Digitized by tine Internet Archive in 2013 Iittp://arcliive.org/details/liistoryofegypt01petr A HISTORY OF EGYPT Vol. I. From the Earliest Times to THE XVlTH Dynasty MORRISON AND GIBB, PRINTERS EDINBURGH A HISTORY OF EGYPT From the Earliest Times to THE XVIth Dynasty W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE, D.C.L EDWARDS I'ROFESSOR OF EGYPTOLOGY IN UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS METHUEN & CO. 36 ESSEX STREET, W. C. LONDON 1894 is History ivill comprise Six Volumes : Vol. I. Dynasties I.-XVI. By W. M. F. Petrie Vol. II. „ XVII.-XX. By W. M. F. Petrie Vol. III. „ XXI. -XXX. By W. M. F. Petrie Vol. IV. Ptolemaic Egypt Vol. V. Roman Egypt. By J. G. Milne Vol. VI. Arabic Egypt. By Stanley Lane Poole PREFACE The aim in producing- the present history has been to place in the hands of students a book of reference which shall suffice for all ordinary purposes ; while stating the information in such a form that any person who is likely to read such a work may grasp a g^eneral view of the course of one of the oldest civilisations of the world. A history that merely states the facts on the writer's authority may do well enough for the general reader ; but for the student such writing is almost useless, and references are essential. In these pages every fact and every object has at least one authority stated for it, except where it rests on the author's personal observation. But it has not been needful to g-ive more than one reference, usually the most accessible or useful, on each fact. Those who want to read up all the literature on any detail, will naturally refer to Wiedemann's Geschichte^ which is an index to the subject so invaluable that no one can do much without it. And though every writer since that work has appeared must naturally be indebted to its pages, if dealing" with Egyptian history or monu- ments, yet the present work is based on an actual VI PREFACE examination of every accessible book that is here quoted. This history, however, does not aim at being a bibHography of the subject ; nor has it seemed desir- able to bring in theories or views which appear to have passed away, and not to need present attention. While endeavouring to notice everything that a student should bear in mind on each period, yet more space has been given in proportion to new facts or new theories, pro and con^ than to those which will be already familiar to persons who have read works on the subject. Similarly, in the illustrations, it has been sought to give such as are not commonly known, wherever it was suitable to do so. In this way this work is not only complete in itself, but may serve as a supplement, brought down to date, to the other histories that have appeared. It will be found to provide illustrations, later informa- tion, and more chronological discussion than exists in the present histories of Brugsch, Wiedemann, or Meyer. In the matter of chronology — the backbone of history — it is sought here to glean everything that can be noticed as to the internal history of each period. And on the still more difficult question of general chron- ology, an attempt has been made to give some main outline of it to assist the memory. Where dates are confessedly so uncertain, it may seem presumptuous to keep a running head-date to the pages ; but yet it is better to thus assist the reader's ideas of the relative periods of different rulers, than to refuse any such help on the ground that it can only be approximate. In the last chapter the actual bases of our present chronology are fully stated ; and it must always be remembered by the reader that the range of uncertainty may be about PREFACE vn a century in the earlier parts of this volinne^ diminishing perhaps to about a generatio7i by the close of the volume. No greater accuracy than this is in the least professed in the numbers here assigned. But as their relation to one another over short periods is probably correct within a few years, it is needful to state them to the nearest year. In the very vexed question of transliteration, a course has been followed which will probably not satisfy either of the extreme parties. The names are neither reduced to unpronounceable skeletons, nor are they dressed out in ornate vocalisation. The skeleton and comma system may be very well for purely philo- logical purposes, but is a gratuitous obstacle to the reader who has not taken a preliminary course of such work ; while the following of Greek and Coptic vocal- isation renders it difficult to trace the word in hiero- glyphics. Hence a system has been adopted very near to that which is most familiar to the English reader in other books. Throughout this work I have received continual help from my constant friend, Mr. F. LI. Griffith, whose special knowledge of the lang-uage has provided many new translations of texts here quoted, and whose familiarity with the literature has often been of great service to me. This volume is but the first of a series which is in- tended to embrace the whole history of Egypt down to modern times. It is expected that three volumes will treat of the period of the Pharaohs, one volume of the Ptolemies, one volume of the Roman age, and one volume of Arabic Egypt. So far as practicable, the same system will be maintained throughout, though by different writers ; and the aim of all will be to provide Vlli PREFACE a general history, with such fuhiess and precision as shall suffice for the use of students. The material is necessarily restricted here to the dynastic history ; and there is no intention of including a history of art, civilisation, or literature, which would each require a volume as large as this. CONTENTS CHAP. PAGE PREFACE ....... V LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS . . . . X LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS .... xiv I. PREHISTORIC EGYPT ..... I II. THE FIRST THREE DYNASTIES . . . . l6 III. FOl RTH DYNASTY ..... 30 IV. FIFTH DYNASTY . . ." . . .68 V. SIXTH DYNASTY ...... 86 VI. SEVENTH TO TENTH DYNASTIES . . . I08 VII. ELEVENTH DYNASTY . . . . . I23 VIII. TWELFTH DYNASTY ..... I45 IX. THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH DYNASTIES . . 200 X. THE HYKSOS ...... 233 XI. NOTES ON CHRONOLOGY .... 248 INDEX ....... 255 ix LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FIG. PAGE 1. Diagram of great fault forming Nile valley, looking north .......... 2 2. Diagram of great fault, eroded into a g-orge, fed by water-tunnelled caverns in the cliffs .... 3 3. Diagram of g'org-e filled with debris, forming present Nile bed 3 4. Diagram of a collapsed cavern, showing" features actu- ally observed above Nile level, and inferred below Nile level. Scale i inch to 800 feet .... 4 5. Cliffs channelled by rainfall, looking- through the mouth of a channel, Valley of Tombs of King's, Thebes . 4 6. Palaeolithic flint, water-worn, Esneh. (B. Mus.) . . 5 7. Flint implements, Kahun. Xllth dynasty ... 8 8. Aquiline type, upper part of diorite statue of Khafra, IVth dynasty . . . . . . . . 10 9. Snouty type (G. Mus.) . . . . . . . 11 10. Larg-e-eyed type, upper part of statue of Mertitefs, IVth dynasty . . . . . . . . 11 11. Men of the land of Pun . . . . . . . 12 12. Sculptures on statue of Min, Koptos . . . . 13 13. Philistines (Medinet Habu) . . . . . . 15 14. List of kings on the Table of Abydos. Sety I., XlXth dynasty . . . . . . . . . 17 15. Portion of the Turin papyrus, showing- three kings of the Xlllth, and the beginning of the XlVth dynasty 18 16. Late scarabs of Mena ....... 24 17. The step pyramid of Sakkara ..... 25 18. Granite statue, Memphis ...... 26 19. Wooden panels of Hesy (G. Mus. ) .... 27 20. Head of Hesy . . . . . . . . 28 21. Vase lid of Sneferu (G. Mus.) 31 22. Section of pyramid of Medum. Scale i inch to 200 feet 32 23. Pyramid angle, 14 on 11 ; mastaba angle, 4 on i . 33 24. Pyramid temple of Medum, drawn from measurements 34 X LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xi FIG. PAGE 25. Rahotep and Nefert, painted limestone (G. Mus.) . 37 26. Plaque of Khufu (F. P. Coll.) 38 27. The Nine Pyramids of Gizeh from the south . . 39 28. Rock tablet of Khufu, Wady Maghara .... 43 29. Names of Khafra from a statue ..... 47 30. West side of granite temple, showing passage and causeway leading askew up to temple of second pyramid ......... 49 31. Plan of granite temple. Scale ••••50 32. The Sphinx, side view ....... 52 33. Khafra. Diorite statue (G. Mus.) .... 54 34. Steatite cylinder of Menkaura. J scale (P.P. Coll.) . 55 35. Section of the pyramid of Menkaura • • • • 57 36. Statuette of Menkaura (G. Mus.) 62 37. Scarab of Menkaura, and restoration by Hatshepsut . 62 38. Scarab of Shepseskaf (F. P. Coll.) . .... 64 39. Cylinder of Userkaf (B. Mus.) ..... 70 40. Cylinder of Sahura. ^ scale (F. P. Coll.) . . . 71 41. Cylinder of Neferarkara. ^ scale .... 73 42. Scarab of Kakaa (B. Mus.) 74 43. Scarab of Shepseskara (G. Coll.) ..... 74 44. Scarab of An (P.P. Coll.) 75 45. Statuette of Ra'en'user (G. Mus.) 77 46. Slab with figure of Menkauhor, found re-used in Serapeum (P. Mus.) ....... 78 47. Scarab of Assa (P.P. Coll.) 79 48. Flint ink slab of Assa (P.P. Coll.) 80 49. Stele at Elephantine. Scale , .... 82 50. Section and plan of passageso f the pyramid of Unas. Scale 83 51. Alabaster jar lid of Teta. Scale J .... 87 52. Scarab of Pepy I. (M. Coll.) 89 53. Rubble walls and chips forming the mass of the pyramid of Pepy I. At the right is the top of the chamber masonry . . . . . . . 91 .54. Cylinder of Pepy I. (Tylor Coll.) 96 55. Alabaster vase of Merenra (Flor. Mus.) ... 97 56. Scarab of Merenra (P.P. Coll.) loi 57. Rosette of Pepy II. (G. Coll.) 101 58. Slab of Pepy II., Koptos 103 59. Types of scarabs of Pepy and following dynasties . 103 60. Scarab of Nebkhara (H. Coll.) ..... 106 61. Alabaster of Horneferhen. ^ scale (P.P. Coll.) . . 106 62. Scarab of Neby (G. Coll.) \ 113 63. Earliest symmetrical scarabs (B. Mus. ; P.P. Coll.) . 113 64. Scarab of Raenka (P. Mus.) . . . . . .113 65. Scarab of Khety (P. Mus.) 114 66. Copper- work, brazier of Khety (P. Mus.) . . .114 67. Wooden palette of Kameryra (P. Mus.) . . • 115 Xll LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS fk;. 68. 69. 70. 71- 72- 73. 74. 75- 76. 77- 78. 79- 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 90. 91. 92. 93- 94. 95- 96. 97- 98. 99. 100. lOI. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 1 10. '«3- Scarab of Maaabra (G. Mus.) Scarab of Skhanra (F.P. Coll.) . Scarab of Khauserra (G. Coll. ) Scarab of Aahotepra (F.P. Coll.) . Scarab of Aa (G. Mus.) . Base of statue of Khyan, Bubastis (G. Mus. Cylinders and scarabs of Khyan . Scarab of Uazed (G. Coll.) . Scarab of Yapeqher (M. Coll.) Prince Antef (part of stele, G. Mus.) Coffin of Antef L (P. Mus.) . Coffin of Antef IL (P. Mus.) . Pyramidion of Antef IIL (B. Mus.) Coffin of Antef IIL (B. Mus.) Scarab of Mentuhotep IL (P. Mus.) Stele of Antef IV., Elephantine Scarab of Antef V. (F. P. Coll. ) . Slab with head of Antef V., Koptos Scarab of Mentuhotep III. (B. Mus.) Figures at Shut er Reg"al Scarab of Sankhkara (F.P. Coll.) . Scarab of Amenemhat I. (E. Coll.) Head of Amenemhat I., red g-ranite, Tanis Slab of Amenemhat I., Koptos Scarab of Usertesen I. (F.P. Coll.) Bust of Usertesen I., black granite, Tanis Road up to tomb of Ameny, Beni Hasan Usertesen I., Abydos .... Usertesen L, Koptos .... Scarab of Amenemhat II. (G. Coll.) Sarbut el Khadem ..... Cylinder of Usertesen II. (B. Mus.) Pyramid of Illahun from the south Section and plan of passages in pyramid of Illahun Scale lo^o •••••• Chief and women of Aamu Queen Nefert, Tanis .... Scarab of Usertesen III. (P. Mus.) Inlaid pectoral made under Usertesen IIL, Dahshur View of Semneh .... Scarab of Amenemhat III. . . Head of Amenemhat III. , from his statue at St. Petersburg Plan of passages in Hawara pyramid. Scale toUo Alabaster altar of Ptah neferu, Hawara pyramid Two tablets of Amenemhat III., Wady Maghara Map of the ancient Lake Moeris in the Fayum basin. The shaded part is that reclaimed from the lake by Amenemhat III. Scarab of Amenemhat IV. (P. Mus.) 1 90 196 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FIG. 114. 115- 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125- 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131- 132. 133- 134- 135- 136. 137- 138. 139- 140. 141. 142. 143- 144. 145- 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151- Scarab of Sebekneferu (G. Coll. ) . Cylinder of Sebekneferu (B. Mus.) Cowroids of Sehotepabra (F.P. Coll.) . Scarabs of Rasebekhotep (P.P. and H. Colls.) Cylinder of Sebekhotep I. (B. Mus.) . Grey g-ranite statue of Mermeshau, Tanis Scarab of Sebekhotep II. (G. Mus.) Stele of Sebekhotep II. Royal daughters adoring Min Scarab of Neferhotep (F.P. Coll.) .... Black basalt statuette of Neferhotep (Bologna Mus.) Scarab of Sebekhotep III. (F.P. Coll.) . Red g-ranite statue of Sebekhotep III., Tanis Grey g-ranite colossus of Sebekhotep III., Island of Arqo ....... Scarab of Khakara (F.P. Coll.) Scarab of Sebekhotep IV. (G. Coll.) . Scarab of Sebekhotep V. (G. Mus. ) Scarab of Aaab (F.P. Coll.) . Scarab of Merneferra (G. Mus.) . Scarab of Merhotepra (P. Mus.) . Scarab of Nebmaatra (P. Mus.) . Scarab of Nehesi (Brent Coll.) Basalt statuette of Sebekemsaf, Thebes (F.P. Coll.) Scarab of Upuatemsaf (H. Coll.) . Cartouches of Khen'zer (P. Mus.) Scarab of Neferabra (T. Mus.) Black g-ranite fish offerers, Tanis . Black g-ranite sphinx, Tanis . J Granite head, Bubastis. Cartouche of Apepa I., Gebelen (G. Mus.) Scarabs of Apepa I. . . . . Black g-ranite altar of Apepa II., Cairo (G. Obelisk of Ra*aa*seh, Tanis . Scarab of Dudumes (F.P. Coll.) . Cylinders of Sebeqkara (F.P. Coll.) Rock marking, Silsileh .... Scarab of Rahotep (F.P. Coll.) . Mus. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS The following- abbreviations are used to denote the works and the collections most frequently quoted. The distinction between pag-es and plates is sufficiently shown by the character of numerals employed. A L'Anthropolog-ie (Journal). A.E. . . . L'Archeologie Eg-yptienne, Maspero. A.R. . . . Arch^ological Report, Egypt Exploration Fund. A. Z. ... Zeitschrift Aeg. Sprache. B. A.G. . . Berlin Anthrop. Gesellsch. E.G. . . . Brugsch, Geographic. B.H. . . . History (English edition). B. Mus. . . British Museum. B.R. . . . Brugsch, Recueil. B. T. ... ,, Thesaurus. C. E. . . . Chabas, Melanges Egn. C.M. . . . Champollion, Monuments. C.N. ... ,, Notices. C.O.E. . . Congres Oriental, St. Etienne, 1878. E. Coll. . . Edwards Collection. E. G. . . . Ebers, Gozen zum Sinai. F. H. . . . Eraser, Graffiti of Hat-nub. F. Mus. . . Florence Museum. F. P. Coll. . Flinders Petrie Collection. G. Bh. . . . Griffith, Beni Hasan. G. Coll. . . Grant Collection. G.H. . . . Golenischeff, Hammamat. G.K. . . . Griffith, Kahun Papyri. G. Mus. . . Ghizeh Museum. G. S. ... Griffith, Siut. H. Coll. . . Hilton Price Collection. J.A.I. . . , Jour. Anthrop. Inst. L.A. . . . Lepsius, Auswahl. L.D. . . . ,, Denkmaler. L. K. . . . ,, Konigsbuch. L.L. ... ,, Letters (English edition). Lb. D. . . . Lieblein, Dictionary of Names. M.A. . . . Mariette, Abydos Catalogue. M.A. ii. . . ,, Abydos li. M.A.F. . . Mission Archl. Franc. M. Coll. . . Murch Collection. M.D. . . . Monuments Divers. M.G. . . . Meyer, Geschichte. M.I. . . . De Morgan, Monuments et Inscriptions. M.K. . . . Mariette, Karnak. M.M. . . . ,, Mastabas. Ms. A. . . . Maspero, L'Arch^ol. Egn. Ms. C. . . . ,, Contes Pop. xiv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS XV Ms. G.. . . Maspero, Guide Bulak. My. E. . . Murray, Egypt. N.A. . . . Naville, Ahnas. N.B. . . . ,, Bubastls. N. Bh. . . . Newberry, Beni Hasan. P.H. . . . Petrie, Hawara. P.I ,, Illahun. P.K. . . . Kahun. P.M. . . . Medum. P. Mus. . . Paris (Louvre) Museum. P.N. . . . Petrie, Nebesheh. P.P. ... ,, Pyramids, P.R. ... Pierret, Recueil Inscrip. Louvre. P.S. . . . Petrie, Season 1887. P. Sc. ... Historical Scarabs. P.T. i. and ii. ,, Tanis, i. and ii. Pr. M. . . . Prisse, Monuments. R.A. . . . De Roug-e, Album. R.C. . . . Revue Critique. R.E. . . . De Rouge, Etudes Egn. R.P. ... Records of the Past. R.S.D. . . De Rouge, Six Dynasties. Rec. . . . Recueil de Travaux Egyptn. (Journal). S.B.A. . . . Soc. Bibl. Arch. Proc. S.B.A.T. . . ,, Trans. S. Cat. F. . Schiaparelli, Catalogue Florence. S.S.A. . . . Schack-Schackenborg, Unterwiss. des K. Amenem- hat. S.T. . . . Schiaparelli, Tomba Herchuf W.G. . . . Wiedemann, Geschichte. W.G.S. . . ,, Supplement. The above works, and others, can be consulted in the Edwards Library, University College, London. The transliteration used here is as follows : — a a or a u y \\ i w b J kh k g" q t th e is inserted between consonants for speaking- pur- poses. Sometimes the vocalisation shown by Greek and Coptic forms is retained where it has become very familiar. ADDENDA Page 34, line 14 from bottom, add ''A statue of Henka, keeper of his two pyramids, was found at Medum (Bed. Mus. ; B.C. SI)." ,, 89, after Rock graffiti, Hat-nub," add — **Dendera, block (Dumichen, Dendera, iv. a). ,, mentioned at (Z. c. i.). ,, offerings by Pepy represented (Z. c, ii.)." 96, line 3 from foot, after Collections," add see Cailliaud, Voyage ^ L'Oasis, PI. xxxvii. 17-18." after \ add also a slate pendant reading * King Pepy, beloved of Tahuti ' (at Bologna)." T48, after Hammamat," add — Dendera, Blocks (Dumichen, Dendera, iii. f, iv. b)." ,, 190, line 3 from top, add — dated in his 43rd year (Vyse, Pyramids, iii. 94)." ,, 195, line 2 from top, statue is from Memphis (B.R. 2). A HISTORY OF EGYPT CHAPTER I Prehistoric Egypt Within the period of human records Eg-ypt has changed but little, if at all, in its conditions of the sur- face and the climate. The statements of writers show this for the last two thousand years, and the subjects and state of the monuments show the same for other periods, back to the fourth dynasty. But, as in Europe, the remains of man before letters reach into very different conditions of land and of climate. Prehistoric man having- been so far but little noticed in Eg-ypt, there is a great field for additional research ; and we cannot yet say to what geological period his advent must be assigned. This leads us to sketch briefly what has been observed as to the surface history of the Nile Valley, subsequent to the geological deposits of the rocks which form the basis of the land. The floor of Egypt is the Eocene limestone, which is found at many points around the Mediterranean ; but the vmiformity of the gaunt grey masses of the Tertiary or Jurassic limestones, which are doubtless familiar to most travellers in the moister climates of Gibraltar, Marseilles, Malta, Athens, and in Palestine, is replaced I — I 2 PREHISTORIC EGYPT by a warm brown in Egypt, where lichens cannot hide the surface, and where weathering is so slight. This limestone extends inward about five hundred miles from the coast. South of that is the Nubian sandstone, interrupted by the granite hills of Aswan. At the close of the Eocene period this limestone deposit was elevated, and formed a wide, low table- land, over which ran the drainage of north-east Africa ; hemmed in, as it is, by the mountains of the eastern desert, from obtaining any discharge into the Red Sea. Of this period there are remains in the thick beds of coarse gravel and boulders, river-rolled, which crown the present hills between the Fayum and the Nile, and which must have been deposited before the present valleys were worn in the tableland. Fig. I.— Diagram of great fault forming Nile valley, looking north. The next stage was a difference of level during the Miocene period, caused by further elevation of the eastern desert. This must have risen in all about a thousand feet above sea level, and mostly opposite the peninsula of Sinai. Then occurred the usual result of such a change : a grand fracture took place (Fig. i), at least two hundred miles long, from the old coast line up to Asyut. Not only may this be seen by the geologist in comparing the strata on opposite sides of the Nile, which show a difference of 250 ft., but it is obvious to every traveller that still the eastern desert is far higher than the western, that while on the east the ground rises into high mountains, on the west it falls PREHISTORIC EGYPT 3 into deep hollows of the Oases and the Fayum, even as much as two hundred feet below the Nile. The river, which was already in this region, as the high gravels show, fell into the cleft of this great fault (Fig. 2) ; and it seems probable that the surface basalts of Khankah, north of Cairo, are the result of the water reaching the heated strata below, thus causing both a volcanic Fig. 2. — Diagram of great fault, eroded into a gorge, fed by water- tunnelled caverns in the cliffs. eruption, and also the hot springs which silicified the sandstone of Jebel Ahmar, and the trees of the petrified forests, all in this same region. For the geological periods of the great changes see Professor Hull (in Journal of Victoria Institute, 1890). Some sinking of the land seems to have occurred, by which the bottom of this gorge was brought under sea level, and so became choked with debris {Fig. 3). There Fig. 3. — Diagram of gorge filled with debris, forming present Nile bed. is evidence that the gorge was two or three hundred feet deeper than the present valley, as large caverns have collapsed at some hundreds of feet below the present PREHISTORIC EGYPT Nile (Fig. 4), but it became choked before the side valleys were cut very far. Then for a long period the land was Fig. 4. — Diagram of a collapsed cavern, showing features actually observed above Nile level, and inferred below Nile level. Scale i inch to 800 feet. denuded, and the present side valleys were entirely cut out, almost as we now see them. The climate w^as during all these " ages quite as moist as that of the s Fig. 5. — Cliffs channelled by rainfall, looking through the mouth of a channel, Valley of Tombs of Kings, Thebes. Mediterranean at present. The rainfall was heavy and continuous, as shown by the severe denudation (Fig. 5) ; and there can be no doubt that the country was wooded. PREHISTORIC EGYPT 5 as in all other wet climates. The cause of the present dryness of Eg-ypt is that it is surrounded by higher lands on all sides but the north, and the north wind must become heated in blowing south, and cannot lose any m.oisture. The only rain now precipitated is that brought over the low land west of Egypt by cyclonic action from the Mediterranean, and hence the curious sight of heavy rains from the south-west, which is entirely desert. On the south and east the higher mountains drain the air of all the moisture it can part with. From the full rainfall, which extended down almost to historic times, it may be concluded that the western desert was largely a bay of the Mediterranean until the final elevation of the land to its present level. Fig. 6. —Palaeolithic flint, water-worn. Esneh. (Brit. Mus.) The earliest trace of man yet known in Egypt is of the period of a great submersion of the land in the Pliocene or Pleistocene period, which followed on the carving of its present surface. Deposits on the hills show^ that the sea extended to at least five hundred feet above the present level ; and to this age must be attributed the river-worn flint of the usual palaeolithic type, found high up on the hills behind Esneh (Fig. 6), 6 PREHISTORIC EGYPT That this is really river-worn, and not polished by sand action, is shown by the wear being- no more on the top surface — as it lay on the g-round^ — than below. On the contrary, the under side was the more worn, owing- to its being rather softer ; and it is impossible that the wear occurred in the position where it was found. The prominent sign of this submergence may be seen in the great foot-hills of debris which lie at the lower side of the mouth of each valley ; from their forms, their material, and their height, they must have been deposited in fairly deep water. Worked flints have also been found in the bedded detritus w^ashed out of the Valley of the Tombs of the Kings at Thebes. This material must have been deposited under water ; but as it is coarse, and not uniform, the water level had probably receded from the full height, and was about fifty or a hundred feet above the present, so that the stream would have enough velocity in the shallow water to bear forward this gravel. Since the river fell still lower, the occasional torrents have cut a bed through the old detritus, and so exposed the flints. As beds of Nile mud exist twenty or thirty feet above the present high Nile, we learn that a dry climate had set in (owing to the elevation and drying* of the Libyan Desert) before the land had quite risen to the present extent. The deposit of mud by the Nile is the sign of the flatter gradient of the lower part of its course, and of the reduction of the volume of the stream (and its consequent carrying powxr), owing to its evaporation and absence of affluents. The lowest level of the Nile appears to have been shortly before the historical period. It was still falling w^hen the mud began to be deposited, and it continued to fall until it was at least twenty feet lower than at present. Since then it has gradually risen by the silting up of the bed. From various concordant data this appears to proceed at the rate of four inches a century, or a metre in a thousand years. Hence in six thousand years, which is about the historical period in Egypt, the rise by deposits must have been twenty feet. PREHISTORIC EGYPT 7 The Delta was very different in appearance in the early times. There are still many sandy rises in it ; but these must have been far larger and more numerous, before they were buried in twenty feet of deposits, and before they were ploughed down by the wind, which has removed probably an equal amount of their height. The Nile then ran between desert hills of sand, in valleys more or less wide ; now every part is nearly reduced to a dead level. There has been some upheaval of land at the Suez region, cutting* off the sea com- munication with the Bitter Lakes ; and, on the contrary, some depression north of this, on the coast, flooding Lake Menzaleh, which was a most fertile district at the Arab conquest. Beside the worked flints, whose position indicates their age, large quantities of flint flakes and scrapers are to be found lying about on the surface of the desert. These must not be supposed to be prehistoric in all cases, or perhaps in any case. Flints were used side by side with copper tools from the fourth to the twelfth dynasty (Medum and Kahun) (Fig. 7) ; they were still used for sickles in the eighteenth dynasty. (Tell el Amarna) ; and large quantities of flint flakes lie mingled with Roman pottery and glass around the tower south of El Heibi. Hence the undated sites of flint flakes must be of small historical value. Large quantities of worked flints, mostly small flakes, sometimes chipped at the edge, have been found at Helwan. Many occur at Gizeh, and at the back of the Birket Qurun (P.K. 21, xvi.) and Medinet Mahdi (B.A.G. 16 Nov. 1889) in the Fayum ; at Tell el Amarna on the top of the desert plateau, where are rudely chipped pebbles, which from their extreme weathering may be even palaeolithic ; on various parts of the foot-hills along the Nile, at Abydos (B.A.G. 16 Nov. 1889), at Qurnah (J.A.I, iv. 215; A.Z. viii. 113), at the south of Medinet Habu, and at El Kab (B.A.G. 16 Nov. 1889) are places where the ground is strewn with flint flakes and imperfect tools. The finest examples of flint working are the magnificent knives, 8 PREHISTORIC EGYPT chipped with exquisite regularity, in a smooth horny flint (see Brit. Mus., Prehistoric, Ashmolean, and Anthrop. Mus. Oxford). These are found in tombs at Abydos ; but all of them have been plundered by natives, and no record exists of their age. They are perhaps a priestly survival, for funeral purposes, of the flint working of the Xllth dynasty, lasting perhaps till the XVIIIth. The most distinct use of flints was Fig. 7. — Flint implements. Kahun. Xllth dynasty. for sickles ; particular forms were made to fit the curves of the sickle, and were notched to cut the straw. Such flints can be recognised by the polish on the saw edge, while the rest is dull, or even retains some of the cement by which it was fastened in the wooden sickle-back. Of other remains of prehistoric man no trace has been found in Egypt. His dwellings would be upon. PREHISTORIC EGYPT 9 or close to, the Nile soil ; and as now more than twenty feet of deposits overlie the level of that age, it is hope- less to search there for any traces of his works. The Egyptians — like many other peoples — con- structed a mythical period of gods to fill the blank of prehistoric times. The series of names in the lists was probably not arranged thus until a late age, perhaps the XlXth dynasty. In early times there is no sign of a definite and systematic chronology ; and such a series of names and periods shows every sign of artificiality. The list given by the Memphite school, in the most complete form (L.K. I. Taf. iii.), is as follows, with slightly different reckonings : — Divine Dynasty I. 7 Gods. Years. Years. Hephaistos = Ptah . . . 9000 9000 Helios = Ra . . . 992 1000 Sos = Shu . . . 700 700 Kronos = Geb . . . 501 500 Osiris = Asar . . . 433 450 Typhon = Set . . . 359 350 Horos = Har . . (100) 300 300 12,285 12,300 Divine Dynasty II. 9 Gods. Years. Years. Ares — -Anhur . (92) 276 280 Anoubis =Anpu . . (68) 204 200 Herakles = Khonsu . (60) 180 180 Apollo — Harbehdet . . 100 100 Ammon =^Amen. . . 120 120 Tithoes = Tahuti . . 108 100 Sosos = Shu ... 128 120 Zeus = Amen Ra , . 80 100 (Four other Gods . 370) 1 196 1570 Mythical Dynasty III. 30 Demi-gods. (No names g-iven, average 121*7) 3^5° years. Mythical Dynasty IV. 10 Kings. 10 Kings of This, 350 years. lo PREHISTORIC EGYPT Here the numbers have been arranged by the different authors who have transmitted these lists, so as to bear a relation to the Sothis period of 1460 years. Thus 12,300+ 1570= 13, 870--9I Sothis periods; or 12,285 + 858 (another version of Dyn. II.) = i3» HS = 9 Sothis periods ; 3650=2! Sothis periods, or 30 Sothis months for 30 demi-gods : this evidently artificial arrangement shows nothing but the uncritical ingenuity of the writers. The Heli- opolitan origin of the series of gods has been treated by Maspero (S.B.A. xii. 419), who regards the numbers as of months instead of years. The one point of importance, as a tradition, is that ten kings are said to reign at This (near Abydos) be- fore the founda- tion of the regular monarchy. An- other tradition which may have a basis is that of the ^ - . , . f J- followers of Horus Fig. 8.— Aquilme type, upper part of diorite . . statue of Khafra, IVth dynasty. (Har 'se-astj, the Shemsu-harj and the followers of Har-behdet, the Mesniu (Maspero in A. 1891). These probably embody the same idea, that a ruler was accompanied by a body of servants or followers. But in the Turin papyrus the Shemsu-har are entered as ruling for 13,420 years (or a trifle more which is lost) ; and this shows that they are regarded there as a long successive series of rulers. PREHISTORIC EGYPT II Here, before considering" the dynasties, we may briefly consider the question of race. That two or three different races occupied the country in the earliest historic times, is probable. The diversity of features on the earliest monuments, the presence of the aquiline race (such as Khafra) (Fig. 8) ; of the snouty race (often drawn for the lower classes) (Fig. 9), and of the large-eyed race (as Mertitefs) (Fig. 10) is irrecon- Fig. 9.— Snouty type. (G. Mus.) cilable with a single source for the people. The difference of burial customs in the Fig. 10. — Large-eyed type, upper part of statue of Mertitefs, IVth dynasty. earliest interments points to a diversity of beliefs, again showing more than one race. We have then probably PREHISTORIC EGYPT an indigenous race and an invading race ; or perhaps even two invading races in succession, the large-eyed race preceding the aquiHne. Whence then came the invading race — the high caste race — who founded the dynastic history? The ancient writers consider them as Ethiopians, i.e, that they came from the south ; and certainly in no other quarter, Libyan, Syrian, or Anatolian, can we find an Fig. ii.~Men of the land of Pun. analogous people. But Ethiopian was always a wide term, and may cover many different races. On looking to the Egyptian representatives of the various races known to them, we see but one resembling the Egyptian high class race. The people of Pun (Fig. ii), so admirably sculptured on the temple of Hat'shepsut, are very closely like the high Egyptians. Further, the Egyptians called Pan *'the land of the gods"; and they do not appear to have made war on the Punite PREHISTORIC EGYPT 13 race, but only to have had a peaceful intercourse of embassies and commerce. It appears that Pan, or Punt, was a district at the south end of the Red Sea, which probably embraced both the African and Arabian shores. The name is connected with the Poeni, or Phoenicians, who appear to be a branch of that race. The Egyptians may then be another branch of the Punite race, and their earliest immigration into Egypt confirms this. Before Menes comes a dynasty of kings of This, and Menes is the Thinite who led his people to a new capital at Memphis. If the invading race had come in from the north, or from Suez, Memphis would have been naturally reached first, and their establish- ment so high up as This would be less likely. But the monarchy starting at This, in the middle of Egypt, points to the race having come into Egypt by the Koser road from the Red Sea. They must further have come from the middle or south end of the Red Sea; as, if they were from the north end, they would have entered at Memphis. The first settlement being at This points then to an origin in the southern half of the Red Sea. That this, on the African side, was what was intended by the Ethiopia of the classics, is suggested by the classical record of the gods dwelling with the blameless Ethiopians, which is the Egyptian idea of the ^Mand of the gods," that is, the land of Pun. So far we have dealt with the probabilities of the case on the well-known facts ; but a crucial test of these views was made by clearing out the temple of Koptos in search of any prehistoric remains. I there found portions of three colossal statues of Min, all of very rude work, but showing a gradation of skill. Upon each statue are some surface sculpturings, one of which is here reproduced (Fig. 12). Not only are these statues (which are of an earlier style than any yet known) found where we presume that the earliest settlers entered the Nile valley, but these statues bear the figures of the shells {Pteroceras)^ sawfish, ostrich, and elephant, which all agree to these im- PREHISTORIC EGYPT migrants having come from the Red Sea, and rather from the south than the north. The symbols show apparently the fetish pole of Min decorated with a feather and garland of flowers, and hung about with sawfish and shells, like a modern derwtsh pole. The long period required for three varying statues, the differ- ence of attitude from the historical statues of Min, the hieroglyph of Min shown to be originally the garland on a pole, and the style of the work, all point to these sculptures being of the pre- historic age, and not due to any later irruption of a barbarous tribe. If, then, we accept the probability of the dynastic Egyptians having come „ 01, . , from Pun, they w^ould have Fig. 12. — SculpLuicb on bUiuic 1 • 1 1 i of Min, Koptos. been a kmdred race to the Phoenicians, or Pun race, whose farthest and latest great colony, in the Medi- terranean, was known as Punic. And we see the sense of the kinship stated in the tenth chapter of Genesis between Misraim (Egypt), Caphtorim (Keft-ur ^ greater Phoenicia, on the Delta coast), and Philistim (or the Phoenicians in Syria). As we have seen it probable that the dynastic Egyptians reached the Nile valley by Koser, so the reputed Phoenician settlement at Koptos — the town of the Keft, or Phoenicians — may show the continuance of this immigration, or even perhaps the memory of the first place reached on the Nile by the invaders, as Koptos was the early terminus of the Koser road. The racial portraits lend force to this Philistine (Fig. 13) kinship of the Egyptians, as the PREHISTORIC EGYPT 15 resemblance in features shows that they may well be of the same race. So far, then, as we can yet gather, it appears as if the Phoenician races, who are at present generally supposed to have had their first home on the Persian Gulf, had thence settled in South Arabia and Somali land ; and then, freshly swarming still farther round the Arabian coast, they passed up the Red Sea, crossed the desert into Egypt, followed by fresh swarms which went still Fig. 13.— Philistines (Medinet Habu). farther round the coast up into Palestine, and colonised Phoenicia and Philistia ; yet farther they pressed on along the African coast, and settled in Carthage, and lastly in Spain. In all their historic period they were a coast people travelling westward, and their prehistoric wandering seems to have been of the same nature, following the lines of water communication by sea or river. i6 THE FIRST THREE DYNASTIES CHAPTER II The First Three Dynasties The great founder of the Egyptian monarchy is always reputed to be Menes. In all the classical accounts, in the Turin papyrus, in the list on the temple of Abydos, Mena is always the starting-point of history. But this does not in the least imply that contem- porary records begin with Mena, or the first dynasty ; any more than such records begin in Greece at 776 B.C., because that is the first Olympiad, or begin in Rome at 753 B.C., because that is the date of its foundation. The first three dynasties are a blank, so far as monu- ments are concerned ; they are as purely on a literary basis as the kings of Rome or the primeval kings of Ireland. And a people who could put into regular chronologic order, as rulers of the land, the lists of their gods, were quite capable of arranging human names as freely and as neatly. On what, then, do these first three dynasties, and their lists of twenty-six kings, really rest? How far do they embody history ? These are the first questions before us. The authority for the dynastic lists is twofold : classical writings, more or less corrupted by will and by chance ; and the papyri and monuments. The classical authority for these lists is all derived from various copyists and extractors who worked on the great Ptolemaic compilation of Manetho. The monumental THE FIRST THREE DYNASTIES lists are four : (i) The table of kings (Fig. 14) adored by Sety I. and Ramessu II. in the temple of Abydos, and a duplicate of a portion of it from the smaller temple of Abydos by Ramessu II. (now in the British Museum) ; (2) the list of the tomb of Thunury at Sakkara (now in Fig. 14. — List of kings on the Table of Abydos. Sety I., XlXth dynasty. A— B I-IVth dynasty. B— C IVth-VIth dynasty. C— D Vlth-XIth dynasty. D— E Xllth-XIXth dynasty. the Ghizeh Museum) ; (3) the Turin papyrus (Fig. 15), a list of kings, now in a terribly mutilated and fragmentary state, — all of these agree in the order of the kings ; (4) the list of the temple of Tahutmes III. at Karnak (now in Bib. Nat., Paris), which shows hardly any order. I — 2 i8 THE FIRST THREE DYNASTIES Many short lists exist, of one or two dynasties of his- toric times ; but the above great Hsts are the only authorities for the early period. What is the value of these lists ? They all agree very closely, excepting the last ; and stress has been laid on this agreement as being something which Fig, 15. — Portion of the Turin papyrus, showing three kings of the XII Ith, and the beginning of the XlVth dynasty. proves their value ; also it has been truly said that, so far as the monuments go, they corroborate these lists, and show no discrepancies. But the monu- ments tell us nothing of the first three dynasties ; they therefore cannot corroborate that portion of the lists. Now all these lists — except that of Tahutmes III. — THE FIRST THREE DYNASTIES 19 come from one period, the reigns of Sety I. and his son Ramessu II. The tomb of Thunury is but an excerpt of the list of Abydos, the Turin papyrus is only another edition of the same age, and Manetho's work was doubtless compiled from papyri no older than this (more than a thousand years before him), and probably from documents much more near his time. There is, then, no authority for these lists of the first three dynasties, earlier than the XlXth dynasty ; that is to say, the lists are of an age as long after the kings they record, as we are after these lists of the XlXth dynasty. Were these lists actually compiled, then, in the XlXth dynasty, or are they copies of earlier historical works ? Doubtless historical lists were incorporated with them ; but when we look at the earlier list of Tahutmes III. at Karnak, it appears as if no such state history had existed when that was carved. The designer has had no regular material to work from ; fragmentary statements and half-remembered names seem to be all that was available for making a national monument in the XVIIIth dynasty. The same conclusion is indicated by all our copies of the lists being of one age : the two lists of Abydos, the list of Sakkara, and the Turin papyrus all belong to the same time, and indicate a special taste and fashion for the subject at that epoch. These results, then, — the absence of all early examples of this recension, — the confusion of the list of Tahutmes III. , — and the exact agreement of all four lists, that appear together under Sety I., — indicate to us that it was Sety I. who ordered the compilation of a national or state history, and that before his time no such regular record was to be had. We cannot, then, regard the first three dynasties as anything but a series of statements made by a state chronographer, about three thousand years after date, concerning a period of which he had no contemporary material. What material, then, lies behind these lists ? The short allusions to events during the various reigns are of a brief and traditional cast: plagues and earthquakes ; 20 THE FIRST THREE DYNASTIES the beg-innings of the literature, relig-ion, laws, and archi- tecture ; and marvels, as the sweetness of the Nile, and an increase of the moon. Of the sources of such notes we see somewhat in the Westcar papyrus, written in the Xllth dynasty, or earlier, and embody- ing the traditional tales about the early kings — tales of magic and a tale explaining the origin of the dynasty of Ra. This is probably a sample of the material out of which the lists of early kings were constructed. We shall deal with these materials in detail, after the lists of kings ; but it is best to treat of each of the sources of information separately, as each class stands or falls, as a whole, according to its general character of trustworthiness. In the following table, under Manetho," is given the best reading that can be selected from the varying texts ; under " Lists " are given the various readings of the lists marked as A, Abydos, T, Turin Papyrus, S. under Monuments" are given monuments and papyri, probably under Years" are the numbers given by Africanus in his edition of Manetho in the third century a.d., which is the only complete copy of the lengths of the reigns : — Sakkara (Thunury) ; the names found in none contemporary Manetho. 