 
 letter to Lord Lisle.—Miss 
 Wood, vol. HI., pp. 38-40. 
 
 At what period of her life, or by what means the Duchess of Suffolk first became 
 acquainted with the reformed principles is uncertain. But it is worthy of notice, as 
 affording evidence that both she and the duke were friendly to the Reformation, that soon 
 after their marriage they selected as their chaplain, Alexander Seaton, a Scottish friar, 
 and a man of learning and ingenuity, who had been confessor to Xing James V. of 
 Scotland, but who had been under the necessity of fleeing from his native country about 
 the year 1535 or 1536, to escape persecution, in consequence of his having imbibed and 
 preached the reformed doctrines. 
 
 “ Madam, 
 
 “ In my most hearty wise I heartily recommend me unto your Ladyship, heartily thank 
 you for your good wine you sent me, which I assure you was very good; and also I 
 heartily thank you for your little dog you sent me, wherein, I promise you, you have done 
 me no little pleasure, which I promise you I shall be glad to acquit whenever it shall lie 
 in me to do you any pleasure, to be as ready to it as any friend you have. Madam, my 
 lord my husband has been heartily recommended to you, and to my lord your husband, 
 and thanks you both for your kindness ; also I pray you to have me heartily recommended 
 to my lord your husband, as she which would be glad to be acquainted with him. No 
 more to you at this time, but I beseech Jesu have you in His keeping. 
 
 Written at my lord of Shrewsbury’s house in Yorkshire, the Saturday after our Lady’s 
 day, the Assumption, 
 
 “ By your assured friend to my power, 
 
 “ CATHERINE SUFFOLK.” 
 
 “ Mine own sweet heart, 
 
 “ Even with whole heart and mind I have me commended unto you, and so signifying 
 you that I arrived here the 9th day of this month, being Saturday last past, and upon 
 Sunday I sent to know whether I might, that day, speak with my lord privy seal or no ; 
 so that I had answer that it might in no wise that day be. And upon Monday following, 
 in the morning, I spake with my lord, whom I found very good lord unto me, and to my 
 son, his servant, and so he then willed me to sue unto the king’s grace, as well for this my 
 suit as your annuity. So that, following his counsel, I sent unto Sir John Russell, which 
 is our very Mend, to know what time I might best find to attend upon his grace, and he 
 sent me word that there was no remedy but that I must take pain to come to Hampton 
 Court, and there I should not fail but have time with his grace to open my suit unto him; 
 so"'that I was then half unquieted the Tuesday all day ; yet would I not thus leave, but 
 sent again unto Mr. Russell, who, on the Wednesday, in the morning, sent me word that 
 I should come to the Court, to his chamber, at four of the clock at afternoon, and then 
 he would find means that I should speak with his grace. And so I followed his counsel, 
 and came to the Court, at the hour limited ; and at my coming I was had and conveyed 
 unto a lodging which was prepared for me, and other lodgings for my lord and lady of 
 Suffolk, the earls of Sussex and Hertford, and their ladies, which was appointed unknown 
 unto me. , Whereas I lay all that night, and the others* lords and ladies before mentioned; 
 so that we were highly feasted at supper, and after banquetted, and this day dined; and 
 after dinner his grace shewed us all the commodities of his palace, so that it was night ere 
 we came from thence. And in this meantime I moved his grace, and gave his highness thanks 
 for xhe great goodness he had shewed unto us and my son, so that, after much communi¬ 
 cation, his grace was very good and gracious lord unto you, my lord, me, and my son, and 
 willed me to resort again unto my lord privy seal; which I intend to do this next morning, 
 and incontinent thereupon, to send one of my folks over unto you, by whom I shall write 
 
Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 85 
 
 unto you all things at large with more leisure. As touching Painswick, I never heard yet of 
 it since my coming; what I shall do hereafter God knoweth, who send you mine own 
 good lord as well to fare as myself, and me shortly where my heart already is. 
 
 “ From London, the 14th day of November. 
 
 “ By her that is more yours than her own, 
 
 “HONOR LISLE.” 
 
 The nuptials of Henry VIII. and Katharine Parr, were solemnized much in the same 
 way as royal marriages are in the present times, without pageantry, hut with all suitable 
 observances. The ceremony was performed by Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, in the 
 Queen’s closet, at Hampton Court; and the high respect of the monarch for his bride was 
 proved by his permitting the Princesses Mary and Elizabeth, his daughters, and his 
 niece, the Lady Margaret Douglas, to assist at these nuptials. The Queen was also 
 supported by her sister. Mrs. Herbert, afterwards countess of Pembroke; her beloved 
 friend, Katharine Willoughby, duchess of Suffolk; Anne, countess of Hertford; and 
 Joanna, Lady Dudley. The King was attended by his brother-in-law, the earl of Hertford, 
 Lord John Russell, privy seal, Sir Anthony Brown, master of the pensioners, Henry 
 Howard, Richard Long, Thomas d’Arcy, Edward Baynton, the husband of the late queen’s 
 sister, Anthony Denny and Thomas Speke, knights, and William Herbert, the brother-in- 
 law of his bride. 
 
 On the day of her marriage, Queen Katharine presented her royal step-daughter and 
 bridesmaid, the Princess Mary, with a magnificent pah of gold bracelets, set with rubies, 
 and the yet more acceptable gift in money of T25. Of course, the Princess Elizabeth, 
 who also assisted at the bridal, was not forgotten. 
 
 In 1545 the duchess sustained a heavy domestic affliction in the death of her husband, 
 who died, after a short illness, on the 22nd of August that year. Hume represents him as 
 “the most sincere and powerful friend that Archbishop Cranmer possessed at court.” 
 “This nobleman,” adds the same historian, “is one instance that Henry was not 
 altogether incapable of a cordial and steady friendship; and Suffolk seems to have been 
 worthy of the favour which, from his earliest youth, he had enjoyed with his master.” 
 
 In the reign of Henry VIII., when the persecuting statute of the six articles was 
 enforced with great severity, the duchess was suspected of holding sentiments adverse to 
 the six articles, and particularly to one of them, the doctrine of transubstantiation. It 
 was attempted, by the persecutors of that period, among whom Bishop Gardiner was 
 conspicuous, to extract from Anne Askew information as to the heretical sentiments of the 
 Duchess of Suffolk and of other ladies, who had supplied that devoted martyr with money 
 for her maintenance when in prison; and the answers of Anne not being judged satis¬ 
 factory, she was subjected, but in vain, to the torture, with the view of extorting from her 
 the deshed disclosures. In the following proclamation, which strongly savours of the style 
 and'spirit of Gardiner, issued in the king’s name, and dated 8th July, 1546, just eight days 
 before the martyrdom of Anne Askew, the duchess and other ladies and gentlemen of rank 
 in the country or about the court were specially aimed at.—“ From henceforth no man, 
 woman, or other person, of .what estate, condition, or degree he or they be, shall, after the 
 last day of August next ensuing, receive, have, take, or keep, in his or their possession* 
 the text of the New Testament of Tyndale’s or Coverdale’s, nor any other that is permitted 
 by the act of Parliament, made in the session of the Parliament holden at "Westminster, 
 in the 34th and 35th year of his majesty’s most noble reign.” 
 
 In the reign of Edward VI., the duchess Gould avow her sentiments more freely than in 
 the time of Henry VTII.; and she zealously encouraged the reforming measures which 
 
 Z 
 
 HENRY VIIL 
 1538. 
 
 1543, 
 
 Marriage of Henry VIII. to 
 
 Katharine Parr.-Miss 
 
 Strickland’s “Lives of the 
 Queens of England,” vol. 
 V., pp. 29, 30. 
 
 1543. 
 
 Death of Charles Brandon, 
 Duke of Suffolk.—Rev. J. 
 Anderson, p. 320. 
 
 1546. 
 
 Religious sentiments of the 
 Duchess of Suffolk.—Rev. 
 J. Anderson, pp. 321-323. 
 
EDWARD VI. 
 1547. 
 
 1548. 
 
 Death of Katherine Farr.— 
 Lady G. Bertie, p. 4. 
 
 1549. 
 
 Her husband, Lord Seymour, 
 beheaded.- Rev. J. Anderson, 
 1'. 241. 
 
 Their only child, Mary 
 Seymour, placed under the 
 care of the Duchess of 
 Suffolk.—Rev. J. Anderson, 
 pp. 241, 243. 
 
 1650. 
 
 April 27th. 
 
 Duchess of Suffolk’s letter 
 to Cecil.—“ England under 
 the Reigns of Edward VI. 
 and Mary,by Patrick Fraser 
 Tytler,” vol. I., p. 281. 
 
 86 Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 liave rendered that reign so illustrious in the annals of the English Reformation. She is 
 particularly commemorated for lending her aid to the efforts made by the government, 
 towards the close of the year 1547, in Lincolnshire, to abolish superfluous holy days; to 
 remove from the churches images and relics, to destroy shrines, coverings of shrines, and 
 other monuments of idolatry and superstition; to put an end to pilgrimages; to reform 
 the clergy; to see that every church had provided, in some convenient place, a copy of 
 the large English Bible ; to stir up bishops, vicars, and curates to diligence in preaching 
 against the usurped authority and jurisdiction of the Pope, in inculcating upon all the 
 reading of the Scriptures, and in teaching upon the Sabbath and at other times their 
 parishioners, and especially the young, the Pater Noster, the Articles of Eaith, and the 
 Ten Commandments, in English. 
 
 The Duchess had been the friend of Katherine Pan-, late the Queen-dowager, who 
 having married the younger brother of the Protector, lost her life in 1548, at the birth of 
 an infant daughter. 
 
 Within less than a year after Katherine’s death, namely, on March 17, 1549, Seymour 
 perished on the scaffold, under a bill of attainder for high treason. 
 
 Then’ only child, whose name was Mary, upon the death of both her parents, after 
 remaining a short time at her uncle Somerset’s house, at Sion, was, according to her 
 father’s dying request, conveyed to Grimsthorpe, in Lincolnshire, the residence of 
 Katherine, Duchess Dowager of Suffolk, a Protestant and intimate friend of the deceased 
 mother, to be brought up under the care of that lady. She was accompanied by her 
 governess, Mrs. Aglionby, her nurse, two maids, and other servants. Her mother 
 having made her will in favour of Seymour, and his property having been confiscated on 
 his condemnation, the little helpless orphan was left upon the charity of her friends. At 
 the time of her leaving Sion, her uncle, the Duke of Somerset, promised that a pension 
 should be settled upon her for her support, and that a portion of her nursery plate and 
 furniture, brought to Sion House, should be sent after her to Grimsthorpe, promises which, 
 to the disgrace of that nobleman, were never fulfilled, notwithstanding the persevering 
 efforts of the Duchess of Suffolk to prevail upon him to fulfil them. This noble lady 
 repeatedly wrote to him, to his duchess, and to William Cecil, afterwards the celebrated 
 Lord Burghley, on the subject. Mary Seymour continued, it appears, for some years at 
 least, under the care of the duchess, and she was ultimately married to Sir Edward Bushel. 
 
 Duchess of Suffolk to Cecil. 
 
 “ Surely it is doubly worthy thanks that my Lord of Somerset hath of himself, unre¬ 
 membered, remembered and appointed the hearing of the matter between Mr. Fulhngton 
 and Mr. N aunt on. I do store up these thanks for him, but minding to bestow them 
 sooner upon him, than you shall look for any for the pains you shall take in hearing the 
 cause; for such is my opinion of you, that affection shall so much turn you to either party 
 for [from] the equity as if they were Jews. Therefore, when friendship prevaileth not, 
 what availeth thanks ? If you will not break justice’s head for friendship, look not for 
 thanks at your friend’s hand. But, indeed, you shall understand that the right is my 
 friend; and, being good to my friend in which side soever he be, my thanks are like ready; 
 so fare ye heartily well. 
 
 “ At Kingston, the 27th of April, 
 
 “ Your assured, 
 
 “ K. SUFFOLK.” 
 
Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 87 
 
 The Duchess had to the Duke of Suffolk two sons, Henry and Charles, both of them 
 youths of excellent promise. 
 
 According to Strype, the duchess intended to match Duke Henry with Lady Agnes 
 Woodville, who was brought up in her house, and the wardship and marriage of whom 
 she had obtained from the king. 
 
 The Duke of Somerset, lord protector, with whom she was on a very friendly footing, 
 was desirous that one of his daughters should be united in marriage to one of her sons, 
 probably the eldest. She thus writes on the subject to William Cecil, afterwards the 
 celebrated Lord Burghley. 
 
 “ And where it pleased my lord of Warwick, for the better show of his friendship, to 
 wish my lord of Somerset to go through with my son for his daughter, I trust the friend¬ 
 ship between my Lord Somerset and me hath been tried such, and hath so good assurance 
 upon the simple respects of our good-will only, that we shall not need to do anything 
 rashly or unorderly to make the world to believe the better of our friendships; and for the 
 one of us to think well of the other, no unadvised bond between a.boy and girl can give 
 such assurance of good-will as has been tried already; and now, they marrying by our 
 orders, and without their consents, or as they be yet without judgment to give such a consent 
 as ought to be given in matrimony, I cannot tell what more unkindness one of us might 
 show another, or wherein we might work more wickedly, than to bring our children into so 
 miserable estate not to choose, by their own likings, such as they must profess so strait a 
 iond and so great a love to for ever. This, I promise you, I have said for my lord’s 
 daughter as well as for my son, and this more I say for myself, and I say it not but truly, 
 I know none this day living that I rather wish my son than she, but I am hot, because I 
 like her best, therefore desirous that she should be constrained by her friends to have him, 
 whom she might, peradventure, not like so well as I like her; neither can I yet assure 
 myself of my son’s liking, neither do I greatly mistrust it, for if he be ruled by right 
 judgment, then shall he, I am sine, have no cause to mislike, except he think himself 
 misliked; but to have this matter come best to pass were that we parents kept still our 
 friendship, and suffer oiu’ children to follow our examples, and to begin their loves of them¬ 
 selves, without our forcing; for, although both might happen to be obedient to then- 
 parents, and marry at our pleasures, and so find no other cause to mislike, but that by our 
 power they lost then- free choice, whereby neither of them can think themselves so much 
 bounden to the other, that fault is sufficient to break the greatest love : wherefore I will 
 make much of my lady’s daughter, without the respect of my son’s cause, and it may 
 please my lord to love my son for his mother’s sake, and so I doubt not, but if God do not 
 mislike it, my son and his daughter shall much better like it to make up the matter 
 themselves, and let them even alone with it, saying there can no good agreement happen 
 between them that we shall mislike, and if it should not happen well, there is neither they 
 nor none of us shall blame another. And so, my good Cecil, being weary, I leave you to 
 the Lord. 
 
 “ From Kingston, the 9th of May, 1550, 
 
 “ Your assured, 
 
 “ K. SUFFOLK. 
 
 “ To my friend, Master Cecil.” 
 
 “ I have looked for letters from you. The season and want of counsel would have much 
 commended them. Edmund Hall wrote to me that he opened to you the answer of my 
 
 ED W AK1> VI. 
 
 1550. 
 
 Intended marriage of the 
 Duchess of Suffolk’s son, 
 Henry Brandon, Duke of 
 Suffolk.—Rev. J. Anderson, 
 pp. 323, 329. 
 
 May 9th. 
 
 Duchess of Suffolk’s letter 
 to Master Cecil.—Rev. J. 
 Anderson, pp. 330,331. 
 
 May 18 th. 
 
 Duchess of Suffolk’s letter 
 to Cecil.—P. F. Tytler, vol. 
 I., p. 281. 
 
EDWARD VI 
 1550. 
 
 88 
 
 Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 Lord Paget unto him as touching my desire to purchase Spilhye Chantry, and which way 
 he adviseth me to enter into the same. He addeth in the same letter, that you promised 
 to write your advice to me in that behalf; but I beshrew long the carrier that bringeth 
 them not. I must therefore now proceed, like blind Bayard. I have written a letter with 
 an ill-will to the whole body of the Council, according to my Lord Paget’s device; but so 
 as I min d not the delivery thereof, unless it like you the better. Me seemeth it had been 
 the readier way to have a bill drawn of my suit, and the same to be presented to the 
 whole Council, and with my private letters to labour my Mends. Devise what you think 
 good; either that my letter be delivered, or a bill of supplication. I would have written 
 to my Lord of Somerset at this time, but my leisure serveth me not; and his assuredness 
 maketh me the bolder to wait upon others. I pray you declare to Edmund Hall which 
 way and how he shall give this onset; and afterwards, how I shall follow with my letters 
 in the battle, and my money in the rearward. So with you farewell. 
 
 “ At Kingston, the 18th of May, 
 
 “ Your assured Mend, 
 
 “ K. SUFFOLK.” 
 
 Duchess of Suffolk’s letter 
 !o Cecil.—P. F. Tytler, vol. 
 I, pp. 323, 324. 
 
 Among the congratulatory letters addressed to Cecil, on his appointment as Secretary, 
 he received the following from his Mend the Duchess of Suffolk. It is, as is usual with 
 the epistolary effusions of this noble and notable lady, humorous, lively, and kind-hearted. 
 It contains, also, another proof that the Secretary had been sent to the Tower. 
 
 Duchess of Suffolk to Cecil. 
 
 “ I did never mistrust that you should alway live by your change, but at length change 
 for the best and come to a good market. I have ever thought your wares to be so good 
 and saleable : be t you must consider the exchange goeth high now-a-days; and, tho’ it 
 were painful for you to go as far as the Tower for it, thanks yet be [to] the Lord that in 
 the end you are no loser. I am contented to become your partner as you promise me, 
 and will abide all adventures in your ship, be the weather fair or foul; and tho’ I cannot 
 help you with costly wares to furnish her, yet I shall ply you with my woollen stuff, which 
 may serve her for ballast. If you marvel how that I am become so cunning in ship-works, 
 you shall understand that I am about the making of one here by me at Bostons’, or rather 
 the patching of an old one ; which gentle recompense I had for my wines, wherewith the 
 Honor victualled the rebels in Norfolk the last year; so that now I am become a merchant 
 vinter. Thus, many ways beggars seek their thrift; which having sought, and cannot find 
 by land, I mind now to try my luck by water; and if I speed well, I promise you as 
 liberally to divide with you as you promise me. 
 
 “ I thank you heartily for your news from abroad, and rejoice they be so good. If 
 Naunton’s cause really be no better considered, with much ado, I hold my peace, and 
 threaten to think the greater unkindness. And so fare you with Mistress or my Lady 
 Meleryd,” &c. 
 
 October 2nd. 
 
 Duchess of Suffolk’s letter 
 to Secretary Cecil.—Miss 
 Wood, vol. III., p. 250. 
 
 “ I must desire you, good master Cecil, to shew your friendship to this poor bearer, in a. 
 certain suit that one of Jersey hath against his brother. His request is but that it will 
 please my lord of Somerset either to direct his letter or else to command his under captain 
 in Jersey to call the matter before him, and to make some honest end of it, for otherwise 
 the poor fool is like to be undone. But what this matter is I am not able to tell you, and 
 I pray God the poor fool himself, be able to do it; but, if he can, I pray you then to help- 
 him, even for charity s sake, and with the more speed that he may the sooner return to 
 his garden at home, for I can have no salad till he return, neither shall there be of sweet- 
 
Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 89 
 
 EDWARD VI. 
 1560. 
 
 herbs if you help him not with his suit. And so I commit him with all his evil English 
 to you, and you to God. 
 
 “ From Tattersal, the 2nd of October, 
 
 “ Yours assured, 
 
 “ To Master Cecil.” “ K. SUFFOLK. 
 
 The Duchess took much interest in the foreign Protestants who had betaken them¬ 
 selves to England during the reign of Edward YI. These refugees were numerous, and 
 consisted of Germans, French, Italians, Spaniards, Poles, some of whom had come to 
 England for commercial purposes, but the greater part of whom had fled hither to escape 
 the persecutions then raging in their respective countries. Of all the foreign Protestants, 
 Martin Bucer, to whose care the duchess had recommended her sons when studying at 
 Cambridge, was the man, the lustre of whose talents and Christian graces had called forth 
 her profoundest admiration and esteem. This eminent man, during the time of her 
 residence at Cambridge with her sons, was seized with his last illness, and, during the 
 whole period of its continuance, she watched by his sick-bed with unwearied care, 
 administering every comfort which his situation required, performing every office, and 
 undergoing every fatigue which might be expected from the tender and self-denied 
 affection of a mother; hoping that, by the blessing of God, she might be made the means 
 of preserving a life so valuable to the Church, or, if death was determined, that by her 
 unremitting attentions she might contribute to mitigate his sufferings, till the fatal 
 struggle was over. 
 
 A few months after the death of Bucer, the Duchess was plunged into sorrow by the 
 death of her two sons, who died of the sweating-sickness, on the 16th of July that year. 
 This mournful event took place at Bugden, the Bishop of Lincoln’s palace, whither the 
 two youths had retired to escape the sickness, which had broken out with great severity, 
 and carried off multitudes, both rich and poor, in many parts of England, and especially 
 in London. Soon after their arrival they were taken ill. It is remarkable that the 
 eldest brother, Duke Henry, when at supper, being then in perfect health, said to a worthy 
 lady sitting at the table, and who loved the two brothers with a maternal affection, “Where 
 shall we sup to-morrow night ? ” “ Either in this house, I hope, my ; lord,” she answered, 
 “ or elsewhere with some friend of yours,” “ By no means,” said he, as if he had got some 
 premonition of his approaching death, “ for never after this shall we sup here together.” 
 At these words the lady became alarmed, on observing which he, smiling, bade her hot be 
 dismayed. Late in the evening his mother, feeling upon her spirit a more than usual 
 anxiety about her children, came to Bugden, immediately after which he fell ill of the 
 sweating-sickness, and suffered greatly from the burning heat of the disease. With the 
 assistance of a physician, she used every means for his recovery, but all was in vain ; the 
 raging malady was not to be arrested, and in five hours he was a corpse. Charles, the. 
 younger brother, had been similarly attacked, and he was placed in a bed-chamber distant 
 from that in which his brother lay. His brother’s death was concealed from him, but 
 from the manner of those about him, he suspected what had happened, and was observed 
 to be more than usually thoughtful. Being asked by the physician upon what he was 
 meditating, he replied, “ I am thinking how hard it is to be deprived of one’s dearest 
 friend.” “Why do you say so?” said the physician. He answered “How can you.ask 
 me ? My brother is dead, but it matters not, I shall soon follow him.” And so he did, 
 having survived his brother only about half an hour. 
 
 1551. 
 
 Death of Martin Bucer.— 
 Rev. J. Anderson, pp. 331, 
 332. 
 
 Death of the Duchess of 
 Suffolk’s sons, Henry and 
 Charles, Dukes of Suffolk. 
 —Rev. J. Anderson, pp. 
 334-336. 
 
EDWARD VI. 
 1551. 
 
 90 
 
 Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 Duchess of Suffolk’s letter 
 to Master Secretary Cecil.— 
 Rev. J. Anderson, pp. 336, 
 337. 
 
 Under this severe bereavement, the loss of her only children, and that so suddenly and 
 unexpectedly, the afflicted mother bore up with Christian fortitude, and displayed a 
 becoming spirit of pious submission to the will of God. Prom many friends she received 
 letters of kind condolence, and was generally sympathized with. 
 
 Several weeks after the last mournful duties had been performed to her children’s 
 remains, the duchess thus expresses her resigned and pious feelings, in a letter which she 
 wrote to her friend, William Cecil: 
 
 “ I give God thanks, good Master Cecil, for all His benefits which it hath pleased Him 
 to heap upon me, and truly I take this, His last (and to the first sight most sharp and 
 bitter) punishment, not for the least of His benefits, inasmuch as I have never been so well 
 taught by any other before to know His power, His love and mercy, my own wicked¬ 
 ness, and that wretched estate that without Him I should endure here. And, to ascertain 
 you that I have received great comfort in Him, I would gladly do it by talk and sight of 
 you ; hut, as I must confess myself no better than flesh, so I am not well able with quiet 
 to behold my very friends without some part of those evil dregs of Adam, to seem sorry 
 for that whereof I know I rather ought to rejoice ; yet, notwithstanding, I would not spare 
 my sorrow so much, hut I would gladly endure it, were it not for other causes that 
 moveth me so to do, which I leave unwritten at this time, meaning to fulfil your last 
 request to-morrow by seven o’clock in the morning. Then, if it please you, you may use 
 him that I send you as if I stood by. So, with many thanks for your lasting friendship, 
 I betake you to Him that both can, and, I trust, will govern you to His glory and your 
 best contentation. 
 
 “ Prom Grimsthorpe, this present Monday, your poorest hut assured friend, 
 
 “ K. SUPPOLK. 
 
 is52 “ To Master Secretary Cecil.” 
 
 Duchess of Suffolk’s letter “ By the late coming of this buck to you, you shall perceive that wild things he not 
 p. ^TyUer^veh ii.^p. C i'i8 rea dy at commandment; for truly I have caused my keeper, yea, and went forth with him 
 myself on Saturday at night after I came home, (which was a marvel for me), but so 
 desirous was I to have had one for Mr. Latimer to have sent after him. Por I have, ever 
 
 since you wrote for yours, besides both my keepers, had.about it, and yet could 
 
 not prevail afore this morning ; and now I pray God it he anything worth. 
 
 “ But as touching your hunting here. I would he sorry you should leave it undone on 
 any such respects as you spoke of, for I am not so uncharitable, hut I can well suffer them 
 to come and hunt in your company; yea, and gladly would wish, not for any great need, 
 I thank God that I have of them, hut for good-will, that they would so neighbomdy use 
 me to hunt with my licence, tho’ they leave not hunting whilst they left not one deer in 
 my park; for their honest behavioiu, being my neighbours and the worshipful of the Shire, 
 should be more pleasant to me than any sport that any wild beast in all the world could 
 make me. Yea, and were it not more for the pleasures of such, than for my own 
 commodity, profit or pleasure, I would not leave one such beast about me, as might make 
 any neighbour I have fall out with me ; and that were now soon adone, for, I assure you, 
 I have not to my knowledge two bucks more in my park. But that must not discharge 
 you from hunting; for, if it please not you to take the pains to kill them, I am sure I get 
 them not unless I kill them out of hand: wherefore I would desire you to take’the pains, 
 and take your part of them; and also you may have as good sport at the red-deer, and I 
 pray you take it, for I am very glad when any of my friends may have their pastime here, 
 
Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 01 
 
 EDWARD VI. 
 
 and nothing grieves me but when I cannot make the pastime with them ; and therefore at 
 your pleasure come and bring with you whom you will, and you shall be welcome, and 
 they also for your sake. And so, with my hearty commendations to yourself, your wife, 
 your father, and your mother, I bid you all farewell in the Lord. 
 
 “From Grimsthorp, this present Wednesday, at six o’clock in the morning, and, like a 
 sluggard, in my bed, “ Your assured to my power, 
 
 “ K. SUFFOLK. 
 
 “ Master Bertie is at London, to conclude if he can with the heirs; for I would gladly 
 discharge the trust wherein my Lord did leave me, before I did, for any man’s pleasure, 
 anything else. 
 
 “ To my very friend, Mr. Secretary Cecil.” 
 
 Left unfettered by any ties, as was the Duchess at the death of her sons, and possessed Suitors to the Duchess.— 
 of so many advantages, many suitors would of course become candidates for her hand. It Lady ° Bertie ’ p ‘ 13 ' 
 
 is said that even Royalty itself was not unmindful of her position and merits. 
 
 Towards the close of the reign of Edward VI., or in the beginning of the reign of Queen 
 Mary, she married secondly Richard Bertie, a gentleman in her service, and, like herself, 
 a Protestant. Though her inferior in rank, he was of a good family, and a man of 
 excellent character, as well as of high accomplishments. 
 
 In the reign of Queen Mary, the duchess identified herself with the suffering Reformers, 
 and relieved their wants by bountiful contributions. Bishop Ridley, who had been thrown 
 into prison on the accession of that princess, in a letter to Augustine Berneher, gratefully 
 acknowledges his having received a liberal sum of money, sent to him by her, and says, 
 that as he did not require it, he had handed it over to a “brother” in need, probably 
 Bishop Latimer, who had also been imprisoned. 
 
 “Brother Augustine, I thank you for your manifold kindness. I have received my 
 lady’s grace’s alms, six royals, six shillings, and eight pence. I have written a letter here 
 unto her grace, but I have made no mention thereof; wherefore, I desire you to render 
 her grace hearty thanks. Blessed be God, as for myself I want nothing, but my lady’s 
 alms cometh happily to relieve my poor brother’s necessity, whom you know they have 
 cast and keep in prison; as I suppose, you know the cause why. Farewell, brother 
 Austin, and take good heed, I pray you, and let my brother’s case make you the more 
 wary. Read my letter to my lady’s grace. I would Mrs. Wilkinson and Mrs. War cup had a 
 copy of it, for although the letter is directed to my lady’s grace alone, yet the matter 
 thereof pertaineth indifferently to her grace and to all good women, which love God and 
 his Word in deed and truth.—Yours in Christ, N.R.” 
 
 When Mary, upon her accession, re-established the mass, the Duchess, who for many 
 years past had ceased to countenance with her presence this idolatrous service, as well as 
 other Popish rites, had made up her mind not to attend the celebration of mass, at what¬ 
 ever hazard. This was a proof of no small heroism. Of the extent of the danger she 
 would thus incur she was not ignorant. She anticipated the displeasure of the queen, who 
 was universally known to be one of the most fanatical devotees of Popery, though at 
 the commencement of her reign she was prevented, from various causes, from going the 
 length to which she afterwards went, when, quenching every feeling of humanity in her 
 breast, she relentlessly persecuted to the death the reformed confessors. Should the queen, 
 however, be so tolerant as to permit her to act in conformity with her judgment and 
 conscience, she had another ground for apprehension, arising from the hatred of Bishop 
 
 1553. 
 
 The Duohess of Suffolk 
 marries Richard Bertie.— 
 Rev. J. Anderson, p. 337. 
 
 QUEEN MART. 
 Imprisonment of Bishop 
 Ridley.—Rev. J. Anderson, 
 p. 337. 
 
 Bishop Ridley’s letter to 
 Augustine Berneher.—Rev. 
 J. Anderson, p. 338. 
 
 The Duchess of Suffolk re¬ 
 fuses to attend the Mass.— 
 Rev. J. Anderson, pp. 338- 
 340. 
 
QUEEN MARY. 
 1653. 
 
 92 
 
 Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 1554. 
 
 The old hatred of Stephen 
 Gardiner, Bishop of Win¬ 
 chester, against the Duchess 
 of Suffolk.—Fox’s “ Acts 
 and Monuments”, edition 
 1849, vol. VIII., p. 569. 
 
 M. Berty appeareth before 
 Bishop Gardiner.—Fox, vol. 
 VIII., p. 509. 
 
 Discourse between Bishop 
 Gurdiner and M. Bertie.— 
 Fox, vol, VIII., p. 669. 
 
 Gardiner, her mortal enemy, whose sway at court was supreme. By her hitter sarcasms, 
 she had exasperated the bishop, who had often ruminated on them as on so many insults, 
 chafed and mortified; and now, when he was exalted to power, she had every reason to 
 expect that he would make her nonconformity, the pretext for executing the long meditated 
 vengeance. But these considerations did not subdue her resolution. She had counted 
 the cost, and was prepared to make every sacrifice in the cause of truth. Hence the 
 interest attaching to her subsequent life, the real story of which “ out-romanced,” to use 
 the language of Fuller, “the fictions of many errant adventurers.” 
 
 It may, perhaps, be supposed, that from her high rank she would be secure from the 
 malicious intentions of Gardiner. But a slight attention to the policy as well as the character 
 of that prelate, will show the groundlessness of such a supposition. Not only the spirit of 
 revenge, but policy impelled him to meditate her ruin; for he conceived that the most 
 effectual means of arresting the progress of heresy, or of extinguishing it altogether, was 
 by striking down the Reformers most distinguished for rank or talent, or “ the head deer ” 
 of the flock, as was the phrase at the time. 
 
 What increased the danger of the Duchess from Gardiner’s cruelty, was his craft and 
 dissimulation. “His malice,” says Fuller, “was like what is commonly said of white 
 powder, which sm-ely discharged the bullet, yet made no report, being secret in all his acts 
 of cruelty. This made him often chide Bonner, calling him an ass, though not so much 
 for killing poor people as for not doing it more cunningly.” 
 
 Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, surmising the Lady Katherine, Baroness of 
 Willoughby and Eresby, and Duchess Dowager of Suffolk, to be one of his antient 
 enemies, because he knew he had deserved no better of her, devised, in the holy time of 
 the first Lent in Queen Mary’s reign, a holy practice of revenge, first touching her in 
 the person of her husband, Master Richard Berty Esquire, for whom he sent an attach¬ 
 ment (having the Great Seal at his devotion), to the Sheriff of Lincolnshire, with a 
 special letter, commanding most straitly the same Sheriff, to attach the said Richard 
 immediately, and without bail to bring him up to London, to his great Lordship. M. 
 Berty her husband, being clear in conscience, and free from offence toward the Q., 
 could not conjecture any cause of this strange process, unless it were some quarrel for 
 Religion, which he thought could not be so sore as the process pretended. 
 
 The Sheriff, notwithstanding the commandment, adventured only to take the bond of 
 M. Berty, with two sureties, in a thousand pounds, for his appearance to be made before 
 the Bishop, on Good Friday following, at which day Master Berty appeared, the Bishop 
 then lying at his house by Saint Mary Overy’s. Of whose presence, when the Bishop 
 understood by a gentleman of his Chamber, in a great rage he came out of his gallery, 
 into his dining-chamber, where he found a press of suitors, saying he would not that day 
 hear any, but came forth only to know of M. Berty, how he, being a subject, durst so 
 arrogantly set at light two former processes of the Queen. 
 
 M. Berty answered, that albeit my Lord’s words might seem to the rest somewhat sharp 
 toward him, yet he conceived great comfort of them. For whereas he, before, thought it 
 extremity to be attached, having used no obstinacy or contumacy, now he gathered of 
 those words, that my Lord meant not otherwise but to have used some ordinary process ; 
 albeit, indeed none came to his hands. 
 
 « Tea marry,” quoth the Bishop, “I have sent you two subpoenas, to appear immediately ; 
 
Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 93 
 
 QUEEN MART. 
 
 and I am sure you received them, for I committed the trust of them to no worse man but 
 to M. Solicitor, and I shall make you an example to all Lincolnshire, for your obstinacy. 
 
 M. Berty, denying the receipt of any, humbly prayed his Lordship to suspend his 
 displeasure and the punishment till he had good trial thereof; and then, if it please him, 
 to double the pain for the fault, if any were. 
 
 “ Well,” quoth the Bishop, “I have appointed myself this day (according to the holiness 
 of the same), for devotion, and I will not further trouble me with you; but I enjoyn you in 
 a thousand pounds not to depart without leave, and to be here again to-morrow at 7 of the 
 clock.” Master Berty well observed the hour, and no jot failed; at which time the 
 Bishop had with him M. Sergeant Stampford, to whom he moved certain questions of the 
 said Master Berty, because Master Sergeant was towards the Lord Wriothesley, late Earl 
 of Southampton, and Chancellor of England, with whom the said Master Berty was 
 brought up. Master Sergeant made very friendly report of M. Berty, of his own know¬ 
 ledge for the time of their conversation together. Whereupon the Bishop caused M. 
 
 Berty to be brought in, and first making a false train (as God would, without fire), before 
 he would descend to the quarrel of religion, he assaulted him in this manner. 
 
 Winch. “ The Queen’s pleasure is,” quoth the Bishop, “ that you shall make present m. Berty, attached for 
 
 debt.—Fox, voL VIII., ■ 
 
 payment of 4000 pounds, due to her father by Duke Charles, late husband to the Duchess, 670 
 your wife, whose Executor she was.” 
 
 Bert. “ Pleaseth it your Lordship,” quoth Master Berty, “ that debt is estalled, and is 
 according to that estallment truly answered.” 
 
 Winch. " Tush,” quoth the Bishop, “ the Queen will not be bound to estallments in 
 the time of Kette’s Government; for so I esteem the late Government.” 
 
 Bert. “ The estallment,” quoth M. Berty, “ was appointed by K. Henry the Eighth; 
 besides, the same was by special Commissioners confirmed in K. Edward’s time, and the 
 Lord Treasurer being an Executor also to the Duke Charles solely and wholly, took upon 
 him, before the said Commissioners, to discharge the same.” 
 
 Winch. “ If it be true that you say,” quoth the Bishop, “ I will show you favour. But 
 of another thing, Master Berty, I will admonish you, as meaning you well. I hear evil of 
 your religion; yet I hardly can think evil of you, whose mother I know to be as godly 
 and catholick as any within this land; yourself brought up with a master, whose education, 
 if I should disallow, I might be charged as author of his error. Besides, partly I know 
 you myself, and understand of my friends enough to make me your friend: wherefore I 
 will not doubt of you. But I pray you, if I may ask the question of my Lady, your wife, 
 is she now as ready to set up the Mass, as she was lately to pull it down, when she 
 caused in her progress a dog in a rochet to be carried, and called by my name ? Or doth 
 she think her lambs now safe enough, which said to me, when I veiled my bonnet to her 
 out of my chamber window in the tower, that it was merry with the lambs, now the wolf 
 was shut up ? Another time, my Lord her husband, having invited me and divers Ladies 
 to dinner, desired every Lady to choose him whom she loved best, and so place them¬ 
 selves. My Lady your wife taking me by the hand, for that my Lord would not have her 
 to take himself, said, that forasmuch as she could not sit down with my Lord whom she 
 loved best, she had chosen him whom she loved worst.” 
 
 “ Of the device of the dog,” quoth Master Berty, “ she was neither the author, nor the 
 allower. The words, though in that season they sounded bitter to your Lordship, yet if 
 
QUEEN MARY. 
 1664. 
 
 94 
 
 Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 Ways devised for conveying 
 the Duchess over the seas 
 with the Queen’s licence.— 
 Fox, vol. YIII., p. 671. 
 
 M. Berty licensed by the 
 Q., to pass the seas.—Fox, 
 vol. Yin., p. 671. 
 
 it would please you without offence to know the cause, I am sure the one will purge the 
 other. As touching setting up of Mass, which she learned not only by strong persuasions 
 of divers excellent men, hut by universal consent and order whole six years past, inwardly 
 to abhor, if she should outwardly allow, she should both to Christ shew herself a false 
 Christian, and to her Prince a masquing subject. You know, my Lord, one by judgment 
 reformed, is more worth than a thousand transformed temporizers. To force a confession 
 of religion by mouth, contrary to that in the heart, worketh damnation where salvation 
 is pretended.” 
 
 “Yea, marry,” quoth the Bishop, “that deliberation would do well, if she were required 
 to come from an old religion to a new. But now, she is to return from a new to an ancient 
 religion: Wherein when she made me her gossip, she was as earnest as any.” 
 
 “ Por that, my Lord,” said Master Berty, “ not long since, she answered a friend of hers, 
 using your Lordship’s speech , that religion went not by age, but by truth : and therefore 
 she was to be turned by persuasion, and not by commandment.” 
 
 “ I pray you,” quoth the Bishop, “ think you it possible to persuade her ? ” 
 
 “ Yea, verily,” said M. Berty, “ with the truth : for she is reasonable enough.” 
 
 The Bishop thereunto replying, said, “it will be a marvellous grief to the Prince of 
 Spain, and to all the nobility that shall come with him, when they shall find but two noble 
 personages of the Spanish race within this land, the Queen, and my Lady your wife, and 
 one of them gone from the faith.” 
 
 Master Berty answered, that he trusted they should find no fruits of infidelity in her. 
 
 So the Bishop persuaded M. Berty to travail earnestly for the reformation of her opinion, 
 and offering large friendship, released him of his bond from further appearance. 
 
 The Duchess and her husband, daily more and more, by then - friends understanding 
 that the Bishop meant to call her to an account of her faith, whereby extremity might 
 follow, devised ways how, by the Queen’s licence they might pass the seas. Master Berty 
 had a ready mean : for there rested great sums of money due to the old Duke of Suffolk, 
 (one of whose executors the Duchess was), beyond the seas, the Emperor himself being one 
 of those debtors. Master Berty communicated this his purposed suit for licence to pass 
 the seas, and the cause, to the Bishop, adding, that he took this time most meet to deal 
 with the Emperor, by reason of likelihood of marriage between the Queen and his son. 
 
 “ I like your device well,” quoth the Bishop, “ but I think it better that you tarry the 
 Prince’s coming, and I will procure you his letters also to his father.” 
 
 “Nay,” quoth M. Berty, “under your Lordship’s correction and pardon of so liberal speech; 
 I suppose the time will then be less convenient: for when the marriage is consummate, 
 the Emperor hath his desire ; but till then he will refuse nothing, to win credit with us.” 
 
 “ By St. Mary,” quoth the Bishop, smiling, “ you guess shrewdly. Well, proceed in 
 your suite to the Queen, and it shall not lack my helping band.” 
 
 Master Berty found so good success, that he in few days obtained the Queen’s Licence, 
 not only to pass the seas, but to pass and repass them so often as to him seemed good, 
 till he had finished all his business and causes beyond the seas. So he passed the seas at 
 Dover about the beginning of June, in the first year of her reign, leaving the Duchess 
 behind, who, by agreement and consent betwixt her and her husband, followed, taking 
 barge at Lion Key, very early in the morning, on the first day of January next ensuing, 
 not without some peril. 
 
 There were none of those that went with her made privy to her going till the instant, 
 
Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 9o 
 
 QUEEN MART. 
 15d4. 
 
 but an old gentleman, called Mr. Robert Cranwell, whom M. Berty had specially provided 
 for that purpose. She took with her her daughter, an infant of one year, and the meanest 
 of her servants, for she doubted the best would not adventure that fortune with her. They 
 were in number four men, one a Greek born, which was a rider of horses, another a joyner, 
 the third a brewer, the fourth a fool, one of the kitchen, one gentlewoman, and a laundress. 
 
 As she departed her house called the Barbican, betwixt four and five of the clock in the 
 morning, with her company and baggage, one Atkinson, a herald, keeper of her house, 
 hearing noise about the house, rose and came out with a torch in his hands as she was yet 
 issuing out of the gate: wherewith being amazed, she was forced to leave a mail with 
 necessaries for her young daughter, and a milk-pot with milk in the same gate-house, 
 commanding all her servants to speed them away before, to Lion Key. And taking with 
 her only the two women and her child: so soon as she was forth of her own house 
 perceiving the herald to follow, she stept in at Charterhouse hard by. The herald 
 coming out of the Duchess’ house, and seeing no body stirring nor assured (though by the 
 mail suspecting), that she was departed, returned in; and while he stayed ransacking 
 parcels left in the mail, the Duchess issued into the streets, and proceeded in her journey, 
 she knowing the place only by name where she should take her boat, but not the way 
 thither, nor any with her. Likewise her servants having divided themselves, none but one 
 knew the way to the said Key. 
 
 So she appeared like a mean merchant’s wife, and the rest like mean servants, walking in 
 the streets unknown. She took the way that led to Finsbury Field, and the others walked 
 the city streets as they lay open before them, till by chance more than discretion, they met 
 all suddenly together a little within Moorgate, from whence they passed directly to Lion 
 Key, and there took barge in a morning so misty, that the steerman was loath to launch 
 out, but that they urged him. So soon as the day permitted, the council was informed of 
 her departure, and somq of them came forthwith to her house, to enquire of the manner 
 thereof, and took an inventory of her goods, besides further order devised for search and 
 watch to apprehend and stay her. 
 
 The fame of her departure reached to Leigh, a town at the Land’s end, before her ap¬ 
 proaching thither. By Leigh dwelt one Gosling, a merchant of London, an old acquaintance 
 of Cranwell’s, whither the said Cranwell brought the Duchess, naming her Mistress White, 
 the daughter of Master Gosling; for such a daughter he had, which never was in that 
 country. There she reposed her, and made new garments for her daughter, having lost 
 her own in the mail at Barbican. 
 
 When the time came that she should take ship, being constrained that night to lye at 
 an inn in Leigh (where she was again almost bewrayed), yet notwithstanding, by God’s 
 good working she escaped that hazard; at length, as the tide and wind did serve, they 
 went abroad, and being carried twice into the seas, almost into the coast of Zealand, by 
 contrary wind were driven to the place from whence they came, and at the last recoil, 
 certain persons came to the shore, suspecting she was within that ship; yet having 
 examined one of her company that was a-land for fresh achates ; and finding by the sim¬ 
 plicity of his tale, only the appearance of a mean merchant’s wife to be a-shipboard, he 
 ceased any further search. 
 
 To be short, so soon as the Duchess had landed in Brabant, she and her women were 
 apparelled like the women of the Netherlands, with hukes; and so she and her husband took 
 their journey towards Cleveland, and being arrived at a town therein called Santon, took 
 
 The manner of the Duchess 
 flying out of her house.— 
 Fox, voL VIII., p. 572. 
 
 The Duchess with her com 
 pany taketli Barge.—Fox 
 voL VIII., p. 672. 
 
 The Duchess landed in 
 Brabant.—Fox, vol. VIII., 
 p. 572. 
 
Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 a house there, until they might further devise of some sure place, where to settle them¬ 
 selves. 
 
 About five miles from Santon, is a free town called Wesell, under the said Duke of 
 Cleves’ dominion, and one of the Hans towns, priviledged with the company of the 
 steelyard in London, whither divers Walloons were fled for religion, and had for their 
 minister one Francis Perusell, then called Francis de Rivers, who had received some 
 courtesy in England at the Duchess’ hands. Master Berty, being yet at Santon, practised 
 with him to obtain a protection from the magistrates for his abode and his wife’s at 
 Wesell; which was the sooner procured, because the state of the Duchess was not dis¬ 
 covered, but only to the chief magistrate, earnestly bent to shew them pleasure, while this 
 protection was in seeking. 
 
 In the mean-while, at the town of Santon was a muttering that the Duchess and her 
 husband were greater personages than they gave themselves forth, and the magistrates not 
 very well inclined to religion, the Bishop of Arras also being Dean of the great minster, 
 order was taken, that the Duchess and her husband should be examined of their condition 
 and religion upon the sudden. Which practice, discovered by a gentleman of that country 
 to M. Berty, he without delay taking no more than the Duchess, her daughter, and two 
 others with them, as though he meant no more but to take the air, about three of the 
 clock in the afternoon in February, on foot, without hiring of horse or waggon for fear of 
 disclosing his purpose, meant to get privily that night to Wesell, leaving his other family 
 still at Santon. 
 
 The hard entertainment of After the Duchess and he were one English mile from the town, there fell a mighty 
 
 M. Berty and the Duchess . 
 
 at their returning into Wesell. ram oi continuance, whereby a long frost and ice, before congealed, was thawed, which 
 
 -Fox, voi. vtil, p. 673. doubled more the weariness of those new lacquies. But, being now on the way, and 
 overtaken with the night, they sent their two servants (which only went with them), to 
 villages as they passed, to hire some car for their ease, but none could be hired. In the 
 mean time Master Berty was forced to carry the child, and the Duchess his cloak and 
 rapier. At last, betwixt six and seven of the clock in the dark night, they came to Wesell, 
 and repairing to the inns for lodging, end some repose after such a painful journey, found 
 hard entertainment: for going from inn to inn, offering large money for small lodging, 
 they were refused of all the inn-holders. The child for cold and sustenance cried pitifully, 
 the mother wept as fast, the heavens rained as fast as the clouds could pour. 
 
 M. Berty, destitute of all other succour of hospitality, resolved to bring the Duchess to 
 the porch of the great church in the town, and so to buy coals, victuals, and straw for 
 their miserable repose there that night, or at least till by God’s help he might provide her 
 better lodging. Master Berty at that time understood not much Dutch, and by reason of 
 evil weather and late season of the night, he could not happen upon any that could speak 
 English, French, Italian, or Latin, till at last going towards the church porch, he heard 
 two striplings talking Lathi, to whom he approached, and offered them two stivers to 
 bring him to some Walloon’s house. 
 
 By these boys, and God’s good conduct, he chanced at the first upon the house where 
 Master Perusell supped that night, who had procured them the protection of the magi¬ 
 strates of that town. At the first knock, the goodman of the house himself came to the 
 door, and opening it, asked Master Berty what he was. Master Berty said, an English¬ 
 man, that sought for one Master Perusell’s house. The Walloon willed Master Berty to 
 stay a while, who went back, and told Master Perusell, that the same English gentleman, 
 
Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 97 
 
 of whom they had talked the same supper, had sent by likelihood his servant to speak 
 with him. Whereupon Master Perusell came to the door, and beholding Master Berty, 
 the Duchess, and their child, their faces, apparels, and bodies so far from their old form, 
 deformed with dirt, weather, and heaviness, could not speak to them, nor they to him, for 
 tears. At length recovering themselves, they saluted one another, and so together entered 
 the house, God knoweth full joyfully : M. Berty changing his apparel with the good man, 
 the Duchess with the good wife, and their child with the child of the house. 
 
 Within few days after, by Master Perusell’s means, they hired a very fair house in the 
 town, and did not let to show themselves what they were, in such good sort as their 
 present condition permitted. It was by this time thorow the whole town what discourtesy 
 the innholders had shewed unto them at their entry, insomuch as on the Sunday following, 
 a preacher in the pulpit openly, in sharp terms, rebuked that great incivility toward 
 strangers, by allegation of sundry places out of holy scriptures, discoursing how not only 
 Princes sometime are received in the image of private persons, but angels in the shape of 
 men, and that God of his justice would make them strangers one day in another land, to 
 have more sense of the afflicted heart of a stranger. 
 
 The time thus passing forth, as they thought themselves thus happily settled, suddenly 
 a watchword came from Sir John Mason, then Queen Mary’s ambassador in the Netherlands, 
 that my Lord Paget had feigned an errand to the baths that way : and whereas the Duke 
 of Brunswick was shortly with ten ensigns, to pass by Wesell, for the service of the house 
 of Austria, against the French King, the said Duchess and her husband should be with 
 the same charge and company intercepted. 
 
 Wherefore to prevent the cruelty of these enemies, Master Berty with his wife and child 
 departed to a place called Windsheim, in high Dutchland, under the Palsgrave’s dominion; 
 where, under his protection, they continued till their necessaries began to fail them, and 
 they, almost fainting under so heavy a burden, began to fail of hope. 
 
 At what time, in the midst of their despair, there came suddenly letters to them from 
 the Palatine of Wilna, and the King of Pole (being instructed of their hard estate by a 
 baron named Joannes Alasco, that was sometime in England), offering them large courtesy. 
 This provision unlooked for, greatly revived their heavy spirits. Yet, considering they 
 should remove from many their countrymen and acquaintance, to a place so far distant, a 
 country not haunted with the English, and perhaps upon their arrival not finding as they 
 looked for, the end of then- journey should be worse than the beginning; they devised 
 thereupon with one Master Barlow, late Bishop of Chichester, that if he would vouchsafe 
 to take some pains therein, they would make him a fellow of that journey. So finding 
 him prone, they sent with him letters of great thanks to the King and Palatine, and also 
 with a few principal Jewels (which only they had left of many), to solicit for them, that 
 the King would vouchsafe under his seal, to assure them of the thing which he so 
 honourably by letters offered. 
 
 That suit, by the forwardness of the Palatine, was as soon granted as uttered. Upon 
 which assurance the said Duchess and her husband, with their family, entered the 
 journey in April, 1557, from the Castle of Windsheim, where they before lay, towards 
 Frankfort. In the which their journey, it were long here to describe what dangers fell 
 by the way upon them, and their whole company, by reason of their Landgrave’s Captain, 
 who under a quarrel pretended for a spaniel of Master Berty’s, set upon them in the 
 highway with his horsemen, thrusting their boar-spears thorow the waggon where the 
 
 QUEEN MARY. 
 
 1558. 
 
 M. Berty and the Duoho.es 
 remove to Windsheim.— 
 Fox, vol. VIII., p. 574. 
 
 1557. 
 
 The troubles happening to 
 the Duchess of Suffolk in 
 her journey to Poland.— 
 Fox, vol. VIII., p. 675. 
 
QUEEN MART. 
 1557. 
 
 Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 9S 
 
 M. Bcrty, -with the Dnohess, 
 honourably entertained by 
 the K. of Poland.—Fox, vol. 
 VIII., p. 575. 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1567. 
 
 Lady Mary Grey committed 
 to the charge of the Duchess 
 of Suffolk.—Lady G. Bertie, 
 pp. 40, 41, 
 
 children and women were, Master Berty having but four horsemen with him. In the 
 which brabble it happened the Captain’s horse to be slain under him. 
 
 Whereupon a rumor was sparsed immediately thorow towns and villages about, that 
 the Landgrave’s Captain should be slain by certain Walloons, which incensed the ire of the 
 countrymen there more fiercely against Master Berty, as afterward it proved. For as he 
 was motioned by his wife to save himself by the swiftness of his horse, and to recover 
 some town thereby for his rescue, he, so doing, was in worse case than before: for the 
 townsmen and the Captain’s brother, supposing no less but that the Captain had been 
 slain, pressed so eagerly upon him, that he had been there taken and murdered among 
 them, had not he (as God would), spying a ladder leaning to a window, by the same got 
 up into the house, and so gone up into a garret in the top of the house, where he with his 
 dagger and rapier defended himself for a space ; but at length the Burghmaister coming 
 thither with another Magistrate which could speak Latin, he was counselled to submit 
 himself to the order of the law. M. Berty, knowing himself clear, and the Captain to be 
 alive, was the more bold to submit himself to the judgment of the law, upon condition 
 that the Magistrate would receive him under safe conduct, and defend him from the rage 
 of the multitude. Which being promised, M. Berty putteth himself and his weapon into 
 the Magistrate’s hand, and so was committed to safe custody, while the truth of his cause 
 should be tryed. 
 
 Then Master Berty, writing his letters to the Landgrave, and to the Earl of Eipach, 
 the next day early in the morning the Earl of Erpach, dwelling within eight miles, came 
 to the town whither the Duchess was brought with her waggon, Master Berty also being 
 in the same town under custody. 
 
 The Earl, who had some intelligence of the Duchess before, after he was come and had 
 showed such curtesse as he thought to her estate was seemly, the townsmen perceiving 
 the Earl to behave himself so humbly unto her, began to consider more of the matter, and 
 further, understanding the Captain to be alive, both they, and especially the authors of 
 the stir, shrank away, and made all the friends they could to M. Berty and his wife, not to 
 report their doings after the worst sort. 
 
 And thus M. Berty and his wife, escaping that danger, proceeded in their journey 
 toward Poland, where in conclusion they were quietly entertained of the Kin g, and 
 placed honourably in the Earldom of the said King of Poland in Sanogelia, called Crozan, 
 where M. Berty, with the Duchess, having the King’s absolute power of government 
 over the said Earldom, continued both in great quietness and honour, till the death of 
 Q. Mary. 
 
 In the year 1567, a sort of state prisoner was committed to the charge of the Duchess, 
 under rather remarkable circumstances. The Lady Mary Grey, the grand-daughter of her 
 first husband, Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, had been long in disgrace on account of 
 her mesalliance with Mr. Thomas Keys, sergeant-porter at court, or sometimes called 
 gentleman-porter. They were almost immediately separated; and whilst he was impri¬ 
 soned in the Fleet, to wear out the rest of a very miserable life, the afflicted lady, his wife 
 was detained a prisoner, first at a place called the Chequers, in Buckinghamshire, under the 
 charge of its owner, Mr. Hawtrey, and after two years resigned to the guardianship of her 
 step-grandmother. The Duchess, on the 9th of August, 1567, writes from the Queen’s 
 house at Greenwich, what she terms “a begging letter” to Cecil, the secretary, and 
 makes all the interest she can for her unhappy charge, “ who,” she adds, “ is not only in 
 
Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 countenance, but in very deed, sad and ashamed of her fault.” The Duchess’ requests are 
 certainly not exorbitant. After complaining of her poverty since her return from the 
 other side of the sea, which had prevented her furnishing her own house at Grimsthorpe, 
 she begs Lady Mary may be allowed the furniture of one room for herself and her maid, 
 “ some old silver pots to fetch her drink in, and ij lytell coupes to drink in. A bason and 
 ewer, I fear were too much; but all these things she lacks, and it were meet she had, and 
 has nothing in the world.” She remained with the Duchess till June 1569, when she 
 was made over to the care of Sir Thomas Gresham. Whether the Duchess’ requirements 
 were granted, does not appear. 
 
 In the meanwhile, during her residence at Greenwich, or as Richard Bertie terms it, 
 “the south,” the Duchess was attacked by a violent fit of illness, which called him with 
 all speed from Lincolnshire, on which occasion he quaintly describes her condition, and 
 his own alarm, in a letter to Sir W. Cecil. After observing that Cecil might consider it 
 “ strange,” if he omitted hearty thanks for the many courtesies he had received from him, 
 he adds, “ peradventure you will think it strangest to hear from me out of the south, 
 but that the rumour of the Duchess’ dangerous sickness spread over the land, could not 
 be hid from the Court, the wind whereof made as great a wonder upon the land in Lin¬ 
 colnshire, as often is seen upon the seas, two ships with one wind carried contrary ways. 
 So my Lord Monteagle’s men, by occasion of report, so far by the way increased, that my 
 lady was dead, before almost she fell sick, carried them apace northward, and me faster 
 southward, with minds and prayers as contrary. But this wind, by God’s great mercy well 
 blown over, will shortly, I trust, bring us together in a calm; for my lady, though she 
 continue a bedwoman, and not a footwoman, yet God be praised, she groweth a little 
 stronger than her sickness, and sendeth to you, and to my lady your wife, as strong and 
 hearty commendations as ever she did; and I pray you both think that my devotion 
 towards you is even as great as hei s, though I take it to be in the superlative degree. 
 Rest you both most happily in God. From Barbican, the 12th of September, 1568. 
 
 “ Yours most assuredly at commandment, 
 
 “R. BERTIE.” 
 
 Nothing important in the subsequent history of the Duchess has been recorded. She 
 died September 19th, 1580, and was buried at Spilsby, in Lincolnshire. 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1567. 
 
 1568. 
 
 September 12th. 
 Richard Bertie’s letter to 
 Sir William Cecil. —Lady G. 
 Bertie, p. 41. 
 
 1580. 
 
 September 19th. 
 
 Death of the Duchess of 
 Suffolk.—Rev. J. Anderson. 
 
100 
 
 Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH.- 
 
 1580. 
 
 Burke* s Peerage for 1882 , Katherine, Baroness "Willoughby de Eresby. Her Ladyship married twice ; 1st, Charles 
 
 p ' 13/0 ' Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, brother-in-law of King Henry VIII. She married, 2ndly, 
 
 Bichard Bertie, Esq., by whom she had a son and heir, Peregrine Bertie. 
 
 Arms of Catherine, Duchess of Suffolk, 
 and Richard Bertie. 
 
 Lady G. Bertie, p. 2. 
 
—Lady G. Bertie, pp. 58- 
 
 Hi8 claim to the Titie.— 
 Lady G. Bertie, p. 62-01. 
 
 Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby.* a ™S“ Em 
 
 //571. ftvi■ ft/vt, 
 
 PEREGRINE BERTIE was born, as his patent of naturalization-sets forth, in the city Birth of Lord Willoughby, 
 of Lower Wesel, in the Duchy of Cleves. His mother, it seems, was earnestly desirous 
 that he should be entrusted to the care of Cecil, Lord Burghley; and he was accordingly 
 brought up chiefly under that statesman’s eye, and made great progress in learning and 
 courtly accomplishments. He appears, in a letter, written in Latin when he was only 
 thirteen years of age A.D. 1568, to have gratefully acknowledged the Treasurer’s care. 
 
 On the decease of his mother, in 1580, he claimed and assumed the title of Willoughby, 
 and at her funeral wore his mourning apparel in all points as a baron. Elizabeth, ever 
 sparing of preferment, delayed for a short period the admission even of his undoubted 
 right, which caused him to apply to the Lord Treasurer in these words : 
 
 “ That he found his senses so overcome with just pensiveness, that he could not presently Lord Willoughby’s letter to 
 write so fully as the Treasurer’s person and his own cause required, by commending it to * he Lord Tre ® surer - — 
 
 ^ 1 x i j o Strype s “ Annals of the Re- 
 
 his honourable and friendly defence, &c. And his chiefest care was, that her majesty might formation,” voi ii, part 2, 
 
 p. 390. 
 
 not be induced sincerely to interpret worse of his claim than the matter ministered occasion, 
 because he took the title and claim of Willughby and Eresby.” He added, “That the 
 question was handled in King Henry the Eighth’s reign. And the right upon claim made by 
 Sir Christopher Willughby, younger brother and heir male to the Lord Willughby, my 
 grandfather, was adjudged to the Duchess, my dear mother. Now if my right, after 
 sentence given, after so long seizin, and a dying seized of the Duchess, shall be called in 
 question, I must needs think myself an abortive, and born in a most unfortunate hour; 
 that her majesty had rather spoil her crown of a barony, than that I should be the person 
 should do her that service. But in case your honour shall, of your friendly disposition 
 towards me and justice, safely pilot me over this tempestuous sea, you shall confidently 
 account that thereby you have erected a pillar in your own building, which shall never 
 shrink or fail you for any stone whatsoever. And thus reposing myself wholly on your 
 honourable goodness, with hearty prayer for your so good estate, I humbly take my leave. 
 
 “ From Willoughby House. 
 
 “ Your Lordship’s humbly and assuredly at commandment, 
 
 “PEREGRINE BERTIE.” 
 
 In the year 1582, we hear of his first employment in the Queen’s service, who com¬ 
 manded him, with the Earl of Leicester and other noblemen and knights, to escort the 
 Duke of Anjou back to Antwerp. This Duke of Anjou, who had then been resident for three 
 months in England, was one of the numerous persons proposed as a suitable match for our 
 renowned Elizabeth; and she appears to have been willing to dismiss him with honour at 
 
 1582. 
 
 Lord Willoughby and other 
 nobles escort the Duke o' 
 Anjou to Antwerp.—Lady 
 G. Bertie, p. 65. 
 
 For Portrait, see Frontispiece. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1582. 
 
 The Queen accompanies the 
 Duke to Canterbury.—Mot¬ 
 ley’s “Rise of the Dutch 
 Republic,” vol. III, pp. 
 615-510. 
 
 102 
 
 Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 least, though she did not (perhaps could not) bring herself in the end, after some sleepless 
 nights, to accept his hand. 
 
 No open rupture with Elizabeth occurred. On the contrary, the Queen accompanied 
 the Duke, with a numerous and stately retinue, as far as Canterbury, and sent a most 
 brilliant train of her greatest nobles and gentlemen to escort him to the Netherlands, 
 communicating at the same time, by special letter, her wishes to the Estates-General, 
 that he should be treated with as much honour “ as if he were her second self.” 
 
 On the 10th of February, fifteen large vessels cast anchor at Flushing. The Duke of 
 Anjou, attended by the Earl of Leicester, the Lords Hunsdon, Willoughby, Sheffield, 
 Howard, Sir P hili p Sidney, and many other personages of high rank and reputation, 
 landed from this fleet. He was greeted on his arrival by the Prince of Orange, who, with 
 the Prince of Espinoy and a large deputation of the States-General, had been for some 
 days waiting to welcome him. The man whom the Netherlands had chosen for their new 
 master stood on the shores of Zeeland. Francis Hercules, Son of France, Duke of Alenin 
 and Anjou, was at that time just twenty-eight years of age; yet not even his flatterers, or 
 his “minions,” of whom he had as regular a train as his royal brother, could claim for him 
 the external graces of youth or of princely dignity. He was below the middle height, 
 puny and ill-shaped. His hah and eyes were brown, his face was seamed with the small¬ 
 pox, his skin covered with blotches, his nose so swollen and distorted that it seemed to be 
 double. This prominent feature did not escape the sarcasms of his countrymen, who, 
 among other gib es, were wont to observe that the man who always wore two faces, might 
 be expected to have two noses also. It was thought that his revolting appearance was 
 the principal reason for the rupture of the English marriage, and it was in vain that his 
 supporters maintained that if he could forgive her age, she might, in return, excuse his 
 ugliness. It seemed that there was a point of hideousness beyond which even royal princes 
 could not descend with impunity, and the only wonder seemed that Elizabeth, with the 
 handsome Robert Dudley ever at her feet, could even tolerate the addresses of Francis Valois. 
 
 The Duke’s arrival was greeted with the roar of artillery, the ringing of bells, and the 
 acclamations of a large concourse of the inhabitants; suitable speeches were made by the 
 magistrates of the town, the deputies of Zeeland, and other functionaries, and a stately 
 banquet was provided, so remarkable “for its sugar-work and other delicacies, as to entirely 
 astonish the French and English lords who partook thereof.” The Duke visited Middel- 
 burg, where he was received with great state. 
 
 On the 17th of February, he set sail for Antwerp. A fleet of fifty-four vessels, covered 
 with flags and streamers, conveyed him and his retinue, together with the large deputa¬ 
 tion which had welcomed him at Flushing, to the great commercial metropolis. He 
 stepped on shore at Kiel, within a bowshot of the city—for, like other Dukes of Brabant, 
 he was not to enter Antwerp until he had taken the oaths to respect the constitution— 
 and the ceremony of inauguration was to take place outside the walls. A large platform 
 had been erected for this purpose, commanding a view of the stately city, with its bristling 
 fortifications and shady groves. A throne, covered with velvet and gold, was prepared, 
 and here the Duke took his seat, surrounded by a brilliant throng, including many of the 
 most distinguished personages in Europe. 
 
 It was a bright winter’s morning. The gaily-bannered fleet lay conspicuous in the 
 river, while an enormous concourse of people were thronging from all sides to greet the 
 new sovereign. Twenty thousand burgher troops, in bright uniforms, surrounded the plat- 
 
Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 103 
 
 form, upon the tapestried floor of which stood the magistrates of Antwerp, the leading 
 members of the Brabant estates, with the Prince of Orange at then.’ head, together with 
 many other great functionaries. 
 
 Orator Hessels then read aloud the articles of the Joyous Entry, in the Blemish language, 
 and the Duke was asked if he required any explanations of that celebrated constitution. 
 He replied that he had thoroughly studied its provisions, with the assistance of the 
 Prince of Orange, during his voyage from Blushing, and was quite prepared to swear to 
 maintain them. The oaths, according to antique custom, were then administered. After¬ 
 wards, the ducal hat and the velvet mantle, lined with ermine, were brought, the Prince 
 of Orange assisting liis Highness to assume this historical costume of the Brabant dukes, 
 and saying to him, as he fastened the button at the throat, “ I must secure this robe so 
 firmly, my lord, that no man may ever tear it from your shoulders.” 
 
 Thus arrayed in his garment of sovereignty, Anjou was compelled to listen to another 
 oration from the pensionary of Antwerp, John Yan der Werken. He then exchanged oaths 
 with the magistrates of the city, and received the keys, which he returned for safe-keeping 
 to the burgomaster. Meanwhile the trumpets sounded, largess of gold and silver coins 
 was scattered among the people, and the heralds cried aloud, “ Long live the Duke of 
 Brabant! ” 
 
 A procession was then formed to escort the new Duke to his co mm ercial capital. A 
 stately and striking procession it was. The Hanseatic merchants in ancient German 
 attire, the English merchants in long velvet cassocks, the heralds in their quaint costume, 
 the long train of civic militia with full bands of music, the chief functionaries of the city 
 and province in their black mantles and gold chains, all marching under emblematical 
 standards or time-honoured blazons, followed each other in dignified order. Then came 
 the Duke himself, on a white Barbaxy horse, caparisoned with cloth of gold. He was 
 surrounded with English, Brench, and Netherland grandees, many of them of world-wide 
 reputation. There was stately Leicester; Sir Philip Sydney, the mirror of chivalry; the 
 gaunt and im posing form of William the Silent ; his son, Count Maurice of Nassau, 
 destined to be the first captain of his age, then a handsome, dark-eyed lad of fifteen; the 
 Dauphin of Auvergne; the Marshal de Biron and his sons; the Prince of Espinoy; the 
 Lords Sheffield, Willoughby, Howard, Hunsdon, and many others of high degree and 
 distinguished reputation. The ancient guilds of the crossbow-men and archers of Brabant, 
 splendidly accoutred, formed the body-guard of the Duke, while his Brench cavaliers, the 
 life-guardsmen of the Prince of Orange, and the troops of the line, followed in great num¬ 
 bers, their glittering uniforms all gaily intermingled, “like the flowers de luce upon a 
 royal mantle.” The procession, thus gorgeous and gay, was terminated by a dismal group 
 of three hundred malefactors, marching in fetters, and imploring pardon of the Duke, a 
 boon which was to be granted at evening. Great torches, although it was high noon, 
 were burning along the road, at intervals of four or five feet, in a continuous line reaching 
 from the platform at Kiel to the portal of Saint Joris, through which the entrance to the 
 city was to be made. 
 
 Inside the gate a stupendous allegory was awaiting the approach of the new sovereign. 
 A huge gilded car, crowded with those emblematical and highly-bedizened personages so 
 dear to the Netherlander^ obstructed the advance of the procession. All the virtues 
 seemed to have come out for an airing in one chariot, and were now waiting to offer their 
 homage to Brancis Hercules Yalois. Religion in “ red satin,” holding the gospel in her 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH 
 1582. 
 
 Great State Procession.— 
 Motley, vol. III., pp. 619- 
 521. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1682. 
 
 The Duke of Anjou enters 
 
 Antwerp.-Motley, vol. 
 
 HI., p. 621 
 
 The King of Denmark made 
 Knight of the Garter.— 
 Camden, p. 242, 243. 
 
 He neglecteth the com¬ 
 plaints of the English. 
 
 1686. 
 
 Ld. Willoughby’s second 
 Mission to Denmark.—Lady 
 G. Bertie, p. 74. 
 
 104 
 
 Peregrine Bertie, XL Lord Willoughby. 
 
 hand, was supported by Justice, “in orange velvet,” armed with blade and beam. 
 Prudence and Fortitude embraced each other near a column enwreathed by serpents, 
 “ with their tails in then* ears to typify deafness to flatterywhile-Patriotism as a pelican, 
 and Patience as a brooding hen, looked benignantly upon the scene. This greeting duly 
 acknowledged, the procession advanced into the city. The streets were lined with troops 
 and with citizens; the balconies were filled with fair women; “ the very gables,” says an 
 enthusiastic contemporary, “seemed to laugh with ladies’ eyes.’'” The market-place was 
 fi11p.fi with waxen torches and with blazing tar-barrels, while in its centre stood the- giant 
 An tigen ns—founder of the city thirteen hundred years before the Christian era—the fabu¬ 
 lous personage who was accustomed to throw the right hands of all smuggling merchants 
 into the Scheld. This colossal individual, attired in a “ surcoat of sky-blue,” and holding 
 a banner emblazoned with the arms of Spain, tinned its head as the Duke entered the 
 square, saluted the new sovereign, and dropping the Spanish escutcheon upon the,ground, 
 raised aloft another bearing the arms of Anjou. 
 
 And thus, amid exuberant outpouring of confidence, another lord and master had made 
 his triumphal entrance into the Netherlands. Alas ! how often had this sanguine people 
 greeted with similar acclamations the advent of their betrayers and then tyrants! How 
 soon were they to discover that the man whom they were thus receiving with the warmest 
 enthusiasm was the most treacherous tyrant of all! 
 
 It was nightfall before the procession at last reached the palace of Saint Michael, which 
 had been fitted up for the temporary reception of the Duke. 
 
 Queene Elizabeth to strengthen herself abroad against the Spaniard, whom she knew to- 
 be exasperated by that supply of money sent to the Duke of Anjou, chose Frederick the 
 Second, King of Demnarke, whom long since she held most dear, into the Society of the 
 Order of S. George, and sent unto him, to invest him with the ensigns of that Order, 
 Peregrine Berty, Baron Willoughby of Eresby. The King of Demnarke gladly suffered 
 the chain or collar of roses to be put about his necke, and the garter to be tyed about his 
 legge : the rest of the ensigns he received to lay up, but denyed to put them on, because 
 they were outlandish; and to take the oath he absolutely refused, for that he had done 
 the same before, when he was admitted by the French King into the Order of S. Michael. 
 "Whilst Willoughby remained in Demnarke, he propounded to the King the complaints of 
 the English Merchants. For they complained grievously that the customes were too 
 much increased, whereas in times past they payed in passing the Danish Strait or Sound, 
 but for every ship a rose noble, that is, the fourth part of an ounce of gold, and as much 
 for then lading or merchandise, with some small moneys towards fires by night to direct 
 their course, and barrels to shew the shelves and rocks. He dealt with him also in behalf 
 of the Merchants, to release the payment of Lastgilt, whereby was exacted the thirtieth 
 part of all theh merchandise, by way of borrowing, dining the heat of the warre betwixt 
 the Kings of Demnarke and Swethland, with promise to repay it when the warre was 
 ended. But these things, as being matters of great weight, were put off to another time. 
 For scarce do Princes ever release their customes which they have once raised, who judge 
 that such royalties (as they call them), do belong to the priviledge and liberty of every 
 kingdome, and are not subject to any forreine moderation. 
 
 The next public service in which Lord Willoughby was engaged, was a second mission 
 to the King of Denmark, in 1585, when Elizabeth employed him to negociate with that 
 monarch for the obtaining of succours, either in men or money, for the King of Navarre, 
 
Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 105 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1683. 
 
 afterwards Henri Quatre. Lord Willoughby gives' a very complete account of his 
 negotiation, in his letters to Sir Francis Walsingham. In his report of it, dated 
 December 15th, 1585, he mentions having received Her Majesty’s letters of the 6th of 
 December, and that he had dealt with the Chancellor Kaas in the affairs of the Hans 
 Towns, and with success. On Sunday, the 12th, he says he had access to the King, 
 going with great solemnity to the Chapel, where it was his custom to be accompanied by 
 his two sons, and that on his return he delivered the Queen’s letters and messages, the 
 account of which must be given in his own words. “ I laid," says he, “before him, the 
 distressed state of the King of Navarre, and in what severe and forcible sort the French 
 King is carried into the present action against him, letting him know the dangerous 
 terms the said King of Navarre standeth in," which “hath stirred up in Her Majesty 
 an extraordinary care of his safety and preservation;” also how “glad she would be to 
 know his disposition in the cause, and how far forth he can be content to stretch himself 
 towards a contribution for the levy of some forces to be sent unto him; which if the King 
 will yield unto, Her Majesty will treat effectually with Casimir and the Landgrave 
 Hesse.” 
 
 On receiving these requests on the part of Elizabeth, the King desired that the 
 Chancellor and Lord Willoughby should have further conference on the subject, and 
 proceeded to the more agreeable task of entertaining his guest. Placing Lord Willoughby 
 above him at table, the King sat down to a splendid and royal feast, and commencing as 
 usual by compliments to the British sovereign, he declared that his first draught should 
 always be to her, which he trusted she would return in like courtesy by him. He loaded 
 Willoughby with every demonstration of respect, caused a lodging to be prepared for him 
 m the castle, commanded the same attendance on him of his ohiefest nobility as they 
 rendered to himself, provided a diet for him, and two persons of the best quality he had, 
 to be the one his cupbearer, the other his carver.— Report of Lord Willoughby's Negotiation 
 in Denmark, December 16th, 1585. State Paper Office, Denmark, Vol. I. 
 
 However, on the Wednesday following, on Willoughby’s next interview with the King, 
 he received His Majesty’s reiterated professions of willingness to demonstrate his sound 
 affection for his beloved “ sister,” but coupled with regrets that he could not satisfy her, 
 whom he was “loth to deny,” especially in a “ cause he himself so well affected; ’’ and 
 trusted that she would think the best, and weigh well the reasons he had already set 
 forth in his declaration. 
 
 Concluding that his mission was accomplished, and that he was at liberty to depart for 
 Flanders, Lord Willoughby was on the eve of taking his departure from Copenhagen, 
 when a hurried message from the King called him back to Cronenburgh; for Frederick, 
 repenting apparently of the answer he had lately given, on second thoughts desired to 
 mollify, though he did not retract it. 
 
 The next we hear of Willoughby is in a letter of Lord Leicester’s to Sir Francis 
 Walsingham, from the Hague, dated February 21st, 1586, which announces his ar¬ 
 rival at that place that same morning, with the welcome intelligence that the King of 
 Denmark was willing to assist the Queen with troops. Again, on the 22nd, Lord 
 Leicester mentions the kind message sent him by the King of Denmark, through Lori 
 Willoughby, offering “ to Her Majesty’s service two thousand horse, with his best captains, 
 and his own son, if she pleases .” 
 
 Lord Willoughby went to Bergen-op-Zoom, of which town he was appointed Governor, 
 
 2 E 
 
 Affairs of the King of 
 Navarre.—Lady G. Bertie, 
 p. 76. 
 
 The King of Denmark on 
 tertains Ld. Willoughby.— 
 Lady G. Bertie, p. 77- 
 
 The King's Deolnration. 
 Lady G. Bertie, p. 80. 
 
 The King’s Message.—Lady 
 G. Bertie, p. 82 
 
 1586. 
 
 Arrival of Willoughby at 
 the Hague.—Lady G. Ber¬ 
 tie, p. 87. 
 
 Made Governor of Bergen- 
 op-Zoom.—Lady G. Bertie, 
 p. 97. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1686. 
 
 106 
 
 Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 Axel surprised by Maurice 
 
 and Sidney. -Motley’s 
 
 “ United Netherlands,” vol. 
 II., pp. 34-36. 
 
 Leicester lays siege to Zut- 
 phen, which Parma pre¬ 
 pares to relieve.—Motley, 
 vol. II., pp. 46-48. 
 
 Sir Philip Sidney having resigned in his favour, which he (Sidney) explains in a letter to 
 Sir Francis Walsingham, dated Utrecht, March 24th, 1586. 
 
 Prince Maurice of Nassau, proposed carrying by surprise the city of Axel, and early in 
 July, wrote to the Earl of Leicester, communicating the particulars of his scheme, but 
 begging that the affair might be “ very secretly handled,” and kept from every one but 
 Sidney. Leicester accordingly sent his nephew to Maurice, that they might consult 
 together upon the enterprise, and the two arranged their plans in harmony. 
 
 Leicester, then, in order to deceive the enemy, came to Bergen-op-Zoom with five 
 hundred men. In the night of the 16th of July, 1586, the five hundred English soldiers 
 were despatched by water, under the charge of Lord Willoughby, “who,” said the Earl, 
 “ would needs go with them.” Young Hatton, too, son of Sir Christopher, also 
 volunteered on the service,“as his first nursling.” Sidney had five hundred of his own 
 Zeeland regiment in readiness, and the rendezvous was upon the broad waters of the 
 Scheldt, opposite Flushing. The plan was neatly carried out, and the united flotilla, in 
 a dark, calm, midsummer’s night, rowed across the smooth estuary and landed at Ter Neuse. 
 Here they were joined by Maurice with some Netherland companies, and the united 
 troops, between two and three thousand strong, marched to the place proposed. Before 
 two in the morning they had reached Axel, but found the moat very deep. Forty 
 soldiers immediately plunged in, however, carrying their ladders with them, swam across, 
 scaled the rampart, killed the guard, whom they found asleep in their beds, and opened 
 the gates for then- comrades. The whole force then marched in, the Dutch companies 
 under Colonel Pyron being first, Lord Willoughby’s men being second, and Sir Philip 
 with his Zeelanders bringing up the rear. The garrison, between five and six hundred 
 in number, though surprised, resisted gallantly, and were all put to the sword. Of the 
 invaders, not a single man lost his life. Sidney most generously rewarded from his own 
 purse the adventurous soldiers who had swum the moat. A garrison of eight hundred, 
 under Colonel Pyron, was left in Axel, and the dykes round were then pierced. Upwards 
 of two millions’ worth of property in grass, cattle, corn, was thus immediately destroyed 
 in the territory of the obedient Netherlands. 
 
 On the night of 29th August, 1586 (St. Nov.), Alexander himself entered Zutphen, for 
 the purpose of encouraging the garrison by promises of relief, and of ascertaining the 
 position of the enemy. His presence inspired the soldiers with enthusiasm, so that they 
 could with difficulty be restrained from rushing forth to assault the besiegers. In regard 
 to the enemy, he found that Gibbet Hill was still occupied by Sir John Norris, who had 
 entrenched himself very strongly, and was supposed to have thirty-five hundred men 
 under his command. His position seemed quite impregnable. The rest of the English 
 were on the other side of the river, and Alexander observed, with satisfaction, that they 
 had abandoned a small redoubt, outside the Loor-Gate, through which the reinforcements 
 must enter the city. The Prince determined to profit by this mistake, and to seize the 
 opportunity thus afforded of sending those much-needed supplies. Dining the night the 
 enemy were found to be throwing up works “ most furiously,” and skirmishing parties 
 were sent out of the town to annoy them. In the morning Alexander returned to his 
 camp at Berkelo, leaving Tassis in command of the Yeluwe Forts, and Yerdugo in the 
 city itself. He had soon wheat and other supplies in readiness, sufficient to feed four 
 thousand mouths for three months, and these he determined to send into the city 
 immediately, and at every hazard. 
 

 Peregrine Bertie, XL Lord Willoughby. 
 
 107 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1586. 
 
 The great convoy which was now to be dispatched, required great care and a powerful 
 escort. Twenty-five hundred musketeers and pikemen, of whom one thousand were 
 Spaniards, and six hundred cavalry, Epirotes, Spaniards, and Italians, under Hannibal 
 Gronzaga, George Crescia, Bentivoglio, Sesa, and others, were accordingly detailed for 
 this expedition. The Marquis del Yasto, to whom was entrusted the chief command, 
 was ordered to march horn Berkelo at midnight on Wednesday, 1st October (St. Nov.). 
 
 It was calculated that he would reach a certain hillock not far from Warnsfeld . by dawn 
 of day. Here he was to pause, and send forward an officer towards the town, 
 communicating his arrival, and requesting the co-operation of Yerdugo, who was to make 
 a sortie with one thousand men, according to Alexander’s previous arrangements. The 
 plan was successfully carried out. The Marquis arrived by day-break at the spot 
 indicated, and dispatched Captain de Yega, who contrived to send intelligence of the fact. 
 
 A trooper, whom Parma had himself sent to Yerdugo, with earlier information of the 
 movement, had been captured on the way. Leicester had therefore been apprized, at an 
 early moment, of the Prince’s intentions. 
 
 He had accordingly ordered Sir John Norris, who commanded on the outside of the 
 town near the road which the Spaniards must traverse, to place an ambuscade in his 
 way. Sir John took a body of two hundred cavalry, and ordered Sir William Stanley, 
 with three hundred pikemen, to follow. A much stronger force of infantry was held in 
 reserve and readiness. The ambuscade was successfully placed, before the dawn of 
 Thursday morning, in the neighbourhood of Warnsfeld Church. On the other hand, the 
 Earl of Leicester himself, anxious as to the result, came across the river just at day-break; 
 he was accompanied by the chief gentlemen in his camp. 
 
 The business that morning was a commonplace and practical, though an important one, The English intercept the 
 —to “impeach” a convoy of wheat and barley, butter, cheese, and beef—but the names p° n ^ 7 Motley ’ voL 
 of those noble and knightly volunteers, familiar throughout Christendom, sound like the 
 roll-call for some chivalrous tournament. There were Essex and Audley, Stanley, 
 
 Pelham, Bussell, both the Sidneys, all the Norrises, men whose valour had been proved 
 on many a hard-fought battle-field. There, too, was the famous hero of British ballad, 
 whose name was so often to ring on the plains of the Netherlands — 
 
 “ The brave Lord Willoughby, 
 
 Of courage fierce and fell, 
 
 Who ■would not give one inch of way 
 For all the devils in hell.” 
 
 Twenty such volunteers as these sat on horseback that morning around the stately Earl 
 of Leicester. It seemed an incredible extravagance to send a handful of such heroes 
 against an army. 
 
 It was five o’clock of a chill autumn morning. It was time for day to break, but the 
 fog was so thick that a man at the distance of five yards was quite invisible. The 
 creaking of waggon wheels, and the measured tramp of soldiers soon became faintly 
 audible, however, to Sir John Norris and his five hundred men as they sat there in the 
 mist. Presently came galloping forward in hot haste those nobles and gentlemen, with 
 their esquires, fifty men in all—Sidney, Willoughby, and the rest—whom Leicester had 
 no longer been able to restrain from taking part in the adventure. 
 
 A force of infantry, the amount of which cannot be satisfactorily ascertained, had been 
 ordered by the Earl to cross the bridge at a later moment. 
 
 The arrival of the expected convoy was soon more distinctly heard, but no scouts or 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1386. 
 
 108 
 
 Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 outposts had been stationed to give timely notice of the enemy’s movements. Suddenly 
 the fog, which had shrouded the scene so closely, rolled away like a curtain, and in the 
 f ull light, of an October morning the Englishmen found themselves face to face with a 
 Compact body of more than three thousand men. The Marquis del Yasto rode at the 
 head of the force, surrounded by a band of mounted arquebus men. The cavalry, under 
 the famous Epirote chief George Crescia, Hannibal Gonzaga, Bentivoglio, Sesa, Conti, 
 and other distinguished commanders, followed; the columns of pikemen and musketeers 
 lined the hedge-rows on both sides of the causeway; while between them the long train of 
 waggons came slowly along under then - protection. The whole force had got into motion, 
 after having sent notice of their arrival to Yerdugo, who, with one or two thousand men, 
 was expected to sally forth almost immediately from the city gate. 
 
 The Battle of Warnsfcid. There was but brief time for deliberation. Notwithstanding the tremendous odds, 
 ^ 5 o- 5 L MUtl ° y ’ V0L U " there was no thought of retreat. Black Norris called to Sir William Stanley, with whom 
 he had been at variance so lately at Doesburg. 
 
 “ There hath been ill blood between us,” he said. “ Let us be friends together this day, 
 and die side by side, if need be, in Her Majesty’s cause.” 
 
 “If you see me not serve my prince with faithful courage now,” replied Stanley, 
 “ account me for ever a coward. Living or dying I will stand or lie by you in friendship. 
 
 As they were speaking these words, the young Earl of Essex, general of the horse, cried 
 to his handful of troopers:— 
 
 “ Eollow me, good fellows, for the honour of England and of England’s Queen! ” 
 
 As he spoke he dashed, lance in rest, upon the enemy’s cavalry, overthrew the 
 foremost man, horse and rider, shivered his own spear to splinters, and then, swinging 
 his curtel-axe rode merrily forward. His whole little troop, compact as an arrow-head, 
 flew with an irresistible shock against the opposing columns, pierced clean through them, 
 and scattered them in all directions. At the very first charge one hundred English 
 horsemen drove the Spanish and Albanian cavalry back upon the musketeers and pikemen. 
 Wheeling with rapidity, they retired before a volley t>f musket-shot, by which many 
 horses, and a few riders were killed, and then formed again to renew the attack. Sir 
 Philip Sidney, on coming to the field, having met Sir William Pelham, the veteran 
 lord marshal, lightly armed, had with chivalrous extravagance thrown off his own cuishes, 
 and now rode to the battle with no armour but his cuirass. At the second charge his 
 horse was shot under him, but mounting another, he was seen everywhere in the thick of 
 the fight, behaving himself with a gallantry which extorted admiration even from the 
 enemy. 
 
 For the battle was a series of personal encounters, in which high officers were doing 
 the work of private soldiers. Lord North, who had been lying “bed-rid,” with a 
 musket-shot in the leg, had got himself put on horseback, and “with one boot on and 
 one boot off,” bore himself “ most lustily ” through the whole affair. “I desire that Her 
 Majesty may know,” he said, “ that I live but to serve her. A better barony than I have 
 could not hire the Lord North to live on meaner terms.” Sir William Russell laid about 
 him with his curtel-axe to such purpose, that the Spaniards pronounced him a devil and 
 not a man. “ Wherever,” said an eye-witness, “ he saw five or six of the enemy together, 
 thither would he; and with his hard knocks soon separated them friendship.” Lord 
 Willoughby encountered George Crescia, general of the famed Albanian cavalry, unhorsed 
 him at the first shock, and rolled him into the ditch. “ I yield me thy prisoner,” called 
 
Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 109 
 
 out the Epirote in French, “for thou art a preux chevalier;” while Willoughby, trusting 
 to his captive’s word, galloped onward, and with him the rest of the little troop, till they 
 seemed swallowed up by the superior numbers of the enemy. His horse was shot under 
 him, his basses were torn from his legs, and he was nearly taken a prisoner, but fought 
 his way back with incredible strength and good fortune. Sir William Stanley’s horse had 
 seven bullets in him, hut bore his rider unhurt to the end of the battle. Leicester 
 declared Sir William and “ old Reade ” to be “ worth their weight in pearl.” 
 
 Hannibal Gonzaga, leader of the Spanish cavalry, fell mortally wounded. The Marquis 
 del Yasto, commander of the expedition, nearly met the same fate. An Englishman was 
 just cleaving his head with a battle-axe, when a Spaniard transfixed the soldier with his 
 pike. The most obstinate struggle took place about the train of waggons. The teamsters 
 had fled in the beginning of the action, but the English and Spanish soldiers, struggling 
 with the horses, and pulling them forward and backward, tried in vain to get exclusive 
 possession of the convoy which was the cause of the action. The carts at last forced 
 their way slowly nearer and nearer to the town, while the combat still went on, warm as 
 ever, between the hostile squadrons. The action lasted an horn and a half, and again and 
 again the Spanish horsemen wavered and broke before the handful of English, and fell 
 back on their musketeers. Sir Philip Sidney, in the last charge, rode quite through the 
 enemy’s ranks till he came upon their entrenchments, when a musket-ball from the camp 
 struck him upon the thigh, three inches above the knee. 
 
 The fight was over. Sir John Norris bade Lord Leicester “be merry, for,” said he, 
 “ you have driven the enemy three times to retreat.” But, in truth, it was now time for 
 the English to retire in their turn. Their reserve never arrived. The whole force 
 engaged against the 3,500 Spaniards, had never exceeded 250 horse and 300 foot, and of 
 this number the chief work was done by the 50 or 60 volunteers and their followers. 
 The heroism which had been displayed was fruitless, except as a proof—and so Leicester 
 wrote to the Palatine John Casimir—“that Spaniards were not invincible.” Two thousand 
 men now sallied from the Loor-Gate, under Verdugo and Tassis, to join the force under 
 Yasto, and the English were forced to retreat. The whole convoy was then carried into 
 the city and the Spaniards remained masters of the field. 
 
 Thirteen troopers and twenty-two foot soldiers, upon the English side, were killed. 
 The enemy lost perhaps 200 men. 
 
 The romantic valour displayed in the above engagement was certainly deserving of 
 reward; and Lord Leicester accordingly, to show his sense of merit, and “ for his own 
 honour’s sake,” conferred in his camp the dignity of a Knight Banneret on the Earl of 
 Essex, the Lord Willoughby, the Lord Audley, and the Lord North: and knighted Sir 
 Henry Goodyere, captain of the guard, Sir Henry Norris (brother of Sir John), Sir John 
 Winkfield, or Wingfield, &c., &c. 
 
 The brave and amiable Sir Philip Sidney was not, however, spared to the wishes of his 
 uncle. The wound he had received proved mortal. He had been removed from the field 
 of battle to a place called Arnam, where Leicester visited him ; and where, on the 17th of 
 October, he expired. 
 
 Leicester found himself, at the end of his second term in the Provinces, without a 
 single friend, and with few respectable partisans. 
 
 He was not the statesman to deal in policy with Buys, Barneveld, Ortel, Sainte 
 Aldegonde; nor the soldier to measure himself against Alexander Earnese. Has adminis- 
 
 QtJEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1586. 
 
 Leicester’s rewards.—Lady 
 G. Bertie, p. 113. 
 
 Death of Sidney. 
 
 1587. 
 
 Results of Leicester’s ad¬ 
 ministration.—Motley, VoL 
 II., p. 351, 352. 
 
110 
 
 Peregrine Bertie, XL Lord Willoughby. 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1687. 
 
 1588. 
 
 Distracted condition of 
 Dutch Republic. — Motley, 
 Vo!. II., pp. 354, 355. 
 
 Willoughby reluctantly 
 takes command. — Motley, 
 vol II., pp. 355-367. 
 
 tration was a failure; and although he repeatedly hazarded his life, and poured out his 
 wealth in their behalf with an almost unequalled liberality, he could never gain the hearts 
 of the Netherlanders. English valour, English intelligence, English truthfulness, English 
 generosity, were endearing England more and more to Holland. The Statesmen of both 
 countries were brought into closest union, and learned to appreciate and to respect each 
 other, while they recognised that the fate of their respective commonwealths was 
 indissolubly united. But it was to the efforts of Walsingham, Drake, Raleigh, Wilkes, 
 Buckhurst, Norris, Willoughby, Williams, Yere, Bussell, and the brave men who fought 
 under their banners or their councils, on every battle-field, and in every beleagured town 
 in the Netherlands, and to the universal spirit and sagacity of the English nation in this 
 grand crisis of its fate, that these fortunate results were owing; not to the Earl of 
 Leicester, nor—during the term of his administration —to Queen Elizabeth herself. 
 
 The blackest night that ever descended upon the Netherlands—more disappointing 
 because succeeding a period of comparative prosperity and triumph—was the winter of 
 1587-8, when Leicester had terminated his career by his abrupt departure for England, 
 after his second brief attempt at administration. For it was exactly at this moment of 
 anxious expectation, when dangers were rolling up from the south, till not a ray of light 
 or hope could pierce the universal darkness, that the little commonwealth was left 
 without a chief. The English Earl departed, shaking the dust from his feet; but he did 
 not resign. The supreme authority, so far as he could claim it, was again transferred, 
 with his person, to England. 
 
 The consequences were immediate and disastrous. All the Leicestrians refused to obey 
 the States-General. Utrecht, the stronghold of that party, announced its unequivocal 
 intention to annex itself, without any conditions whatever, to the English crown, while 
 in Holland, young Maurice was solemnly installed stadtholder, and captain-general of the 
 Provinces, under the guidance of Hohenlo and Barneveld. But his authority was openly 
 defied in many important cities within his jurisdiction by military chieftains who had 
 taken the oaths of allegiance to Leicester as governor, and who refused to renounce 
 fidelity to the man who had deserted their country, but who had not resigned his 
 authority. Of these mutineers, the most eminent was Diedrich Sonoy, governor of North 
 Holland, a soldier of much experience, sagacity, and courage, who had rendered great 
 services to the cause of liberty and Protestantism, and had defaced it by acts of barbarity 
 which had made his name infamous. Against this refractory chieftain it was necessary 
 for Hohenlo and Maurice to lead an armed force, and to besiege him in his stronghold— 
 the important city of Medenblik—which he resolutely held for Leicester, although 
 Leicester had definitely departed, and which he closed against Maurice, although Maurice 
 was the only representative of order and authority within the distracted commonwealth. 
 And thus civil war had broken out in the little scarcely-organized republic, as if there were 
 not dangers and blood-shed enough impending over it from abroad. And the civil war was 
 the necessary consequence of the Earl’s departure. 
 
 The English forces, reduced as they were by sickness, famine, and abject poverty, were 
 but a remnant of the brave and well-seasoned bands which had faced the Spaniards with 
 success on so many battle-fields. 
 
 The general who now assumed chief command over them, by direction of Leicester, 
 subsequently confirmed by the Queen, was Lord Willoughby. A daring, splendid dragoon, 
 an honest, chivalrous, and devoted servant of his Queen, a conscientious adherent of 
 
Peregrine Bertie, XL Lord Willoughby. 
 
 Ill 
 
 ______QUEEN ELIZABETH 
 
 168 ?. 
 
 Leicester, and a firm believer in his capacity and character. He was, however, not a man 
 of sufficient experience or subtlety to perform the various tasks imposed upon him by the 
 necessities of such a situation. Quick-witted, even brilliant inintellect, and the bravest of 
 the brave on the battle-field, he was neither a sagacious administrator, nor a successful 
 commander. And he honestly confessed his deficiencies, and disliked the post to which he 
 had been elevated. He scorned baseness, intrigue, and petty quarrels, and he was 
 impatient of control. With a high sense of honour, and a keen perception of insult, very 
 modest and very proud, he was not likely to feed with wholesome appetite upon the 
 unsavoury annoyances which were the daily bread of a chief commander in the 
 Netherlands. “I ambitiously affect not high titles, but round dealing,” he said; “desiring 
 rather to be a private lance with indifferent reputation, than a colonel-general spotted or 
 defamed with wants.” He was not the politician to be matched against the unscrupulous 
 and all-accomplished Farnese; and indeed no man better than Willoughby could illustrate 
 the enormous disadvantage under which Englishmen laboured at that epoch in their 
 dealings with Italians and Spaniards. The profuse indulgence in falsehood which 
 characterized Southern statesmanship, was more than a match for English love of truth. 
 
 English soldiers and negotiators went naked into a contest with enemies armed in a 
 panoply of lies. It was an unequal match, as we have already seen, and as we are soon 
 more clearly to see. How was an English soldier who valued his knightly word—how 
 were English diplomatists—among whom one of the most famous—then a lad of twenty, 
 secretary to Lord Essex in the Netherlands—had poetically avowed that “ simple truth 
 was highest skill ”—to deal with the thronging Spanish deceits, sent northward by the 
 great father of lies who sat in the Escorial ? 
 
 “ It were an ill lesson,” said Willoughby, “to teach soldiers the dissimulations of such 
 as follow princes’ courts in Italy. For my own part, it is my only end to be loyal and 
 dutiful to my sovereign, and plain to all others that I honour. I see the finest reynard 
 loses his best coat, as well as the poorest sheep.” He was also a strong Leicestrian, and 
 had imbibed much of the Earl’s resentment against the leading politicians of the States. 
 
 Willoughby was sorely in need of counsel. That shrewd and honest Welshman, Roger 
 Williams, was for the moment absent. Another of the same race and character com¬ 
 manded in Bergen-op-Zoom, but was not more gifted with administrative talent than the 
 general himself. 
 
 “ Si r Thomas Morgan is a very sufficient, gallant gentleman,” said Willoughby, “ and 
 in truth a very old soldier; but we both have need of one that can both give and keep 
 counsel better than ourselves. For action he is undoubtedly very able, if there were no 
 other means to conquer but only to give blows.” 
 
 In brief, the new commander of the English forces in the Netherlands was little 
 satisfied with the States, with the enemy, or with himself, and was inclined to take but a 
 dismal view of the disjointed commonwealth, which required so incompetent a person as 
 he professed himself to be, to set it right. 
 
 “’Tis a shame to show my wants,” he said, “but too great a fault of duty that 
 the Queen’s reputation be frustrate. What is my slender experience? What an 
 honourable person do I succeed I What an encumbered popular state is left 1 Wliat 
 withered sinews, which it passes my cunning to restore! What an enemy in head 
 greater than heretofore 1 And wherewithal should I sustain this burthen ? For the wars, 
 
 I am fitter to obey than to command. For the State, I am a man prejudicated in their 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1688. 
 
 112 
 
 Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 English Commissioners 
 come to Ostend.—Motley, 
 Vol. II., pp. 868, 868. 
 
 Cecil makes a tour in Flin¬ 
 ders.—Motley, Vol. II., pp. 
 371, 372. 
 
 Dangerous discord in North 
 Holland. Motley, Vol. II,, 
 pp. 409, 410. 
 
 opinion, and not the better liked of them that I have earnestly followed the general; and 
 being one that wants both opinion and experience with them I have to deal, and means to 
 win more or to maintain that which is left, what good may he looked for?” 
 
 Meantime the English sovereign, persisting in her delusion, and despite the solemn 
 warnings of her own wisest counsellors, and the passionate remonstrances of the States- 
 General of the Netherlands, sent her peace-commissioners to the Duke of Parma. 
 
 The Earl of Derby, Lord Cobham, Sir James Croft, Valentine Dale, Doctor of Laws and 
 former Ambassador at Vienna, and Dr. Rogers, Envoys on the part of the Queen, arrived 
 in the Netherlands in February. The Commissioners appointed on the part of Earnese 
 were Count Aremberg, Champagny, Richardot, Jacob Maas, and Secretary Gamier. 
 
 The English Commissioners arrived at Ostend. With them came Robert Cecil, youngest 
 son of Lord-treasurer Burghley, then twenty-five years of age. He had no official 
 capacity, but was sent by his father, that he might improve his diplomatic talents, and 
 obtain some information as to the condition of the Netherlands. 
 