1st Dynasty (about 4777-4514 B.C.). Menes , Athothis Kenkenes (Jenenfes Usafais , Miebis . Semempses Bienekhes , Lists. Mena A, Mena T. Teta^. A T, Ateth A. Ata A a Hesepti A. T, Mer'ba'p ^. Mer...pen T. Mer'ba'pen 5^. Sem'en'ptah A. Kebh A. Kebhu ^. ...bh T. MONU- Menai. Hesepti Years. 62 57 31 23 20 26 18 26 263 THE FIRST THREE DYNASTIES 21 Manetho. IInd Dynasty (about 4514-4212 B.C.). Boethos Kaiechos Binothris Tlas . _ . Sethenes Khaires . Neferkheres Sesokhris Kheneres IIIrd Dynasty (about 4212-3998 B.C.). Nekherofes Tosorthros Tyreis . Mesokhris Soufis Tosertasis Akhes . Sefuris . Kerferes Lists. Be'za'u A. Neterbau ^. Ka'ka'u A, S ka . T. Ba'neter'n A. S. ..neter'n T. Uaznes A. S. Senda A. Send 6'. T. Neferkara 6'. Neferka... T. Sekerneferka 6'. T. Zefa... ^. Hezefa..p T. Zazai A. Beby vS". Zaza T. Nebka A. T. (Neb'kaTa S.) Zeser'sa A. Zeser 5^. Zesera.. T. Teta^. Zcserteta^. Zeserti T. (Neb-ka-ra S.) Sezes A. Nefer'kaTa A. Heni vS. Monu- ments. Send. Neb-k^ Zeser. Heni. Years. There is some uncertainty about the adjustment of the lists of Manetho and Abydos, etc., between Ne- ferkheres (II. 7) and Tosertasis (III. 6). They are otherwise arranged with Nekherofes to Zazai, or to Sekerneferka. The Hst of Sakkara places Neb*ka*ra after Zeserteta ; but from the other lists he is probably the same as Nebka, Nekherofes. The tales of the Westcar Papyrus gives the order of kings as Zeser, Nebka, Sneferu, Khufu; and in the Prisse papyrus, Heni is the predecessor of Sneferu. These agree better to the arrangement of the Sakkara table. 22 THE FIRST THREE DYNASTIES The fragments of history embodied in the lists are of much value, as showing- the kind of tales current about these kings ; and whatever credit we may give to the lists, the statements are at least a tradition of facts. I. I. Menes is the *'Thinite," who — coming from the previous Thinite dynasty — founded Memphis, ac- cording to Herodotus and Josephus. His successors of this dynasty are stated to be his sons ; and the state- ment of the establishment of female succession under Binothris (H. 3) agrees with this detail being noted. I. 2. Athothis is said to have built at Memphis ; and to have written medical works, perhaps a conclusion from his namejbeing confounded with Thoth by the Greeks. I. 4. Uenefes was troubled with a great plague throughout Egypt, and he is said to have built the pyramids near Kokhome. This statement has been often quoted as referring to the step pyramid of Sakkara, Kokhome being referred to Ka kem^ ^^the black bull," the name of a district of Sakkara (B.G. 836). There is also another site that is possible for this name : it may as well be read **the village of Ko," in which sense it is taken in the Armenian version. The modern town of Qau was named Quu in demotic, and Koou in Coptic, and it might therefore well be written as Kokhome. This neighbourhood should be carefully searched, as it is not an unlikely district for the early kings, between Abydos and Asyut. I. 7. Semempses is noted as having many wonders in his reign, and a great pestilence. H. I. Boethos begins the second dynasty. In his reign a chasm opened near Bubastis, and many persons perished. This is near the region of plutonic action, at Abu Zabel, and the statement has therefore probably a solid basis. H. 2. Kaiechos established the worship of the sacred bulls. Apis in Memphis, and Mnevis in Heliopolis, and the sacred goat (or rather ram) at Mendes. His name, which may be Bull of bulls," obviously points to this worship, which perhaps was attributed to him after- wards on the ground of this very name. THE FIRST THREE DYNASTIES 23 II. 3. Binothris established the lawfuhiess of female succession to the throne. 11. 7. Neferkheres is said to have had the Nile flowing with honey for eleven days in his reign. II. 8. Sesokhris is noted for his height of 5 cubits 3 palms, or slightly over 8 feet. III. I. Nekherofes brought in the third dynasty, and under him the Libyans revolted, but submitted through fright at an increase of the moon, apparently after an eclipse. III. 2. Tosorthros was a great physician, and built a house of hewn stones, and forwarded literature. Such are the fragmentary tales embodied by Manetho and copied by his abbreviators. We can learn but little from them ; but it is noticeable that sacred animals are not supposed to have been worshipped in the first dynasty, and buildings were probably of wood until the third dynasty, when a house of hewn stone is specially noted. This may be the age of the transference from modelling in clay (found at Koptos) to carving in stone. On the monuments we have but few traces of all these kings. The priesthoods of the deceased kings are about the only source of their names in stone. Of Mena there is a priest Senb'f of the XXVIth dynasty (see L.D. iii. 276b); also another, Un'nefer, of Ptolemaic time (Serapeum stele, 328). Of Teta there is the same priest. Of Send there is the priest Shera or Shery, whose tomb is now dispersed to Oxford, Florence, and Ghizeh. Also Aasen and Ankef, priests on a stele (Aix, Provence, S.B.A. ix. 180). Also a bronze statue made in the XXVIth dynasty (Berlin). Of Perabsen, the same priest Shera. This king is quite unknown otherwise, but is probably of an early date. Of Nebka, a priest whose tomb is at Abusir (Berlin). Of Zeser, a statue of Usertesen II. adoring him (Berlin), and a priest of his, Senb'f, in the XXVIth dynasty (see L.D. iii. 276 c). And a chief of workmen, Khnum'abTa, of the Persian period (L.D. iii. 275 a), begins a genealogy from the time of king Zeser. 24 THE FIRST THREE DYNASTIES There are also many late priesthoods of succeeding historical kings. The priest therefore was by no means necessarily of the same period as the king. The tomb of Shera has been taken to belong to the Ilnd dynasty, solely because he is priest of a king of that time. Doubtless it is a very old tomb, but its style scarcely differs in any way from that of the tombs of Medum, and it probably belongs to the end of the third, or beginning of the fourth dynasty. In the papyri mention is made of several early kings, usually in attributing the discovery or composition of the document to their time ; but as none of these papyri are earlier than the Xllth dynasty, the evidence is worth very little. Teta is mentioned in Medical papyrus, Ebers ; but it may be the king of the Vlth dynasty. Hesepti is in the Medical papyrus, Berlin. The 64th or 130th chapter of the Book of the Dead is said to have been discovered in his time. Send is named in the Medical papyrus, Berlin. Nebka is the king of a tale in the Westcar papyrus. Nebka*n*ra (possibly the same) is the king of the tale of the Sekhti, which would rather place him in the IXth or Xth dynasty. Zeser is the king of another tale in the Westcar papy- rus, and a rubric begins his titles in the Turin papyrus. Heni is in the Prisse papyrus, next before Sneferu, and is supposed to be the same as Nefer'ka'ra, but of this the sequence is the only evidence. Of scarabs and small objects there is no trace until we reach the end of the third dynasty. Those with the name (in Abbott Coll. New York). There are reputed objects of Sem'en-ptah, but there is nothing to prove their Fig. 16. — Late Scarabs of Mena. of Mena (Fig. 16) (scarabs Ra mena, Ra menas, Menas) are certainly of a date long subsequent to the king's reign, as well as earrings and neck- lace with name of Mena reach Nebka of the third dynasty can any scarabs be supposed to be contemporary. There are two of Neb 26 THE FIRST THREE DYNASTIES ka, and seven of Nebka*ra, which may be as early as this age. Lastly, there is one of Nefer'ka'ra, which may well be of the last king of the Ilird dynasty. Of actual monuments that may be attributed to an age before the IVth dynasty there are but few. The step pyramid of Sakkara (Fig. 17) contained a doorway of glazed tiYes (now at Berlin), which have been supposed to give the titles of an early king. From a tablet of the Serapeum (P. Mus.), it would seem that these are the divine titles of the Apis bull, and only show that such bulls were buried in this pyramid. On the other hand, the ka name, kke 7ieter^ has been found apparently on the Sinai rocks, near the names of the IVth dynasty, and if so, would show this to be the name of an early king (Rec. xvi. 104) ; and the late tablet of Sehel would be confirmed in giving this ka name to king Zeser. We shall con- sider this pyramid further, with that of Sneferu. Of lesser remains there is the very primitive statue from Memphis, (Ghizeh 6161), with ka names ot kings on the shoulders, Neter'n, Ra*neb, and Hotep'ankh^menkh, all as yet unknown (Fig. 18) ; the tombs of Mery in the Louvre, of Seker*kha*bau at Ghizeh, and of Akhet'hotep at Sakkara; the wooden panels of Hesy at Ghizeh (Figs. 19, 20), and the statues of Sepa and Ra'sankh in the Louvre, which all show signs of a greater age than the works of Sneferu. Fig. 18. — Granite statue, Memphis. THE FIRST THREE DYNASTIES 27 How, then, do these actual remains accord with the state history drawn up in the Hsts. We are asked to beHeve that twenty-seven kings reigned during a space of 779 years, and yet we cannot find more than half a dozen tombs that can be attributed to this long period ; while ten or twenty times this number could be assigned at once to either of the succeeding dynasties. We have no right to assume that there perished a larger proportion of tombs belonging to one period than to W&S Fig. 19. — Wooden panels of Hesy (G. Mus.), another. If we cannot find a fiftieth of the proportion of tombs before the I Vth dynasty that we find so soon as dated monuments arise, the inference is that there never existed any much greater number, and that therefore they should be attributed to a far shorter time. If we consider that actual remains begin with the middle of the third dynasty, we have a far more consistent result. 28 THE FIRST THREE DYNASTIES Another criterion also comes in. At Medum in the beginning- of the IVth dynasty there were two entirely different customs of sepulture, indicating different beliefs and ideas. Yet in other cemeteries later on in the various succeeding dynasties such differences are not observed. Are we to believe that the dynastic Egyptians had been 800 years in contact with the Fig. 20. — Head of Hesy. aborigines without a change of customs or a mixture of races, and that the change then came about suddenly in one or two centuries ? This at least is improbable. Without wishing to dogmatise, we may say that the conclusion that seems at present most probable from the scanty inferences we can draw is as follows : — For a few centuries before the IVth dynasty (or from about 4500 B.C.) the dynastic Egyptians had been filter- THE FIRST THREE DYNASTIES 29 ing into the Nile valley through the Koser road ; they had early pushed down to Memphis and got a footing there. Various rulers had arisen in dififerent districts, who were remembered mainly by tradition. About a century before the IVth dynasty, they consolidated their power ; tools of copper were introduced, workmen were organised, and they began to use stone archi- tecture, which was a novelty, all previous work having been in wood. The traditional tales about these kings were written down as popular stories, such as the Westcar papyrus. Lastly, in the XlXth dynasty these floating tales and traditional accounts were collected, and a continuous list of kings made out from them, all in consecutive order. SNEFERU [dyn IV. I. CHAPTER III The Fourth Dynasty Manetho Lists. Monuments. Years. B.C. about 3998 I Soris Sneferu Sneferu 29 3969 2 Sufis Khufu Khufu 63 3908 3 Sufis Kha'f'ra Kha-fTa 66 3845 4 Menkheres Men'kau'ra Menkaura 63 3784 5 Rhatoises Ra-ded-f Radedf 25 3759 6 Bikheris Shepses'ka'f Shepses'ka'f 22 3737 7 Seberkheres Sebek'ka'ra 7 3730 8 Thamfthis Aimhetep 9 3721 Total stated 277, actually 284 In this list the order of Manetho is followed ; but it does not always accord with that of the monumental lists. At Abydos Ra'ded'f is placed between Khufu and Khafra, but this is unlikely from the succession stated on the statue of Mertitefs. In the list of Sakkara, Sebek'ka'ra is placed between the end of the Vlth or Vllth dynasty, and the end of the inverted Xllth dynasty. As there is not another instance of the names Seberkheres or Sebek'ka'ra in any place, it seems possible that the designer of the Sakkara list in B.C. 3998-39^9-] SNEFERU 31 his evident confusion (inverting a dynasty) brought in Sebek'ka'ra in the place of Sebek'neferu, who should hold that position at the end of the Xllth dynasty next to Amenemhat IV. The name Aimhetep is reasonably an origin for the form Thamfthis of Manetho ; but his inscription in Wady Hammamat (L.D. ii. 115 h) does not perhaps seem so early as the end of the IVth dynasty : his name may therefore have been accidentally transferred from the end of the Vth to the end of the IVth dynasty, by Manetho or a copyist. The list of Abydos is more complete than that of Sakkara, which only gives the kings i, 2, 3, and 5. No names remain in the Turin papyrus ; for the numbers of frag. 32, usually set to this dynasty, have no connection with it ; not a single reign corresponds with Manetho, and a name ending in . . . zefa shows it rather to belong to the XlVth dynasty. Temple and pyramid, J^ka, at Medum (P.M. 5-11). Rock Tablet, Sinai (L.D. ii. 2 a). Granite dish, Erment (Wiedemann Coll.). Diorite Bowl (Ghizeh Museum). Vase lid (Ghizeh Museum). TMertitefs ; statue (Leyden Queens I Mus.). [Merisankh?; pyramid, Medum. Daughter^ Neferfkau ; tomb of Sne- fru 'khaf (Ghizeh). Fig. 21. — Vase lid of Sneferu (G. Mus.). With the reign of Sneferu we reach firm ground historically, his own monuments and those of his 32 SNEFERU [dyn. IV. I. subjects being well known. The royal domains seem to have lain about forty miles south of Cairo, at Medum, as the pyramid is there, and near there was the town Ded-Sneferu. The pyramid of Medum has been the subject of strange suppositions, — that it was a rock cut into shape, that it had no passages, that it was externally a step pyramid, etc. The tombs near it have been assigned to the Xllth dynasty, in spite of the most obvious resemblances to the earliest work of the IVth dynasty. Recent researches have cleared away such speculations (P.M. 5-1 1). The primitive form of the sepulchre of Sneferu was a square mastaba (Fig. 22), that is, a mass of masonry, flat-topped, with sides slanting inward at about 75° or Fig. 22. — Section of pyramid of Medum. Scale, i inch to 200 feet. I in 4. The entrance was in the lower part of the north face. To enlarge this tomb a coating of masonry was put over it, as was often done in brick to the tombs of this age. The original mass was also carried upward, and thus a step resulted on the outside. This same process was repeated seven times, resulting in a compound pile, of which the top surface of each coat formed a great step on the outside. The outline thus became pyramidal, and the last process was to add B.C. 3998-3969-] SNEFERU 33 in one slope from base to top, and a point at the pyramid angle 14 Two of the casings having been Fig. 23.— Pyramid angle, r4 on ii ; mastaba angle, 4 on i. one smooth casing so carry it up to on II (Fig. 23). partly removed for stones, have left the mass inside of them standing up in a towering form. This is the earliest pyramid known, as the step pyramid of Sakkara is not a true pyramid, but a mastaba which was repeatedly enlarged ; and was never coated over in one slope ; thus it was never finished into a pyramid like that of Medum. The successive enlargements of the pyramid of Medum have led to a theory being started, that all pyramids were similarly enlarged by coats during the kings' lives ; but no other pyramid has this peculiarity. That of Menkaura at Ghizeh has once been enlarged be- fore it was finished, but no such system of building was followed, and in several cases the details of arrangement prove that the full size was planned from the first. The interior of the Medum pyramid is reached by a long passage sloping down from the north face ; in the rock under the centre it runs horizontal for a short way, and then turns upward as a vertical shaft, opening into the floor of the sepulchral chamber. This chamber is built on the surface of the rock, and is roofed by nine overlapping courses of stone. In the chamber, and the passage beneath it, were found pieces of the wooden coffin and a wooden jar, all broken and wrenched into splinters (F.P. Coll.). The wooden beams supporting the shaft lining are still sound and firm, being saturated with salt from the rock. Outside of the pyramid, against the middle of the eastern face of the casing, was built a courtyard and 1-3 34 SNEFERU [DYN. IV. I. chambers, forming a small temple. In this courtyard stood an altar for offerings, between two tall steles, without any inscription. On the temple walls were graffiti dating from the old kingdom to the XVIIIth dynasty ; five of these mention Sneferu as the king to whom this pyramid was attributed. And the styles of the pyramid, the temple, and the tombs are in every respect distinctly more archaic than the works of any later period, so that there is no possible ground to throw doubt on this repeated testimony. The temple is as plain as possible (Fig. 24) ; no stone is used but limestone, and there is not the slightest ornament or decora- tion in any part of it. The walls were built in the rough, and trimmed down after- wards. A peribolus wall enclosed the pyramid and temple ; the entrance to it was on the east side. Fig. 24.— Pyramid temple of Medum, drawn leading to the temple ; from measurements. approach to it was by a causeway, walled on either hand, leading up from the plain. It appears that Sneferu had two pyramids ; at Dahshur is the tomb of certain keepers of his pyramids ; Dua-ra, keeper of the two pyramids named K/ia ; and also Ankh'ma'ra, keeper of the two kka pyramids of Sneferu (M.A.F. i. 190), one being distinguished as the south kka pyramid. The worship of Sneferu was maintained constantly. His priests and adorers were : — Methen Early IVth dyn. Tomb, Abusir (Berlin, L.D. ii. 5) Dep-em-ankh Vth ,, Tomb, Sakkara (M.M. 198) Thentha . Vth?,, Tomb, Dahshur (M.A.F. i. 191) Dudu . . Xlllth Dedication on base (M.A. 587) XVIIIth „ Stele, Leyden Ankh hapi . Ptol. Coffin, Louvre (B.T. 1256) B.C. 3998-3969-] SNEFERU 35 The only great royal inscription is that of the tablet in Sinai. It is headed by a cartouche containing the whole of the royal titles and name : the order of which differ remarkably from later usages, reading **(The King of Egypt, lord of the vulture and uraeus. Neb maat^ the Golden Horus, Sneferu). The Horus Neh madt (ka name) Sneferu, great god, giving all power, stability, life, health, expansion of heart, for ever. Subduing the countries." The king is seizing on a Bedawi (marked by his thin, narrow beard), and pre- paring to smite him with a mace. A scarab of Sneferu in lazuli (M. Coll.) is probably of the XXVth dynasty, from the material and style. Although it is doubtful if Khufu was the son of Sneferu (and De Rouge has remarked that none of the early kings appear to be sons of their predecessors), yet the family of Sneferu continued to the fourth gene- ration. At Gizeh, on the hill-edge south-east of the pyramid of Khufu, is a tomb of Sneferu 'khaf, whose father, Nefer'maat, was son of Nefertkau, the daughter of Sneferu. A queen of Sneferu was named Mertitefs ; her statue is at Leyden, and a tablet of hers was found at Gizeh (M.M. 565). The type of face is very curious (see Fig. 10), belonging to a very marked race, to which may also be referred two early statuettes at Gizeh, and the scribe of the Louvre. Thus a royal wife might be of the inferior race, and not of the high type. Her inscription helps in determining the succession, as she was a favourite of Sneferu and of Khufu, and attached to Khafra in her old age. Hence there is no room for Radadef between these kings ; and he must have been either a co-regent or a successor. Another queen is named, apparently as a wife of Sneferu, at Medum in a temple' graffito of the XVHIth dynasty (P.M. 40). Her name, Meri's'ankh, is usually attributed to a queen of Khafra ; but it is only stated as the name of a royal wife in the tomb of her son, the Prince Neb'em'akhet (Gizeh). If she were a wife of Sneferu in the end of his reign, her son might not be older than the reign of Khufu, and in his old age might therefore easily 36 SNEFERU [DYN. IV. I. engrave in his tomb farm names compounded with the name of Khafra, which are the only indication of date in it. Thus it would not be at all impossible for her to be the wife of Sneferu. Or, again, she might have passed on to the harem of Khufu, as did Mertitefs, and her son Neb*em*akhet may not have been born till twenty years of the reign of Khufu had passed. There is therefore no sufficient reason to deny the accuracy of this statement of the XVIIIth dynasty graffito. The private tombs of Medum probably belong to this reign. The principal persons buried there were two royal sons, Rahotep, with his wife Nefert, and Nefermaat, with his wife Atet. Though entitled royal sons, they may not have been the immediate sons of Sneferu, but only descendants of some king. The only absolute sign of the age is in the name of a farm of Nefermaat, which is called Menat-Sneferu ; but the whole style of these tombs is most closely related to the tomb of Methen (at Berlin), and the tomb of Merab (at Berlin), which are both undoubtedly of the beginning of the IVth dynasty. Rahotep and Nefert are well known from their in- comparable statues in the Ghizeh Museum (Fig. 25). These statues are most expressive, and stand in their vitality superior to the works of any later age in Egypt. They were found in the tomb chamber, which — in- violate when discovered in 1871 — is now much injured. The sculptures on the walls are quite worthy of a place by the side of the statues. The scenes (P.M. ix.-xiv.) are drawn with more vivacity and expression than in any tombs of succeeding dynasties. The tomb of Nefermaat (P.M. xvi.-xxvii.) is peculiar for a special experiment of his own ; all the hieroglyphs and figures are deeply incised, and filled with coloured pastes, secured in place by undercutting and keying carved in the hollows. The details of faces were worked in the colours. The inlaying, however, is soft, and soon perishes by exposure, and by salt efflorescence. The drawing is very good, but lacks the expression of detail in the faces which are so finely rendered in the reliefs of Rahotep. The signs carved in these tombs B.C. 3998-3969-] SNEFERU 3f are among the earliest known ; and they are of great value as pointing to the origin of the hieroglyphs, and to the state of civilisation in which they were adopted. The advanced state of architecture shown in the forms figured there is very remarkable ; but it appears to be mainly taken from wooden forms, and illustrates the lateness of the adoption of stone building. Fig. 25. — Rahotep and Nefert, painted limestone (G. Mus.). The cemetery of Medum has also provided many examples of a different mode of burial from that of the well-known Egyptian method. Instead of full-length burial, with coffins, head-rests, vases, and provision for a future life, the more usual method of burial at Medum is lying on the left side, with the knees drawn up, facing the east, and without any vases or other objects. This shows a diversity of beliefs, and pro- bably also of races, at this period (P.M. 21). 38 KHUFU [DYN. IV. 2 Temple and pyramid, Akhet^ at Gizeh (P.P.). Rock tablet, Sinai (L.D. ii. 2 b). Block, Bubastis (N.B. viii.). Tablet, Hat-nub quarry (P. A. xlii.). Alabaster vases (Liverpool, L.D. ii. 2 ; Posno Coll.; F.P. Coll.). Diorite bowl, ka name, Gizeh (F.P. Coll.). Plummet, Gizeh (F.P. Coll.). Weight (H.P. Coll.). Scarabs. Plaque (see side). Daughter^ W^nuisen, Tablet of Pasebkhanu FiG. 26.— Plaque (M.D. 53). (F.P. Coll.). The great pyramid of Gizeh has made the name of Khufu, or Kheops, better remembered than that of any other king of Egypt; a fact which reverses the thoughtless verdict that pyramids are monuments of senseless ambition, and contradicts Sir Thomas Browne in his sentence that to be but pyramidally extant is a fallacy of duration." Khufu has provided the grandest monument that any man ever had, and is by this means better remembered than any other Eastern king through- out history. The great pyramid was set out from the first upon a vast scale, larger than any other pyramid ; and it contains more stone than probably any other single building ever erected. Its base is far greater than the whole area of the great temple of Karnak, from Amenemhat to Ptolemy ; its height is greater than any other building, except two or three slender towers of this century. Yet it stands as one of the earliest structures of the world (Fig. 27). That it could not have been designed of any much smaller size is shown conclusively by the internal pas- sages. The entrance to these would have been quite impracticable in design on any size of building not much over two-thirds of the present base. The actual size, moreover, shows that both this and the pyramid of Medum were designed to an exact dimension. The B.C. 3969-3908.] KHUFU 39 most probable theory of its construction is that it was of such an angle that the height was the radius of a circle equal to the circuit of the base. This is so exactly the case, that it can hardly be questioned ; and as the earlier pyramid of Sneferu has the same angle, it is evident that some attention was given to it. This angle is practically a rise of 14 on a base of II (as the ratio of radius to circle is closely 7 144) ; and hence the height of the pyramid should be divisible by 7, and the base of the side by 11. On looking at Fig. 27. — The Nine Pyramids of Gizeh from the south. these two pyramids, we see that they were set out by a modulus of an even number of cubits. They measure — ^as?^^ * 11}^^^ cubits in Sneferu's pyramid. Bas?^^ * * iif ^ 40 cubits in Khufu's pyramid. Such a simple and direct application of a similar design to each of these pyramids makes it very improbable that they had been enlarged hap-hazard to their final size without a clear design before arranged. The pyramid was built of stone from the quarries on the opposite side of the Nile ; both the fine casing and 40 KHUFU [dYN. IV. 2. the rough core must have come from there, as no such stone, and no equivalent quarries, exist on the west bank. The tradition recorded by Herodotus as to the labour employed, is so entirely reasonable for the execution of such a work, that we cannot hesitate to accept it. It is said that a hundred thousand men were levied for three months at a time [i.e. during the three months of the inundation, when ordinary labour is at a standstill) ; and on this scale the pyramid-building occupied twenty years. On reckoning the number and weight of stones, this labour would fully suffice for the work. The skilled masons had large barracks, now behind the second pyramid, which might hold even four thousand men; but perhaps a thousand would quite suffice to do all the fine work in the time. Hence there was no impossibility in the task, and no detriment to the country in employing a small proportion of the population at a season when they were all idle by the compulsion of natural causes. The training and skill which they would acquire by such work would be a great benefit to the national character. The workmanship greatly varies in different parts. The entrance passage and the casing are perhaps the finest ; the flatness and squareness of the joints being extraordinary, equal to opticians' work of the present day, but on a scale of acres instead of feet or yards of material. The squareness and level of the base is brilliantly true, the average error being less than a ten-thousandth of the side in equality, in squareness, and in level. The Queen's chamber is also very finely fitted, the joints being scarcely perceptible. Above that the work is rougher ; the grand gallery has not this superlative fineness, and the construction of the King's chamber is flagrantly out of level, though its granite courses are fairly well wrought. A change ot design is also shown by the shaft which has been cut through the masonry from the grand gallery to the subterranean parts ; and also by the unfinished rough core masonry left for the floor of the Queen's chamber. Apparently the architect who designed and insisted on B.C. 3969-3908,] KHUFU 41 all the fine work, died during its progress, and far less able heads were left to finish it. That the entrance was closed by a hinging trap-door of stone is evident from the account of Strabo, and the remains of such a door to the south pyramid of Dahshur. The interior is so familiar in many books that it is need- less to describe it here. The arrangement and number of chambers is entirely different from that known in any other pyramid ; but from our ignorance of their former contents, it is almost useless to speculate about their purpose. The granite box-coffin in the King's chamber seems to point to that as the sepulchral chamber, espe- cially as the great subterranean chamber in the rock was abandoned before it was cut out. The second high- level chamber, called the Queen's chamber, is said by Edrisi (1236 a.d.) to have contained then a second coffin; but no trace has since been seen of it. The great niche or recess in the east wall of the chamber seems as if it might be for the ka statue of the king. The name of the king is found repeatedly written in red paint, among the quarry marks, on the blocks of masonry above the King's chamber ; this establishes the traditional attribution of the pyramid. The chips and waste of the masons were thrown out around the pyramid to extend the platform on which it stands, thus forming extensive banks lying against the cliff", and stratified at the angle of rest. From these strata pieces of pottery, charcoal, and thread may be obtained. Outside of the great pyramid extended a wide pave- ment of limestone, which on the east side stretched out to a temple which stood there. Of this temple no walls remain ; but there are portions of a pavement of brown basalt, 190 feet long and 80 feet from east to west. Outside of this pavement are three deep trenches cut in the rock ; these were lined with blocks of fine stone, and must have been originally about 160 feet long, 20 feet deep, and not over 5 or 6 feet wide. The purpose of such trenches is quite unknown ; but there may have been some system of observing azimuths of stars by a surface of water at the bottom, and a cord stretched 42 KHUFU [dyn. IV. 2 from end to end at the top ; by noting* the moment of the transit of the reflection of the star past the cord, an accurate observation of azimuth might be made, and opposite azimuths of two stars (a polar and an equatorial) could be noted by an observer at each end of the cord. This is only a surmise ; but it is one which would be in agreement with the accuracy of star obser- vation shown by the orienting of the pyramid, and it would explain the peculiar form of these trenches. A fourth trench in the rock is but shallow, and has a steady fall down to the cliff edge. As it is worn by water, it was doubtless a drain for the washing of the pavement. The worship of Khufu was maintained till a late period. The priests and keepers of the pyramid recorded are — Merab . Early IVth dyn. Tomb, Gizeh (Berlin), L.D. ii. 22 c Ka'em'nefert . ,, ,, Tomb, Gizeh, - - Khufu 'ka'aru Khemten Ka-y ankh Thentha Hetep'hers Aimeri Shepses'kaf* Ptah'bau'nefer Dep*em*ankh Snezem'ab'Antha (Unknown) Ra nefer ab Psemtek menkh Vth Vlth XXVIth Sakkara, Gizeh, Sakkara Gizeh, Shekh Sa id. L.D. ii. 16 L.D. ii. 17 d L.D. ii. 26 L.D. ii. 34b M.M. 89 M.M. 90 L.D. ii.50 b L.D. ii. 53a L.D. ii. 55 M.M. 198 L.D. ii. 76 L.D. ii. 112 a-c Ring, Abbott Coll., New York Serapeum stele 314, Louvre The only great royal inscription, like that of Sneferu, is on the rocks of Sinai. There are two tablets : one with name and titles of Khufu, the other with the king smiting an enemy, and the name Khnum Khuf (L.D. ii. 2, b, c). This raises a difficult question, to which no historian has yet given a satisfactory answer. Who was this person designated as Khnum Khuf? Was he the same as Khufu, or an associated king? That he was not a successor is evident by the name being used indiff'erently with that of Khufu, in the B.C 3969-3908.] KHUFU 43 quarry marks inside the pyramid (L.D. ii. i), and by his not appearing in any of the lists. The name is found in five places — the pyramid quarry works (L.D. ii. i), the tablet of Sinai (L.D. ii. 2), the quarry of Hat-nub^ the tomb of Khemten at Gizeh (L.D. ii. 26), and two farm names of Shepseskafankh in Vth dynasty (L.D. ii. 50). In each of these places the normal cartouche of Khufu also occurs, except in the quarry ; and the second car- touche differs in never being written with the two ?/ Fig. 28.