 While at dinner in Lanfranchi’s house, Cecil was witness to another characteristic of the 
 times, and one which afforded proof of even more formidable freebooters abroad than 
 those for whom the bailiff of Waasland had erected his gibbets. A canal-boat had left 
 Antwerp for Brussels that morning, and in the vicinity of the latter city had been set upon 
 by a detachment from the English garrison of Bergen-op-Zoom, and captured, with twelve 
 prisoners and a freight of 60,000 florins in money. “ This struck the company at the 
 dinner table all in a dump,” said Cecil. And well it might; for the property mainly 
 belonged to themselves, and they forthwith did their best to have the marauders way-laid 
 on their return. But Cecil, notwithstanding his gratitude for the hospitality of Lanfranchi, 
 sent word next day to the garrison of Bergen of the designs against them, and on his 
 arrival at the place, had the satisfaction of being informed by Lord Willoughby that the 
 party had got safe home with their plunder. 
 
 “And well worthy they are of it,” said young Robert, “considering how far they go 
 for it.” 
 
 The traveller, on leaving Antwerp, proceeded down the river to Bergen-op-Zoom, where 
 he was hospitably entertained by that doughty old soldier Sir William Reade, and met 
 Lord Willoughby, whom he accompanied to Brielle, on a visit to the deposed elector 
 Truchsess, then living in that neighbourhood. 
 
 Sonoy, in the name of Leicester, took arms against Maurice and the States; Maurice 
 inarched against him; and Lord Willoughby, commander-in-chief of the English forces, was 
 anxious to march against Maurice. It was a spectacle to make angels weep, that of 
 Englishmen and Hollanders preparing to cut each other’s throats, at the moment when 
 Philip and Parma were bending ah their energies to crush England and Holland at once. 
 
 Indeed, the interregnum between the departure of Leicester and his abdication was 
 diligently employed by his more reckless partizans to defeat and destroy the authority of 
 the States. By prolonging the interval, it was hoped that no government would be 
 possible except the arbitrary rule of the Earl, or of a successor with similar views ; for a 
 republic—a free commonwealth—was thought an absurdity. To entrust supreme power to 
 advocates, merchants, and mechanics, seemed as hopeless as it was vulgar. Willoughby, 
 much devoted to Leicester, and much detesting Barneveld, had small scruple in fanning 
 the flames of discord. 
 
 There was open mutiny against the States by the garrison of Gertruydenberg, and 
 
113 
 
 Peregrine Bertie ,, XL Lord Willoughby. 
 
 Willoughby’s brother-in-law, Captain Wingfield, commanded in Gertruydenberg. There 
 were rebellious demonstrations in Naarden, and Willoughby went to Naarden. The 
 garrison was troublesome, but most of the magistrates were firm. So Willoughby supped 
 with the burgo-masters, and found that Paul Buys had been setting the people against 
 Queen Elizabeth, Leicester, and the whole English nation, making them all odious. 
 Colonel Dorp said openly that it was a shame for the country to refuse their own natural- 
 born Count for strangers. He swore that he would sing his song whose bread he had 
 eaten. A “ fat militia captain ” of the place, one Soyssons, on the other hand, privately 
 informed Willoughby that Maurice and Barneveld were treating underhand with Spain. 
 Willoughby was inclined to believe the calumny, but feared that his corpulent friend 
 would lose his head for reporting it. Meantime, the English commander did his best to 
 strengthen the English party in their rebellion against the States. 
 
 “But how if they make war upon us?” asked the Leicestrians. 
 
 “ It is very likely,” replied Willoughby, “ that if they use violence you will have her 
 Majesty’s assistance, and then you who continue constant to the end will be rewarded 
 accordingly. Moreover, who would not rather be a horse-keeper to her Majesty, than a 
 captain to Barneveld or Buys?” 
 
 When at last the resignation of Leicester—presented to the States by Killegrew, on the 
 31st of March—seemed to promise comparative repose to the republic, the vexation of the 
 Leicestrians was intense. 
 
 With mischief-makers like Champernoun in every city, and with such diplomatists at 
 Ostend as Croft, and Rogers, and Valentine Dale, was it wonderful that the King and the 
 Duke of Parma found time to mature then' plans for the destruction of both countries ? 
 
 Lord Willoughby, too, was extremely dissatisfied with his own position. He received 
 no commission from the Queen for several months. When at last it reached him, it 
 seemed inadequate, and he became more sullen than ever. He declared that he would 
 rather serve the Queen as a private soldier, at his own expense—“ lean as his purse was ” 
 —than accept the limited authority conferred upon him. He preferred to show his devotion 
 “in a beggarly state, than in a formal show.” He considered it beneath her Majesty’s 
 dignity that he should act in the field under the States , but his instructions forbade his 
 acceptance of any office from that body but that of general in then- service. He was very 
 discontented, and more anxious than ever to be rid of his functions. Without being ex¬ 
 tremely ambitious, he was impatient of control. He desired not “ a larger-shaped coat,” 
 but one that fitted him better. “ I wish to shape my garment homely, after my cloth,” 
 he said, “ that the better of my parish may not be misled by my sumptuousness. I would 
 live quietly, without great noise, my poor roof low and near the ground, not subject to be 
 over-blown with unlooked-for storms, while the sun seems most shining.” 
 
 Being the deadly enemy of the States and their leaders, it was a matter of course that 
 he should be bitter against Maurice. That young Prince, bold, enterprising, and 
 determined as he was, did not ostensibly meddle with political affairs more than became 
 his years; but he accepted the counsels of the able statesmen in whom his father had 
 trusted. 
 
 Biding, hunting, and hawking seemed to be his chief delight at the Hague, in the 
 intervals of military occupations. He rarely made his appearance in the state-council 
 during the winter, and referred public matters to the States-General, to the States of 
 Holland, to Barneveld, Buys, and Hohenlo. Superficial observers like George Gilpin 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1688. 
 
 Leicester’s resignation ar¬ 
 rives.—Motley, Vol. II., pp. 
 412, 413. 
 
 Enmity of Willoughby anil 
 Maurice.—Motley, Vol. II., 
 pp. 413, 414. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 168H. 
 
 Willoughby’s dark picturch 
 of affairs. [Willoughby to 
 Wulsingham, 19 Feb., 1 
 Mar.,158S (S.P. Office,MS.)] 
 —Motley, Vol. II., pp. 415, 
 116. 
 
 114 
 
 Peregrine Bertie, JCI. Lord Willoughby . 
 
 regarded him as a cipher; others, hke Robert Cecil, thought him an unmannerly 
 school-boy; but Willoughby, although considering him insolent and conceited, could not 
 deny his ability. The peace-partisans among the burghers—a very small faction—were 
 furious against him, for they knew that Maurice of Nassau represented war. They 
 accused of deep designs against the liberties of their country the youth who was ever 
 ready to risk his life in their defence. A burgomaster from Friesland, who had come 
 across the Zuyder Zee to intrigue against the States’ party, was full of spleen at being 
 obliged to dance attendance for a long time at the Hague. He complained that Count 
 Maurice, green of years, and seconded by greener counsellors, was meditating the 
 dissolution of the state-council, the appointment of a new board from his own creatures, 
 the overthrow of all other authority, and the assumption of the sovereignty of Holland 
 and Zeeland, with absolute power. “And when this is done,” said the rueful burgo¬ 
 master, “he and his turbulent fellows may make what terms they like with Spain to 
 the disadvantage of the Queen and of us poor wretches.” 
 
 But there was nothing farther from the thoughts of the turbulent fellows than any 
 negotiations with Spain. Maurice was ambitious enough, perhaps, but his ambition ran 
 in no such direction. Willoughby knew better, and thought that by humouring the 
 petulant young man it might be possible to manage him. 
 
 “Maurice is young,” he said, “hot-headed, coveting honor. If we do but look at him 
 through our fingers, without much words, but with providence enough, baiting his hook a 
 little to his appetite, there is no doubt but he might be caught and kept in a fish-pool, while 
 in his imagination he may judge it a sea. If not, ’tis likely he will make us fish 
 in troubled waters.” 
 
 Maurice was hardly the fish for a mill-pond even at that epoch, and it might one day 
 be seen whether or not he could float in the great ocean of events. Meanwhile he swam 
 his course without superfluous gambols or spoutings. 
 
 The commander of her Majesty’s forces was not satisfied with the States, nor 
 their generals, nor their politicians. “Affairs are going a malo in pejus” he said. 
 “ They embrace their liberty as apes their young. To this end are Counts Hollock and 
 Maurice set upon the stage to entertain the popular sort. Her Majesty and my Lord of 
 Leicester are not forgotten. The Counts are in Holland, especially Hollock, for the other 
 is but the cipher. And yet I can assure you Maurice hath wit and spirit too much for 
 his time.” 
 
 As the troubles of the interregnum increased Willoughby was more dissatisfied than 
 ever with the miserable condition of the Provinces, but chose to ascribe it to the 
 machinations of the States’ party, rather than to the ambiguous conduct of Leicester. 
 “ These evils,” he said, “ are especially derived from the childish ambition of the young 
 Count Maurice, from the covetous and furious counsels of the proud Hollanders, now 
 chief of the States-General, and, if with pardon it may be said, from our slackness and 
 coldness to entertain our friends. The provident and wiser sort—weighing what a slender 
 ground the appetite of a young man is, unfurnished with the sinews of war to manage so 
 great a cause—for a good space after my Lord of Leicester’s departure, gave him far 
 looking on, to see him play his part on the stage.” 
 
 Willoughby’s spleen caused him to mix his metaphors more recklessly than strict taste 
 would warrant, but his violent expressions painted the relative situation of parties moro 
 vividly than could be done by a calm disquisition. Maurice thus playing his part upon 
 
Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 115 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1588. 
 
 the stage—as the general proceeded to observe—“ was a skittish horse, becoming by little 
 and little assured of what he had feared, and perceiving the liannlessness thereof: while 
 his companions, finding no safety of neutrality in so great practices, and no overturning 
 nor barricade to stop his rash wilded chariot, followed without fear; and when some of the 
 first had passed the bog, the rest, as the fashion is, never started after. The variable 
 democracy, embracing novelty, began to applaud their prosperity; the base and lewdest 
 sorts of men, to whom there is nothing more agreeable than change of Estates, as a better 
 monture to degrees than their merit, took present hold thereof. Hereby Paul Buys, 
 Barneveld, and divers others, who were before mantled with a tolerable affection, though 
 seasoned with a poisoned intention, caught the occasion, and made themselves the 
 Beelzebubs of all these mischiefs, and, for want of better angels, spared not to let fly our 
 golden winged ones in the name of guilders, to prepare the hearts and hands that hold 
 money dearer than honesty, of which sort the country troubles and the Spanish practices 
 having suckled up many, they found enough to serve their purpose. As the breach is safely 
 saltable where no defence is made, so they, finding no head, but those scattered arms that 
 were disavowed, drew the sword with Peter, and gave pardon with the Pope, as you shall 
 plainly perceive by the proceedings at Horn. Thus their force, fair words, or corruption, 
 prevailing everywhere, it grew to this conclusion—that the worst were encouraged with 
 their good success, and the best sort assured of no fortune or favour.” 
 
 Out of all this hubbub of stage-actors, skittish horses, rash wilded chariots, bogs, 
 Beelzebubs, and golden-winged angels, one truth was distinctly audible; that Beelzebub 
 in the shape of Barneveld, had been getting the upper hand in the Netherlands, and that 
 the Leicestrians were at a disadvantage. In truth those partisans were becoming 
 extremely impatient. Einding themselves deserted by then* great protector, they naturally 
 turned their eyes towards Spain, and were now threatening to sell themselves to Philip. 
 The Earl, at his departure, had given them privately much encouragement. But month 
 after month had passed by while they were waiting in vain for comfort. At last the 
 « best that is to say, the unhappy Leicestrians—came to Willoughby, asking his advice 
 in their “ declining and desperate cause.” 
 
 u Well nigh a month longer,” said that general, “I nourished them with compliments, 
 and assured them that my Lord of Leicester would take care of them.” The diet was not 
 fattening. So they began to grumble more loudly than ever, and complained with great 
 bitterness of the miserable condition in which they had been left by the Earl, and 
 expressed their fears lest the Queen likewise meant to abandon them. They protested 
 that their poverty, their powerful foes, and their slow friends, would compel them either 
 to make their peace with the States’ party, or “ compound with the enemy. 
 
 It would have seemed that real patriots, under such circumstances, would hardly 
 hesitate in their choice, and would sooner accept the dominion of “ Beelzebub,” or even 
 Paul Buys, than that of Philip II. But the Leicestrians of Utrecht and Friesland— 
 patriots as they were—hated Holland worse than they hated the Inquisition. Willoughby 
 encouraged them in that hatred. He assured them of her Majesty’s affection for them, 
 complained of the factious proceedings of the States, and alluded to the unfavourable 
 state of the weather as a reason why—near four months long—they had not received the 
 comfort out of England which they had a right to expect. He assured them that neither 
 the Queen nor Leicester would conclude this honourable action, wherein much had been 
 hazarded, “ so rawly and tragically ” as they seemed to fear, and warned them, that “ if 
 
 Hatred between States and 
 Leicestrians.—[Willoughby 
 to Wulsingham—MS. last 
 quoted.]—Motley, Vol. II.. 
 p. 417. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH, 
 loSS. 
 
 End oF Sonoy'* rebellion.- 
 Motley, Vol. II., pp. 42 
 
 m. 
 
 Willoughby’s exploits 
 ■against the Spaniards.- 
 Lady Q. Bertie, pp. 207- 
 209. 
 
 116 
 
 Peregrine Bertie, X/. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 they did join with Holland, it would neither ease nor help them, hut draw them into a 
 more dishonourable loss of their liberties; and that, after having wound them in, the 
 Hollanders would make their own peace with the enemy.” 
 
 It seemed somewhat unfair—while the Queen’s government was straining every nerve 
 to obtain a peace with Philip, and while the Hollanders were obstinately deaf to any 
 propositions for treating—that Willoughby should accuse them of secret intentions to 
 negotiate. But it must be confessed that faction has rarely worn a more mischievous 
 aspect than was presented by the politics of Holland and England in the winter and 
 spring of 1588. 
 
 Young Maurice was placed in a very painful position. He liked not to be “ strangled 
 in the great Queen’s embrace;” but he felt most keenly the necessity of her friendship, 
 and the importance to both countries of a close alliance. It was impossible for him, 
 however, to tolerate the rebellion of Sonoy, although Sonoy was encouraged by Elizabeth, 
 or to fly in the face of Barneveld, although Bameveld was detested by Leicester. So 
 with much firmness and courtesy, notwithstanding the extravagant pictures painted by 
 Willoughby, he suppressed mutiny in Holland, while avowing the most chivalrous 
 attachment to the Sovereign of England. 
 
 At last the Queen informed Willoughby, that—as the cause of Sonoy’s course seemed 
 to be his oath of obedience to Leicester, whose resignation of office had not yet been 
 received in the Netherlands she had now ordered Councillor Killigrew to communicate 
 the fact of that resignation. She also wrote to Sonoy requiring him to obey the States 
 and Count Maurice, and to accept a fresh commission from them, or at least to surrender 
 Medenblik, and to fulfil all their orders with zeal and docility. So soon as the news 
 reached Sonoy, that contumacious chieftain found his position untenable, and he allowed 
 the States troops to take possession of Medenblik, and with it the important territory of 
 North Holland, of which province Maurice now saw himself undisputed governor. Sonoy 
 was in the course of the summer deprived of all office. 
 
 On the 30th of July, Willoughby received two letters from the Lords of the Privy Coun¬ 
 cil, urging demands for ships and “ shot,” (a) for the defence of the seas against the common 
 enemy of England and the States, the haughty power of Spain. A stronger tie can 
 scarcely be found, than that which unites two parties for mutual protection and 
 good offices, when the same danger threatens both; and besides the aid which Elizabeth 
 might justly demand from Holland for herself, that country was selfishly interested 
 in opposing the ambition of the tyrant with whom it had so long contended. The 
 requests of Elizabeth were presented through her General; and the shipping demanded 
 had already, through his solicitations, been granted for the common defence, and had even 
 put to sea. 
 
 The movements of the Spaniards were watched by Willoughby with all the eagerness 
 and promptitude of his nature. 
 
 On the 31st of July, having learnt that a large Spanish ship was hovering between 
 Ostend and Sluys, he sent out three men-of-war to take her, and after a fight of two hours, 
 she was captured, and several persons of rank in her were either killed or taken prisoners. 
 His own personal exploits were very successful: he overthrew a cornet of horse of 
 
 Breda, and gained, with inferior numbers, an advantage over the enemy at Gertruydenburgh. 
 
 “ The Lord General,” writes Mr. Digges to Sir Francis Walsingham, on the 6th of August, 
 
 “ hath m person caused the soldiers of Gertruydenburgh to draw blood of the enemy, to 
 
 (a) An old word for noldiern nrmod with mnslfpts. 
 
Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 117 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH 
 
 his great honour, and their singular commendation; the rather for that it was upon 
 extreme disadvantage and inequality of number.” The miter adds, that “the Lord 
 General had been within these two days at Berghen, the States having intreated him to 
 take measures for the defence of the place.” 
 
 By the 6th of August we find him at Middleburgh; the shot he had been directed to 
 obtain, prepared to sail, but at one time detained by contrary winds, and afterwards by 
 Willoughby, on his own responsibility, for a few days, “ to see,” as he himself expresses it 
 to the Lords of the Privy Council, “ what might fall out, hoping in the meantime to 
 understand from your Lordships (upon this passing by of the enemy, and the Duke of 
 Parma’s hovering for advantage), some further direction.” 
 
 At this moment the baffled and dispersed Spanish Fleet was passing northwards along 
 the Dutch shores; Willoughby longed to join in its defeat, and mote a pressing entreaty 
 to the Privy Council at home to be permitted (as he had commission to fight by sea or 
 land), to “ procure Count Maurice, if possible, to go to sea with such forces as we are able 
 to make, to pursue the said Duke of Parma, to impeach his coming forth and landing, 
 though it be unto the coast of England: for it will be most necessary that he be carefully 
 hindered and (so much as may be) prevented, because the hope of the rest is wholly fixed 
 upon his success; and nothing can more let him, than to be followed in continual fight 
 with the fleet of this country, mixed with some of her Majesty’s forces.” He adds “ that 
 finding Lord Henry Seymour has returned to the Downs, he has sent away the soldiers, 
 
 (that being the place first appointed for their meeting) though he greatly fears their want 
 may be felt where he is ; because about Saturday, the Duke, as we have intelligence, will 
 put forth.” 
 
 “As for the Prince of Parma,” said Drake, “I take him to be as a bear robbed Grea * energy of Parmn. 
 of her whelps.” The Admiral was quite right. Alexander was beside himself with rage, sir 107 ’ V ° L 11 ’ PP ’ m 
 
 So soon as he had received information of the arrival of the fleet before Calais—which 
 was on the 8th August—he had proceeded the same night to Newport and embarked 
 16,000 men, and before dawn he was at Dunkirk, where the troops stationed in that port 
 were as rapidly placed on board the transports. Sir William Stanley, with his 700 Irish 
 kernes, were among the first shipped for the enterprise. Two days long these regiments 
 lay heaped together, like sacks of corn, in the boats—as one of their officers described it— 
 and they lay cheerfully, hoping that the Dutch fleet would be swept out of the sea by the 
 Invincible Armada, and patiently expecting the signal for setting sail to England. Then 
 came the Prince of Ascoli, who had gone ashore from the Spanish fleet at Calais, 
 accompanied by Serjeant-major Gallinato and other messengers from Medina Sidonia, 
 bringing the news of the fire-ships and the dispersion and flight of the Armada. 
 
 To the Queen’s glorious naval commanders, to the dauntless mariners of England, with 
 their well-handled vessels, their admirable seamanship, their tact and their courage, belonged 
 the joys of the contest, the triumph, and the glorious pursuit; but to the patient Hollanders 
 and Zeelanders, who, with their hundred vessels, held Farnese, the chief of the great enter¬ 
 prise, at bay, a close prisoner with his whole army in his own ports, daring him to the issue, 
 and ready—to the last plank of their fleet and to the last drop of their blood—to confront both 
 him and the Duke of Medina Sidonia, an equal share of honour is due. The safety of 
 the two free commonwealths of the world in that terrible contest was achieved by the 
 people and mariners of the two states combined. The Duke of Parma, melancholy, 
 disappointed, angry—stung to the soul by calumnies as stupid as they were venomous, 
 
 2 H 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 Alexander besieges Bergen- 
 op-Zoom.—210(167, Vol. II., 
 pp, 537, 538. 
 
 Incidents of the siege.— 
 Motley, vol. II., p. 641. 
 
 118 
 
 and already afflicted with a painful and lingering disease, which his friends attributed to 
 poison administered by command of the master whom he had so faithfully served—- 
 determined, if possible, to afford the consolation which that master was so plaintively 
 demanding at his hands. 
 
 So Alexander led the splendid army which had been packed in, and unpacked from, the 
 flat boats of Newport and Dunkirk, against Bergen-op-Zoom, and besieged that city in form. 
 Once of great commercial importance, although somewhat fallen away from its original 
 prosperity, Bergen was well situate on a little stream which connected it with the tide¬ 
 waters of the Scheldt, and was the only place in Brabant, except Willemstad, still 
 remaining to the States. Opposite lay the Isle of Tholen from which it was easily to be 
 supplied and reinforced. The Yosmeer, a branch of the Scheldt, separated the island from 
 the main, and there was a path along the bed of that estuary, which, at dead low-water, 
 was practicable for wading. Alexander, accordingly, sent a party of eight hundred 
 pikemen, under Montigny, Marquis of Eenty, and Ottavio Mansfeld, supported on the 
 dyke by three thousand musketeers, across the dangerous ford, at ebb-tide, in order to 
 seize this important island. It was an adventure similar to those, which, in the days of 
 the grand commander, and under the guidance of Mondragon, had been on two occasions 
 so brilliantly successful. But the Isle of Tholen was now defended by Count Solms and 
 a garrison of fierce, amphibious Zeelanders—of those determined bands which had just 
 been holding Farnese and his fleet in prison, and daring him to the issue—and the 
 invading party, after fortunately accomplishing their night-journey along the bottom 
 of the Yosmeer, were unable to effect a landing, were driven with considerable loss into 
 the waves again, and compelled to find their way back as best they could, along their 
 dangerous path, and with a rapidly rising tide. It was a blind and desperate venture, and 
 the Yosmeer soon swallowed four hundred of the Spaniards. The rest, half-drowned or 
 smothered, succeeded in reaching the shore—the chiefs of the expedition, Eenty and 
 Mansfeld, having been with difficulty rescued by their followers, when nearly sinking in 
 the tide. 
 
 The place was well defended by an English and Dutch garrison, to the number of five 
 thousand, and commanded by Colonel Morgan, that bold and much experienced Welshman, 
 so well known in the Netherland wars. Willoughby and Maurice of Nassau, and Olden- 
 Barneveld were at different times within the walls; for the Duke had been unable to 
 invest the place so closely as to prevent all communications from without. 
 
 Alexander received a visit in his tent from an Englishman, one Lieutenant Grimstone, 
 the object of whose interview with the Duke was not political, but had a direct reference 
 to the siege of Bergen. He was accompanied by a countryman of his own, Bedhead by 
 name, a camp-suttler by profession. The two represented themselves as deserters from 
 the besieged city, and offered, for a handsome reward, to conduct a force of Spaniards, by a 
 secret path, into one of the gates. The Duke questioned them narrowly, and being 
 satisfied with their intelligence and coolness, caused them to take an oath on the 
 Evangelists, that they were not playing him false. He then selected a band of one 
 hundred musketeers, partly Spaniards, partly Walloons—to be followed at a distance by a 
 much more considerable force, two thousand in number, under Sancho de Leyva and the 
 Marquis of Eenti—and appointed the following night for an enterprise against the city, 
 under the guidance of Grimstone. 
 
 It was a wild autumnal night, moonless, pitch-dark, with a storm of wind and rain. 
 
Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 119 
 
 -The waters were out—for the dykes had been cut in all directions by the defenders of the 
 city and with the exception of some elevated points occupied by Parma’s forces, the whole 
 country wa3 overflowed. Before the party set forth on their daring expedition, the two 
 Englishmen were tightly bound with cords, and led, each by two soldiers instructed to 
 put them to ms cant death if their conduct should give cause for suspicion. But both 
 Grimstone and Bedhead preserved a cheerful countenance, and inspired a strong confidence 
 in their honest intention to betray then.' countrymen. And thus the band of bold 
 adventurers plunged at once into the darkness, and soon found themselves contending 
 with the tempest, and wading breast high in the black waters of the Scheldt. 
 
 After a long and perilous struggle, they at length reached the appointed gate. The 
 external portcullis was raised, and the fifteen foremost of the band rushed into the town. 
 At the next moment,Lord Willoughby, who had been privy to the whole scheme, cut with 
 his own hand the cords which held the portcullis, and entrapped the leaders of the 
 expedition, who were all at once put to the sword, while their followers were thundering 
 at the gate. The Lieutenant and suttler, who had thus overreached that great master of 
 dissimulation, Alexander Earnese, were at the same time unbound by their comrades, and 
 rescued from the fate intended for them. 
 
 Notwithstanding the probability—when the portcullis fell—that the whole party had 
 been deceived by an artifice of war, the adventurers who had come so far, refused to 
 abandon the enterprise, and continued an impatient battery upon the gate. At last it was 
 swung wide open, and a furious onslaught was made by the garrison upon the Spaniards. 
 There was a fierce, brief struggle, and then the assailants were utterly routed. Some 
 were killed under the walls, while the rest were hunted into the waves. Nearly every 
 one of the expedition (a thousand in number) perished. 
 
 It had now become obvious to the Duke that his siege must be raised. The days were 
 gone when the walls of Dutch towns seemed to melt before the first scornful glance of the 
 Spanish invader, and when a summons meant a surrender, and a surrender a massacre. 
 Now, strong in the feeling of independence, and supported by the courage and endurance 
 of their English allies, the Hollanders had learned to humble the pride of Spain, as it 
 never had been humbled before. The hero of a hundred battle-fields, the inventive and 
 brilliant conqueror of Antwerp, seemed in the deplorable issue of the English invasion to 
 have lost all his genius, all his fortune. A cloud had fallen upon his fame, and he now 
 saw himself, at the head of the best army in Europe, compelled to retire, defeated and 
 humiliated, from the walls of Bergen. Winter was coming on apace; the country was 
 flooded; the storms in that bleak region and inclement season were incessant; and he 
 was obliged to retreat before his army should be drowned. 
 
 On the night of 12—13 November he set fire to his camp, and took his departure. 
 By daybreak he was descried in full retreat, and was hotly pursued by the English and 
 Dutch from the city, who drove the great Alexander and his legions before them in 
 ignominious flight. Lord Willoughby, in full view of the retiring enemy, indulged the 
 allied forces with a chivalrous spectacle. Calling a halt, after it had become obviously 
 useless, with their small force of cavalry, to follow any longer, through a flooded country, 
 an enemy who had abandoned his design, he solemnly conferred the honour of knight-hood, 
 in the name of Queen Elizabeth, on the officers who had most distinguished themselves 
 during the siege, Francis Yere, Baskerville, Powell, Parker, Knowles, and on the two 
 Netherland brothers, Paul and Marcellus Bax. 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1683. 
 
 Alexander is forced to raise 
 the siege of Bergen. -Mot¬ 
 ley, Vol. II., p. 643. 644. 
 
120 
 
 Peregrine Bertie , XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1688. 
 
 The Du'ie of Parma in Bra¬ 
 bant. 
 
 The siege of Gertmyden- 
 berg.—Motley, Vol. IL, p.p. 
 644, 546. 
 
 Lady G. Bortie, p. 235 
 
 The Duke of Parma then went into whiter quarters in Brabant, and, before the spring, 
 that obedient Prowince had been eaten as bare as Flanders had already been by the 
 friendly Spaniards. 
 
 An excellent understanding between England and Holland had been the result of their 
 united and splendid exertions against the Invincible Armada. Late in the year 1588 Sir 
 John Norris had been sent by the Queen to offer her congratulations and earnest thanks 
 to the States for their valuable assistance in preserving her throne, and to solicit their 
 cooperation in some new designs against the common foe. Unfortunately, however, this 
 epoch of good feeling was of brief duration. Bitterness and dissension seemed the inevitable 
 conditions of the English-Dutch alliance. It will be remembered, that, on the departure of 
 Leicester, several cities had refused to acknowledge the authority of Count Maurice and the 
 States; and that civil war in the scarcely-born commonwealth hadbeentheresult. Medenblik, 
 Naarden, and the other contumacious cities had however been reduced to obedience after 
 the reception of the Earl’s resignation, but the important city of Gertruydenberg had 
 remained in a chronic state of mutiny. This rebellion had been partially appeased during 
 the year 1588 by the efforts of Willoughby, who had strengthened the garrison by 
 reinforcements of English troops under command of his brother-in-law Sir John Wingfield. 
 Early in 1589, however, the whole garrison became rebellious, disarmed and maltreated 
 the burghers, and demanded immediate payment of the heavy arrearages still due to the 
 troops. Willoughby, who—much disgusted with his career in the Netherlands—was about 
 leaving for England, complaining that the States had not only left him without 
 remuneration for his services, but had not repaid his own advances, nor even given him a 
 complimentary dinner, tried in vain to pacify them. A rumour became very current, 
 moreover, that the garrison had opened negotiations with Alexander Earnese, and 
 accordingly Maurice of Nassau—of whose patrimonial property the city of Gertruydenberg 
 made a considerable proportion, to the amount of eight thousand pounds sterling a year— 
 after summoning the garrison, in his own name and in that of the States, to surrender, laid 
 siege to the place in form. It would have been cheaper, no doubt, to pay the demands of 
 the garrison in full, and allow them to depart. But Maurice considered his honour at 
 stake. His letters of summons, in which he spoke of the rebellious commandant and his 
 garrison as self-seeking foreigners and mercenaries, were taken in very ill part. Wingfield 
 resented the statement in very insolent language, and offered to prove its falsehood with 
 his sword against any man and in any place whatever. Willoughby wrote to his brother- 
 in-law, from Flushing, when about to embark, disapproving of his conduct and of his 
 language; and to Maurice, deprecating hostile measures against a city under the protection 
 of Queen Elizabeth. At any rate, he claimed that Sir John Wingfield and his wife, the 
 Countess of Kent, with their newly-born child, should be allowed to depart from the place. 
 But Wingfield expressed great scorn at any suggestion of retreat, and vowed that he 
 would rather surrender the city to the Spaniards than tolerate the presumption of 
 Maurice and the States. The young Prince accordingly opened his batteries, but before 
 an entrance could be effected into the town, was obliged to retire at the approach of 
 Count Mansfeld with a much superior force. 
 
 Elizabeth had directed Lord Willoughby to solicit the States to allow of the recall 
 of some of her own troops, in order to aid the expedition under Norreys and Drake. 
 
 Our next news of Lord Willoughby is gathered from a letter of his to Sir F. 
 Walsingham, dated Middleburgh, December 30th, in which he gratefully acknowledges 
 
Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 121 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 the favours and kindness he had shown towards his children, assuring him of his readiness 
 to serve, or do him honour, in any possible manner. On the 2nd of January, 1588-9, he 
 deputed Sir Thomas Wilford to England, to carry information to Lord Burghley of the 
 humour and condition of the Provinces, and other matters concerning the late campaign; 
 and on the 10th of January he received the Queen’s permission to return to England 
 in these words: 
 
 “ Eight trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. Having been often and earnestly 
 solicited on your behalf, to license you to repair over into this realm, as well for the 
 ordering of certain your own private affairs requiring your presence, as also for the great 
 desire you have to see us after your so long absence, we have been pleased, now that it 
 seemeth the state of our affairs there may in some sort spare your presence for some short 
 time, to yield unto your said request; and do by these our letters signify unto you, that we 
 can be content, that taking such order in your charge there before your coming away, as 
 that no disorder may ensue by your absence, and leaving such direction, as well among 
 the chief officers as the private captains, that they shall continue the execution of their 
 charges with no less care and respect than if you were present among them, you may 
 afterwards use the benefit of this our license for your repair over. And to the end the 
 States may not take any jealous conceit of your absence, or interpret the same otherwise 
 than it is meant, we have thought good by our letters to signify unto them the causes of 
 your coming away; and that we do mean, whensoever any occasion shall fall out that 
 may require your presence there, to return you thither with all convenient speed.” 
 
 On the 28th of February, Willoughby, who had some time before left the Hague, was 
 still detained at Middleburgh by the pressure of business, but willing and hoping to sail 
 for England in a day or two. His arrival in London on the 14th of March is announced 
 by the Queen herself, in a letter to Sir Thomas Bodley, dated from Westminster on the 15th. 
 
 “Elizabeth R. 
 
 “ Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. Upon the arrival of the Lord Willoughby, 
 our Governor, which was yester night late, we understood that the States had levied and 
 sent an army to besiege Gertrudenburgh, and that the same was compassed secretly, 
 without either a knowledge of him, or of you, our Councillor there, which seemed very 
 strange unto us at the first.” 
 
 His expenses during the whole of the campaign were enormous, and, according 
 to the estimate furnished by his secretary, Morgan Colman, had swallowed up 
 his whole income, “ about £2,200 or £2,300 per annum, saving what was allowed 
 to his lady;” he had sold “great store of woods, and all the stock his father 
 left him,” amounting to a very large sum; had “pawned his plate, silver vessels, and all 
 his own and his lady’s jewels; had mortgaged his land in Norfolk to supply his wants in 
 these wars, and by the same means had run into a debt of at least £4,000.” Nor can this 
 be wondered at, when we find it stated, that besides the necessary charges brought upon 
 him by the situation he held, and by the obligation of forwarding intelligence as General, 
 and of travelling in such a country, he also bestowed rewards on the deserving, for the 
 sake of her Majesty’s service, and the encouragement of well-doers: from his own purse 
 re-inforced his company of horse to two hundred, which had fallen to sixty, when delivered 
 up to his charge; continued to supply the place of any horse that chanced to be killed, 
 from his own purse; maintained almost entirely a number of Dutch captains and officers 
 received into his cornet; gave or lent sums of money often to relieve her Majesty’s 
 
 1588. 
 
 Willoughby's letter to Si: 
 P. Walsingham.—Lady G. 
 Bertie, p. 236. 
 
 January 10th. Queen Eliz¬ 
 abeth’s letter to Willoughby 
 giving him leave to return. 
 —Lady G. Bertie, p. 237 
 
 1589. 
 
 March 15th. The Queen's 
 letter announcing his ar¬ 
 rival.—Lady G. Bertie, pp. 
 252, 253. 
 
 Willoughby’s expenses.— 
 Lady G. Bertie,pp. 253, 254. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1689. 
 
 The old ballad of “The 
 Brave Lord Willoughby.” 
 —Lady li. Bertie, p. 265. 
 
 122 
 
 Peregrine Bertie, XL Lord Willoughby. 
 
 captains and other gentlemen in extremities ; raised a company of one hundred horse at 
 his own expense; and at the encounter at Zutphen (especially where his person was so 
 endangered) lost many horses, “for which he was never considered.” 
 
 For all this, Willoughby only desired to have the allowance awarded by the Council of 
 £01,000 a year, and payment for the victuals and provisions with which he had furnished 
 Berghen before the siege, in order that he might be enabled to defray his debts ; adding, 
 that he was most willing to yield his whole revenue, if her Majesty and the country 
 would undertake the just payment of what would still be due; and that if the States could 
 be drawn to allow £02,000 or 113,000 a year, he would resign her Majesty’s allowance, 
 “ being no way willing, more than necessity compelleth him, to draw her Majesty into 
 extraordinary charge.” 
 
 His distinguished bravery in this war against the Spaniards, then the objects of 
 particular dislike to England, gained for Lord Willoughby a well-earned and merited 
 applause, and made him the hero of the following popular ballad. 
 
 A true relation of a famous and bloody battle, fought in Flanders by tbe noble and valiant Lord Willoughby, 
 with fifteen hundred English against forty thousand Spaniards, where the English obtained a notable victory, for 
 the glory and renown of our nation. 
 
 To the tune of Lord Willoughby. 
 
 The fifteenth day of July, 
 
 With glistering spear and shield, 
 A famous fight, in Planders, 
 
 Was foughten in the field. 
 
 The most courageous officers, 
 
 Were English captains three: 
 
 But the bravest man in battel, 
 
 Was brave Lord Willoughb&y. 
 
 The next was Captain Norris, 
 
 A valiant man was hee; 
 
 The other, Captain Turner, 
 
 From field would never flee. 
 
 With fifteen hundred fighting men, 
 Alas! there were no more, 
 
 They fought with forty thousand then, 
 Upon this bloody shore. 
 
 “ Stand to it, noble pikemen, 
 
 And look you round about; 
 
 And shoot you right, you bowmen, 
 And we will keep them out. 
 
 You musquet and calliver men, 
 
 Do you prove true to mo, 
 
 I'll be the foremost man in fight,” 
 Says brave Lord Willoughb&y. 
 And then the bloody enemy 
 They fiercely did assail, 
 
 And fought it out most furiously, 
 
 Not doubting to prevail. 
 
 The wounded men on both sides fell, 
 Most piteous for to see, 
 
 Yet nothing could the courage quell 
 Of brave Lord Willoughb&y. 
 
 For seven hours, to all men's view, 
 This fight endured sore, 
 
 Until our men so feeble grew, 
 
 That they could fight no more; 
 And then upon dead horses, 
 
 Full savourly they eat, 
 
 And drunk the puddle water, 
 
 For no better they could get. 
 When they had fed so freely, 
 
 They kneeled on the ground, 
 
 And praised God devoutly, 
 
 For the favour they had found; 
 And bearing up their colours, 
 
 The fight they did renew, 
 
 And turning towards the Spaniards, 
 Five thousand more they slew. 
 
 The sharp steel-pointed arrows, 
 And bullets thick did fly ; 
 
 Then did .our valiant souldiers, 
 Charge on most furiously; 
 Which made the Spaniards waver,— 
 They thought it best to flee; 
 They feared the stout behaviour, 
 
 Of brave Lord Willoughb&y. 
 
 Then quoth the Spanish General, 
 
 “ Come let us maroh away, 
 
 I fear we shall be spoiled all, 
 
 If that we longer stay; 
 
 For yonder comes Lord Willoughb&y, 
 With courage fierce and fell, 
 
 Ho will not give one inch of ground, 
 For all the devils in hell.” 
 
 And then the fearful enemy, 
 
 Was quickly put to flight; 
 
 Our men pursued courageously, 
 
 And rout their forces quite. 
 
 And at last they gave a shout, 
 
 Which echoed through the sky, 
 God and St. George for England ! 
 The conquerors did cry. 
 
 The news was brought to England, 
 With all the speed might be, 
 
 And told unto our gracious Queen, 
 
 Of this same victory. 
 
 O this is brave.Lord Willoughb&y, 
 
 My love hath ever won; 
 
 Of all the Lords of honour, 
 
 ’ Tis he great deeds hath done. 
 
 For souldiers that were maimed, 
 And wounded in the fray, 
 
 The Queen allowed a pension, 
 
 Of eighteen-pence a day; 
 
 Besides all costs and charges, 
 
 She quit and set them free; 
 
 And this she did all for the sake 
 Of brave Lord Willoughb&y. 
 
 Then courage, noble Englishmen, 
 And never be dismayed ; 
 
 If that we be but one to ten, 
 
 We will not be afraid 
 To fight with foreign enemies. 
 
 And set our oountry free , 
 
 And thus I end this bloody bout. 
 
 Of brave Lord Willoughb&y. 
 
Peregrine Bertie , XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 123 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 My Lord Willoughby was one of the Queen’s first sword—men. He was a great master 
 of the art military, and was sent General into France, and commanded the second of five 
 armies that the Queen sent thither in ayd of the French. I have heard it spoken, that 
 had he not slighted the Court, hut applyed himselfe to the Queen, he might have enjoyed 
 a plentiful! portion of her grace : and it was his saying (and it did him no good) that he 
 was none of the Beptilia, intimating that he could not creepe on the ground, and that the 
 Court was not his element; for indeed, as he was a great souldier, so was he of a suitable 
 magnanimitie, and could not brook the obsequiousnesse and assiduitie of the Court; and 
 as he was then somewhat descending from youth, happily he had an anirnam revertendi; 
 and to make a safe retreat. 
 
 At last, at Plessis les Tours, the Bearnese, in his shabby old chamois jacket and his 
 well-dinted cuirass, took the silken Henry in his arms, and the two—the hero and the 
 fribble—swearing eternal friendship, proceeded to besiege Paris. A few weeks later, the 
 dagger of Jaques Clement put an end for ever to the line of Valois. Luckless Henry III. 
 slept with his forefathers. 
 
 The Car din all therefore of Bourbon is proclaimed Xing of France, monies are stamped 
 with his image, and the title of Charles the Tenth. The Duke of Mayen is proclaimed 
 Lieutenant Generali of the crowne of France, who forthwith gathering forces from all parts, 
 advanced his mortall ensignes against Navarre, (who being in like manner by his party 
 most justly proclaimed King of France, lay now at Diepe a coast towne of Normandy,) in 
 assured hope either to take him prisoner, or drive him out of France. 
 
 .-The King of Navarre being brought to these straits, encamping with his forces neere to 
 the towne, sent in haste into England, first Monsieur Beavoir la Noecle, and soon after, 
 Buby and Buzenval, to crave aide, and to offer a League as well of offence as defence. 
 The Queene, lest she should faile a King of the same profession, and flourishing in 
 Martiall glory, in his so dangerous estate, and fearing lest his stipendary Germans and 
 Switzers should through corruption revolt, supplyed him presently with twenty-two thou¬ 
 sand pounds of English money in gold (a sumrne of gold coine so great, as he professed he 
 had never seene together before), and sent him armes, and 4000 men under the command 
 of Peregrine Lord Wfiloughbey, who had with commendation commanded the army in the 
 Low-countries after Leicester was gone. . She appointed Collonels, Sir Thomas Wilford, 
 who was made Marshall, Sir John Boroughs, Sir William Drury, and Sir Thomas Baskervill 
 Knights, and readily assigned them a month’s pay aforehand. Hereupon the Leaguers, 
 who a little before were beyond all expectation put to flight by the King, in the battell at 
 Arques, now casting away all hope, packed away the day before the English anived. 
 
 These much desired allies, entered the port about the 29th day of September. Their 
 commander was Peregrine, Lord Willoughby d’Eresby, who immediately notified his 
 arrival to the King. The disembarkation was effected the following day; after which 
 King Henry, accompanied by his officers, paid a visit to the Admiral on board the flag-ship. 
 The King was rowed to the ship in a state barge of twelve oars. The chief officers were 
 then presented to Henry and kissed his hand; the most lively curiosity being evinced to 
 behold a prince so heroic, and favoured by their virgin Queen. The King drank Queen 
 Elizabeth’s health, which was responded to by a salute of artillery. After many compli¬ 
 mentary speeches the King took leave, and was aided from the deck into his barge by the 
 Admiral and Lord Willoughby; to the latter of whom his majesty gave a donation of 500 
 crowns, to distribute amongst the sailors of the fleet. The vessels, meanwhile, continued to 
 
 1589. 
 
 Lord Willoughby sent as 
 General to command an 
 Army in France, to aid 
 Henry, Kang of Navarre.— 
 Sir Robert Naunton’s Frag- 
 menta Regalia, p. 23. 
 
 Murder of Henry III., Bong 
 of France.—Motley, vol. II., 
 p. 660. 
 
 The Cardinal of Bourbon 
 proclaimed Eling.—Camden, 
 p. 386. 
 
 Navarre in danger. 
 
 The Queen relieves him. 
 —Camden, pp. 386, 387. 
 
 September 29th. 
 
 4000 English allies land at 
 Dieppe. — History of the 
 Reign of Henry IV., King 
 of France. Miss Freer, vol. 
 I., pp. 69, 70. 
 
QUEEM ELIZAB1 
 1689. 
 
 124 
 
 Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth’s letter to 
 Henry IV., King of France 
 and Navarre.—Miss Freer, 
 vol. I,, pp. 70, 71. 
 
 October 2nd. 
 
 Lord Willoughby's letter to 
 Queen Elizabeth.—Rymer's 
 Foedera, vol. XVI., p. 26. 
 
 salute until the King landed. The weather was boisterous, and the sea so rough that many 
 cavaliers of his majesty’s suite became seriously indisposed; especially as several had too 
 freely partaken of the good cheer provided by the Admiral. Before taking leave of the 
 King, the Admiral, whose name is not on record, kneeling, presented Henry with a missive 
 from Queen Elizabeth. The Queen wrote as follows:— 
 
 Queen Elizabeth, to Henry IV., King of France and Navarre. 
 
 “My very dear Brother:—Could I have divined that your own reinforcements would 
 have made so tardy a junction with your army, I would have shown myself more diligent 
 for the transport of those which I now send you. These troops, truly, might already 
 have done you service, had it been possible to’ effect their victualling more promptly. 
 Nevertheless, my brother, I doubt not, now that you have them, that these my good 
 soldiers, will prove eager to do you service, as if they were contending for my own life and 
 honour. As for the valiant Baron, my Lieutenant, 1 1 dare assert that you will find him a 
 true servant of God, loyal to his Queen, and noble of heart. I have given this worthy 
 Baron strict charge to act as if always in my presence when the opportunity arrives to 
 render you service; and to believe that I personally witness his valour and conduct. 
 Therefore, you may trust this noble gentleman—one discreet as he is valiant. I have, 
 moreover, intimated to him my will that he renders you perfect obedience; also, that 
 neither he, nor the soldiers of his battalion, molest any servant of yours under the pretext 
 of religion; for, my brother, I send them to fight for you, and not to preach. 
 
 “ I pray you, count upon me as one who deems herself happy to serve you in your need; 
 for God is witness, that daily I supplicate Hi m to grant you victory over your foes. 
 
 “ From your very trusty sister and cousin, 
 
 “ ELIZABETH.” 
 
 “Most gratious Souveraigne, 
 
 “Your especiall favours to my selfe, and to this cause wherein I serve yow, did 
 hasten me, as your Majesty com m anded, that your charge already expended in England 
 might receyve in Fraunce the thanks and honor which your Majesty had right in. The 
 King, being advertised by me, on Sonday, of your gratious Pleasoure, Advise, bountifull 
 Succours, and Care of his Estate, promised on Monday to dispache his own thankes. On 
 Twesday, going hence with some 200 horses, he joigned with the Duke Longueville neare 
 to Gammache; from whence he sent word yesterday that he would seeke all meanes to 
 encounter his enemy; who yet helde together, eyther to joigne with la Mot and the Duke 
 of Parma his forces, or ells for some attempt upon the King. Hereupon Mareschal Byron, 
 quartering us at Appeville and other villages neere hereby, is this day gone to find the 
 King about foure leagues hence; appoineting us to be immediatly ready for such further 
 March as the King shall direct before night. If th’ enemy will abide it, we are like to 
 assaile them forthwith; the Victory (next after him that governes the Heavens), the King 
 will attribute to your Majesty, whom above all others on earth he confesseth to owe most 
 unto; 
 
 “ Thus, most humbly craving your Majesty’s Pardon, I leave, with shame of my rude and 
 hastie Writing, but with all the Duety a poore Wretche may owe unto so excellent a 
 Souveraigne. From Diepe this second of October, 1589. 
 
 “Your most Excellent Majesty’s most humble Subject and Servant, 
 
 “PEREGRIN WYLLUGHBY.” 
 
 Henry of Navarre did not lose time or opportunity, but marched at once on Paris. It 
 
 (1) Peregrine, Lord Willoughby d’Eresby. 
 
 Lady G. Bertie, p. 268. 
 
Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 125 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 was determined that the English should enter the trenches of St. Marckan, and the 
 Fiench those of St. Jermain; and on the morning after this resolution it was carried into 
 effect, with great bravery on both sides. Even the French, loth to praise the courage of 
 others, did Willoughby’s troops the justice to approve of their actions, while they also 
 extolled the vigilance of their commanders. Theirs was the hardest task, hut their valour 
 broke through its obstacles; they seized the enemy’s ensigns, and with little loss made 
 themselves masters of a part of “the town.” It is believed that Paris was then the 
 King’s,if he had followed Lord Willoughby’s advice, and brought his artillery to support 
 his advantage. The English advanced as far as “ St. Victor’s Gate,” and were on the 
 point of entering, when the King sounded a retreat, and broke up the siege. 
 
 Henry withdrew his army, and then marched to Estampes, to regain that place and its 
 castle; meanwhile the King addressed the following expressions of gratitude to Elizabeth, 
 and acknowledgments of the services rendered by her subjects: 
 
 “ Madam, 
 
 “ The great share your majesty has in oiu' war, by the seasonable assistance you have 
 given us, together with the obligations I am under to you, for the care and good-will you 
 have shewn for my interests, makes it highly reasonable you should be acquainted with 
 what passes here: I have therefore thought proper, after the success of the alarm and 
 consternation which I carried to Paris, of which I had almost made myself master, to order 
 the lord Beauvoir, as I do at present, to impart everything to you. 
 
 “ You may, madam, be entirely satisfied, that I have been so effectually served by your 
 troops, and have had such convincing proofs of the good conduct and courage of the lord 
 Willoughby, who is worthily seconded by all the other gentlemen, your subjects here, 
 that they more and more do honour to your judgment in your choice of them, and 
 encrease the obligations I he under already to your majesty. All I can add further, and 
 I do it with great good-will, is to declare, that I think myself bound to be more yours than 
 my own; nor can my affection receive any addition to what I have long felt; all I am, 
 and all I can do is, without reserve, yours; therefore most humbly kissing your hands, I 
 beg that you will believe, that I shall ever be more yours than my own. 
 
 “ HENRY.” 
 
 “ Postscript. I assuredly expect the continuance of your good-will, especially in my 
 necessities.” 
 
 After winning Estampes, the King, with his army, marched to Joinville, and demanded 
 entrance. It was refused, till he brought his cannon to enforce it; when, on condition 
 that life and liberty should be spared them, the besieged yielded to their sovereign. 
 “From thence,” says Willoughby’s Journal, “the King marched to Chateau Dun; and 
 on Thursday, the 6th of November, came before Vendosme:” and the same night, about 
 eight of the clock, our regiments came thither. About ten of the clock that evening, we 
 entered, by surprise and scalado, the fauxbourgs of St. George, with Mons. Daumont, and 
 possessed the same, with slaughter of thirty or forty of the enemy. 
 
 The next day the King summoned the town and castle by trumpet, which after some 
 parley, refused to yield. Our men made their approach, and were entrenched within 
 pistol-shot of the castle. On Saturday the King viewed the grounds of advantage and 
 planted his artillery, viz: five cannons to batter the castle on the side towards 
 Temple, and two culverins in another place, flanking the same battery within the castle. 
 All that night the King lay in the field; and the next morning, about sun-rising, began 
 
 1589. 
 
 Siege of Paris.—Lady G. 
 Bertie, pp. 269-271. 
 
 Henry IV. King of France’s 
 letter to Queen Elizabeth.— 
 Jacob’s Peerage, vol. I., pp. 
 326, 327. 
 
 Estampes yielded. — Lady 
 G. Bertie, p. 275. 
 
 Siege of Vendosme.—(Wil¬ 
 loughby's Journal). 
 
126 
 
 Peregrine Bertie, XJ. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 November 17. 
 
 Siege of Lc Mans.—(Wil- 
 longhby's Journal).—Lady 
 G-. Bertie, pp. 281-2S3. 
 
 to batter. After some breach, made, the enemy sounded a trumpet for a parley, but it 
 was not hearkened unto. By noon, two breaches being made, the castle was entered 
 by the French, and the town, in the meantime, by the English. “All that day and 
 night the town was spoiled, the governor beheaded, and a seditious friar hanged 1” 
 
 “ Monday the King bestowed in ordering and pollicing the town and castle.” 
 
 “ 12th of November, 1589. After the winning of the city of Yendosme, the town of 
 Le Verdin was immediately rendered to the King. 
 
 “ The King, marching thence towards the city of Le Mans, came to Chasteau de Loyr, 
 which was rendered unto him, and thence he came before Le Mans, November 17th. 
 
 “ On the 18th of November, the suburbs of St. Vincent were attempted by the King s 
 forces, being not above two hundred, and the enemy being at least six hundred, driven 
 thence with slaughter of four of their captains, and about thirty soldiers; which charge was 
 so well performed, as they were ready, pell-mell, to have entered the town, if they had 
 
 been well seconded. 
 
 “ 19th November. The English regiments were appointed to give upon the other side, 
 and this afternoon passed the river, many of them being carried over on horseback, 
 behind the gentlemen that attended the King, and some behind the King himself. 
 
 “ After they were passed the river, some of the English, conducted by the General, 
 with some French harquebusiers of Mons. Trimville, being accompanied with Mons. 
 Chastillon, entered the fauxbourg of Le Pre; and Sir Thomas Wilford, in the meantime, 
 with some other of the English, entered the fauxbourg of St. John, and dwelled there. 
 
 “ The same evening other inward fauxbourgs, with a post well fortified, (between the 
 Abbey of Le Pre and the fauxbourg taken in by Sir Thomas Wilford,) were attempted and 
 taken in by the General and Mons. de Gintry, with some English; and the enemy being 
 driven from thence, fired the houses. 
 
 “ 20th November. This day was bestowed in barricading the places won, and viewing 
 places of most advantage, and fittest for approach. 
 
 “21st November. The King planted his artillery to batter, and the Lord General of 
 the English made float-bridges with tonnes and lathers to pass the river to the town wall, 
 and to attempt it by scalado. And this evening took in mills standing upon the river, 
 near the town wall, which the enemy held and dwelled upon them. 
 
 “ 22nd November. This morning the King began to batter with eight pieces, planted 
 in three places, within one hundred and fifty paces of the wall. After eight hundred 
 shot, and but small breach made, the French King being ready in arms to the assault, 
 and the English on the other side to attempt the scalado, they of the town demanded 
 parley; whereunto the King was more willing to hearken, for that he had not above four 
 hundred shot more. 
 
 “ There were in the town above two thousand soldiers, of whom there were noblemen 
 and gentlemen one hundred and twenty. 
 
 “ The points of the composition were, that the noblemen and gentlemen should depart 
 with theh horses, arms, bag and baggage; that the soldiers should depart with their 
 arms, bag and baggage, then matches out, and theh drums and ensigns left behind them; 
 that the King should have paid unto him five hundred thousand crowns, besides the 
 
 taxes of houses. 
 
 “ They of the town spared not to give out that they would never have offered any com¬ 
 position, if they had not feared more some attempts of the English behind them, than 
 the assault of the French at the breach. 
 
Peregrine Bertie, XL. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 127 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH 
 15S9. 
 
 “After that Le Mans was thus taken in, the towns of La Sable and La Yal (whither 
 the King proposed to go) rendered themselves; and since then also is rendered the 
 government of young Lausac. 
 
 “ From thence we marched towards Alemjon, and our English regiments lodged in the 
 fauxbourgs, December 3rd. 
 
 “ On Thursday, December 4th, at night, a strong ravelin, between the fauxbourgs and 
 the town port, was won by the English, which, as well by those of the town as those on 
 the King’s part, (witnessed by Marshal Biron’s letters,) was thought impregnable, there 
 running by it a deep river, with a very swift current, and crusted about with a strong 
 freestone wall, and not any way accessible, but by pulling down a draw-bridge over the 
 said river. 
 
 “ The place was of such strength, as that there being some faction between Petimnes, 
 who commanded the town, and the governor of the castle ; Petimnes made reckoning of 
 this for his last retreat to parlement with the King. 
 
 “ In this enterprise Sir Thomas Wilford was a chief actor; and the engine wherewith 
 the bridge was drawn down, was put on by Captain Lea, with some sailors appointed to 
 him for that purpose. 
 
 “ The first that entered were Sir Thomas Wilford, Sir Thomas Baskerville, Captain 
 Hemming, Captain Mosten, Mr. Christopher Heydon, with divers other captains and 
 gentlemen. There were found upon the place about thirty-five of the enemy, which were 
 all put to the sword. 
 
 “ In this service Mr. Pelham was shot, near to the Lord General, who, with divers 
 other gentlemen, was ready to second the rest; and Captain Helmbridge was shot 
 through one of his legs. Before this town also Captain Swan was shot through the 
 body, and Mr. Gunstone, who is since dead. 
 
 “ The same night the French attempted the walls on the other side by scalado, but 
 were driven to retreat, and lost then* lathers (ladders). 
 
 “ Immediately after the taking of this place, the town was rendered; and it is thought 
 that the castle will compound also.” 
 
 On the 4th of December, the French Ambassadors, Monsieur de Beauvon and 
 Monsieur du Fresne, forwarded the following offer to the Queen of England, of which the 
 original is still extant:— 
 
 “ The Ambassadors, in debating upon the matter what assurance they would give in 
 case her Majesty should be pleased to yield to the continuance of her subjects in the 
 King’s service, in the realm of France, declared that although they had no commission to 
 give any assurance in that behalf, yet they would take upon them (knowing the incon¬ 
 veniences that might follow, in case the English troops should be revoked) to pay one 
 month’s pay that is now passed, (deducting the allowance received from the King,) and to 
 move his Majesty, that in case he shall not be able to satisfy them for the time to come 
 after the second month, whereby they may grow discontented, then to dismiss them; 
 which offer, if it should please her Majesty in her goodness to accept of, they would then 
 with all expedition advertise the King thereof; and, in the meantime, do beseech her 
 Majesty, that she will order for the Lord Willoughby’s stay.” 
 
 Elizabeth seems to have been enchanted with the news that reached her of the gallant 
 bearing of her subjects in France ; and on the 6th of December she despatched to Lord 
 Willoughby the following letter :— 
 
 December 3rd. 
 
 Siege of Alengon. — (Wil¬ 
 loughby’s Journal).—Lady 
 G. Bertie, pp. 284, 285. 
 
 December 4th. 
 
 Offer by the French King’s 
 Ambassadors to Queen 
 Elizabeth.—Lady G. Bertie, 
 p. 287. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 128 
 
 Peregrine Bertie , XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 15S9. 
 
 December 6th. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth’s letter to 
 Lord Willoughby ; the pre¬ 
 amble is in the Queen’s own 
 band.—Lady G. Bertie, pp. 
 2S5-290. 
 
 Alencon surrendered.— (Mr. 
 Pludd’s account). — Lady 
 G. Bertie, pp. 294—303,304. 
 
 “ By the Queen. 
 
 “My good Peregrine,—I bless God that your old prosperous success followeth your 
 valiant acts ; and joy not a little that safety accompanieth your luck. 
 
 “Your loving Sovereign, 
 
 “ELIZABETH K. 
 
 “ Eight trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. Albeit your abode and of our 
 troops in that realm hath been longer than was first required, and by us meant; whereof, 
 as it seemeth, your yielding to divers services there hath been partly a cause, contrary to 
 our expectation, to the King’s purpose at the first declared, and to your own writing also 
 hither, whose advertisements moved us to give order for certain of our ships to be sent 
 for the safe conducting of you and of our subjects with you ; yet now perceiving the great 
 contentment and satisfaction the King, our good brother, hath received by your good 
 service, and of our companies under your charge; whereby also such as heretofore might 
 have conceived an opinion, either of our weakness, or of the decay or want of courage, or 
 other defects of our English nation, may see themselves much deceived, in that the 
 contrary hath now well appeared in that country by so small a troop as is with you, to the 
 great honour and reputation of us and our whole nation, and to the disappointing and 
 daunting (as we hope) of our enemies. We have, upon request of our said good brother 
 the King, declared by his ambassador here, accorded unto them, and hereby we signify 
 unto you, that we are pleased you shall continue your abode there, with the numbers 
 under you, for this month longer, hoping the King will then be content to dismiss you 
 with liberty, and his good favour, to return into this our realm, in case he shall not be 
 able to keep them in pay, and satisfy them for any longer time; and that in the 
 meantime he will be careful for the well-using of you and them, so as you may neither 
 want pay, nor suffer otherwise too many wants. And for that it is to our no small 
 comfort to perceive the forward endeavours and valour, both of yourself and those under 
 you, we are pleased not only to let you understand the same by these our own letters, 
 with our thankful acceptation to yourself in particular ; but also we will and require you 
 to signify so much, both to the whole company of soldiers there, and to such captains 
 and gentlemen particularly, as you shall think most worthy thereof; who we trust will 
 show the continuance of their valiant and willing minds, rather more than less, knowing 
 the same shall be an increase of our comfort, of the honour of the whole realm and nation, 
 and to their own more reputation. 
 
 “ You shall also say unto the King, that although we might have cause in respect of the 
 wants which we heard our men endured in sundry ways, to be unwilling that they should 
 remain there any longer time; yet, when we understood that he hoped to do himself the more 
 good by the use of them, than otherwise he might perhaps look for, wanting them ; we 
 were, we know not how, overcome and enchanted to yield thereunto. 
 
 “ Given under our signet at Bichmond, the 6th day of December, 1589, in the thirty- 
 second year of our reign.” 
 
 Here, where Willoughby’s journal closes, Mr. Eludd takes up the relation of the 
 incidents of the war. He goes on to narrate that on the 11th of December the cannons 
 were placed at night against the castle of Alengon; on Saturday, the 13th, they played. 
 
 “ On the said Saturday the King came to Alengon, and again summoned the castle ; 
 whereupon they desired a parley, which was granted; and upon the morrow after, the 
 same castle, by composition, was yielded unto the King. 
 
Peregrine Bertie , XL Lord Willoughby. 
 
 129 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1589. 
 
 “ Upon Sunday, the 14th, we marched from the said fobertes of AlenQon, through the 
 town, to this village towards Cane, called Rosmaville, six miles.” 
 
 On Wednesday, the 17th, from Rosmaville to Tamville, where they rested till Friday, 
 and then proceeded to St. Martin-du-champ, near to Argenton ; “ But before our coming 
 there,” he continues, “the town and castle were yielded unto the King, and therefore 
 were we directed to march further towards Falaise, to a village called Lucye, in all 
 fourteen miles, leaving by the long march many of our men and carriages behind us, and 
 there rested the Saturday. 
 
 “ Upon Sunday, the 21st, from thence to Montgaron, two miles. 
 
 “ Upon Monday, the 22nd, from thence to the suburbs of Faliza, eight miles; and SO December 22ud. 
 presently from thence the same day to a village called Melaville, four miles, in all twelve 1 ^“ I8e to — ^ r d 
 
 miles ; where now we be, being twelve miles from Cane.” Burghiey). — Lady g. 
 
 _ Bertie, pp. 304,307-309. 
 
 Our next source of information is a letter of Mr. Fludd’s to Lord Burghiey, which 
 relates some previous occurrences, and comes in most opportunely to complete the 
 narrative of the siege of Falaise, where he, as well as Willoughby, was present, and where 
 they took their leave of the King and his victorious army ; making their last personal 
 exertions in his favour, although their troops were at some distance, on the eve of 
 embarkation. 
 
 “ Upon Thursday, the 25th, being our Christmas-day, we marched from Melavilla, from 
 whence I last wrote unto your Lordships, clean backward towards the south-east, to a 
 village called Pont St. Croye, four miles. 
 
 “ Note, that the cannon played still against the castle of Faliza, the said Christmas- 
 even, Christmas-day, and more continually St. Stephen’s-day, being planted in three 
 several places, until about one of the clock in the afternoon, (the St. Stephen’s-day,) two 
 breaches being made (viz.: the one in a tower, the other in the main wall,) the French 
 drew to the assault; where, after a few shot in their time of approach towards the wall, 
 they entered at the said breaches without any resistance; and so the great brags which 
 before they had made for the keeping of it came to nothing. 
 
 “ The opinion of those of skill in our troops was, that if but twenty good soldiers 
 indeed had been within it, (as there were many bad,) that they could never have won it 
 by those breaches, being truly so small and ill to get into, that they were driven by one 
 and one to climb up a wall, to one of the breaches, of six or seven feet high, and to creep 
 in at a narrow door in the other; to defend both the which, no doubt one good man 
 within had been worth a hundred without. But so it was with them, that they run 
 away at the first, in such sort, that the French so entering, they went along the wall to 
 the town-gate without resistance, and opened the same, and let in then fellows. In the 
 time of their battery in the said tower, battered a good distance above the breach, 
 notwithstanding the beating and shaking of the cannons, a soldier did continually play 
 out at a loop-hole with a musket upon us, until at the last, upon the shot of five cannons 
 together, the whole side of the tower fell down, and he the said soldier withal, who, 
 amongst the stones, tumbled out into the castle ditch, and there was taken alive, and 
 carried unto the King, who sent him to prison; at which service my Lord General, with 
 myself, and many other of our English gentlemen (as waiting upon the King) were 
 present; but our troops were seven miles off, and not called unto it. 
 
 “ The Count Brissac took him to pece of the castle, which he held until the morrow 
 morning, and then yielded himself to the mercy of the King; and it is thought that the 
 
 2 L 
 
Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1689. 
 
 1690. 
 
 January 15 th. 
 
 The King’s farewell to his 
 English Allies.—Lady. G. 
 Bertie, p. 509. 
 
 Willoughby’s return to 
 England.—Lady G. Bertie, 
 yp. 311, 312. 
 
 130 
 
 King will pardon his life. The 29th of this December, my Lord General and myself 
 came to Caen, to provide shipping for the sick men, which we find many, and the shipping 
 very scant, and wonderful chargeable. The troops do march after; and, as X think, will 
 this night be at Dyve, a town upon the sea, ten miles from hence, towards Newhaven, 
 where it is appointed we shall remain until we may be embarked ; and so now our whole 
 stay is for shipping and wafters, a thing also needful, for those of Newhaven, and other 
 enemies’ towns, do here much harm. 
 
 “ I shall not, if it may please your Lordship, have money enough now to make up the 
 full pay for her Majesty’s time, and to pay for transportation: your Lordship’s direction 
 therefore I desire. 
 
 “ The King, perceiving our troops to be become weak, hath licensed us to depart; but 
 since my last writing we have not received anything, but once a little bread. 
 
 “ The King’s army are now about Lyseures, to besiege the same, and it is thought it 
 will either yield, or will not long hold out; for since the winning of Faliza, the town of 
 Do mfr ont is yielded to the King; and so I think the most of the small towns will do. So 
 I beseech the Almighty to keep and bless your Lordship. From Cane, the last of 
 December, 1589. 
 
 “ Your Lordship’s ever to command, 
 
 “THOS. FLTJDD.” 
 
 Thus closed the winter of 1589. On the 15th of January following, we find 
 Willoughby with the King before Honfleur, which also fell into the hands of the latter ; 
 and Henry having commenced the year 1590 as gloriously as he closed the preceding 
 one of 1589, dismissed his English allies with high, and certainly well-deserved, com¬ 
 mendations, bestowing upon the General (Willoughby) a diamond ring, as a token of his 
 regard. 
 
 It is said that Henry afterwards regretted their departure, and more especially when he 
 learnt that the King of Spain entertained a secret design on the crown of France. 
 But their numbers had been greatly thinned; sufferings, sickness, and privation had 
 laid many in the grave; and Sir William Drury, who had gained a reputation for valour 
 and accomplishments, threw away the precious gifts bestowed upon h im, and lost his life 
 in a duel, prompted by vanity, on a trifling quarrel for precedency (or, as he terms it, a 
 just quarrel) with Sir John Burgh. 
 
 This affair was resented by Elizabeth, not only towards Sir John Burgh, but also 
 towards Lord Willoughby, who would probably have been unable to prevent it, supposing 
 he had possessed the inclination. She was displeased that it was not taken up, and 
 brought before the French King, who excused himself to her by the plea of ignorance on 
 the subject; and she appears to have deferred the reception of Willoughby into her 
 presence for a few days after his return from that brilliant campaign, which had been as 
 successful to the arms of her ally, as glorious to her own. However, she appointed the 
 21st of January for giving him audience at Lambeth. 
 
 The condition of Willoughby’s private fortune and estate had not been improved by 
 his labours in the Queen’s service; nor could he for some time obtain a hearing or an 
 adjustment of such pecuniary matters as was needful for his own satisfaction, and the 
 final arrangement of the account between h i m and his sovereign. Ill health and pecuniary 
 difficulties, which the necessities of the late campaign had brought upon him, (necessities 
 provided for from his own private purse,) induced him to adopt the resolution of repairing 
 
Peregrine Bertie, XL Lard Willoughby. 
 
 131 
 
 to Germany for a time ; but before he took this step, he addressed, in the month of June, 
 the following letter to Lord Burghley :— 
 
 “ My most honourable good Lord,—Having this night been very ill, and u nfi t, to wait 
 upon you, I thought by these to move your Lordship, that now at last I may have an 
 orderly hearing of my accounts, when the muster-master, and such as can charge me, may 
 be present; and though I be the first of my place that in foreign wars was ever checked, 
 and Sir John Homes paid and bared, yet, that even in that check I may have but that 
 justice which the poorest captain hath, which is that I may be present, and the reasons 
 shown by the books. This done, and all stinging exceptions cleared, I will leave wholly 
 to her Majesty, and next to your Lordship, my cause to be proceeded in as you please, 
 humbly beseeching it may be heard some day this week; for I am purposed to go into the 
 country to settle my state, (having long attended a conclusion), finding I must take some 
 new course to satisfy my creditors’ expectation, hitherto fed with this hope of my account, 
 or else I shall be sure to ruin me and mine. And before I would enter into it, or acquaint 
 her Majesty therewith, my love and duty to you makes me presume to impart it. I have 
 purposed to the payment of my debts to appoint the best part of my land ; towards the 
 maintenance of my wife, children, and family annuities, reparation of houses, and such like, 
 one other part; and, lastly, a little bare portion to maintain myself privately in Germany, 
 if it may be with her Majesty’s leave, having chosen this as the only means not to be 
 chargeable to her Majesty, and helpful to restore my state, and satisfy the world from 
 those in England, that seeing my state subject to law by reason, and to loss by my 
 folly, for having made myself an unprofitable soldier, might else contemn and scorn my 
 life and time spent. And thus craving pardon to have troubled your Lordship, I humbly 
 take my leave. Erom my chamber, this XVth day of June, 1590. 
 
 “ Your Lordship’s most humble, 
 
 “ P. WILLUGHBY.” 
 
 “ A Monsieur de Wiliby. 
 
 “ Monsieur de Wiliby,—Yous m’ avez tesmoigne trop d’ affection et bonne volontc en 
 mon endroit, et scay que vous la faistes encores tous les jours trop paroistre, por estre 
 oublier de ma part, ce que aussy n’adviendra jamais. En attendant que je vous en puisse 
 dormer quelque preuve de plus de contentement. Je ne veulx au moings laisser une 
 occasion qui se presentoit de vous tesmoigner, la souvenance que j’en ay qui est belle ; et 
 l’estime que je fads de votre Yertu et Yaleur que j’ay desire avec ceste occasion du voyage 
 q tie mon Cousin le Vicomte de Turenne va presentement faire vers la Boyne Madame ma 
 bonne Seur. Que par sa bouche l’assurance que je vous en ay cydevent donner, vous soit 
 encore rafraischir et confirmer, ce que je vous prie croire que Jauray encore plus grand 
 plaisir de pouvoir faire par quelque bon effect. Cependant je prie (Dieu) Monsieur de 
 Wiliby vous avoir en sa saincte et Digne garde. Au Camp de Gisors le XXme jour de 
 Octobre, 1590. 
 
 “HENEY.” 
 
 Endorsed :— 
 
 “ Le Boy de Erance at Monsieur. Beceived at Grimsthorpe 21st Novembre, 1590, au soil'. 
 
 “P. HELY.” 
 
 “ Sire,—Je ne puis dire combien me rejouissoient vos lettres gratieux et favorables les- 
 quelles me trouverent a mamaison au pays saisi d’un si grand maladie que je pensois mourir, 
 et ce me fut tant plus griefue que j e ne pouvais attendre Monsieur de Thurenne pour recevoir 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1590. 
 
 June 15th. 
 
 Lord Willoughby's letter to 
 Lord Burghley.—Lady G. 
 Bertie, pp. 013, 311. 
 
 October 20th. 
 
 Henry IV. King of Erance’s 
 letter to Lord Willoughby 
 —Lady G. Bertie, p. 629, 
 
 November 25th. 
 
 Lord Willoughby’s letter to 
 Henry IV. King of Franco. 
 —Lady G. Bertie, pp. 62y, 
 630. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1590. 
 
 132 
 
 Peregrine Bertie, XL. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 15!M. 
 
 October 7th. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth's letter to 
 Lord Willoughby.—Fuller’s 
 Worthies, voL II., pp. 282, 
 283. 
 
 vos commandemens, et les tres desireux nouvelles de Vre Mate. Lequel me daigne plus 
 que je puis meriter, indigne de la moindre parte des souvenances et graces que Yre Mate. 
 
 me fait.Je me retire, Dieu louant pour cette heure comme le plus grand de ma 
 
 vie, quand je suis venu a votre service: de . . . le prier aussi de me continuer cette grace 
 d’etre toujours de vos soldats, neanmoins que je me confesse le plus indigne : et que je 
 puis avoir tant de bonheur que de vivre et mourir pour la service de votre Mate. Lequel il 
 semble avoir elu parmi tous les princes du monde pom le Gideon de sa cause. Quand 
 Dieu et ma maitresse permettront, je puis sincerement dire, que votre Majeste metrouvera 
 toujours en tout humility, obeissance, et fidelite, entre les plus prets a vous servir quand a 
 la volonte. Ce desirant plutot le signaler que d’en parler or je prie Dieu. 
 
 “Sire, 
 
 “ Apres vous avoir baise tres humblement les mains, de vous donner une tres lieureuse 
 tr6s longue et tres victorieuse vie.” 
 
 Lord Willoughby to the French King, 25 Nov. 1590. 
 
 Here I will insert a letter of Queen Elizabeth, written to him with her own hand; and, 
 reader, deal in matters of this nature as when venison is set before thee—eat the one, and 
 read the other; never asking whence either came, though I profess I came honestly by a 
 copy thereof, from the original; 
 
 “ Good Peregrine, we are not a little glad that by your journey you have received such 
 good fruit of amendment; specially when we consider how great vexation it is to a minde 
 devoted to actions of honour, to be restrained, by any indisposition of body, from following 
 those courses, which, to your own reputation and to our great satisfaction, you have 
 formerly performed; and, therefore, as we must now (out of our desire of your well doing) 
 chiefly enjoyne you to an especial care to increase and continue your health, which must 
 give life to all your best endeavours; so we must next as seriously recommend to you this 
 consideration; that in these times, when there is such appearance that we shall have the 
 trial of our best and noble subjects, you seem not to affect the satisfaction of your own 
 private conveniency, beyond the attending on that which nature and duty challengeth 
 from all persons of your quality and profession. For if necessarily (your health of body 
 being recovered) you should eloigne yourself by residence there from those employments, 
 whereof we shall have too good store; you shall not so much amend the state of your body, as 
 happily you shall call in question the reputation of your mind and judgment, even in the 
 opinion of those that love you, and are best acquainted with your disposition and discretion. 
 
 “ Interpret this our plainness, we pray you, to our extraordinary estimation of you; for it 
 is not common with us to deal so freely with many; and believe that you shall ever find 
 us both ready and willing on all occasions to yield you the fruits of that interest, which 
 your endeavours have purchased for you in our opinion and estimation. Nor doubting but 
 when you have with moderation made tryal of the success of these your sundry peregrin¬ 
 ations, you will find as great comfort to spend your dayes at home, as heretofore you have 
 done; of which we do wish you full measure, howsoever you shall have cause of abode or 
 return. Given under our signet, at our manor of Nonsuch, the seventh of October, 1594, 
 in the 37th year of our reign. 
 
 “Your most loving Soveraign, 
 
 “E. R.” 
 
 It appears by the premises, that it was written to this lord when he was at the Spa in 
 Lukelana, for the recovery of his health, at a time when a second English invasion of 
 the Spaniard was (I will not say feared, but) expected. 
 
Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 133 
 
 Dr. Hawkins, whose chief residence was at Venice, wrote from thence to Mr. Bacon on 
 the 12th of January, 1595, that the Spaniard was daily more and more fixed in Italy, the 
 blame of which was particularly laid upon England, both for letting his fleet pass the last 
 year, and for abandoning France to all extremities. He mentions likewise, that there 
 were at that time in Venice, the Lord Willoughby of Eresby and Lord Grey, and Mr. 
 Thomas Sackville, come out of Germany, with divers other English gentlemen. 
 
 Dr. Hawkins adds at the close of a letter dated 24th February, that Lord Willoughby of 
 Eresby, who had been long sick at Padua, was now well recovered, and would return shortly 
 towards England; that Lord Grey was gone to Vienna, and the Earl of Rutland not yet 
 passed the Alps. 
 
 Lord Willoughby of Eresby left Venice on the last of February, and on the second day 
 of his journey relapsed into his former sickness at Conelian, fifteen miles from Treviso, 
 where he lay extremely ill eight days, almost to death; but being recovered a little, he 
 pursued his journey towards Vienna. 
 
 Peregrine Lord Willoughby of Eresby, who had a particular friendship with the Earl of 
 Essex,, being now at Venice, whither he had passed through Germany, wrote horn thence 
 to the Earl a letter on the 26th of November, 1595; in which he took notice, that the 
 only letter which he had received from the Earl,was written in June preceding, and came 
 to his hands in Nuremberg, to which he had sent an answer by his servant Vaughan; 
 and that, being now in his winter garrison at Venice, at leisure to remember those duties, 
 which he lived but to observe to his prince and honourable friends, he would not omit to 
 mention them, such as they were, to his lordship, whom, next to the highest at home, he 
 esteemed before all others; “Knowing now,” says he, “by experience, my wants by your 
 virtues hidden, and the little good that is in me, by your kindness multiplied. I confess 
 unto your lordship simply, I am not here void of passion for my country’s sake, to hear 
 the designs of the children of Belial against God’s annointed; the whole house of Austria 
 in all places employed, getting pride and reputation but of small victories, which, not¬ 
 withstanding, in common opinion, prevail but too much. And, God forgive me, I heartily 
 wish the Turk may give some blow to counterpoise their fortunes ; and for that I wish 
 Trim less effeminate, and better provided of all victuals for his army, than, I fear, thro’ the 
 great dearth in those countries, he is like to have.” He then observes that the Polonian, 
 the Transylvanian, and sundry princes, were treating strait correspondency; and though 
 the Italians being distasted, and the Germans weary, should not the year ensuing stir 
 much, nor give any succours, yet these countries being full of soldiers on horseback (if the 
 league should go forward), would frame, no doubt, a sufficient front against the Turks 
 with those princes of Austria; for the Venetian state being jealous of them of Austria, 
 flattering with France, faithful to none, careful of their pleasure and profits, though they 
 armed, had more hopes in the effects of their ambassador sent to Constantinople, than 
 their forces, and delighted, as standers-by, to see the losses of others, in which themselves 
 had no part; not without some emulation of our state, being envious at our merchants 
 trading in Levant seas and bringing commodities from Syria and Turkey, one of the most 
 special and beneficial branches of the traffic of Venice. There had lately been with that 
 state the Duke of Arscliot, who dined at the Spanish ambassador’s, near Lord Willoughby’s 
 lodging, on the Monday sennight before. Some thought that the Duke’s journey was to 
 congratulate the cardinal’s coming into Austria, and to prepossess him with regard to the 
 difference between himself and the Count de Fuentes. But his Lordship supposed that 
 too slight a ground for so great a person’s long voyage. 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1695. 
 
 January 12th. 
 
 Dr. Hawkin’a letter to Mr. 
 Bacon.—Birch’s Memoirs of 
 Queen Elizubcth, vul. I., p. 
 377. 
 
 February 24th. 
 
 Dr. Hawkin’s letter to Lord 
 Essex.—Ibid., vol. I., p. 
 428. 
 
 November 26th. 
 
 Lord Willoughby’s letter to 
 Lord Essex.—Ibid., vol. I., 
 p. 322. 
 
 2 M 
 
134j 
 
 Peregrine Bertie , XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. --—--- 
 
 1596. 
 
 August 48th. “ My very good Lord,—I have written sundry letters unto your Lordship out of Italy, 
 
 lS! ^fc°" ghy Ladj^q 0 and the while I had health and strength to do it, but I fear some of them came (not) to 
 
 Bertie, pp. 317-319. your hand . . . . 
 
 “ I have been here at Sterade this sixteen weeks, wind-bound, and many times driven 
 
 September 11th. 
 
 Mr. Bacon’s letter to Dr. 
 Hawkins.—Biroh, vol. H., 
 p. 137. 
 
 1599. 
 
 June 14th. 
 
 James VI. King of Scot¬ 
 land’s letter to Lord Wil¬ 
 loughby, Lord Governor of 
 Berwick.—Lady G. Bertie, 
 pp. 340, 341. 
 
 back from sea, not without some dangers, the French ships of our consort being cast 
 away; and here we are like to lie, God knows how long. Wherefore I beseech your 
 Lordship, in the meanwhile, that now in this time when other means faileth me, and the 
 only occasion is offered to recompense my former time and services, your Lordship would 
 perform for me those honourable and loving parts, which it hath pleased you by your 
 word and letters to assure me of, and whereon I have with all hope and confidence, 
 specially builded. My suit is not great nor new; I mean the government of Berwick, 
 which her Majesty must bestow on one; and whether I he as sufficient as another for that 
 charge, I refer to you, the (most) competent judge we have in martial causes, of any that 
 serve her Majesty and State. It is not unknown unto your Lordship what sums of money 
 I should receive, disbursed by me; beside, a great deal more was put to account, which 
 in my conceit should further me at least to a good turn before another that hath not done 
 so much, especially as it may come with such ease from her Majesty. If your Lordship 
 now then cannot prevail, I shall a thousand times wish water to have buried my bones in 
 Cadis Malls 1 under your Lordship, than to return home unto England so ill-regarded; 
 and so commending it, which, since I knew you, hath been and ever shall be most devoted 
 unto you, I humbly take my leave from aboard ship, having been there this month, and 
 mended, which putteth me in good hope I shall be able yet once again to wait on you 
 some honourable voyage of (your Lordship), &c., &c.” 
 
 September 11th, Mr. Bacon complained in a letter to Dr. Hawkins that his packets of 
 late had come very tardy to his hands . . . He then mentions that the Earl of 
 Shrewsbury was to depart that day with the Garter to the French King; that the 
 Marshal De Biron had defeated 900 Spaniards, and taken the Cardinal’s lieutenant and 
 two counts prisoners in Artois : that the state of Ireland was said to be more dangerous 
 than ever: and that the Lord Willoughby of Eresby was at last arrived at Alborough in 
 Suffolk, and would be welcomed with the government of Berwick, as Mr. Bacon hoped, 
 who intended to write to his Lordship the next day. 
 
 “ Trusty and well-belovit Cousing,—We greet you hartlie well. Having considerit 
 the indignitie done to Ws, be taking away violentlie out of the hart of our country, and in 
 sight of our chief palais and eyes of our counsale, ane Inglis gentleman callit Ashfield, 
 being under our protectioun, and recommendit by your letter to ane of our Privie 
 Counsale, without any interpellatioun maid to Ws for his delyvery in cace he had bene ane 
 offendour, and how the same is done be some of your speciall friendis and servandis : We 
 cannot marvel aneuch thairof, seeing we hopit at your handis als great respect to our 
 honour as at any subjectis of England of your rank, specialie sence your experience in 
 Princis service, within and without your countray, Has techit yow sufficientlie quhat 
 apertenis to the honour of a Prince. And gif sa be that by any warrand from your 
 Soverane the same have been attempted, We requyre friendly to be acquented thairvvith; 
 or gif upoun any particuler offense done to yow be the said Ashfield, you have upoun ane 
 suddane passioun interessed Ws sa lieichlie in honour, We crave the same by restitutioun 
 of him, to be spedelie reparit. Willing alwayis you to wey how farre sic ane attempt 
 twiches Ws, our honour and estate; and as none ellis of your ranke can better juge of 
 
 (1) An allusion to the late expedition to Cadiz, under Lord Essex. The shore before Cadiz 
 
 called Cadis Malis. 
 
Peregrine Bertie , XL Lord Willoughby. 
 
 135 
 
 that poinct of honour, and of nane of your ranke we rest more assured of that lauchfuU 
 dewty quhilk apertenis, We expect with this hearer sic satisfatioun as will repaire our 
 honour, and relieve you of that suspicioun of misregard of your dewty towards Ws, 
 quhairin we cannot well beleve that ye will fayle, willing yow alwayis to assure yow that it 
 is a mater, quhilk without spedie reparation we will nocht pass over. And sa resting to 
 your answer, we comit you to the Almichty. From Leeth, this 14th of June, 1599. 
 
 “ (Signed) Your loving freinde, 
 
 “ JAMES R. 
 
 “ To our trusty and well-belovit Cousing, the Lord Willougbie, Lord Governor of Berwick.” 
 
 “Most mighty, most renowned, and most excellent King, — I am charged with 
 a grievous indignity done to your Majesty, by the violent taking away an English 
 subject, licensed by me to go into Scotland, and (as it is said) under your Majesty’s 
 protection; that likewise he had a letter of mine to one of your Privy Council 
 in his commendations. To each of these points, with your Majesty’s pardon, I answer 
 truly and faithfully this. My intendment is free from the first, my devoir and duty bound 
 me to the other, besides the overture that his frank acknowledgment of no protection 
 from your Majesty gave me, which he is ready to avow. For writing to any councillor of 
 your Majesty’s in his behalf, I neither remember nor acknowledge it, but assure myself it 
 is merely mistaken. I hope your Majesty is persuaded there must be an informer and an 
 accuser of Ashfield’s proceedings, before I can take notice thereof, which I am bound to 
 do as a public officer, wherein the value and credit of the person is to be taken hold of by 
 me, as a subject and a servant to her Majesty. I speak not concerning any, but only to 
 point out the truth, since many times it pleaseth such great princes as both your Majesties 
 to make known then pleasures, according to the dependencies of the necessary services, 
 good or evil, unto then avail, by such under ministers as they think well of, with virtue 
 and power, like themselves. Likewise, your Majesty may please to consider, that having 
 here a public charge from her Majesty, it is concluded in the same, I should in private 
 and particular occasions serve her no less than in the general; and it would be imputed 
 unto me for a great negligence and want, if I should be found slack in the performance of 
 any particularity, as might concern her Majesty’s service in these parts, being called to 
 account. Where it is alleged he came in with my license, it is true ; so much the more 
 it concerns me. He behaved himself well by my leave ; he gave his hand and worq^ to 
 return within three days; promised after, very shortly to come; writ me, lastly, he would 
 presently make his repair; according to all these I sent, not violently, (as is enforced,) 
 but quietly; neither with armour, arms, nor ambushments, nor stirring, nor emotion in 
 your Majesty’s estate, nor discontentment to the party, who acknowledgeth himself, 
 before, then, and since, very willing to come. These things, I hope, being made known 
 to your Majesty, (as I appeal from you ill-informed, to yourself well-informed,) will fully 
 settle your judgment, that nothing is further from me, than willingly to prejudice your 
 highness. But if intrusion be tolerated, in hostile manner, in England, for a cow or a 
 silly beast, or for recovery of a lewd fugitive, how much more may it please your Majesty 
 to moderate your censure of this, being done quietly and peaceably, since it imports the 
 honour, credit, and reputation of myself and my service to them in deed I am in true 
 duty bound! Lastly, whereas your Majesty desires to be resolved, whether it be done by 
 her Majesty’s warrant or no ; I truly answer, that it was not by any private advice'now 
 presently given me by her Majesty, but by my public charge; according to which I 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1699. 
 
 June 15th. 
 
 Lord Willoughby’s reply to 
 James VI., King of Scot¬ 
 land.—Lady G. Bertie, p. 
 311. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1599. 
 
 Lord Willoughby’s Will, 
 dated Berwick, August 7th. 
 —Collins’ Peerage, vol III., 
 part II., p. 602. (Original 
 Edition.) 
 
 1601. 
 
 March 12 th. 
 
 Notice of Essex’s Conspi¬ 
 racy.—(Lord Willoughby's 
 letter to Sir Robert Cecil). 
 —Lady G. Bertie, pp. 406, 
 •107. 
 
 136 
 
 Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 humbly desire your Majesty to excuse me if I return h i m not, without her Majesty s 
 further pleasure known, which then I shall be very ready and willing to do, in all other 
 services which do not concern her Majesty and her occasions; for which I postpone all 
 perils that are under the sun, or above the earth. And so with all humbleness becoming 
 me, I leave your Majesty to the protection of the great God the Disposer of all 
 princes’ hearts. 
 
 “ Berwick, this 15th of June, ’99. 
 
 “Lord Willoughby to the King of Scots.” 
 
 He bequeaths to Edward, Lord Zouch, Robert, Lord Rich, Sir Drew Drury, and Sir 
 John Peyton, of Beaupre Hall, Knts.; his manors of Grimsthorp, with the park, &c., 
 Toynton, and the park Stickford, Allford, with the royalties thereof, lately bought of Mr. 
 Hanby. The manor of Well, the manor of Eresby, with the east park and west park, the 
 manor of Spilsby and Skidbroke, with Saltfleet haven, Eriskney, certain lands in Earebie, 
 Hundleby, and Rathebie; the lastage of Skirbecks, two parks of the demesne lands of 
 Yaldye, also Vaudye, with the woods, warren of conies, and certain lands enclosed; the 
 new park of Grimsthorp, with diverse other lands adjacent. The third part of his great 
 mansion house, called Willoughby House, in Barbican, and all his other lands, &c., not 
 before devised. To hold during the minority of his son and heir, Robert Bertie, and on 
 his decease without issue, dining the minority of his other sons .... 
 
 And for a small remembrance of his loyalty and duty which he had always observed 
 towards her Majesty, he desires she would accept of a cup of gold to the value of T100, 
 or some jewel of that value, as may best content her, and best represent the loyalty of his 
 heart. 
 
 Lord Willoughby’s next letter is valuable, and especially as to the subject of which it 
 treats,—the rash and ill-concerted rebellion of the Earl of Essex. 
 
 “ For the man that acted this late tragedy, I must confess I loved his person and good 
 parts, being adorned with the favour of a wise prince and high fortune, as I should have 
 done any other that had been seasoned with the same gifts, and in the same manner. I 
 may more freely say I loved him, because it is not unknown when I sought the Master of the 
 Ordnanceship, he crossed me, and in my journey into France was most opposite against 
 me; so that my affections to him were not dependences, but attributed to those 1 
 conceived his virtues. This opinion I held usque ad aras ; but God, the record of all 
 inward consciences, knows there I would have left him; and the same God hath in 
 nothing more showed Himself the Lord of Hosts and armies, and testified the Divinity of 
 His works, than making so glorious a Satrapas to project so vainly; as even his own 
 desires, if he had obtained them, must have been his death. For how could he imagine 
 that all England would have been so besotted, that none durst have acted the like 
 tragedy on him, for the delivery of so gracious a prince, as was formerly effected on the 
 Duke of Guise ? and as he handled this, it was so far from resolution, as God is to be praised 
 that took from him his spirit of understanding, courage, and execution. I could have 
 wished his religion had brought him to the provident humility of David, who sorried 
 to have possessed himself but of the lapp of Saul’s garment, though it were the witness 
 of his fidelity. But fall it out this to all her Majesty’s enemies, as to this precipitate and 
 unfortunate Earl, by fate, by wicked counsel, or else by both ; and send such lion-like 
 spirits no better courage to devour innocent lambs. But I will leave him to his confused 
 end, not wondering that he accused you, when his own carriage hath accused himself 
 
Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 137 
 
 ----QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 1601. 
 
 most lamentably to the memory of all ages. And for my own part, being the meanest 
 member of all, I cannot but join with you to pity some of those you have vouchsafed to 
 name, since, if they had not been putrified in the place they held so near the head, they 
 were otherwise in their persons and gifts of nature qualified for the service of the Prince 
 and State. But such is the ruin of great oaks, as strait smaller trees that grow by are 
 commonly overthrown by them. But this is discourse beyond my element. I beseech 
 you pardon me, that I take this boldness to delineate some part of my mind concerning 
 these matters to your so favourable view; protesting that I write nothing to observe 
 time, but to preserve truth. And believe me, Sir, if I were not as much yours before, as 
 possibly the faith of an honest man could bind me, I would now make new protestations, 
 and deliver you new bonds, finding myself so newly and highly obliged by this last 
 memory of yours towards me. I can say no more. I will carry a true heart to effect as 
 much as I have professed; and pray God, the giver of all blessings, to multiply them 
 (both heavenly and earthly) on you; and number me, I beseech you, amongst those you 
 make sure reckoning to command as yours most faithfully to do you service. 
 
 “P. WILLOUGHBY.” 
 
 The Lord Willoughby of Eresby was at his government of Berwick at the time of the March 21 st. 
 
 ° J J _ Queen Elizabeth’s letter to 
 
 Earl of Essex’s insurrection and death ; of which incidents the Queen, in a letter to that Lora Willoughby.—Birch, 
 
 Lord from Whitehall on the 21st of March, 1601, took a slight notice in the following voL IL ’ p ‘ ° 00- 
 
 words at the close of it: “And now by the way we will only touch this much of that, 
 
 whereof we are sure an angel of heaven could hardly have made you a believer, that it 
 
 appeareth now by one’s example, more bound than all or any others, how little faith there 
 
 was in Israel.” 
 
 A minute account of the last hours of Willoughby’s life, is given in a letter, addressed ^ John"Guevara’s letter 
 to the Secretary, in the handwriting of his kinsman Guevara, who appears to have to sir Kobert Cecil, au- 
 
 sincerely regretted him, and to have faithfully watched by the bed-side of his dying death.—Lady G. Bertie, pp, 
 
 patron and Mend: 
 
 “It is no small grief to me, to be the first reporter of the saddest accident 
 
 that could almost betide to me, and of so unpleasing news to you; hut all creatures 
 
 must stoop to the heavenly decree, and a general duty doth command me, though my 
 heart break with telling it. That honourable lord, the Lord Willoughby that lately was, 
 is now no more an earthly soul; his spirit is gone from us, who, whilst he lived, was 
 unfeigned where he loved, and most regardful of your honour. And when he saw he 
 must go hence, his heart breathed out these protestations : ‘ I wish my soul might never 
 enjoy the blessing of the heavenly light if ever my heart were other to my sacred 
 anointed Queen, than truly and sincerely faithful, or if ever I gave just cause, even in 
 my thought, to offend her, whatsoever evil the wicked harpies of the world have shrieked 
 out, to my prejudice. God forgive them, and let Mr. Secretary, that most honourable 
 gentleman, believe me, for I speak the truth in Christ. My heart long time hath been 
 with Him, as David's was with Jonathan ; and if time and occasion would have made me 
 so happy as to witness it in my life, I should have enjoyed great contentment therein. 
 
 But now I can do nothing but speak. I commend to him my eldest son, and I beseech 
 him satisfy my desiring soul in his honourable care of him.’ These words he willed me 
 precisely to observe, and relate to your honour, with the first notice of his death. 
 
 “Tour honour’s to my uttermost in whatsoever you please command me, 
 
 “JOHN GUEVARA.” 
 
 Mr. John Guevara to Sir Robert Cecil, Berwick, June 25, 1001. 
 
 2 N 
 
Robert Bertie, I. Earl of Lindsey, XII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 HEREDITARY LORD GREAT CHAMBERLAIN OF ENGLAND. 
 
 I find in the observations upon the Statesmen and Favourites of England, this 
 honorable person thus consecrated to immortality. 
 
 He and his whole Family (I know not whether more pious, or more valiant; whether 
 more renowned abroad as Confessors for their Religion, or at home as Champions for 
 their Country), have been in this last age an ornament or defence to the Crown, equally 
 reverenced by the subjects of it, and honored by the Soveraigns. 
 
 Raising his House, illustrious already, to an higher sphere among the Stars of the first 
 magnitude, he kept the noble stream of his blood as far from its fall, as he found it 
 from its fountain. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth would needs be god-mother to the young General, as she called him, 
 and the Earls of Essex and Leicester god-fathers, christening him Robert (a name she 
 observed happy in Souldiers and Statesmen), and injoyning a tryal of his temper, 
 before discretion might be dissembled, when he discovered more inclination to the Armor 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 1601. 
 
 Description of Lord Lindsey 
 -— Lloyd’s Memoirs, ed. 
 1068, pp. 306-309. 
 
140 
 
 Robert Bertie, I. Earl of Lindsey, XII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 1601. 
 
 than to the Gown, being manly in his very Gngaws and Eattles; and almost with 
 Scanderbeg, calling, the yery first word he spake for a sword; and being once, by Sir W. 
 Baleigh, offered the same choice that Achilles was by Ulysses, that is, the softer Barrings 
 of Pictures, little Books, Ac., and those more severe, of little Swords and Pistols, he 
 betrayed an Earl’s manhood by his choice of the latter, laying hold the first thing when 
 gentlemen came to tile House, upon their sword and dagger. 
 
 Lord Lindsey's to e« p .- The first Expedition wherein he appeared, was in the Company of the Earls of Essex 
 ditiouB during m. lather'. ^ Nottingham to Cales, where his great spirit was so impatient of delay, that when it 
 was Voted they should set upon the Town and Ships, he and the Earl of Essex threw up 
 their caps, and were so forward, that he was Knighted in the Market-place; where he 
 said, “An old Woman with a stone knocked down the Esquire, and the General commanded 
 him to rise a Knight.” 
 
 His next adventure was with Sir Thomas Vere, to Brill, where he bestowed his time in 
 observing the exact way of modern and regular bonification. 
 
 His third Expedition was (with Gilbert Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, then Ambassador) 
 to make observation upon the renowned French King, H. 4, and his Court (the safest and 
 most useful travelling is in an Ambassador’s company, and the best places to travel in is 
 Holland to see all the world, and Prance to see any part of it). Whenoe he stepped to 
 see the siege of Amiens, so honorably managed by Sir John Baskervile and Sir Arthur 
 Savage. 
 
 His fourth sally was (after a voyage with the Earl of Cumberland, to take the Spanish 
 Carickes at Porto Rico), with the Northern Ambassadors, the Lord Zouch and Dr. Perkins, 
 to view the strength, interest, and alliance of the Danes, Swedes, Muscovians, &c., and 
 upon his return, a short journey after the Earl of Essex, to see the obstructions to, and 
 the benefits of the Conquest of Ireland. 
 
 Hi. -is. under And the last voyage under Queen Elizabeth, was with his countrymen Sir Bichard 
 Qu,.™ Eiiz.beth. Lloyd, Lereaon sil William Mounson, to take the great Caricke, worth 1,000,000 crowns, in 
 the very sight of the Spanish Fleet, and under their Castle, to the great loss of the 
 Spaniard, but the infinite advantage of the English, who were looked upon now as a 
 people to be feared not to be invaded ; thus diverting the power of Spain, that ever and 
 anon threatened us, to defend itself. 
 
 Lord to Mr Upon King James his arrival, he took a private journey to view the Interests, Barities, 
 
 aiid'SpBio.. Politicks, Magnificences, and the Designs of Italy, to prepare himself with the more 
 
 advantage to wait on the Earl of Nottingham, in the splendid Ambassie to the slow and 
 reserved Court of Spain, whence after a view of the famous siege of Ostend, he returned 
 to be one of the Knights of the Bath at the Installation of Charles, Duke of York, after¬ 
 wards King of England. 
 
 n. BB ttiod la lineoin.Hte. And so during the peaceable Beign of King James, the accomplished Lord setled' in 
 Lincolnshire, attended, as was occasion, 1. The Parliament with very useful suggestions in 
 the three points he spake most to, viz., Plantations, Trade, the Draining of the Fens, with 
 other Improvements of our Country and Commodities. 2. The Court upon Solemn times 
 with a grave and exemplary aspect and presence. 8. The Courts of Justice, reckoning 
 the meanest service of Justice (not too low for his Lordship, which was high enough for a 
 King), in his Country with tried Arts of Government, severe proceedings against idleness 
 and dissoluteness; several ways to employ and enrich his Neighbours, and wholesome 
 orders for the execution of Laws. And 4. Appearing at home, sometime at half-light, 
 
Robert Bertie, I. Bari of Lindsey, XII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 141 
 
 sometimes like himself, as affairs required; improving his Estate as formerly, by saving 
 expenses, and gaining experience in travel. 
 
 His House-keeping was noble, having his fish (especially Pikes, of which he would say 
 (it being the Water-Tyrant that destroyed more fish than it was worth), that it was the 
 costliest dish at his Table, a dish of more State than Profit), his Fowl, his Beef, Mutton, 
 Venison, and Corn of his own. 
 