— Rock tablet of Khufu, Wady Maghara. signs ; it is always Khnum-khuf, while the other name is Khufu. The addition Khnum cannot be merely a flight of orthography, as on the tomb of Khemten we read, V* Lord of vulture and uraeus, Mezed {ka name of Khufu) (Khnum-khuf) Khent (Khufu)...'' The two names being thus placed in succession in one inscription cannot be mere chance variants of the same. Either they must be two distinct and independent names ot one king, or else two separate kings. If they were two separate kings, Khnum Khuf must have been the more 44 KHUPU [DYN. IV. 2. important (his name being- first, and being that of the royal figure at Sinai) ; he must have lived through the greater part of Khufu's life (as the name was used in quarries when the pyramid was four-fifths built) ; and he must have died before him (as the name never occurs except with Khufu's). On the whole, it appears rather more likely that this was a second and wholly separate name of Khufu. Another debatable question with regard to this reign is the tablet containing a reference to the sphinx, which has been often published and commented on (M.D. 53). The work of the tablet is wholly unlike that of the IVth dynasty ; and it is generally agreed that it was exe- cuted in a late period. It was found in the small temple beyond the small pyramid south-east of the great pyramid. This temple was built by Pasebkhanu of the XXIst dynasty ; and this tablet was carved probably under him, or some successor of his. The whole value of it turns on the question, then, whether it is an exact copy of an earlier tablet engraved by Khufu. This can only be judged by the character of it. In the first place, we have no such series of figures of gods on any existing monuments of the old kingdom ; and Osiris, Isis, and the child Horus, which are mainly figured on this tablet, are rarely mentioned in early times, but are very common later. Osiris is called lord of Rustau," a title not found in early times, but used by Pasebkhanu in this temple ; and the tablet is full of instances of late writing, such as serpent determinative, nen^ etc., which are unknown in early use, but are common later on. The subject of the inscription, a statement of the searching for, or discovery of, certain buildings by Khufu, is suspicious. It is just what would be very likely to be put up in order to attach a credit and a history to those temples — like the common recital of the discovery of papyri under early kings. Moreover, we have seen that it is very doubtful if any masonry existed in Egypt before Tosorthros, who built a house of hewn stones " in the Ilird dynasty. And how then B.C. 3969-3908.] KHUFU 45 could Khufu have needed to search for buildings erected not long before his time ? Also, it is implied that there were temples of Osiris and Isis here before Khufu, which is very improbable, as there is no sign of earlier remains at Gizeh before Khufu selected this site of open hill- desert, Sneferu having built far away from Gizeh. Again, the figure and mention of the Sphinx and its temple is prominently introduced ; whereas there is no other trace of the Sphinx, or any temple or worship con- nected with it, among the dozens of various priesthoods, or the hundreds of tombs, of the old kingdom. Further, what chance was there of such a tablet of Khufu remaining until the XXIst dynasty to be copied, and yet not being itself set up in the temple? In every direction, then, — style, figures, and subject, — there are very suspicious details about it ; and it is impossible to accept this as certainly an exact copy of a work of Khufu. The refer- ences to the positions of buildings, then, have no higher authority than the beliefs of the XXIst dynasty. The localities stated are a temple of Isis near the pyramids of Khufu and his daughter Henutsen, a temple of the Sphinx south of that, and a temple of Osiris south or south-east of the temple of the Sphinx. The temple of Isis would seem by the position to be the place of the temple of Pasebkhanu where this tablet was found, and the reason of carving such a tablet, to give a credit of great antiquity to the place, is obvious. Of the temples of Osiris and of the Sphinx nothing whatever is know^n. The granite temple is clearly as late as Khafra, — as we shall see presently, — and hence could not possibly be a temple found by Khufu. The only point that can be identified is the very place at which this tablet was required to give the sanctity of age to a new building. The need of fine stone for the advancing luxuries of architecture led to the discovery and working of the alabaster quarry, as much as ten miles from the Nile, behind Tell el Amarna. There Khufu began by cutting a wide, gently - sloping road, descending into the 46 KHUFU [DYN. IV. 2. plateau, to reach the rock-masses of alabaster ; and the cartouche Khnum Khuf and ka name, cut as his sign of possession on the rock, have stood open to the day ever since. This quarry was that well known as Hat-nub in the later inscriptions ; it was used during the old kingdom, and was probably the source of all the alabaster building and vessels of that age. In the middle kingdom an adjacent quarry was opened, and others during the empire. Alabaster vases of Khufu are known (Liverpool and Posno Coll.), and a piece of one was found at Koptos (F.P. Coll.). At Bubastis, a granite block with a largely sculptured ka name of Khufu points to his having executed some great building here ; and this early work is confirmed by an adjacent block of Khafra. It has been stated that Khufu erected an obelisk (W.G. 178, 185), but this is a mis-reading. The real passage is, that Merab (L.D. ii. 22 c) was Urmaa^ or high priest, of Heliopolis (as Rahotep was at Medum, P.M. xiii.), and also priest of Khufu; the obelisk, or rather column, merely occurs here as a sign in writing the name of Heliopolis, and has nothing to do with Khufu. There are many tombs of great persons with the title ^' king's son," some being grandsons of kings, as Merab (L.D. ii. 20, 21), whose mother was a king's daughter, but not a king's wife. Hence it is impossible to settle the parentage of these persons, or to which king they should be referred. These being, then, without direct historical connection, we cannot here refer to them, except when they held royal priesthoods or other such offices. A weight bearing the name of Khufu carries back the gold standard of 200 grains to his time (H.P. Coll.). The scarabs of Khufu are not very rare ; from their workmanship, they are probably contemporary, except- ing one of pottery made under Amenardus (G.M.). The plaque at the heading of this reign bears the earliest example of the winged disc (F.P. Coll.). B.C. 3908-3845- KHAFRA 47 IV. 3. KhafraI O Q 2^^=^ I about 3908-3845 B.C. Temple and pyramid Ur^ at Gizeh (P.P.). Granite temple and causeway (P.P.). Great statue and others, g-ranite temple (G. Mus.). Alabaster statue, Sakkara (G.Mus.). Block, Bubastis (N.B. xxxii.). Name from a bowl, temple of pyramid (B.M.). Names on mace-head ,, (F.P. Coll.). Scarabs (B.M., etc.) Cylinder (F.P. Coll.). Fig. 29. — Names of Khafra from a statue. The pyramid of Khafra stands near that of Khufu, on the south-west. It has always been attributed to him by Herodotus and Diodoros, and by modern writers. The only monumental evidences are the pieces of a bowl and a mace-head with his name, found in the temple of this pyramid. But the sequence of position between the first and third pyramids makes this attribu- tion unquestionable. The pyramid is rather smaller than that of Khufu, inferior in accuracy, and of a worse quality of stone, both for core and for casing masonry. The lowest course, however, was of red granite, which did not appear on the outside of Khufu's pyramid ; the entrance passage is also of granite. The site of the pyramid has been levelled considerably. At the south-east it is built up of blocks of rock ; at the west and north it is deeply cut into the rock hill, leaving a wide space around the sloping mass of the sides, with a vertical boundary facing the pyramid. The lower part of the pyramid on these sides is undisturbed rock cut into shape ; upon that lie a few courses of enormous rock blocks, cut out from the rock clearance around the 48 KHAFRA [DYN. IV. 3. pyramid, and above that comes building of smaller blocks brought from the east cliffs. The casing still remains upon the top of this pyramid. It had originally two entrance passages, one high on the face ; another leading out in the pavement in front of the face ; this was, and still is, blocked with masonry. The chamber is on the ground level, sunk in the rock, but roofed over with slanting beams of stone. The sarcophagus is of granite ; the lid was secured by under-cut grooves in which it slid, and was held from being withdrawn by bolts (of copper ?) which fell into holes, and were secured by melted resin, which still remains. The sarcophagus was sunk into the floor when Belzoni found it, and its lid lay over it, displaced : now the floor is all destroyed. On the east side of the pyramid stood a temple. The vast blocks of rock which formed the core of the walls still remain ; and some of the granite casing of the interior is yet in place. It is encumbered with masses of chips, among which are pieces of the furniture of the temple, statues, vases, etc. From this temple a causeway led down a line of the rock plateau, where a gradual and easy slope could be laid out. It is evident that this is a road of convenience, made exactly where it could be laid out with the best gradient, and distinctly not square with the pyramid or the temple, being about 15° south of east. It was doubtless the road up which all the material was brought for the building of the pyramid and the temple, like the roads belonging to the other pyramids. It was paved with fine stone, recessed into the rock bed. This road led down to the plain, and must have been open at the end when the material was being taken up it. After the pyramid and its temple were finished, the road was utilised as a junction between the pyramid- temple at the top of it, which was built square with the pyramid, and another temple at the foot of it, which was built with a skew entrance in continuation of the road (Fig. 30). This is a point of great importance as proving the age of the granite temple. Both of these B.C. 3908-3845.] KHAFRA 49 temples are oriented square to the points of the compass ; but the road between them is askew for reasons of its construction, and the lower temple passage is all one with the line of the skew road. This skew passage has never been altered or adapted to the road after the rest of the temple was built ; for there are no signs of any reconstruction, and the doorway in the corner of the great hall is askew in the wall, so that it could not have been altered without pulling down all that end of the building. The courtyard on the top of the temple, and the stairs of access to the top, are also dependent Fig. 30. — West side of granite temple, showing passages and causeway leading askew up to temple of second pyramid. on this skew passage, which is built in one compact mass with the whole body of the temple. Hence the granite temple must be subsequent to the roadway and to the building and finishing of the pyramid and temple of Khafra ; and as his statues were found in this temple, the building of it may be almost certainly attributed to Khafra. This granite temple — often misnamed the temple of the Sphinx — is really a free-standing building on the plain at the foot of the hills ; but it is so much en- 1—4 50 KHAFRA [dyn. iv. 3. cumbered that it is often supposed to be subterranean. The upper part of it now consists only of the great blocks of inferior rock which formed the core of the Fig. 31. — Plan of granite temple. Scale -^^ walls ; but the lower storey of it inside is perfect, and outside of it the casing still remains, showing that it was decorated with the primitive pattern of recessing. B.C. 3908-3845.] KHAFRA 51 The origin of this pattern is unknown ; probably it is derived from brick decoration, as it is found equally in the earliest brickwork in Egypt (Medum) and in Baby- lonia (Wuswas ; see Loftus, Chaldea^ 172-179). The whole of the surfaces inside are of red granite, or white alabaster (Fig. 31). The essential parts of it are a T-shaped hall with the stem toward the pyramid, and a long hall parallel with, and adjoining, the head of the T. From the T-hall opens a chamber with three long recesses, each divided into an upper and lower part by a thick shelf. These recesses are of alabaster, and from their form probably contained sarcophagi. This chamber, and one opening from the entrance passage, retain their roofs complete, with ventilating slits along the top of the wall. Over the T-hall was an open court, reached by a sloping way, which turns in the thickness of the wall, from the entrance passage. The long hall is higher than the T-hall, and had a large recess above each of the doors which occupy the ends of it. These recesses seem as if they might be for statues, as there is no access to them, and they were closed at the back, and so could not be for windows. The diorite statue of Khafra was found in this hall, thrown into a well, or subterranean chamber. This is now filled up, and no proper account was ever given by the explorers. The east side of the temple has not been cleared, and the structure of it further in this direction is yet unknown. Near this temple stands the Sphinx (Fig. 32) ; and as there is no evidence of its age, we may consider it here owing to its position. Its whole mass, lion's body and man's head, is entirely carved in unmoved native rock, although the weathering lines give the head the appearance of built courses. The body has been cased with stone, and the paws of it are built up with small masonry, probably of Roman age. It must have been a knoll of rock, which ran out to a headland from the spur of the pyramid plateau ; and the hardness and fine quality of the mass nowformingthehead haddoubtless preserved 52 KHAFRA [dvn. IV. 3. it from the weathering* which had reduced the soft strata below that. When then was this knoll of rock so carved ? And by whom ? A later limit is given by the stele of Tahutmes IV. placed between its paws, which records a dream of his, when taking a noonday siesta in its shadow. It must then be much older than his time. On the other hand, it has been supposed to be prehistoric. But there is some evidence against that. In the middle of the back is an old tomb shaft ; such would certainly not be made at a time when it was venerated, and it must belong to some tomb which but not one is cut in the whole width of the causeway. In short, the causeway of Khafra precedes the tombs in the neighbourhood ; but the Sphinx succeeds these tombs. Another consideration points to its being later than the old kingdom ; there is no figure or mention of the Sphinx itself on a single monument of the old kingdom, nor do any priests of his appear. On the stele of Tahutmes IV. Khafra is alluded to, perhaps as the maker of the Sphinx ; this connection was easily sug- gested by its nearness to his pyramid and temples. But how much Tahutmes knew of Khafra, or cared to Fig. 32. — The Sphinx, side view. was made here before the Sphinx was carved. And no tombs at Gizeh are older than Khufu, nor are any in this part of the cemetery older than Kha- fra. We may see this on looking at the wide cause- way in the rock up to the second pyramid. On either hand of that is a crowd of tomb shafts, B.C. 3908-3845.] KHAFRA 53 honour him, Is shown by the material he selected for his tablet. It is carved on a grand door lintel of red granite, which almost certainly was robbed from the adjacent granite temple of Khafra. The devotion of Tahutmes to his predecessor was a fiction, and no more ; and how much he knew of the works of Khafra may well be doubted. The real period of the Sphinx may be between the old and middle kingdom, to which age it now seems that we must assign all those sphinxes formerly attributed to the Hyksos. The front of the Sphinx was a place of devotion in Roman times ; and great brick walls were built to hold back the sand on the side next the granite temple. A wide flight of steps leads down to the front, where a Roman altar of granite stood before the shrine between the paws, which was formed of tablets of Tahutmes IV., Ramessu II., etc. This front of the Sphinx has been cleared three times in this century ; but the back of it, and lower part of the sides, have never been examined. Khafra was worshipped till late times, like the other great kings of this age. His priests and keepers of the pyramid were — Thetha Uash (his son) . Khafra 'ankh . Nefermaat Ka'em'nefert . Dep'em'ankh . Psamtek 'menkh IVth dynasty Dahshur Vth dynasty Vth dynasty XXVIth dynasty (L.A. 8, a, d) (L.A. 8,b,c) (L.D. ii. 8, 10, 11) (M.A.F. i. 191) (M.M. 248) (M.M. 198) (Serapeum stele, 314) Apparently some other great building of Khafra existed to the south of the Memphite cemeteries ; for in the construction of the south pyramid of Lisht are built in some fragments of a lintel and walls, bearing the name of Khafra. The statues of Khafra have brought us face to face with him, and caused his features to be almost as well 54 KHAFRA [DYN, IV. 3. known in our times as in his own reign (Fig. 33). The great diorite statue is a marvel of art ; the pre- cision of the expression combining what a man should be to win our feelings, and what a king should be to command our regard. The subtlety shown in this combination of expression, — the ingenuity in the over- shadowing hawk, which does not interfere with the front view, — the technical ability in executing this in so resisting a material, — all unite in fixing our regard on this as one of the leadingexamplesof ancient art. Six other Fig. 33. — Khafra. Diorite statue. (G. Mus.) statues of lesser size were also found in the granite temple, carved in diorite and green basalt. A smaller statue of fine work in alabaster was in the group of early statues lately found at Sakkara. All of these are now in the Ghizeh Museum. Fragments of diorite statues occur in the mounds of chips over the temple of the second pyramid. From this same place come a piece of an alabaster bowl with his cartouche B.C. 3908-3784.] MEN-KAU-RA 55 (B.M.), and a piece of a mace-head in hard white lime- stone, with ka name and cartouche (F.P. Coll.), A block of granite with the names of Khafra was found at Bubastis (N.B. xxxii.), showing his activity in the Delta. The earliest dated cylinder is of the reign of Khafra ; it is rudely cut in greenish steatite, with a variant of the name (Ra*en-khaf), loving the gods " (F.P. Coll.). His scarabs are not very rare. about IV. 4. Men-kau-ra Q 1 [J [_J [J^ 3^45- B.C. Temple and pyramid, Her^ Gizeh. Pyramid, Neter, Abu Roash. Small pyramid by Her py- ramid, Gizeh. Diorite statue, Sakkara (G. Mus.). Scarabs (B.M., etc.); cylinder FiG. 34.— Steatite cylinder. | scale. (see side). (F.P. Coll.) As in the case of Sneferu, we again meet with the strange occurrence of a king having apparently two pyramids. In the tomb of Urkhuu, at Gizeh, we find that he was priest of Menkaura, and keeper of a place belonging to the pyramid Her (L.D. ii. 43 d, 44 a). And Debehen, who was a high official of Menkaura, also mentions the pyramid Her (L.D. ii. 37 b, ist col.), so that it is always recognised by historians as his pyramid. But Debehen goes on to say that he in- spected the works of the Menkaura pyramid Neter (2nd col.). And Uta in the IVth (G. Mus.) and Dep'em'ankh (M.M. 198) in the Vth dynasty were priests of the Menkaura pyramid Neter, Hence it is probable that there were two pyramids ; and they cannot belong to different kings called Menkaura, as Debehen names them together in his inscription, and MEN-KAU-RA [DYN. IV. 4. both cartouches are Ra*men*kau, thus excluding Ra* men'ka (singular), i.e. Netakert of the Vlth dynasty. This mention of two pyramids exactly accounts for the name being found at two places. The third pyramid of Gizeh has been attributed to Menkaura by Herodotos and Diodoros, and his name is found in one of the small pyramids by its side. But also a piece of a diorite statue — like those of Khafra — was found at the hill pyramid of Abu Roash, with part of the cartouche Ra'men ; and the casing and passage lining of the Abu Roash pyramid with granite was closely like the casing and lining of Menkaura's Gizeh pyramid with granite. The style of the statue and of the casing link the pyramid of Abu Roash to the middle of the IVth dynasty. Which of the pyramids was the final sepulchre we may guess ; that of Gizeh is evidently in sequence with those of Khufu and Khafra, and was probably built first. But it was enlarged in course of building, and yet the casing is left unfinished. Finally, seeing that it was hopeless to rival the great structures of his pre- decessors, Menkaura seems then to have selected a new site at Abu Roash, where, on the highest hill of the western cliff's, a small pyramid might show with advantage. At Abu Roash it is that the funeral statue was placed, together with a granite sarcophagus, which has been destroyed. Following the sequence thus indicated, it seems that Her was the earlier pyramid — that of Gizeh ; for there is no priest of the pyramid Her^ and it is mentioned by Debehen before the pyramid Neter, On the other hand, Debehen names the pyramid Neter later, and there were priests of it in the IVth and Vth dynasties. Neter seems then to have been the actual sepulchre, and would therefore be the later pyramid — that of Abu Roash. The pyramid of Menkaura, at Gizeh, is far smaller than those of his predecessors ; and it is also far inferior in accuracy. But the masonry is good, and it is built in a more costly manner. The lower sixteen courses were cased with red granite, most of which B.C. 3845-3784-] MEN-KAU-RA 57 still remains ; the upper part was of limestone, of which heaps of fragments now encumber the sides. The granite casing was quarried and brought to Gizeh with an excess of several inches' thickness on the face, the building joint-line being marked by a smoothly- worked slanting strip down the side of the stone, beyond which it rounds away. This excess has never been removed from the faces, and the pyramid was never finished. The interior differs from that of the other pyramids (Fig. 35). The present entrance is Fig. 35.— Section of the pyramid of Menkaura. lower than the line of an earlier passage, which was disused when the pyramid was partly built. The early passage now opens on to the great chamber at a higher level than the present door, and it runs northward in the masonry until blocked by the outer part of the building. The lower passage is lined with red granite down to the rock, like the entrance of Khafra's pyramid. In the horizontal part in the rock are several port- cullises, and a small chamber, or enlargement of the passage, decorated with the early recessed pattern. 58 MEN-KAURA [dYN. IV. 4. Beyond all this the large chamber is reached, entirely cut in the rock. The doorway of the earlier passage is now high up above the doorway of the later passage. The chamber has a recess in the floor, apparently in- tended for a sarcophagus ; but another short passage descends in the midst of the chamber westward, and opens into a lower chamber in which stood the basalt sarcophagus, decorated with the recessed pattern of panelled doorways. This was removed by Vyse, and lost at sea. The lower chamber is lined with granite, built into a flat-topped chamber cut in the rock. The floor and walls are of granite, and the roof is of sloping granite beams, butting together, and cut out into a barrel roof beneath, like the barrel roofs of some of the early tombs at Gizeh. Some steps descend from the side of the passage to a small chamber with loculi. In the upper chamber was found the lid of a wooden coffin with inscription of Menkaura, and part of a skeleton, probably of a later interment. From this, and considerations on other pyramids, it has been lately suggested that a great amount of reconstruction of the pyramids took place under the later kings of the renascence, — about the XXVIth dynasty, — and that much of the present arrangements are due to them. This will be the best place to review such a theory. The strong points of it are that the inscription on the wooden coffin of Menkaura has some details which are unparalleled in any inscription so early ; hence this coffin is probably a reconstruction. Next, the step pyramid of Sakkara has certainly been largely altered, and new passages made in it, probably more than once ; the glazed tiles of the doorway in it are also considered by some to be late in date, but the most distinct point claimed for this is the writing of maa with the cubit inside the sickle, yet this is found also on the jar lid of Sneferu (G.M.), which is certainly early. The peculiar form of the granite sarcophagus of the pyramid of Illahun, with a lip around it, and a sloping base, is adduced as a sign that it was let into B.C. 3845-3784.] MEN-KAU-RA 59 the floor in the first construction, and that therefore the chamber in which it now stands is a reconstruction. The winding" passage of the pyramid of Hawara, and the steps down the entrance passage, are also looked on as a reconstruction, and the original passage is supposed to have been direct from the north side to the middle of the chamber roof, the continuation of the trough in the floor of the upper chamber. Now, there cannot be any question that there has been a re-use of some of the pyramids for sepulture, the small ushabtis of the XXXth dynasty in the pyramid of Hawara put this beyond doubt. Nor can we doubt that alteration has been made in some cases, as in the many passages of the step pyramid of Sak- kara. Nor is it unlikely that the coffin lid of Menkaura is a late restoration, especially as we have seen that it is probable that he was actually buried at Abu Roash. And in some cases it is certain that changes have taken place in course of building, as in Khufu's and Men- kaura^s pyramids. The question, then, is one of degree. It can hardly be questioned that the idea of changes having taken place holds good in some cases ; but how far have such changes extended ? Is it conceivable that any king, for instance, could have made all the winding passages of the Hawara pyramid as a reconstruction ? The great length of them, the series of blocking chambers with gigantic trap-doors in the roofs, the long, false passage blocked up, the dumb wells which lead nowhere, all these great works, if subsequent con- structions, would have had to be built into a mass of loose bricks and sand, in which it is a great difficulty to run even a small drift-way, to say nothing of the great spaces required for such construction, and for executing work on such great masses. It would be more practicable to take down the whole pyramid before putting in such a mass of heavy masonry, and then re-erect it afterwards. Again, at Illahun, if the sarcophagus were originally let into the floor, the whole granite chamber must be a reconstruction, and 6o MEN-KAU-RA [DYN. IV. 4. a gigantic work of reconstruction it would be, to intro- duce the whole of this masonry and form a new and secondary chamber beside the main one already existing. If any such grand works of reconstruction had taken place, to whom can they be attributed ? Certainly not to the XVIIIth or XlXth dynasty, for plundering was rather the habit then, as witness the sweeping away of the temple and shrine of Usertesen II. at Illahun by Ramessu II. (P.K. 22). The XXVIth dynasty, with its renascence of the old ideas, is the only likely period for such attention to the older kings, as many priest- hoods of those kings were revived then. But if so, how is it that the restorers have not left a single trace of their presence? Over-modesty was not a failing of Egyptian kings in any age ; usually they stamped out all remembrance of their forerunners in order to aggrandise themselves. Even the more reasonable kings always put up their names, and a statement of the rebuilding they had done, when they repaired a temple. Is it then possible to suppose that, after doing work comparable with the building of the pyramids, they should have sunk all trace of them- selves ? Not a hieroglyph, not a graffito, can be seen anywhere associated with these supposed reconstruc- tions. Again, if they had spent such toil and cost upon the hidden interiors of the pyramids from a deeply religious veneration for the ancient kings, and appointed services of priests to adore them, — as we see by the priesthoods, — is it conceivable that they should never have provided any restoration of the old temples in which these priests could worship? Would the external buildings for the honour of the king, and the use of the priest, have been totally neglected, while a lavish grandeur of work was spent on the hidden interior? Yet there is no trace of reconstruction of the pyramid temples. The temples of Illahun were swept away by Ramessu II., as shown by objects of his time, and by his name scrawled on the stones, and no sign of reconstruction is to be found. The priests B.C. 3845-3784.] MEN-KAU-RA 61 must have adored at the pyramid in open air, while vast and needless granite work was being- made inside the pile. At the temple of Khafra there is no trace of restoration ; but the rubbish now filling it contains the relics of small objects, which would never have remained in use until a restoration three thousand years later. The present ruin must be the first and only one which has overtaken that site. So far, then, from pushing the theory of reconstruction as far as possible, and explaining every little anomaly and change of design by that means, we meet with such serious difficulties in supposing this reconstruction to be important in either amount or extent, that it is needful to limit it firmly to such cases as are inex- plicable on any other supposition. One instance which has not been actually adduced, but which seems at first sight a good case, is the late style of the figure of king Men'kau'hor, on a slab brought from his temple (reworked into the Serapeum), and now in the Louvre. The details of the figure, the vulture flying over it with the ring in the claws, the decoration of the kilt in front, all look certainly of late date, at least of the XlXth dynasty. But sculptures of Antef V. (Xlth dyn.) and of Sebekhotep IV. (Xlllth dyn.) bear figures which are almost exactly the same, showing that what seems to be late may be far earlier than we suppose. And, moreover, the slab of Menkauhor has been re- worked into a tomb, the hieroglyphs of which are certainly later in position than the figure of Menkauhor ; yet these hieroglyphs can hardly be later than the XVIIIth dynasty, and are more probably of the Xllth. Thus in a case which at first sight seems good evidence of restoration by the XXVIth dynasty, we see reasons for setting aside any such hypothesis when we learn more of the facts. This may serve as a useful instance of the risk of rashness in applying theories too widely and generally. Of the temple of Menkaura, only the outline of core blocks is now known ; the granite casing and pillars having been removed in the last century. 62 MEN-KAU-RA [dyn. IV. 4. Of lesser remains of Menkaura there is a statuette in diorite found at Sakkara (Fig. 36) (G. M.). The work is not equal to the statues of Khafra, but is better than that of some later statuettes found inthe samegroup. It seems from the diversity and continual deterioration of the work, that these statu- ettes must have been executed under the kings whose names they bear. Unhappily they were found at Sakkara by Arab diggers, from whom they were bought at a high price for the Ghizeh Museum ; and very contradictory statements have been Fig. 36.— Statuette of Menkaura. made as to their real source. The second earliest cylinder known is of Men'kau-ra ; it is cut in black steatite, and is of the same work as the small rude cylinders of black steatite which are of very early date, and appear to be substitutes for funereal steles. This bears the name (Ra'men* kau) beloved of the gods (Ra* men-kau) Hathor . . (F.P. Coll.). The contemporaryscarabs of Menkaura are rarer than those of either of his predecessors (Fig. 37) ; but his name was fre- quently used in later times. Hat- shepsut made scarabs of him, and in the XXVIth dynasty his name is common on scarabs, cylinders, and plaques, found — and probably made— at Fig. 37.— Scarab of Men- kaura, and restoration by Hatshepsut. B.C. 3S45-3759-] RA-DAD-EF 63 Naukratis, Marathus, and elsewhere. It is remarkable how correctly he is entitled on these objects, which appear to have been copied from some real scarabs of his time. The prince Hordadef is said in the Book of the Dead to be a son of Menkaura ; but this is not an earlier authority than the Westcar papyrus, which in one tale names Hordadef son of Khufu. As there is no other person Hordadef known, it is probable that this is a confusion of one person, whose date cannot be settled without contemporary evidence. It is possible that this is the same person as the next king, Ra*dad*ef. Scarcely anything is known about this king, and even his historic position is not certain. On the one hand, his name appears in the lists of Abydos and Sakkara, between Khufu and Khafra. But, on the other hand, he is omitted by Mertitefs, who recites her successive connection with Sneferu, Khufu, and Khafra (R.S.D. 37). Psamtek'menkh and Psamtek, his priests in the XXVIth dynasty, give the sequence in both cases as Khufu, Khafra, and Ra*dad*ef (R.S.D. 53). We can hardly refuse to recognise the Rhatoises of Manetho as Ra'ded'f; and here again the name appears after Khafra, and after Menkaura. There is a bronze cylinder of this king in the Poignon Collection (W.G. 187) ; but there are no other traces of him, except a priest Ptah'du'aau (R.E. 62) at Gizeh, a slab of another priest of his (G. Mus.), and a farm named after him in the tomb of Persen (R.S.D. 53, 54) at Sakkara. His pyramid is unknown. about 3784- 3759 B.C. 64 SHEPSES-KA-F [dyn. IV. 6. IV. 6. Shepses'ka'f about 3759-3737 B.C. Scarab (see side) ; cylinder (P.P. Coll.). Eldest daughter^ Maat 'kha. Pyramid, Keh^ site unknown. Fig. 38.— Scarab (P.P. Coll.). The only list containing this king's name is that of Abydos ; and in that, and the few other monuments, his name is always thus written, but on a scarab it appears with ra added (see above). There may have been two forms of the name, as there were the two forms, Neb'ka and Neb'ka'ra, apparently both belonging to the same king ; and at Shekh Said Userkaf has ra added to his name, as Manetho also gives Userkheres {i,e, User*ka*f*ra) for User*ka*f. The name in Manetho, Bikheris, may possibly be a mutilated form of this name retaining only the p'ka*ra. Or else the Seber- kheres, the next name on the list, might refer to this king; but as the tomb of Ptah'shepses shows this noble to have lived through the reigns of Menkaura and Shepseskaf, it is less likely that the Rhatoises and Bikheris of Manetho should both have to come between those kings. Most of our knowledge of this king is from the tomb of his son-in-law, Ptah'shepses. He begins his biography by saying that Menkaura educated him among the royal children, in the great house of the king, in the private apartments ; in the harem he was precious to the king more than any child. Shepseskaf educated him among the royal children in the great house of the king, in the private apartments in the harem ; he was distinguished with the king more than any boy. The king gave to him his eldest daughter Maat 'kha as his w^ife. His majesty desired better to B.C. 3759-3730.] SHEPSES-KA-F 65 put her with him than with any person. He was precious to the king more than any servant ; he entered all the boats, he selected the bodyguard upon the ways of the court to the South in all festivals of appear- ing. He was secretary of all the works which it pleased his majesty to make, continually pleasing the heart of his lord. He was allowed by his majesty to kiss his knees, and w^as not allowed to kiss the ground. He pleased the heart of his lord when he entered in the boat * Which bears the gods,' in all festivals of the appearing, loved by his lord. Satisfy- ing the heart of his lord, loving his lord. Devoted to Ptah, doing the will of his god." He fulfilled many great offices, both priestly and civil ; and among these charges we find for the first time priesthoods attached to three obelisks of Ra. These obelisks continued to be worshipped throughout the Vth dynasty : one is named in the phrase *'Of Ra * prophet in the Sep-ra," with the obelisk on a mastaba base as a determinative ; of Ra * prophet in the Shepu'ab'ra," with the same determinative; and *'of Ra'em'akhti prophet in the Ast'ab'ra," again with the obelisk. On these structures see Sethe (A.Z. xxvii. iii). Sebek-ka-ra M 3737-3730 This king is only known on the table of Sakkara, and his position there is between the end of the kings after the Vlth dynasty, and the end of the reversed order of the XHth dynasty. No such king is known in other lists at that period, and he agrees well to the Manethonic name Seberkheres. But it is perhaps more likely that Sebek'ka'ra is a mistake of the sculptor for Sebek-neferu-ra, who would occupy that place if inserted at the end of the XHth dynasty. The sculptor made a mistake close by this of ma for dad. 1—5 66 IMHOTEP [dyn. IV. Imhotep about 3730-3721 B.C. This king is only known by an inscription of his in the Wady Hammamat (L.D. ii. 115 h). But there is no indication of his position except the apparent equival- ence with Thamfthis in Manetho. As there are no other inscriptions as early as this at Hammamat, it is possible that he has been misplaced in Manetho. In closing the account of this dynasty we will try to grasp somewhat of its character. The essential feeling of all the earliest work is a rivalry with nature. In other times buildings have been placed either before a background of hills, so as to provide a natural setting to them, or crowning some natural height. But the Egyptian consented to no such tame co-operation with natural features. He selected a range of desert hills over a hundred feet high, and then subdued it entirely, making of it a mere pedestal for pyramids, which were more than thrice as high as the native hill on which they stood. There was no shrinking from a com- parison with the work of nature ; but, on the contrary, an artificial hill was formed which shrunk its natural basis by comparison, until it seemed a mere platform for the work of man. This same grandeur of idea is seen in the vast masses used in construction. Man did not then regard his work as a piling together of stones, but as the erection of masses that rivalled those of nature. If a cell or chamber was required, each side was formed of one single stone, as at Medum. If a building was set up, it was an artificial hill in which chambers were carved out after it was piled together ; thus a mere hollow was left where the chamber should be, and then it was dressed down and sculptured as if it were in the heart of the living rock. The sculptor's work, and the painter's, show the same B.C. 3730-3721.] IMHOTEP 67 sentiment. They did not make a work of art to please the taste as such ; but they rivalled nature as closely as possible. The form, the expression, the colouring, the glittering transparent eye, the grave smile, all are copied as if to make an artificial man. The painter mixed his half- tints and his delicate shades, and dappled over the animals, or figured the feathers of the birds, in a manner never attempted in the later ages. The embalmer built up the semblance of the man in resins and cloth over his shrunken corpse, to make him as nearly as possible what he was when alive. In each direction man then set himself to supplement, to imitate, to rival, or to exceed, the works of nature. Art, as the gratification of an artificial taste and standard, was scarcely in existence ; but the simplicity, the vastness, the perfection, and the beauty of the earliest works place them on a different level to all works of art and man's device in later ages. They are unique in their splendid power, which no self-conscious civilisation has ever rivalled, or can hope to rival ; and in their enduring greatness they may last till all the feebler works of man have perished. 68 THE FIFTH DYNASTY [dyn. v. CHAPTER IV The Fifth Dynasty Manetho. Userkheres Sefres Neferkheres Sisires Kheres Rhathures Menkheres Tankheres Onnos Lists. User'ka'f SahuTa f Nefer'ar'ka'ra \Kakaa. A. Shepses'ka'ra /Nefer-f-ra. A. \Kha'nefer. ra.S. Ra 'en 'user Men'kau'hor Dad'ka'ra Unas Monuments. User'ka'f Sahu'ra /Nefer'ar'ka'ra VKakaa? /Shepses'ka'ra \Suhtes ? /Nefer'f'ra \Akauhor ? /Ra 'en 'user \^An Men'kau'hor /Dad'ka'ra V Assa ? Unas Years. 28 13 44 T.P. 9 8 44 28 33 30 Total stated 248, actually With the fifth dynasty we come to a new family, to a more marked separation from previous times B.C. about 3721 3693 3680 3660 3653 3633 3589 3580 3536 3503 and than B.C. 3721.1 THE FIFTH DYNASTY 69 has been met before. In the lists of Manetho the previous dynasties were all Thinite or Memphite, but here we meet a sudden change to Elephantine. In the Tales of the Magicians of the Westcar papyrus there is a curiously impossible tale, which evidently embodies some tradition of the change. Hordadef, the son of Khufu, is represented as introducing an ancient magi- cian named Dedi, who tells Khufu that the eldest of three children, yet to be born, shall deliver to him certain documents he desires. Then the birth of the children is described, and the goddesses name them by punning names, — User'ref, Sah'ra, and Kakau, imitat- ing the names of the first three kings of the Vth dynasty. The goddesses also declare of each that it is a king who shall reign over all the land. They then make crowns, and leave them in the house ; and a sound of royal festi- vity emanates from the royal emblems. A maid-servant out of jealousy starts to tell king Khufu of these new claimants, and the tale is here broken off. The con- fusion of dates in supposing Kaka to be born in the reign of Khufu is obvious, but yet there is no reason to discredit the basis of the tale. The essential points of importance are that these three kings of the Vth dynasty are supplanters, of whom Dedi prophesies to Khufu, Thy son shall reign, and thy son's son, and then one of them " ; that these supplanters are born of the wife of a priest of Ra, who conceives these triplets by Ra ; and that the god has promised the mother that they shall reign, and that the eldest of them shall be high priest in Heliopolis. Here, then, the new dynasty starts from a high priest of Heliopolis, and claims divine descent from Ra. Until this tale comes to be considered, it has never been observed that no Egyptian king claims descent from Ra until this Vth dynasty. The earlier kings are always Horus kings, or Horus and Set united; but no king calls himself Son of Ra " until the new dynasty, who are here stated to be children of the god Ra, and to begin as his high priests at Helio- polis. Thus the claim of the divine descent recorded in this tale precedes, and accounts for, the new title 70 USER'KA-F [dyn. v. i" found on the monuments. There is a further possi- bility of connection with this tale ; for it is there said that the wife of the priest who bore these kings dwelt at Sakhebu, a place somewhere in the Delta, probably not far from Heliopolis. Possibly here is the orig-in of Manetho's calling the dynasty Elephantine ; according to the tale they come from ? il^ f] ; according to Manetho from Elephan- 4Zr J J! _ZI tine, written n n ^ a form which might be a corruption of the I J _R I'Gal name Sakhebu, by substituting for it the better-known name of Elephantine. Of the order of the kings of this dynasty there is but little doubt. The only questions are concerning the double names that become common with the new race, who probably each had a second name as a son of Ra, a divine name as well as a human name. The list of Abydos and that of Sakkara each omit one king, but the monuments and Manetho leave no doubt as to the true order. V. I. USER-KA-F^"! n about 3721-3693 B.C. mnrm iiA \A Pyramid, Uab'asiit, Abusir ? Cylinders (M.D. 546. B. Mus.). The position of the pyramid of this king is yet unknown ; but as two of this dynasty that " have been identified are at Abusir, fig. 39.— Cylinder (B. Mus,). it seems not unlikely that the others are included among the nine of that group. Unas, however, was buried at Sakkara. Besides the pyramid, there was special devotion in this king's reign to the obelisk standing upon a mastaba-formed base, dedicated to Ra, and known by the name oi Ra'sep, Both iiah priests and fieter Hon prophets were attached B.C. 3721-3680.] USER-KA-F 71 to it. The following- are the persons holding sacred offices belonging- to the king (K), the pyramid (P), or the Ra-obelisk (R)— K Pehenuka (L.D. ii. 48). K Ur'ar'na (L. D, ii. 112a). P Afifa (M.M. loi). P Miirhon (M.M. 199). P Ra en kau (M.M. 313). R,P Nen-khetf-ka(M.M. 308). R,P Ne-ka-ankh (M.M. 311). R,K Khnum-hotep (M.M. 312). R,K Ptah-hotep (M.M. 314. B.R.I, vii. 3). R,K Sennu-ankh (M.M. 316-319). R,K Snezenrab (M.M. 259). R,P Dep-em-ankh (M.M. 199). Of actual remains of this reign there are but two cylinders ; one formerly in the Bulak Museum, stolen in 1878, and one in the British Museum. They both belong to the rude class of these cylinders. V. 2. Sahu'RA ( Q about 3693-3680 B.C. Pyramid, Kha'ba^ Abusir, North. Sinai, rock stele (L.D. ii. 39 f). Sill (?) (G. Mus.). Inscription, Sehel (M.I. i. 88). Cylinders (B. Mus.; P.P. Coll. See side). Hi Fig. 40. — Cylinder. 1 scale. (F.P. Coll.) The pyramid of Sahura is determined to be the north one of Abusir, by the red ochre quarry mark on one of the blocks. In Sinai he warred on the native tribes, and carved a rock tablet commemorating his smiting the Menthu (L.D. ii. 39 f.) A tablet of an official of this reign occurs at Sehel (M.I. i. 88). The worship of Sahura was largely carried on during this dynasty, and lasted 72 SAHU-RA [DYN. v. 2. until Ptolemaic times. The priests of Sahura (K) or of his pyramid (P) are as follow — P Dep-em-ankh (M.M. 198). K Ankh-em-aka (M.M. 213). K Ka-em-nefert (M.M. 242). K Ptah-kha-bau (M.M. 294). P Nen-khefef (M.M. 308). P Sennu-ankh (M.M. 319). K Nefer-arfnef (M.M. 324). K Shepses'kaf'ankh (L.D. ii. 55). K Ai'mery ( ). K Ptah'bau'nefer ( ). K Ata (L.D. ii. 59 a). K Unknown, XlXth dyn. (Serapeum stele 427). K ,, (Sarcophagus 38, Berlin). K ,, ,, (Memphis, B.R.I, iv. 3). K ,, ,, (Serapeum stele 413). A sill of black granite, apparently from the temple of the pyramid, is in the Ghizeh Museum. Two steatite cylinders are the only small remains of Sahura ; one (in Brit. Mus.) gives his ka name and cartouche, the other (P.P. Coll.) is figured above. There are some lists which confirm the order of this dynasty. That in the tomb of Ra-skhem-kha (L.D. ii. 41 a) gives the kings to whom he professes to have been attached ; but the range from Khafra to Sahura is so long that it is hard to credit it ; the intervening reigns that he mentions are down for 113 years in the lists of Manetho, besides 41 years more of reigns which are presumably interposed, though not mentioned. This might, perhaps, be cut down to 70 years for the named kings by arbitrary retrenchment on Menkaura's reign, but then some years still have to be added for parts of the reigns of Khafra and Sahura, to say nothing of the unmentioned kings between. There is no sufficient proof that a person might not claim to be devoted [amakh) to deceased kings (as Ptah'bau'nefer was amakh of Khufu) as well as to the living. The list on a stone in Palermo states the off'erings for the feasts of four kings (R.S.D. 74) ; and the list of B.C. 3693-3660.] SAHU-RA 73 priesthoods of Ptah'kha'bau (M.M. 295) gives also four kings in order. Thus we have — Ra'skhem'ka. Khafra Men'kau'ra Shepseskaf Userkaf Sahura Palermo. West car papyrus. Ptah 'kha 'biu. Shepseskaf Userkaf User'ref Sahura Sah'ra Nefer*ar'ka*ra Ka'kau Sahura Neferarkara Nefer*ef*ra Ra'en'user V. NeFER'AR'KA'RA o about 3680- 3660 B.C. Pyramid, Ba, CyHnder, formerly Bulak Mus. (M.D. V The pyramid of this king was known as Ba, but it has not yet been identified ; probably it lies at fig. 41.