 This Spring gave birth to four brave Regiments of Foot (a new apparition in the English 
 Horizon), Fifteen hundred in a Regiment, which were raised and transported into Holland 
 under four gallant Colonels, the Earl of Oxford, the Earl of Southampton, the Earl of 
 Essex, and the Lord Willoughby, since Earl of Lindsey. These Four Regiments, being 
 well Armed, and Exercised in Holland, were ready to march into the Field with Maurice 
 Prince of Orange, General of the States Army; who having an Opposite, the Marquis 
 Spinola, as subtle and more daring than himself, they both lay at the Catch, and their 
 Wariness prevented many a mischief. Maurice finding Spinola with the Spanish Army 
 hankering about Breda, either thinking himself not ready enough to encounter him, or not 
 strong enough to grapple with him, permitted him to work himself within two strong lines 
 of circumvallation, fortified with several Forts and Redoubts, notwithstanding that Breda 
 was his darling town, and the honour of his Excellency. And while Spinola was thus 
 working, he diverted his Army into Cleveland to take in Cleve Castle, a poor and incon¬ 
 siderable place, which was surrendered to him as soon as he presented his cannon before 
 it; and when he had done that, and Spinola had finished his works, he brought his Army 
 to a little village called Mede, which was close by Spinola’s quarters, and there intrench’d 
 himself by his side : but the enemy attended their work, and would not busie themselves 
 to look after him , being strongly fortified, and the way open for their Convoys to bring 
 provisions out of Flanders, which went always very strong; and Prince Maurice would 
 not go so far out of his way from his victual ships to interrupt them, lest he should want 
 provisions for his own Army. But his great design of lodging so near the enemy was 
 to amuse them that they should bend their eyes and thoughts upon him there, 
 and neglect that the more which he aimed at; for he had the Surprising of the 
 strong Castle at Antwerp in his fancy, which (he was informed) at that time had but 
 small Force in it, and he was so assured to prevail, that he would have none but 
 the Dutch to have the Honour of it. But they attempted the Business so blund¬ 
 eringly, that they were discover’d and lost their Labour; and so with some few little 
 Bickerings of small Fairies of Horse, betwixt the two intrenched Armies, the whole 
 Summer was shuffled away, and Winter approaching, the Prince seeing little good 
 to be done there, drew his Army to Rosendale and Sprang, Villages adjacent, where 
 they attended opportunities of doing the Enemy mischief. But the Glory of Prince 
 Maurice began to decay; the loss of this Town (which he now gave as gone) came so near 
 his Heart, that he went sick from the Army to the Hague, and never returned to it again. 
 
 The King expired at Theobalds, in the 59th year of his age. 
 
 Not long after our King’s Death (as if the Time and Season, as well as the Disease, 
 were Epidemical to Princes) old Maurice the Prince of Orange died; and his Brother 
 Prince Henry (being made General of the States Army) put his Fortune into an unhappy 
 Balance, which lost much of the Weight. For either valuing his Soldiers’ lives less than 
 his Brother, or the loss of so brave a Town as Breda more, or thinking to spring up with 
 more Glory'(Phoenix like) from the Ashes of his Brothers’ Funerals (being recruited with 
 
 JAMES L 
 1603. 
 
 1624. 
 
 Four Regiments sent into 
 Holland.—Rennet’s “ His¬ 
 tory of England,’ vol. TI., 
 pp. 787, 788. 
 
 Spinola besieges Breda. 
 
 1626. 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 Death of Maurice, Prince of 
 Orange.—Rennet, Vol. IL, 
 p. 790. 
 
CHARLES L 
 1625. 
 
 142 
 
 Robert Bertie, I. Earl of Lindsey, XII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 Denth of Henry de Vere, 
 XVIII. Earl of Oxford, 
 Hereditary Lord Great 
 Chamberlain of England. 
 
 Lord Lindsey inherits that 
 
 office.-Burke’s Extinct 
 
 Peerage, p. 55. 
 
 1626. 
 
 Creation of the Earldom of 
 Lin dsey.—Collins’ sPeerage, 
 Vol. I., Part II., pp. 503,504. 
 
 1628. 
 
 Louis XIII., King of 
 France besieges Rochelle.— 
 Campbell’s “ Lives of Ad¬ 
 mirals,” ed. 1750, Vol. II.. 
 pp. 109-111. 
 
 1632. 
 
 Drainage of the Fens of 
 
 Lincolnshire.-Allen’s 
 
 “ History of the County of 
 Lincoln,” Vol. I., p. 51. 
 
 the Relicks of Mansfeldt’s Army) he set upon one of Spinola’s strong works at Terheiden, 
 either to relieve the Town, or beat the Enemy out of his Trenches; but he fa.ilp.rl hi both, 
 and lost many gallant Men (especially English) in the Enterprise. The Earl of Oxford 
 having the Leading of the Yan, (being a man corpulent and heavy) got such a sweltring 
 Heat in the Service, that though he came off without hurt from the Enemy, yet he 
 brought Death along with him, for he fell sick presently after, went to the Hague, and 
 there died. 
 
 Willoughby claimed the Earldom of Oxford, with the office of Lord High Chamberlain 
 of England in right of his mother, hut succeeded in establishing his right to the chamber- 
 lainship only. 
 
 On the 22nd of November, in the 2nd of Charles I., he was advanced to the dignity of 
 Earl of Lindsey. The preamble to his patent recites, that the King in consideration of 
 the merits of Robert Lord Willoughby of Willoughby, Beake, and Eresby, Lord Great 
 Chamberlain of England ; and that he is a man, the brave son of a most noble and gallant 
 father, and of great loyalty to us. And also how much he merited by his services to us, 
 when in Denmark and Norway, and commander of the forces in the United Provinces ; 
 where he behaved as a valiant Knight fit for command, and crown’d his high birth with 
 virtue, wisdom, and sweetness of behaviour. 
 
 The cries of the Rochellers, and the clamours of the people were so loud, that a third 
 fleet was prepared for the relief of that city, now, by a close siege, reduced to the last 
 extremity. The Duke of Buckingham chose to command in person, and to that end came 
 to Portsmouth; where, on the twenty-third of August, having been at breakfast with 
 Soubize, and the general officers, John Eelton (late lieutenant of a regiment of foot, under 
 Sir John Ramsay) placed himself in an entry through which the duke was to pass, who 
 walking with Sir Thomas Frier, and inclining his ear to him in a posture of attention, 
 Felton with a back-blow stabbed him on the left side into the very heart, leaving the knife 
 in his body, which the Duke pulled out with his own hand, and then fell down, saying 
 only, the villain hath hilled me! 
 
 This accident did not prevent the king’s prosecuting his design, the very next day his 
 majesty made the Earl of Lindsey Admiral, and Moreton and Mountjoy, Vice and Rear- 
 Admirals. This expedition, however, was not more fortunate than the former. The fleet 
 sailed the eight of September 1628, and arriving before Rochelle, found the boom raised to 
 block up the entrance of the port, so strong, that though many attempts were made to break 
 through it, yet they proved vain, so that the Rochellers were glad to accept of terms from 
 their own prince, and actually surrendered the place on the eighteenth of October, the 
 English fleet looking on, but not being able to help them; and, to complete their mis¬ 
 fortunes, the very night after the city was given up, the sea made such a breach, as would 
 have opened an entrance for the largest ship in the English fleet. With this expedition 
 ended the operations of the war with France, though a peace was not made till the suc¬ 
 ceeding year. 
 
 In the 7th of Charles, the East, West, and Wildmore Fens were contracted for by Sir 
 Anthony Thomas and his participants. The Earl of Lindsey became undertaker of all the 
 fens in Holland and Kesteven, north of the river Glen up to Lincoln, for which he was to 
 have 24,000 acres for his share. In the 13th Charles I. the king declared himself the 
 undertaker of the eight hundred, (anciently Haut hundre) or Holland Fen, containing 
 22,000 acres, to have 8,000 for his share. Sir John Monson, with all the freehold pro- 
 
Robert Bertie, I. Earl of Lindsey, XII. Lord Willoughby, ICG. 
 
 143 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 1632. 
 
 prietors who chose to join him, drained the Ancholme Level, and had 5,827 acres, assigned 
 to them. These works, there is no doubt, were in a great measure effectual to the pur¬ 
 poses designed, for of Deeping Fen it is said, that the waters were so well taken off, that 
 in summer the whole fen yielded great store of grass and hay, and had soon been made 
 winter ground, and the Earl of Lindsey did inclose, build, inhabit, plant, sow, and reap 
 two years together. Yet, nevertheless, on account of civil broils afterwards ensuing, the 
 commoners took advantage of the confusions, and resumed the possessions, every where, 
 of all the undertaker’s lands, filled the drains, destroyed the sluices, and the whole level 
 in a short time returned to its original drowned state. 
 
 The King in the month of May 1635, fitted out a fleet of forty sail under the command a Fleet fitted out under the 
 of Kobert Earl of Lindsey, who was admiral, sir William Monson, Vice-Admiral, Sir John comma,,d of Lord Lilld8ey ; 
 
 ’ ’ " to protect our seaB-and 
 
 Pennington, rear-admiral; as also another of 20 sail, under the Earl of Essex. The first shore8 -— 1 Campbell,Voi. ii. 
 
 of these fleets sailed from Tilbury-Hope on the 26th of May. Then* instructions were 
 
 to give no occasion of hostility, and to suffer nothing which might prejudice the rights 
 of the king and kingdom. The French and Dutch fleets joined off Portland, the 
 last of this month, and made no scruple of giving out that they intended to assert 
 then: own independency, and to question that prerogative which the English claimed 
 in the narrow seas; but as soon as they were informed that the English fleet was at 
 sea, and in search of them, they quitted our coast, and repaired to then* own. Our 
 Admiral sent a bark upon the coast of Britany, to take a view of them, and from the 
 time of the return of this bark to the 1st of October, this fleet protected our own 
 seas and shores, gave laws to the neighbouring nations, and effectually asserted 
 that sovereignty which the Monarchs of this kingdom have ever claimed. The good 
 effect of this armament, and the reputation we gained thereby abroad, in some measure, 
 quieted the minds of the people, as it convinced them that this was not an inven¬ 
 tion to bring money into the Exchequer, without respect had to the end for which it 
 was raised. 
 
 Lindsey in 1639, on the Scots taking arms, was made Governour of Berwick. 
 
 The King and the Prince of Wales, the unhappy divisions growing to a height in the 
 beginning of the year 1642, were forced to retire from Whitehall, and reside in the city of 
 York. Thereupon the King held the feast of St. George there (the last he held) with but 
 four Knights Companions of the Garter, viz., the Prince, the Prince Elector Palatine, the 
 Earl of Lindsey, and the Duke of Bichmond, the 18th, 19th, and 20th of April. On the 
 last of which days, James, Duke of York, the King’s second son, and Rupert Count Pala¬ 
 tine of the Rhine, were chose Companions of the most noble order of the Garter. And to 
 make good their elections, as there were not a sufficient number of Knights with the 
 Sovereign to hold a chapter according to the statutes, the King granted a commission of 
 dispensation for the Knights absent, and that the fom* Knights present should have power 
 to hold chapters, and to do any acts needful, as if the whole number had been full. 
 
 As soon as the King, and the whole Court (for none remained at York,) came to Bever¬ 
 ley (where they were well accommodated, which kept them from being quickly weary,), and 
 the trained bands were likewise come thither, the General, the Earl of Lindsey, first took 
 possession of his office, a little troubled and out of countenance that he should appear 
 the General without an army, and be engaged in an enterprise which he could not 
 imagine would succeed; his Majesty wished him to send out some officers, of which 
 there was a good store, to take a view of the town, and of such advantage ground, within 
 
 1630. 
 
 Lord Lindsey, Governour of 
 Berwick.—Collius’sPeerage, 
 Vol. I., Part II., p. 504. 
 
 1642. 
 
 The King holds a Chapter 
 of the Garter at York.— 
 Collins’s Peerage, Vol. I.. 
 Part I., p. 19. 
 
 The Earl of Lindsey, having 
 been declared General of 
 the Army takes command. 
 —Clarendon, vol.II.,pp.303- 
 305. 
 
CHARLES 3 
 1G42. 
 
 144 
 
 Robert Bertie, I. Earl of Lindsey, XII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 distance, upon which he might raise a battery; as if he meant on a sudden to assault the 
 place ; which appeared no unreasonable design, if there were a good party in the town to 
 depend upon. And yet the General had no opinion that his army of trained hands would 
 frankly expose themselves to such an attack. Besides a great number of officers, and 
 persons of quality, who were all well horsed, and had many servants as well provided, the 
 King had his troop of guards so constituted, as hath been said before; and there were few 
 horses in Hull, without officers who understood that kind of service. So that it was 
 no hard matter to take a very full view of the town, by riding to the very ports, and 
 about the walls; nor, at first appearance, was there any shew of hostility from the town 
 upon their nearest approaches to it; but after they had made that visit two or three days 
 together, they observed that the walls were better manned, and that there was every day 
 an increase of labourers repairing the works; and then they began to shoot, when any 
 went within distance of the works. 
 
 All this while Sir John Hotham had tried some of his officers, in whose particular affec¬ 
 tion he had most confidence, how far they were like to be governed by him; and found 
 them of a temper not to be relied upon. His son had grown jealous of some design, and 
 was caballing with those who were most notorious for their disaffection to the govern¬ 
 ment ; and new officers were sent down by the Parliament, to assist in the defence of the 
 town, which they thought might probably be attempted ; and supplies of men had been 
 taken in from the ships, and had been sent thither from Boston, a town upon the same 
 coast, of eminent disloyalty. So that, when the Lord Digby returned thither, he found a 
 great damp upon the spirit of the Governor, and a sadness of mind, that he had proceeded 
 so far; of which his Lordship made all the haste he could to advertise the King; but his 
 letters must first be sent to York before they could come to Beverley; and, when they 
 were received, they contained still somewhat of hope “that he should be able to restore 
 him to his former courage, and confirm his resolution: ” so that the King seemed to 
 defer any attempt, upon the hopes of the Earl of Holland’s message, before mentioned, 
 and, in the end, he was compelled to give over the design, all hope from the Governor 
 growing desperate ; whether from his want of courage, or want of power to execute what 
 he desired, remains still uncertain. 
 
 The King dismissed the trained bands and returned with his whole court to York. 
 
 Faction in the king's army. When the whole army marched together, there was quickly discovered an unhappy 
 -clarendon, ’P‘- jealousy and division between the principal officers, which grew quickly into a perfect 
 faction between the foot and the horse. The Earl of Lindsey was general of the whole 
 army by his commission, and thought very equal to it. But when Prince Rupert came to 
 the King, which was after the standard was set up, and received a commission to be 
 general of the horse, which, all men knew was designed for him, there was a clause in¬ 
 serted into it, which exempted him from receiving orders from any body but from the King 
 himself; which, upon the matter, separated all the horse from any dependence upon the 
 general, and had other ill consequences in it: for when the King at midnight, being in his 
 bed, and receiving intelligence of the enemy’s motion, commanded the Lord Falkland, his 
 principal secretary of state, to direct Prince Rupert what he should do, he took it very ill, 
 and expostulated with the Lord Falkland for giving him orders. But he could not have 
 directed his passion against any man who would feel or regard it less. And he told him, 
 “ that it was his office to signify what the King bad him; which he should always do; 
 and that he, in neglecting it, neglected the King ; ” who did neither the Prince nor his own 
 
Robert Bertie, I. Bari of Lindsey, XU. Lord Willoughby, K G. 
 
 145 
 
 CHARLES L 
 1642. 
 
 service any good, by complying in the beginning with his rough nature, which rendered 
 him very ungracious to all men. But the King was so indulgent to him that he took his 
 advice in all things relating to the army, and so upon consideration of their march, and 
 the figure of the battle they resolved to fight in with the enemy, he concurred entirely 
 with Prince Rupert’s advice, and rejected the opinion of the general, who preferred the 
 order he had learned under Prince Maurice and Prince Harry, with whom he had served 
 at the same time, when the Earl of Essex and he had both regiments. 
 
 Within two days after the King marched from Shrewsbury, the Earl of Essex moved The E»ri of Essex marches 
 from Worcester to attend him, with an army far superior in number to the King’s; the afleltl “ 1 
 horse and foot being completely armed, and the men very well exercised, and the whole 
 equipage (being supplied out of the King’s magazines), suitable to an army set forth at the 
 charge of a kingdom. The Earl of Bedford had the name of general of the horse, though 
 that command principally depended upon Sir William Balfour. Of the nobility he had 
 with him the Lords Kimbolton, Saint-John’s, Wharton, Roberts, Roehford, and Fielding, 
 
 (whose fathers, the Earls of Dover and Denbigh, charged as volunteers in the King’s 
 guards of horse,) and many gentlemen of quality; but his train was so very great that he 
 could move but in slow marches. So that the two armies, though they were but twenty 
 miles asunder, when they first set forth, and both marched the same way, gave not the 
 least disquiet in ten days’ march to each other; and in truth, as it appeared afterwards, 
 neither army knew where the other was. 
 
 The King by quick marches, having seldom rested a day in any place, came on Saturday, 
 the twenty-second day of October, to Edgcot, a village in Northamptonshire, within four 
 miles of Banbury, in which the rebels had a very strong garrison. As soon as he came 
 thither, he called a council of war, and having no intelligence that the Earl of Essex was 
 within any distance, it was resolved “ the King and the army should rest in those quarters 
 the next day, only that Sir Nicholas Byron should march with his brigade, and attempt 
 the taking in of Banbury.” And with this resolution the council brake up, and all men 
 went to their quarters, which were at a great distance, without any apprehension of an 
 enemy. But that night, about twelve of the clock, Prince Rupert sent the King word, 
 
 “that the body of the rebels’ army was within seven or eight miles, and that the head 
 quarter was at a village called Keinton on the edge of Warwickshire ; and that it would 
 be in his majesty’s power, if he thought fit, to fight a battle the next day; ” which his 
 majesty liked well, and therefore immediately despatched orders to cross the design for 
 Banbury, “and that the whole army should draw to a rendezvous on the top of Edge-hill; ” 
 which was a very high hill about two miles from Keinton, where the head-quarters of the 
 earl were, and which had a clear prospect of all that valley. 
 
 October 23rd. 
 
 In the morning, being Sunday the twenty-third of October (1642), when the rebels The battio of Keinton on 
 were beginning their march (for they suspected not the King’s forces to be near), they d ° c ’ vs ’ a79 ’ 380 
 perceived a fair body of horse on the top of that hill, and easily concluded their march was 
 not then to be far. It is certain they were exceedingly surprised, having never had any 
 other confidence of their men, than by the disparity they concluded would be still between 
 their numbers and the King’s, the which they found themselves now deceived in. For 
 two of their strongest and best regiments of foot, and one regiment of horse, was a day’s 
 march behind with their ammunition. So that, though they were still superior in number, 
 yet that difference was not so great as they promised themselves. However, it cannot be 
 denied that the Earl, with great dexterity, performed whatsoever could be expected 
 
 2 P 
 
146 
 
 Robert Bertie, I. Earl of Lindsey, XII. Lord Willoughby, K.Q. 
 
 CHARLES L ' 
 
 1642. 
 
 Battio of Edge-hiu.—Ola- from a wise General. He chose that ground which best hked him. There was between 
 
 rendou, vd. ii, p P . 380, ^ an d the town a fair campaign, save that near the town it was narrower, and on 
 the right hand some hedges, and inclosures: so that there he placed musketeers, and not 
 above two regiments of horse, where the ground was narrowest; but on his left wing he 
 placed a body of a thousand horse, commanded by one Ramsey a Scotch-man; the reserve 
 of horse, which was a good one, was commanded by the Earl of Bedford, General of their 
 horse, and Sir William Balfour with him. The General himself was with the foot, which 
 were ordered as much to advantage as might be. And in this posture they stood from 
 eight of the clock in the morning. 
 
 On the other side, though Prince Rupert was early in the morning with the greatest 
 part of the horse on the top of the hill, which gave the enemy the first alarum of the 
 necessity of fighting, yet the foot were quartered at so great a distance, that many regi¬ 
 ments marched seven or eight miles to the rendezvous : so that it was past one of the 
 clock before the King’s forces marched down the hill; the General himself alighted at the 
 head of his own regiment of foot, his son the Lord Willoughby being next to him, with 
 the King’s regiment of guards, in which was the King’s standard, carried by Sir Edmund 
 Yerney, Knight Marshal. The King’s right wing of horse was commanded by Prince 
 Rupert, the left wing by Mr. Wilmot, Commissary General of the horse, who was assisted 
 by Sir Arthur Aston with most of the dragoons, because that left wing was opposed to the 
 enemy’s right, which had the shelter of some hedges lined with musketeers: and the 
 reserve was committed to Sir John Byron, and consisted indeed only of his own regiment. 
 At the entrance into the field, the King’s troop of guards, either provoked by some un¬ 
 seasonable scoffs amongst the soldiery, or out of desire of glory, or both, besought the King 
 “that he would give them leave to be absent that day from his person, and to charge in 
 the front amongst the horse; ” the which his Majesty consented to. They desired Prince 
 Rupert “ to give them that honour which belonged to themwho accordingly assigned 
 them the first place; which, though they performed their parts with admirable courage, 
 may well be reckoned amongst the oversights of that day. 
 
 It was near three of the clock in the afternoon before the battle began ; which at that 
 time of the year was so late that some were of opinion, “ that the business should be deferr¬ 
 ed till the next day.” But against that there were many objections; “ the King’s numbers 
 could not increase, the enemy’s might;” for they had not only their garrisons, Warwick, 
 Coventry, and Banbury, within distance, but all that county so devoted to them, that 
 they had all provisions brought to them, without the least trouble; whereas, on the other 
 side, the people were so disaffected to the King’s party, that they had carried away, or 
 hid, all their provisions, insomuch as there was neither meat for man or horse; and the 
 very smiths hid themselves, that they might not be compelled to shoe the horses, of which 
 in those stony ways there was great need. This proceeded not from any radical malice, 
 or disaffection to the King’s cause, or his person ; though it is true, that circuit in which 
 this battle was fought, being very much in the interest of the Lord Say, and the Lord 
 Brooke, was the most em in ently corrupted of any county in England; but by the reports 
 and infusions which the other very diligent party had wrought into the people’s belief, 
 “ that the Cavaliers were of a fierce, bloody and licentious disposition, and that they com¬ 
 mitted all manner of cruelty upon the inhabitants of those places where they came, of 
 which robbery was the least; ” so that the poor people thought there was no other way 
 bo preserve their goods than by hiding them out of the way; which was confessed by them, 
 
Robert Bertie, 1. Earl of Lindsey, XII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 147 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 1642. 
 
 when they found how much that information had wronged them, by making them so Battle of Edge-hiii.—ciar- 
 
 injurious to then* Mends. And therefore, where the army rested a day, they found much °“ don> vo1, IL ’ pp * 382,m 
 
 better entertainment at parting than when they came; for it will not be denied, that 
 
 there was no person of honour or quality, who paid not punctually and exactly for what 
 
 he had; and there was not the least violence or disorder among the common soldiers in 
 
 their march, which scaped exemplary punishment; so that at Bromicham, a town so 
 
 generally wicked that it had risen upon small parties of the Bung’s and killed or taken 
 
 them prisoners, and sent them to Coventry, declaring a more peremptory malice to his 
 
 Majesty than any other place, two soldiers were executed for having taken some small 
 
 trifle of no value out of a house, whose owner was at that time in the rebels’ army. So 
 
 strict was the discipline in this army; when the other, without control, practised all the 
 
 dissoluteness imaginable. But the march was so fast, that the leaving a good reputation 
 
 behind them was no harbinger to provide for their better reception in their next quarters. 
 
 So that their wants were so great at the time they came to Edgehill, that there were very 
 many companies of the common soldiers, who had scarce eaten bread in eight-and-forty 
 hours before. The only way to cure this was a victory; and therefore the King gave 
 the word, though it was late, the enemy keeping their ground to receive bim without 
 advancing at all. 
 
 In this hurry, there was an omission of somewhat, which the King intended to have 
 executed before the beginning of the battle. He had caused many proclamations to be 
 printed of pardon to all those soldiers who would lay down their arms, which he resolved, 
 as is said before, to have sent by a herald to the Earl of Essex, and to have found ways to 
 have scattered and dispersed them in that army, as soon as he understood they were 
 within any distance of him. But all men were now so much otherwise busied, that it was 
 not soon enough remembered; and when it was, the proclamations were not at hand; 
 which, by that which follows, might probably have produced a good effect. For as the 
 right wing of the King’s horse advanced to charge the left wing, which was the gross of 
 the enemy’s horse, Sir Faithful Fortescue (who, having his fortune and interest in 
 Ireland, was come out of that Kingdom to hasten supplies thither, and had a troop of 
 horse raised for him for that service; but as many other of those forces were, so his troop 
 was likewise disposed into that army, and he was now Major to Sir William Waller; he) 
 with his whole troop advanced from the gross of then* horse, and discharging all their 
 pistols on the ground, within little more than carabine shot of his own body, presented 
 him self and his troop to Prince Rupert; and immediately with his Highness, charged the 
 enemy. Whether this sudden accident, as it might very well, and the not knowing how 
 many more were of the same mind, each man looking upon his companion with the same 
 apprehension as upon the enemy, or whether the terror of Prince Rupert, and the King’s 
 horse, or all together, with their own evil consciences, wrought upon them, I know not, 
 but that whole wing, having unskilfully discharged their carabines and pistols into the air, 
 wheeled about, the King’s horse charging in the flank and rear, and having thus absolutely 
 routed them, pursued them flying; and had the execution of them above two miles. 
 
 The left wing, commanded by Mr. Wilmot, had as good success, though they were to 
 charge in worse ground, amongst hedges and through gaps and ditches which were lined with 
 musqueteers. But Sir Arthur Aston, with great courage and dexterity, beat off those mus- 
 queteers with his dragoons; and then the right wing of their horse was as easily routed and 
 dispersed as their left, and those followed the chase as furiously as the other. The reserve 
 
148 Robert Bertie, I. Earl of Lindsey, XII. Lord Willoughby , K.G. 
 
 CHARLES I.- 
 
 1642. 
 
 Battle of Edge-hiii.—ciar- seeing none of the enemy’s horse left, thought there was nothing more to be done, hut 
 ’ pp ’ 3S4 38e ‘ to pursue those that fled, and could not be contained by their commanders, but with 
 spurs and loose reins followed the chase which then* left wing had led them. And by 
 this means, while most men thought the victory unquestionable, the King was in danger 
 of the same fate which his predecessor Henry the third felt at the battle of Lewes against 
 his Barons; when his son the Prince, having routed their horse, followed the chase so far, 
 that before his return to the field, his father was taken prisoner; and so his victory served 
 only to make the misfortunes of that day the more intolerable. For all the King’s horse 
 having thus left the field, many of them only following the execution, others intending 
 the spoil in the town of Keinton, where all the baggage was, and the Earl of Essex’s own 
 coach, which was taken and brought away; their reserve, commanded by Sir William 
 Balfour, moved up and down the field in good order, and marching towards the King’s 
 foot pretended to be friends, till observing no horse to be in readiness to charge them, they 
 brake in upon the foot and did great execution. .'Then was the General, the Earl of Lind¬ 
 sey, in the head of his regiment, being on foot, shot in the thigh; with which he fell, and 
 was presently encompassed with the enemy; and his son the Lord Willoughby, piously 
 endeavouring the rescue of his father, taken prisoner with him . Then was the standard 
 taken (Sir Edmund Yerney, who bore it, being killed), but rescued again by Captain John 
 Smith, an officer of the Lord Grandison’s regiment of horse, and by h im brought off. And 
 if those horse had bestirred themselves, they might, with little difficulty, have destroyed or 
 taken prisoner the King himself, and his two sons, the Prince of Wales, and the Duke of 
 York, being with fewer than one hundred horse, and those without officer or com m and, 
 within half musket shot of that body, before he suspected them to be enemies. 
 
 When Prince Rupert returned from the chase, he found this great alteration in the field, 
 and his Majesty himself with few noblemen, and a small retinue about him, and the hope 
 of so glorious a day quite vanished. Eor though most of the officers of horse were re¬ 
 turned, and that part of the field covered again with the loose troops, yet they could not 
 be persuaded or drawn to charge either the enemy’s reserve of horse, which alone kept 
 the field, or the body of their foot, which only kept then* ground. The officers pretending 
 “ that their soldiers were so dispersed, that there were not ten of any troop together; ” and 
 the soldiers “ that their horses were so tired, that they could not charge.” But the truth 
 is, where many soldiers of one troop or regiment were rallied together, there the officers 
 were wanting; and where the officers were ready, there the soldiers were not together; 
 and neither officers nor soldiers desired to move without those who properly belonged to 
 them. Things had now so ill an aspect that many were of opinion that the King should 
 leave the field, though it was not easy to advise whither he should have gone ; which if 
 he had done, he had left an absolute victory to those who even at this time thought 
 themselves overcome. But the King was positive against this advice, well knowing that 
 as that army was raised by his person and presence only, so it could by no other means be 
 kept together; and he thought it unprincely to forsake them who had forsaken all they 
 had to serve him ; besides, he observed the other side looked not as if they thought them¬ 
 selves conquerors; for that reserve, which did so much mischief before, since the return 
 of his horse, betook themselves to a fixed station between their foot, which at best could 
 but be thought to stand then* ground, which two brigades of the King’s did with equal 
 courage, and gave equal volleys ; and therefore he tried all possible ways to get the horse 
 to charge again; easily discerning by some little attempts which were made, what a 
 
Bolert Bertie, I. Earl of Lindsey, XII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 149 
 
 ~ OHARLES I. 
 
 1642. 
 
 notable impression a brisk one would have made upon the enemy. And when he saw it Battle of Edge-hm-ciar- 
 was not to be done, he was content with then- only standing still. Without doubt, if endon - voL n - pp- 387 > 388 ’ 
 either party had known the constitution of the other, they had not parted so fairly; and 
 ■very probably, whichsoever had made a bold offer, had compassed his end upon his enemy. 
 
 This made many believe, though the horse vaunted themselves aloud to have done their 
 part, that the good fortune of the first part of the day, which, well managed, would have 
 seemed the rest, was to be imputed rather to their enemy’s want of courage than to their 
 own virtue (which, after so great a victory could not so soon have forsaken them), and to 
 the sudden and unexpected revolt of Sir Faithful Fortescue with a whole troop, no doubt 
 much to the consternation of those he left; though they had not so good fortune as they 
 deserved; for by the negligence of not throwing away their orange-tawny scarfs, which 
 they all wore as the Earl of Essex’s coloiu's, and being immediately engaged in the charge, 
 many of them, not fewer than seventeen or eighteen, were suddenly killed by those to 
 whom they joined themselves. 
 
 In this doubt of all sides, the night, the common friend to wearied and dismayed armies, 
 parted them; and then the King caused his cannon, which were nearest the enemy, to 
 be drawn off; and with his whole forces himself spent the night in the field, by such a fire 
 as could be made of the little wood and bushes which grew thereabouts, unresolved what 
 to do the next morning; many reporting, “ that the enemy was gone but when the day 
 appeared the contrary was discovered; for then they were seen standing in the same 
 posture and place in which they fought, from whence the Earl of Essex, wisely, never 
 suffered them to stir all that night; presuming reasonably, that if they were drawn off 
 never so little from that place, their numbers would lessen, and that many would run away; 
 and therefore he caused all manner of provisions, with which the country supplied him 
 plentifully, to be brought thither to them for then refreshment, and reposed himself with 
 them in the place; besides, that night he received a great addition of strength, not only 
 by rallying those horse and foot which had run out of the field in the battle, but by the 
 arrival of Colonel Hambden, and Colonel Grantham, with two thousand fresh foot (which 
 were reckoned among the best of the army), and five hundred horse, which marched a day 
 behind the army for the guard of their ammunition, and a great part of their train, not 
 supposing there would have been any action that would have required then presence. All 
 the advantage this seasonable recruit brought them, was to give their old men so much 
 courage as to keep the field, which it was otherwise believed they would hardly have been 
 persuaded to have done. In the other army, after a very cold night spent in the field without 
 any refreshment or victual, or provision for the soldiers (for the country was so disaffected, 
 that it not only not sent in provisions, but soldiers who straggled into the villages for relief 
 were knocked in the head by the com m on people), the King found his troops very thin; for 
 though by conference with the officers, he might reasonably conclude that there were not 
 many slain in the battle, yet a third part of his foot were not upon the place, and of the horse 
 many missing ; and they that were in the field were so tired with duty, and weakened with 
 the want of meat, and shrunk up with the cold of the night (for it was a terrible frost, and 
 there was no shelter of either tree or hedge), that though they had reason to believe by 
 the standing still of the enemy, whilst a small party of the King’s horse, in the morning 
 took away four' pieces of their cannon very near them, that any offer towards a charge, or 
 but marching towards them, would have made a notable impression in them, yet there 
 was so visible an averseness from it in most officers as well as soldiers, that the King 
 
 2 Q, 
 
CHARLES I. 
 1642. 
 
 150 
 
 Robert Bertie, I. Earl of Lindsey, XII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 The Earl of Lindsey is 
 wounded in the battle of 
 Edge-hill and dies. 
 
 Clarendon, vol. II., pp. 3S8, 
 389. 
 
 thought not fit to make the attempt; but contented himself to keep his men in order, the 
 body of horse facing the enemy upon the field where they had fought. 
 
 Towards noon the King resolved to try that expedient, which was prepared for the day 
 before ; and sent Sir William Le Neve, Clarencieux King at Arms, to the enemy, with his 
 proclamation of pardon to such as would lay down arms; believing, though he expected 
 then little benefit by the proclamation, that he should by that means receive some 
 advertisement of the condition of the army, and what prisoners they had taken (for many 
 persons of command and quality were wanting) giving him order likewise to desire to 
 speak with the Earl of Lindsey, who was known to be in their hands. Before Sir William 
 came to the army, he was received by the out-guards, and conducted with strictness (that 
 he might say or publish nothing among the soldiers) to the Earl of Essex; who, when he 
 offered to read the proclamation aloud, and to deliver the effect of it, that he might be 
 heard by those who were present, rebuked him with some roughness, and charged him, 
 “ as he loved his life, not to presume to speak a word to the soldiers ”; and, after some few 
 questions, sent him presently back, well guarded through the army, without any answer at 
 all. At his return he had so great a feeling and sense of the danger he had passed, that 
 he made little observation of the posture or numbers of the enemy. Only he seemed to 
 have seen or apprehended so much trouble and disorder in the faces of the Earl of Essex, 
 and the principal officers about him, and so much dejection in the common soldiers, that 
 they looked like men who had no farther ambition than to keep what they had left. He 
 brought word of the death of the Earl of Lindsey; who, being carried out of the field a 
 prisoner, into a barn of the next village, for want of a surgeon, and such accommodations 
 as were necessary, within few horns died with the loss of blood, his wound not being other¬ 
 wise mortal or dangerous. This was imputed to the inhumanity of the Earl of Essex, as 
 if he had purposely neglected or inhibited the performing any necessary offices to him, 
 out of the insolence of his nature, and in revenge of some former unkindnesses which had 
 passed between them. But I presume it may be with more justice attributed to the hurry 
 and distraction of that season, when, being so insecure of then friends, they had no 
 thoughts vacant for then enemies. Eor it is not to be denied at the time when the Earl 
 of Lindsey was taken prisoner, the Earl of Essex thought himself in more danger; and 
 among his faults want of civility and courtesy was none. 
 
 The number of the slain, by the testimony of the minister and others of the next 
 parish who took care for the burying of the dead, and which was the only computation 
 that could be made, amounted to above five thousand; whereof two parts were conceived 
 to be of those of the Parliament party, and not above a third part of the King’s. Indeed 
 the loss of both sides was so great, and so little of triumph appeared in either, that the 
 victory could scarce be imputed to the one or the other. Yet the King’s keeping the field, 
 and having the spoil of it, by which many persons of quality who had lain wounded in the 
 field were preserved, his pursuing afterwards the same design he had when he was 
 diverted to the battle, and succeeding in it (which shall be touched anon), were greater 
 ensigns of victory on that side than the taking the General prisoner, and the taking the 
 standard, which was likewise recovered, were on the other. Of the King’s side the principal 
 persons who were lost were the Earl of Lindsey, General of the Army, the Lord Stewart, 
 Lord Aubigney, son of the Duke of Lenox, and brother to the then Duke of Richmond 
 and Lenox, Sir Edmund Yerney, Knight Marshall of the King’s Horse, and Standard 
 bearer, and some others of less name, though of great virtue, and good quality. 
 
Bobert Bertie, I. Earl of Lindsey, XII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 151 
 
 The Earl of Lindsey was a man of very noble extraction, and inherited a great fortune 
 from his ancestors; which, though he did not manage with so great care, as if he desired 
 much to improve, yet he left it in a very fair condition to his family, which more intended 
 the increase of it. He was a man of great honour, and spent his youth and vigour of his 
 age in military actions and commands abroad; and albeit he indulged to himself great 
 liberties of life, yet he still preserved a very good reputation with all men, and a very 
 great interest in his country, as appeared by the supplies he and his son brought to the 
 King’s army; the several companies of his own regiment of foot being commanded by the 
 principal Knights and Gentlemen of Lincolnshire, who engaged themselves in the service 
 principally out of their personal affection to him. He was of a very generous nature, and 
 punctual in what he undertook, and in exacting what was due to him; which made him 
 bear that restriction so heavily which was put upon him by the commission granted to 
 Prince Rupert, and by the King’s preferring the Prince’s opinion in all matters relating 
 to the war, before his. Nor did he conceal his resentment; the day before the battle, he 
 said to some friends, with whom he had used freedom, “ that he did not look upon himself 
 “ as General; and therefore he was resolved, when the day of battle should come, that he 
 “would be in the head of his regiment as a private Colonel, where he would die.” He 
 was carried out of the field to the next village; and if he could then have procured 
 surgeons it was thought his wound would not have proved mortal. And as soon as the 
 other army was composed by the coming on of the night, the Earl of Essex about mid¬ 
 night, sent Sir William Balfour, and some other officers to see him, and to offer him all 
 offices, and meant himself to have visited him. They found him upon a little straw in a 
 poor house, where they had laid him in his blood, which had run from him in great 
 abundance, no surgeon having been yet with him; only he had great vivacity in his looks, 
 and told them, “ he was sorry to see so many gentlemen, some whereof were his old friends, 
 engaged in so foul a rebellion; ” and principally directed his discourse to Sir William 
 Balfour, whom he put in mind of “ the great obligations he had to the King; how much 
 “ his Majesty had disobliged the whole English nation by putting him into the command 
 “of the Tower; and that it was the most odious ingratitude in him to make him that 
 “ return.” He wished them to tell my Lord Essex “ that he ought to cast himself at the 
 “King’s feet to beg his pardon; which, if he did not speedily do, his memory would be 
 “ odious to the nation; ” and continued this kind of discourse with so much vehemence, 
 that the officers by degrees withdrew themselves, and prevented the visit the Earl of 
 Essex intended him, who only sent the best surgeons to him; but in the very opening of 
 his wounds he died before the morning, only upon the loss of blood. He had very many 
 friends, and very few enemies, and died generally lamented. 
 
 The Lord Aubigney was a gentleman of great hopes, of a gentle and winning disposition, 
 and of very clear corn-age: he was killed in the first charge with the horse; where, there 
 being so little resistance, gave occasion to suspect that it was done by his own Lieutenant, 
 who was a Dutchman, and had not been so punctual in his duty, but that he received 
 some reprehension from his Captain, which he murmured at. His body was brought off, 
 and buried at Christ-Church in Oxford; his two younger brothers, the Lord John and the 
 Lord Bernard Stewart, were in the same battle, and were afterwards both killed in the 
 war, and his only son is now Duke of Richmond. Sir Edmund Verney hath been 
 mentioned before, he was a person of great honour and courage, and lost his life in that 
 charge when Balfour, with that reserve of horse, which had been so long undiscerned, 
 broke into those regiments; but his body was not found. 
 
 CHARLES L 
 1642. 
 
 A character of the Earl of 
 Lindsey,the King’s General. 
 Clarendon, vol. II., pp. 
 390, 391. 
 
 Lindsey, dying, addresses 
 Sir W. Balfour. 
 
 Death of Lord Aubigney. 
 —Clarendon, p. 392. 
 
CHARLES I. 
 
 1642. 
 
 Further particulars con¬ 
 cerning the Battle of Edge- 
 hill. 
 
 Clarendon, vol. II., "pp. 
 392-396. 
 
 152 Robert Bertie, I. Earl of Lindsey, X1L Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 Of the Parliament party that perished, the Lord Saint-John of Bletnezo, and Charles 
 Essex, were of the best quality. 
 
 Prisoners taken by the enemy were, the Lord Willoughby, hastily and piously endeavour¬ 
 ing the rescue of his father; Sir Thomas Lunsford, and Sir Edward Stradling, both 
 Colonels; and Sir William Yavasour, who commanded the King’s regiment of guards, 
 under the Lord Willoughby; and some other inferior commanders. There were hurt, 
 Sir Jacob Ashley, and Sir Nicholas Byron, and more dangerously, Colonel Charles Gerrard, 
 who, being shot in the thigh, was brought off the field without any hopes of life, but 
 recovered to act a great part afterwards in the war; Sir George Strode, and some other 
 gentlemen who served amongst the foot; for of the horse there was not an officer of name, 
 who received a wound, the Lord Aubigney only excepted; so little resistance did that 
 part of the enemy make. Of the rebels there were slain, besides the Lord Saint-John, 
 Colonel Charles Essex, the soldier of whom they had the best opinion, and who had always, 
 till this last action, preserved a good reputation in the world, which was now the worse, 
 over and above the guilt of rebellion, by his having sworn to the Queen of Bohemia, by 
 whose intercession he procured leave from the Prince of Orange to go into England, “ that 
 “he would never serve against the King; ” and many others of obscure names, though 
 officers of good command. There were a good number of then officers, especially of horse, 
 taken prisoners, but (save that some of them were Parliament men) of mean quality in the 
 world, except only Sir William Essex, the father of the Colonel, whose wants, from having 
 wasted a very great fortune, and his son’s invitation, led him into that company, where he 
 was a private captain of his regiment. 
 
 When the armies had thus only looked one upon another the whole day, and it being 
 discerned that the enemy had drawn off his carriages, the King directed all his army to 
 retire into their old quarters, presuming (as it proved) that many of those who were 
 wanting would be found there. And so himself with his two sons went to Edgecot, where 
 he lay the night before the battle, resolving to rest the next day, both for the refreshing 
 his wearied and even tired men, and to be informed of the motion and condition of the 
 enemy, upon which some troops of the King’s horse attended. The Earl of Essex retired 
 with his to Warwick Castle, whither he had sent all his prisoners; so that on the Tuesday 
 morning the King was informed that the enemy was gone, and that some of his horse 
 had attended the rear of the enemy almost to Warwick, and that they had left many of 
 their carriages, and very many of their wounded soldiers, at the village next to the field; 
 by which it appeared that their remove was in haste and not without apprehension. 
 
 After the horse had marched almost to Warwick, and found the coast clear from the 
 enemy, they returned to the field to view the dead bodies, many going to enquire after 
 their friends who were missing, where they found many not yet dead of their wounds, 
 amongst whom, with others, young Mr. Scroop brought off his father, Sir Gervas Scroop, 
 who being an old gentleman of great fortune in Lincolnshire, had raised a foot company 
 amongst his tenants, and brought them into the Earl of Lindsey’s regiment, out of devotion 
 and respect to his Lordship, as well as duty to the King; and had, about the time that the 
 General was taken, fallen with sixteen wounds in his body and head; and had lain from 
 that time, which was about three in the afternoon on Sunday, all that cold night, all 
 Monday, and Monday night, and till Tuesday evening, for it was so late before his son 
 found him; whom with great piety he carried to a warm lodging, and afterwards tc' 
 Oxford; where he wonderfully recovered. 
 
Robert Bertie, I. Earl of Lindsey, XII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 153 
 
 On Wednesday morning the King drew his army to a rendezvous, where he found his 
 numbers greater than he expected; for, in the night after the battle, very many of the 
 common soldiers, out of cold and hunger, had found their old quarters. So that it was 
 really believed upon this view, when this little rest had recovered a strange cheerfulness 
 into all men, that there were not in that battle lost above three hundred men at most. 
 There the King declared General Ruthen General of his army in the place of the Earl of 
 Lindsey; and then marched to Ayno, a little village two miles distant from Banbury. 
 
 2 R 
 
 CHARLES L 
 1642. 
 
 Further particulars con¬ 
 cerning the battle of Edge- 
 hill. 
 
 Clarendon, vol. II., p. 396. 
 
154 
 
 Robert Bertie, I. Earl of Lindsey, XII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 wiahles i. 
 
 1642. 
 
 BurWs Extinct rccrago, Lord Willoughby married Elizabeth, only child* of Edward, first Lord Montagu, of 
 Boughton, and grand-daughter, maternally, of Sir John Jefferies, Lord Chief Baron of the 
 Exchequer, and had issue, 
 
 Montagu, his successor. Francis, Captain of Horse, killed in the King’s service, in 
 Ireland, Anno 1641. Henry, Captain of Horse, killed at Newbury, fighting under the 
 royal banner. His Lordship was succeeded by his eldest son Montagu. 
 
 • By 
 
 his first wife. 
 
 Arms op Lord Lindsey. 
 
 l^Ashmole's Order of the Garter.) 
 
Montagu Bertie, II. Earl of Lindsey, 
 
 XIII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 HEREDITARY LORD GREAT CHAMBERLAIN OF ENGLAND 
 
 AT the battle of Edgehill he fought in the same division with his father, whom lie Battle of Edgehin.—Jacob's 
 attended in all his dangers, and perceiving him to he wounded, so that he could not be 
 moved off from the field of battle, he suffered himself to he taken prisoner by a captain of 
 the parliament’s horse, that he might do his last duties to his father, in attending and 
 comforting him ; who, on the following day, the 24th of October, 1642, died in his arms. Lord Lindsey a prisoner.— 
 
 , , . ., , , p ,, , -i Lodge’s “ Portraits,” vol. V., 
 
 leaving him Earl of Lindsey, and a prisoner in the hands ot tlie rebels. p 1(!1 
 
CHARLES I. 
 1642. 
 
 156 
 
 Montagu Bertie, II. Earl of Lindsey, XIII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 October 27th. 
 
 Ring Charles’s letter to 
 Lord Lindsey. — Eehard’s 
 “ History of England,” vol. 
 II., p. 364. 
 
 1613. 
 
 Lord Lindsey liberated. — 
 Lodge’s “Portraits,” vol. 
 V., p. 161. 
 
 1644. 
 
 Commands the Life Guards. 
 —Lodge, vol. V., p. 161. 
 
 1645. 
 
 Battle of Naseby.—Jacob’s 
 “ Peerage,” vol. I., p. 330. 
 
 Lord Lindsey employed in 
 the King's service.—Lodge, 
 vol. V., p. 162. 
 
 1648. 
 
 A committee is sent to the 
 King. — Clarendon's “ His¬ 
 tory of the Rebellion,” 
 (ed. 1849), vol. IV., pp. 
 432, 433. 
 
 Amidst the confusion, and multiplicity of cares, necessarily following such an action, 
 the King’s almost first attention seems to have been directed to him. A trumpet was 
 despatched to the enemy, with proposals for his release, and the following Letter, written 
 with the King’s own hand, directed for the Earl of Lindsey, Lord High Chamberlain 
 of England, and signed with his Sign Manual. This letter, so much to the honour 
 of the Eamily, was never yet publish’d; but was sent me for that purpose by the 
 Honourable Charles Bertie, of Uffington, lately deceas’d, and is as following . 
 
 “ Lindsey, 
 
 “ You cannot be more Sensible (as I believe) of your Father’s Loss, than my Self, his 
 Death confirming the Estimation I ever had of him : As for your Self, the double Suffer- 
 i n S s y° u have had for my Sake, both in your Eather’s Person, and your own, puts upon 
 me the stricter Obligation, not only to restore you to your Liberty (now unjustly detain’d 
 from you), but also to shew the World by my Actions how really I am 
 
 “ Your most assured constant Friend, 
 “Ayno, 27 Oct. 1642.” “ CHARLES R. 
 
 The King however, had reckoned too favourably of the justice and generosity of those 
 who were opposed to him. They refused to accept any exchange for Lindsey; and, from 
 their knowledge of his exalted fidelity, or of his military skill or bravery, or perhaps from 
 mere malice, detained him till the 11th of August in the following year, when he was 
 liberated, it does not appear on what terms, and joining the King at Oxford, became one 
 of his prime counsellors for the future conduct of the war. 
 
 He would, however, exercise no command beyond that of his old regiment, the Life 
 Guard, at the head of which he was actively and valiantly engaged at both the battles of 
 Newbury, at 'Cropredy Bridge, in several actions in Cornwall, and, finally, when, by 
 his majesty’s bad intelligence of the enemy’s motions, a battle became unavoidable 
 at Naseby, his Lordship, with the Earl of Litchfield, commanded the body of re¬ 
 serve, consisting of the King’s own regiment of foot guards, a regiment of horse guards, 
 Prince Rupert’s regiment of foot, and some other draughts, the whole drawn up so as to 
 support the centre of the King’s army. This body long made a vigorous stand against the 
 victorious army of the Parliament, which was commanded by Fairfax, Cromwell, and the 
 flower of their generals; but being separated from the foot in the centre, they were at last 
 obliged to give way, and the Earl of Lindsey was wounded in the action. 
 
 It was there that his master’s fate may be said to have been unhappily decided ; and as 
 Charles never after commanded personally in the field, so Lindsey, who had almost always 
 fought as it were by his side, now retired from military service. He continued in constant 
 attendance on the King till his Majesty fatally put himself into the hands of the Scots, 
 and then, with his approbation, surrendered, with the Duke of Richmond, and others of 
 Charles’s best friends, to the rebel army, and, after an imprisonment of some duration, 
 was released on his parole. He now constantly employed himself in various efforts to 
 promote some sort of accommodation between the King and the Parliament, from which 
 his known honour and integrity extorted a respect rarely shewn by that body to any of the 
 royal party. 
 
 At length, after an expiration of two years, a committee was sent from both houses to 
 the King, at Carisbrook Castle, where he had been close shut up about half-a-year. 
 
 The message the committee delivered was, “ that the houses did desire a treaty with 
 “ his majesty, in what place of the Isle of Wight he would appoint, upon the propositions 
 
Montagu Bertie, II. Earl of Lindsey, XIII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 157 
 
 CHARLES I. 
 
 “ tendered to him at Hampton Court, and such other propositions as they should cause to 
 “ presented to him ; and that his majesty should enjoy honour, freedom, and safety in 
 “ his person.” The messengers, who were one of the house of peers and two commoners, 
 were to return within ten days. The King received them very graciously, and told them 
 “ they could not believe that any man could desire a peace more heartily than himself; 
 “ that though he was without any man to consult with, and without a secretary, yet they 
 “ should not be put to stay long for an answer; ” which he gave them within two or three 
 days, all written in his own hand, in which he said, “ he did very cheerfully embrace their 
 “ motion, but named the town of Newport for the place of the treaty.” He sent a list of 
 the names of those his servants which he desired might be admitted to come to him; 
 whereof the Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Hertford, the Earls of Southampton and 
 Lindsey, were the chief; all four gentlemen of his bed-chamber, and of his privy council. 
 He named likewise all the other servants whose attendance he desired. He sent a list of 
 the names of several bishops, and of such of his chaplains, as he desired to confer with, 
 and of many common lawyers, and some civilians. The commissioners returned from the 
 Isle of Wight, and delivered this answer to the Parliament. 
 
 A personal Treaty with the King was voted by the members at Westminster. I shall 
 here observe that all things being prepared for the same, it began at Newport, in the Isle 
 of Wight, upon the 18th of September, the chief persons permitted to attend his Majesty 
 there, being these : the Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Hertford, the Earl of Lindsey, 
 and the Earl of Southampton, the Bishops of London and Salisbury, Dr. Sheldon, 
 Dr. Hamond, Dr. Oldsworth, Dr. Sanderson, Dr. Turner, and Dr. Heywood, chaplains, 
 Sir Thomas Gardner, Sir Orlando Bridgman, Sir Robert Holburne, Mr. Geffrey Palmer, 
 Mr. Thomas Cooke, and Mr. John Vaughan, lawyers. The members at Westminster 
 imploying these : the Earls of Northumberland, Salisbury, Middlesex, the Viscount Say, 
 the Lord Wemnan, Denzil Holies and William Pierpont, Esqrs., Sir Henry Vane, junior, 
 Sir Harbotle Grymston, Mr. Samuel Brown, Sir John Potts, Mr. Crew, Serjeant Glyn, 
 and Mr. Bulkley. These other divines, for the King, being afterwards added, viz., Dr. 
 James Usher, Archbishop of Armagh, in Ireland, and Dr. Eerne ; and for the Parliament, 
 Mr. Stephen Marshal,. Mr. Richard Vines, Mr. Lazarus Seaman, and Mr. Joseph Caryll. 
 
 The Treaty being expir’d, the King in conclusion earnestly desir’d the Commissioners, 
 That since he had departed from so much of his own Right to give his two Houses 
 Satisfaction, they would be a Means that he might be press’d no farther; since the few 
 things he had not satisfy’d them in, had so near a Relation to his Conscience, that, with 
 the Peace of that, he could not yield further: And then begged of them to use the same 
 Eloquence and Abilities, by which they had prevail’d with him, in representing to the 
 two Houses the deplorable Condition of the Kingdom, if it were not preserv’d by this 
 Treaty. 
 
 The Treaty continued till November 26th, and on the 28th the Parliamentary Com¬ 
 missioners quitted the Isle of Wight. The day after, Lord Hertford, Lord Southampton, 
 Dr. Duppa, Bishop of Salisbury, and Sir Philip Warwick asked leave of the King to absent 
 themselves for a fortnight on business of their own, not expecting their services to be 
 required till that time, when it was thought the discussions respecting the Treaty would 
 be resumed. The party slept that night at Netley Abbey, a country seat of Lord 
 Hertford’s, near Southampton. The Duke of Richmond and the Earl of Lindsey, being in 
 waiting, had remained with the King, at Newport. 
 
 1618. 
 
 September 18th. 
 Treaty in the Isle of Wight. 
 —Bugdale’s “View of the 
 late troubles in England," 
 p. 289. 
 
 The 40 days’ treaty being 
 
 expired, is prolonged.- 
 
 Eehard, vol. II., p. 616. 
 
 November 28th. 
 
 The Parliamentary Com • 
 missioners quit the Isle of 
 
 Wight.-Lady Theresa 
 
 Lewis’s ' “ Lives of the 
 Friends of Lord Claren¬ 
 don,” vol. III., p. 93. 
 
CHARLES I. 
 1648. 
 
 158 
 
 Montagu Bertie, II. Earl of Lindsey, XIII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 The King is hurried from 
 Carisbrook Castle to Hurst 
 Castle.-Jacob's “Peerage,” 
 vol. I., p, 330. 
 
 L idy T. Lewis, vol. III., 
 p. 94. 
 
 Rushworth, vol. II., p. 1344. 
 
 Lady T. Liwis, vol. III., 
 p. 95. 
 
 The King's trial resolved on. 
 
 -Hume's “ History of 
 
 England,” vol. VII., p. 133. 
 
 Solicitations on his behalf. 
 —Hume, vol. VII., p. 141. 
 
 Charles, at the opening of the Treaty, had unfortunately given his word of honour that 
 he would not attempt any escape during the negociation; but by this time the army had 
 taken the negociation out of the Parliament’s hands, and had abridged him of the liberty 
 he had enjoyed during the Treaty. This gave the Earl of Lindsey and his Majesty’s 
 other friends many melancholy apprehensions, which were turned into certainties, when, 
 by the power of the army, the command of Carisbrook Castle, where the King was, was 
 taken from Hammond, who had behaved tolerably well to his Majesty, and given to 
 Colonel Evers, one of his greatest enemies. His Majesty was then surrounded with new 
 guards, who were carried from the mainland in the night-time : all which indicated that 
 the negociation was, in fact, at an end. They therefore were importunate with Charles, 
 while it was yet in his power, to make his escape. He refused to do this, either from a 
 sense of honour, or because, as he said, the preservation of his person was necessary both 
 to the Parliament and the army. The Earl of Lindsey, finding him under this fatal 
 delusion, said to him, “ Take heed, sir, lest you fall into such hands as will not steer by 
 such rules of policy. Remember Hampton Court, where your escape was your best 
 security.” Happy had it been for the King had he followed this wise and almost 
 prophetical advice ; for he was hurried off the next day to Hurst Castle. 
 
 The Duke of Richmond only was permitted to accompany him for about two miles, and 
 then forbidden to go further. 
 
 He sadly took leave and kissed the King’s hand, whose last words were, “Remember me 
 to my Lord of Lindsey, and Colonel Cook, and command Colonel Cook not to forget the 
 Passages of this night.” 
 
 Thus closed all personal communication between the King and the remnant of that 
 faithful band of loyal subjects who adhered to him to the last. 
 
 The height of all iniquity and fanatical extravagance yet remained; the public trial and 
 execution of their Sovereign. To this period was every measure precipitated by the 
 zealous independents. The Parliamentary leaders of that party had intended, that the 
 army, themselves, should execute that daring enterprise. But the generals were too wise 
 to load themselves singly with the infamy which, they knew, must attend an action so 
 shocking to the general sentiments of mankind. The Parliament, they were resolved, 
 should share with them the reproach of a measure which was thought requisite for the 
 advancement of then common ends of safety and ambition. 
 
 As soon as the intention of trying the King was known in foreign countries, so enormous 
 an action was exclaimed against by the general voice of reason and humanity; and all 
 men, under whatever form of government they were born, rejected this example, as the 
 utmost effort of undisguised usurpation, and the most heinous insult on law and justice. 
 
 The French ambassador, by orders from his court, interposed in the King’s behalf: the 
 Dutch employed their good offices: the Scots exclaimed and protested against the 
 violence : the Queen, the Prince, wrote pathetic letters to the parliament. All solici¬ 
 tations were found fruitless with men whose resolutions were fixed and irrevocable. 
 
 Four of Charles’s friends, persons of virtue and dignity, Richmond, Hertford, South¬ 
 ampton, Lindsey, applied to the Commons. They represented that they were the King’s 
 counsellors, and had concurred, by their advice, in all those measures which were now 
 imputed as crimes to then: royal master: that in the eye of the law, and according to the 
 dictates of common reason, they alone were guilty, and were alone exposed to censure for 
 every blameable action of the Prince : and that they now presented themselves, in order 
 
Montagu Bertie, II. Earl of Lindsey, XIII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 159 
 
 to save, by their own punishment, that precious life which it became the Commons them¬ 
 selves, and every subject, with the utmost hazard, to protect and defend. Such a 
 generous effort tended to their honour; but contributed nothing towards the Eng’s 
 safety. 
 
 This unheard-of Tryal being ended, which struck the Eyes and Ears of all Men with 
 Amazement, the King employ’d his whole Thoughts in preparing for Death. 
 
 He desired two Things, That he might have Liberty to see his Children, and that 
 Di. Juxon, Bishop of London, might be admitted to assist him in his private and last 
 Devotions. This being signified to the present Governors, the former was readily granted, 
 but the latter with some Difficulty. Being now resolved to sequester himself from all 
 outward Impediments, he ordered Mr. Herbert to make an Excuse to any that might have 
 the Desire to visit him. I know, said he, my Nephew, the Prince Elector, will endeavour 
 it, and some other Lords that love me, which I take very kindly; but my Time is short 
 and precious, and I desire to improve it the best I can in Preparation : I hope they will 
 not take it ill, that none have Access to me but. my Children. The best Office they can 
 do now, is to pray for me. And it happen’d accordingly; for his Electoral Highness, 
 accompany’d by the four loyal Lords, the Duke of Bichmond, the Marquess of Hertford, 
 the Earls of Southampton and Lindsey, with some more, having got leave, came to the 
 Bed-chamber Door, where Mr. Herbert acquainted them with what the King had given 
 him in Charge; at which they acquiesc’d,-' and presenting their humble Duty to his 
 Majesty, they return’d with all the Marks of Grief and Sorrow. 
 
 Three days were allowed the king between his sentence and his execution. 
 
 This unparallelled murder and parricide was committed upon the thirtieth of January, in 
 the year, according to the account used in England, 1648, in the forty and ninth year of 
 his age. The duke of Bichmond, the marquis of Hertford, the earls of Southampton and 
 Lindsey, who had been of his bed-chamber, and always very faithful to him, desired those 
 who governed “ that they might have leave to perform the last duty to then- dead master, 
 and to wait upon him to his grave; ” which, after some pauses, they were permitted to 
 do, with this, “ that they should not attend the corpse out of the town; since they 
 resolved it should be privately carried to Windsor without pomp or noise, and then they 
 should have timely notice, that, if they pleased, they might be at his interment. And 
 accordingly it was committed to four of those servants, who had been by them appointed 
 to wait upon him during his imprisonment, that they should convey the body to Windsor; 
 which they did. And it was, that night, placed in that chamber which had usually been 
 his bed-chamber: the next morning, it was carried into the great hall, where it remained 
 till the lords came; who arrived there in the afternoon, and immediately went to colonel 
 Whitchcct, the governor of the castle, and shewed the order they had from the Parliament 
 to be present at the burial; which he admitted: but when they desired that his majesty 
 might be buried according to the form of the Common Prayer Book, the bishop of London 
 being present with them to officiate, he expressly, positively, and roughly refused to consent 
 to it; and said, “ it was not lawful; that the Common Prayer Book was put down, and he 
 “ would not suffer it to be used in that garrison where he commanded; ” nor could all the 
 reasons, persuasions, and entreaties, prevail with him to suffer it. Then they went into the 
 Church, to make choice of a place for burial. But when they entered into it, which they had 
 been so well acquainted with, they found it so altered and transformed, all tombs, inscrip¬ 
 tions, and those landmarks pulled down, by which all men knew every particular place in that 
 
 CHARLES i. 
 1648. 
 
 The King’s preparation for 
 
 death.-Echard, vol. II., 
 
 p. 636. 
 
 January 30th. 
 
 His execution.—Hume, vol. 
 VII., p, 142. And funeral. 
 — Clarendon, vol. IV., (ed. 
 1849), pp. 541, 642. 
 
Montagu Bertie, II. Earl of Lindsey, XIII. Lord Willoughby , K.G. 
 
 The COMMONWEALTH. ' 
 1648. 
 
 The late King's Legacies.— 
 Dugdalo’s “Latetroubles ir 
 England,” p. 382. 
 
 Lord Lindsey unmolested 
 by the Governmen 
 Jacob’s “Peeragi 
 p. 330. 
 
 1 ’ vol. I. 
 
 A letter from Charles II. to 
 the Duke of York.—Ibid. 
 
 church, and such a dismal mutation oyer the whole, that they knew not where they were : 
 nor was there one old officer that had belonged to it, or knew where our princes had used to 
 be interred. At last there was a fellow of the town who undertook to tell them the place, 
 where, he said, “there was a yanlt, in which king Harry the Bight and queen Jane 
 Seymour were interred.” As near that place as could conveniently be, they caused the 
 grave to be made. There the king’s body was laid without any words, or other ceremonies 
 than the tears and sighs of the few beholders. Upon the coffin was a plate of silver fixed 
 with these words only, “ King Charles, 1648.” 
 
 His last Legacies of what he had left the night before his Suffering, and afterwards 
 delivered by the hands of Mr. Herbert, were as followeth, viz.: “ To the Prince (our now 
 Gracious King) his Bible, in the Margin whereof he had with his own hand Written many 
 Annotations. To the Duke of York his large King-Sun-Dial of Silver, which His Majesty 
 much valued, it having been invented and made by Monsieur De la maine, an able 
 Mathematician; and who, in a little Printed Book hath shewed its excellent use, for 
 resolving many Questions in Arithmetick. 
 
 “ To the Princess Elizabeth, his Daughter, the Sermons of the most Learned Dr.. 
 Andrews, sometimes Bishop of Winchester; and Archbishop Laud’s Book against Fisher 
 the Jesuit, with Mr. Hooker’s Ecclesiastical Policy. As also a Paper to be Printed, in 
 which he asserted Begal Government to have a Divine Bight, with Proofs out of sundry 
 Authors, Civil and Sacred. 
 
 “ To his Son, the Duke of Gloucester, King James, his works, and Dr. Hamond’s Practical 
 Catechism; 
 
 “ To the Earl of Lindsey, Cassandra; 
 
 “ To the Dutchess of Bichmond his Gold Watch; 
 
 And to Mr. Herbert himself, “the Silver Clock, which usually hung by his Bed-side.” 
 
 It is extremely remarkable, that those four noblemen, who had the courage to espouse 
 their master’s cause after his death, were more unmolested by the rebel government, than 
 any other royalists of their quality. The Earl of Lindsey paid no more than six hundred 
 and forty-seven pounds, thirteen shillings, and three hundred pounds a year, as a 
 composition for his estate, and enjoyed the rest of it, in a life of privacy, during the 
 continuance of the usurpation, and in making remittances to his exiled sovereign. That 
 he kept a correspondence with Charles II. while that prince was in banishment, is 
 extremely probable, from the following letter, indorsed by Sir Edward Hyde’s (afterwards 
 earl of Clarendon) own band. 
 
 “ The King to the duke of Yorke, by Mr. Bartie, September, 1653. 
 
 “ Though, God be thanked, I mend apace, yet you may see that I am not soe well as 1 
 would be, since I am compelled to use another’s hand, which I had rather doe than this 
 bearer, Mr. Bartie, a son of the earl of Lindsey, should go without my recommendation of 
 him to you. His purpose is to apply himself to the profession of a soldier, and he desires 
 to be under your protection and command; and I am very well pleased that persons of that 
 quality should have their dependence upon you. I shall not neede to desire you to give 
 him all countenance and encouragement, which I am confident he will deserve, for he hath 
 spent his time well abroad. 
 
 “ I shall hope to be soe weil as to be able to take the ayre shortly, if the weather 
 growes better.” 
 
Montagu Bertie, IT. Earl of Lindaey, XIII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 161 
 
 CHARLES II. 
 1660. 
 
 This noble earl lived to see the restoration of Charles II. but without reaping any fruits, 
 in point of fortune, from it, for the immense expences of blood and treasure he and his 
 family had been at, in support of the royal cause. He received, however, some accession 
 of honor, being sworn of the privy-council, and made lord lieutenant and custos rotulorum 
 of the county of Lincoln, on the 16th of July, 1660. 
 
 On the 1st of April, 1661, he was elected a knight companion of the most noble order 
 of the Garter, and installed at Windsor, on the sixteenth of the same month. At the 
 King’s coronation he was allowed his claim, as lord high chamberlain, and acted as such. 
 
 Montagu Bertie, Earl of Lindsey, and Lord Great Chamberlain of England, one of the 
 Quadrumvirate that had been so eminently distinguish’d for their unparallelled Loyalty to 
 the late King, a brave and experienc’d Soldier; a great Patron of useful Learning and 
 Ingenuity, an honest, frugal, and faithful Englishman, and a true Patriot and Imitator 
 of the ancient Nobility, whose Grandeur consisted neither in rich Cloaths, nor fine 
 Courtship. After he had waded through an Ocean of Difficulties, he dy’d in Quiet, Peace, 
 and Honour. 
 
 He died at Camden house, near Kensington, July 25th, 1666, and lies buried at 
 Edenham, with his father. 
 
 2 
 
 T 
 
 Lord Lindsey’s accession of 
 honor.—Jacob's ‘'Peerage," 
 vol. I., p. 380. 
 
 Lord Lindsey’s character. 
 One of the Quadrumvirate; 
 the other 3 being, the Duke 
 of Richmond and the Lords 
 Hertford and Southampton. 
 —Eohard, vol. III., p. 163. 
 
 1666. 
 
 Lord Lindsey’s Death.- 
 
 Jacob’s, vol. I., p. 331. 
 
162 
 
 Montagu Bertie, II. Earl of Lindsey, XIII. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 Burkn's “ Peorngo ” 
 1882, p. 804. 
 
 for His lordship married, 1st, Martha, daughter of Sir William Cockain, of Rushton, co. 
 Northampton, and widow of John Ramsay, Earl of Holderness, and by her (who died 
 1641), had issue, Robert, his successor, and Charles, of Uffington, co. Lincoln. 
 
 The Earl married, 2ndly, Bridget, daughter and heir of Edward Wray, Esq., by Lady 
 Elizabeth Norris, his wife, only daughter and heir of Francis, Earl of Berkshire, and Baron 
 Norris of Rycote, by whom he had James, who became Lord Norris in right of his 
 mother, and was created Earl of Abingdon. Lord Lindsey was succeeded by his eldest 
 son Robert. 
 
 sclb 
 
 Arms of Loud Lindsey. 
 
Robert Bertie, I. Duke of Ancaster, IV. Earl of Lindsey, 
 XV. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 HEREDITARY LORD GREAT CHAMBERLAIN OF ENGLAND. 
 
 THIS Nobleman, while a Commoner, was returned to parliament in the years 1685, and 
 1688 for Boston, and in the following year for Preston. On the twenty-seventh of April, 
 A.D. 1690, he took his seat in the House of Lords as Lord Willoughby of Eresby, by 
 which he was summoned on the nineteenth preceding, to attend the King’s business in 
 the Upper House. He succeeded his father as Earl of Lindsey, &c. upon his death, 
 which happened on the eighth of May, A.D. 1701; and was soon after sworn of the 
 King’s Privy Council, and appointed Lord-Lieutenant and Custos Rotulorum for the 
 county of Lincoln; in which honours he was continued upon the accession of Queen 
 Anne. On the twenty-ninth of December, A.D. 1706, he was created Marquis of Lindsey, 
 and on Her Majesty’s decease was found to be one of the Lords Justices of the kingdom 
 appointed by the King till his arrival from Hanover. His lordship was a firm friend to 
 the Hanover succession, but in every other respect void of party. His affection to the 
 King’s person and interest drew from the throne fresh honours; for he was not only 
 sworn of His Majesty’s Privy Council, on the first of October, A.D. 1714, but was 
 advanced to the Ducal dignity in the following year, by letters patent, bearing date 
 July the twentieth, creating him Duke of Ancaster and Kesteven. 
 
 The Duke died 26 July, 1723. 
 
 2 U 
 
 WILLIAM in. 
 
 1701. 
 
 Honours given to the Dukt- 
 of Ancaster.—Jacob's Peer 
 aye, toI. 1, pp. 331, 332. 
 
 QUEEN ANNE. 
 1700. 
 
 GEOBGE I. 
 1715. 
 
 1723. 
 
 Death of the Duke of An¬ 
 caster_Burke’s Peerage for 
 
 1882, p. 804. 
 
GEORGE L 
 1723. 
 
 1GG 
 
 Robert Bertie, I. Duke of Ancaster, IV. Earl of Lindsey, XV. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 Burke’s iWse for iss 2 , HIS Grace married Mary, daughter of Sir Richard Wynn, Bart, cf Gwydyr, by whom 
 he had Peregrine, his successor. 
 
 Arms of the Duke of Ancaster. 
 
 (From a print of Grimsthorpc, his seat in Lincolnshire, now belonging to Clementina Baroness Willoughby.) 
 
Peregrine Bertie, II. Duke of Ancaster, V. Earl of Lindsey, 
 XVI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 HEREDITARY LORD GREAT CHAMBERLAIN OF ENGLAND. 
 
 WAS on the 14th of April, A.D. 1702, being then not sixteen years of age, appointed 
 Vice-Chamberlain to the Queen; and that same year, in August, had the honour of 
 attending Her Majesty to the University of Oxford, where he received the degree of 
 Doctor of Laws. He represented the county of Lincoln in the three last parliaments of 
 Queen Anne: and on the 16th of March, A.D. 1714-15, upon the accession of George I. 
 he w r as called up by writ to the House of Lords, as Lord Willoughby of Eresby. This 
 was the second mark of His Majesty’s favour ; for he bad been, on the 1st of December, 
 A.D. 1714, appointed Lord Lieutenant and Custos Botulorum of the county of Carnarvon. 
 Upon his succession to the honours of his father, he was appointed and sworn of the Privy 
 Council anew, having before, on the 23rd of November, A.D. 1708, after the union took 
 place in the former reign, obtained a seat at that board. On the 3rd of February, A.D. 
 1724, His Grace was appointed Lord Lieutenant and Custos Rotulorum of the county of 
 Lincoln, and of the city of Lincoln, and county of the same, in which posts he was continued 
 by George II. to whom he was also appointed Loid of the Eedchamber; and on the 
 30th of June, A.D. 1734, he was constituted Lord Warden and Justice in Eyre, of all 
 His Majesty’s parks, chases, and forests, north of Trent. 
 
 His Grace departed this life on the 20th of February, A.D. 1742. 
 
 GEORGE i. 
 
 1723. 
 
 Honours given to the Duke 
 of Ancaster.—Jacob’s Peer¬ 
 age, vol. I. p. 332. 
 
 GEORGE II. 
 
 1742. 
 
 Death of the Duke of 
 A n caster.—Jacob’ sPecrage. 
 vol. 1., p. 332. 
 
liiiii MM IBHM HBi 
 
tvu it' 
 
 
 Peregrine Bertie, III. Duke of Ancaster, VI. Earl of Lindsey, 
 XVII. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 HEREDITARY LORD GREAT CHAMBERLAIN OF ENGLAND. 
 
 HIS Grace was, in 1743, sworn of the Privy Conncil, and appointed Lord-Lieutenant Honoi 
 and Custos Rotulorum of the county of Lincoln; and in 1745, when the unnatural ofAn( 
 rebellion broke out in the North, His Grace was one of those loyal Noblemen, who, by 
 the King’s permission, raised regiments for His Majesty’s service. That raised by the 
 Duke of Ancaster in Lincolnshire consisted of very respectable persons; the officers 
 especially were some of the principal gentlemen in the county, and His Grace was Colonel. 
 
 On the 8th of March, A.D. 1755, he was promoted to the rank of Major-General in the 
 army, and appointed Gentleman, or Lord of the King’s Bed-chamber; and on the 3rd 
 of February, A.D. 1759, he was advanced to the rank of Lieutenant-General. Upon the 
 accession of His present Majesty, his posts were renewed, and that of the Bed-chamber 
 included, which, however, His Grace afterwards resigned. His Grace is now Master 
 of the Horse to the Queen, Recorder of Boston, Keeper of Waltham forest, in the 
 county of Lincoln, and Lord Great Chamberlain by inheritance. 
 
 His Grace died 12 August, 1778. 
 
 given to the Duke 
 ter.— Jacob's Peer¬ 
 age, vol. I, page 333. 
 
 GEORGE III. 
 
 1778. 
 
 Death of the Duke of An- 
 eastpr. — Burke’s Peerage 
 
 
 2 X 
 
Robert Bertie, IV. Duke of Ancaster, VII. Earl of Lindsey, 
 XVIII. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 HEREDITARY LORD GREAT CHAMBERLAIN OF ENGLAND. 
 
 AIDE-DE-CAMP to Gen. Clinton, now in America. 
 
 Lord-Lieutenant and Custos Rotulorum of the county of Lincoln, and one of His 
 Majesty’s most honourable Privy Council. 
 
 He died 8 July, 1779. 
 
 GEORGE nr. 
 
 1778. 
 
 Annual Register for 1778, 
 p. 226 of the Chronicle. 
 
 1779. 
 
 Honours given to the Duke 
 of Ancaster.—AnnualRegis- 
 ter of the Chronicle, p 247. 
 Death of the Duke of An- 
 caster.—Lodge's Genealogy 
 of the British Peerage for 
 1832. p. 224. 
 
172 Robert Bertie, IV. Dulce of Ancaster, VII. Bari of Lindsey, XVIII. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 Died unmarried 1779, when the Dukedom passed to his uncle, 
 
 Lord Brownlow Bertie, as V. Duke. His Grace died in 1809, when the Duke¬ 
 doms of Ancaster and Kesteveai, and the Marquisate of Lindsey, became 
 extinct, but the Earldom of Lindsey reverted to his kinsman, 
 
 General Albemarle Bertie, as IX. Earl, eldest son of Peregrine Bertie, son of Charles, eldest 
 son of the Hon. Charles Bertie, 5th son of Montagu II. Earl; married Elizabeth, daughter 
 of the late Very Rev. Chas. P. Layard, D.D., dean of Bristol; and dying 17 Sept. 1818, left, 
 George, late Earl died unmarried 21 March, 1877. 
 
 Montagu, present Earl of Lindsey married Felicia, daughter of the Revd. John Welby, and 
 has issue, 
 
 Montagu, Lord Bertie. 
 
 Bphrott’s Ffiorngo for 1883, Thg Barony of Willoughby fell into abeyance between his Grace’s sisters, Priscilla, wife 
 of 1st Baron Gwydyr, and Georgiana, wife of 1st Marquess of Cholmondeley, each of whom 
 became Joint Hereditary Great Chamberlain: in 1780 the abeyance was terminated in 
 favour of the former, Priscilla. 
 
 1779. 
 
 Debrett’s Peerage for 18S3, 
 p. 697. 
 
 Burke’s Extinct Peerage, 
 p. 57. 
 
 Burke’s Peerage for 1882. 
 p. 805. 
 
 Loilve’s Genealogy of the 
 
 British Peerage for 1832, p. 
 225. 
 
 Burke’s Peerage fer 1SS2 
 
174 
 
 Priscilla, Baroness Willoughby, Dowager Lady Gwydyr. 
 
 GEORGE IV. 
 1828. 
 
 Ewkis’a Peerage for 1882 , HER Ladyship married Peter Burrell, 1st Lord Gwydyr, by whom (who died 9 June, 
 
 1820) she had issue, 
 
 Peter Robert. 
 
 Lindsey, married Frances, daughter of the late James Daniell, Esq., and by her 
 had issue, 
 
 Peter Robert, who succeeded his cousin as 4th Lord Gwydyr. 
 
 The Honourable Lindsey Burrell died 1 January, 1848. 
 
 Her ladyship was succeeded by her eldest son, Peter Robert, P.G. 
 
 Arms of Baroness Willoughby. 
 
 Arms of Lord Gwydyr. 
 
 (From the carp 
 
 the carpets in the drawing-rooms, at Grimsthorpc.) 
 
Alberic Drummond Willoughby, XX. Lord Willoughby, 
 III. Lord Gwydyr. 
 
 JOINT HEREDITARY LORD GREAT CHAMBERLAIN OF ENGLAND. 
 
 QUEEN VICTORIA. 
 1870. 
 
 Lord WiUoughby’s death.— 
 Burke’s, Peerage for 1882, 
 p. 1371. 
 
 2 Z 
 
 DIED 26 August 1870. 
 
Clementina, Baroness Willoughby, Dowager Lady Aveland. 
 
 JOINT HEREDITARY GREAT CHAMBERLAIN OE ENGLAND. UTO Victoria, 
 
 1870. 
 
 ASSUMED 1870 by royal licence the additional surname and arms of Drummond. Debrett’s Peerage for isss, 
 
 The Queen has been pleased to grant unto Clementina Heathcote-Drummond, The L omi„u 8 Gazette, m„ v 
 B aroness Willoughby de Eresby, widow of Gilbert Heathcote, Baron Aveland, of Aveland, 7 ’ 18<2 ' 
 in the county of Lincoln, Her Royal licence and authority that she may take the 
 surname of Willoughby, in addition to and after that of Heathcote-Drummond, and 
 bear the arms of Willoughby, quarterly with those of Drummond, and that the said 
 surnames of Drummond and Willoughby may in like manner be taken, borne, and 
 used in addition to and after that of Heathcote, by her present and future issue, and 
 that they may bear and use the arms of Drummond and Willoughby quarterly with 
 their paternal arms of Heathcote. 
 
180 Clementina, Baroness Willoughby, Dowager Lady Aveland. 
 
 QUEEN VICTORIA.-- ' " -- 
 
 1883. 
 
 Debrett’s Peerage for 1883, MARRIED 1827, the 1st Lord Aveland. who died 1867, and has issue, 
 
 pp. 697,49. 
 
 Gilbert Heathcote Drummond Willoughby Baron Aveland, P.C., Deputy Lord Great 
 Chamberlain; married 1863, Lady Evelyn Gordon, daughter of 10th Marquess of 
 Huntly, and has issue, 
 
 Hon. Gilbert. 
 
PART II. 
 
 LINEAGE OE THE CONSORTS. 
 
 3 A 
 

 
Alice Beke. 
 
 AMONGST the companions in arms of the Conqueror, was, 
 
 Walter Bee, who, although enjoying a fair inheritance in Normandy, embarked zealously 
 in the enterprize against England, and obtained upon the triumph of his master a grant 
 of the manor of Eresby, in the county of Lincoln, with other important lordships. This 
 Walter married Agnes, daughter and heiress of Hugh, the son of Pinco, (one of the chiefs 
 in Duke William’s army,) commonly called Hugh Dapifer, and had issue— 
 
 Henry Beke, inherited Eresby, and other manors, and was succeeded by his son, 
 Walter Beke, who married Eva, niece of Walter de Grey, Archbishop of York, and was 
 succeeded by his son, 
 
 John Beke, who gave to King John a hundred pounds and four palfreys, for license to 
 marry the widow of William Bardolph. This feudal lord was succeeded by his son, 
 
 Henry Beke, who married Hawyse, sister of Thomas de Muleton. To this feudal Baron 
 of Eresby, succeeded his son, 
 
 Walter Beke, who left three sons, viz.— 
 
 John, his successor in the lordship of Eresby. 
 
 Anthony, (says Dugdale,) “ in anno 1283, was then consecrated Bishop of Durham. 
 
 In 33rd of Edward I. the Pope advanced him to the title of Patriarch of Jerusalem, 
 and he died on 3rd of March, 1310.” 
 
 Thomas, Bishop of St. David’s. 
 
 John Beke, succeeded his father in the feudal lordship of Eresby, and was summoned to 
 Parliament as Baron Beke, of Eresby, 1295, having previously (4th of Edward I.) had 
 
 license to make a castle of manor house at Eresby. His lordship married-, and 
 
 had issue, 
 
 Walter, his successor, 
 
 ALICE, married to Sir William Willoughby, Knt. 
 
 Margaret, married to Sir Bichard de Harcourt, Knt., ancestor of the Harcourts, 
 Earls of Harcourt. 
 
 Lord Beke, died in 1302, and was succeeded by his son, 
 
 Walter, II. Baron, but never summoned to Parliament ; at whose decease without 
 issue, the Barony of Beke de Eresby fell into abeyance, between his two sisters and 
 co-heirs, the Ladies Willoughby and Harcourt. 
 
 Lineage of Bee or Poke 
 —Barons Beke of Eresby. 
 By Writ of Summons, 1295. 
 23rd Edward I.—Burke’s 
 Extinct Peerage, pp. 44-46. 
 
1S4 
 
 MARGARET DEINCOTJBT, &c. 
 
 NICOLAS 
 Sii'go of Cuvlavoroi 
 
 Burke's Peerage 
 p. 1370. 
 
 Lineage of de 
 Barons Ufford, 
 Suffolk. Barony, 
 of Summons, dated 
 1308, 2 Edward 
 dom, by Creation 
 ment, March 1337.- 
 Extiuct Peerage, 
 527. 
 
 Burke's Peerage 
 p. 1184. 
 
 Burke’s Peerage 
 p. 1370. 
 
 Burke’s Peerage 
 p. 1370. 
 
 Margaret Deincourt. 
 
 EDMUND DEINCOURT, I. LORD DEINCOURT married Isabel, the daughter ol 
 Reginald Mohun, and by her had MARGARET, who married Robert Willoughby, I. Lord 
 Willoughby. 
 
 Joan Rosceline. 
 
 for 1882 , Daughter and heiress of Sir Thomas Rosceline, Knt., married John Willoughby, II. 
 Lord Willoughby. 
 
 Cecilie de Ufford. 
 
 Ufiord. Sir Robert de Ufford, Knt., who was summoned to Parliament as a Baron from 1308 
 
 by" wnt 1° 1311. He married Cecily, one of the daughters and co-heirs of Sir Robert de Valoines, 
 
 January, anc J had issue, 
 
 II. Earl- 
 
 in Parlia- Robert de Ufford, II. Baron, Iv. G. This nobleman obtained, in the beginning of Edward 
 
 "7^ III.’s reign, in requital of his eminent services, a grant for life of the town and Castle 
 of Orford, in the county of Suffolk, and soon after, further considerable territorial 
 possessions. In the 11th year of the same; reign his Lordship was advanced to the 
 dignity of E'arLof Suffolk. He was, subsequently, elected a Knight of the Garter. His 
 Lordship married Margaret, daughter of Sir John Norwich, and had issue, 
 
 William, his successor. 
 
 _CECILIE, married William, III. Lord Willoughby de Eresby. 
 
 Catherine,-.married Robert, Lord Scales. 
 
 Margaret, married William, Lord Ferrers, of Groby. 
 
 His lordship was succeeded by his only_surviving son, 
 
 William de Ufford, II. Earl of Suffolk. Being chosen by the Commons in 
 Parli am ent assembled, to represent to the Lords certain matters of importance to the 
 public welfare, the Earl, while ascending the steps to their Lordships’ House, suddenly 
 fell down dead, on the 15th February, 1382. His Lordship having no issue, the Earldom 
 of Suffolk became extinct, while the original Barony of Ufford fell into abeyance, 
 between his sisters and heirs. 
 
 Alice Skipwith. 
 
 for 1882. SIR WILLIAM SKIPWITH was M.P. for York: he was first chosen one of the 
 King’s Serjeants, and in the 33rd of Edward III., made a Judge of the Common Pleas. 
 
 In three years afterwards, he was sworn in Lord-Chief-Baron of the Exchequer, from 
 which office he was removed in 13(35 ; he was reinstated a Judge, and made Chief Justice 
 of Ireland, 25th April, 1371: he retired in 1373, and was again a Judge of the Common 
 Pleas in England, from 8th October, 1377 till 1388, he died 1391. His Lordship married 
 Alice, only daughter and heir of Sir William de Hiltoft, Lord of Ingoldnells, and had issue. 
 
 ALICE, married to Robert Willoughby, IV. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 Lucy Strange. 
 
 for 18 S 2 , • Daughter of Eoger, Lord Strange of Knockyn,- married William Willoughby, V. Lord 
 Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 Elizabeth Montacute. 
 
 (or 18 S 2 , Daughter of John Montacute, Earl of Salisbury, married Eobert Willoughby, VI. Lord 
 Willoughby, K.G. 
 
185 
 
 RICHARD WELLES, VTI. LORD WELLES, $c. 
 
 Richard Welles, VII. Lord Welles. 
 
 Son of Leo Welles, VI. Lord Welles, K.G., married Joan Willoughby, Baroness Burke’s Peerage for 18S2, 
 Willoughby, daughter and heir of Robert Willoughby, VI. Lord Willoughby, K.G. P 
 
 Richard Hastings. 
 
 SIR LEONARD HASTINGS was Sheriff for the counties of Warwick and Leicester, Jacob’s reerage, vol i., 
 A.D. 1454, and died 2 years after, leaving issue by his wife Alice, daughter of Thomas, p- 1G7 ‘ 
 
 Lord Camoys, 
 
 William Hastings, Baron Hastings, K.G-. 
 
 RICHARD HASTINGS, who married JOANE Welles, Baroness Welles and 
 Willoughby, daughter and heir of Richard Welles, VII. Lord Welles and 
 Willoughby, and heir to her brother Robert, VIII. Lord Welles. 
 
 Joan Arundell. 
 
 Daughter and co-heir of Sir Richard Arundell, Knt., (son of John Eitz-Alan, Lord Burke’s Peerage for i882, 
 Maltravers, 2nd son of Richard Fitz-Alan, III. Earl of Arundel,*) married Sir Thomas Burke’s Extinct Peerage 
 Willoughby, 2nd and younger son of William, V. Lord Willoughby, K.G. p- 576 - 
 
 Cecilie Welles. 
 
 ADAM WELLES, who, in the 22nd Edward I., was in the wars of Gascony, and was 
 summoned to Parliament, as a Baron, on the 6th of February, 1299, in which year he was 
 made Constable of Rockingham Castle, and Warden of the Forest. The next year he 
 was in the wars of Scotland, and again in 1301 and 1302 ; and had regular summonses to 
 Parliament to the year of his decease, 1311, when he was succeeded by his son, 
 
 Robert Welles, II. Baron. This Nobleman died anno 1320, and leaving no issue, was 
 succeeded by his brother, 
 
 Adam Welles, III. Baron. In the 7th Edward III. his Lordship was in the wars of 
 Scotland, and again in 2 years afterwards, at which latter period he was a Knight. 
 In the 16th of the same reign he was charged with 10 men at arms, and 10 archers for 
 the King’s service in France. His Lordship died in 1345, and was succeeded by his son, 
 John Welles, IV. Baron. His Lordship had livery of his lands in the 29th of Edward 
 III., and in 4 years afterwards he was in the wars of Gascony. He died in 1361, and was 
 succeeded by his son, 
 
 John Welles, V. Baron. This Nobleman served in the expedition made into Flanders, 
 in the retinue of John, Duke of Lancaster, in the 27th of Edward III., and in the 1st 
 Richard II., was in the wars of France. The next year he was in the garrison of Berwick, 
 under Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, its Governor. His Lordship subsequently 
 obtained license to travel beyond sea, and returning in the 8th Richard II., had leave to 
 go abroad again. After this we find him in the Scottish wars ; and in the 19th of the 
 same reign, he was Ambassador to Scotland, where during his sojourn, being at a banquet, 
 where deeds of arms becoming the subject of conversation, his Lordship exclaimed, “Let 
 words have no place; if ye know not the chivalry and valiant deeds of Englishmen; 
 appoint me a day and place when ye list, and ye shall have experience.” This challenge 
 was immediately accepted by David, Earl of Crawford, and London Bridge appointed as 
 
 Lineage of Wellea, Barons 
 Welles. By Writ of Sum¬ 
 mons, dated 6th Feb¬ 
 ruary, 1299, 27 Edward I. 
 —Burke’s Extinct Peerage, 
 pp. 661, 662. 
 
 • By his wife Lady 
 
 Eleanor Plautagenet, daughter of Henry Earl of Lancaster, grandson of Henry III.—[Burke’s Peerage 
 for 1882, p. xcv.] 
 
 3 B 
 
' 
 
 |r 
 
 & 
 
 
 
 
 
 CECIL IE WELLES. 
 
 Welles. 
 
 of Weiies, Barons the place of combat. The battle was fought on St. George’s da}', and the Scottish Earl 
 
 — Burke's Extinct 
 
 pp. 56 i, 562 . was declared -victor. Indeed he displayed such an extraordinary degree of prowess, that 
 notwithstanding the spear was broken upon his helmet and visage, he remained so 
 immovably fixed in his saddle, that the spectators cried out that in defiance of the laws 
 of arms, he was bound thereto. Whereupon he dismounted, and got up again, and ran a 
 second course ; but in the third, Lord Welles was unhorsed and flung to the ground; on 
 which Crawford dismounting, embraced him, that the people might understand that he 
 had no animosity, and the Earl subsequently visited his Lordship with great courtesy 
 until his recovery. Of this Lord Welles nothing further is known, than the period of his 
 decease, anno 1421. Lord Welles was succeeded by (the son of his deceased eldest son, 
 Eudo, by his wife, Maude, daughter of Ralph, Lord Greystock) his grandson, 
 
 Sir Leo Welles, as YI. Baron Welles, K.G. This Nobleman received the honour of 
 Knighthood, in the 4th of Henry YI., from the Duke of Bedford at Leicester, with the 
 young King himself, and divers other persons of rank. His Lordship for several years 
 after served with great honour in France, and was made Lieutenant of Ireland for seven 
 years, in the 16th of the same reign. When the fatal feud between the Houses of York 
 and Lancaster broke out, Lord Welles arrayed himself under the banner of the latter, 
 and adhering to his colours with unbending fidelity, fell at the battle of Towton Field, 
 on Palm Sunday, 1461. His Lordship married Joane, daughter and heir of Sir Robert 
 Waterton, Knt., and had issue, 
 
 Richard, (Sir) who married JOAN, daughter and heir of Robert, Lord Willoughby 
 de Eresby, and was summoned to Parliament in her right, as Lord Willoughby. 
 
 Alianore, married to Thomas, Lord IToo and Hastings. 
 
 Margaret, married to Sir Thomas Dymoke, Knt. 
 
 CECILIE, married to Sir Robert Willoughby, son of Sir Thomas Willoughby. 
 
 Catherine, married to Sir Thomas de Launde, Knt. 
 
 An attainder followed his Lordship’s decease, under which the Barony of Welles became 
 forfeited: but his son, 
 
 Richard Welles, VII. Lord Welles and VII. Lord Willoughby,in 1468 obtained a full 
 restitution in blood and honours. But this good fortune had a brief endurance, for he 
 and his only son were beheaded almost at the same time in 1469. Lord Welles and 
 Willoughby had issue, by the heiress of Willoughby. 
 
 Robert (Sir), 
 
 Joane. 
 
 His Lordship was succeeded by his son, 
 
 Robert Welles, VIII. Lord Welles and VIII. Lord Willoughby, beheaded in 1469, and 
 leaving no issue, was succeeded by his only sister, 
 
 ’enrage for 1882 , Joane Welles, Baroness Welles and Willoughby, married Sir Richard Hastings, 
 her Ladyship died s. p. in 1506, when the Barony of Willoughby reverted to her kinsman 
 William Willoughby, the great great grandson of William Willoughby, V. Lord 
 Willoughby, as X. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 Margaret Jenney. 
 
 i Peerage for 1882 
 
 Daughter of Sir William Jenney, of Knottshall, Suffolk, married Sir Christopher 
 Willoughby, great grandson of William, V. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
Lady Mary Salines. 
 
 (A Spaniard, who had been Maid of Honour to Queen Catherine, first wife of King 
 Henry VIII.,) married "William Willoughby, X. Lord Willoughby, great great grand¬ 
 son of William, V. Lord Willoughby, K.G. 
 
 Catharine of Aragon in a letter that she wrote to her father, King Ferdinand, in the 
 month of September, 1505, shows the need of money to which she was reduced. 
 
 In this letter she speaks of a marriage proposal for Donna Maria de Salazar, a member 
 of one of the most illustrious families in Spain. 
 
 “ Most high and most puissant Lord, 
 
 “ It is known to your highness how Donna Maria de Salazar was lady to the Queen 
 my lady, who is in blessed glory, and how her highness sent her to come with me; and 
 in addition to the service which she did to her highness, she has served me well, and in 
 all this has done as a worthy woman. Wherefore I supplicate your highness that, as 
 well on account of the one service as the other, you would command her to be paid, 
 since I have nothing wherewith to pay her, and also because her sister, the wife of 
 Monsieur d’Aymeria, has in view for her a marriage in Flanders, of which she cannot 
 avail herself, nor hope that it can be accomplished, without knowing what the said 
 Donna Maria has for a marriage-portion. 
 
 Collins's Peerage, vol. v., 
 p. 74. 
 
 Catharine of Aragon, by 
 Albert, du Buys, vol. i., pp. 
 87-88. 
 
 Wood’s Letters of "Roy al an d 
 Illustrious Ladies, vol. I., 
 p. 126. 
 
isb 
 
 Lady MARY SALINES. 
 
 “ And thus I myself supplicate your highness to command her to be favoured, that she 
 may recover that which her father captain Salazar gave her, and that which belonged to 
 her of her property. And in reference to a privilege which your highness did the favour to 
 grant to captain Salazar of two hundred milreas as a pension for him, and after his days 
 for this his daughter, that your highness would command entire justice to be observed 
 towards her, and, because I wished it, would send a power to Martin Sanchez de Camudio 
 to recover all that belonged to her. Therefore I supplicate your highness that you will 
 send to command him, because he is near the house of her father, and may be able to 
 negotiate it well. In all that which has been said your highness will do me most signal 
 favour, and in causing it to be done quickly, in order that Donna Maria de Salazar may 
 not lose this marriage, which is most good and honourable. Our Lord guard the life and 
 most royal estate of your highness, and increase it as I desire. 
 
 “ From Durham [house], the eighth of September. 
 
 “ The humble servant of your highness, 
 
 “who kisses your bands, 
 
 “THE PRINCESS OF WALES. 
 
 Albert du Boys, vol. I., 
 pp. 88,89. 
 
 Albert du Boys, vol. II., 
 p. 277. 
 
 Ladies of the Roformsitioii, 
 by the Rev. Janies Anderson, 
 
 p. 316,317. 
 
 “ To the most high and most puissant lord the (king) 
 my lord.” 
 
 Endorsed, “ To his highness from the Princess of Wales, 8th September, 1505.” 
 
 But it was not the will of Providence that Maria de Salazar should be married in 
 Flanders, and thus be separated from Catharine. She remained in England, and gained 
 the affections of the rich heir of the ancient house of Willoughby de Eresby. The noble 
 Lord married her without inquiring whether she had any marriage portion. 
 
 Donna Maria de Salazar never ceased to keep up a communication with her distant 
 relation, the unhappy Queen. Her consent to pay but very few visits, according to the 
 King’s desire, was very likely intended to secure admission at the last. 
 
 Mary of Salines was devotedly attached to Queen Katharine, to whom she clung with 
 unwavering fidelity and affection amidst all the fluctuations of the fortunes of that 
 ill-treated Queen. To evince attachment to Katharine after her disgrace was not 
 without peril; it was to condemn Henry’s conduct in disgracing her, and therefore to 
 provoke his wrath. But this lady’s affection for her mistress was stronger than her 
 dread of the fury of the Monarch. Hearing that Katharine was drawing near her last 
 hour in this world, in the agony of grief, she made every effort to obtain permission to 
 visit her, though Henry had interdicted the free intercourse of his divorced Queen with 
 her former friends. She wrote a letter to Cromwell, who was at that time the great 
 favourite of Henry, humbly supplicating this permission. “And now, Mr. Secretary,” 
 says she, “ need driveth me to put you to pain, for I heard say that my mistress is very 
 “ sore sick again; wherefore, good Mr. Secretary, I pray you remember me of your 
 “ goodness, for you did promise me to labour the King’s Grace to get me license to go to 
 “ her Grace afore God send for her; for, as I am informed, there is no other likelihood but it 
 “ shall be shortly. And if so be that the King’s Grace of his goodness be content that I 
 “ shall go thither, without I have a letter of his Grace, or else of you, to show the officers 
 “ of my mistress’s house that his Grace is content with my going, my license shall stand 
 “ to none effect. And as touching that, there is nobody can help me so well as you. 
 “ Mr. Secretary, under God and the King, all my trust is in you. I pray you remember 
 “ me now at this time. And so Jesus have you in his keeping. From the Barbican, the 
 
LADY MARY SALINES. 
 
 189 
 
 “ 30th day of December. By your beadwoman, Mary Willoughby.” In this letter she 
 prudently styles Katharine simply “my Mistress,” and “her Grace,” not giving her the 
 title of “ Queen,” which would certainly have defeated her object, nor the title of 
 “Princess-Dowager,” a title which Katharine, though earnestly urged, had constantly 
 refused to assume. The prayer of this petition, it would appear, was not granted. 
 
 Lady Willoughby mounted her horse, although it was very cold, snowing, and the Albert du Boys, voi. n. 
 roads bad. A short distance from Kimbolton she bad a fall, but mounted again at once, pp ' 277 ’ 278 ‘ 
 and valiantly pursued her way. She arrived at six in the evening, when it was dark, 
 covered with mud, and very weary. Governor Bedingfield began by asking her if she 
 had a written permission to visit the Princess Dowager, for such was the official title of 
 Catharine. She answered that she would get leave afterwards, but in her present 
 condition her chief need was to get warm herself, and arrange her dress. After resting 
 a little, she insisted on being conducted to the Queen’s bedside. Bedingfield did not 
 dare to refuse. This was the 1st of January, 1536. No doubt she wished Catharine a 
 happy New Year, not to be spent on earth, but in heaven. Meanwhile she poured a 
 little balm upon the cruel wounds. She spoke to the Queen in Castillian, their native 
 tongue, not understood by the other women present. They must have exchanged some 
 sweet recollections of youth and home, like a beam of Spanish sunshine come to 
 brighten the death bed. 
 
 Eustachius Capucius, or Chapuis, the Spanish Ambassador, reached Kimbolton next day, 
 
 January 2nd. He had his permit in form, and penetrated without difficulty to Catharine’s 
 chamber, where he remained about a quarter of an hour. Bedingfield was with him, but 
 
 did not understand the talk of the Queen and the Ambassador, as he knew no Spanish. 
 
 Lady Willoughby had no permit to show. But she had managed to secure her place Albert du Boys, vol. II, 
 
 by Catharine’s bed, and would not be removed till she had closed the eyes of her royal pp ' 278 ’ m ‘ 
 
 friend. Eor three or four days more Catharine was perfectly conscious. She thus was 
 enabled to receive the last sacrament with great fervour. For a short time her physician 
 entertained hopes, but the improvement was transitory. On the morning of January 
 7 th the breathing became laboured, the tongue swelled; extreme unction was 
 administered at about ten o’clock. At two in the afternoon the Queen breathed her 
 last in the presence of Eustace Chapuys and Lady Willoughby. 
 