— Cylinder. Jscale. Abusir. Thy, whose celebrated tomb is at Sakkara, was keeper of this pyramid (R.S.D. 94). The priests of the king (K) and of the pyramid (P) are — P Thy (R.S.D. 94). P Akhufhetep-her (M.M. 340). P Seden-maat (M.M. 329). P Ptah*en-maat (M.M. 250). • K Snezem-ab (M.M. 258). K Ata (L.D. ii. 59 a). K Urkhuu (L.D. ii. 43). K Ptah-kha-bau (R.S.D. 92). K Shepses.kaf'ankhl K Aimery [(L.D. ii. 55). K Ptah'bau'nefer J K Ptah 'ru 'en (Louvre stele, c 154). Offerings to him are mentioned on the Palermo list ; and farms are named after him in the tombs of Pehenuka 74 NEFER-AR-KA-RA [dyn. v. 4. (L.D. ii. 45), Aimery (L.D. ii. 49), and Semnefer, at Gizeh. Only one object of his reign is known, a cylinder, formerly in the Bulak Museum, stolen in 1878. (See M.D. 54 f.) r~>j We here come to the most U U t I difficult question of the Vth J.^ dynasty, the assignment of the double names which several kings then used. Kakaa must be the same as either Nefer*ar*ka'ra or Shepses'ka'ra, as he is placed in the list of Abydos between Sahu'ra and Nefer*f*ra. The Westcar papyrus places him along with the first two kings of the dynasty, and therefore he is more likely to be the same as Nefer*ar*ka*ra ; but the matter is not certain. His name occurs in five places, besides a scarab (which may be later than his age by the style), and a fly. Table of Abydos, after Sahura. Westcar papyrus, after Sahura. Quarry works, tomb of Thy (R.S.D. 97). Papyrus of accounts, Sakkara. (See Assa. ) Name of a queen, Kaka'hekenu, on a vase in tomb of Thy (W.G. 197). Scarabs (G. Coll. ; B. Mus.). Fly (B. Mus.). Also in place-names in tombs of Ptah'hotep (M.M. 353) and Snezemab (M.M. 504, 509), and a personal name, Kakaa'ankh (R.E. 4, 62). Fig. 42. — Scarab (B.Mus.). V. 4. ShEPSES'KA'RA about 3660- 3653 B.C. This king is only found on the table of Sakkara, and on a scarab (G. Coll.). This scarcity of remains agrees with his reign being the shortest of the dynasty. Pro- bably he is the same as king Suhtes of Fig. 43.— Scarab the Palermo list of offerings (A.Z. 1885, (G. Coll.). 78) ; as that king succeeds Nefer'ar'ka'ra, and the per- sonal names of the next two kings are both known. B.C. 3653-3589-] RA-EN-USER 75 V. 5. Nefer'F'ra about 3653-3633 B.C. This king is miscalled Kha*nefer*ra in the list of Sakkara ; but the reading of the list of Abydos, given above, is clearly the right one by the monuments. The pyramid of this king was known as Neter hau. Two priests of the pyramid are known, Ra*ankh'em*a (M.M. 283) and Seden'maat (M.M. 329); and two prophets of the king, Ra'en'kau (M.M. 313) and Ptah- kha'bau (M.M. 295). He is named on a stele of Sen-amen (G.M. See W.G. 198) ; and a private per- son is named after him, Nefer'f-ra'ankh (M.M. 335). H o R * A • K A u x^r^^^ r >J is a name only occurring inf ^^^^ [ |[ j V> 1 three farm names, in the v^i^r ] — A tombs of Sne- zem-ab (L.D. ii. 76), Ptah'hotep (M.M. 353), and Sem- nefer (L.D. ii. 80 b). As all the succeeding kings of this dynasty occur in these farm names of Snezem'ab, there is some presumption that this was the personal name of Nefer-f*ra. V. 6. Ra'en'user An /wwv\^^ about 3633- 3589 B.C. Pyramid, Men'asut, Abiisir middle (L.A. 7). Rock tablet, Sinai (L.D. ii. 152 a). Red granite statuette (G. Mus.). Statue (by Usertesen I.), Brit. Mus. (L.A. 9). Alabaster vase, Berlin (L.D. ii. 39 c). Scarabs. Fig. 44. — Scarab (F.P. Coll.). These two names certainly belong to one king, as they are both given on a statue of king An, made by Usertesen L ; on the belt, and on one side, An is named, 76 RA-EN-USER [dyn. v. 6. and on the other side, Ra*en*user (L.A. 7). The pyramid of this king is at Abusir, the middle one of the group, as shown by red quarry marks on the stones. The name of it was Mewasut, and it is repeatedly found named with priesthoods ; these are marked (P), and priesthoods of the king" (K), in the list here — P Ankh-em-aha (M.M. 213). P Ka-em-retu (M.M. 175). P Snezem-ab (M.M. 258). P Seden-maat (M.M. 329). P Ka-em-nefert (M.M. 242). P Hapi-dua (M.M. 338). P Ptah-kha-bau (R.S.D. 92). P Thy (R.S.D. 94). P Akhet-hotep (W.G. 199). P (?) Nekhfabs, pillar (W.G. 199). K Ptah-bau-nefer (L.D. ii. 55). K Ata (L.D. ii. 59). An altar of Ana'ankh (G.M.) belongs also to this reign. A red granite statuette of this king (Fig. 45) was found in the group of early figures at Sakkara, already mentioned (G. Mus.). The alabaster vase bearing the name of Ra*en*user is one of a large class. They are found bearing names of Khufu, Raenuser, Unas, Pepi, and Merenra, and are so much alike that it is hard to believe that they were made during three different dynasties. The original site of them is un- known, but they were probably found all together, as it is unlikely that so many and such thin vases should have survived in the ruins of several temples. They may rather have come from some temple where a king of the sixth or later dynasties had made a set for his predecessors, and several are stated to have come from Abydos. As there are many of Merenra, he is probably their author. Some scarabs bearing a fish have been attributed to king An, whose name could be thus sufficiently written without the signs a, n : one scarab with the title sa ra^ son of the sun," has a good claim to this attribution, and would be the earliest example of the use of this title claiming descent from Ra. B.C. 3633-3589-] RA-EN-USER 77 There has been some uncertainty as to which pyramid belongs to this king, as the name of Ra*user*en has been found at the little pyramid of Riqqah, north of Zawyet el Aryan. As Ra*en*user was a powerful king, with a long reign, it is more likely that the large middle pyramid of Abusir was his rather than that of Riqqah. But in some priesthoods named the pyramid sign is more like an Fig. 45. — Statuette of Ra'en'user (G. Mus.). obelisk, which has led to the suggestion that the double slope pyramid of Dahshur is represented (W.G. 199) ; and it may be that the pyramid of Riqqah, which has carving at two angles, may have been a second monu- ment of this king bearing the same name, Mewasut, There is a variation in the spelling of the name of An, a name compounded with his being written as (An-n7)ankh, and (An-n-a)ankh (M.M. 255 ; R.E. 4). 78 MEN-KAU-HOR DYN. V. 7. V. 7. Men'kau'hor about 3589-3580 B.C. Pyramid, Neter asiii (unknown). Portrait block (R.S. D. vi. ; L. D. iii. 291, Rock tablet, Sinai (L. D. ii. 39 e). Statuette, alabaster, Sakkara (G. Mus.). Scarabs. 19). The pyramid of this king has not yet been discovered, but many priesthoods give the name of it as Neter asut. The priests and prophets of the king (K) and of the pyramid (P) are as follow — P Ptah-hotep (R.S.D. 99). P Akhefhotep (R.S.D. loi). P Ra-ankh-ema (M.M. 280). P Ptah-nefer-art (M.M. 322). P Sneferu-nefer (M.M. 395). P Sem-nefer (M.M. 398). P Ked-khenes (M.M. 402). K Ati (M.M. 418). An interesting slab of this king has survived (Fig. 46), having been built into a wall of the Serapeum. It represents Men'kau'hor standing, holding the baton and staff ; over him flies the vulture Nekhebt ; in front of him is a vase on a stand and a long bouquet of lotus ; and above that is his name, Good god, lord of the two lands, Men'kau'hor, giving life like Ra." We have already noticed the reasons for this work being as early as the fifth dynasty, in dis- cussing the pyramid of Men* (For the portrait, see R.S.D. vi. ; L.D. iii. Fig. 40. — Slab with figure of Menkauhor, found re-used in Serapeum (P. Mus.). kau'ra. 291, 19.) In late time this king was still honoured, as on a stele B.C. 3589-3536.] MEN-KAU-HOR 79 of the period of the empire Thuthu adores Duamutf, Kebhsenuf, and Men'kau'hor (P.R. ii. 28). The rock tablet at Wady Maghara is small, and partly destroyed ; but g-ives the ka name, Men'khau, as well as the cartouche (L.D. ii. 39 e). An alabaster statue of this king was in the group of royal figures found at Sakkara (G. Mus.). Of small objects, there are said to be three scarabs (W.G. 200). V. 8. Dad*ka-ra( O ]( LJ 1 about 3580-3536 B.C. AssA (^[ ()^ Of these two names the equivalence is fixed by an inscription, Suten bati (Ra'dad'ka) sa Ra (Assa) " (R.S.D. icq) ; and by many notices of the pyramid Nefer^ with each cartouche. Pyramid, A^T?Trr* Ti"Mr"V Amenemhat I. . . 20 2758 Usertesen I. , d2 2716 Amenemhat II. 32 35 2684 Usertesen II. 29 ? 39? 2660 Usertesen III. 38 38 2627 Amenemhat III. 44 44 2578 Amenemhat IV. 9 9 2569 Sebekneferu . 4 4 2565 Totals here 218 244 Total in T.P. 213, in Man. 245 Here we see that the only datum we have partly assumed — the reign of Usertesen II. — serves to bring the total of the dynasty near that of the Turin papyrus, and the total of the reigns to agree with Manetho in Eusebius, as the difference of some few years is easily made up by whole years being- counted instead of years and odd months and days. We have, however, adopted the total of the T.P. , and thrown the whole difference on Usertesen II. in the dates B.C., as that is the least certain point. The other total given in Manetho by Africanus is a copyist's correc- tion after the corruption of the years of reigns, as 160 is just the total of the figures as they stand in Manetho now. 148 SE-HOTEP-AB-RA [DYN. XII. I. XII. 1. Se'hotep-ab-ra p Amenemhat I. 1 ( ^\ '"^^ 1 \^ AAAAAA -ijjA^ ^ Jl about 2778^ 2748 B.C. Pyramid Tanis Khataanah Bubastis Memphis Krokodilopolis Abydos Hammamat Koptos Karnak Elephantine Aswan Korosko (In Berlin) Cylinders and Scarabs. Papyri w^?' (site unknown) (P. R. ii. 108). Statue Lintel Jamb Altar Statue Altar Inscriptions Sculpture Altar and statue Inscription Inscriptions Inscription Altar (P.T.I, i. 3; xiii. i). (A.Z. XXV. 12; N.G. 9 a). (N.B. xxxiii. A). (M.D. 34 f). (L.D. ii. 118 e, f). (M.A. 1338). (G.H. ii. 4, iii. 3, viii.). (M.K. 8 d, e). (P.S. 308). (P.S. 67, 179). (A.Z. xxii. 30). (L.D. ii. 118 i). Fig. 89.— Scarab (E. Coll.). Instructions of Amen- (S.S.A.). emhat I. Sa'nehat's Adventures (Ms. C. 95 ; S.B.A. xiv. 452), Although the latter part of the Xlth dynasty seems to emerge from the confusion into a tolerably stable and important condition, yet it was the glory of the twelfth dynasty to promote far more organisation and justice than had been reached before. We see this reflected in the ka names of the kings, which form a sort of summary in mottoes of the aim of each monarch. Antef III. is opening or beginning justice " ; Mentu- hotep II. is 'Mord of the two lands," a matter merely of possession and might; Mentuhotep III. is uniting the two lands"; Sankhkara is making his two lands to live"; and Amenemhat I., having entered into full possession of the country, needs not refer to its division, but takes the motto renewing births" as reinstituting the living organisation of everything B.C. 2778-2748.] AMENEMHAT I 149 in the country ; while Usertesen I. carries on the idea in the phrase *Mife of the births," or the national life as renewed and born again. Thus in this series we see expressed the royal motto of each king, that name which he took for his ka on his accession, apparently as his claim to the favour of the gods, when his ka should appear before them, and join Ra after his death. These mottoes generally refer to the care of the king for his royal duties to the country over which he ruled ; and in this case of an emerging civilisation, the sentences give a beautiful sketch of the progress of the country under a line of strong rulers, granting justice, subduing the land, uniting it, making it live, renewing its birth of social life, and cultivating the renewed life thus regained. The document which gives most direct light on the state of the country is the biography of the grand- father of Khnum'hotep at Beni Hasan. The king Amenemhat I. placed the grandfather (who appears to have been a previous Khnum'hotep) **as hereditary prince, administrator of the eastern desert in the town of Menat'khufu ; establishing for him the south land- mark, and making firm the northern one like heaven, and dividing for him the great river down its middle, setting its eastern half to the nome of the * Rock of Horus,' reaching to the east desert. Whereas his majesty came that he might abolish wrong, gloriously appearing even as the god Tum himself ; that he might set right that which he found ruined, and that which one city had taken from its sister city ; that he might cause one city to know its boundary with another city ; establishing their landmarks as heaven ; reckoning their waters according to that which was in the writings, apportioning according to that which was in antiquity, of the greatness of his love of right. He arose and placed him (Khnum'hotep) as hereditary prince, favoured by the royal hand, great chief of the Oryx nome. He set up the landmarks ; the southern one as his boundary to the Hare nome, his northern one to the Jackal nome ; he divided the great river SE-HOTEP-AB-RA [dYN. XII. I. valley down its middle, its water, its fields, its wood, its sand, as far as the western desert." We see here the personal care of a vigorous administrator in renew- ing- the birth of all the social organisation of the country (G. Bh. 58). In every part of Egypt we find alike this remarkable vigour of the new administration. Amenemhat must have been one of the most active and capable monarchs in the whole history of Egypt. From the edge of the Delta at Tanis to the wilds of Upper Nubia at Korosko we alike find the remains of his works. Instead of one or two monuments, as of the previous kings, we see a number which shows that he built and offered in most of the great towns of the country. Beginning at the north, it appears that he must have decorated the temple of Tanis, an excellent statue of his, still remaining there (Fig. 90), brutally usurped in this king records his making monuments to his mother Bast (N.B. xxxiii. A). after times by Merenptah (P.T. L i. 3; xiii. i). And from the quality of the red granite resembling that of the granite columns there, and from the bril- liant finish of these columns, we can hardly doubt that they are a part of a rich temple built there by this king. Fig. 90. — Head of Amenemhat I., red granite, Tanis. At Khataanah, near Tanis, is a fine lintel of a doorway erected by Amen- emhat I. in red granite ; and the later additions there by his successors point to a noble building having stood there (A.Z. xxv. 12 ; N.G. 9 a). At Bubastis a block of B.C. 2778-2748.] AMENEMHAT I At Memphis, in the Kom el Qalah, was a red granite altar dedicated by the king to Ptah (M.D. 34 f.). At Krokodilopolis is the lower part of a red granite seated group of Amenemhat and Bast, side by side (L.D. ii. 118 e, f. ; but see P.H. 57). At Abydos was found a red granite altar, dedicated by the king to Osiris (M.A. 1338). In the Wady Hammamat is a long inscription of an official, a priest of Min, named Antef, who was sent to Rehenu to bring noble hard stone. For eight days he sought for it in the mountain, and could find none suit- able. In despair, he threw himself on his face and prayed to Min, Mut, Urt'hekau, and all the gods of the desert, and offered incense. The next day he searched in four rocks more, and at last found the stone. This touching record of his troubles is irregularly squeezed in at the bottom of the fine, pompous inscription, which he evidently set his masons to cut when beginning this weary eight days' search, and before he anticipated his difficulties (L.D. ii. 118 d; G.H. viii.). Two other inscriptions of the same reign record the work of one Ada in bringing stones for Zautaker, a divine father and priest of Min ; probably for decorating the temple of Min of Koptos. He brought two stones of 10 cubits long (G.H. ii. 4), and one of 12 cubits, for which he had a party of two hundred men, two oxen, and fifty asses (G.H. iii. 3). At Koptos, a beautifully-sculptured slab in relief (Fig. 91) shows that this king rebuilt or decorated the temple there. At Karnak is a group of two figures with the names of Amenemhat (M.K. 8 d), and, as at so many other places, an altar of granite with his dedication, in this case to Amen'ra (M.K. 8 e). These show us the beginning of the decoration of the temple, founded by Mentuhotep, which afterwards became so great by successive additions. At Elephantine, Amenemhat added his tablet on the rock of kings, which already bore the names of four monarchs (P.S. 308). And a little farther we find, just SE-HOTEP-AB-RA [dYN. XII. I. above the cataract, a high pile of rock by the river bearing his name on the very top of it, and referring apparently to the obtaining of stone for his pyramid (P.S. 67) ; while another rude inscription by the cata- ract is dated in his reign (P.S. 179). Nubia also was subject to this king. In the Instruc- tions of Amenemhat to his son," he declares that he had fought the Wawat (Nubians), the Mezau (S. Nubians), Fig. 91. — Slab of Amenemhat I. Koptos. and the Sati (Asiatics). That this Nubian conquest was more than a boast is proved by the pithy record on a rock at Korosko : In the 29th year of S'hotep'ab'ra, ever living, they came to overthrow the Wawat." This campaign was doubtless carried on by Usertesen I., like the campaign against the Libyans in the following year, during which the ojd king died in Memphis. Of his pyramid, called Ka nefer^ we do not yet know the place ; and the name of it is only recorded on a .B.C. 2778-2748.] AMENEMHAT I 153 stele of Hor, who was a priest of the pyramid in the ninth year of Usertesen 1. This, dating by the young king a year before the old king's death, shows how completely the reins had fallen from the hands of that great man, whose abilities had again raised Egypt to the front rank of the world. He died early in his thirtieth year of reign, on the 7th of Paophi. (See Sanehat.) Several private monuments are dated in this reign ; but when such do not refer to historical events, we shall not notice them in this account, except where the name of a king is so rare that the smallest detail is of value. Several scarabs and a cylinder of Amenemhat are known. Some rude scarabs, inscribed Ra's'hotep'ab^ may, however, rather belong to the kings of that name in the Xlllth dynasty. Some of the work of the scarabs is most exquisite in detail. We shall now turn to a vivid picture of the life and connections of Egypt at this age, in the Adventures of Sa'nehat, or the Son of the Sycamore." As the tale will soon be printed in full, we will only epitomise it to point out its interest. The story is in the form of an autobiography, and Sanehat begins by stating his titles, which were of high rank, — hereditary prince, royal seal-bearer, confidential friend, judge, keeper of the gate of the foreigners, true and beloved royal acquaintance, follower of the king, of the household of the queen. He was in the army commanded by the coregent Usertesen I. on an expedition against the Temehu, or Libyans. As they were returning, laden with spoil, messengers came to the coregent to inform him secretly that his father had died. Sanehat was standing by, and overheard the news. At once he was seized with panic fear, and fled away to Syria. The cause of his terror has always been a question to trans- lators ; but we may guess, from the familiar manner in which he is received by the royal family on his return in his old age, — with a stipulation that none of his chil- dren should come with him, — that he may have been a 154 SE'HOTEP-AB-RA [dyn. XII. I, son of Usertesen I. During his father's Hfe he would be safe, but so soon as the old king died, he dreaded being cut off by the heir, who might see in him a possible rival. Thus the difficulties and unexplained points of the tale receive a consistent solution : the many high offices held by one who was quite young ; the frantic terror of his flight, the familiar reception on his return, and the leaving of all his family and goods behind him on re-entering Egypt. After fleeing from the army, when he heard of the king's death on the road from the Natron lakes, he went south, slept one night in the open field, got to about Gizeh the next afternoon, ferried himself over the river on a raft, passed Gebel Ahmar, and came to a frontier wall. After a rest there, he went on by night to escape the guards, and reached the Wady Tumilat next day, where he almost perished from thirst. Some Bedawin found him and rescued him, and he passed on from tribe to tribe till he reached Edom. There, after a time, he found favour with the prince of the hill country of Judea, who was probably in the region of Hebron, judging by the allusions to a goodly land, with figs and grapes, honey, olives, and fruits, barley and wheat without end, and much cattle. There he married the eldest daughter of the prince, and his children each became shekh of a tribe. He generalled the fighting men of his father-in-law, and had a grand single combat with a champion of a neighbouring tribe, in the manner of Goliah. In his old age he longed to see again his native land, and sent a petition to Usertesen, in which he recites his present condition, and asks, Let this flight obtain thy forgiveness, that I may be ap- pointed in the palace, that I may see the place where my heart dwells. How great a thing is it that my body may be embalmed in the land where I was born ! To return there is happiness." The king replied to him, with presents, and the royal family sent him greetings. The royal message was gracious, accepting his assur- ances, informing him that the queen and family were well, and telling him, Leave all the riches that thou B.C. 2778-2748.] AMENEMHAT I 15s hast, and that are with thee, altogether. When thou shalt come into Egypt, behold the palace ; and when thou shalt enter the palace, bow thy face to the ground before the Great House ; thou shalt be chief among the companions. And day by day behold thou growest old ; thy vigour is lost ; and thou thinkest on the day of burial. Thou shalt see thyself come to the blessed state ; they shall give thee the bandages from the hand of Tait, the night of applying the oil of embalming. They shall follow thy funeral, and visit the tomb on the day of burial, which shall be in a gilded case, the head painted with blue, a canopy of cypress wood above thee, and oxen shall draw thee, the singers going before thee, and they shall dance the funeral dance. The weepers crouching at the door of thy tomb shall cry aloud the prayers for offerings ; they shall slay victims for thee at the door of thy pit ; and thy pyramid shall be carved in white stone, in the company of the royal children. Thus thou shalt not die in a strange land, nor be buried by the Amu ; thou shalt not be laid in a sheepskin when thou art buried ; all people shall beat the earth and lament on thy body when thou goest to the tomb." Sanehat was delighted at this reply, and sent a long letter of adoration to the king, in which he says, I who speak to thee shall leave my goods to the genera- tions to follow in this land." He then made a feast, and bade farewell to all, giving his goods and estates to his eldest son. And, setting forth, he was received by the frontier officers, and passed on to the palace, meeting royal provision sent for him by the way. From this he gave presents to his followers who had come so far with him, and sent them back, committing himself entirely to the four messengers sent to conduct him. The king received him graciously, and then called in the queen and family, who could not recognise him at first. When assured of the wanderer's return, the royal daughters performed a dance and chorus of praise to the king. Then Sanehat was accompanied out of the palace, hand in hand with the royal children, SE-HOTEP-AB-RA [DYN. XII. I. and given an establishment. He cast away his foreign dress, and had his long hair shaved off ; he dressed in fine linen, anointed himself with the finest oil, and slept on a bedstead, no longer lying on the sand. A grand tomb was built for him by the king, and he ends by a wish that he may continue in the king's favour. From the absence of any account of his burial, it seems that this was a real autobiography, composed by the old man before he died. It gives a very curious view of the relation of Egypt to Syria at the beginning of the twelfth dynasty. A fugitive Egyptian was superior to the Syrians, and by his education and ability might rise to high power, much like some English adventurer in Central Africa at the present time. USERTESEN I. Wady Maghara Sarbut el Khadem Tanis Stele Stele Statues Brugsch, Hist. 139. (P.T. i. 4, ii. 5, 8, xiii. Faqus Heliopolis Begig Sphinx Obelisk Obelisk Graffito Statue Inscription Sculptures Inscription Altar Columns Inscriptions 2, 3, 4) (and Berlin). (A.Z. xxiii. 11). (L.D. ii. ii8h). ^ Hat-nub Abydos Hammamat Koptos Karnak Taud (M.K. 8a-c). Scarab (A.Z. XX. 123). (P.P. Coll.). (My. E. 508). Hieraconpolis Aswan (L.D. ii. ii8a-c; P.S. 91, 113, 271, 273). Wady Haifa Wady Haifa (Florence) Wady Haifa Stele Brick temple Stele (S. Cat. F. 1542). (Ashmolean Museum). B.C. 2758-2714.] KHEPER-KA-RA Statue Statuette, carnelian Glazed vase from Abydos Marble vase Shells Weight of Hor'mera Scarabs and Cylinders. (B. Mus.). (Formerly in Louvre). (M.A. 1466). (Piece in B. Mus.). (B. Mus., etc.). (Vienna Rec. xii. 10). As we have seen, under the last reign, Usertesen was associated for ten years with his father ; and during" at least the latter part of that time he carried on the external affairs of the kingdom, by expeditions both to the south and the west. So feeble does the old king appear to have become, that the internal administration also devolved upon the son very soon after his accession. A leather roll, written under Amenhotep IV., pro- fesses to give a copy of the account concerning the building of the temple of Heliopolis in the third year of Usertesen, that is, seven years before his father's death; and he is stated to have been crowned with the double crown, and surrounded by his courtiers. Little, how- ever, can be learned from this composition, which is poetical in arrangement, and appears to be entirely a piece of *^fine writing." But as the ceremonial reciter [Kher'heb) is stated to have stretched the cord and laid the foundation in the ground, it must speak of an original building, and not of a mere restoration (A.Z. xii. 85, R.P. xii. 53). Of the work of this temple nothing now remains but the one celebrated obelisk of Heliopolis (L.D. ii. ii8h), which records that it was made in the beginning of the Sed festival of thirty years. The fellow obelisk to this was not overthrown till 1258 A.D. according to Makrizi ; and in 1200 a.d. the obelisks still retained their ancient caps of copper, according to Abd el Latif (cap. iv.). From a tablet of the first year at Aswan (P.S. 271), and this above record of the third year, there is a series of dated inscriptions, mostly private, which extend throughout the reign to the forty-fourth year. This custom of dating monuments is but little known before 158 KHEPER-KA-RA [DYN. XII. 2. the Xllth dynasty, and is not so usual after this period ; but a special fashion of precise dating- seems to have prevailed during this age. As there is apparently little to be learned from these private monuments that are dated, we shall continue to notice the remains in geographical order, as that yields a view of the regions of activity in the various reigns. In the Sinaitic peninsula Usertesen again asserted the Egyptian power, and at Wady Maghara (Br. Hist. 139) and Sarbut el Khadem are memorials of his time. At Tanis he placed at least three statues. The bust of one of these still remains (Fig. 93), in black granite, of glass-like polish (P.T. I. phot. xiii. 2). Another, also in black granite, is perhaps unique among Egyptian sculptures for having no back pedestal or pier, the whole body being admir- ably carved on all sides (P.T. I. phot. xiii. 3, 4) ; this was more complete in Burton's time, and is shown by his copy to belong to this king. Yet a third statue of grey granite is in evidence, by a piece of the base (P.T. I. ii. 8). All of these were barbarously ruined by Merenptah, who battered his name in upon the exquisitely finished sur- faces. Near Tanis, at Faqus, a red granite sphinx has been found, which is probably of Usertesen (A.Z. xxiii. 11). Passing Heliopolis, above noted, and the temple of Memphis, which seems to have been completed before Fig. 93. — Bust of Usertesen 1. black granite, Tanis. B.C. 2758-2714.] USERTESEN I 159 Usertesen, a remarkable red granite obelisk is found in the Fayum, at Begig*. This differs from all other monoliths in Egypt, being rounded at the top with a cylindrical curvature parallel with the wide face (L.D. ii. 119). The steles of Medum are rounded with a spherical curve, which shows of course most promin- ently on the broad face ; whereas this is rectangular in front view, and only curved in side view. The subject of decoration is also peculiar. The upper part of the face is occupied by five courses of scenes, and 13 lines of hieroglyphs below them. Each course re- FiG. 94. — Road up to tomb of Ameny, Beni Hasan. presents Usertesen adoring four divinities, twenty in all. The block was 41 feet high and 7 and 4 feet at the base ; but it is now overthrown and broken in two. This shows that the Fayum continued to attract attention, Amenemhat I. having begun to occupy it, and Amenemhat III. having specially developed it, as we shall notice further on. Next, at Beni Hasan (Fig. 94), is one of the fullest records of this time, in the tomb of Ameny. He was the hereditary noble of the Oryx nome, and succeeded to the i6o KHEPER-KA-RA [dYN. XII. 2. princedom in the eighteenth year of Usertesen I., as his tomb is dated in the twenty-fifth year of his rule and the forty-third of the reign of the king. He records : I followed my lord when he sailed up the river to overthrow his enemies in the four foreign lands (probably Upper and Lower Nubia, east and west). I sailed up as the son of the prince {t,e, before the eighteenth year of the king), royal seal-bearer, com- mander of the soldiers of the Oryx nome, as a man replaces an aged father, according to the favours of the king's house and his love in the palace. I passed through Ethiopia in sailing southward, I removed the boundary of the land. I brought the tribute of my lord, my praise reached unto heaven. His majesty arose, and went in peace. He overthrew his enemies in Kush. Following his majesty, I returned, sharp of face, and without loss of my soldiers. I sailed up the river to bring treasures of gold to the majesty of Usertesen I. I sailed up with the hereditary prince, the eldest son of the king, of his body, Ameni (afterwards Amenemhat H.). I sailed up with 400 men of every chosen man of my soldiers. Returning in peace, they had not diminished. I brought the gold appointed to me, and I was praised for it in the palace, and the king's son thanked God for me. '^l arose and sailed up the river to bring treasures to the city of Koptos with the hereditary prince, the vizier Usertesen, I sailed up with 600 men of every valiant man of the Oryx nome, I returned in peace, and my army safely, I had done all that was ordered to me. I was in favour and much beloved, a ruler who loved his city. Moreover, I passed years as ruler in the Oryx nome. All the works of the king's house came into my hands. Behold he set me over the gangers of the lands of the herdsmen in the Oryx nome, and 3000 bulls of their draught stock Not a daughter of a poor man did I wrong, not a widow did I oppress, not a farmer did I oppose, not a herdsman did I hinder. There was not a foreman of five from whom B.C. 2758-2714.] USERTESEN I 161 I took his men for the works. There was not a pauper around me, there was not a hungry man in my time. When there came years of famine, I arose. I ploughed all the fields of the Oryx nome, to its southern and its northern boundaries. I made its inhabitants live, making provision for them ; there was not a hungry man in it, and I gave to the widow as to her that had Fig. 95. — Usertesen I. , Abydos. a husband : nor did I favour the elder above the younger in all that I gave. Afterward the great rises of the Nile came, producing wheat and barley, and producing all things, and I did not exact the arrears of the farm " (G.B.H. 25). Here we have a picture of the occupations of the old feudal families of the various districts, tamed down and I — II KHEPER-KA-RA [dYN. XII. 2, kept under restraint by the power of the Theban kings ; and employed in various pubHc missions and wars, or else ruling their districts with care and justice. At Abydos Usertesen was engaged on the temple of Osiris. Mentuhotep, the chief architect, was also governor of the east desert or red country, and a man of almost royal importance ; among other works he built the temple of Osiris, and sunk a well (M.A. 617). These are probably the same as works mentioned by an inferior official, Mery (P.R. ii. 104), who prepared a noble place of eternity for Osiris, with a wall that pierced heaven, a well that reached down to the river, and gates that hid the sky. And this same well appears to be men- tioned by Strabo, who describes a well at Aby- dos, with a descent roofed by admirable blocks of stone. A statue of User- tesen has also been found there (Fig. 95) (M.A. 345 ; M.A. ii. 21 ; R.A. phot. Ill, 112). This building is referred to in the Xlllth dynasty, when the colours and orna- ments of Usertesen I. were restored ; and in the XXth dynasty, when **the house of Amen dated from Usertesen I. and needed to be re- newed " (B.H. 142, 133). The deserts were visited as under the previous kings, and an Inscription at Hammamat (My. E. 326) shows the royal power. At Koptos a portion of a noble gateway and blocks of sculpture indicate that User- FiG. 96.— Usertesen I., Koptos. B.C. 2758-2714.] USERTESEN I 163 tesen much adorned, if he did not rebuild, the temple. He is shown adoring Min, Bast, and Nekhebt in different parts (Fig-. 96). At Karnak the works begun by Amenemhat were carried on by his son. A block bears his name, and others, apparently of the same work, are dated in the twentieth year (M.K. 8 a-c). Farther south, at Shekh Taud, the Greek Tuphion, opposite to Erment, was found a red granite table of offerings (now in G. Mus.; A.Z. xx. 123). Beyond that, at Hieraconpolis, in the mounds of the town were found polygonal columns of this king (My. E. 508). At the cataract are some rock inscriptions, dated in the first year (P.S. 271), thirty-third year (L.D. ii. ii8c), forty-first year (P.S. 91), and two undated (P.S. ii3> 273). But the important memorial in the south is the tablet from Wady Haifa (now in Florence), which records the conquest of several negro tribes, Kas, Shemyk, Khesaa, Shat, Akherkin, etc. (S. Cat. F. 1542). Un- fortunately the front edge of the inscription is broken ; but a fragment with the date of this expedition in the eighteenth year has been lately recovered by Captain Lyons, who has also found another tablet (now in Oxford, S.B.A. xvi. 16), and has examined the brick temple of this king at Wady Haifa. Several private monuments are dated in the king's reign ; and the following persons are more or less of interest — Khnem'nekht was born in first year of Amenemhat, and dated his stele in seventh year of Usertesen, when he was therefore 27 years old, at Abydos (A.Z. xix. 116). Hor, priest of the pyramid Ka'nefer of Amenemhat I., dated his stele in ninth year of Usertesen (P.R. ii. 108). Heru'em'hat, an unusual name (Leyden, Lb. D. 102). Mery, builder of temple of Abydos, ninth year (P.R. ii, 104). 164 KHEPER-KA-RA [dYN. XII. 2. Up'uat'aa, stele double dated in the forty-fourth year, and second year of Amenemhat II. (Leyden, L.A., x.). Mentuhetep, builder of the temple at Abydos (M.A. 617). Hepzefa, of the great tomb at Asyut (G.S. iv.). Of small objects, there are some shells inscribed with the royal names (B. Mus.) ; a carnelian statuette was in the Louvre, but was stolen in the Revolution of 1830 ; a glazed vase was found at Abydos (M.A. 1466) ; a piece of a vase of the blue-white marble, characteristic of this age, bears the name (B. Mus.) ; there are also many scarabs, some plain, others of the symmetrical style of ornament, and with scroll-work ; also a few cylinders of glazed stone. An interesting weight, bearing the name of the king, belonged to a goldsmith, Hormera (Vienna, Rec. xii. 10); it weighs 853 grains, or four of the gold standard of 213 grains. Probably the plaque with the same name (formerly in the Palin Coll.), is another weight of this person. XII. 3. NUB-KAU"RA U U u'] about 2716- 2681 B.C. Amenemhat ^11 1 II II 111^ 1 Pyramid Kherp Sarbut el Khadem Temple Dehdamun Nebesheh Beni Hasan El Bersheh Abydos Wady Gasus Hammamat El Hosh Aswan Cylinders and Scarabs (Site unknown). (My. E. 351). (A.Z. xxiii. 12). (P.T. n. ix. i). Khnemhotep tomb (G. Bh. 58). Granite altar Colossus tomb Sahathor stele Inscription Tablet Inscriptions (L.D. ii. 134-135). (A.Z. xii. 112). (A.Z. XX. 203). (My. E. 326). (My. E. 512). (L.D. ii. 123, a, b, e). (L.A. X. 4). 97.— Scarab (G. Coll.). B.C. 2716-2681.] NUB-KAU-RA As we have already seen, the new king- began his reign at least two years before the death of Usertesen I. He appears to have kept up the traditions of the dynasty, but no great events marked this time. The pyramid of this king was named Kherp, as shown by a stele of a priest of the pyramid (B. Mus. ; A.Z. xii. 112). And as no two pyramids are known to have the same name, this serves to identify the king with an abbreviated form of his name, where Sa'hathor says that he was beloved of Nub*kau*ra, and was sent to do the work for the temple of Amenu at the Kherp pyramid (S.B.A. xiv. 39). Thus Amenu (and probably Ameny) was a recognised familiar name for the longer Amenemhat, for royal persons, as it was also in private life at Beni Hasan. Nub'kau'ra appears to have formally established the mining works at Sarbut el Khadem (Fig. 98), and to have founded the temple there (My. E. 351). But in Eastern Egypt his work is not found at the great centres of Tanis or Bubastis, but only at the lesser sites, which perhaps he was the first to adorn. At Dehda- mun, near Faqus, a granite altar of his was found by an Arab of the district, and sold to the Ghizeh Museum ; it is of veined red granite, and very finely worked (A.Z. xxiii. 12). And in the same region, at Nebesheh, were the remains of an altar of black granite, which bore a remarkable added inscription of later date by a royal seal-bearer (P.T. H. ix. i). But at Beni Hasan is the principal inscription of this reign in the tomb of Khnem'hotep (Tomb 3). He states that Nub'kau'ra raised him to the place of his father as prince in the nineteenth year, in the town of Menat- Khufu. He then describes all the religious and funerary foundations that he established, both for his father and for the various festivals. He also arose to favour and power at the court. His son was advanced to be ruler of the Jackal nome, and the boundaries and details were settled by the king. His other son was also advanced. And lastly, he describes a grand mortuary chapel for his father, which he had constructed (G. Bh. 61). All NUB-KAU-RA [DYN. XII. 3. of this is quite different from the labours of the earlier reigns. No great settlement of the country, no foreign warlike expeditions, break in on the prosperous tran- quillity of either sovereign or subject. The tombs of El Bersheh are now of importance at this period ; and the tomb of Tahuti'hotep bears Fig. 98.