 Catharine’s will shows how carefully she kept her accounts. She forgot none of her 
 little current debts, not even her laundress’s. And she also left several legacies that 
 show her piety and gratitude to those who had been faithful to her. 
 
 3 C 
 
Richard Bertie, Esq. 
 
 THIS Family originally came into England from Bertiland in Prussia, when the Linenjre 
 Saxons invaded this nation; and by the gift of one of the Saxon Kings had a castle, and 
 also a town, which was denominated from them Bertiestad, now Bersted, near Maidstone 
 in Kent; Sted and Stad denoting in the Saxon language, a town. 
 
 It appears from an old manuscript in the Cotton Library, that Leopold de Bertie was 
 Constable of Dover Castle in the reign of King Ethelred, from whom descended 
 Hieronymus de Bertie, founder, or at least a great benefactor to one of the monasteries 
 in Kent, the north part of which he built at his own expense, and himself was buried in 
 a chapel there, where these arms were put up against a pillar, viz., Three Battering 
 Bams in Pale. 
 
 The said Leopold quarrelling with the monks of St. Austin at Canterbury, about 
 tythes, and the monks endeavouring to carry them off by force of arms, a fight began, 
 wherein a son of Leopold’s was slain; of which he complained to the King, but receiving 
 no satisfaction, he flew to Swain, King of the Danes, for to aid him, who invaded the 
 kingdom with a powerful fleet, which was divided into two Squadrons, one steering 
 towards Northumberland, and the other for Kent, where they joined Leopold’s Forces, 
 and laid siege to Canterbury, which they took in the year 1014, leading the Archbishop 
 
 Jw. (l<vkc. 
 
 of the Borden. — 
 Peerage, vol. I. 
 pp. 491, 495. 
 
192 
 
 RICHARD BERTIE , ESQ. 
 
 Lineage of the Berties.- away captive. But Swain dying, the scale soon turned, for Ethelred miserably 
 Collins’s Peerage, voi. i., p ergecil ted the Danes, and Burbach Bertie, the only surviving son of Leopold, conscious 
 of his father’s actions, went to Robert, King of France, who rceived him honourably, and 
 taking to wife a French woman, settled there, where his posterity continued till the year 
 1154, when Philip Bertie, with his family, accompanied King Henry II. into England, 
 and by that Prince’s favour, recovered his patrimony in Bersted. 
 
 This Philip had issue Martin, who was father of Robert, who had issue William, 
 who had issue Edward, who was father of Jerome Bertie, who lived at Bersted aforesaid, 
 in the reign of K in g Henry Y. 
 
 This Jerome, one Sunday in Lent, hearing a monk in a church exclaiming against the 
 murder occasioned by his ancestor, rushed in upon him, and slew him; for which rash act 
 he was excommunicated by the Archbishop, from which he could not be absolved at any 
 rate; so he went to Rome, where he obtained absolution with this injunction, viz., To 
 hear in the monastery of Canterbury, mass publickly on a Sunday; then to ask first of the 
 Archbishop, and then of the monks, pardon; then to be absolved, and to receive the 
 sacrament, and to give to the convent two pieces of gold, as the fruit of his repentance, 
 and for the souls of his ancestors. He afterwards became a benefactor, by new building, 
 at his own charge, their church, by which (as my author saith) he much impaired his 
 fortune on earth, but by it he obtained a greater in Heaven. 
 
 To this Jerome succeeded Robert de Bertie, his son and heir, who had issue a son of his 
 own name, Robert, father of William Bertie, who by his wife, a daughter of— Pepper, 
 had issue Thomas Bertie, of Bersted in Kent, Esq; who was Captain of Hurst Castle, in 
 the Isle of Wight, the latter end of the reign of Henry the Seventh, and was living in 
 the reign of King Edward the 6th, as appears in a grant of his arms, and crest, bearing 
 date 10 July, 4 Edward YI. by Thomas Hawley, Clarenceux King of Arms; wherein he 
 certifies, That he was descended of an House undefamed, was then Captain of Hurst 
 Castle for the King’s Majesty, and had of along time used himself in feats of arms and 
 good works; so that he was worthy in all places of honour to be admitted, numbered 
 and taken in the company of other nobles, &c. By his wife a daughter of— Say, of 
 the county of Salop, he had issue Richard Bertie, Esq., who married Catherine 
 Willoughby, Baroness Willoughby, daughter and heir of William Willoughby, X. Lord 
 Willoughby, widow of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, K.G. 
 
 He died in the 64th year of his age, on the 9th of April, 1582, having survived his 
 Duchess two years, she deceasing on the 19th of September, 1580, leaving issue by him 
 an only son, Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
Av fUk tvy-J iaa cm ' t+w, . . <*3 ■ , 
 
 kv~ ■ (A' ><J* ,(4|+-y . 
 
 Lady Mary de Vere. 
 
 TEE first mention, of this noble and ancient family is in the general survey of England Lincn^c of <k Vere, Earls 
 
 of Oxford, Marquess of 
 
 made bv William the Conqueror, wherein 5"', Dnke ?L r I elan,1 \ 
 
 •/ A Earldom anno j 135, creation 
 
 Alberic de Ver is stated to hare possessed numerous Lordships in the different shires. 
 
 This Alberic married Beatrix, daughter of Henry Castellan of Bourbourg, and was sue- dom 1387, creations of 
 
 ■Richard IT.—Burke’s Ex- 
 
 ceeded by his son, tinct Peera e e > pp- 635 > 53fi - 
 
 Alberic de Yere, who, being in high favour with King Henry I., was constituted by that 
 monarch Lord High Chamberlain of England, to hold the same in fee, to himself and his 
 heirs, with all dignities and liberties thereunto appertaining, as fully and honourably as 
 Robert Malet, Lord of the honour of Eye, in Suffolk, who had then been banished and 
 disinherited, had holden the said office. His Lordship married Adeliza, daughter of 
 Gilbert de Clare, and was succeeded by his eldest son, 
 
 Aubrey de Vere, who, for his fidelity to the Empress Maud, was confirmed by that 
 Princess in the Lord Chamberlainsliip, and all his father’s great territorial possessions. 
 
 His Lordship was created Earl of Oxford, with the usual grant to Earls, of the third penny 
 
104 
 
 LAD Y MA R Y DE VERB. 
 
 of the pleas of the county. The Earl married Lucia, daughter and heiress of William do 
 Abrincis, by whom he had, 
 
 ‘ [ Successively Earls of Oxford. 
 
 Robert, ) 
 
 His Lordship died in 1194, and was succeeded by his elder son, 
 
 Aubrey de Vere, II. Earl of Oxford, and Lord Great Chamberlain. This nobleman was 
 Sheriff of Essex and Herefordshire, from the 10th to the 15th of King John, inclusive,— 
 and was reputed one of the evil councillors of that monarch. His Lordship died in 1214, 
 and having no issue, was succeeded by his brother, 
 
 Robert de Vere, III. Earl of Oxford, and Lord Great Chamberlain. This nobleman 
 pursuing a different course from that of his deceased brother, was one of the celebrated 
 twenty-five Barons appointed to enforce the observance of Magna Charta. He married 
 Isabel, daughter of Hugh, and sister and heir of Walter de Bolebec, by whom lie had issue, 
 
 Hugh, his successor. 
 
 The Earl died in 1221, and was succeeded by his son, 
 
 Hugh de Vere, IV. Earl of Oxford, and Lord Great Chamberlain. The Earl married 
 Hawise, daughter of Leyer de Quincy, Earl of Winchester, and at his death, in 1263, left 
 an only son, his successor, 
 
 Robert de Vere, V. Earl of Oxford, and Lord Great Chamberlain. This nobleman 
 having arrayed himself under the banner of Montfort, Earl of Leicester, was amongst 
 those who were surprised with young Hugh de Montfort at Kenilworth, a few days before 
 the battle of Evesham, and taken prisoner ; but he made his peace soon after, under the 
 “Dictum of Kenilworth,” and we find him employed by King Edward I. against the 
 Welsh, in the 14th of that monarch’s reign. His Lordship married Alice, daughter and 
 heiress of Gilbert, Lord Saundford, and had, with other issue, 
 
 Robert, his successor. 
 
 Alphonsus, married Jane, daughter of Sir Richard Eoliot, Knt., and had a son, 
 
 John, who succeeded as VII. Earl of Oxford. 
 
 The Earl died in 1296, and was succeeded by his eldest son, 
 
 Robert de Vere, VI. Earl of Oxford, and Lord Great Chamberlain. This nobleman 
 took part in the wars of Scotland, in the 24th and 27th of Edward I. His Lordship dying 
 in 1331, without issue, his honours devolved upon his nephew, 
 
 John de Vere, as VII. Earl of Oxford, and Lord Great Chamberlain. This nobleman, 
 wbo was a military personage of great renown, shared in all the glories of Edward III.’s 
 martial reign. When he succeeded to the Earldom, he had but just attained his eighteenth 
 year,—and very soon afterwards we find him with the army in Scotland, where he appears 
 to have been engaged for some years. In the 14th Edward III. he attended the King 
 into Elanders. In the 16th year he was again in the wars of Erance; to which service he 
 brought 40 Men-at-Arms (himself included), 1 Banneret, 9 Knights, 29 Esquires, and 30 
 Archers on horseback, and had an allowance of 56 sacks of wool, for the wages of himself 
 and his retinue. The next year he accompanied Henry de Lancaster, Earl of Derby, and 
 divers other great personages, into Scotland, for raising the siege of Loughmaban Castle. 
 And in the 18th he was in Gascony, at the surrender of Bergerath; after which, proceeding 
 to assault the Castle of Pellegrue, he was taken prisoner in his tent, but soon after 
 exchanged for the Viscount de Bonquentyne,—when he marched with the Earl of Derby to 
 Attveroche, then besieged by the Erench, and relieved it. “ But about the feast of the 
 Blessed Virgin ” (writes Dugdale), “returning out of Britanny, he was by tempest cast 
 
LADY MARY DE VERE. 
 
 195 
 
 upon the coast of Connaught, in Ireland, where lie and all his company suffered much 
 misery from those barbarous people there, who pillaged them of all they had.” 
 
 His Lordship returned to France soon after this event, and continued with little inter¬ 
 ruption, during the remainder of his life, actively and gallantly engaged in the wars in that 
 country. He was one of the heroes of Cressy, and he had a command upon the glorious 
 field of Poictiers. He eventually lost his life from fatigue, in the English army encamped 
 before the walls of Rheims, on the 14th January, 1360. The Earl married Maud, sister 
 and heiress of Giles, Lord Badlesmere, by whom he had issue, 
 
 Thomas, his successor. 
 
 Aubrey, who, upon the reversal of the attainder of his nephew, Robert, Duke of 
 Ireland, succeeded as X. Earl of Oxford (of this nobleman presently). 
 
 His Lordship was succeeded by his eldest son, 
 
 Thomas de Vere, VIII. Earl of Oxford, and Lord Great Chamberlain. Of this noble¬ 
 man little more is mentioned than his being engaged in foreign warfare like his father, but 
 not with the same renown. His Lordship married Maud, daughter of Sir Ralph de TJfford, 
 and was succeeded at his decease, in 1371, by his only son, 
 
 Robert de Vere, IX. Earl of Oxford, and Lord Great Chamberlain. This nobleman 
 doing homage, and making proof of his age, in the 6tli of Richard II., had livery of his 
 lands. His Lordship becoming subsequently the favourite of that weak and unfortunate 
 Prince, was advanced to a new dignity in the peerage, by the title of Marquess of Dublin, 
 in which he had summons to Parliament on the 8th August, 1386, and in the next year, 
 within a few months, he was created Duke of Ireland. Those high honours exciting the 
 jealousy of the nobles, several of the great Lords assembled at Haringhay House, Middlesex, 
 and evinced open hostility to the royal minion. From thence, at the desire of the King, 
 who became alarmed, they transferred their deliberations to Westminster, and in reply to 
 an interrogatory put to them by the Bishop of Ely, then Lord Chancellor, they demanded 
 that the King should dismiss the traitors that surrounded him, amongst whom they par¬ 
 ticularised “ Robert Vere, Duke of Ireland.” For the moment, however, Richard allayed 
 this tumult by fair promises, but De Vere not considering himself safe, soon after effected 
 his escape, in disguise, to the continent, accompanied by Michael de la Pole, Earl of 
 Suffolk. He subsequently returned to England, at the head of four or five thousand men, 
 and marching into Oxfordshire, was met at Radcote Bridge, on the river Isis, by the Earl 
 of Derby and Duke of Gloucester, where his troops being surrounded, he could secure 
 personal safety only by abandoning his sword, gauntlets, and armour, and thus swimming 
 down the stream. In a Parliament soon after convened, through the influence of the 
 nobles, the Duke not appearing to a citation, was sentenced to banishment, and at the 
 same time outlawed and attainted. Upon his decease, s. p. 1392, the representation of the 
 family reverted to his uncle, 
 
 Aubrey de Vere, who, in the 16th Richard II., was, by consent of Parliament, restored 
 to all those lands which had been, by fine, entailed previously to the attainder of the 
 deceased Duke; having the Earldom of Oxford likewise restored to himself, and the heirs 
 male of his body. His Lordship in consequence tcok his seat in the House of Peers as 
 X. Earl; but the office of Lord High Chamberlain, so long in the Vere family, was 
 bestowed by the King, owing to the restored Lord being infirm, upon John Holland, Earl 
 of Huntingdon, for life. The infirmities of his Lordship continuing, he had special license 
 to absent himself from the Parliament held at Shrewsbury, in the 21st of Richard II.; in 
 which the judgment passed 10 years previously against his nephew, the Duke of Ireland, 
 
 3 E 
 
 Lineage of de Vere, Earls 
 of Oxford.—Burke’s Ex¬ 
 tinct Peerage, pp. 637, 638 
 
196 
 
 LADY MARY DE VERB. 
 
 Lineage of do Vere, Earls 
 of Oxford.— Burke’s Ex¬ 
 tinct Peerage, pp. 538, 539. 
 
 was revoked and annulled. The Earl married Alice, daughter of John, Lord EitzWalter 
 and had issue, 
 
 Richard, his successor. 
 
 His Lordship died in 1400, and was succeeded by his son, 
 
 Richard de Vere, XI. Earl of Oxford, KG. This nobleman was 14 years of age at the 
 decease of his father, and had a grant of one hundred pounds a year, out of his own lands 
 ior his maintenance during his minority. The Earl married Alice, daughter of Sir John 
 Sergeant, Knt., and had issue, 
 
 John, his successor, 
 
 Robert, married Joane, daughter of Sir Hugh Courtenay, and had issue, 
 
 John de Vere, who married Alice, daughter of Walter Kelrington, and left a son, 
 John, who succeeded as XV. Earl of Oxford. 
 
 His Lordship, who had been in the Erench wars, and was honoured with the Garter, died 
 in 1417, and was succeeded by his elder son, 
 
 John de Vere, XII. Earl of Oxford. In the 4th of Henry VI., his Lordship had the 
 honour of Knighthood conferred upon him by that monarch, at Leicester, when the King 
 himself received a similar honour at the hands of his uncle, the Duke of Bedford. In the 
 13th, his Lordship obtained license to travel towards the Holy Land, with 12 persons of his 
 company; and to take with him an hundred pounds in money, and to receive five hundred 
 marks more by way of exchange. After this we find the Earl joined in commission with 
 John, Duke of Norfolk, and others, to treat with Charles de Valoys, or his Ambassadors, 
 touching a peace with Erance: and during the whole reign of Henry VI., being a staunch 
 Lancastrian, always enjoying the confidence of the crown; but upon the accession of 
 Edward IV., sharing the fate of his party, he was attainted in the first Parliament of that 
 monai’ch, with his eldest son, Aubrey, and beheaded on Tower Hill, anno 1461. 
 
 His Lordship married Elizabeth, only daughter and heiress of Sir John Howard (uncle 
 by the half blood of John Howard, I. Duke of Norfolk), and heiress through her grand¬ 
 mother, Margaret, daughter of Sir John de Platz, to the Barony of Platz, by whom he 
 had issue, 
 
 Aubrey, beheaded with his father, 1st of Edward IV., 
 
 John, restored as XIII. Earl, 
 
 George (Sir), married Margaret, daughter and heiress of William Stafford, Esq., and 
 had issue, 
 
 John, who inherited as XIV. Earl of Oxford. 
 
 Upon the attainder and execution of John, XII. Earl of Oxford, all the honours of the 
 family expired, but his Lordship’s second and eldest surviving son, 
 
 John de Vere, was restored as XIII. Earl of Oxford, K.G., during the temporary triumph 
 of the House of Lancaster, in the 10th of Edward IV. But his Lordship, with Richard 
 Nevill, Earl of Warwick, being soon after totally routed by the Yorkists, at Barnet, and 
 King Edward re-established upon the throne, himself and his brother, Sir George Vere, 
 were attainted, but pardoned as to their lives. Subsequently escaping from prison, and 
 ardently embarking in the cause of Henry, Earl of Richmond, he commanded the archers 
 of the vanguard at Bosworth Eicld, and there mainly contributed, by his valour and skill, 
 to the victory which terminated the bloody and procrastinated contest between the Houses 
 of York and Lancaster. Upon the accession of King Henry VIII., the Earl of Oxford was 
 restored to the office of Lord Great Chamberlain of England, originally granted to his 
 ancestor, Aubrey de Vere, by King Henry I. The Earl, who, was a Knight of the Garter, 
 
197 
 
 LAD Y MAD Y DE VERE. 
 
 died s. p. in 1513, and was succeeded by (the eldest 
 Vere) his nephew, 
 
 son of his deceased brother, Sir George Lineage of de Vere, Enris 
 
 of Oxford.—Burke’s Ex¬ 
 tinct Peerage, pp. 539, 541. 
 
 _ John de Tere ’ as XIT - Earl of Oxford, commonly called, ■■ Little John of Campes,” from 
 
 his diminutive stature, and resign no n.+, rwi Q -^_ tt. ,■ •, 
 
 in 1526, when 
 
 descendants of the Hoo. Robert Vere, 2nd son of Richard, XI. Earl), 
 
 John de Vere, as XV. Earl of Oxford, K.G., and Lord Great Chamberlain. This noble¬ 
 man married Elizabeth, daughter and heiress of Sir Edward Trussel, Knt., by whom he 
 
 had issue, 
 
 John, his successor, 
 
 Aubrey, married Margaret, daughter of John Spring, Esq., and had, with other issue, 
 
 Hugh, married Eleanor, daughter of-Walsh, Esq., and left a son, 
 
 Robert, who succeeded as XIX. Earl of Oxford. 
 
 His Lordship, who was a Knight of the Garter, died in 1539, and was succeeded by his son, 
 
 John de Vere, XVI. Earl of Oxford, and Lord Great Chamberlain, who, in the 32nd 
 Henry V III., had livery of those lands which descended to him from Elizabeth, his mother, 
 sister and heir of John Trussel, Esq.; and in the 36th of the same monarch was in the 
 expedition into France, when Bulloigne was besieged and taken. The Earl espoused 
 Margaret, daughter of John Golding, Esq., by whom he had issue, 
 
 Edward, his successor, 
 
 MARY, married to Peregrine Bertie, XI. Lord Willoughby. 
 
 The Earl died in 1562, and was succeeded by his son, 
 
 Edward de Vere, XVII. Earl of Oxford, and Lord Great Chamberlain. His Lordship 
 had a command in the fleet equipped to oppose the Armada in 1588. The Earl married 
 Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Trentham, Esq., by whom he had an only child, 
 
 Henry, his successor. 
 
 This Lord Oxford was the first person who introduced perfumes and embroidered gloves 
 into England, and presenting a pair of the latter to Queen Elizabeth, Her Majesty was so 
 pleased with them, that she had her picture painted with those gloves on. His Lordship 
 lived to an advanced age, and dying in 1604, was succeeded by his son, 
 
 Henry de Vere, XVIII. Earl of Oxford, and Lord Great Chamberlain. His Lordship 
 died s. p. in 1625, at the siege of Breda, in the Netherlands, where he had the command of 
 a regiment, when his honours devolved upon his cousin (refer to descendants of Aubrey, 
 2nd son of John, XV. Earl), 
 
 Robert de Vere, as XIX. Earl of Oxford. In the 2nd Charles I. there was great 
 controversy between this Robert, and Robert Bertie, then Lord Willoughby, in consequence 
 of the latter claiming in right of his mother, Mary, daughter of John, XVI. Earl of 
 Oxford, and sister and heiress of Edward, XVII. Earl, the Earldom of Oxford, and the 
 Great Chamberlainship of England. The Judges gave their opinion, however, in Par¬ 
 liament, “ that the Earldom was well descended upon the heir male.” As to the office of 
 Great Chamberlain, the Judges decided for the heir general, Lord Willoughby. The Earl 
 of Oxford married a Dutch lady, Beatrix Van Hemmena, by whom he left at his decease, 
 in 1632 (falling at the siege of Maestricht, where he commanded a regiment), an only 
 surviving child, his successor, 
 
 Aubrey de Vere, XX. Earl of Oxford, K.G. This nobleman, at the decease of his 
 father, was but 6 years of age. During the civil w'ars he espoused the Royal cause, and 
 
198 LADY MARY DE VERE. 
 
 Lineage of tie Vere, Earls suffered much in consequence, but after the restoration, he was sworn of the Privy 
 
 of Oxford.—Burke’s Ex- 1 
 
 tinct Peerage, p. 541. Council, made a Knight of the Garter, and appointed Lord Lieutenant of the county of 
 Essex. 
 
 The Earl died in 1702 (having acquiesced in the expulsion of the Royal House, which 
 he had previously so zealously upheld), and, leaving no male issue, the very ancient Earldom 
 of Oxford, which had passed through twenty generations, became extinct. 
 
Martha Cockain. 
 
 SIR WILLIAM COCKAIN, Knt., married Mary, daughter of Richard Morris, Esq., Burke's Extinct Peerage, 
 
 p. 651. 
 
 of London, by whom he had issue, 
 
 Charles, his successor, who was elevated to the peerage of Ireland, on the 11th 
 August, 1642, in the dignity of Viscount Cullen. 
 
 MARTHA, married first to John Ramsay, Earl of Holdernesse; and secondly to 
 Montagu Bertie, II. Earl of Lindsey, K.G. 
 
Elizabeth Wharton. 
 
 OT? this family, which derived its surname from “a fair lordship” situated upon the Lineage of Wharton, Barons 
 
 • -ji i -i n , ... and Karls Wharton, llar- 
 
 river i^aen, ana was ol great antiquity m the county of Westmoreland, was quesses and Dukes of 
 
 Wharton. Barony by Writ 
 
 Sir Thomas Wharton, Knt., Goremor of the town and Castle of Carlisle, who, in the °< Wi amh 
 
 ’ 5 January, lolo, 36 Henry 
 
 31th of Henry VIII., assisted by Sir William Musgraye, at the head of only 300 men, wocfE- 
 
 i, ,i • j. i • • „ „ , , , quessate 1715, Dukedom 
 
 gallantly resisted an incursion of the Scots, put them to the rout, and made prisoners of i7is.—Burke’s Extinct 
 
 L Peerage, p 670. 
 
 the Earls of Cassilis and Glencairn, with several other personages of note. In two years 
 after he marched into Scotland with the Lord Dacre, and was at the taking of Dumfries; 
 for which, and other eminent services, he was summoned to Parliament as Baron Wharton, 
 on the 30th January, 1545. In the 1st of Philip and Mary, his Lordship was constituted 
 Warden of the Middle Marches, and the next year he was made General Warden of all 
 the Marches towards Scotland, and Governor of Berwick. His Lordship married Eleanor, 
 daughter of Bryan Stapleton, Esq., and had issue, 
 
 Thomas Wharton, II. Baron. His Lordship espoused Lady Anne Devereux, daughter 
 of Robert, Earl of Essex, and had issue, 
 
 Philip Wharton, III. Baron. This nobleman married Lady Frances Clifford, daughter 
 of Henry, Earl of Cumberland, and had issue, 
 
 Thomas (Sir), married Lady Philadelphia Carey, daughter of Robert, Earl of 
 Monmouth, and dying before his father, left two sons, 
 
 Philip, successor to his grandfather, and 
 Thomas. 
 
 3 G 
 
204 
 
 ELIZABETH WHARTON. 
 
 His Lordship died in 1625, and was succeeded by his grandson, 
 
 Philip Wharton, IV. Baron. This nobleman married first Elizabeth, daughter of Sir 
 Rowland Wandesford, Knt., of Pickhay, and had an only daughter, 
 
 ELIZABETH, who married Robert Bertie, III. Earl of Lindsey. 
 
 His Lordship espoused, secondly, Jane, daughter of Arthur Goodwin, Esq., and had 
 two sons and four daughters, 
 
 1. Thomas, his successor. 
 
 2. Goodwin. 
 
 1. Anne, married to William Carr. 
 
 2. Margaret, married to Major Hunch. 
 
 3. Mary, married to Sir Charles Kemeys, Bart. 
 
 4. Philadelphia, married to Sir George Lockhart, and secondly to Captain John Ramsay. 
 
 Lord Wharton died in 1696 and was succeeded by his son, 
 
 Thomas Wharton, V. Baron. This nobleman was created by Queen Anne, by letters 
 patent, 1706, Earl Wharton. His Lordship was advanced, in 1715, to the dignity of 
 Marquess of Wharton. His Lordship espoused Lucy, daughter of Adam Loftus, Lord 
 Lisburn, and had, 
 
 Philip, his successor. 
 
 The Marquess died in 1715, and was succeeded by his only son, 
 
 Philip Wharton, VI. Baron, and II. Marquess, who was created Duke of Wharton on 
 the 20tli January, 1718. His Grace retired into Spain, openly adopted the colours of the 
 Chevalier, was a volunteer in the Spanish army before Gibraltar in 1727, and was attainted 
 by Parliament in the following year. He died s. p. in 1731. 
 
Mary Wynn. 
 
 THIS eminent family deduces male descent through their immediate ancestor, Hhodri, Lineage of w y un c r 
 
 Gwyityr, Baronets, Creation 
 
 Lord of Anglesey, younger son of Owen Gwynedd, Prince of North Wales, from Anarawd. I,in - Kxtinct 1719.— 
 
 ’ Burke's Peerage for 1SS2, 
 
 King of North Wales, eldest son of Hhodri Mawr, King of Wales. This last Monarch, p-1397 ‘ 
 the descendant of a loug line of regal ancestors, succeeded to the crown of Powys on the 
 demise, in 843, of his father, Mervyn Vrych, King of Powys, and by inheritance and 
 marriage acquired the Kingdoms of North Wales and South Wales. He was slain a.d. 
 
 876, and left, by Angharad his wife, sister and heiress of Gwgan ap Meuric, Lord of 
 Cardigan, 3 sons, 
 
 1. Anarawd ap Hhodri Mawr, of whose line we have to treat. 
 
 2. Cadell ap Hhodri Mawr, King of South Wales, ancestor of the Sovereigns of 
 South Wales. 
 
 3. Mervyn ap Hhodri Mawr, King of Powys, who died a.d. 900; progenitor of the 
 Sovereigns of Powys. 
 
 The eldest son, 
 
 I. Anarawd ap Hhodri Mawr, King of North Wales, died in 913, and was succeeded 
 by his son, 
 
 II. Idwal Yoel, King of North Wales, who was slain, in 9-10, fighting against the 
 Anglo-Danes. By his cousin, Avandreg, daughter of Mervyn, King of Powys, Idwal left, 
 with other issue, an elder son, 
 
 III. Meuric ap Idwal Yoel, who was taken prisoner in the defeat sustained in 977, and 
 deprived of his eyes by Iago, who suffered him to languish in prison, where he died, leaving 
 
MARY WYNN. 
 
 206 
 
 Lineage of Wynn of 
 Gwydyr, Bnronets.— 
 Burke’s Peerage, for 1882, 
 pp. 1397, 1398. 
 
 IV. Idwal ap Meuric, who was in 992 raised by the people to liis hereditary throne of 
 North 'Wales, of which he had been dispossessed by Meredyth ap Owen, King of Powys. 
 In the following year, Swane, a Danish Chieftain, landed in North Wales; and Idwal in 
 resisting him was slain. Ilis only son, 
 
 V. Iago ap Idwal, excluded from the throne by Llewelyn ap Seisyllt, husband of 
 Angharad, Queen of Powys, was restored in 1021, on the decease of that Prince. Iago ap 
 Idwal, who was slain in 1037, in a battle fought between him and Griffith, Kin" of Powys, 
 son of Llewelyn ap Seisyllt, left an only son, 
 
 VI. Cynan ap Iago, excluded from the throne by Griffith ap Llewelyn, who also 
 usurped the kingdom of South Wales. Cynan ap Iago, after two gallant and unsuccessful 
 attempts to recover his crown, died, leaving an eldest son, 
 
 VII. Griffith ap Cynan, who, after several ineffectual endeavours to reinstate himself in 
 his dominions, which had been usurped by Trahaern ap Caradoc, formed an alliance in 
 1079 with Rhys ap Tewdwr, Prince of North Wales, for the vindication of the rightful 
 succession. The two Princes met Trahaern on the mountain of Carno, where an action 
 ensued, which terminated in the defeat and death of the usui’per, and the restoration of 
 Griffith and Rhys. Griffith ap Cynan died in 1136, at the age of 82, and lies buried on 
 the south side of the great altar in the Cathedral of Bangor, having reigned 57 years. 
 This Monarch married Angharad, daughter of Owen ap Edwin, Lord of Tegaingl, and had 
 issue. Griffith ap Cynan was succeeded in the throne by his eldest son, 
 
 VIII. Owen Gwynedd ap Griffith, Prince of North Wales, a chivalrous and distinguished 
 Monarch, who, after a popular reign of 32 years, died in December 1169. Owen Gwynedd 
 (who bore, Vert, 3 eagles displayed, in fesse, or) married twice; 1st, Gwladys, daughter of 
 Llowarch ap Trahaern, Lord of Pembroke, and was, by her, father of 
 
 Iorwerth Drwyndwn ap Owen Gwynedd; excluded from the throne by his brother 
 David, son of Owen Gwynedd, by his second marriage. He married the Princess 
 Margaret, daughter of Madoc, Prince of Powys, and was father of an only son, 
 
 Llewelyn ap Iorwerth, surnamed The Great, who, in 1194, demanded and obtained, 
 without struggle, his hereditary crown of North Wales from his uncle David ap 
 Owen Gwynedd. This Monarch, after an eventful reign of 56 years, died in 1240. 
 His grandson, 
 
 Llewelyn ap Griffith, the last native Sovereign Prince of AVales recognised by the 
 English Monarchs, was slain at Builth, in the valley of the Wye, 11th December, 
 1282. 
 
 Owen Gwynedd ap Griffith married secondly, Christian, daughter of Grono ap Owen 
 ap Edwin, Lord of Tegaingl, and had by her a second son, 
 
 IX. Rhodri ap Owen Gwynedd, Lord of Anglesey, a Prince of great power and 
 authority, who married Agnes, daughter of Rhys ap Griffith ap Rhys ap Tewdwr Mawr, 
 King of South Wales, and had, 
 
 X. Thomas ap Rhodri, Lord of Eriw Llwyd, who married Margaret, daughter of Einion 
 ap Seisyllt, Lord of Merioneth, and was father of 
 
 XI. Caradoc ap Thomas, Lord of Eriw Llwyd, who, by Eva his wife, daughter of Gwyn 
 ap Griffith ap Beli, had issue, 
 
 XII. Griffith ap Caradoc, Lord of Eriw Llwyd, who married Lenki, daughter of 
 Llowarch Vaughan ap Llowarcli Goch ap Llowarch Holbwrch, and was father of 
 
 XIII. David ap Griffith, Lord of Eriw Llwyd, whose wife was Eva, daughter and heir 
 of Griffith Vaughan ap Griffith of Penyfed in Efionydd. Of the issue of this marriage, 
 the third son, 
 
MARY WYNN. 
 
 207 
 
 XIV. Howel ap David, married Efa, daughter and co-heir of Ievan ap Howe], of Lineage of Wynnof 
 
 a Gwydyr, Baronets.— 
 
 Henllys in Cefn-y-fam, derived from Collwyn ap Tangno, Lord of Elionydd, and had, ® n ^®J Pe0ra 8 e f(,r 18S2 > 
 
 XV. Meredith ap Howel, who was living 26th Edward III. He married Morvydd, 
 daughter of Ievan ap David ap Trahayarn Goch, of the Royal line of South Wales, and 
 was succeeded by his eldest son, 
 
 XVI. Robert ap Meredith, who married, aged 80, Angharad, daughter of David ap 
 Llewelyn of Ccfn Melgoed, and was father of 
 
 XVII. Ievan ap Robert, Avbo married Catherine, daughter of Rhys ap Howel Yychan, 
 and had a son, 
 
 XVIII. Meredith ap Ievan, who purchased Gwydyr from David ap Howel Coytmore, and 
 died 1525. By his first wife, Alice, daughter of William ap Griffith ap Robin, he had a son, 
 
 XIX. John Wynne ap Meredith, of Gwydyr, co. Caernarvon, who died in 1559. He 
 married Elen Lloyd, daughter of Moris ap John ap Meredith, of Clenenney, and by her 
 had, with other issue, an elder son, 
 
 XX. Morris Wynn, of Gwydyr, who married Jane, daughter of Sir Richard Bulkeley, 
 of Beaumaris, Knt., and was father of, 
 
 XXI. Sir John Wynn, of Gwydyr, created a Baronet in 1611; the well-known author 
 of The History of the Gwydyr Eamily. Sir John married Sidney, daughter of Sir William 
 Gerrard, Chancellor of Ireland, and had issue, 
 
 1. Ilichard, 
 
 2. Owen, 
 
 6. William Wynn, who married Jane, daughter and heiress of Thomas Lloyd, of Gwern-y-Brechtyn, and had issue, 
 
 Sidney Wynn (his heiress), married Edward Thelwall, Esq., of Plas-y-Ward, and had issue, 
 
 Jane Thelwall (her heiress), married Sir William Williams, II. Bart., M.P., of Llanforda, and was the mother of 
 
 Sir Watkin Williams Wynn, III Bart., M.P., who succeeded to the seat of Wynnstay, and other p. 13«J7. 
 estates, under the will of Sir John Wynn, Bart., and assumed, in consequence, the additional surname 
 and arms of Wynn. He married Frances, daughter of George Shakerley, Esq., arid was succeeded 
 by his son, 
 
 Sir Watkin Williams Wynn, IY. Bart., M.P., married Charlotte, daughter of the Bight Hon. George 
 Grenville, by whom he left issue, 
 
 Sir Watkin Williams Wynn, V. Bart., M.P., married Lady Henrietta-Antonia Clive, daughter of 
 Edward, I. Earl of Powis, and by her had issue, 
 
 Watkin, present Bart., 
 
 Sir Watkin died G Jan. 1840, and was succeeded by his eldest son 
 Sir Watkin Williams Wynn of Wynnstay, VI. Bart., M.P. 
 
 8. Henry Wynn, had issue, P. 1398. 
 
 John (of whom hereafter as Sir John Wynn, V. Bart.). 
 
 Sir John Wynn died 1 March, 1626, and was succeeded by his eldest son, 
 
 XXII. Sir Richard Wynn of Gwydyr, II. Bart., who dying s. p. in 1649, was succeeded 
 by his brother, 
 
 XXII. Sir Owen Wynn of Gwydyr, III. Bart., who married Grace, daughter of Hugh 
 Williams, of Weeg, and died about 1660, leaving a son and successor, 
 
 XXIII. Sir Richard Wynn of Gwydyr, IV. Bart., who married Sarah, daughter of Sir 
 Thomas Myddelton, of Chirk Castle, Bart., and had an only daughter, (his heiress), 
 
 MARY WYNN, who married Robert Bertie, I. Duke of Ancaster. 
 
 On the death, without male issue, of Sir Richard Wynn, he was succeeded in the 
 Baronetcy by his cousin. 
 
 Sir John Wynn, of Watstay, V. Bart., who married Jane, daughter and heir of Eyton 
 Evans of Watstay (now Wynnstay) co. Denbigh; but died s.p. 7th January, 1719, when 
 the Baronetcy became extinct. 
 
 3 H 
 
J ane Brownlow. 
 
 ONE of the four daughters and co-heirs of Sir John Brownlow, Bart., of Belton, in the Burke’s Extinct Peerage. 
 
 p. 56. 
 
 county of Lincoln, married Peregrine Bertie, II. Duke of Aneaster. 
 

 Mary Panton. 
 
 DAUGHTER of Tlioraas Panton, Esq., married Peregrine Bertie, III. Duke of 
 An caster. 
 
 Her Grace the present Duchess of An caster, together with the Duchess of Hamilton, 
 were appointed by the King to receive Princess Charlotte of Mecklenburg Strelitz, his 
 future Queen, at Stade, where Her Serene Highness arrived on the 22nd of August, 1761. 
 On the 7th of September they had the pleasure of seeing their Royal Mistress landed safe 
 at Harwich, and had the honour of attending her to St. James’s the day following, where 
 the Duchess of Ancaster assisted at the Royal Nuptials, in quality of Mistress of the 
 Robes, to which place she had been previously appointed by the King. 
 
 Jacob’s Peerage, toI. I. 
 333. 
 
 3 I 
 
Peter Burrell, I. Lord Gwydyr. 
 
 BRYDGE’S COLLINS, vol. VIII. p. 496, deduces this family from Lineage of Burrell, Barons 
 
 Gwydyr. Creation by 
 
 Radulphus de Burrell, who married, 1325, Sermonda, daughter and co-heir of Sir Walter letters'patent 179c.— 
 
 1 0 Burke’s Peerage for 1S82, 
 
 Woodland, and obtained thereby a considerable estate in the county of Devon, where he p ' 602 ' 
 seated himself. Prom this Radulphus descended John Burrell, who furnished (at his own 
 expense) in 1414, a ship, 20 men at arms, and 40 archers for the war in Prance. He was 
 direct ancestor of 
 
 Peter Burrell, Esq., of Cuckfield, co. Sussex, who settled at Langley Park, Beckenham, 
 
 Kent, 1684. He married Isabella, daughter of John Merrik, Esq., of Stubbers, and bad 
 issue, 
 
 Peter, his successor. 
 
 Merrik, created a Baronet 15 July, 1766, with remainder to Peter Burrell, of 
 Beckenham. Sir Merrik died s. p. 1787. 
 
 The elder son, 
 
 Peter Burrell, Esq., of Beckenham, M.P., married Amy, daughter of Hugh Raymond, 
 
 Esq., and had, 
 
 Peter, who married Elizabeth, daughter and heir of John Lewis, Esq., and left an 
 only son, 
 
 Peter. 
 
 Mr. Burrell, of Langley Park, Beckenham, died 16 April, 1756, and was succeeded by 
 his grandson. 
 
 Sir Peter Burrell, who succeeded to the Baronetcy of his great-uncle, Sir Merrik Burrell, 
 
214 
 
 PETER BURRELL, L LORD GWYDYR. 
 
 Gwydfr.-^Bur^sVeemge Bart., 1787, and was created Baron Gwydyr of Gwydyr, co. Carnarvon, 16 June, 1796. He 
 
 for 1882, p. 602. 
 
 married 23 February, 1779, Lady Priscilla Bertie, Baroness Willoughby, elder daughter of 
 Peregrine, III. Duke of Ancaster, (and senior co-heir to her brother, Robert Bertie, IY. 
 Duke of Ancaster, and XVIII. Lord Willoughby). The issue of Lord Gwydyr and Lady 
 Willoughby were, 
 
 Peter Robert, who succeeded. 
 
 Lindsey, married Prances, daughter of James Daniell, Esq., and by her had, 
 
 Peter Robert, present and IV. Lord Gwydyr. 
 
 Lord Gwydyr died 9 June, 1820, and was succeeded by his eldest son, 
 
 Peter Robert Drummond Burrell, II. Lord Gwydyr, P.C., who also succeeded his 
 Lodges Gencdogy of t he mother, 29 .December, 1828, as XIX. Lord Willoughby de Eresby. He took the surname 
 
 British Peerage, 1832, p. ° " « 
 
 of Drummond in 1807, and in 1829 the additional surname of Willoughby instead of 
 Pseregs tor ism, Burrell. Lord Willoughby married. 1807, Clementina, daughter and heiress of James 
 Drummond, I. Lord Perth, by whom he had issue, 
 
 Alberic, late peer. 
 
 Clementina, married to Gilbert, I. Lord Aveland. 
 
 Charlotte Augusta, married to Robert, II. Lord Carrington. 
 
 His Lordship died 22 February, 1865, and was succeeded by his only son, 
 
 Alberic Drummond Willoughby, III. Lord Gwydyr, and XX. Lord Willoughby. His 
 Lordship died unmarried 26 August, 1870, and was succeeded in the Barony of Gwydyr 
 by liis cousin and next male heir, Peter Robert, present Lord Gwydyr. The Barony of 
 Willoughby de Eresby fell into abeyance between his Lordship’s sisters. Dowager Lady 
 Aveland and Lady Carrington, and so remained until the abeyance was terminated by the 
 Crown, November, 1871, in favour of the elder co-heir. 
 
 Peter Robert Burrell, IV. Lord Gwydyr, married Sophia, only child of F. W. Campbell, 
 Esq. of Barbreck, and by her has a son, 
 
 Willoughby, married Mary, only child of John Banks, Esq., M.D., of Dublin. 
 
The Honourable Clementina Drummond. 
 
 The family of Drummond has been always ranked amongst the most ancient and Lineage of Drummond, 
 
 Barons Drummond, Karls 
 
 illustrious names of the Scotch nation, highly distinguished by a long train of worthy scoUand^BaronTenh° f 
 ancestors, no less remarkable for the noble alliances they made, and the dignities conferred hXm t^e U pee°age°of Kng- 
 
 laud. Scotch Barony 1487, 
 
 upon them, than tor personal merit. Earldom 1605 , English 
 
 Baronies 17117.—Douglas 
 
 They have the honour to be several times sprung from the Royal House of Stewart, and ^S® e, Extinct iw e P 
 can boast what few subjects can do, that most of the crowned heads in Europe are /33 ' 
 descended from them, as will clearly appear by the following memoirs. 
 
 The traditional account of their origin, handed down to us by several good historians, is, 
 
 I. That an Hungarian gentleman named Mauricius, or Maurice, a son of George, a 
 younger son of Andrew, King of Hungary, had the command of the ship in which Edgar 
 Atheline, the rightful heir to the English Crown, his mother Agatha, and his sisters, the 
 Princesses Margaret and Christian, were embarked, in their return from England to 
 Hungary. They were overtaken by a storm, driven on the coast of Scotland, and landed 
 in the Eirth of Eortli, at a place which to this day retains the name of St. Margaret’s 
 Hope, so called after Princess Margaret, who became Queen to King Malcolm III., called 
 Canmore. and is well known by the name of St. Margaret. 
 
 3 K 
 
216 
 
 THE HONOURABLE CLEMENTINA DRUMMOND. 
 
 Lil ,,. e , O. d—,, This Maurice, being a man of parts and merit, was highly esteemed by King Malcolm, 
 
 p"' w ho, to induce him to settle in Scotland, conferred many favours upon him, and gave him 
 considerable possessions in the shires of Dumbarton and Stirling, particularly the lands of 
 Koseneath, Cardross, Auehindown, the lands and parish of Drymen or Drummond, which 
 last afterwards became the chief title and surname of the family. He also made him 
 Seneschal or Steward of Lennox, and assigned him for his armorial hearing three bars 
 wavy, or undv, gules, in memory of his having been the happy conductor of Her Majesty’s 
 safe landing in Scotland. 
 
 The Queen also bestowed some marks of her esteem upon him, and, for his good 
 services, gave him one of her Maids of Honour in marriage. 
 
 By her he had a son named, 
 
 II. Malcolm, of whom all the Drummonds in Scotland are descended. 
 
 He left a son, 
 
 III. Maurice, who succeeded him, and was father of 
 
 IV. John, his heir, who had a son and successor, 
 
 V. Sir Malcolm Drymen or Drummond. He was succeeded by his eldest son, 
 
 VI. Malcolm Drummond, married Ada, daughter of Maldwin III., Earl of Lennox, 
 and was succeeded by his son, 
 
 VII. Malcolm Drummond. He was succeeded by his son, 
 
 VIII. Sir John Drummond, who was a man of great parts, and a strenuous defender 
 of the liberties of his country; and though compelled to swear allegiance to King Edward I. 
 when he had overrun Scotland, anno 1296, yet we find him carried prisoner to England 
 by the same Prince, for his adhering to the Brucian interest, anno 1297. 
 
 However, he soon afterwards obtained liberty to return to Scotland, upon his finding 
 bail to come back to England, with horses, arms, &c., to assist King Edward in his wars 
 against Prance. He married a daughter of Walter Stewart, Earl of Menteith. He was 
 succeeded by his eldest son, 
 
 IX. Sir Malcolm Drummond. He made a great figure in the reign of King Robert 
 Bruce, to whom he was a firm and steady friend, and immediately after the battle of 
 Bannockburn, obtained from that great Prince, for his good and faithful services, a grant 
 of several lands in Perthshire, 1315 : and perhaps it is no improbable conjecture, that the 
 caltrops were then first added by way of copartment to his coat of arms, as they were 
 used on that memorable occasion, with great success, against the English horse. He 
 married a daughter of Sir Patrick Graham of Kincardine, by whom he had a son and 
 successor, 
 
 X. Sir Malcolm Drummond, a man of singular worth and merit. He was concerned 
 in all the noble efforts that were made by the Loyalists in the minority of King David 
 Bruce, in defence of the liberties of their country; on which account he suffered many 
 hardships. Sir Malcolm was either slain at the battle of Durham, anno 1346, or died 
 immediately thereafter, and was succeeded by his eldest son, 
 
 XI. Sir John Drummond, a man of a noble spirit, and highly esteemed by King David. 
 
 He maintained a long and troublesome controversy with the House of Menteith, which 
 
 proved fatal to several of that noble family, but was at last compromised by the King’s 
 command, very honourably for Sir John. The arbiters were Robert, Lord High Steward 
 of Scotland, and Earl of Stratliearn, afterwards King Robert II., the Earls of Douglas and 
 Angus, Sir Walter Murray of Tullibardine, Sir Archibald Campbell of Lochow, and Sir 
 Colin his son, before the two Lords Justiciars of Scotland, Sir Robert Erskine, and Sir 
 
THE HONOURABLE CLEMENTINA DRUMMOND. 
 
 217 
 
 Hugh Eglington, who, having met on the banks of the Forth, passed sentence, to which lineage peSh"—Douglas 
 the parties seals were appended, 1st May, 1360. Peerage, PP . 550 - 552 . 
 
 By this indenture he gives up several of his lands in Dumbartonshire, on a promise 
 from the King of other lands of greater value in Perthshire; and, in consequence of this 
 it was, that he got so large a share of the Montefex estate: for, having married Mary, 
 eldest daughter and co-heiress of Sir William de Montefex Justiciar of Scotland, and 
 head or chief of a great and most ancient family, with her he got the lands and Baronies 
 of Cargill, Stobhall, Kincardin, Auchterarder, &c. 
 
 By her he had 
 
 Sir Malcolm his heir, 
 
 Sir John, who carried on the line of this family, 
 
 Annabella, a lady of the most exquisite beauty, and most distinguished merit, who 
 had the honour of being married to Robert III., King of Scotland. By him she was 
 mother of King James I., who, besides his son, King James XL, had six daughters, four 
 whereof were married to foreign Princes. 
 
 He was succeeded by his eldest son, 
 
 XII. Sir Malcolm Drummond, who, dying without issue, was succeeded by his brother, 
 
 XII. Sir John Drummond. He was one of the greatest men of his time, and was 
 Justiciar of Scotland, while his elder brother was alive. This appears by his pronouncing 
 sentence in a very remarkable case, viz. Sir Alexander Moray of Abercairny and Ogilvie 
 having accidentally, and without any premeditated design, slain a gentleman of the name of 
 Spalding, he pled his privilege of his beiDg nearly allied to the clan MacDuff, and having 
 proven his propinquity, was assoilzied by Sir John Drummond, at a Court of Justiciary held 
 at Poulis, 10th May, 1391. He married Lady Elizabeth Sinclair, daughter of Henry, Earl 
 of Orkney. He died anno 1428, and was succeeded by his eldest son, 
 
 XIII. Sir Walter Drummond of that Ilk, Lord of Cargill and Stobhall. He married 
 Margaret, daughter of Sir William Ruthven, and by her had, 
 
 Sir Malcolm. 
 
 He died anno 1455, and was succeeded by his son, 
 
 XIV. Sir Malcolm Drummond, Lord of that Ilk. He married Mariota, daughter of 
 Sir David Murray. He died anno 1470, and was succeeded by his eldest son, 
 
 XV. Sir John Drummond Lord of that Ilk. He purchased from Sir Maurice Drummond 
 of Concraig the Siewarty and Coronership of the Earldom of Strathearn, upon which he 
 got a Charter under the Great Seal, anno 1474. 
 
 In August, 1484, he was appointed by King James III. one of the Ambassadors 
 Extraordinary to the Court of England. 
 
 Sir John, having acquitted himself in his negotiations, greatly to the satisfaction of his 
 Majesty and the whole nation, was, at the next Parliament, raised to the dignity of the 
 peerage by the title of Lord Drummond,-on the 14th January, 1487. 
 
 The Lord Drummond was appointed one of the Privy Council to King James IV. and 
 Justiciar of Scotland, anno 1489. 
 
 He obtained a license under the Great Seal, to build a castle and fortalice, and built a 
 most noble and stately castle, and gave it the name of Drummond Castle, which has ever 
 since been one of the chief seats of the family. 
 
 He married Lady Elizabeth Lindsay, daughter of David, Earl of Crawfurd, by whom 
 
 he had, 
 
 William, Master of Drummond, who carried on the line of this family. 
 
218 
 
 THE HONOURABLE CLEMENTINA DRUMMOND. 
 
 Lineage of Drummond, 
 Earls of Perth.—Douglas 
 Peerage, pp. 552-654. 
 
 1st daughter, Margaret. She was greatly beloved by King James IY. who was 
 contracted to her, and would have married her, had not his Counsellors and the 
 great men of the State, interposed, and taken her away, to make room for a daughter 
 of England. 
 