— Sarbut efKhadem. the celebrated scene of the dragging of a colossus on a sledge by gangs of labourers (L.D. ii. 134, 135). Abydos continued to be of the greatest importance for burials. The tomb of Sa-hathor there records that he was beloved by the king Nub'kau-ra, and was sent on many missions. Among others he went to the town of the kherp pyramid of Amenu to do work on i.e. 2716-2681.] AMENEMHAT II 167 fifteen statues of hard stone, which he finished in two months. In his youth he worked the mines in Nubia, and made the chiefs have gold washed for him (A.Z. xii. 112). The other tablets of the tombs record nothing of importance in this uneventful reign. The desert, however, was worked as before. At Wady Gasus a small temple existed, from which two steles have come, one of this reign, one of the next. The first records how it was put up by a noble named Khenti'kheti'ur, seal-bearer, keeper of the storehouse, who came in peace from Punt with his boats in the twenty-fourth year (A.Z. xx. 203). In Hammamat there is said to be an inscription also of this king (My. E. 326). And one has been seen at El Hosh, near Silsileh, dated in the seventeenth year (My. E. 512). At Aswan there are a few inscriptions of this time, but none of historical import (L.D. ii. 123, a, b, e). Among the private tablets, one of Mentu'sa(B. Mus., Sharpe, i. 83) records that he was born in the first year of Amenemhat I., and erects his tablet in the third year of Amenemhat II., when he must therefore have been 52 years old. The end of this king, according to Manetho, was that he was slain by his chamberlains : an inglorious end to a tranquil life of easy prosperity. There are many small amulets, cylinders, and scarabs ; but the workmanship shows a great falling oft' from that of the previous reigns, and the old high level of delicate and regular work was never reached again in this dynasty. The scarabs of Sankh*ka*ra, Amenemhat I., and Usertesen I. are perhaps unrivalled in any other period for their finish. 68 KHA'KHEPER-RA [dyn. xii. 4. XII. 4. Kha-kheper-ra[ O Q □ about 2684- 2660 B.C. USERTESEN II. Pyramid Hotep Illahun. Tanis Queen Nefert (P.T. II. xi. 171). Memphis Inscription (M.D. 27a). (P.I. ii. xiv.). Illahun Pyramid and Temple Ahnas Blocks (N.A. i.). Beni Hasan Khnem hotep (N.Bh. xxxviii.). Qoser Stele (A.Z. XX. 204). Hieraconpolis Statue (Rec. X. 139}. Aswan Stele (L.D. ii. 123d). Statues Berlin and Louvre. Scarabs, cylinders, etc. Queen— ^^i^vt (P.T. II. xi. 171). Daughters — Atmu neferu (?) (P.I. xii. 6, Sat'hathor (Dahshur). Sent's'senb (Dahshur). 7> 8). Of this king we have fortunately found the pyramid and pyramid-town, which gives a more complete idea of the civil- isation of this reign than we have yet obtained of most other periods. The pyramid of Illahun is at the mouth of the channel in the desert which leads into the Fayum ; and we have already noticed how the kings of this dynasty ~~ 7^ have left their remains in the Fayum, ^^^ (b' mus')^^^^^ organised that province. Usertesen II. placed his pyramid where it was still in the Nile valley ; but from the top of it the Fayum is visible on looking up the channel between the desert slopes. The pyramid is peculiar (Fig. 100) ; the lower part of it is of unmoved rock, which has been isolated from the hill by a deep and wide cutting. Upon that rock walls of large blocks arise, both diagonal and square with the faces, and between these walls is filled in a B.C. 2684-2660.] USERTESEN II 169 brick pyramid. The outside was cased with fine lime- stone, like the other pyramids. It seems that the pyramids of the earlier kings had fallen a prey to violence already ; the signs of personal spite in the destructions are evident (P.P., 2nd edition, 66, 67). Therefore Usertesen II. determined to abandon the old system of a north entrance in the face, and to conceal the access to the interior by a new method.^ The chambers were all excavated in the solid rock without any upper opening, so that they could not be reached Fig. 100. — Pyramid of Illahun from the south^(excavations in chips around it). by tracking between the rock and the building. And the entrance was by a shaft outside of the south face of the pyramid. Two shafts were made, and but for such a doubling of these weak points, for the con- venience of access of the workmen, it might have remained inviolate (Fig. loi). The main shaft was so carefully concealed under a deep mass of rubbish in the plain, that it has never been found ; but the small secondary shaft was only covered by the pyramid pavement, and was opened up when that was removed by Ramessu II. I70 KHA-KHEPER-RA [DYN. XII. 4. The interior has a long sloping passage, rising up- wards, so that water could not flood the sepulchre ; this passage leads to a large chamber lined with lime- stone, and that opens into another lined with red granite, in which stands the sarcophagus (P.I. 1-4). There is a curious passage cut in the rock passing around the granite chamber, as if to prove to any searcher that no other way opened out of that. In the chamber stood the alabaster altar of offerings, finely inscribed to Osiris and Anubis (P.I. iii.). The red granite sarcophagus is exquisitely wrought ; the Fig. ioi. — Section and plan of passages in pyramid of Illahun. • Scale xoW* errors of flatness and straightness being matters of thousandths of an inch (P.I. 3). It has a peculiar lip around it, which has given some weight to the theory that it has been reset in a new position, and that it had been originally sunk in the floor. But any such theory of arrangement requires us to suppose a great amount of reconstruction, of which there is no evidence whatever. Against the east face of the pyramid was a shrine for the worship of the king, richly carved and painted. The whole of this was smashed up by the masons B.C. 2684-2660.] USERTESEN II 171 of Ramessu II., who have left his name written on a block. And the stonework from here appears to have been removed to Ahnas, where the name of Usertesen II. occurs on a block reworked by Ramessu II. About a mile to the east of the pyramid, opposite the middle of the face, is a temple of larger size. This stands on the edge of the desert hills, and would pro- bably be the public temple, while the shrine by the pyramid might be only for the priests. This had all been destroyed, and only a coat of chips covered the ground, many of them showing brilliant work and colouring. A basalt statue had been here, of which only a flake of the thigh remained ; also a shrine of red granite, and a smaller statue of black granite, of which chips were found. In the centre of the area was a pit in the rock with foundation deposits (P.K. 22). Near the large pyramid stood a smaller one, the chambers of which are also cut entirely in the rock, without any opening but the entrance, which must be at some distance, as it w^as not found in a wide clearance around the site. A fragment of the shrine gives the name of a princess beginning with Atmu, probably Atmu-neferu (PT. xii. 6, 7, 8). By the site of the larger temple is the town of the workmen who built the pyramid and temples ; this place was known as Hat*hetep*Usertesen," and is now named Kahun. Part of it is entirely denuded away, but it yet occupies about 18 acres, within which are over two thousand rooms. All of these have lately been cleared, and the plans of the streets and houses completely published (P.I. xiv.). From this we learn the details of the houses of that age ; both the mansions of the high officials, and the rows of little dwellings for the workmen. The objects found in this town throw much light on the civilisation ; and the papyri form the majority of those known of this age. The town appears to have been half deserted after the pyramid and temple were finished ; and the 172 KHA-KHEPER-RA [DYN. XII. 4. inhabitants who were left used the empty houses for rubbish holes. But it seems that few, if any, people remained there during- the troubles of the Hyksos period. A few houses were occupied under the beginning of the XVIIIth dynasty, and then it was left to the jackals, and gradually weathered down. At Beni Hasan is one of the most interesting records of this age. Khnem'hotep is represented as receiving a group of thirty-seven Aamu of the eastern desert, bear- ing a tribute of kohl^ or eye paint. The figures of these foreigners are very important, as showing what kind of civilisation was already spread in the countries between Egypt and Mesopotamia. The royal scribe, Nefer- hotep, who introduces the party, bears a tablet on which is written, *^Year six, under the majesty of Horus, the guide of the two lands, the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Kha*kheper*ra, the number of Aamu brought by the son of the noble Khnem'hotep, on account of the kohly Aamu of Shu, number amounting to 37 " (N. Bh. xxxviii.). Khety, the overseer of the huntsmen, follows the scribe, and behind him come the foreigners. First is the chief, leading a tame ibex (Fig. 102) ; his title and name is before him, heq setu Ahsha (N. Bh. xxviii.). We have already seen how important a heq setu was, in considering Khyan in the Vlllth or IXth dynasty, who occupied part of the Delta and adopted the dignity of an Egyptian king. Here again the rich clothing of these people shows that they were not mere wandering Bedawin, clad in skins ; on the contrary, their gaily patterned garments remind us of the rugs of Persia in the design. They cannot have attained the means and the taste for such ornament in a savage and wandering life ; and we may safely infer that they belong to a region less sterile than the bare desert of the Red Sea. Rather may w^e connect them with Northern Arabia, the region which the power and monuments of Khyan lead us to regard as the home of the heq setu, or prince of the hill te.c. 26S4-2660.] USERTESEN II 173 country. The chief's face is obviously Semitic, being closely like that of the Bedawin of the present day ; the narrow line of beard down the jaw, rising toward the corner of the mouth and then sloping away to the chin, the long aquiline nose, and the general expression, are all familiar in the Arab face. The same Semitic origin is '"pointed out by the name Absha, which is equal to the Hebrew Abishai, ^*the father of a present"; and it is likely that this was not his real name, Fig. 102. — Chief and women of Aamu (from Beni Hasan I.). but rather a name given him by his people in con- sequence of his coming to Egypt with a present or tribute to the Egyptians ; just as Arabs would now name a man who brought presents as the father of presents." After the chief comes a follower leading an oryx ; then four armed men with bow, boomerangs, and spears ; two children on an ass laden with rugs ; a boy 174 KHA-KHEPER-RA [dYN. XII. 4. with a spear ; four women gaily dressed in coloured garments, patterned with stripes, chequers, and frets ; another ass laden with baggage, a spear, and a shield ; a man with a water-skin on his back, playing on a lyre ; and lastly, a bowman with a boomerang (N. Bh. xxxi.). Here is no sign of inferior civilisation. The clothing is quite as much as the Egyptians used, the decoration of it is more profuse than on the Egyptian dress, the arms are the same as in Egypt, the bow and boomerang, and the spear is not common so early in Egypt ; the sandals are as good as the Egyptian pattern, and the women have socks. Though a different civilisation, it is no way inferior to the Egyptian in the arts of life which were needful to such a people. These were the Aamu with whom the Egyptians warred with such large armies under Pepy I.; and who appear to have invaded Egypt and held the country in the time of the IXth- Xth dynasty. At Qoser one of the steles is dated under Usertesen II. (A.Z. XX. 204). At Hieraconpolis a statue of this king in black granite has been found, now in the Ghizeh Museum (Rec. x. 139). And at Aswan is a fine stele of a local noble, Mentuhotep, dated in this reign (L.D. ii. 123 d). The tomb of Sarenput at Aswan, and his statue of black granite (B. Mus.), also belong to this reign, as his father was called after Amenemhat II. (Rec. X. 189). In Berlin is a statue dedicated by an official, Ser (W.G. 250) ; and in the Louvre a carnelian statuette is said to exist, but is not in the catalogue. It is probably a false reference for the stolen statuette of Usertesen I. (see De Rouge, Notice des Monuments, 16). Of scarabs and cylinders there are several of this reign ; ten having been found in his pyramid-town of Kahun alone. His queen was named Nefert, as we learn from her grey granite statue at Tanis (Fig. 103) (G. Mus.; P.T. II. xi. 171). She is represented seated on a throne, with her wig brought down in two masses to the B.C. 2684-2660.] USERTESEN II 175 breasts, where each ends in a spiral curl. On the bosom is a pectoral, on which is the king's name be- tween two vultures on the mib sign. On the throne are the titles, ^^The hereditary princess, the great favourite, the greatly praised, the beloved consort of the king, the ruler of all women, the king's daughter of his body, Nefert." The title ruler, or princess, of all women is Fig. 103. — Queen Nefert. peculiar, and suggests that the queen had some pre- rogatives of government as regards the female half of the population. The small pyramid at Illahun seems to have been for a princess named Atmu . . . ; and, as many names in this age are compounded of the names of deities and neferu^ so this may well have been Atmu'neferu, the beauties of Atmu" or Tum. For the other two daughters see the next reign. 176 KHA'KAU-RA [dYN. XII. 5. XII. KhA'KAU'RA USERTESEN III Pyramid, Dahshur, N. brick. Tanis Nebesheh Khataaneh M ok dam Bubastis Abydos Hammamat Gebelen Aswan Elephantine Sehel Bigeh Semneh Kummeh Scarabs and Cyhnders Queens — Henut'taui Merseker ? Architrave Statue Jambs Statues Architraves Statue Inscription Base of statue Inscriptions Tablet Inscriptions Statue Fort and temple (P.T. I. ii. 7). (P.N. ix. 2). (A.Z. xxiii. 12). (N.A. iv. xii.). (N.B. xxxiii). (M.A. 346). (L.D. ii. 136 a). (G. Mus). (L.D. ii. 136c). (A.Z. xiii. 50). (L.D. ii. 136b). (Rec. xiii. 202). (L.L. 120). (L.D.I. 111-112). (L.D.I. 111-112). Dahshur (L.D. iii. 55a). Fig. 104. — Scarab (P. Mus.). The pyramid of this king is apparently the north brick pyramid of Dahshur, from the remains discovered around it by M. de Morgan in 1894. The arrangement is unHke that hitherto known at any pyramid. In place of the well descending on the south side as at the tomb of Usertesen II., there are wells just inside the corners of the peribolus wall on the N.W. and N.E.; and prob- ably also at the other corners. These wells are con- nected with long galleries parallel to the peribolus ; and chambers containing sarcophagi open from these galleries. Three named interments are already known. A queen, khnum nefer hezt Henut'taui," inscribed on a sandstone sarcophagus ; this is probably the queen of Usertesen III., as she is queen consort at her death, and is not called royal mother. A princess, king's daughter Senfs'senb/' inscribed on a lime- i.e. 2660-2622.] USERTESEN III 177 stone sarcophagus, probably a daughter of Usertesen II., and sister of Usertesen III., judging by the next example. And a princess, Sat'hathor, whose jewellery was found in a casket overlooked by the ancient plunderers. Her pectoral bears the name of Usertesen II., while a scarab has the name of Usertesen III.; hence she was probably daughter of the former and sister of the latter, who buried her in his pyramid mausoleum. This jewellery is a treasure only paralleled Fig. 105. — One of the royal pectorals inlaid with stones, Dahshur pyramid mausoleum. by that of Aah'hotep. A pectoral of gold is richly in- laid with minute work in carnelian and light and dark blue stone or paste ; the design is like that of the pectoral on the breast of Nefert, her father's queen (see the Tanis statues in the Ghizeh Museum), the cartouche of Usertesen II., surmounted by neh neterii^ and sup- ported on either side by a hawk on nuh^ with the sun and uraeus behind. Bracelets, necklaces of gold cowries, pendants of lions and lions' claws in .gold, and I— 12 178 KHA-KAU-RA [dYN. XII. 5. strings of beads in gold, amethyst, and emerald, make up this splendid equipment of a princess. Having the north brick pyramid of Dahshur thus fixed to Usertesen III., it is possible that the two stone pyramids there belong to Amenemhat I. and Usertesen I.; as the Lahun pyramid is of Usertesen II., and the Hawara pyramid of Amenemhat III., the burials of the dynasty would be thus nearly accounted for. The name of this king in the Greek lists, Lakheres, is quite accounted for by the corruption of X into A, by omission of the top ; thus altering Kha'kau'ra, or Khakeres, into Lakheres. In the Delta, Usertesen seems to have been very active as a builder. At Tanis an architrave of red granite bears his name (P.T. I. ii. 7) ; at Nebesheh stood statues in yellow quartzite, one of the thrones of which is preserved (B. Mus. ; P.N. ix. 2) ; at Khataaneh are the jambs of red granite, lying by the lintel of Amen- emhat I. (A.Z. xxiii. 12) ; at Tell Mokdam are the bases of two statues (N.A. 29, iv. xii.) ; at Bubastis he appears to have rebuilt the temple, there being several blocks and architraves bearing his name, and a portion of a long inscription about a war against the negroes, probably also of this time (N.B. 10, xxxiii. xxxiv.). Memphis appears to have been passed over in this reign. At Abydos is a red granite statue in the temple (M.A. 346). At Hammamat we meet an inscription which shows that Herakleopolis, now Ahnas, was adorned by him : * ' In the fourteenth year, the eighteenth of Khoiak, in the reign of Kha*kau*ra, loving the god Min of Koptos, behold his majesty ordered the going to Rohanu to bring the monuments which his majesty ordered him to make for Hershef, lord of Herakleopolis (even the living chief Kha*kau*ra ever living !), in good Bekhnu stone. He sent me as overseer of works on account of my excellence, a true commander, known to his lord. He overthrew the foreigners and the Troglodytes, and brought excellent tribute of the Tehenu (Libyans) ; he who says what is good and reports what is desired, B.C. 2660-2622.] USERTESEN III 179 Khuy, son of Hepy." The construction of this inscrip- tion is rather confused. At Gebelen the base of a statuette of this king was found (G. Mus.). Thebes appears to have been passed by, and all the energies of the reign were concentrated on the complete subjugation of Nubia. At Aswan are inscriptions of the sixth year (a tablet of Aay, P.S. 262) and of the twelfth year (P.S. 340). At Elephantine was a tablet recording some constructions in the eighth year of this reign (B. Mus. ; A.Z. xiii. 50). On the island of Sehel, by the cataract, is a tablet representing the goddess Anqet giving life to Usertesen, and stating that he made monuments to her, and also the canal, most excellent of ways of Usertesen." Another tablet of great interest represents there the goddess Sati giving life to Usertesen, and states that in the eighth year, under the majesty of Kha*kau*ra, living for ever, ordered his majesty to be made a canal anew ; the name of this canal is the * most excellent of ways of Kha*kau*ra ever living.' Then his majesty sailed southward to crush Ethiopia the vile. Length of this canal, 150 cubits ; breadth, 20 cubits ; depth, 14 cubits." This canal was used again by Tahutmes I., and was cleared and re- opened by Tahutmes III., who gave the standing order. The fishers of Elephantine shall cut this canal every year" (Rec. xiii. 202). No modern canal has been attempted in this place ; and instead of a canal 34 feet wide and 24 feet deep, up which any Nile boat could pass, we have resorted to a railway with a shift of cargo at each end of it. This canal was a part of the great preparations for the conquest of Nubia, and Usertesen left his statue on the isle of Bigeh, above the cataract, in honour of the gods of the region (L.L. 120). Pressing on, he defeated the negroes in different campaigns, of which we have records of the eighth, sixteenth, and the nineteenth years. On a tablet set up at Semneh (Fig. 106), we have a characteristic inscription, showing much both of the king and the people. ^' In the sixteenth year, the month Phamenoth, made his majesty the southern t8o KHA'KAURA [DYN. XII. 5. boundary unto Heh. I (the king) made my boundary south of my father's ; I did more than was committed to me by them ; I the king both say and did it. It was the device of my heart, which was done by me ; eager to capture, powerful to succeed, and not slothful ; one in whose heart there is a word which cravens know not. Giving no satisfaction to the enemy which invades him ; but invading the invader, and leaving alone the man who lets him alone. Answering a word according to its result ; for a man who remains silent after an attack, encourages the heart of the enemy. Eagerness is Fig. 106. — View^of Semneh (from L.D. ii. 112). valiant, and base is the coward who is driven back. It is truly a coward who is oppressed upon his own boundary ; for the negro obeys as soon as the lips are opened ; an answer makes him draw^ back ; he turns his back to the impetuous. They are not valiant men, they are miserable, both tails and bodies (a joke at the hide girdles and tails, which always amused the Egyptians) ; my majesty saw it myself ; it is no fable. I captured their wives, led away their peoples ; I went out to their wells (in the desert valleys), and smote their cattle, and destroyed their corn, and set fire to it. By my life and my father's life, what I say is in truth. B.C. 2660-2622.] USERTESEN til 181 And every son of mine who confirms this boundary which my majesty has made, he is my son, he is born of my majesty, a son w^ho avenges his father (like Horus), who confirms the boundary of him who begat him. But he who destroys it, even who fights not for it, he is not my son, he is not one born to me. Moreover, my majesty caused a statue of my majesty to be made upon this boundary, which my majesty made from the desire that ye should fight for it." These conquests in Nubia were permanently secured by thus pushing back the frontier of Egypt to above the Second Cataract, and building on the hills of Semneh and Kummeh two forts commanding the river, about thirty miles above the cataract. The fort of Semneh is on the west bank, bordering on the river, and on an almost inaccessible height of platform, artificially raised, and containing a temple. That of Kummeh, on the east bank, is on a natural height, which is very strong, and also contains a temple (L.D. i. 111-112 ; Ms. A. 29, 30). A decree for the frontier guards was placed at Semneh : This is the southern frontier ; fixed in the eighth year of the reign of his majesty Kha*kau*ra, ever living. Let it not be permitted to any negro to pass this boun- dary northward, either on foot or by boat ; nor any sort of cattle, oxen, goats, or sheep belonging to the negroes. Except when any negro comes to trade in the land of Aken, or on any business, let him be well treated. But without allowing any boat of the negroes to pass Heh northward for ever " (L.D. ii. 136 i). In after ages this king was revered as the founder of Ethiopia, and the later kings of the XVIIIth dynasty specially adored him in their temples at Semneh, Kum- meh, Dosheh, Shatawi, Ellesieh, and Amada. Some private inscriptions of this reign also remain at Semneh and Kummeh (L.D. ii. 136 d-g). A curious illustration of the worship of the kings is preserved in a long hymn to Usertesen IIL on a papyrus found at Kahun. After an opening adulation of titles comes the poetical part of the hymn of praise, stanza l82 KHA-KAtJ-RA [dyn. xli. s. after stanza of ten lines, the most perfect example of Egyptian poetry that we know. I. 1 Twice joyful are the gfods, thou hast established their ofifering-s. 2 Twice joyful are thy princes, thou hast formed their boundaries. 3 Twice joyful are thy ancestors before thee, thou hast increased their portions. 4 Twice joyful is Eg-ypt at thy strong- arm, thou hast guarded the ancient order. 5 Twice joyful are the aged with thy administration, thou hast widened their possessions. 6 Twice joyful are the two regions with thy valour, thou hast caused them to flourish. 7 Twice joyful are thy young- men of support, thou hast caused them to flourish. 8 Twice joyful are thy veterans, thou hast caused them to be vigorous. 9 Twice joyful are the two lands in thy might, thou hast guarded their walls, lo Twice joyful be thou, O Horus ! widening- thy boundary, mayest thou renew an eternity of life. II. 1 Twice great are the owners of his city, for he is a multitude and an host. 2 Twice g-reat are the owners of his city, for he is a flood-gate pouring forth streams of its water- 3 Twice great are the owners of his city, [floods. for he is a bower, letting- every man lie down in the mid- 4 Twice great are the owners of his city, [^^Y heat. for he is a screen like walls built of the sharp stones of 5 Twice g-reat are the owners of his city, [Kesem. for he is a refuge, shutting- out the robber. 6 Twice g-reat are the owners of his city, for he is an asylum, shielding the timid from his enemy. 7 Twice great are the owners of his city, for he is a shade in the high Nile to provide coolness in the 8 Twice g-reat are the owners of his city, [summer. for he is a warm corner of shelter in the winter. 9 Twice great are the owners of his city, for he is a rock shielding from the blast in the stormy day. lo Twice great are the owners of his city, [his boundary, for he is as the goddess Sekhet to the foes who tread on I.e. 2660-2622.] USERTESEN III 183 III. 1 He has come to us, he has taken the land of the well, the double crown is placed on his head. 2 He has come, he has united the two lands, he has joined the king-dom of the upper land with the 3 He has come, he has ruled Eg-ypt, [lower. he has placed the desert in his power. 4 He has come, he has protected the two lands, he has given peace in the two regions. 5 He has come, he has made Egypt to live, he has destroyed its afflictions. 6 He has come, he has made the aged to live, he has opened the breath of the people. 7 He has come, he has trampled on the nations, he has smitten the Anu, who knew not his terror, 8 He has come, he has protected (?) his frontier, he has rescued the robbed. 9 He has come ...... of what his mighty arm brings to us. 10 He has come, we bring up our children, we bury our aged by his good favour. The remaining stanzas are incomplete, but we can see through this a real national fervour of delight at the repression of the negro tribes, and the establishment of security and safety in the country. There are many scarabs and cylinders of this reign in various collections ; mostly of rather rude work. The queen in the Dahshur mausoleum is named Henut'taui, and there is a probability that a queen of Usertesen was named Merseker, as she is adored by Tahutmes III. at Semneh in the same inscription with this king (L.D. iii. 55 a) ; but no other trace of her has been found. MAAT-EN-RA [dyn. XII. 6. XII. 6. Maat-en-ra Amen -EM -HAT I C o about 2622- 2578 B.C. Pyramid and temple, Hawara (P.K. ii.-v.). Sarbut el Khadem Wady Mag-hara Turrah Hawara Crocodilopolis Biahmu Hammamat Koptos Hieraconpolis El Kab Aswan Shrine, etc. Inscriptions Stele Pyramid Pylon Colossi Inscriptions Vulture Statuette Stele Inscriptions (L.L. 301). (L.D. ii. 137). (L.D. (P.K. (P.H. (P.H. (L.D. 11. 143 i.). ii.-v.). xxvii.). xxvi.-vii.). ii. 138). (Rec. X. 139). (W.G. 255). (P.S. 84, 98, 151-3-4). (M.I. i. 14, 15, 27). (L.D. ii. 138 g-). (L.D. ii. 139). (L.D. ii. 139). (W.G. 260). Kuban Inscription Kummeh Inscriptions Semneh Nile levels Statue Berlin Statue St. Petersburg (Rec. XV. 136 ; i.-iv.). Sphinx Miramar Mus. (Cat. xxix.). Hawk (P.P. Coll.), scarabs, cylinders, etc. Papyri (Kahun Papyri xiv.). Daughters — Ptahneferu (P.K. V. ; Rec. x. 142). Sebekneferu, queen later on. The pyramid of Amenemhat was placed by him at the entrance to the Fayum province, which he so largely organised ; from the top of it almost every part of the Oasis can be seen, out to the line of hills which bound its western border. It is also within sight of the cliffs on the eastern side of the Nile ; and it thus links together the valley on which all the other pyramids look down, with this western Oasis which was the special care of this king (Fig. 108). In construction this pyramid differs from all others known, but is more like that of Usertesen II. than any B.C. 2622-2578.] AMENEMHAT III 185 Fig, other. The mass of it is entirely of brick, which was coated with fine Hmestone, Hke the other pyramids. The passages lead- ing- to the central chamber are peculiarly complex, and laboriously planned to defeat plunderers (Fig. 109). A new system was elaborated here, of dumb chambers, with gigantic sliding trap-doors in the roofs leading to further passages. The explorer who had found the en- trance, in the un- usual place on the south side, de- scended a longstaircase, which ended in a dumbchamber. The roof of this, if slid aside, showed another passage, which was filled with blocks. This was a mere blind, to divert attention from the real passage, which stood ostentatiously open. A plunderer has, however, fruit- lessly mined his way through all these blocks. On going down the real passage, another dumb chamber was reached ; another sliding trap-door was passed ; another passage led to a third dumb chamber ; a third trap-door was passed ; and now a passage led along past one side of the real sepulchre ; and to amuse explorers, two false wells open in the passage floor, and the wrong side of the passage is filled with masonry blocks fitted in. Yet by some means the plunderers found a cross trench in the passage floor, which led to the chamber. Here another device was met. The chamber had no door, but was entered solely by one of the immense roof-blocks — weighing 45 tons — being 108. — Bust of Amenemhat III. from statue at St. Petersburg. MAAT-EN-RA [dyn. xh. 6. left raised, and afterwards dropped into place on closing the pyramid. This had been mined through, and thus the royal interments were reached. They had been entirely burnt ; and only fired grains of diorite and pieces of lazuli inlaying showed thesplendour of the decorations of the coffins. The sepulchral chamber is one of the most remarkable works in Egypt. It is hollowed out in one block of glass- hard yellow quartz- ite, cut and polished with exquisite truth. It is over 22 feet long by about 8 feet wide inside, and over 2 feet thick, so that it must weigh about no tons. The roof of it is formed of three blocks of the same material, one of 45 tons, by which entrance was obtained, another larger, and a third smaller. All of this was built into a pit in the rock ; a limestone sloping roof was placed over it, the beams of which are 7 feet thick ; over that a brick arch was thrown, and the brick pyramid was built on it. Inside the chamber is the sarcophagus of Amenemhat ; flat around the sides, but with a projecting foot orna- mented with panel pattern, and a curved lid. Sub- sequently a second coffin has been formed by building blocks between the royal coffin and the wall, and a second lid was put over the space, for covering a Fig. 109. — Plan of passages in Hawara pyramid. Scale yoVo- B.C. 2622-2578.] AMENEMHAT III 187 second burial. Behind these two coffins stood two boxes of the same design, doubtless to hold the sepulchral vases, like the square box in the floor of Pepy's chamber. All of these objects were made of quartzite, some of it white and translucent ; and there is no trace of inscription on this furniture, on the chamber, nor in any part of the pyramid. Below the water, which now half fills the chamber, were found pieces of the alabaster vases with the name of the king" Maat*en*ra. And in the last of the passages was an alabaster altar and broken pieces of dishes, in the form of a half duck (all in G. Mus.), inscribed for the king's daughter Ptahneferu," who was doubless buried in the added sarcophagus space by the side of the king. This altar is peculiar for having figures of a great number of offerings, eighty-six of which bear names (P.K. 12-17, ii.-v.) (Fig. no). Adjoining the pyramid on the south side stood an immense building ; part of which, at least, was the temple of Amenemhat. Some of the construction was due to his daughter Sebekneferu, who afterwards came to the throne (P.H. 6, xxvii. 12). This was the build- ing so celebrated in classical times as the Labyrinth. The site of that has been much disputed ; but Strabo states that it was on the canal between the Nile and Arsinoe ; and by a papyrus found at Gurob, of Ptolemaic age, we know now that boats on the canal leading to Ptolemais in the Fayum, passed by the Labyrinth ; every part of that canal has now been examined, with- out finding any trace of an early building except this great site. All of the constructions have been removed for stone, and there is no trace of the extent of the building except the concrete or heton beds of the foundations, and the immense masses of chips over them, which have resulted from the destruction of the building by the quarriers of Roman age. The brick houses, mistaken by Lepsius for the Labyrinth, formed the village of the Roman age, built on the top of the fragments of the temple. The whole area of the build- MAAT'EN-RA [dyn. XII. 6. ing is about looo feet long and 800 feet broad, or enough to include all the temples of Karnak and of Luxor. From the scanty indications of the levels of the B.C. 2622'-2578.] AMENEMHAT III ways : the first crossway with courts or small temples opening on each side of it ; the second crossway being a hall with a long row of columns, and with courts opening on the farther side of it, much like the temple of Abydos (P.H. 4-8, xxv.). It has been supposed from the tales of Herodotos that the kings of the XXVIth dynasty had built here, either as restoring or adding to the older temples ; but there seems to be no trace of works of that date to be found here. Amenemhat continued to be honoured at Hawara until Ptolemaic times, as persons were named after him (P.H. V. 4, II). Fig. III. — Two tablets of Amenemhat III., Wady Magbara. We pass now^ to the geographical order of the monu- ments. In the Sinaitic peninsula Amenemhat developed his power. At the mines of Sarbut el Khadem he ex- cavated a small rock temple, and placed steles outside of it (L.L. 301 ; L.D. ii. 137; C.N. ii. 691). In the Wady Maghara are also several inscriptions, in various years from the beginning to the end of this reign ; one records an expedition with 734 soldiers, to work the mines of copper and malachite (L.D. ii. 137 c-i) (Fig. III). 190 MAAT-EN-RA [dyn. XII. 6. The quarries of Turrah by Cairo have a fine stele of the king (L.D. ii. 143 i), showing that he obtained stone from there, probably for the Labyrinth. No such good stone could be had elsewhere in Egypt, as we learn by Una bringing from thence the best blocks for his tomb, against the Nile stream all the way up to Abydos. The Fayum province was the great monument of Amenemhat III. The deep hollow in the desert. Fig. 112. — Map of the ancient Lake Moeris in the Fayum basin. The shaded part is that reclaimed from the lake by Amenemhat III. descending over 120 feet below the sea level, was perhaps first produced by the upheavals and dis- locations of the strata which caused the great fault of the Nile valley. But it is tolerably certain that from the earliest human period the Fayum was filled with water by the Nile, as there is a channel into it level with the Nile valley. This inflow of mud-bearing water had deposited beds of earth over the higher levels, where the Nile water first spread out into the lake. Of this B.C. 2622-2578.] AMENEMHAT III high level period many remains are seen, pebble beaches high on the dry side of the basin, and a quay of the town of Dimey on the western side, constructed in Greek times, but now dry far above the lake. There cannot be any question, therefore, as to this condition of things having existed (Fig. 112). The keeper of the Lake of the Crocodile or Ta'she is mentioned from the earliest times. The first stage of interference with nature here seems to have been under Amenemhat I., as the earlier mentions of a town or district probably refer to the shores of the lake. His statue at Crocodilopolis (Medinet) shows that he had reclaimed a considerable surface from the lake ; and a fragment of a gigantic thick dyke of earth, just beyond the ancient temple, may well be a part of his first dam, enclosing the higher part of the lake bed, and so bringing it into use for cultivation, or may even belong to some still earlier reclamation. This enclosure must have ex- tended as far as Begig, three or four miles south-west of the temple, in the time of Usertesen I., whose obelisk lies there. Then under Amenemhat III. came the great extension of this damming-out system ; and by means of a vast embankment, some twenty miles in length, an almost level area of about forty square miles, or over 20,000 acres, was secured from the lake, and became one of the most fertile provinces of the country. On the prominent northern corner of this great work (now knov/n as Biahmu) were placed two massive platforms of stone walling, filled in with earth, from which arose two seated colossi of the king. These were monoliths about thirty-nine feet high, placed upon pedestals. Carved in the glassy quartzite, and polished brilliantly, they glittered as landmarks seen across the lake (P.H. 53-56, xxvi.). These were doubtless the statues on pyramids seen by Herodotos. The fragments of the statues, etc., are now in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford. The great work of Amenemhat was not only the reclaiming of all this land, but also the regulation of the flow of the Nile 192 MAAT-EN-RA [dyn. XII. 6. in and out of the lake. Down to the time of Herodotos this annual flow continued, and the lake served to hold part of the surplus of the high Nile, and to let that flow out again during the low Nile. Two causes, however, led to the abandonment of this system : first, the Nile always deposits more earth near its main bed than elsewhere, consequently the bed rises faster than the western side of the Nile plain, and hence there is now a difference of several feet across the Nile valley. So soon as this became considerable, it would be im- practicable to get the water out of the Fayum again into the raised Nile bed. Secondly, the land was much needed for a new settlement of the Macedonian soldiers of Ptolemy Soter. Hence the inflow of the Nile was checked down to the amount actually required by the province, and the lake was gradually dried up under the earlier Ptolemies. Colonies of soldiers and their families were settled on the newly - reclaimed land, towns and temples sprang up as the lake receded, and it has been reduced to a low, though fluctuating, level ever since (P.H. 2). Amenemhat III. also rearranged the temple which his ancestor had built at Croco- dilopolis ; the red granite blocks of the pylon bear his name, though they have been re-used by later re- storers (P.H. 57, xxvii.). The ancient name of the town. Shed, means the rescued or extracted, and thus refers to the extraction or saving of the land from the lake. The former theory of Linant, that the Lake Moeris was on the high plateau, was founded on a misconception of the levels, and of the physical features of the country, and needs no further consideration. As the remains within the dam — or in Linant's lake — are of the XHth dynasty, and the remains outside of the dam are all Greco-Roman, it is obvious that the inside must have been dry land, while the outside was the lake, until late times. The celebrated Lake Moeris was then the natural basin of the Fayum oasis, regulated and utilised by Amenemhat HL The extent of the basin up to Nile level was such that its circuit was equal to the coast- B.C. 2622-2578.] AMENEMHAT III 193 line of Egypt, according to Herodotos, and this was approximately the case. The supposed extension of it into other desert valleys to the south-west is impossible during historical times, as the hills rise above the Nile level between the two depressions. In the Wady Hammamat, we find that Amenemhat sent out an expedition to get stone, in his nineteenth year, for his buildings in the Fayum (L.D. ii. 138 c, e), apparently for the temple of Sebek at Crocodilopolis. The party made a causeway to draw the stones upon, and brought a statue of five cubits high. In the second year is a record of the overthrow of the negroes, and opening up of the road of the Aamu (L.D. ii. 138a). These expeditions continued to need considerable forces, as in that of the nineteenth year multitudes of soldiers, even two thousand," are mentioned. At Koptos a colossal vulture in hard limestone was dedicated by Amenemhat, beloved of Sekhet " (now in G. Mus.). The great centres of Memphis, Abydos, and Thebes seem to have been passed over by the king, only a few private dedications being found there ; and we next meet with Amenemhat at Hieraconpolis, where a black granite figure of his was found (G. Mus.; Rec. x. 139). On the opposite bank, at El Kab, was a stele in the forty-fourth year, concerning the building of a wall (W.G. 255). At Aswan are several private tablets dated in this reign, but none of historical value (P.S. 84, 98, 151, 153, 154). A stele of an official named Usertesen, at Kuban, opposite Dakkeh in Nubia, belongs also to this date (L.D. ii. 138 g). But at Semneh and Kummeh a most interesting series of inscriptions is found, brief though they are, recording the height of the Nile. The great water- works of Amenemhat, for the regulation of the Nile by the intake and outflow at the Fayum, required an early notice of the rise and fall of the river ; and official records were kept of it on the rocks, while probably I— 13 194 MAAT-EN-RA [dyn. XII. 6. the news would be sent down by some signals from hill to hill, till it reached the lower country. These re- gisters of the high Nile (see L.D. ii. 139) involve a difficult question, as they are about twenty-five feet above the present level of the river (L.L. 510). As the mouth sign beginning the inscription is written, bisected by the upper line in some cases, it seems as if it were the actual water level, and not a record placed at some determinate height, of ten or twenty cubits measured by a cord above the torrent of the full stream ; other- wise such an explanation might seem the most feasible, as it would be easier to mark rocks, and examine old marks, on some spot well above the water. Such a possibility needs consideration on the spot. Granting, however, that these are the actual levels, the only view seems to be that the Nile has eroded its bed a depth of twenty-five feet at that point. It has often been suggested that the breaking through of barriers at Silsileh, or at Aswan, might affect it ; but as those places are two or three hundred feet lower level, any change there would be as imperceptible at Semmeh as a lock on the lower Thames would be at Oxford. Moreover, the early graffiti and tombs at Silsileh and Aswan are only fairly above the river at present, and show that no great change has occurred there in historical times. The Semneh levels, then, must point to a lowering of the bed in Upper Nubia, apart from Lower Nubia and Egypt ; and this might occur by two causes, either by the erosion of the bed, or else by a slight elevation of the southern end of Nubia, thus making the water pour faster out of its channel, and so lie at a lower level. The gradient of the water in Nubia does not appear to exceed thirty seconds of angle, and hence a minute angular tilt of the country might flood up the upper valley, or let the water run faster out of it. Until a critical examination is thoroughly made of all the remains — especially trifling graffiti along the banks — in Upper Nubia, this vexed question must remain in abeyance (see on this L.L. 507-532). B.C. 2622-2578 ] AMENEMHAT III 195 Of other remains of Amenemhat, there is a fine statue usurped by Merenptah, possibly from Tanis, like other such usurpations, now in Berlin (W.G. 260); and also another statue at St. Petersburg- (Rec. xv. 136, i.-iv.) ; a headless sphinx of the Miramar col- lection (Cat. xxix.) ; a small hawk inscribed on the base (F.P. Coll.) ; and many scarabs, cylinders, etc. One is a document of interest, giving the list of the six kings of the dynasty down to this point, in their proper order (Brocklehurst Coll.). A statue of an official of this king was in the Sabatier Coll. (Rec. xiv. 55). Of the close of this reign the highest date is the stele at El Kab of the forty-fourth year. But a papyrus from Kahun is dated in a forty-sixth year, which can hardly be that of any king- but Amenemhat III., and hence it is likely that his reign extended so far. As to whether he associated Amenemhat IV. in coregency with him we cannot be certain. Such was the principle of this dynasty, especially in long reigns like this ; yet there is no certain evidence at this point. Some monu- ments give the two cartouches side by side as equally adored, but there is no proof that either king was alive at the time, nor that both were alive (L.D. ii. 140 m; L.A. X.). On the whole, it is not improbable that Amenemhat IV. was associated for two or three years, but no double dating of this kind is yet known. Of the family of Amenemhat, one daughter, Ptah* neferu, appears to have died before her father, having been buried in his pyramid. Her alabaster altar and dishes remain (G. Mus. ; P.K. v.) ; and a block of black granite with her name and titles (Rec. x. 142). The other daughter, Sebek'neferu, succeeded her brother, Amenemhat IV., on the throne. 196 AMENEMHAT IV [DYN. XII. 7. XII. 7. Maa'kheru'ra Amenemhat IV. Sarbut el Khadem Tablets (L.D. ii. 1400, p). Wady Maghara Tablet (L.D. ii. 14011). Kahun Papyrus (G.K. xxxiii.). Shut er regal Tablet (P.S. 444). Kummeh Tablet (L.D. ii. 152 f). Paws of a sphinx, quartzite (G. Mus.). Plaque (B. Mus.). Scarabs (B. Mus., Louvre, F.P. Coll.). Fig. 113. — Scarab (P. Mus.). This reign shows the declension of the dynasty. The monuments are scanty and unimportant; they all fall, however, in the fifth and sixth year, which gives some reason to suppose a coregency in the earlier part of the nine years' reign. At Sarbut el Khadem the ka name and the throne name occur in isolated fragments without longer in- scription (L.D. ii. 1400, p); while at Wady Maghara a short inscription is dated in the sixth year (140 n). The paws of a sphinx in yellow quartzite also bear his name (G. Mus.). The name does not appear at all at Hawara, which is rather strange, as that of Sebekneferu occurs sometimes in the temple. At Shut er Regal is a cartouche that may be of Amenemhat IV. (P.S. 444). At Kummeh a brief tablet of the fifth year records the rise of the Nile (L.D. ii. 152 f). One papyrus ^of Kahun is dated in the sixth year of the reign (G.K. xxxiii.). A plaque of green glazed schist (in the B. Mus.) bears the names of Amenemhat IV., with a cartouche Ameny ; this may possibly be an associated prince, though scarcely the Ameny Ra* sankh'ab, the sixth of the next dynasty. Only four scarabs are known, one in B. Mus., one in F.P. Coll., and two in the Louvre. B.C. 2569-2565.] SEBEK-NEFERU 197 XIL 8. Sebek'neferu ilQ about 2569- 2565 B.C. Khataaneh Sphinx (N.G. 9 c). Hawara Temple (L.D. ii. 140, P.P. Coll.). Cylinder (B. Mus.) ; Scarab (G. Coll.). Fig. 114. — Scarab (G. Coll.). Of this queen, stated by Manetho to have been the sister of Amenemhat IV., we have very sHght remains. A sphinx of grey granular siHceous rock at Khataaneh has an effaced cartouche between the paws, which may be that of this queen ; but the ka name is entirely gone, and the cartouche only shows traces of a Ra, a square sign (pedestal of the crocodile ?), and three vertical lines. As no other cartouche agrees to this, it may be left to the credit of this queen. At Hawara her ' name occurs as often as that of her father ; as, beside the ex- amples of Lepsius (L.D. ii. 140), a column (P.H. xxvii. 12) and a block (P.K. xi. i) naming her have also been found there. How it is that she is associated with this temple, to the ex- clusion of her brother, is not clear ; but the remains about it, Fig. 115. — Cylinder, blue on white (B. Mus.). are so scanty that little can be argued SEBEK-NEFERU [dyn. XII. 8. The finest small piece of the later part of the dynasty is, however, of this queen, a beautiful cylinder (Fig-. 115) of white schist g^lazed blue, of unusual size, and bearing all her titles: Hor Ra'mert ; double diadem Akhet kherp 7ieht taui ; Hor nub Dad'kha ; Suten hat (Sebek*shedti*neferu) a^ikh tha ; Sebek shedti mery'' (B. Mus.). A scarab of hers is also known (G. Coll.). Before parting from the Xllth dynasty, one remark- able point should be noticed. The reigns are all long, and yet it is generally assumed that the kings were each sons of their predecessors. Though the time of life of association as coregent may have been very uncertain, yet on a series this vagueness is so sub- divided that it does not much affect the question. Setting aside Amenemhat I., who fought his way to the throne probably late in life, the reigns of the other kings, from being coregent, to adopting a successor as coregent, are 42, 32, 26, 38 (?), 44 years ; the average of the three certain ones at first is 33 years, or, including all of them, 36 years. Now, it is wholly unlikely that each of these kings had no son until they were so advanced in life. Either, then, their successors were not eldest sons, but only sons who were selected by the king as being most able, or sons of heiress- princesses ; or else there have been several generations passed over, and grandsons were more usual as suc- cessors than direct sons. To reduce the average of 36 to the more likely average of 20 years, there must have been four grandsons adopted as coregents, pass- ing over the direct sons. One clue to this peculiarity may lie in the female succession. There is some ground for supposing that the throne, like any other property, descended in the female line ; and that the custom of brother and sister marriages arose from the desire that sons should inherit. If so, it is quite possible that the sons had no claim to the throne legally ; but that the king had it in his choice to select the most suitable son or grandson, and by B.C. 2569-2565.] TWELFTH DYNASTY 199 marrying him to a particular princess in the line, he thus created him the heir to the throne. This great period of the Xllth dynasty is marked by somewhat the same characteristics as the first age of Egyptian development. It begins with a firm organ- isation of the country, and a solidity and brilliancy of work that shows great and able guidance ; that is succeeded by a time of tranquil internal prosperity, under the second Amenemhat and Usertesen, as before under the Vth dynasty ; and then comes the tide of foreign conquest under Usertesen III. as under Pepy I. A long and splendid reign of Amenemhat III. leads to a brief time of decay ; much as the long reign of Pepy II. led to the disorganisation of the Vlth dynasty. And in each case an age of short reigns, confusion, and weakness succeeds this outburst of ability. It is singular how parallel the two cycles of development run, one with another ; but such seems to be much the course of government in its growth and fall in all ages ; and growth, prosperity, foreign wars, glory, and decay succeed each other as the seasons of the great year of human organisation. The work of this dynasty is among the finest. It could never profess the vitality of the early times, yet it showed a technical perfection and care which is perhaps unsurpassed. The sculptures of Amenemhat I. and Usertesen 1. from Koptos, the sarcophagus of Usertesen II., and the tomb chamber of Amenemhat III., are as perfect in workmanship as anything wrought by man. It is much to be hoped that further exploration may reveal to us more of this brilliant age, and that the pyramids of other kings of this dynasty may be discovered. The private works of this time are fine and sub- stantial ; though less spontaneous, they are yet superior to the sculptures of any time since the IVth dynasty, and mark the high level of technical and formal skill which was reached in this age. 200 THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH DYNASTIES CHAPTER IX Thirteenth and Fourteenth Dynasties We now reach the second of the two great periods of obscurity in Egyptian history. The dark age of the Vllth-XIth dynasties we have filled up to some extent, thanks to Eratosthenes and the scarabs, be- sides having the well-known list of a portion of it in the table of Abydos, and the fragmentary but useful statements in the Turin papyrus. For the period from the Xlllth to the XVI Ith dynasty the materials are even less satisfactory. There is the Turin papyrus beginning in good condition, but becoming more and more broken, until dozens of names may be placed in almost any position. There is the wildly irregular list of Thothmes III. at Karnak. And there are various excerpts and summaries of Manetho by Josephus, Africanus, Eusebius, etc. Of monuments there are only scattered remains, and no contemporary evidence as to succession. Two views have been held regarding the only series of names that is of use — the Turin papyrus. Brugsch adopts it as a continuous list of successive names, but Lieblein considers that it is compiled from six alternat- ing sections of the kings of the Xlllth and XlVth dynasties. For this latter hypothesis there does not seem to be any sufficient ground. There could have been no reason for alternating the portions of the dynasties unless they were contemporary ; if contem- porary, they would be rival lines ; and in the case of THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH DYNASTIES 201 the IXth and Xth dynasties we see that rival lines are not reckoned in the Turin papyrus. We shall there- fore treat the Turin papyrus as a consecutive record, so far as the terribly broken state of it permits ; and no arrangement of the pieces will be here adopted for which there is not good reason in the character of the writing (which varies in different parts), the spacing of the lines, the nature of the fibres, and the style and position of the lines of later accounts scribbled on the back of it. Where all these clues fail to show the order of the fragments, we shall state that the various pieces may be arranged in almost any order. Before entering on the details of the names and reigns, it will be well to review the whole period from the Xlllth to the XVI Ith dynasties, and so to see what is the general scheme of the evidence that we have. For this the remains of Manetho are our only guide for the duration of the period. And we will first review them briefly in their most reliable forms, the text of Josephus, and the tables of Africanus and Eusebius. Africanus. Eusebius. Josephus. Dynasty. Kings. Years. Dynasty. Kings. Years. on Hyksos. XIII. 60 453 XIII. 60 453 or 153 XIV. 76 184 XIV. 76 484 (after confusion, at leng-th they made a king). XV. 6 284 XV. X 250 Hyksos, 6 kings, 260 (Hyksos) (Theban) years. XVI. 32 518 XVI. 5 190 (this people and their (Shepherds) (Theban) descendants in all 511 years). XVII. 43 XVII. 4 103 (Hyksos) Setting- aside for the present the details of the reigns of the separate Hyksos kings, such are the materials for unravelling this period. 202 THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH DYNASTIES The Turin papyrus gives in many cases the length of the reigns, and the average of eleven reigns re- maining is 6^ years each in the period of the first sixty kings, which is presumably the XII Ith dynasty. This points to about 390 years for the whole sixty kings, and agrees therefore with the 453 years far better than with the reading 153 years. In fact, deducting the 71 years of eleven kings from 153 years, there would only be left 82 years for forty-nine kings, which would be certainly unlikely. We may then adopt the reading 453 years as far the more probable. The next question is, were the Hyksos contemporary with the Xlllth and XlVth dynasties? So far as the XI I Ith, the distribution of the monuments of the first sixty kings of the Turin papyrus seems to show that they held all Egypt. The fifteenth king is found at Semneh and at Bubastis, the twenty-third at Tanis and in Ethiopia, and the fifty-third is Ra'nehesi, who is believed to be related to the king's son Nehesi found at Tanis, and the king Nehesi found at Tell Mokdam. We cannot then suppose the Hyksos to have been contemporary with the 453 years of the XI I Ith dynasty. Probably the limit of the XI I Ith dynasty is at the mark of a new section beginning at No. 56 in T.P., as two or three kings may have been omitted in this numbering. The whole Hyksos period is stated at 511 years by Manetho, according to Josephus, and is divided into three stages. First, ^^they had our rulers in their hands , . . and inflicted every barbarity." Next, *^At length they made one of themselves king," and the six reigns occupying 260 years are specified. Then these six were the first rulers amongst them," and the ^'shepherd kings and their descendants retained possession of Egypt 511 years." Here there is first a period of harrying and plundering the native rulers ; second, a fixed Hyksos rule, well organised and long- lived ; third, the rule of their descendants, extending altogether to a dominion of 511 years. This total B.C. 2098-1587.] THE HYKSOS 203 period is terminated by the expulsion of the Hyksos, and the establishment of the XVIIIth dynasty. Now, the essential difference between the summaries of Africanus and Eusebius is, that the latter puts the Hyksos at the end of the dark period ; while Africanus inserts them between the XlVth and XVIIth dynasties. As the account of Eusebius does not agree with Josephus, while that of Africanus agrees in the number of Hyksos kings and their reigns, it appears that Africanus is the better guide. His XVIth dynasty is, however, evidently the summary of the whole Hyksos period, 518 years, according with the 511 of Josephus ; and therefore including the 284 years stated before it, and the 151 years stated after it. The XVHth dynasty of Africanus seems to be corrupt as to the number of kings, stated as forty-three shepherd kings and forty- three Thebans, who reigned together 151 years. The equality of the numbers shows some corruption, and the reigns are very short. Some clue in this confusion may be reached by seeing what dynasties will agree to the total Hyksos period. The last 151 years of the Hyksos appears to have been a joint rule of Hyksos suzerains and Egyptian vassals, as shown in the tale of Apepa and Seqenenra. There will therefore be 260 years of the great Hyksos kings, and 151 years of their descendants, making 411 years of their kings altogether. This would leave a round hun- dred years, out of the total of 511, for the confused period of their harrying of the Egyptians ; as that was probably an indefinite period, of a gradual in- crease of power, it is very likely to have been put roundly at one century, which, added to the reigns of 411, made 511 years' total, or 518 years, according to Africanus. How, then, does this stand in relation to Egyptian reigns ? The 151 years at the end is a joint rule during the XVHth dynasty. But what went on during the six great Hyksos kings and the confusion before them ? Africanus gives no material here ; but it seems not unlikely that the XVIth Theban dynasty of Eusebius 204 THE HYKSOS [dyn. xv.-xvii, refers to this age, five kings reigning 190 years, as we see that his XVth dynasty is apparently intended for the XVth dynasty of the six great Hyksos. This 190 years occurs in the old Egyptian chronicle in Syncellus as of eight kings, which is rather a more likely number. This, then, is the material which, on the Egyptian side, makes up the period of Hyksos rule. ^^bout Egyptians. Hyksos. B.C. B.C. 2565 Xni. 60 king-s, 453 years. 2112 2098 XIV. 76 kine-s, 184 1 r • y^^""': o ' s y ^ \ confusion 100 ] o 1928 I 1998 XVI. 8 kings, 190 y XV. 6 kings, 260 1 1738 I r5ii 1^38 XVII. X kings, 151 J XVII. .^r kings, 151 1587 ^ 1587 Such seems, from this very confused material, to be the most likely original statement. If this be so, Africanus has formed his digest thus — His Xlllth is the Egyptian Xlllth. „ XIV „ Egyptian XIV. „ XV „ Hyksos XV. ,, XVI Hyksos total. „ XVII „ joint XVII. Eusebius, on the other hand, has compiled thus — His Xlllth is the Egyptian Xlllth. „ XIV „ Egyptian XIV. ,, XV ,, Hyksos XV, (called Theban, as they ruled over Thebes). ,, XVI „ Egyptian XVI. „ XVII „ joint XVII. Josephus has neglected the Egyptians altogether, and given only the Hyksos material, according to his object. The practical equivalence of the 511 years of the Hyksos, the 518 years in Africanus, and the 525 years of the three Egyptian dynasties, is our best clue through this B.C. 2098-1587.] THE HYKSOS 205 tangle ; and the small differences between these amounts may readily be accounted for by the count of 100 years in round numbers for the confusion beginning- the Hyksos domination, and by some one king being reckoned as independent at the beginning of the XlVth or end of the XVI Ith dynasty. If we accept the above settlement, we may divide the periods thus in detail — XIII. — 60 kings, 453 years f 14 years before Hyksos XIV. — 76 king's-^ 100 years harried by the Hyksos ^ [ 70 years under the great Hyksos \ 260 I 511 XVI. — 8 kings, 190 years ,, ,, ,, / yrs. j yrs. XVII. — ;r kings, 151 years' struggles with Hyksos J This arrangement is corroborated by a fragment of the Turin papyrus, which has been certainly misplaced hitherto ; it is numbered 32, but cannot belong to the IVth dynasty (where it has been placed), both by the lengths of the reigns, and by the part of a name se/a. Nor can it be placed at any other part of the papyrus until we reach the end of the XlVth dynasty. Here are met a few other fragments which agree with it in the spacing, the writing, and the plain back (122, 133, 135). And in the XlVth dynasty before it are at least three kings ending in ^e/ciy so that the type of name was not then uncommon. The lengths of reigns also accord better with this age of the XVIth dynasty than with any other unsettled period. The numbers are 6, 6, 24, 24, 21,8 years. The 6 year reigns might be the end of the XlVth dynasty ; and if four reigns occupy 77 years, that would leave 113 years for the remaining four reigns in the XVIth dynasty ; not at all an unlikely number, when we have two of 24 years already here before us. Until, then, some further material may come to light, it does not seem that we can do better than accept pro- visionally the arrangement which we have here outlined. And on this basis we shall now proceed to deal with the details of this period. 206 THIRTEENTH DYNASTY [dYN. XIII. Xlllth dynasty, about 2565-21 12 B.C. According to the Turin papyrus. " Mon. " refers to account of monuments, follow- ing this. Ra'khu'taui Ra'sekhem'ka . Mon. 6 Ra 'amen 'em 'hat Ra's'hotep'ab Aufni f Ra's'ankh'ab . Mon. \^(Ameny Antef Amenemhat) Ra*s*men*ka Ra's'hotep'ab . Mon. ka Ra'nezem'ab Ra*sebek(hote)p Mon. Ren'senb Ra-fu-ab . . Mon. Ra'sezef (a'ab) / Ra 'sekhem *khu 'taui \Sebek-hotep (I.) Mon. Ra'user ra /Ra(smenkh)ka . Mon. \Mer*meshau / ka \Anu ..user'ur.. / Ra(sekhem 'suaz 'taui) \Sebek-hotep (H.) /Ra'kha'(seshes) . \Nefer*hotep Ra'hat'heru'sa JRa'kha'nefer \Sebek'hotep (HI.) [Brug-sch supposes two lost here, namely Ra'kha'ka JRa'kha'ankh \Sebek-hotep (IV. ?] /Ra'kha'hotep . Mon. \Sebekhotep (V. ?) 4y. 8m. 2^6 Mon. Mon. Mon. 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 YEARS. /Ra-uah-ab . . Mon. \Aa*ab . loy. 8m. 28d. /Ra'mer'nefer . Mon. \(Ay) . . 23y. 8m. i8d. Ra'mer'hotep Mon. 2y. 2m. 9d, /Ra'sankh'n \Set hetu ? . 3y. 2m. JRa'mer'sekhem ? 3y. im. \An'ren /Ra'suaz'ka . . i + *y. \Hora m 2+-y. to 35 lost. Ra'mer'kheper /(Ra)-mer?ka . Mon. V(Sebek-hotep VI. ?) ka Lost. mes /Ra...maat . . Mon. \Aba . /Ra...uben \Hora? ka Ra,..maa Ra Ha Sa Hapu Shemsu Mena.... Ur.... Ra'nehesi Ra'kha'thi ...neb'fu Mon. ? A fresh heading begins at the next entry ; and as the above section contains nearly the number of kings (fifty- B.C. 2560-2520.] SEKHEM-KA-RA 207 five or fifty-seven) in Manetho's Xlllth dynasty, it is probable that at this point is the end of this dynasty. The names that follow in the papyrus have a new type, three of them ending in ....zefa, which has not occurred in the foregoing part. We shall now refer only to those kings of whom some remains are known ; leaving, with the above mention, those who are only recorded in the Turin papyrus. XIII. 2. Sekhem'ka-ra f O Y t 1 I A stele naming this king was found, probably at Benha, and subsequently copied by Brugsch at Alex- andria (B.T. 1455) ; its place is now unknown. It is a tablet of a noble, a king's son, named Meryra (perhaps the same of whom a scarab remains, P.I. viii. 40). On the upper part a Nile figure kneels, offering vases bearing ankh'ded'uas to the hawk on the ka name, S'ankh' taui: the cartouche of Sekhem*ka*ra comes next to this. His third year is named on a papyrus from Kahun (G.K. ix.). about 2560 B.C. XIII.6.Sankh-ab-ra( ^G [1 ^ about^252o AmENY • ANTEF 'AMEN 'EM 'HAT Of this king a noble table of offerings was found at Karnak. It consists of two square blocks of quartzite, carved with twenty small cup hollows in rows on the top, and bearing the various titles and names of the king around the sides (G. Mus.; M.K. ix.-x.). 2o8 RA-FU-AB [dYN. XIII. 13. XIII. 8. Ra'sehotep'ab o Some scarabs bearing this name (P. Mus.; F.P. Coll.) are so rude in workmanship that they cannot be assigned to the reign of Amenemhat I., in which fine work prevailed. Fig. 116. — Cowroids (F.P. Coll.). XIII. II. Ra sebek'hotepI O about 2490 B.C. Two scarabs of this king are known (F.P. and H. Colls.). Fig. 117.— Scarabs (F.P. and H. Colls.). XIII. 13. Ra'fu'Ab The pyramid of this king has been identified this year with the south brick pyramid of Dahshur. In this was found the coffin and an ebony statue of this king. Near this pyramid was the tomb of a princess, Nub* hetep'ta'khrudet, found intact with all the furniture. Particulars have not yet been published. B.C. 2460-2450.] MER-MESHAU 209 XIII. 15. Ra-SEKHEM'KHU'TAUI C ^ ^ J 2460 B.C. ^ o about Sebek-hotep I. Kahun, papyrus (G.K. x.). Semneh, Nile records (L.D. ii. 151 a-d). Bubastis, lintels (N.B. xxxlii. G.I.)- Cylinders (B. Mus.; E. Coll.). Fig. 118.— Cylinder (B. Mus.). This king- appears as a builder at Bubastis, tv/o lintel blocks bearing his name. At Kahun a papyrus was found dated in his third year. The records of the high Nile at Semneh are of each year to the fourth. And some cylinders bear his throne name ; while many scarabs inscribed only Sebekhotep are probably of his age. Two large statues of grey syenite at Tanis bear these names (P.T. I. iii. 16). They are finely and massively executed, and differ much in style from the slender and shallow work in red granite of Sebek- hotep III.; but this difference of style is easily due to the different local schools of art at different quarries. The statues were afterwards appropriated by Apepa, who carved his name on the arm (P.T. I. xiii. 6). There is some doubt as to the position of the king repre- sented by these statues. In the Turin papyrus this No. 17 has only ka left at the end of the cartouche, and XIII. 17. Ra'smenkh'ka o I— 14 210 MER-MESHAU [dyn XIII. 17* following it mer-mesha^ as the personal name or title. As that, however, was a common military title, and also the title of the high priest of Mendes, there might be more than one king so called. On the other hand, a later king. No. 79, is named Ra'smen . . . .; but he is not so likely to have erected statues, as by that time the Hyksos were in the land, and it is rather in the first fifty-five names that this must be sought, though it might be any one of ten missing names in this period. 2 Fig. 119. — Grey syenite statue of Mermeshau, Tanis. On the whole, it is probable that the seventeenth king is the one represented. Whether he were a general or the high priest has been debated ; but as on the statues he is said to be loved of Ptah, and not of the Mendesian Ba-neb*dad, he is more likely to have been a general. XIII. 20. Ra -SEKHEM -SUAZ 'TAUI Sebek'hotep IL Fig. 120.— Scarab (G. Mus.). This king is known on monuments with these two names ; but of the first cartouche only the Ra is certain about 2420 B.C. B.C. 2420.] SEBEK-HOTEP II 211 in the Turin papyrus, and the rest is blotted and broken. As, however, there is no other Sebekhotep without a fixed place in the papyrus, it is probable that this position No. 20 belongs to this king-. His principal monument is a stele bearing his names in the Louvre (Pr. M. viii.) (Fig. 121) ; the scene represents two deceased daughters of a king adoring Min. They are Auhet'abu and Anqet* dudu, born of the queen Nen'na. What relation they were to the king Sebekhotep II. is not stated. They can hardly have been his sisters, as his mother is stated on the scarabs to have been Auhet'abu, and not Nen-na. But they might have been his daughters or aunts. It has been supposed that this deceased Auhet'abu is the same as his mother, but in that case she would cer- tainly have beengiven the higher title of royal mother, and not only royal daughter. More is recorded of the family on scarabs, and on a ^^.^ i ro u tt . i_i ^ Itt- /t-i Fig. 121.— Stele of Sebekhotep II. tablet at Vienna (Rec. Royal daughters adoring Min. vii. 188). From these we learn that the parents of Sebekhotep II. w^ere the divine father Mentuhotep (P. Mus.; G. Mus.), and the royal mother Auhet'abu (G. Mus.; M. Coll.). The tablet is of a prince Senb, whose parents were likewise 212 SEBEK-HOTEP II DYN. XIII. 20. Mentuhotep and the king's mother Auhet'abu, pretty certainly the same persons. Further, the children of Senb are stated as Sebekhotep, Auhet'abu, Hent, and Mentuhotep. This king* is mentioned in the tomb of Sebek'nekht at El Kab, as having given lands to the temple at that place (L.D. iii. 13 b). XIII. 21, Ra'kha'seshes ( O Q ^ 124103. c. Nefer-hotep - g^l Abydos Karnak Shut er Rega. Aswan Sehel Konosso Statue Scarabs Stele Cartouche Inscription Family tablet Steles Steles Bologna Mus. (M.A. ii. 28-30). (M.K. viii. o). (P.S. 479). (P.S. 337). (L.D. n. 151 g; M.D. Ixx. 3). (L.D. ii. T5if,h). Fig. 122. — Scarab (F.P. Coll.). The large stele of this king found at Abydos records his sending to repair the temple there according to the directions of the sacred books, and to learn the will of the god ; for when he had unrolled and read the writings, he desired to honour the god according to all that he had seen in the books. There is some reason to suspect from the style of this stele that it may not be really of this age ; and the matter of it is so likely to have served to excite the liberality of some later king, that we may pause before fully accepting it. One small point is of value, that the king sends a messenger southward to Abydos, which suggests that B.C. 2410.] NEFER-HOTEP 2.13 the Xlllth dynasty did not live at Thebes. It is possible, as Sebek was constantly adored by them, and the statue of Neferhotep calls him beloved of Sebek in the midst of Shed (or Crocodilopolis), that the seat of government was really in the Fayum ; having- remained there since the close of the Xllth dyn- asty, the remains of which time are mainly in that pro- vince. A smaller stele found at Aby- dos shows Nefer- hotep before the god Min (M.A. 768). A block at Kar- nak, which bears the cartouches of both Neferhotep andSebekhotep III. (M.K. viii. n, o) shows that very probably they were coregents. We know from the scarabs that the father of each of these kings bore the same name, Ha*ankh*f, and the mother of a Sebek- hotep was Kema, like the mother of Neferhotep. Hence we can hardly doubt that they were brothers. But two rock inscriptions at Aswan (P.S. 337) and Sehel (M.D. Ixx. 3) record more of the family. From these we gather that Ha*ankh-f and Kema were the parents of Neferhotep ; that Senbsen was his wife, and that there were four royal children, Hat'hor'sa, Sebekhotep, Ha*ankh*f, and Kema. The repetition of family names leaves the relationships dubious. We can only state them thus — Fig. 123. — Statuette of Neferhotep. 214 RA-KHA(SESHES) [dyn. xm. 21. Ha •ankh*f= Royal mother Kema Neferhotep = Senbsen Sebekhotep III.(?) Hat'hor'sa Sebekhotep Ha*ankh'f=: Kema associated and | died young? Sebekhotep III. (?) leaving yet unsettled the question of whether Sebek- hotep III. was brother or grandson of Neferhotep. At Shut er Regal, near Silsileh, is a cartouche of Fig. 124. — Black basalt statuette of Neferhotep (Bologna Mus.). Neferhotep ; and at Sehel and Konosso, at the First Cataract, are other steles which only show Neferhotep with Anqet, Min, and Sati. B.C. 2410.] NEFER-HOTEP 215 An excellent work of this reign is the seated statuette of black basalt in the Bologna Museum (Figs. 123, 124). It has the old traditions of Egyptian statuary, but with a certain weakness and youthfulness of expression which is different from any earlier works. In this it shows kinship to the large statues of the other brother, Sebekhotep III. The scarabs of Neferhotep confirm the parentage reported by the tablet at Aswan, but are not of further interest. about 2400 B.C. XIII. 23. Ra-kha-nefer (^O S Sebekhotep (III.) (^^^s:^ Z^^^ Tanis, statue (P.T. I. iii. 16). Karnak, cartouche (M.K. viii. n). Gebelen, sphinx (G. Mus.). Arqo, Nubia, statue (L.D. i. 120; ii. 151 i). Statues, Louvre. Scarabs. Fig. 125.— Scarab (F.P. Coll). The remains of this king are more widespread than those of any other reign in this dynasty. A fine statue in brown-red granite lies at Tanis (Fig 126) (P.T. I. iii. 16) ; and a fellow-statue of double life size in the Louvre, of uncertain source, probably came from the same place. There is also a statue almost life size in black granite (P. Mus.). These statues are finely and gracefully wrought, but without the vigour of earlier work, or even of the Mer'meshau statue carved shortly before them ; and as they have never been usurped by any king, they have not been brought 2l6 RA-KHA-NEFER [dyn. XIII. 23. at a later date from elsewhere. A small sphinx of black granite was found at Gebelen (G. Mus.). The cartouche occurs at Kar- nak (M.K. viii. n) with that of Neferhotep, as we have noticed before. And there was found also an adoration to this king from a mer'meshau named Amenemhat (M.K. viii. p). But the most remains of this dynasty are astonishing Fig. 126. — Red granite statue of Sebekhotep III., Tanis. Fig. 127. — Grey granite colossus of Sebekhotep III., Island of Arqo. the statues lying on the island of Arqo above the Third Cataract (see Hoskins' Ethiopia, p. 213). These are two colossi of grey granite, 23 feet high, lying upon their backs, one of them yet w^hole (Fig. 127). One is inscribed with the full names and titles of this king (L.D. i. 120; ii. 51 i). A remarkable point of de- coration is a wreath around the top of the crown of Lower Egypt on one statue ; such is unknown on any other Egyptian figure. These figures cannot have been brought up the cataracts, and must therefore B.C. 2400.] SEBEK-HOTEP III 217 have been cut in Upper Nubia, probably in a quarry at Tombos. They formed part of a temple there, of which some figures of baboons yet remain, together with a seated statue of Sebekhotep w^ith inscriptions. There is then the proof that as late as the middle of the Xlllth dynasty the Egyptians held the country far above Semneh, which had been the frontier of the Xllth dynasty. With power thus widely extended, we see no sign of foreign invasion, nor of internal weakness. Why it is that there are so few remains of this dynasty must rather be attributed to the lack of taste for building than to the lack of power. The scarabs of Sebekhotep III. are common, and usually combine both of his names. In the table of Karnak, amid the originally confused and now fragmentary sequences of that record, there occur in successive order Ra'sankh'ab, Ra'sekhem* khu'taui, Ra*sekhem"suaz'taui ? ; Ra*kha*seshes, and Ra'kha'nefer, or the 6th, 15th, 20th, 21st, and 22nd kings of the Turin papyrus ; then comes a lost piece which is restored by Lepsius as Ra'kha'ka, though as that part was missing even when Burton made his copy early in this century, it is difficult to know on what ground Lepsius — or L'Hote, from whom he copied — ventured on this restoration. Coming to the next line, we see Ra*kha*ankh, Ra*kha*(hotep ?), and then three kings which cannot be identified in this part of the Turin list, before reaching Ra'mer'kau, the 37th king of Turin. This discrepancy shows that we cannot assign much weight, even in a favourable passage, to the sequence in the Karnak list. However, on the strength of that list, Brugsch has inserted two kings, Ra*kha*ka and Ra"kha*ankh (Sebekhotep) at the foot of the broken column of the Turin papyrus, ending now at No. 23, before the next column begins at No. 24. about 2390 B.C. 2l8 RA-KHA-KA [DYN. XIII. The best ground for this is the difficulty of finding any other place for Ra*kha*ankh among the known names of the Turin papyrus ; but as at least half a dozen names are wholly lost out of the Xlllth dynasty, that matter might easily have another resolution. All we can say is that this king belongs to some position before the decadence of the dynasty, and that the Karnak list suggests the place for him, and also for a king Ra*kha*ka, if the restoration of Lepsius has any authority. Of Ra'kha'ka there is one scarab (F.P. Coll.), which can hardly be attributed to the other king of that name in the pre- ceding dynasty, as it is coarsely made of pottery. Fig. 128.— Scarab (F.P. Coll.). RA'KHA'ANKH Sebek-hotep Fig. 129. — Scarab (G. Coll.). Koptos, part of stele. Stele, Leyden. Slabs from temple (P. Mus. ; B 4, ; C 9, to). Scarab (G. Coll.). Queen? Nub 'em 'hat. Daughter? Sebek'em'heb. At Koptos a fragment of a private stele names the king's daughter Sebek'em'heb, whose mother (?) was the great royal wife Nub 'em 'hat, and mentions the Hor sam taut, apparently Sebekhotep IV. still living ; the inscription is for Per'nub, who seems to have been the daughter of the son of a royal courtier Amena, who was son of a queen Ha'ankh's. This would put Ha'ankh's about two or three generations before B.C. 2390-2364.] SEBEK-HOTEP IV 219 Sebekhotep IV., and thus she might be of the same age as Ha'ankh'f, the father of Sebekhotep III. Four slabs sawn from the building of some temple are in the Louvre, on which the king is shown offering to Min and Ptah. A stele is also in Leyden, and one rude scarab is known (G. Coll.). XIII. 24. Ra'kha'hotep C O S Sebek'hotep (V?). Of this king only two scarabs are known ; they are of the same type, with throne name and personal name, thus proving the car- touches to be of one king (P. Mus.; G. Mus.). Fig. 130.— Scarab (G. Mus.). XIII. 2:;. Ra'uah-ab o Aa'ab Q .'J about 2375- 2364 B.C. A cylinder of this king, naming him beloved of Sebek, lord of Su'uaz" (G. Coll.), and a scarab (P.P. Coll.) are known. Also a piece of blue glazed cup from Kahun with the beginning of a royal name Ra'uah .... is probably of this reign (P.K. x. 72). — Scarab Coll.). RA-NEB-MAAT [DYN. XIII. 41. XIII. 26. Ra'mer-nefer Ay r ^ ^^T^ abou L Q ^ tj ^364- 343 B.C. Fig. 132.— Scarab (G. Mus.). Here again scarabs are the only memorial. A few bear the throne name, and one (in G. Mus.) has both names. XIII. 27. Ra*mer*hotep o ^ □ Ana a Fig. 133. — Scarab (P. Mus.). One scarab in the Louvre is the only contemporary object bearing the names of this king. about 2290 B.C. XIII. 37. Ra-merPkau ^ Q ^ j"^ Sebekhotep (VI. ?). ( -DA Of this king there is only a seated porphyry statue at Karnak, and no other remains (M.K. viii. 6). XIII. 41. Ra*neb*maat ( O about 2260 B.C. Aba Cum] Fig. 134.— Scarab (P. Mus.). B.C. 2260.] RA-NEB-MAAT 221 One scarab may be attributed to this period by the style of it, and there is no other name but the broken Ra . . . maat in the Turin Hst to which it can be referred. XIII. 47-52. This fragment (No. 41) of the Turin papyrus has hitherto been unplaced, or rather hope- lessly misplaced in the Vlth dynasty. There is no position possible for it until we reach this point, which the style of the writing- on the back would indicate. A fragment placed in this column by the restorers (No. 89) would fit No. 41 well in the spacing of lines on both sides, and their relative positions. The names on this are of a peculiar type ; they are simple personal names, but revert to the most high-flown origin, recalling the god Hapi, the Shemsu-hor, king Mena, and "the great" somebody. In the names shortly before this we see the same brief style. Aba and Hora : so that we might regard these as the last efforts to retain some dignity in an expiring dynasty, who had not even the heart to adopt the Ra names and full royal title ; somewhat like the Roman Empire closing with a Julius and a Romulus before its extinction in the barbarian flood. XIII. 53. Nehesi, the successor of these kings, appears to have been a negro ; either a conqueror from the south, which is hardly likely, as his remains are in the extreme north ; or more probably a Sudani slave or soldier raised into power, as the only hope of an expiring rule. In the list of Turin we read No. 53 as Ra'nehesi. On the statue from Tell Mokdam near Bubastis M. Naville has read the name of the king as Nehesi, or "the negro" (N.A. iv. 28). On a piece of an obelisk at Tanis (P.T. I. iii. 19) "the king's eldest son Nehesi" is twice named, as erecting monuments Fig. 135.