 2. Elizabeth Drummond, married to George, Master of Angus, son and apparent heir 
 of Archibald Y. Earl of Angus. Her grand-daughter, Lady Margaret Douglas, was 
 mother of Henry, Lord Darnley, father of King James VI. of whom the Kings of 
 Britain, Erance, Spain, Prussia, the Emperor of Germany, &c., &c., are descended. 
 
 The Lord Drummond died in an advanced age, anno 1519. 
 
 XVI. William Master of Drummond, son and apparent heir of John Lord Drummond, 
 married Lady Isabel Campbell, daughter of Colin, I. Earl of Argyle, by whom he had, 
 
 Walter, also designed Master of Drummond. 
 
 This William, Master of Drummond, was a man of parts and spirit; hut being at 
 variance with the Murrays, who had openly defied him, and had actually gone in a 
 forcible manner to draw teinds on the Drummonds’ lands in the parish of Monivaird, he 
 marched with his followers in order to prevent them, and being accidentally joined by 
 Duncan Campbell, Captain of Dunstaffnage, who had come down from Argyleshire with a 
 party of his men to revenge the death of his father-in-law, Drummond of Meuie, whom, 
 with his two sons, some of the Murrays had lately killed; upon their approach the 
 Murrays fled to the Kirk of Monivaird for refuge, whither they were also followed by the 
 Drummonds’ party. The Master being satisfied with driving them off the field, was 
 returning home, when a shot, fired from the Kirk, unluckily killed one of the Dunstaffnage 
 men, which so enraged the Highlanders, that they immediately set fire to the Kirk, and it 
 being covered with heather, was soon consumed to ashes, and all within it burnt to death. 
 The Master of Drummond was immediately apprehended, and sent prisoner to Stirling, 
 where he was tried; and though he pled innocence, as having no hand in the burning the 
 Church, yet being head of the party, and no favourite at Court, he was condemned and 
 executed, anno 1511. However, this variance betwixt the Drummonds and the Murrays 
 was made up soon thereafter. 
 
 XVII. Walter, eldest son of William the Master, grandson and apparent heir of John, 
 Lord Drummond, married Lady Elizabeth Graham, daughter of William, Earl of Mont rose 
 and died anno 1518, leaving issue a son, 
 
 XVIII. David, who succeeded his great-grandfather anno 1519, and was II. Lord 
 Drummond. He was retoured heir to him, tanquam legitimus et propinquior hseres quon¬ 
 dam Johannis Domini Drummond, sui proavi, Eebruarv 17th, 1520. 
 
 He kept himself pretty free of the parties and cabals that were so frequent in the trouble¬ 
 some reign of Queen Mary; but when he saw her like to be reduced to great difficulties, 
 he was one of those noble Loyalists who entered into a solemn bond of association, to stand 
 by and defend her Majesty against all mortals, &c. 
 
 He married, Lilias, daughter of William, II. Lord Ruthven, by whom he had, 
 
 Patrick, his heir. 
 
 This worthy Lord died anno 1571, and was succeeded by his eldest son, 
 
 XIX. Patrick, III. Lord Drummond, who, having been educated in his mother’s 
 principles, embraced the reformed religion, and after Queen Mary was a prisoner in 
 England, he joined the King’s party, and came entirely into the Court measures. 
 
 He married Lady Elizabeth Lindsay, daughter of David, Earl of Crawfurd, by whom 
 he had, 
 
I - James ’ Lord Drummond, afterwards Earl of Perth. 
 
 2. John, who succeeded his brother. 
 
 He died before the year 1600, and 
 
 XX. James, IV. Lord Drummond. 
 
 by a polite and learned education. After having spent a considerable time in France, and 
 acquired the easy manners and address of that elegant nation, he returned to Britain, where 
 e soon distinguished himself at the Court of King James VI. by his graceful behaviour, 
 and shining parts. He was sent Ambassador to Philip III. of Spain together with the 
 Earl of Nottingham, Lord High Admiral of England, in order to settle the ratification of 
 the treaty of peace betwixt the two nations, and to endeavour to reconcile matters betwixt 
 Spam and Holland ; and having acquitted himself in that negotiation with dexterity and 
 success, his Majesty, immediately upon his return, was pleased to dignify him with the 
 title of Earl of Perth, by patent, to him and his heirs male whatsoever, dated 4th March, 
 
 1605. But these promising appearances, that portended such honour to his family and 
 country, were soon blasted by an untimely death, which carried him off in the very bloom 
 of his years, anno 1611. 
 
 He having no sons, his estates of honours devolved upon his brother, 
 
 XX. John Drummond, II. Earl of Perth, who got Charters under the Great Seal, 
 
 Johanni Comiti de Perth, Domino Drummond et Stobhall, of many lands and Baronies 
 betwixt the years 1612 and 1616. 
 
 Though this noble Lord was appointed a Privy Councillor for life, by the Parliament in 
 1641, yet he was a man of steady loyalty, and a most faithful subject to the King. 
 
 He joined the great Montrose, was taken prisoner at the battle of Philiphaugh; was, 
 with his son, Lord Drummond, fined by Oliver Cromwell, in the sum of five thousand 
 pounds sterling, anno 1654, and suffered many other hardships on account of his attach¬ 
 ment to the Royal Eamily. 
 
 He married Lady Jean Ker, daughter of Robert, Earl of Roxburgh, by whom he had, 
 
 James. 
 
 He died anno 1662, and was succeeded by his son, 
 
 XXI. James Drummond, III. Earl of Perth, Avho joined Montrose in 1645, and was Burke’s Extinct Peerage, 
 taken prisoner at Philiphaugh. He married Lady Anne Gordon, daughter of George, ' 
 
 2nd Marquess of Huntly, and by her had, 
 
 James, his heir. 
 
 XXII. John Drummond was created Earl of Melfort by James II., by patent to the Douglas Peerage, pp. 553, 
 heirs of his 2nd marriage, dated 12th August, 1686. He married, 1st Sophia, 
 
 daughter and sole heiress of Margaret Lundin of that Ilk (heiress of that ancient 
 family) by her husband Robert Maitland, 2nd brother of John, Duke of Lauderdale, 
 by whom he had, 
 
 Robert, who carried on the line of the family. 
 
 The Earl of Melfort married 2ndly, Eupheme, daughter of Sir Thomas Wallace, and died in 1714. 
 
 XXIII. Robert, son of John Earl of Melfort’s 1st marriage, succeeding to his mother’s estate, retained 
 the name of Lundin, as representative of that most ancient and illustrious family. 
 
 He married Anne, daughter of Sir James Inglis Bart., by whom he had, 
 
 John, his heir, 
 
 James, of whom afterwards. 
 
 He died anno 1716, and was succeeded by his son, 
 
 XXIV. John who, dying unmarried, anno 1735, was succeeded by his brother, 
 
 XXIV. James Lundin of whom afterwards as heir male to Edward Drummond, VI. Duke of Perth. 
 
 He died anno 1675, and was succeeded by bis son. 
 
 MM 
 
220 
 
 THE HONOURABLE CLEMENTINA DRUMMOND. 
 
 Lineage of Drammond. XXII. James Drummond, IV. Earl of Perth, a man of fine natural parts, great probity 
 
 Earls of Perth.—Douglas . , p 
 
 Peerage, pp. 652, 653. ail q honour • who having got an education suitable to his noble birth, became one oi me 
 most accomplished men of Ills time. 
 
 He was in great favour with King Charles II. who appointed him one of his Privy 
 Council, anno 1678, Lord Justice General, anno 1682, and Lord High Chancellor of 
 Scotland, 23rd June, 1681. 
 
 At the Revolution, when King James went over to Prance, the mob began to commit 
 great disorders in Scotland. The Chancellor being obnoxious to them, on account of his 
 religion, was advised by his friends (and indeed it was his own inclination) to follow his 
 Majesty. He accordingly, (with his lady and family) embarked in a small vessel at 
 Burnt-island, but was pursued by a long-boat from Kirkcaldy, full of armed men. His 
 Lordship, being noways provided for such an attack, was soon forced to surrender. He 
 and his Lady were plundered of all they had by the ruffians, and brought back. The 
 Chancellor was imprisoned in the common tolbooth of Kirkcaldy, and most barbarously 
 used. 
 
 He was afterwards carried to the Castle of Stirling where he remained prisoner near 
 four years, and was at last set at liberty upon his promising to transport himself beyond seas, 
 without any reason being given for his being so long confined. 
 
 He first went to Rome, where he stayed about two years, when his old Master sent for 
 him. Ho came to him at St. Germains in Prance, where his Majesty heaped all the 
 honours and favours upon him that were in his power to bestow. He created him Duke 
 of Perth (the patent is said to be to his heirs male), first Lord of the Bed-chamber, Knight 
 of the Garter, and Chamberlain to the Queen. He also appointed him Governor to his son. 
 
 He married, 1st, Lady Jane Douglas, daughter of William, Marquess of Douglas, and 
 by her had, 
 
 James, Lord Drummond. 
 
 He married, 2ndly, Lilias, daughter of Sir James Drummond of Machany, by whom he 
 had, 
 
 John, of whom hereafter as V. Duke of Perth. 
 
 He married, 3rdly, Lady Mary Gordon, daughter of Lewis, Marquess of Huntly, by 
 whom he had, 
 
 Edward, of whom hereafter as VI. Duke of Perth. 
 
 The Duke of Perth died at St. Germains, 11th March, 1716. The titles of Earl of 
 p ' 731 Perth and Lord Drummond became dormant at his death, his eldest son havmg been 
 
 attainted. 
 
 XXIII. James Drummond who assumed the title of II. Duke of Perth, who 
 accompanied James II. in the expedition to Ireland, 1690, engaged in the rising of 171o, 
 and was attainted by Act of Parliament. He effected his escape to Prance in 1716. Ho 
 married Lady Jean Gordon, only daughter of George, I. Duke of Gordon, and had, 
 
 James, his heir, 
 
 John, of whom hereafter as IV. Duke of Perth. 
 
 XXIV. James Drummond, who assumed the title of III. Duke of Perth, who had the 
 family estate conveyed to him by his father, 28th August, 1713, whereby it was saved from 
 forfeiture. He joined the standard of Charles Edward in 1745, was his 1st Lieutenant-General 
 at the battle of Preston, and commanded at the sieges of Carlisle and Stirling. After the 
 defeat at Culloden, he escaped to the coast of Moidart, where he embarked for Prance, but 
 died on the passage, 11th May, 1746, without issue. 
 
THU HONOURABLE CLEMENTINA DRUMMOND. 
 
 m 
 
 By an Act of Parliament it was declared, that all persons that were concerned in the p e rth. U — Dongias 
 
 Rebellion, and did not surrender before the month of July, should be deemed convicts for Peerage ’ p ' 551 ' 
 high treason. But as this James died before the limited time, the attainder did not 
 take place against him: however it fell with all its weight upon his brother and heir, 
 
 XXIV. John Drummond, who assumed the title of IV. Duke of Perth, who was 
 embarked in the same cause, and in his person the whole estate of Perth was forfeited to 
 the Crown. This John entered into the service of the King of Prance; and when he had 
 passed through several gradations, got the command of a regiment, which he raised himself, 
 and was named the Boyal Scotch. He had the same warmth and affection for the interest 
 of the house of Stewart that his brother and father had, and commanded the Prencli piquets 
 that were sent over in 1745, in support of that cause. After the defeat at Culloden, he made 
 his escape to Prance in the same ship in which his brother embarked. After the siege of 
 Bergen-op-Zoom, he was appointed a Major-General, when lying ill of a fever, of which he 
 soon thereafter died in 1747. He also leaving no issue, the representation devolved upon 
 his uncle, 
 
 XXIII. John Drummond, who assumed the title of V. Duke of Perth. He died 
 without issue anno 1757. The next in succession was his brother, 
 
 XXIII. Edward Drummond, who assumed the title of VI. Duke of Perth, died s.p. Kxtillct Peera S5 e > 
 
 L p. 7dd. 
 
 7th Pebruary, 1760. 
 
 XXIV. James Lundin, of Lundin, (refer to John Drummond, Earl of Melfort, 2nd 
 son of James, III. Earl of Perth,) was served nearest heir male and of provision to Edward 
 Drummond, styled Duke of Perth. He married Lady Rachael Bruce, daughter of Thomas, 
 
 VII. Earl of Kincardine; and dying at Lundin, 29tli June, 1769, was succeeded by 
 his son, 
 
 XXV. James Drummond, who obtained possession of the estate of Perth in 1785, and 
 was created a British Peer, as Lord Perth, Baron Drummond of Stobhall, to him and the 
 heirs male of his body, 14-th October, 1797. His Lordship married the Hon. Clementina 
 Elphinstone, daughter of Charles, X. Lord Elphinstone; and dying 2nd July, 1800 (when 
 his title expired), left an only daughter and heir, 
 
 Clementina Drummond, who married in 1807 Peter Robert Burrell (took the surname s Genealogy of the 
 
 British ireeruge, looJ, 
 
 of Drummond in 1807, and in 1829 the additional surname of Willoughby instead of that p- 39 °- 
 of Burrell), XIX. Lord Willoughby. 
 
Gilbert Heathcote, I. Lord Aveland. 
 
 I. Gilbert Heathcote, Esq. (eldest son of Gilbert Heathcote, Esq., an alderman of lineage of iicntbcotc, 
 
 Barons Aveland Creation 
 
 Chesterfield, by Anne, daughter of Thomas Dickens, Esq.), having been one of the pro- £ y patent iwfc- 
 jectors of the Bank of England, an alderman, representative in Parliament, and Lord PP ‘ 66 " G7 ' 
 
 Mayor of the City of London, received the honour of knighthood from Queen Anne, and 
 was created a Baronet 17 January, 1732-3. Sir Gilbert married Hester, daughter of 
 Christopher Bayner, Esq., by whom he had a son, John. He died 24 January, 1732-3, 
 and was succeeded by his son, 
 
 II. Sir John Heathcote. M.P., who married Bridget, daughter of John White, Esq., of 
 Wallingwells, M.P., by whom he had, 
 
 Gilbert., M.P., his successor. 
 
 Sir John died 5 September, 1759, and was succeeded by his son, 
 
 III. Sir Gilbert Heathcote, M.P. for Rutland. This gentleman married Elizabeth., 
 daughter of Robert Hudson, Esq., of Tadworth Court, by whom he had, 
 
 Gilbert. 
 
 Sir Gilbert died 4 December, 1785, and was succeeded by his son, 
 
 IV. Sir Gilbert Heathcote, M.P., who married Lady Sophia, daughter of John Manners, 
 
 Esq., of Grantham Grange, co. Lincoln, by his wife, Louisa Tollemache, Countess of Dysart, 
 in her own right, by whom he had issue, 
 
 Gilbert, created a Peer, as Lord Aveland. 
 
 tj 
 
GILBERT HEATHCOTE, I. LOUD AVELAND. 
 
 Sir Gilbert died 26 March, 1851, and was succeeded by his son, 
 
 V. Sir Gilbert Heathcote, M.P., a distinguished Whig politician, created Baron 
 Aveland of Aveland, co. Lincoln, 26 February, 1856; married 8 October, 1827, 
 Clementina, eldest daughter of Peter Robert, XIX. Lord Willoughby de Eresby, and now, 
 by the termination of the abeyance, Baroness Willoughby de Eresby (see that title). 
 
 Lord Aveland, who before his elevation to the peerage was successively M.P. for 
 Boston, for South Lincolnshire, and for Rutland, as well as Lord Lieutenant of 
 Lincolnshire, died 6 September, 1867, and was succeeded by his son, 
 
 Gilbert Heathcote Drummond Willoughby, II. Lord Aveland, P.C., late M.P. for 
 Rutland, Deputy Lord Great Chamberlain, married !4 July, 1863, Evelyn, 2nd daughter 
 of Charles, X. Marquess of Huntly, and has issue, 
 
 Gilbert. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Abingdon, Earl of, 162 
 Aginconrt, battle of, 59-63 
 
 order of the English army at the, 60 
 Alasco, Joannes, 97 
 Alenfon, siege of, 127 
 surrender of, 128 
 
 Alice, wife of IY. Lord Willoughby, 52 
 Amand, Aumary de Saint, 10 
 
 Ambassadors, offer by the French, to Queen Eliza¬ 
 beth, 127 
 
 Amiens, VI. Lord Willoughby gave battle to the 
 French near, 72 
 
 VI. Lord Willoughby sent to destroy the country 
 of, 72 
 
 Ancaster, I. Duke of, 165, 166 
 arms of the, 166 
 death of the, 165 
 honours given to the, 165 
 
 II. Duke of, 167, 
 
 arms of the, 168 
 death of the, 167 
 honours given to the, 167 
 
 III. Duke of, 169 
 death of the, 169 
 arms of the, 170 
 
 IY. Duke of, 171, 172 
 ms of the, 172 
 death of the, 171, 172 
 Y. Duke of, 172 
 
 Anjou, Duke of, XI. Lord Willoughby and other 
 nobles escort the, to Antwerp, 101, 102 
 receives the keys of the city of Antwerp, 103 
 Anne, Queen, accession of, 165 
 Antwerp, the Duke of Anjou enters, 104 
 Aragon, Catherine of, death of, 189 
 
 Catherine of, letter from, to King Ferdinand,187,188 
 King of, at war with the French King, 79 
 Armada, Invincible, dispersion of the, 117 
 Arms of Baroness Willoughby, 174 
 
 Baroness Willoughby and as Dowager Lady Ave- 
 land, 180 
 
 Catherine, Duchess of Suffolk, and Richard Bertie, 
 
 100 
 
 I. Duke of Ancaster, 166 
 
 II. Duke of Ancaster, 168 
 
 III. Duke of Ancaster, 170 
 IY. Duke of Ancaster, 172 
 
 I. Earl of Lindsey, 154 
 
 II. Earl of Lindsey, 162 
 Lord Gwydyr, 174 
 
 VII. Lord Welles, 76 
 
 VIII. Lord Welles, 77 
 
 William Hastings, I. Lord Hastings, 78 
 
 Arms of V. Lord Willoughby, 58 
 VI. Lord Willoughby, 74 
 
 X. Lord Willoughby, 82 
 
 XI. Lord Willoughby, 138 
 
 XIX. Lord Willoughby, 176 
 
 XX. Lord Willoughby, 178 
 Arras, Bishop of, 96 
 Arundel, Richard, Earl of, 16 
 Arundell, Joan, 185 
 
 Sir Richard, 58 
 Ascoli, Prince of, 117 
 Ashley, Sir Jacob, 152 
 Askew, Anne, 85 
 Aston, Sir Arthur, 146, 147 
 Aubigny, Elias de, 8 
 Aubigney, Lord, 150, 151 
 Aveland, Dowager Lady, arms of, 180 
 Gilbert Heathcote, Baron, 179 
 lineage of Heathcote, Barons, 223, 224 
 
 I. Lord, 180, 223 
 
 II. Lord, 180 
 
 Axel surprised by Maurice and Sidney, 106 
 
226 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Bertie, General Albemarle, IX. Earl of Lindsey, 172 
 Henry, 154 
 
 Lord Brownlow, V. Duke of Ancaster, VIII. 
 Earl of Lindsey, 172 
 
 Montagu, H. Earl of Lindsey, XIII. Lord Wil¬ 
 loughby, K.G., 155-162 
 Montagu, Lord, 172 
 
 Peregrine, XI. Lord Willoughby, birth of, 101 
 Peregrine, II. Duke of Ancaster, V. Earl- of 
 Lindsey, XVI. Lord Willoughby, 167,168 
 Peregrine, III. Duke of Ancaster, VI. Earl of 
 Lindsey, XVII. Lord Willoughby, 169, 
 170 
 
 Richard, 100, 191 
 
 appears before Bishop Gardiner, 92 
 licensed by the Queen to cross the seas, 94 
 marriage of the Duchess of Suffolk to, 91 
 Robert, I. Earl of Lindsey, XII. Lord Willoughby, 
 K.G., 139-154 
 
 Robert, III. Earl of Lindsey, XIV. Lord Wil¬ 
 loughby, 163, 164 
 
 Robert, I. Duke of Ancaster, IV. Earl of 
 Lindsey, XV. Lord Willoughby, 165, 166 
 Robert, IV. Duke of Ancaster, VII. Earl of 
 Lindsey, XVIII. Lord Willoughby, 171, 172 
 Berties, lineage of the, 191, 192 
 
 Berwick, XI. Lord Willoughby, Lord Governor of, 134 
 Biskaie, noblemen appointed for the voyage to, 80 
 Bodley, Sir Thomas, 121 
 
 Bourbon, the Cardinal of, proclaimed King of France, 
 123 
 
 Boutetourte, John, 10 
 Braie assaulted, 43 
 Bi’andon, Charles, 87 
 
 Charles, Duke of Suffolk, S3. 100 
 Henry, Duke of Suffolk, 87 
 Breda, siege of, 141 
 Brette, Eurmenions de la, 8 
 Bridget, second wife of II. Earl of Lindsey, 162 
 Brissac, Count, 129 
 Brittany, John of, 8 
 Lord of, 24 
 Brooke, Lord, 146 
 Brownlow, Jane, 209 
 
 Brownlow, Sir John, Bart., of Belton, 168 
 Brunswick, Duke of, 97 
 Bucer, Martin, death of, 89 
 
 Buckingham, Duke of, assassination of the, by Felton, 
 142 
 
 Burgh, Sir John, duel between, and Sir William 
 Drury, 130 
 Burghley, Lord, 121 
 
 XI. Lord Willoughby’s letter to, 131 
 William Cecil, Lord, Duchess of Suffolk’s letters 
 to, 86, 87, 88, 90. 
 
 Burgognie, victory of, 69 
 Burrell, Barons Gwydyr, lineage of, 213 
 Lindsey, 174 
 
 Peter, I. Lord Gwydyr, 174, 213, 214 
 Peter Robert, 174 
 Bushel, Sir Edward, 86 
 Buys, Paul, 113, 115 
 Byron, Sir Nicholas, 145, 146,152 
 
 Caen, siege of, 63, 64 
 
 Camden House, death of II. Earl of Lindsey at, 161 
 Cantilupe, William de, 13 
 
 Carbantorigum, 1 
 Carentine, taking of, 30 
 Carew, Nicholas rle, 6 
 
 Carisbrook Castle, King Charles I. prisoner at, 156 
 Carlaverock, castle of, 1, 19 
 siege of, 1, 19 
 Carlisle, court at, 2 
 Catharine of Aragon, death of, 189 
 
 letter from, to King Ferdinand, 187, 188 
 Cecil, Sir Robert, XI. Lord Willoughby’s letter to, 136 
 Mr. John Guevara’s letter to, 137 
 Cecil, Sir William, Richard Bertie’s letter to, 99 
 Ghandos, Sir John, 37 
 
 Charles I., King, committee sent to, at Carisbrook 
 Castle, 156 
 
 distinguished persons permitted to attend, 157 
 
 execution of, 159 
 
 his preparation for death, 159 
 
 holds a Chapter of the Garter at York, 143 
 
 legacies of, 160 
 
 letter to II. Earl of Lindsey, 156 
 retires to York, 143 
 solicitations on behalf of, 158 
 surrender of, 156 
 treaty with, 157 
 trial resolved on, 158 
 
 Chai-les II., King, letter from, to the Duke of Yoi'k, 
 160 
 
 Charlotte, wife of II. Baron Carrington, 178 
 Chierburge, taking of, 29 
 
 Cholmondeley, Georgiana, Marchioness of, crowning 
 her brother, 171, 172 
 Cicely, daughter of Leo, Lord Welles, 58 
 wife of III. Lord Willoughby, 48 
 Clavering, John, 4 
 
 Clementina, wife of I. Baron Aveland, 178 
 ■wife of XIX. Lord Willoughby, 176 
 Clermont, Lord, 38 
 Cleve Castle, 141 
 Clifford, Robert, the Lord of, 9 
 Gockain, Martha, 201 
 Sir William, 162 
 
 Commissioners, English, arrive in the Netherlands, 112 
 Parliamentary, quit the Isle of Wight, 157 
 Cook, Colonel, 158 
 Courtenay, Hugh de, 10 
 Cranmer, Archbishop, 85 
 Cranwell, Robert, 95 
 Crecy, battle of, 31-35 
 
 number of the slain at the, 35 
 order of the English army at the, 30 
 order of the French army at the, 31 
 Cretinques, John de, 25 
 Cromwell, John de, 24 
 Crozan, earldom of, 98 
 Cumberland, Earl of, 140 
 
 Daniell, James, Esq., 174 
 Darcy, Sir Philip, 27 
 Deincourt, Edmond, 18 
 John, 25 
 Margaret, 184 
 
 Denis, St., taken from the English, 71 
 Denise, siege of, 71 
 
 Denmark, King of, entertains XI. Lord Willoughby, 105 
 made Knight of the Garter, 104 
 Despenser, Hugh le, 9 
 
INDEX. 
 
 227 
 
 Dieppe, English allies land at, 123 
 siege of, 72 
 Digby, Lord, 144 
 Dorp, Colonel, 113 
 
 Drummond, Earls of Perth, lineage of, 215, 221 
 James, I. Lord Perth, 176 
 the Hon. Clementina, 215 
 
 Drury, Sir William, duel between, and Sir John 
 Burgh, 130 
 
 Dublin, Marquess of, 193 
 Dunbar, Patrick of, 11 
 Durham, Bishop of, 17 
 
 Dutch Republic, distracted condition of the, 110 
 
 Edgehill or Keinton, battle of, 145-153 
 Edmond, Henry, 15 
 Thomas, 15 
 Edward I., King, 2, 7 
 
 VII. Lord Welles beheaded by order of, 75 
 Edward III., King, landing of, at Calais, 43 
 landing of, in Normandy, 29 
 Edward, son of King Edward I., 14 
 Effigies of John, II. Lord Willoughby, and Joan 
 Rosceline, his wife, in Spilsby Church, Lin¬ 
 colnshire, 36 
 
 Robert, IV. Lord Willoughby, and Elizabeth, his 
 third wife, in Spilsby Church, Lincolnshire, 
 51 
 
 Elizabeth, Princess, 85 
 Elizabeth, Queen, 101 
 
 accompanies the Duke of Anjou to Canterbury, 
 102 
 
 Henry IV. King of Prance’s letter to, 125 
 XI. Lord Willoughby’s letter to, 124 
 letter to Henry IV., King of France and Navarre, 
 124 
 
 letters to XI. Lord Willoughby, 121, 128, 132, 137 
 Elizabeth, wife of VI. Lord Willoughby, 74 
 wife of XII. Lord Willoughby, 154 
 wife of III. Eaa'l of Lindsey, 164 
 wife of IX. Earl of Lindsey, 172 
 Engaigne, John de, 10 
 Erpach, Earl of, 98 
 Essex, Charles, 152 
 
 Colonel Charles, 152 
 Earl of, 108, 140, 145, 147-152 
 marches after the King, 145 
 rebellion of, 136 
 
 Lord, Dr. Hawkins’s letter to, 133 
 
 XI. Lord Willoughby’s letter to, 133, 134 
 Sir William, 152 
 Estampes, surrender of, 125 
 Estrange, John le, 13 
 Evers, Colonel, 158 
 Execution of King Charles I., 159 
 
 Falaise, siege of, 129 
 Falkland, Lord, 144 
 
 Farnese, Alexander, Duke of Parma, 113, 117-120 
 Felton, John, assassinates the Duke of Buckingham, 
 142 
 
 Fens of Lincolnshire, drainage of the, 142 
 
 Ferrers, William de, 16 
 
 Fert Barnard, castle de la, siege of, 68 
 
 Fitz Alan, Brian, 12 
 
 Fitz Marmaduke, John le, 18, 21 
 
 Fitz-payne, Robert le, 5 
 
 j Fitz Roger, Robert, 4 
 I Fitz Walter, Robert, 2 
 Fitzwilliam, Ralph de, 7 
 Flanders, Sir Robert Cecil makes a tour in, 112 
 Fludd’s, Mr., letter to Lord Burgliley, 129 
 Forde, Adam de la, 23 
 Fortescue, Sir Faithful, 147,149 
 Frances, wife of Lindsey Burrell, 174 
 Fresel, Simon de, 12 
 Furnival, Thomas de, 12 
 
 Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, 85, 92-94 
 Georgiana, wife of I. Marquis of Cholmondeley, 172 
 Gertruydenburgh, XI. Lord Willoughby at, 116 
 siege of, 120 
 Gintry, M. de, 126 
 Gloucester, Countess of, 16 
 Gondronville, Gerard de, 21 
 Gordon, Lady Evelyn, 180 
 Gorges, Ralph de, 23 
 Gosling, Master, 95 
 Graham, Henry de, 21 
 Grandison, William de, 8 
 Grantham, Colonel, 149 
 Gray, John de, 24 
 Gresham, Sir Thomas, 99 
 Grey, Henry de, 3 
 
 Lady Mary, committed to the charge of the 
 Duchess of Suffolk, 98 
 Grimstone, Lieutenant, 118, 119 
 
 Guevara’s, Mr. John, letter to Sir Robert Cecil, 
 137 
 
 Gwydyr, Barons, lineage of, 213, 214 
 Dowager Lady, 173 
 
 I. Lord, 174, 213 
 
 II. Lord, 175, 176 
 
 III. Lord, 177, 178 
 
 IV. Lord, 178 
 Lord, arms of, 174 
 
 Hache, Eustace, 10 
 
 Hague, arrival of XI. Lord Willoughby at the, 105 
 Hambden, Colonel, 149 
 
 Hampton Court, marriage of King Henry VIII. at, 
 85 
 
 Hamsart, Robert de, 21 
 Harry, Prince, 145 
 Hastings, Edmond de, 18 
 John de, 17 
 Lord, 25 
 
 I. Lord, K.G., arms of, 78 
 Richard, 185 
 
 Sir Richard, IX. Lord Welles and IX. Lord 
 Willoughby, 78 
 
 Hawkins’, Dr., letter to Lord Essex, 133 
 letter to Mr. Bacon, 133 
 Mr. Bacon’s letter to, 134 
 Heathcote, Barons Aveland, lineage of, 223, 224 
 Gilbert, Baron Aveland, 179 
 Gilbert, I. Lord Aveland, 223 
 Henry III., King of France, murder of, 123 
 Henry IV., King of France, farewell to his English 
 allies, 130 
 
 letter to Lord Willoughby, 131 
 letter to Queen Elizabeth, 125 
 Queen Elizabeth’s letter to, 124 
 Henry V., King, landed in Normandy, 63 
 
228 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Henry V., oration to his men, 60 
 Henry VIII., King, coronation of, 79 
 marriage of, to Katharine Parr, 85 
 Hereford, Earl of, 4 
 Hertford, Marquis of, 157-159 
 Holdeston, John de, 4 
 Holderness, John Ramsay, Earl of, 162 
 Holland, Earl of, 144 
 Holland, four regiments sent into, 141 
 North, dangerous discord in, 112 
 Honfleur, fall of, 130 
 Hotham, Sir John, 144 
 Huntercombe, 12 
 
 Hurst Castle, King Charles I. taken to, 158 
 Hyde, Sir Edward, 160 
 
 Invasion, intended, of England by the King of 
 France, 44 
 
 Ireland, Duke of, 193 
 James I., death of, 141 
 
 James VI. King of Scotland’s letter to XI. Lord 
 Willoughby, 134 
 
 XI. Lord Willoughby’s reply to, 135 
 Jane, wife of II. Duke of Ancaster, 209 
 Jefferies, Sir John, 154 
 Jenney, Margaret, 58, 186 
 Sir William, 58, 186 
 
 Joan, daughter and co-heir of Sir Richard Arundell, 
 58, 185 
 
 wife of II. Lord Willoughby, 36, 184 
 John, King of France, taken prisoner, 41 
 Journal, XI. Lord Willoughby’s, 125-127 
 Juxon, Dr., Bishop of London, 159 
 
 Katharine, Queen, coronation of, 65 
 Kent, Countess of, 120 
 
 Kesteven, Robert Bertie, created Duke of Ancaster, 
 165 
 
 Keys, Thomas, 98 
 Killigrew, Councillor, 116 
 Kirkbride, 23 
 
 Kyme, Philip, the Lord of, 3 
 Laignie, siege of, 69 
 
 Lancaster, Duke of, arrival of the, at Calais, 44 
 landing of the, in Yorkshire, 56 
 sent to France with an army, 49 
 Lancaster, John de, 3 
 Thomas, Earl of, 15 
 Laonis, Count of, 11 
 Latimer, William le, 14 
 
 Layard, Very Rev. Charles P., D.D., Dean of Bristol, 
 172 
 
 Leicester, Earl of, 106, 107 
 
 departs from the Netherlands, 110 
 letters to Sir Francis Walsingham, 105 
 resignation of the, 113 
 Leveson, Sir Richard, 140 
 Leyburne, William de, 15 
 Leyva, Sancho de, 118 
 Lincoln, Henry the good Earl of, 2 
 Lindsey, creation of the earldom of, 142 
 
 I. Earl of, 139-154 
 arms of the, 154 
 character of the, 151 
 death of the, 150 
 
 Lindsey, I. Earl of, description of, 139 
 
 fleet fitted out under the command of, 143 
 four expeditions of, 140 
 goes to Italy and Spain, 140 
 his last voyage under Queen Elizabeth, 140 
 inherits the office of Hereditary Lord Great 
 Chamberlain, 142 
 made Governor of Berwick, 143 
 settles in Lincolnshire, 140 
 takes command of the army, 143 
 
 II. Earl of, 155-162 
 arms of, 162 
 
 attends Charles II.’s coronation as Lord Great 
 Chamberlain, 161 
 character of, 161 
 commands the life guards, 156 
 death of, 161 
 
 employed in the King’s service, 156 
 joins the King at Oxford, 156 
 liberated, 156 
 
 made a privy councillor, 161 
 made a Knight of the Garter, 161 
 made lord lieutenant of the county of Lincoln, 
 161 
 
 taken prisoner, 155 
 
 wounded at the battle of Naseby, 156 
 
 III. Earl of, 163, 164 
 death of, 163 
 
 made a privy councillor, 163 
 made lord lieutenant of the county of Lincoln, 
 163 
 
 IV. Earl of, 165, 166 
 
 V. Earl of, 167, 168 
 
 VI. Earl of, 169, 170 
 
 VII. Earl of, 171, 172 
 
 IX. Earl of, 172 
 
 X. Earl of, 172 ' 
 
 XI. Earl of, 172 
 
 Lisle, Lord, Viscountess Lisle’s letter to, 84 
 
 Viscountess, Duchess of Suffolk’s letter to, 84 
 Litchfield, Earl of, 156 
 
 Lord Treasurer, XI. Lord Willoughby’s letter to the, 
 
 101 
 
 Louis XIII. King of France besieges Rochelle, 142 
 Lucy, wife of V. Lord Willoughby, 58, 184 
 Lunsford, Sir Thomas, 152 
 
 Mans, Le, siege of, 126 
 Mansfeld, Count, 120 
 Mansfield, Ottavio, 118 
 Mare, John de la, 13 
 
 Margaret, daughter of Sir William Jenney, 58 
 Marriage of King Henry VIII- to Katharine Parr, dis¬ 
 tinguished persons at the, 85 
 Marshall, William le, 3 
 Martha, wife of II. Earl of Lindsey, 162 
 Mary, Princess, 85 
 Queen, 91 
 
 wife of I. Duke of Ancaster, 166, 205, 207 
 wife of III. Duke of Ancaster, 170, 211 
 wife of XI. Lord Willoughby, 138 
 Mason, Sir John, 97 
 Maurice, Count, 113, 114, 116, 117, 120 
 enmity of Willoughby and, 113 
 installed stadtholder, 110 
 Maurice, Prince, 145 
 of Nassau, 106 
 
INDEX. 
 
 229 
 
 Mayer, Duke of, 123 
 Medina Sidonia, Duke of, 117 
 
 Mettingham, Collegiate Church of, X. Lord Willoughby 
 buried in the, 81 
 
 Middleburgh, XI. Lord Willoughby at, 117 
 Mohun, John de, 6 
 
 Monblay and Beaumesguil, Lord Willoughby of, VI. 
 
 Lord Willoughby created, 73 
 Money, Walter de, 6 
 Monson, Sir William, 142, 143 
 Montacute, John, Earl of Salisbury, 74 
 Elizabeth, 184 
 
 Montagu, Edward, first Lord, 154 
 Elizabeth, 199 
 Simon de, 13 
 Montalt, Robert de, 3 
 Montbouchier, Bertram de, 21 
 Monthermer, Ralph de, 16 
 Montigny, Marquis of Renty, 118 
 Mont-paon, castle of, taken by four knights of 
 Brittany, 45 
 
 siege of, by the Duke of Lancaster, 45, 46 
 Monument of John Willoughby, III. Lord Willoughby, 
 in Spilsby Church, Lincolnshire, 48 
 Morgan, Colonel, 118 
 Sir Thomas, 111 
 Mortaigne, Roger de, 12 
 Mortimer, Hugh de, 13 
 Roger de, 15 
 Mouns, siege of, 68 
 Mounson, Sir William, 140 
 Mountburge, taking of, 30 
 Multon, Thomas de, 3 
 
 Naarden, XI. Lord Willoughby goes to, 113 
 Naseby, battle of, 156 
 Navarre, Henry, King of, 123, 124 
 affairs of the King of, 105 
 
 Netherlands, results of Leicester’s administration in 
 the, 109 
 
 Neve, Le, Sir William, 150 
 Normandy, insurrection in, 69 
 Norris, John, 120 
 
 Lady Elizabeth, 162 
 Lord, 162 
 Sir John, 106, 107 
 Nottingham, Earl of, 140 
 
 Orange, Mam-ice, Prince of, 141 
 
 Prince of, greets the Duke of Anjou on his arrival 
 in the Netherlands, 102 
 Oxford, Earls of, lineage of the, 193-198 
 Henry de Vere, Earl of, death of, 142 
 John Vere, Earl of, 138 
 
 Paget, Lord, 97 
 Paignel. John, 18 
 Panton, Mary, 211 
 Thomas, Esq., 170 
 Paris, siege of, 71 
 
 siege of, by Henry of Navarre, 125 
 yielded to the French, 72 
 Parisians, treason of the, 72 
 Park Norton, Prior of, 27 
 
 Parliament, distinguished persons representing the, 157 
 Parma, Alexander Farnese, Duke of, 113, 117-120 
 
 Parma, Duke of, Queen Elizabeth sends her peace 
 commissioners to the, 112 
 Parr, Katharine, death of, 86 
 
 marriage of, to King Henry VIII., 85 
 Pennington, Sir John, 143 
 Percy, Henry de, 5 
 Perkins, Dr., 140 
 
 Perth, Earls of, lineage of the, 215-221 
 Perusell, Francis, 96, 97 
 
 Poinings, Sir Edward, made lieutenant of Tournaie, 81 
 Pointz, Hugh, 7 
 Poitiers, battle of, 38-42 
 
 disposition of the French before the, 37 
 Poland, journey of the Duchess of Suffolk to, 97 
 King of, 97 
 
 Richard Bertie and the Duchess of Suffolk 
 entertained by the, 98 
 Priscilla, wife of I. Baron Gwydyr, 172 
 Pyi-on, Colonel, 106 
 
 Ramsay, John, Eai-1 of Holderness, 162 
 Reade, Sir William, 112 
 Rebellion of the Earl of Essex, 136 
 Reimes, siege of, 44 
 Renty, Montigny, Marquis of, 118 
 Richard II., King, life and death of, 53 
 
 renounces his right to govern England to Henry, 
 Duke of Lancaster and Hereford, 57 
 Richmond, Duke of, 156-159 
 Richmont, Thomas de, 22 
 Ridley, Bishop, imprisonment of, 91 
 Ridre, William de, 12 
 Rivers, Francis de, 96 
 John de, 9 
 
 Rochelle, siege of, 142 
 Rokeley, Richard de, 23 
 Ros, William de, 7 
 Rosceline, Joan, 184 
 Sir Thomas, 36 
 Rupert, Prince, 144-148 
 
 Ruthen, General, appointed general of the ax-my, 153. 
 
 Saint John, John de, 14, 16 
 Lord of Bletnezo, 152 
 Saint Sevrine, siege of, 68 
 Salazar, Donna Mar-ia de, 187 
 Salines, Lady Mary, 187, 189 
 
 Lady Mary, wife of X. Lord Willoughby, 82 
 Mary of, letter from, to Cromwell, 188 
 Salisbury, Earl of, besieges the castle de la Fert 
 Barnard, 68 
 Say, Lord, 146 
 Scales, Robert de, 11 
 Scroop, Sir Gervas, 152 
 Seal of Lord Willoughby, 52 
 Seaton, Alexander, 84 
 Segrave, Nicholas de, 
 
 Severin, St., siege of, 70 
 Seymour, Lord, beheaded, 86 
 Lord Henry, 117 
 
 Mary, placed under the care of the Duchess of 
 Suffolk, 86 
 
 Shakspeare, “ The Life and Death of King Richard 
 II.,” 53 
 
 Shrewsbury, Gilbert Talbot, Eax-l of, 140 
 
230 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Sidney, Sir Philip, 106-109 
 death of, 109 
 
 Sidonia, Medina, Duke of, 117 
 Skipwith, Alice, 184 
 Sir William, 52 
 Solms, Count, 118 
 Somerset, Duke of, 86-88 
 Sonoy’s Rebellion, end of, 116 
 Southampton, Earl of, 93, 157-159 
 Spain, Prince of, 94 
 
 Spaniards, XI. Lord Willoughby’s exploits against 
 the, 116 
 
 Spilbye Chantry, 88 
 Spinola, Marquis, 141 
 Stamford, battle of, 77 
 Stampford, M. Sergeant, 93 
 Stanley, Sir William, 107, 108, 117 
 States-General, hatred between the, and the Leices- 
 trians, 115 
 
 Stewart, Lord Bernard, 151 
 Loi’d John, 151 
 Stradling, Sir Edward, 152 
 Strange, Lucy, 184 
 Strange, Roger, Lord of Knockyn, 58 
 Strode, Sir George, 152 
 
 Suffolk, Catherine, Duchess of, and Richard Bertie, 
 arms of, 100 
 
 Charles Brandon, Duke of, 83, 100 
 Duchess of, death of the, 99 
 flight of the, 95 
 landing of the, in Brabant, 95 
 refuses to attend the mass, 91 
 religious sentiments of the, 85 
 Duke of, death of the, 85 
 Henry and Charles, Dukes of, death of, 89 
 Katherine, Duchess of, Baroness Willoughby, 
 83 
 
 Suwart, Richard, 11 
 
 Tateshal, 7 
 
 Tonnere won, 44 
 
 Tony, Robert de, 14, 23 
 
 Tomaie, siege of, by King Henry VIII., 80 
 
 X. Lord Willoughby takes possession of, 81 
 Touches, 11 
 
 Treaty, forty days’, prolonged, 157 
 Tyes, Henry le, 14 
 
 Ufford, Barons, lineage of, 184 
 Cecilie de, 48, 184 
 
 Valence, Aylmer de, 6 
 Valerie, St., siege of, 60 
 Vasto, Marquis del, 107-109 
 Vavasour, Sir William, 152 
 William de, 4 
 Vega, Captain de, 107 
 Vendosme, siege of, 125 
 
 and Beaumont, Earl of, VI. Lord Willoughby 
 created, 73 
 
 Verdin, Le, surrender of, 126 
 Vere, De, lineage of, 193-198 
 
 Henry, Earl of Oxford, death of, 142 
 Hugh, 9 
 
 John, Earl of Oxford, 138 
 Lady Mary, 193 
 Sir Thomas, 140 
 
 Verney, Sir Edmund, 146. 148, 150, 151 
 Vernoile, battle of, 67 
 
 Vernueill gotten from the Englishmen by crediting a 
 lie, 66 
 
 Wales, Edward, Prince of, 38 
 Prince of, 148 
 Waller, Sir William, 147 
 
 Walsingliam, Sir Francis, XI. Lord Willoughby’s 
 letters to, 105, 120 
 Warde, La, 24 
 Warde, Robert de la, 16 
 Ware, Roger de la, 6 
 
 Warnsfield, battle of, distinguished persons engaged 
 in the, 108 
 Warren, Earl of, 5 
 Warwick, Earl of, 75 
 Guy, Eax-1 of, 6 
 
 Castle, the Earl of Essex retires to, 152 
 Welles, Adam de, 11 
 
 Barons, lineage of, 185, 186 
 Cecilie, 185 
 Leo, Lord, 58 
 
 VI. Lord, death and attainture of, 75 
 Richard, VII. Lord Welles and VII. Lord Wil¬ 
 loughby, 75, 185 
 arms of, 76 
 
 beheaded by order of King Edward IV., 75 
 Robert, VIIT. Lord Welles and VIII. Lord Wil¬ 
 loughby, 77 
 ax-ms of, 77 
 
 defeated and beheaded, 77 
 Sir Richard, summoned to Parliament as VII. 
 
 Lord Willoughby, 75 
 Sir Robert, 75 
 
 and Willoughby, Baroness, death of, 78 
 Joane, Baroness, 78 
 IX. Lord, death of, 78 
 
 Wesell, the Duchess of Suffolk and her husband take 
 up their abode at, 96 
 
 Westminster Abbey, Lord Welles takes sanctuary in, 
 75 
 
 Wharton, Barons, lineage of, 203, 204 
 
 ci'eation of Earldom, Marquessate, and Dukedom 
 of, 204 
 
 Elizabeth, 203 
 Philip, Lord, 164 
 Whichcot, Colonel, 159 
 Wight, Isle of, treaty in the, 157 
 Wigtown, Baron of, 23 
 Wilford, Sir Thomas, 121, 126 
 Will, XI. Lord Willoughby’s, 136 
 Williams, Rogei-, 111 
 
 Willoughby, Robert, I. Lord Willoughby, 1, 28 
 arms of, 28 
 
 John, II. Lord Willoughby, 29, 36 
 death of, 35 
 
 effigies of, and Joan Rosceline, his wife, in 
 Spilsby Church, Lincolnshix-e, 36 
 John, HI. Lord Willoughby, 37-48 
 death of, 47 
 
 monument of, in Spilsby Church, Lincoln¬ 
 shire, 48 
 
 Robert, IV. Loi-d Willoughby, 49-52 
 death of, 51 
 
 effigies of, and Elizabeth, his third wife, in 
 Spilsby Church, Lincolnshire, 51 
 
INDEX. 
 
 231 
 
 Willoughby, Robert, 1Y. Lord Willoughby,found one of 
 the co-heirs of the Earls of Suffolk, 50 
 William, Y. Lord Willoughby, K.G., 53-58 
 arms of, 58 
 
 attends the King into Scotland, 57 
 death of, 57 
 
 Robert, VI. Lord Willoughby, K.G , 59-74 
 arms of, 74 
 
 attends King Henry V. into France, 59 
 death of, 73 
 
 rewarded by a grant, 65 
 serves in the wars of France, 66 
 
 VII. Lord, 75, 76 
 
 VIII. Lord, 77 
 
 IX. Lord, 78 
 
 William, X. Lord Willoughby, 79-82 
 
 XI. Lord, 101-138 
 
 appointed governor of Bergen-op-Zoom, 105 
 arms of, 138 
 
 arrival of, in London, 121 
 confers the honour of knighthood on dis¬ 
 tinguished officers, 119 
 death of, 137 
 
 entertained by the King of Denmark, 105 
 expenses of, in the Netherlands, 121 
 his claim to the title, 101 
 invests the King of Denmark with the order 
 of the Garter, 104 
 
 James VI. King of Scotland’s letter to, 134 
 journal of, 125-127 
 
 letter to Henry IV., King of France, 131 
 letter to Lord Burghley, 131 
 letter to Lord Essex, 133, 134 
 letter to Queen Elizabeth, 124 
 letter to Sir Robert Cecil, 136 
 made a Knight Banneret, 109 
 propounds to the King of Denmark the com¬ 
 plaints of the English merchants, 104 
 Queen Elizabeth’s letters to, 128, 137 
 reply to James VI., King of Scotland, 135 
 return to England, 130 
 second mission to Denmark, 104 
 sent to command an army in aid of the King 
 of Navarre, 123 
 
 takes command of the English forces in the 
 Netherlands, 110 
 will of, 136 
 
 XII. Lord, 139-154 
 
 XIII. Lord, 155-162 
 
 XIV. Lord, 163, 164 
 
 XV. Lord, 165, 166 
 
 XVI. Lord, 167, 168 
 
 XVII. Lord, 169, 170 
 XVIII. Lord, 171, 172 
 
 Willoughby, XIX. Lord, 175, 176 
 arms of, 176 
 death of, 175 
 XX. Lord, 177, 178 
 arms of, 178 
 death of, 177 
 
 Baroness, arms of, 174, 180 
 Clementina, Bai’oness, Dowager Lady Aveland, 
 179, 180 
 
 descent of the family of, 1 
 Joan, Baroness, 75 
 death of, 75 
 
 John, ancestor of the Willoughbys, Baronets, of 
 Baldon House, Oxon., 52 
 
 Katharine, Duchess of Suffolk, at the marriage of 
 King Henry Vni. and Katherine Parr, 85 
 lordship of, in Lincolnshire, 1 
 Priscilla, Baroness, 173 
 Robert de, 21 
 Sir Christopher, 58 
 Sir John de, 1 
 Sir Robei't, 58 
 Sir Thomas, 58 
 Sir William de, 1 
 
 Thomas, ancestor of the Lords Willoughby de 
 Broke, 52 
 
 Thomas, ancestor of Lord Middleton, 58 
 William, ancestor of the Lords Willoughby of 
 Parham, 58 
 
 Willoughby de Eresby, Kathei’ine, Baroness, 100 
 Wilmot, Mr., 146, 147 
 Wilna, Palatine of, 97 
 
 Winchester, Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of, 92-94 
 Windsheim, Richard Bertie and the Duchess of Suffolk, 
 remove to, 97 
 
 Windsor, the body of King Charles I. canned to, 159 
 Wingfield, Captain, 113 
 Sir John, 120 
 
 Woodville, Lady Agnes, 87 
 Wray, Edward, Esq., 162 
 Wriothesley, Lord, 93 
 Wynn, Mary, 205 
 
 of Gwydyr, lineage of, 205-207 
 Sir Richard, Bart, of Gwydyi’, 166 
 
 Vork, Duke of, 148 
 
 letter from Charles II. to the, 160 
 Vurie, siege of, 66 
 
 Zouch, Lord, 140 
 Zouche, Alan de la, 17 
 
 of Haringworth, William, Lord, 29 
 Zutphen, siege of, 106