— Scarab to Set. And a scarab remains of "the (Brent Coll.). king's son Nehesi" (Brent Coll.) (Fig. 135)- 222 SEBEK-EM-SA-F I [dYN. XIII. Before entering on the XlVth dynasty, we must notice some kings whose names remain on monuments, but whose historical position is doubtful. Some of these kings were apparently powerful, and have left respect- able remains ; and the question is whether they belong to the gaps in the XII Ith dynasty, and are lost from the Turin papyrus, or whether they were among the long - reigned kings of the XVIth dynasty. The connection of name with that of Rahotep, who is again connected by his titles with the early XVI I Ith dynasty, seems to point to all these belonging to the lost XVIth Egyptian dynasty under the great Hyksos kings. In the Xlllth dynasty, however, there are seventeen kings out of forty-six known names to whom some remains can be assigned, or about one monumental king in three names ; and about nine or ten names are almost entirely lost, which might therefore well include three or four monumental kings. Hence there is fairly room in the gaps of the Turin papyrus of the XI I Ith dynasty for most of the following names, which are here ranked in order of their im- portance. A standing statue of red granite three-quarters life size was found at Abydos (G. Mus.), with the names of this king (M.A. ii. 26) ; and a relief sculptured on the block by the legs, shows his son Sebekemsaf as deceased, which proves that this was not the son known as Sebekemsaf II. Another and smaller seated SEBEK-EM-SA-F I 223 figure of the king in black basalt, was probably found at Thebes (Fig. 136) ; it^is head- less, but bears the king's names down the front of the throne. The work is cold and formal, and the signs rudely marked (F.P. Coll.; P.S. xxi. 2). Two steles in the Wady Hammamat show the king adoring Min, and bear both of his cartouches (L.D. ii. 151, k, 1). And at Shut er Regal the cartouche also occurs (P.S. 385). Some objects from the royal tomb have come to light, through Arab hands ; a heart scarab (B. Mus.), a box (Ley- den Mus.), and a gold plated scarab with the personal name, probably of this king (H. Coll.). Fig. 136. — Basalt statuette of Sebekemsaf. Thebes (F.P. Coll.). Ra -SEKHEM -S -SHEDI 'TALT SeBEK'EM'SAUF (II.) CI 1 This king is only known from the Abbott and Am- herst papyri, which record the official inquiry concern- ing the royal tombs in the XXth dynasty. In the Abbott papyrus we read: ''It was found that the 224 SEBEK-EM-SAUF II [dyn. xni. thieves had violated the tomb by undermining the chamber of the ground level of the pyramid, from the great exterior chamber of the sepulchre of the overseer of the granaries, Neb-Amen, of the king Men'kheper'ra. The place of sepulture of the king was found to be void of its occupant ; so was the place of sepulture of the principal royal spouse, Nub'kha's, his royal wife ; the thieves had laid hands on them (R.P. xii. io6). The Amherst papyrus gives the con- fession which was afterwards extracted from one of the thieves. He states that they broke into the passage, and found the tomb protected and sur- rounded by masonry and covered with roofing ; we destroyed it completely, and found them (the king and queen) reposing. We opened their sarcophagi and their cofiins in which they were. We found the august mummy of the king with his divine axe beside him, and many amulets and ornaments of gold about his neck. His head was overlaid above with gold, and the august body of the king was wholly covered with gold ; his coffins were burnished with gold and silver, within and without, and inlaid with all kinds of stones. We took the gold which we found on the august mummy of the god, and the amulets and ornaments that were about his neck and the coffins in which he lay. Having also found the royal wnfe, we likewise took all that which we found with her ; and we set fire to their coffins, and stole their furniture which we found with them, vases of gold, of silver, and of bronze, and divided them. We parted the gold which we found with the god, in their august mummies, the amulets, the ornaments, and the coffins, into eight lots" (C.E. ii. 9-12). We have here the example of what has gone on in all ages in the tombs of the kings and great men of Egypt. From the Abbott papyrus we learn that Nub*kha*s was the queen of Sebek* em'sauf, and can date a stele in the Louvre which is dedicated in the name of the great heiress, the greatly favoured, the ruler of all women, the great royal wife, united to the crown, Nub'kha's" (P.R. SEBEK-EM-SAUF II 225 ii, 5). This stele gives an interesting family genealogy of the queen. She was daughter of the chief of the judges, Sebekdudu ; and he appears to have had four wives. The more important part of the family stands thus — ^=Hemu Nebankh = ;\; Duat'nefert = Sebek'dudu Nebankh Niibkhas = Sebekemsauf Nebsu... Sebekhotep Sebekemsauf other children queen I king- Nebankh I Sebekemhat I j I Nubemhebu Khensu- Bebares Duatnefert khuf'ran* senb By a wife, Hemtsuten, Sebekdudu had Theti'antef. By a wife, Dudut, Sebekdudu had Mentunesu and Hapiu. By a wife, Senankh, Sebekdudu had Sebekhotep, who appears to have married his half-sister Hapiu, and had two children, Ada and Senankh, the latter of whom had a daughter Hapiu. From the name of Sebek, and the use of Shedi by the second Sebekemsauf, it seems that these kings had their seat in the Fayum. Ra 'SEKHEM 'NEPER 'KHAU Up'UAT'EM'SAF Fig. 137. — Scarab (H. Coll.). This king is found on a stele formerly belonging to Harris (B. Mus.). And a scarab (H. Coll.) seems to I— 15 226 KHEN-ZER [dYN. XIII. bear the same name, with the addition of Khe'ha^ which may be part of a ka name combined with it. Ra'men'khau I U — fl I Snaa'ab On a tablet found at Abydos (G. Mus.), this king- is represented adoring Min (M.A. 771 ; ii. 27 b), but there is nothing to throw light on the age or connection of it. The style, however, is ruder than that of the other monuments of this dynasty. C-i AAAA/V\ \ j A^NAAAA j — g Q A Khen'zer A stele bearing these two cartouches of one king is in the Louvre, recording the repairs of the temple of Usertesen I. at Abydos by Ameny- senb (C.E. iii. 2, 203 ; L.A. x.) (Fig. 138). These five kings comprise all the unplaced ones that are likely to belong to the XII Ith dynasty. The positions of these kings may w^ell be either between Nos. 23 and 24, or in 31 to 35 of the Turin papyrus, but more cannot be said ; three of these ending in Khaii suggests that they belong together, and links them with Rahotep. The name read Ra'sekhem'up'taui is probably m Fig. 138.— Cartouches of Khen'zer (P. Mus.). B.C. 2112-1928.] FOURTEENTH DYNASTY 227 Sebekhotep I. misread ; Ra*nefer*kheper'ka is Tahutmes I. misread ; Ra*en'mut*er*ka is doubtful, and may be Ra'en'zer'ka. XlVth Dynasty, about 21 12-1928 B.C. According to the Turin papyrus. The numbering" is consecutive with that of the Xlllth dynasty. YEARS. 56 Ra'seheb . . 3 82 to 86 (lost) 57 Ra*mer*zefau . 3 + 87 88 Ra'snefer.... 58 Ra'senb'ka . i Ra'men.... 59 Ra*ra*neb*zefau . 1 89 60 Ra'uben . . 4 ? 90 (lost) 61 (lost) (After this point the QI (lost) various frag'ments 92 (lost) may be arrang^ed 93 in many ways, and have unknown 94 95 A spaces between them.) 96 62 97 (lost) 63 98 64 ut'ab 99 65 Ra'her'ab TOO 66 Ra 'neb 'sen lOI (lost) 67 (lost) 1 02 Ra 68 Ra... 103 Ra-ha 69 Ra*skheper*en 104 70 Ra'dad'kheru 105 71 Ra'sankh.... 106 Ra*neb*ati'au 72 Ra'nefertum... 107 Ra'neb'ati'au 73 108 Ra'smen.... 74 109 Ra'se'user 75 Ra'nefer'ab . Mon. I 10 76 77 Ra-kha III Ra-ha.... 78 112 (lost) 79 80 (lost) ________ 113 1 14 (lost) 228 FOURTEENTH DYNASTY [dyn. xiv. R-a (lost) (Summation) Ra'user Ra'user 1 20 (lost) A..f..... Set Sunu.... Hon... An-ab Ra s Penens..n sept Pedu nebti heb'ra (Summation ?) to 132 (lost) 130 133 (lost) 134 (lost) ... 6 135 ....zefa- . . 6 136 (lost) ... 24 137 (lost) ... 24 138 (lost) . . .21 139 (lost) 140 to 142 (lost) (This last piece (frag-. 32) has been formerly mis- placed in the IVth dynasty ; but there is no place possible for it until we reach the long- reigns of the XVIth dynasty ; it appears to join with fragments 122, 133, and 135.) In these fragments is seen the same breakdown of the Ra names toward the close, and a reversion to private names alone, which we noticed before on a piece which is probably of the close of the previous dynasty. The fragments with names, 91 to 95 and 1 21-124, have been attributed to the Hyksos, ap- parently on the ground of the names beginning with Set and A (like Staan and Apepi) ; but as the other entries do not agree to the known Hyksos names, it seems probable that they may belong to the XlVth dynasty, when that was contemporary with Hyksos kings, and followed the style of their names. We have already discussed the arrangement of the dynasties of this age, and will just recapitulate the order at which we arrived. Egyptians. XIV. 76 kings 14 years before Hyksos ? 100 years harried by Hyksos 70 years under g-reat Hyksos\ XVI. 8 kings 190 years under great Hyksos J XVII. X kings 151 years struggles with Hyksos Hyksos. J 00 years' confusion 260 years. Great Hyksos kings. 151 years kmg-s. B.C. 2112-1928.] FOURTEENTH DYNASTY 229 From this we gather that the average reigns of the XlVth dynasty were but two and a half years each ; and the average of the thirteen reigns, assigned and unassigned, that remain in this latter part of the Turin papyrus is under three years, or, excepting one unusu- ally long reign, it is two years. So the accordance of the average is very close, and gives us some confidence in Manetho's numbers of both years and kings. The total number of kings after the Xlllth is at least 85, and was probably about no, in the Turin papyrus. This would accord to the 76 + 8^84 kings of the XlVth and XVIth dynasties, with perhaps the other kings of the XVI I th dynasty. Of only two kings of the XlVth dynasty can any remains be identified, namely, 75 Ra'nefer'ab. This cartouche is reported to have been copied on a stone in the mosque at Beni Ali (near Manfalut ?) by Gliddon (MS. note by Dr. Birch) ; the ka name, though in- completely copied {.,u'taut), is enough to show that this is not the name of Psam- thek II. One scarab bears this name (T. Mus.) (Fig. 139). ^ 87 Ra'senefer. This may be the same king as on a scarab bearing Ra'senefer at Berlin. Of other kings who belong to this period, some are known from the table of Karnak, which gives the kings of this age in the following order — Fig. 139. — Scarab (T. Mus.). ka . Ra'suaz'en Ra'sankh'ab . Ra 'sekhem 'khu 'taui Ra'sekhem'suaz'taui ? Ra'kha'seshes Ra'kha'nefer Ra-kha-ka ? ? Ra'kha'ankh . Ra-kha (hotep ?) Ra'snefer... . Ra Ra*ses*user*taui Ra'mer'kaa . Turin list, 2 ' 6 20 21 23 23 a ? 23 b ? 24 87? 37 FOURTEENTH DYNASTY [dYN. XIV. Ra'mer'sekhem (Lost) . Ra 'sekhem 'uaz ' (Two lost) Ra'khirtaui . Ra'mer'hotep Ra'suah'en Ra...iiah*khau. (Three lost) . Ra'za Ra'suaz'en Ra'snefer... . Ra Turin list, 29 kau Sebekemsaf ? I 27 87? We have here followed the lines of names in the reverse order to that in which they read, as this is evidently the sequence of the Sebekhotep family. The order seems, however, to be so wild in the later part that it is hopeless to trust to it for any historical ideas. On scarabs we meet with one of these names, namely, Ra'suaz'en, on four scarabs of very rude work (B. Mus., P. Mus., Koptos, and Sayce). And some names are only known from scarabs, as — Ra'nefer (common) Ra'kheper Ra'nefer 'ankh Ra*kha*neferui Ra'neb'neferui Ra'nub'neferui j Neferui 'ka 'dad 'uah \^Ka*ankh*et*nefer*kha Uaz -neferui (vassal of the above) Ra'nefer 'nub Ra'set'pehti Ra'set'nub Ra'peh'nub Ra 'nub 'uaz Ra'nub'hotep (common) There are also many other g roups of signs which may perhaps be personal names, or else merely ornaments or emblems. As these are already published (P. Sc.), it is not needful to go further into them. An unanswered difficulty with regard to the XlVth dynasty is the position stated for its capital. Xois is B.C. 2112-1928.] FOURTEENTH DYNASTY 231 identified with Sakha, in the central Delta rather on the western side. How it came about that on the invasion of the country from the north-east, the native rulers should appear to have backed to the west, instead of retreating up the Nile valley, — how it was that they should have been known by the name of a Delta town in the region of the invaders, instead of a southern town such as Thebes or Aswan, — is a hard question. There are various solutions which should be kept in view, to see if any further light can be thrown on them, (i) The dynasty may have originated at Xois, and have been dispossessed by the Hyksos southwards, holding yet a pre-eminence in the country above other native rulers as being the fighting frontier organisation to which others adhered. Thus it may not have ruled at Xois for any appreciable time, but have been a southern dynasty only starting from there. (2) Or the Hyksos may have overrun the country, and compelled the legitimate line to reside within their power in the Delta, so as to prevent revolt. (3) Or, as the Hyksos were a Syrian people not accustomed to wide rivers and marshes, it is possible that the lines of the Nile and canals were a better defence for the natives than any distance of retreat up the valley. At Sakha itself there are no signs of any important ancient town ; and beyond one or two pieces of Roman work, it shows no antiquities ; it might then be suspected that the real site of this dynasty was some southern city, the name of which was misread by Manetho, and converted into that of a town with which he must have been familiar, within a few hours' walk of his own home at Sebenny- tus. But no likely substitution can be suggested, such as that of Elephantine for Sakhebu in the Vth dynasty. The nature of this dynasty, a long series of ephemeral rulers, reigning only two or three years on an average, is clearly artificial. They were, in fact, merely the puppets of the Hyksos power, the heads of the native administration which was maintained for taxing pur- poses ; like the last Emperors of Rome, whose reigns also average two and a half years ; or like the Coptic 232 FOURTEENTH DYNASTY [dyn. xiv. administration of Egypt, maintained during- the supre- macy of Islam as being the only practicable way of working* the country. Later on, when the Hyksos had established a firm hold on all the land, and had a strong- rule of their own, these native viceroys were permitted a long-er tenure of power, and formed the XVIth dynasty contemporary with the great Hyksos kings. B.C. 2098-1587.] THE HYKSOS 233 CHAPTER X Fifteenth to Seventeenth Dynasties. The Hyksos. About 2098-1587 b.c. This period of the foreign domination of Asiatic invaders is so strongly marked that we cannot but treat it as a whole. Unfortunately, there are very few materials for the study of it ; almost all our infor- mation is in the extract which Josephus made from the history of Manetho, which shows also what a real history the account of Manetho was, and how the lists that we possess are the merest skeleton of his writings. Apion has conferred a great benefit on history, by stinging Josephus into framing a splendidly mistaken theory of the glory of the Jewish race in Egypt, which he elaborated with nationalist fervour, calling in the Hyksos to figure as Hebrews domineering over Egyptians. It is through this valuable error that what was known of these invaders, by the later Egyptians, has been preserved. The account is so important that it should be read in full, so far as the Hyksos period is concerned. He quotes from Manetho : — We had formerly a king whose name was Timaios. In his time it came to pass, I know not how, that God was displeased with us ; and there came up from the East in a strange manner men of an ignoble race, who had the confidence to invade our country, and easily subdued it by their power without a battle. And when 234 THE HYKSOS [dyn. xv.-xvii. they had our rulers in their hands, they burnt our cities, and demolished the temples of the gods, and inflicted every kind of barbarity upon the inhabitants, slaying- some, and reducing- the wives and children of others to a state of slavery. ^*Atleng-th they made one of themselves king, whose name was Salatis : he lived at Memphis, and rendered both the upper and lower regions of Egypt tributary, and stationed garrisons in places which were best adapted for that purpose. But he directed his atten- tion principally to the security of the eastern frontier ; for he regarded with suspicion the increasing power of the Assyrians, who he foresaw would one day under- take an invasion of the kingdom. And observing in the Saite nome, upon the east of the Bubastite channel, a city which from some ancient theological reference was called Avaris ; and finding it admirably adapted to his purpose, he rebuilt it, and strongly fortified it with walls, and garrisoned it with a force of 250,000 men completely armed. To this city Salatis repaired in summer, to collect his tribute and pay his troops, and to exercise his soldiers in order to strike terror into foreigners." (For Saite perhaps read Sethroite.) ^^And Salatis died after a reign of nineteen years ; after him reigned another king who was called Beon forty-four years ; and he was succeeded by Apakhnas, who reigned thirty-six years and seven months ; after him reigned Apophis sixty-one years, and lanias fifty years and one month. After all these reigned Assis forty-nine years and two months. These six were the first rulers amongst them, and during the whole period of their dynasty they made war upon the Egyptians with the hope of exterminating the whole race. All this nation was styled Hyksos, that is. Shepherd Kings ; for the first syllable Hyk in the sacred dialect denotes a king, and sos signifies a shepherd, but this only according to the vulgar tongue ; and of these is compounded the term Hyksos. Some say they were Arabians. This people who were thus denominated B.C. 2098-1587.] THE HYKSOS 235 Shepherd Kings, and their descendants, retained posses- sion of Egypt during the period of five hundred and eleven years. And after these things he relates that the kings of Thebais, and of the other provinces of Egypt, made an insurrection against the Shepherds, and that a long and mighty war was carried on between them, till the Shepherds were overcome by a king whose name was Misfragmouthosis, and they were by him driven out of the other parts of Egypt, and hemmed up in a place containing about ten thousand acres which was called Avaris. All this tract (says Manetho) the Shepherds surrounded with a vast and strong wall, that they might retain all their property and their prey within hold of their strength. **And Thummosis, the son of Misfragmouthosis, endeavoured to force them by a siege, and beleaguered the place with a body of four hundred and eighty thousand men ; but at the moment when he despaired of reducing them by a siege, they agreed to a capitu- lation, that they would leave Egypt, and should be permitted to go out without molestation, wheresoever they pleased. And according to this stipulation, they departed from Egypt, with all their families and effects, in number not less than two hundred and forty thousand, and bent their way through the desert towards Syria. But as they stood in fear of the Assyrians, who then had dominion over Asia, they built a city in that country which is now called Judaea, of sufficient size to contain this multitude of men, and named it Hierosolyma." Now, summarising this account, with the additional light of the other indications that we have, the follow- ing outline lies before us. The country was disorganised, and incapable of resisting any active foe, when from the East there poured in a barbaric people, who settled, and seized on the government of the country, harrying and plundering, while the native rulers were at their mercy. After a century of this confusion they be- 236 THE HYKSOS [dyn. xv.-xvii. came more civilised, probably by the culture inherited from the Egyptian mothers of the second and third generation. Then they established a monarchy of their own in the Egyptian fashion, adopting the usages of the country, and keeping native administrators in their power to claim the allegiance of the people. Six kings of this stable period are recorded ; Salatis, the first, rebuilt Hauar — probably Tanis — as a strong- hold, while Memphis was adopted by him as his capital. The succession of the great kings was as follows — XVth Dynasty Salatis ..... Beon (Bnon) .... Apakhnas (Pakhnan ) . Apofis lanias (Sethos) Assis (Kertos + Aseth) . The variants are those of Syncellus and Africanus ; but the latter alters the order, omitting the last two kings, and inserting after Pakhnan the names of Staan 50 years, and Arkhles 49 years — the same reigns as the last two here, but different names and succes- sions. This is probably an error of Africanus, but may well embody two more of the Hyksos names, Staan and Arkhles, from a part of their list now lost to us. The whole duration of the foreign dominion of this people and their descendants was 511 years. Then the Thebaid revolted, expelled them under Aahmes (Misfragmouthosis is quite a possible form from the known titles of the king, Aahmes 'pa'her'nub'thes'taui). B.C. about 1998 19 years 1979 44 1935 36 y. 7 mo. 1898 61 1837 50 y. I mo. 1787 49 y. 2 mo. 1738 B.C. 2OQ8-1587.] THE HYKSOS 237 and restricted them to Tanis. Lastly, Tahutmes I. forced them to retreat into Syria, where they settled in the region of the hill country from which they had come (for the statement that Hebron was built seven years before Zoan, Num. xiii. 22, links the two cities together), or through which they had passed on their migration into Egypt. As to the origin of the Hyksos race much has been written, though but little is certain. We cannot improve on the origin of the name given by Manetho : hyk or heq^ a prince, and sos or shasu^ the generic name of the shep- herds or pastoral races of the eastern deserts. On later monuments the Shasu are represented as typical Arabs. This usage of heq for the chief is like that of the heq setu or chief of the deserts," the title of the Semitic Absha in the Xllth dynasty, and of Khyan before him. One evidence regarding the race, which has been largely relied on, is the peculiar physiognomy of many statues and sphinxes which have been attributed to this period (Figs. 140-143). The so-called Hyksos sphinxes of Tanis, the statue from the Fayum, that of the Esquiline at Rome, the colossi of Bubastis, and some smaller pieces in museums, all show one type of face, — high cheek-bones, flat cheeks, both in one plane, a massive nose, firm projecting lips, and thick hair, with an austere and almost savage expression of powxr, cha- racterise all these works. That they are as old as the Hyksos cannot be doubted, as they bear Hyksos names cut upon them ; but lately it has been ques- 140. — Dlack granite fish- offerers, Tanis. 238 THE HYKSOS [dyn. xv.-xvii. tioned whether they are not much older than these invaders. Though the Hyksos names are the oldest now legible on the figures, they are merely inscribed lightly on the right shoulder, like the name of Apepa on the right shoulder of Mermeshau at Tanis ; and no Hyksos name occurs on the breast or between the paws of the sphinxes. Meyer has concluded that they belong to the invaders of the Vlllth- Xth dynasty ; and as now Khyan is pro- bably fixed to that period, we know that fine work in black granite or syenite was being done then. Un- fortunately, the head of the Khyan statue has not been found ; no matter how bat- tered, it would have sufficed to show whether the Hyksos type " belonged to the earlier or later in- vaders. A new theory has just been proposed by GolenischefiP (Rec. XV. 131), that the so-called Hyksos statues repre- sent Amenemhat HI. A statue of his. Fig. 108 (now at St. Petersburg) has some resemblance to the strange type ; and a nameless statue belonging to Professor Golenischeflf, v/hich he illustrates along with the others, is undoubtedly of that type. But yet the Amenemhat is sufficiently distinct, in the lips, the chin, and the angle of the face, — even in its battered condition, — to make it difficult to accept it as a real origin of this strange type. If, however, that type belongs to Asiatic invaders during the IXth-Xth dynasty, it is obvious Fig. 141. — Black granite sphinx, Tanis. B.C. 2098-1587.] THE HYKSOS 239 how the Xllth may have intermarried with their descendants, and have shown some traits of their features. The admirable photographs which accom- pany the paper (in Rec. xv.) will enable a judgment to be formed on the question. The only foreign parallel to this type of face is found among the foes of Ramessu II. in North Syria ; but as the question whether this peculiar race and their works Fig. 142. — Granite head, Bubastis. are to be classed with the IXth or the XVth dynasty cannot yet be really determined, the subject of the physiognomy of the Hyksos and their origin must still await a decisive settlement. The question of portraiture being thus in abeyance, there is but one clue left to the origin of the Hyksos, in the names of their kings. Now, doubt- 240 THE HYKSOS [UYN. XV. -XVII. ful as such a clue might be in one or two cases, yet when we find that the Greek forms would well represent such Semitic names as *'the ruler," ^'the governor," ^^the oppressor," *^the firm," and ^^the destroyer," it seems to give some weight to a Semitic origin for the people. Such names are more likely than a prominent Fig. 143. — Granite head, Bubastis. Semitic name of our own century, Jezzar Pasha, *^the cutter" or butcher" ; and they are much in keeping with the character given to the Hyksos. Of the actual remains there are but very few belonging to the Hyksos kings, and those only of Apepa I. and II. B.C. 1898-1837.] APEPA T 241 Fig. 144. — Cartouche of Apepa I., Gebelen (G. Mus.). Bubastis, Inscription (N.B. xxxv., c), Kahun, Stamp (P.K. xii. 16). Gebelen, Inscription (Rec. xiv. 26). Papyrus mathematical (B. Mus.). Palettes (Berlin). Scarabs. The inscription at Bubastis with the name Apepa is upon red granite, and therefore was probably due to the first Apepa, one of the six great kings, who ruled the whole of Egypt. It records how Apepa had erected ''many columns and a gate of brass to this god" (N.B. xxii. A, xxxv. c). A wooden stamp found at Kahun (P.K. xii. 16) may belong to the king, or to a private person (P.P. Coll.). A lintel found at Gebelen (Fig. 144) bears the name of ''the living good god, Ra*aa*user," twice repeated (Rec. xiv. 26; G. Mus.). This is of great value as showing, what Manetho states, that both Upper and Lower Egypt were reduced by the great Hyksos kings. Of small objects, there is a mathematical papyrus (B. Mus.) written in the thirty-third year of the reign I— 16 242 APEPA I [DYN. XV. of this king- (A.Z. xiii. 40; S.B.A. xiv. 29). Also two palettes at Berlin, with both names of the king (S.B.A. iii. 97). Several scarabs (Fig. 145) with the throne (F.P.) (F.P.) (B. Mus.) (F.P.) (P.P.) Fig. 145. — Scarabs of Apepa I. name are known, some of them very rude and blundered (B. Mus. 3 ; P. Mus. 2 ; Leyden ; F.P. Coll. 4). XVII. Ra'aa'qenen — AAAAAA about 1650 B.C. Apepa II. CiMD Tanis Memphis ? Statue usurped Inscriptions Altar Louvre (P.T.I, iii (M.D. 38), (W.G. 295). 17 c). The statues of Mer'meshau, at Tanis, have down the right shoulder of each a line of added inscription, small, and not very disfiguring. It reads: Good God, Ra*aa*qenen, son of the Sun, Apepa, giving life, beloved of Set." The figure of Set was, however, honourably placed first in the inscription, but was carefully hammered out in later times. Very probably the other lines of erased inscriptions on the right shoulders of the sphinxes at Tanis were also of this B.C. ABOUT 1650.] APEPA II. 243 king-. And a sphinx at Ismailiyeh (from Tell Mas- khuta) has a line of similar erasure on the shoulder, and the whole head has been recut, and the mat of hair on the shoulders and chest removed, by Ramessu II. In Cairo a fine and perfect altar of black granite (Fig. 146) was found, dedicated to Set of Hauar, or Avaris, by this king ; it probably came from Memphis or Heliopolis (M.D. 38). Now in Ghizeh Museum. Fig. 146.— Black granite altar of Apepa II., Cairo (G. Mus.). A statue in the Louvre has been read as of Apepa originally (W.G. 295), but usurped later by Amen- hotep III. It does not seem at all certain that the list of thirty-six conquered Nubian races belonged to the first owner, and it may be an addition put on by the usurper. That this king belongs to the XVIIth dynasty is indicated by his name, Aa'qenen'ra, being of the same type as that of Se-qenen-ra Ta'aa, with whom he is also associated in the tale of Apepa and Seqenenra (Sail. Pap. i). 244 RA-SE-SEH, STELE OF 400 YEARS Perhaps of this same age is an obelisk at Tanis (Figf. 147), inscribed on all sides by a king Ra'aa'seh v/ise unknown ; but agrees in type to the throne names of the Apepas (P.T. I. ii. 20). Lastly, there is the cele- brated monument of Ra- messu II., dated in the 400th year of *^the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Fig. 147.— Obelisk of Ra-aa-seh, Set*aa*pehti, son of the Sun, Tanis. Nubti-set, beloved of Horakhti " (A.Z. iii. 34). As this is the only monument dated with a fixed era in Egypt, it has naturally received much attention. The most reasonable view seems to be that this was a reckoning established by a Hyksos king, and used at Tanis continuously to the time of Ramessu 11. It has also been shown that an entry in the lists of Africanus at the close of the XXIVth dynasty, of 990 years, is perhaps in accord with this era (A.Z. xvii. 138). As the last of the great Hyksos kings, Aseth (or Assis), is stated by Syncellus in his extracts to have revised the calendar, it is the more likely that some such era was established then. This statement is not, however, satisfactory, as he is said to have added the 5 days to the year of 360 days, which are known to have been in use long before his time ; but it may well be that some other reformation has been thus misstated. The actual interval from Aseth to Ramessu I. is about 151+260 years or 411 years, thus leaving nothing for the reign of Sety I., and for the portions of the end of the reign of Aseth and beginning of that of Ramessu 11. The period of 990 years from the time of Beken*ran*f of the XXIVth dynasty, would yield about 720 + 990 = 1710 B.C. for the date of king Set'aa'pehti, within about DUDU-MES— RA-SE-BEQ-KA 245 5 years of uncertainty ; and similarly the date 720 + 590 = 1310 B.C. ought to fall within the reig"n of Ramessu II. But from the chronology, so far as we can now reckon it, this would be about 35 years too early for Ramessu II., though the Hyksos date would easily fall within the wide limits of their period. Hence this use of the 990 years does not seem very satisfactory. A few names that are hitherto quite unfixed in position, but which probably precede the XVI Ith and XVIIIth dynasties, require to be mentioned. RA'DAD'NEFER DUDU'MES This king has been found on a scene at Gebelen, representing him being conducted by Khonsu to Anpu. He is referred to the XVIth dynasty by Daressy (Rec. xiv. 26) ; but from the occurrence of the name with graffiti of Pepy, he is placed in the Vllth-VIIIth dynasty by Sayce. From the style of a scarab of his (F.P. Coll.), it appears that the Xth dynasty would be about his period (Fig. 148). Fig. T48.— Scarab (F.P. Coll. Ra-se-beq-ka P ^ This name occurs on a cylinder (Fig. 149) from Kahun (P.I. viii. 36) as the name of a king, *^nefer neter . . . beloved of Sebek lord of Sunu." It belongs to the Xlllth or XlVth Fig. 149.— Cylinders (F.P. Coll.). 246 RA-HOTEP dynasty apparently ; and a similar cylinder was recently sold at Luxor (both F.P. Coll.). Ra sa ? HoTEP These names occur tog^ether on the rock (Fig. 150) of the Shut er Regal valley (P.S. 430). Possibly the bird reads sa^ and this might thus be the same as No. 48 in the Turin list. Fig. 150. — Rock mark- ing, Silsileh. SeNB'MA'IU This occurs on a stone at Gebelen (S.B.A. xv. 498). R A -SEKHEM 'UAH -KHA Ra'HOTEP Stele. Koptos. Ostraka, subsequent tale (P. Mus. ; F. Mus.). Scarabs. The only contemporary monument of this king is a much broken stele just found at Koptos. From that it appears that he had rearranged and endowed the RA-HOTEP temple there after a period of decay. His date and position are yet unfixed, but the titles, Hor Uah'ankh^ lord of vulture and uraeus User'ra'renpttUy Hor nub Uaz , . . ., are akin to those of the early XVIIIth dynasty, and indicate that he did not long- precede that. On the other hand, the resemblance of the throne name to those of Sebekemsaf I. and Upuatemsaf would point to a close connection with the Xlllth dynasty. Pos- sibly this group of kings may be those of the XVIth dynasty under the great Hyksos king's, midway be- tween the Xlllth and the XVIIIth, to each of which the names bear a resemblance. The stele is of rather rough work, and unhappily the top scene has nearly all been lost. The portions of a tale concerning Rahotep are on ostraka of a later age, about the XXth dynasty (P. Mus. ; F. Mus.), in which mention is made of going to the tomb of king Rahotep, and at that place a mummy speaks, and states that When I lived on earth I was treasurer of king Rahotep, and I died in the 14th year of king Ra'men'hotep " (Rec. iii. 3, xvi. 31 ; Contes Populaires, 291). Some few scarabs are known, all of small size, and not distinctive. 248 NOTES ON CHRONOLOGY CHAPTER XI Notes on Chronology Although the questions of the Egyptian chronology are among the most difficult, they are also among the most essential to be considered. The various data that exist need that full discussion, in the light of modern knowledge of the subject, which they have never yet had. To treat them properly would entail a length of research, and an elaboration of treatment, which is quite beyond the scope of a history such as this. Yet, until such a work is undertaken, some provisional results are required for use ; and I only propose here to go briefly over the outline of the materials which we have already noticed, and to connect that with the most prominent fixed data that we have. The results must, of course, be stated in years according with our era, but that will not therefore imply that we are certain of our results to within a year ; only that, as we have often to consider short spaces of time during- a dynasty, it is needlessly clumsy to deal with only round tens or hundreds of years. The figures in years, then, are only good for short difl'erences of age, and we must always remember what our uncertainties are. The chronology rests on two modes of reckoning: (i) that by ^Mead reckoning," or adding the dynasties up one on another ; (2) by certain fixed astronomical data, into the interpretation and calculation of which various uncertainties may enter. The more apart these modes can be kept the better, as then they serve to check each other. NOTES ON CHRONOLOGY 249 The fundamental fact on which all of our astronomically fixed points depend is the imperfection of the Egyptian calendar. Using a year of 365 days, it followed that the nominal beginning of each year was a quarter of a day too soon : just as if we were to neglect the 29th of February in leap years, and go on always from 28th February direct to ist March. Thus every four years a day was slipped, and the nominal months of the year were begun a day too soon. In 4x7 = 28 years they began, then, a week too soon. In 4 x 30 1 20 years they began a month too soon ; and after twelve months and five days thus slipped, or in 1460 years, they began a year too soon, and so had rotated the nominal months through all the seasons. This would not cause any trouble to any one generation of men, as the change in one man's life would not be more than two or three weeks ; hence this slow shift would be unperceived in the affairs of daily life ; and as the Egyptians were not addicted much to historical researches, they would not be thrown out by finding that the harvest or inundation could occur in any month of the year, according to the date of their research. This loss of the day in four years was, however, soon known to the Egyptians, and used by them as a mode of constructing a great cycle, which in Ptolemaic times became very prominent, and entered into all their fanciful adjustments of history and myths. Some mode of noting the absolute months, as related to the seasonal periods, became a necessity ; and, of course, the place of the sun among the stars most truly show^s the exact length of the year. But how to observe both sun and stars, when without any mode of time- dividing, — such as clepsydra or clock, — was an essential difficulty. This was got over by noting on what day a particular star could be first seen, at its emerging from the glow of the sunlight. In actual practice they observed Sirius (or Sothis), the dog-star; and as the stars all rise and set earlier and earlier every night, they ob- served what was the first night in the year on which Sirius could just be seen emerging from the glow of sunlight NOTES ON CHRONOLOGY at dawn, and this was entitled the heUacal rising. Hence, from using- Sothis for this observation, the whole period during- which the months rotated in the seasons was called the Sothic period of 1460 years. We have some definite statements as to this in Roman times. Censorinus, writing in 239 a.d., states that the Egyptian New Year's day, ist of Thoth, fell on the 25th of June ; and a hundred years before, in 1 39 A. d. , it fell on the 2 1 st July, on which day Sirius regularly rises in Egypt." Hence the beginning of a Sothic period of 1460 years, or the New Year's day falling on the 21st of July at the heliacal rising of Sirius, took place in 139 a.d. ; likewise in 1322 B.C., in 2784 B.C., and in 4242 B.C., or there- abouts. From this it is plain, that, as the nominal months rotated round all the seasons once in each of these cycles, therefore, if we only know the day of the nominal month in which any seasonal event happened, — such as the rising of Sirius, or the inundation, — we can find on what part of the cycle of 1460 years such a coincidence can have fallen. It is from data such as this that Mahler has lately calculated, by the rising of Sirius, and also the new^ moons, that Tahutmes HI. reigned from 20th March 1503 B.C., to 14th February 1449. And though it would be very desirable to use all the data of the kind together in one general discussion, yet until this is done we may provisionally accept Mahler's calculation as a basis. This, fortunately, has two checks, one on either side of it ; and, for the sake of clearness, we will use Mahler's datum provisionally. First, we must outline the dates of the XVHIth-XIXth dynasty, as reckoned out by the best information we have, on the reigns and the relationships ; and though we may be doubtful within ten years about it, yet it will suffice to show if the other astronomical dates are near the mark. The reasons for this arrangement of the XVHIth dynasty cannot be entered on here, but will be dis- NOTES ON CHRONOLOGY cussed in the next volume. Provisionally, I arrange it thus — B C. 1587 B.C. 1383 Aahmes I. Amenhotep IV. 1562 1365 Amenhotep I. Rasmenkhka. I54I 1353 Tahutmes I. Tutankhamen. I516 1344 Tahutmes II. Ay. 1503 1332 Hatshepsut. Horemheb. 1481 1328 Tahutmes III, Ramessu I. 1449 1327 Amenhotep II, Sety I. 1423 1275 Tahutmes IV, Ramessu II. I4I4 1208 Amenhotep III. Merenptah. 1383 But many small questions , of coregencies, etc., are necessarily uncertain. The total for the XVIIlth dynasty comes out as 260 years against Manetho's 263. Now, one good datum is, that Merenptah celebrated in the second year of his reign a festival of the rising of Sirius on the 29th of the month Thoth. Mahler has fixed the rising of Sirius, recorded on 28th Epiphi under Tahutmes III., as in 1470 B.C. From 28th Epiphi to 29th Thoth is 66 days, which the heliacal rising would change to in the course of 4 x 66 years, or 264 years. This, from 1470, gives 1206 B.C. for the second year of Merenptah, or 1208 B.C. for his accession, which is just the date we have reached by the approximate summing of the reigns. Another datum on the other side is the calendar of the Ebers papyrus, which records the rising of Sirius on the 9th of Epiphi in the ninth year of Amenhotep I. The reading of the king's name has been much debated ; but this is the last, and probable, conclusion. Now, from the 28th to the 9th of Epiphi is 19 days, which Sirius would change through in 76 years ; so that the rising on the 9th of Epiphi took place in 14704-76 = 252 NOTES ON CHRONOLOGY 1546 B.C. ; and the first year of Amenhotep I. would be thus fixed in 1555 B.C. The date before reached is 1562 B.C., equal to a difference of less than 2 days in the time of Sirius' rising. This, at least, shows that there is no great discrepancy. Thus there are three data for the rising of Sirius, which agree within a few years, though at considerably different epochs. The whole question of the exact epoch depends on the observations and calculations as to the rising of Sirius ; those, however, cannot be very far in doubt, and these three data leave no doubt of the general interpretation of the materials, and assure us of the general position of our results. We therefore have as a starting-point for our back- ward reckoning the accession of the XVIIIth dynasty about 1587 B.C. From this we can reckon in the dynastic data given by Manetho ; following this account rather than the totals of reigns, as he appears to have omitted periods when dynasties were contemporary, as in the 43years for the Xlth after the close of the Xth. Thus, from the above starting-point of 1587 B.C., we reach the following results, solely by using material which has been discussed and settled in this history on its own merits alone, and without any ulterior reckoning in total periods. YEARS. B.C. 4777 YEARS. B.C. 3006 Dynasty 1. 263 Dynasty X. 185 4514 2821 II. 302 4212 XI. 43 2778 III. 214 XII. 213 (T.P.) 3998 2565 IV. 277 XIII. 453 3721 3503 2II2 V. 218 XIV. 184 1928 VI. 181 (T.P.) 3322 XVI. 190 1738 VII. 70 XVII. 151 3252 J 587 VIII. 146 XVIII. 260 3J06 1327 IX. 100 3006 XTX. NOTES ON CHRONOLOGY 253 For all the earlier periods we have but one check, and that a vague one. We know that when Una quarried alabaster at Hat-nub — or Tell el Amarna — he did it in 17 days of the month Epiphi ; and that yet he could not get it down to the pyramid before the Nile began to subside. There are some rather vague points about this, as the part of the month of 30 days in w^hich the 17 fell, the time required to get down, which would perhaps be only 6 or 8 days (as Hat-nub is not so far up the Nile as was supposed when this was considered before, P.S. 20), and the time of the Nile falling. Putting the fall at about November 5, the boat would have left Hat-nub about October 28 ; and the 17 days would be to October 11. Hence Epiphi would fall within 6 days of October 5 to November 5. This date would be that of Epiphi at about 3350 B.C., if we reckon the 1460 year periods back from 139 a.d. What small differences might be made by a fuller consideration of the details of the 1460 period we cannot at present say. At least, the result would not be widely different from this, probably within a century of it. Having, then, 3350 B.C. for the reign of Merenra, and adding about 60 years, we reach about 3410 B.C. for the beginning of the Vlth dynasty, with an uncertainty (to put it liberally) of 50 or 100 years. This 3410 B.C., then, should be equal to the date that we find by the dead reckoning of dynasties back from the XVHIth to the Vlth, which is given in that way as 3503 B.C. And this shows that we have to deal with errors which are probably within a century, and that we are not left with several centuries of uncertainty. In the present rough state of the astronomical data, and the doubts as to the MS. authorities, we have reached quite as close an equivalence as we may hope for ; and at least there is enough to show us that we may trust to the nearest century with fair grounds of belief. These dates, then, are what I have provisionally adopted in this history ; and though they are stated to 254 NOTES ON CHRONOLOGY the nearest year, for the sake of intercomparison, it must always be remembered that they only profess to go to within a century in the earlier parts of the scale. I only wish it were possible to repeat this on every occasion of stating a date ; it cannot be too well remem- bered. INDEX All Ra 7iames of kings are placed together under Ra. A", King^ Qtteen, pr. , Priest. Aa, K., 109, 117. Aa'ab, K., 206, 219. Aa'hotep'ra, K., 109, 117. Aam, Q., 132. Aam (Lower W. Nubia), 94, 99. Aasen, pr., 23, Aba, pr., 102. Absha, 172. Abydos, table of king-s, 17. Ada, 151. Adu, pr., 91, 98, 102. Affa, pr., 71. Ahy, pr., 98. Aimery, pr., 42, 72, 73, 74. Aimhetep, K., 30, 31, 66. Aken, 181. Akherkin, 163. Akhet'hotep, tomb of, 26. Akhet'hotep, pr., 76, 78, 79, 84. Akhet'hotep 'her, pr., 73. Alabaster quarry, 45, 95, 253. ,, vases, 76, 88, 104. Amenemhat I., K., 145, 148. ,, II., K., 141^, 164. III. , K., 45, 184. IV. , K., 145, 196. Ameny (short for Amenemhat\ 165. Ameny Antef Amenemhat, K., 206, 207. Amenysenb, 103. Amtes, Q., 94. Amu (Eastern Semites), 94, 120, i55. 172, 193- An, K., 75. Ana, K., 206, 220. Ana'ankh, 76. An*ab (see Snaa'ab), K., 226. An-ab, K., 228. Anket'dudu, 211. Ankh'ef, pr., 23. Ankh'em'aka, pr., 72, 76. Ankh'hapi, pr., 34. Annu, K., 109. An*ren, K., 206. Antef (official), 151. Antef 'a (prince), 126. Antef I., K., 109, 124, 127. II., K., 109, 124, 128. ,, III., K., 109, 124, 129. ,, IV., K., 109, 124, 133. ,, v., K., 109, 124, 135. VI., K., 124, 141. Anu, K., 206. I Anu (Nubians), 183. I Apa-ankh, 88. Apakhnas, K., 234, 236. Apepa I., K., 234, 236, 241. ,, II., K., 242. Apis, titles of, 26. Apophis, K., 234, 236. Aquiline race, 10. 256 INDEX Arqo, 216. Art, teaching- of, 140. Arthet (Upper W. Nubia), 94, 99. Asa, pr., 87. Assa, K., 79, 100. Assa'kha, pr., 91. Assis, K., 234, 236. Asyut tombs, 115. Ata, K., 20. Ata, pr., 72, 73, 76, 91. Ateth, K., 20. Ati, pr., 78. Atmu'neferu, 171, 175. Atush, pr., 79. Aty, K., 86, 88. Aufni, K., 206. Auhet'abu, Q., 211. Ay, K., 206, 220. Ba-neteru, K., 21, 23. Basalt of Khankah, 3, 22. Ba'ur'dedu, 100. Bebn'm , K., 227. Beni , Hasan tombs, 149, 159, 165, 172. Beon, K., 234, 236. Bezau, K., 21, 22. Birket Qurun, 190. Brickwork, panelling- of, 51. Bubastis, chasm at, 22. Bulls, worship of, 22. Burial customs, 11, 28, 37. Canal of the cataract, 179. Caverns collapsed, 4. Chronology, vi, 95, no, 146, 198, 201, 244, 248-254. Chronology, absence of early, 9- Chronology, compilation of, 17. Copper tools, 7. Cylinders, earliest, 55. Dad-ka-shema-ra, K., 108. Dates of dynasties, 252. (See Chronology.) Dating on monuments, 157. Debehen, 55. Delta, structure of, 7. Deng, dancer, 100. Dep'em'ankh, pr., 34, 42, 53, 55. 7I; 72, 84. Deposition decree, 136. Divine dynasties, 9. Dogs on Antef stele, 134. Dudu, pr., 34. Dudumes, K., 245. Dynastic lists, authority of, 16- 20. Dynasties, divine, 9. ,, Thinite kings, 9. Ist-IIIrd, 16. ,, ,, remains of, 26. ,, 1st, 20. ,, Ilnd, 21. Ilird, 21. IVth, 30. Vth, 68. Vlth, 86. Vllth-Xth, 108. ,, Xlth, 124. ,, growth of, 143. Xllth, 145. ,, character of, 199. ,, Xlllth, 201, 206. ,, XlVth, 201, 227. ,, XVth, 201, 236, 241. XVIth, 201. XVIIth, 201. ,, XVIIIth, reigns of, 251. ,, dates of, 252. Edom, 154. Egyptians, origin of, 13, 28, 29. (See Races.) Elephantine, 70. Fault in Nile valley, 2. Fayum, 2, 151, 159, 168, 193, 213. Fayum, development of, 190. Female succession, 23. Fetish pole of Min, 14. Flints, worked, 5-8. Foreign invaders, 118, 172. Four hundred year stele, 244. Funeral customs, 11, 28, 37, 155- INDEX 257 Geology of Egypt, i. Gods, dynasties of, 9. Granite temple, 48. Gravels of Nile, 2. Griffith, Mr. F. LI., vii. Ha'ankh-f, 213. Ha'ankh's, Q., 218. Hapa, pr., 87. Hapi'dua, pr., 76. Hapu, K., 206, 221, 227. Hatnub quarry, 46, 253. Hatshepsut, Q., 62. Hawara, 184-189. Heliopolis, temple of, 157. Heliopolitan g"ods, 10. ,, Vth dynasty, 69, 85. Heni, K., 21, 24. Hent'sen, 38. Henftaui, Q., 176, 183. Herodotos, 40, 191, 193. Hesat, pr., 79. Hesepti, K., 20, 24. Hesy, panels of, 26-28. Hetep'hers, pr., 42. Hewn stone first used, 23. Hezefa...p, K., 21. History, early, compilation of, 19. Hor... (or Har, or Heru), K., 228. Hor, pr., 153. Hora, K., 206. Hor'akau, K., 75. Hor 'dad 'f, 63. Hor'kau'ra, K., 109. Hor'meren, K., 108. Hor'nefer, 144. Hor'nefer'hen, K., 106. Hor'nefer^ka, K., 108. Hor'shesu (see Shemsu'har), 10. Hor'uah'ankh, K., 133. Hotep, K., 246. Hotep'ankh'menkh (ka), K., 26. Hull, Professor, 3. Hyksos, 201-205, 228, 231, 233- 247. Hyksos statues, so-called, 237- 240. Hymn to Usertesen HI., 182. Ianias, 234, 236. Im 'hotep (see Aim'hetep), 30, 31, 66. Jebel Ahmar, 3, 154, Jewellery of Sat 'hathor, 177. Ka names, 26, 148. Ka'ankh*et*nefer*ka, 230. Kaau, 94. Ka'em'nefert, pr., 42, 53, 72, 76. Ka'em'retu, pr., 76. Kahun flints, 7, 8. ,, town, 171. Kaka, pr., 92. Ka'ka'a, K., 74. Ka*ka*hekenu, Q., 74. Ka'kau, K., 21, 22. Karnak, list of, 17, 229. Kas, 163. Kay, pr., 42. Kebh, K., 20. Ked'khenes, pr., 78. Kema, 213. Kertos, K., 236. Khafra, K., 30. Khemten, pr., 42. Khen'zer, K., 226. Khesaa, 163. Khety, K., 108, 109, 114, 115. Khety (vizier), 139. Khnum'ab'ra, 23. Khnum 'hotep, pr., 71. ,, ,, tomb, 149, 165. Khnum Khuf, K., 43. Khua, 95. Khufu, K., 30, 38. Khufu'ka'aru, pr., 42, 47. Khyan, K., 109, 118. Kings, 17. (See Lists and Ra.) Kokhome, 22. Koptos, clay modelling, 23. earliest settlement, 13, 14. Koptos, statues at, 13, 14. Kush, 160. 1-17 258 INDEX Labyrinth, 187. Large-eyed race, 11. Lisht, fragments at, 53. Lists of kings, 17. (See Dy- nasties.) Lists of kings, compilation of, 19. Maa-ab-ra, K., 109, 116. Maafkha, 64. Manefer, pr., 79. Manetho, 16, 19. ,, on dynasties, Ist- Illrd, 22, 23. Mastaba form, 32, 33. Mastabat el Faraun, 83. Medum pyramid, 32. ,, tombs, 36. Mehti'em'saf, 86, 97, 104. Mena, K., 16, 22, 23, 24. „ K. (Xlllth dyn.), 206, 221. Mendes, 22. Men-ka-ra, Q. (Vlth dyn.), 86, 104. Men-kau-hor, K., 61, 68, 78. Men-kau-ra, K. (IVth dyn.), 30, 55- Mentu'hotep L, K., 109, 124, 127. Mentu'hotep IL, K., 109, 124, 131. Mentu'hotep IIL, K., 109, 124, 138. Mentu'hotep, Q., 144. ,, divine father, 211. Mera, pr., 87, 91. Mer'ab, pr., 42. Mer'ba'pen, K., 20. Mer'en'ra, K., 86, 97, 104. Mer'meshau, K., 206, 209, 242. Mer-seker, Q., 183. Mer'tisen, artist, 140. Mertiftefs, Q., 10, 31, 35. Mery, tomb of, 26. Merysankh, Q., 31, 35. Mesniii, 10. Methen, pr., 34. Mezau (S. Nubians), 94, 152. Min, prehistoric statues, 14. Min'hon, pr., 71. Moeris, lake, 190. Mud, rate of deposit, 6. Mythical period of gods, 9. Neb'hotep, K., 127. Neb'ka, K., 21, 23, 24, 25. Neb'ka'ra, K., 21. Neb'ka'n'ra, K., 24. Nebt, 95. Neby, K., 108, 113. Nefer'ab'ra, pr., 42. Nefer*ar*ka-ra, K. (Vth dyn.), 68, 73. Nefer-ar-ka-ra, K. (Vlllth dyn.), 109. Nefer'art'nef, pr., 72. Nefer-f-ra, K., 68, 75. Nefer'hotep, K., 206, 212. Nefer-ka, K., 108. Nefer'ka'ra, K. (Ilnd dyn.), 21, 23- Nefer'ka'ra (Ilird dyn.), 21. Nefer-ka-ra (Vlth dyn.), 86, lOI. Nefer-ka-ra (Vlllth dyn.), 108, 113- Nefer-maat, tomb, 36. pi*., 53- Nefer-s, K., 108. Nefert, Q., 174. Neferfkau, 31, 35. Neferui-ka'dad-uah, K., 230. Nehesi, K., 221. Ne'ka-ankh, pr., 71. Nekht-abs, pr., 76. Nen-khetef'ka, pr., 71, 72. Nenna, Q., 211. Nenu, K., 227. Net-aqerti, Q., 86, 104. Neter*ka-ra, K., 86, 104. Neteru (ka), 26. Nile deposit, rate of, 6. ,, levels of, 3, 5, 193, 209. regulation of, 192. Nile valley, fault, 2. submergence, 5, 6. Nitokris, Q., 105. Nub-em-hat, Q., 218. Nub-hotep-ta-khredet, 208. INDEX 259 Nubian affairs (Vth dyn.), 94, 99. Nubian affairs (Xllth dyn.), 152, 160, 163, 178-181. Nub'kha's, Q., 224. Obelisk of Begig, 150. Obelisks, caps of, 157. Obelisks of Ra, 65, 71. Organisation of government, 149. Pakhnan, K., 236. Palaeolithic flint, 5. Palermo stone, 72. Papyri, early kings in, 24. Papyrus, oldest dated, 81. Pa'seb'khanu, K., 44. Pedunebti, K., 228. Pehenuka, pr., 71, 73. Penens...n'sept, K., 228. Pepy I., K., 86, 89. Pepy II., K., 86, loi. Pepyna, pr., 91, 98. Pepysenb, K., 109. Per'ab'sen, K., 23. Persen, 63. Philistines, 15. Phoenician race, 15. Poem of praise, 182. Pre-historic age, 1-15. Psemtek, pr., 63. Psemtek'menkh, pr., 42, 53, 63. Ptah'bau'nefer, pr., 42, 72, 73, 76. Ptah'du'aau, pr., 63. Ptah'en'kau, 89. Ptah'en'maat, pr., 73. Ptah-hotep, pr., 71, 74, 75, 78. ,, proverbs of, 81. Ptah-kha-bau, pr., 72, 73, 75, 76. Ptah'nefer'art, pr., 78. Ptah'neferu, 187, 188, 195. Ptah'ru'en, pr., 73. Ptah'se'ankh, pr., 91. Ptah'shepses, 64. pr., 84, 87. Ptolemy Soter, K., 192. Punt, 12, 14, 100, 141, 167. Pyramids, design of, 39, 57, 90, 169, 176, 184. Pyramids, development of, 32, 33- ,, sections of, 32, 57, 83. ,, theory of restoration, 58. ,, two of one king, 34, 55. 84. Pyramids of Abu Roash, 56, ,, of Abu Sir, 71, 76. ,, of Dahshur, 176. ,, of Gizeh, 38, 47, 56. of Hawara, 184. of lUahun, 168. ,, of Medum, 32, 39. of Riqqeh, 77. ,, of Sakkara, 82, 87, 90, 97. ,, of Thebes, 133, Kings' Names. Ra'aa'hotep, 109, T17. Ra'aa'qenen, 242. Ra'aa'seh, 244. Ra'aa'user, 241. Ra'ab'mery, 109, 114. Ra 'amen *em 'hat, 206. Ra'ankh'ka , 227. Ra'dad'ef, 63. Ra'dad'ka, 79. Ra'dad'kheru, ^27, R^'dad'nefer, 245. Ra'en'ka, 108, 113. Ra'en'maa'en'kha, 226. Ra'en'maat, 184. Ra'en'user, 75. Ra'fu'ab, 206, 208. Ra 'ha 'shed , 227, Ra'hathor'sa, 206. Ra'her'ab, 227. Ra'hotep, 246. Ra'ka ab, 227. Ra'ka'mery, 109, 115. Ra'kha , 227. Ra'kha'ankh, 206, 218, 229. Ra'khaf, 47. Ra*kha*hotep, 206, 219, 229 Ra'kha'ka, 206, 217, 229, Ra'kha 'kau, 176. 26o INDEX Ra'kha'kheper, i68. Ra'kha'nefer, 206, 215, 220. Ra'kha'neferui, 230. Ra'kha'seshes, 206, 212, 22r. Ra'kha'thi, 206. Ra'kha'user, 109, 117. Ra'kheper, 230. Ra'kheper'ka, 156. Ra'kheper'kha, 168. Ra'khu'taui, 206, 230. Ra'maa'ab, 109, 116. Ra'men'hotep, 247. Ra'men'ka, 104. Ra'men'kau, 55. Ra'men'khau, 226. Ra'mer'en, 97, 104. Ra'mer 'hotep, 206, 220, 230. Ra'mer'kau, 206, 220, 229. Ra'mer 'kheper, 206. Ra'mer 'nefer, 206, 220. Ra'mer 'sekhem, 206, 230. Ra'mery, 89. Ra'mer'zefau, 227. Ra'messu II., 171. Ra'neb, 26. Ra'neb'ati'au, 227* Ra'neb'ka, 21, 26. Ra'neb'kha, 106. Ra'neb'kher, 138. Ra'neb'maat, 206, 220. Ra'neb 'neferui, 230. Ra'neb 'sen, 227, Ra 'nefer, 230. Ra'nefer'ab, 227, 229. Ra 'nefer 'ankh, 230. Ra'nefer'ar'ka, 73, 109. Ra 'nefer 'f, 75. Ra'nefer'ka (Ilnd dyn.), 21. „ (Ilird dyn.), 21, 26. Ra 'nefer -ka (Vlth dyn.), loi. (Vlllth dyn.), 108, 113- Ra 'nefer 'kau, 109. Ra 'nefer 'nub, 230. Ra'nefer'tum , 227. Ra'nehesi, 206, 221. Ra'neter'ka, 104. Ra'nezem'ab, 206. Ra'nub 'hotep, 230. - Ra 'nub 'kau, 164. Ra'nub'kheperu, 134. Ra'nub 'neferui, 230. Ra'nub'uaz, 230. Ra'peh'nub, 230. Ra'ra'neb'zefau, 227, Ra'sa, 246. Ra'sahu, 71. Ra'se'ankh , 227. Ra'se'ankh'ab, 206, 207, 229. Ra'se'ankh'ka, 141. Ra'se'ankh'n, 206. Ra'sebek'hotep, 206, 208. Ra'sebek'ka, 65. Ra'sebek'neferu, 197. Ra'se'beq'ka, 245. Ra'se'heb, 227. Ra'se 'hotep 'ab, 148, 206, 208. Ra'se'kha'n, 109, 116. Ra 'sekhem , 227. Ra 'sekhem 'ka, 206, 207. Ra 'sekhem 'khu'taui, 206, 209, 229. Ra'sekhem'nefer'khau, 225. Ra 'sekhem 's'shedti'taui, 223. Ra 'sekhem 'se'uaz'taui, 206, 210, 229. Ra'sekhem'uah'ka, 246. Ra'sekhem'uaz'khau, 222, 230. Ra'se'kheper'en, 227. Ra'se 'men 'ka, 206, 227. Ra'se 'menkh'ka, 206, 209. Ra'se'men , 227. Ra'senb'ka, 227. Ra'se'nefer'ka, 227, 229, 230. Ra'seshes'her'her'maat, 127. Ra'seshes'up'maat, 129. Ra'ses'user'taui, 229. Ra 'set 'nub, 230. Ra'set'pehti, 230. Ra'se'uah'en, 230. Ra'se'uaz'en, 229, 230. Ra'se 'uaz'ka, 206. Ra'se 'user , 227. Ra'se'user'en, 118. Ra'se 'zefa'ab, 206. Ra'shepses'ka, 74. Ra'uah'ab, 206, 219. Ra'uben, 206, 227. Ra'user , 228. INDEX 261 Ra'user ra, 206. Ra'user'ka, 88. Ra, descent from, 69. Ra, obelisks of, 65, 71. Ra'ankh'ema, pr., 75, 78. Ra'en'kau, pr., 71, 7c;. Ra-hent, pr., 84, 88. ' Ra-hotep (IVth dyn.), 36. Ra'ka'pu, pr., 79. Ra'nefer'ab, pr., 42. Ra*se*ankh, statue, 26. Races, aquiline, 10. ,, larg-e-eyed, 11. ,, snouty, II. Rainfall, ancient, 4. References, v. Restoration of pyramids, theory, 58- Restoration of scarabs, 69. Riqqeh, 77. Sabu, pr., 84, 87. Sahura, K., 68, 71. Sakha, 231. Sakhebu, 70. Sakkara, list of, 17. (See Py- ramids.) Salatis, K., 234, 236. Sanehat, adventures of, 153. Sankh'ka'ra, K., 124, 141. Sat-hathor, 177. Sati (Asiatics), 152. Scarabs, restored, 62. Search for stone, 151. Sebek'em'heb, 218. Sebek'em'saf I., K., 222. Sebek'em'sauf II., K., 223. Sebek'hotep I., K., 206, 209. ,, II., K., 206, 210. ,, III., K., 206, 215. ,, IV., K., 206, 218. ,, v., K., 206, 219. ,, VI., K., 206, 220. Sebek'ka'ra, K., 30, 31, 65. Sebek'neferu, Q., 145, 187, 195, 197. vSed festivals, 93, 131, 251. Seden'maat, pr., 73, 75, 76. Se'hotep'ab'ra, K., 148. Seker'ka'bau, tomb, 26. Seker'nefer'ka, K., 21, 23. Sem*en*ptah, K., 20, 22, 24. Sem-nefer, 74, 75 ; pr., 78, 79. Semneh and Kummeh, 181, 193. Sen 'amen, 75. Senb, 211. Senb'f, pr., 23. Senb'maiu, K., 246. Send, K., 21, 23, 24. Sennu'ankh, pr., 71, 72. Sent, Q., 144. Sent's'senb, 176. Sepa, statue of, 26. Sesa, pr., 91, 102. Set , K., 228. Set'hetu, K., 206. Sethos, K., 236. Sethu (Upper E. Nubia), 99. Sety I., compiled history, 19. Se'user'en'ra, K., 118. Sezes, K., 21. Shat, 163. Shemsu, K., 206, 221. Shemsu'har, 10. Shemyk, 163. Shepses'kaf, K., 30, 64. Shepses'kaf'ankh, pr., 42, 72, 73. Shepses'ka'ra, K., 68, 74. Shera, pr., 23, 24. Sherfsat, Q., 144. Shesha, pr., 91. Shut er regal, tablets, 139, 142. Sickles of flint, 8. Sinai tablets, 35, 43, 71, 78, 80, 92, 102, 158, 165, 189, 196. Sirius cycle, 249. ,, festivals, 251. S'kha'n'ra, K., 109, 116. Snaa'ab, K., 226. S'nefer'ka, K., 108, 109. S'neferu, K., 30, 31. S'neferu'nefer, pr., 78, 79. S-nezem-ab, pr., 71, 73, 74, 75, 76, 84. S'nezem'ab'antha, pr., 42. Snouty race, 11. Sothis cycle, 249. M mythology, 10. 262 INDEX Sothis festivals, 251. Sphinx of Gizeh, 51. in Louvre, 92. Stele of 400 years, 244. vSuhtes, K., 74. Sunn , K., 228. Tablet of 400 years, 244. Tablet of Sphinx, so-called, 44. Tahutmes [II., list of, 17. ,, ,, date of, 250. „ IV., 52. Tefaba, 115. Temehu (Oasis), 94, 99, 153. Temple of Gizeh, 48. ,, of lUahun, 171. ,, of Medum, 34. Tererel or Tereru, K., 108. Teta, K. (Athothis), 20, 21, 22, 23, 24. Teta, K*. (Vlth dyn.), 86, 87. Tetu, pr., 138. Thentha, pr., 34, 42. Theta, 92. Theta, pr., 53. This, kings of, 9, 10, 13. Thunury, list of, 17. Thuthu, 79. Thy, pr., 73, 76. Tombs, plundering of, 224. Tosorthos, K., 23. Town of Kahun, 171. Transliteration, xv. Tumem, Q., 141. Turin papyrus, 17, 18, 31, 84, 108, no, 201-205, 221. Uash, pr., 53. Uazed, K., 109, 121. Uaz'neferui, K., 230. Uaz'nes, K., 21. Uenefes, K., 22. Uha, pr., 92. Una, pr., 91, 98. ,, inscription of, 94. Unas, K., 68, 82. Un'nefer, pr., 23. Up'uat'em'saf, K., 225. Ur , K., 206. Urarna, pr., 71. Ur-khuu, pr., 55, 73. User 'en 'ra, K., 68, 75. User-ka-f, K., 68, 70. User-ka-ra, K., 86, 88. User'tesen I., K., 145, 156. II. , K., 145, 168. III. , K., 145, 176. Uta, pr., 55. Wawat (Low^er E. Nubia), 94, 152. Weight, earliest, 46. ,, of Hormera, 164. Westcar papyrus, 20, 21, 29, 69. Women, succession of, 23. Xois, 230. Ya'peq'HER, K., 109, 122. Zau, pr., 95, 102. Zauta, pr., 91, 98, 102. Zautaker, 151. Zazai, K., 21. Zeser, K., 23, 24, 26. Zeser'sa, K., 21. Zeserti, K., 21. MORRISON AND GIBB, PRINTERS, EDINBURGH WORKS BY MR. FLINDERS PETRIE. 1882. THE PYRAMIDS AND TEMPLES OF GIZEH. (Both Editions out of Print.) 1884. TAN IS I. 19 Plates, 25s. Kegan Paul ^ Co, 1886. TAN IS II. Nebesheh and Defenneh. 64 Plates, 25s. Kegan Paul ^ Co. 1885. NAUKRATI8 I. 45 Plates, 25s. Kegan Paul ^ Co, 1889. HIEROGLYPHIC PAPYRUS FROM TANIS. 15 Plates. (Out of Print.) 1887. A SEASON IN EGYPT, 1887. 32 Plates, 12s. Leadenhall Press, 1887. 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CONTENTS PAGE FORTHCOMING BOOKS, ..... 2 POETRY, ...... 13 GENERAL LITERATURE, . . . . 15 THEOLOGY, . . . . . .17 LEADERS OF RELIGION, . . . . 18 WORKS BY S. BARING GOULD, . . . . I9 FICTION, ...... 21 NOVEL SERIES, . . .... 24 BOOKS FOR BOYS AND GIRLS, .... 25 THE PEACOCK LIBRARY, .... 26 UNIVERSITY EXTENSION SERIES, ... 26 SOCIAL QUESTIONS OF TO-DAY, ... 28 CLASSICAL TRANSLATIONS, .... 29 COMMERCIAL SERIES, . . . . .29 WORKS BY A. M. M. STEDMAN, M.A., . . . 30 SCHOOL EXAMINATION SERIES, . . * 32 PRIMARY CLASSICS, . . . . 32 OCTOBER 1894 October 1894. Messrs. M ethuen^s ANNOUNCEMENTS Poetry Eudyard Kipling. BALLADS. By Rudyard Kipling. Crown %vo. Buckram, 6s, [May 1895. The announcement of a new volume of poetry from Mr. Kipling will excite wide interest. The exceptional success of ' Barrack-Room Ballads,' with which this volume will be uniform, justifies the hope that the new book too will obtain a wide popularity. Henley. ENGLISH LYRICS. Selected and Edited by W. E. Henley. 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' Mr. Ruskin could not well have been more fortunate in his biographer. '— 'A noble monument of a noble subject. One of the most beautiful books about one of the noblest lives of our century.' — Glasgcnv Herald. Gladstone. THE SPEECHES AND PUBLIC ADDRESSES OF THE RT. HON. W. E. GLADSTONE, M.P. With Notes and Introductions. Edited by A. W. Hutton, M.A. {Librarian of the Gladstone Library), and H. J. Cohen, M.A. With Portraits. %vo. Vols. IX. and X. 12s. 6d. each. Clark RusselL THE LIFE OF ADMIRAL LORD COL- LINGWOOD. By W. Clark Russell, Author of *The Wreck of the Grosvenor.' With Illustrations by F. Brangwyn. Second Edition. Crown Svo. 6s. ' A really good book.' — Saturday Review. ' A most excellent and wholesome book, which we should like to see in the hands of every boy in the country. ' — St. James's Gazette. Clark. THE COLLEGES OF OXFORD : Their History and their Traditions. By Members of the University. Edited by A. Clark, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Lincoln College. %vo. 12s. 6d, 'Whether the reader approaches the book as a patriotic member of a college, as an antiquary, or as a student of the organic growth of college foundation, it will amply reward his attention.' — Times. * A delightful book, learned and lively.' — Academy. ' A work which will certainly be appealed to for many years as the standard book oa the Colleges of Oxford.' — Athenceiim. i6 Messrs. Methuen's List Wells. OXFORD AND OXFORD LIFE. By Members of the University. Edited by J. Wells, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Wadham College. Crown %vo. 35. ^d. This work contains an account of life at Oxford— intellectual, social, and religious — a careful estimate of necessar}^ expenses, a review of recent changes, a statement of the present position of the University, and chapters on Women's Education, aids to study, and University Extension. *We congratulate Mr. Wells on the production of a readable and intelligent account of Oxford as it is at tne present time, written by persons who are, with hardly an exception, possessed of a close acquaintance with the system and life of the University.' — A thejtceujn. Perrens. THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE FROM THE TIME OF THE MEDICIS TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. By F. T. Perrens. Translated by HaiNNAH Lynch. In Three Volumes, Vol. I, ?>vo. 12s. 6d. This is a translation from the French of the best history of Florence in existence. This volume covers a period of profound interest — political and literary — and is written with great vivacity. ' This is a standard book by an honest and intelligent historian, who has deserved well of his countrymen, and of all who are interested in Italian history.' — Man- chester Guardian. Browning. GUELPHS AND GHIBELLINES : A Short History of Mediaeval Italy, a.d. 1250- 1409. By Oscar Browning, Fellow and Tutor of King's College, Cambridge. SecoJtd Edition, Crown Svo. 5^. 'A very able book.' — Westminster Gazette. * A vivid picture of mediaeval Italy.' — Standard. O'Grady. THE STORY OF IRELAND. By Standish O'Grady, Author of * ¥\nn and his Companions.' Cr, Svo, 2s. 6d, ' Novel and very fascinating history. Wonderfully alluring.' — Cork Examiner. * Most delightful, most stimulating. Its racy humour, its original imaginings, its perfectly unique history, make it one of the freshest, breeziest volumes.' — Methodist Times. 'A survey at once graphic, acute, and quaintly written.' — Times. Dixon. ENGLISH POETRY FROM BLAKE TO BROWN- ING. By W. M. Dixon, M.A. Crown Svo, 3J. 6d. A Popular Account of the Poetry of the Century. ' Scholarly in conception, and full of sound and suggestive criticism.' — Times. ' The book is remarkable for freshness of thought expressed in graceful language.'— Manchester Examiner. Bowden. THE EXAMPLE OF BUDDHA: Beincr Quota- tions from Buddhist Literature for each Day in the Year. Compiled by E. M. Bowden. With Preface by Sir Edwin Arnold. Third Edition, i6mo, 2s. 6d, Messrs. Methuen's List 17 Flinders Petrie. TELL EL AMARNA. By W. M. Flinders Pefrie, D.C.L. With chapters by Professor A. H. Sayce, D.D.; F. Ll. Griffith, F.S.A.; and F. C. J. Spurrell, F.G.S. With numerous coloured illustrations. Royal d^to. 20s, net, Massee. A MONOGRAPH OF THE MYXOGASTRES. By George Mass EE. With 12 Coloured Plates. Royal %vo, \%s.neL * A work much in advance of any book in the language treating of this group of organisms. It is indispensable to every student of the Mxyogastres. The coloured plates deserve high praise for their accuracy and execution.'— iVlct^wrg. BushilL PROFIT SHARING AND THE LABOUR QUES- TION. By T. W. BusHiLL, a Profit Sharing Employer. With an Introduction by Sedley Taylor, Author of * Profit Sharing between Capital and Labour.* Crown %vo. 2s. 6d. John Beever. PRACTICAL FLY-FISHING, Founded on Nature, by John Beever, late of the Thwaite House, Coniston. A Nev/ Edition, with a Memoir of the Author by W. G. Collingwood, M.A. Also additional Notes and a chapter on Char-Fishing, by A. and A. R. Severn. With a specially designed title-page. Crowr. Svo. 35. 6d, A little book on Fly-FIshing by an old friend of Mr. Ruskin. It lirs been out of print for some time, and being still much in request, is now issutd wi'^h a Memoir of the Author by W. G. Collingwood. Driver. SERMONS ON SUBJECTS CONNECTED WITH THE OLD TESTAMENT. By S. R. Driver, D.D., Canon of Christ Church, Regius Professor of Hebrew in the University of Oxford. Crown Svo, 6s, 'A welcome companion to the author's famous ' Introduction.* No man can read these discourses without feeling that Dr. Driver is fully alive to the deeper teaching of the Old Testament.' — Guardian. Cheyne. FOUNDERS OF OLD TESTAMENT CRITICISM: Biographical, Descriptive, and Critical Studies. By T. K. Cheyne, D.D., Oriel Professor of the Interpretation of Holy Scripture at Oxford. Large crown Svo, ys. 6d. This important book is a historical sketch of O.T. Criticism in the forui of biographi- cal studies from the days of Eichhorn to those of Driver and Robertson Smith. It is the only book of its kind in English. ' The volume is one of great interest and value. It displays all the author's wt^il- known ability and learning, and its opportune publication has laid ail students cf theology, and specially of Bible criticism, under weighty obligation.' — Scotsviiin, A very learned and instructive worlc.' — Times. iS Messrs. Methuen's List Prior. CAMBRIDGE SERMONS. Edited by C. H. Prior, M. A., Fellow and Tutor of Pembroke College. Crown Svo, 6s. A volume of sermons preached before the University of Cambridge by various preachers, including the Archbishop of Canterbury and Bishop Westcott. * A representative collection. Bishop Westcott's is a noble sermon.' — Guardian. *FulI of thoughtfulness and dignity.' — Record, BeecMng. BRADFIELD SERMONS. Sermons by H. C. Beeching, M.A., Rector of Yattendon, Berks. With a Preface by Canon Scott Holland. Crown Zvo. 2s. 6d. Seven sermons preached before the boys of Bradfield College. James. CURIOSITIES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY PRIOR TO THE REFORMATION. By Croake James, Author of ' Curiosities of Law and Lawyers. * Croivn Svo. ys. 6d. ' This volume contains a great deal of quaint and curious matter, affording some "particulars of the interesting persons, episodes, and events from the Christian's point of view during the first fourteen centuries." Wherever we dip into his pages we find something worth dipping into.' — /okn Bull. Kanfmann. CHARLES KINGSLEY. By M. Kaufmann, M.A. Crozvn Zvo. Bztckram, ^s. A biography of Kingsley, especially dealing with his achievements in social reform. 'The author has certainly gone about his work with conscientiousness and industry'.'-— Sheffield Daily Telegraph. Leaders of Relio:ion Edited by H. C. BEECHING, M.A. With Portraits, crown Svo. A series of short biographies of the most pro- minent leaders of religious life and thought of all ages and countries. The following are ready — 2S, 6d, CARDINAL NEWMAN. By R. H. Hutton. Second Edition, ' Few who read this book will fail to be struck by the wonderful insight it displays into the nature of the Cardinal's genius and the spirit of his life.' — Wilfrid Ward, in the Tablet. ' Full of knowledge, excellent in method, and intelligent in criticism. We regard i as wholly admirable.' — Acndcjny. JOHN WESLEY. By J. H. OvertOx\% M.A. * It is well done : the story is clearly told, proportion is duly observed, and there is no lack either of discrimination or of sympathy.' — Manchester Guai^diaVi.. i6 & 3/6 Messrs. Methuen's List 19 BISHOP WILBERFORCE. By G. W. Daniel, M.A. CARDINAL MANNING. By A. W. Hutton, M.A. CHARLES SIMEON. By H. C. G. Moule, M.A. 3s. 6d. JOHN KEBLE. By Walter Lock, M.A. Seventh Edition. THOMAS CHALMERS. By Mrs. Oliphant. Second Edition, Other volumes will be announced in due course. Works by S. Baring Gould OLD COUNTRY LIFE. With Sixty-seven Illustrations by W. Parkinson, F. D. Bedford, and F. Masey. Large Crown S'VOf cloth super extra, top edge gilt, los. 6d. Foiii'th and Cheaper Edition. 6s, * " Old Country Life," as healthy wholesome reading, full of breezy life and move- ment, full of quaint stories vigorously told, will not be excelled by any book to be published throughout the year. Sound, hearty, and English to the core.' — World. HISTORIC ODDITIES AND STRANGE EVENTS. Third Edition, Crown Svo. 6s. * A collection of exciting and entertaining chapters. The whole volume is delightful reading. ' — Times. FREAKS OF FANATICISM. Third Edition. Crown Zvo. 6s, ' Mr. Baring Gould has a keen eye for colour and effect, and the subjects he has chosen give ample scope to his descriptive and analytic faculties. A perfectly fascinating book.' — Scottish Leader. SONGS OF THE WEST : Traditional Ballads and Songs of the West of England, with their Traditional Melodies. Collected by S, Baring Gould, M.A., and H. Fleetwood Sheppard, M.A. Arranged for Voice and Piano. In 4 Parts (containing 25 Songs each), Parts /., //., ///., 35-. each. Part IV., ^s. In one Vol., French morocco, \^s, *A rich and varied collection of humour, pathos, grace, and poetic fancy.' — Satu?'day Reviezv. YORKSHIRE ODDITIES AND STRANGE EVENTS. Fourth Edition, Crown Sz/o, 6s. 20 Messrs. Methuen's List STRANGE SURVIVALS AND SUPERSTITIONS. With Illustrations. By S. Baring Gould. Crown %vo. Second Edition, 6s. A book on such subjects as Foundations, Gables, Holes, Gallows, "Raising the Hat, Old Ballads, etc. etc. It traces in a most interesting manner their origin and history. ' We have read Mr. Baring Gould's book from beginning to end. It is full of quaint and various information, and there is not a dull page in it.' — Notes and Queries, THE TRAGEDY OF THE CAESARS: The Emperors of the Julian and Claudian Lines. With numerous Illus- trations from Busts, Gems, Cameos, etc. By S. Baring Gould, Author of * Mehalah,' etc. Third Edition. Royal Svo. I^s. * A most splendid and fascinating book on a subject of undying interest. The great feature of the book is the use the author has made of the existing portraits of the Caesars, and the admirab'e critical subtlety he has exhibited in dealing with this line of research. It is br lliantly written, and the illustrations are supplied on a scale of profuse magnificence.' — Daily Chronicle. * The volumes will in no sense disappoint the general reader. Indeed, in their way, there is nothing in any sense so good in English. . . . Mr. Baring Gould has presented his narrative in such away as not to make one dull page.' — Athenceuvt. MR. BARING GOULD'S NOVELS *To say that a book is by the author of " Mehalah" is to imply that it contains a story cast on strong lines, containing dramatic possibilities, vivid and sympathetic descriptions of Nature, and a wealth of ingenious imagery.' — Speaker. 'That whatever Mr. Baring Gould writes is well worth reading, is a conclusion that may be very generally accepted. His views of life are tresh and vigorous, his language pointed and chsracteristic, the incidents of which he makes use are striking and original, his characters are life-like, and though somewhat excep- tional people, are drawn and coloured with artistic force. Add to this that his descriptions of scent^s and scenery are painted with the loving e5'es and skilled hands of a master of his art, that he is always fresh and never dull, and under such conditions it is no wonder that readers have gained confidence both in his power of amusing and satisfying them, and that year by year his popularity widens. ' — Court Circular. SIX SHILLINGS EACH IN THE ROAR OF THE SEA : A Tale of the Cornish Coast MRS. CURGENVEN OF CURGENVEN. CHEAP JACK ZITA. THE QUEEN OF LOVE. THREE SHILLINGS AND SIXPENCE EACH ARMINELL : A Social Romance. URITH : A Story of Dartmoor. MARGERY OF QUETHER, and other Stories. JACQUETTA, and other Stories. Messrs. Methuen's List 21 Fiction SIX SHILLING NOVELS Corelli. B ARAB B AS : A DREAM OF THE WORLD'S TRAGEDY. By Marie Corelli, Author of ' A Romance of Two Worlds,' * Vendetta,' etc. Eleventh Edition. Crown %vo. 6^. Miss Corelli's new romance has been received with much disapprobation by the secular papers, and with warm welcome bv the religious papers. By the former she has been accused of blasphemy and bad ta^te ; * a gory nightmare' ; * a hideous travesty'; 'grotesque vulgarisation'; 'unworthy of criticism'; 'vulgar redun- dancy'; 'sickening details' — these are some of the secular flowers of speech. On the other hand, the 'Guardian' praises 'the dignity of its conceptions, the reserve round the Central Figure, the fine imagery of the scene and circumstance, so much that is elevating and devout ' ; the ' illustrated Churcti News ' styles the book ' reverent and artistic, broad based on the rock of our common nature, and appealing to what is best in it ' ; the ' Christian World ' says it is written ' by one who has more than conventional reverence, who has tried to tell the story that it may be read again with open and attentive eyes'; the 'Church of England Pulpit' welcomes 'a book which teems with faith without any appearance of irreverence.' Benson, DODO : A DETAIL OF THE DAY. By E. F. Benson. Crown Svo. Fourteenth Edition, ds. A story of society by a new writer, full of interest and power, which has attracted by its brilliance universal attention. The best critics were cordial in their praise. The ' Guardian ' spoke of ' Dodo ' as unusually clever and interesting ; the ' Spectator ' called it a delightfully witty sketch of society \ the 'Speaker' said the dialogue was a perpetual feast of epigram and paradox ; the *Athena;um' spoke of the author as a -writer of quite exceptional ability; the ' Academy ' praised his avtazing cleverness ; the ' World ' said the book was brilliantly written ; and half-a-dozen papers declared there was not a dull page in the book. Baring Gould. IN THE ROAR OF THE SEA: A Tale of the Cornish Coast. By S. Baring Gould. New Edition, 6s» Baring Gould. MRS. CURGENVEN OF CURGENVEN. By S. Baring Gould. Third Edition, 6j. A story of Devon life. The ' Graphic ' speaks of it as a novel of vigorous humour and sustained power ; the ' Sussex Daily News ' says that the swing of the narrative is splendid \ and the ' Speaker' mentions its bright imaginative power. Baring Gould. CHEAP JACK ZITA. By S. Baring Gould. Ihird Edition. Crown Svo, 6s. A Romance of the Ely Fen District in 1815, which the 'Westminster Gazette' calls 'a powerful drama of human passion'; and the 'National Observer' *a story worthy the author.' Baring Gould. THE QUEEN OF LOVE. By S. Baring Gould. Seco7id Edition. Croiun Zvo. 6s. The 'Glasgow Herald ' says that *the scenery is admirable, and the dramatic inci- dents are mo!it striking.' The 'Westminster Gazette' calls the book 'strong, interesting, and clever.' 'Punch' says that 'you cannot put it down until you have finished it.' 'The Sussex Daily News' says that it 'can be heartily recom- mended to all who care for cleanly, energetic, and interesting fiction.' 22 Messrs. Methuen's List Norris. HIS GRACE. By W. E. Norris, Author of ' Mademoiselle de Meisac' Third Editio7i. Crown %vo, 6?. ' The characters are delineated by the author with his characteristic skill and vivacity, and the story is told with that ease of manners and Thackerayean in- sight which give strength of flavour to Mr. Norris's novels No one can depict the Englishwoman of the better classes with more subtlety.' — Glasgow Herald. * Mr. Norris has drawn a really fine character in the Duke of Hurstbourne, at once unconventional and very true to the conventionalities of life, weak and strong in a breath, capable of inane follies and heroic decisions, yet not so definitely por- trayed as to relieve a reader of the necessity of study on his own behalf.' — A thenceum. Parker. MRS. FALCHION. By Gilbert Parker, Author of * Pierre and His People.' New Edition. 6s. Wx. Parker's second book has received a warm welcome. The ' Athenaeum ' called it a splendid study of character ; the ' Pall Mall Gazette ' spoke of the writing as but little behind anything that has been done by any writer of our time\ the • St. James's ' called \t a very striking and admirable novel \ and the 'West- minster Gazette ' applied to it the epithet oi distinguished. Parker. PIERRE AND HIS PEOPLE. By Gilbert Parker. Crown %vo. Buckram. 6s. ' Stories happily conceived and finely executed. There is strength and genius in Mr. Parker's style.' — Daily Telegraph. Parker. THE TRANSLATION OF A SAVAGE. By Gilbert Parker, Author of * Pierre and His People,' 'Mrs. Falchion,' etc. Crown 2>vo. ^s. ' The plot is original and one difficult to work out ; but Mr. Parker has done it with great skill and delicacy. The reader who is not interested in this original, fresh, and well-told tale must be a dull person indeed.' — Daily Chrofiicle. ' A strong and successful piece of workmanship. The portrait of Lali, strong, digni- fied, and pure, is exceptionally Avell drawn.' — Manchester Guardian. ♦ A very pretty and interesting story, and Mr. Parker tells it with much skill. The story is one to be read.' — St. James's Gazette. Anthony Hope. A CHANGE OF AIR: A Novel. By Anthony Hope, Author of * The Prisoner of Zenda,' etc. Crown %vo, 6s. A bright story by Mr. Hope, who has, the Aihenceum says, *a decided outlook and individuality of his own.' 'A graceful, vivacious comedy, true to human nature. The characters are traced with a masterly hand.' — Times. Pryce. TIME AND THE WOMAN. By Richard Pryce, Author of * Miss Maxwell's Affections,' 'The Quiet Mrs. Fleming,' etc. New and Cheaper Edition. Crown Svo. 6s. * Mr. Pryce's work recalls the st^'-le of Octave Feuillet, by its clearness, conciseness, its literary reserve.' — Athenccum. Messrs. Methuen's List 23 Marriott Watson. DIOGENES OF LONDON and other Sketches. By H. B. Marriott Watson, Author of 'The Web of the Spider.' Crown Zvo, Buckram, 6^. * By all those who delight in the uses of words, who rate the exercise of prose above the exercise of verse, who rejoice in all proofs of its delicacy and its strength, v/ho believe that English prose is chief among the moulds of thought, by these Mr. Marriott Watson's book will be welcomed.' — National Observer. Giiclirist. THE STONE DRAGON. By Murray Gilchrist. Croiv7t Svo, Bzukram, 6^. *The author's faults are atoned for by certain positive and admirable merits. The romances have not their counterpart in modern literature, and to read them is a unique experience.' — National Observer. THREE-AWD-SIXPENNY NOVELS Baring Gould. ARMINELL: A Social Romance. By S. Baring Gould. New Editio7i. Ci-own Zvo, 33-. 6^. Earing Gould. URITH : A Story of Dartmoor. By S. Baring Gould. Third Edition. Crown %vo, ^s. 6d. ' The author is at his best.' — Times. ' He has nearly reached the high water-mark of Mehalah." ' — National Observer. Baring Gould. MARGERY OF QUETHER, and other Stories. By S. Baring Gould. Crown Zvo. 3J-. 6^. Earing Gould. JACQUETTA, and other Stories. By S. Baring Gould. Crozvn Svo. ^s. 6d. Gray. ELSA. A Novel. By E. McQueen Gray. CrownZvo. 3J. dd, *A charming novel. The characters are not only powerful sketches, but minutely and carefully finished portraits.' — Guardian. Pearce. JACO TRELOAR. By J. H. Pearce, Author of * Esther Pentreath. ' New Edition. Crozvn Sz>o. 3.?. 6d. A tragic story of Cornish life by a writer of remarkable power, whose first novel has been highly praised by Mr. Gladstone. The 'Spectator' speaks of Mr. Pearce as a ivriter o/" exceptional power ; the 'Daily Telegraph' calls the book pozver/ul and picturesqtie\ the 'Birmingham Post' asserts that it is a novel of high quality. Edna Lyall. DERRICK VAUGHAN, NOVELIST. By Edna Lyall, Author of 'Donovan,' etc. Crown iivo. 3^. 6d. Clark EusselL MY DANISH SWEETHEART. By W. Clark Russell, Author of *The Wreck of the Grosvenor,' etc. Illustrated. Third Edition. Crown 2>vo. 3^. 6d. 24 Messrs. Methuen's List Author of *Vera.' THE DANCE OF THE HOURS. By the Author of * Vera.' Crown %vo. 3^. 6d, Esme Stuart. A WOMAN OF FORTY. By Esme Stuart, Author of 'Muriel's Marriage/ *Virginie's Husband,' etc. New Edition. Crown Svo, ^s. 6d, 'The story is well written, and some of the scenes show great dramatic power.' — Daily Chronicle. Fenn. THE STAR GAZERS. By G. Manville Fenn, Author of * Eli's Children,' etc. New Edition. Cr, %vo, 35. 6d, *A stirring romance.' — Western Morning Neivs. 'Told with all the dramatic power for which Mr. Fenn is conspicuous.' — Bradford Dickinson. A VICAR'S WIFE. By Evelyn Dickinson. Crown Svo. 35. 6d. Prowse. THE POISON OF ASPS. By R. Orton Prowse. Crown Zvo. 3^. 6d. Grey. THE STORY OF CHRIS. By Rowland Grey. Crown Svo. ^s. hjnn Linton. THE TRUE HISTORY OF JOSHUA DAVID- SON, Christian and Communist. By E. Lynn Linton. Eleventh Edition. Post Svo. is. 1. THE PLAN OF CAMPAIGN. By F. Mabel Robinson. 2. DISENCHANTMENT. By F. Mabel Robinson. 3. MR. BUTLER'S WARD. By F. Mabel Robinson. 4. HOVENDEN, V.C. By F. Mabel Robinson. 5. ELPS CHILDREN. By G. Manville Fenn. 6. A DOUBLE KNOT. By G. Manville FeNxNt. 7. DISARMED. By M. Betham Edwards. 8. A LOST ILLUSION. By Leslie Keith. 9. A MARRIAGE AT SEA. By W. Clark Russell. Observer. HALF-CROWN NOVELS A Series of Novels by popular Authors^ tastefully bound in cloth. Messrs. Methuen's List 25 10. IN TENT AND BUNGALOW. By the Author of * Indian Idylls.' 11. MY STEWARDSHIP. By E. McQueen Gray. 12. A REVEREND GENTLEMAN. By J. M. Cobban. 13. A DEPLORABLE AFFAIR. By W. E. NORRIS. 14. JACK'S FATHER. By W. E. NORRIS. Other volumes will be announced in due course. Books for Boys and Girls Baring Gould. THE ICELANDER'S SWORD. By S. Baring Gould, Author of *Mehalah/ etc. With Twenty-nine Illustrations by J. Moyr Smith. Crown Svo. 6s, A stirring story of Iceland, written for boys by the author of ' In the Roar of the Sea. CutheU. TWO LITTLE CHILDREN AND CHING. By Edith E. Cuthell. Profusely Illustrated. Crown Svo. Cloth, gilt edges » 35. td. Anot-iCr story, with a dog hero, by the author of the very popular 'Only a Guard- Room Dog.' Blake. TODDLEBEN'S HERO. By M. M. Blake, Author of * The Siege of Norwich Castle.' With 36 Illustrations. Crown Zvo. 3^. 6d. A story of military life for children. OutheU. ONLY A GUARD-ROOM DOG. By Mrs. Cuthell. With 16 Illustrations by W. Parkinson. Square Crown %vo. 6d. ' This is a charming story. Tangle was but a little mongrel Skye terrier, but he had a big heart in his little body, and played a hero's part more than once. The book can be warmly recommended.' — Standard. Oollingwood. THE DOCTOR OF THE JULIET. By Harry COLLINGWOOD, Author of * The Pirate Island/ etc. Illustrated by Gordon Browne. Crown Svo. ^s. 6d, * "The Doctor of the Juliet," well illustrated by Gordon Browne, is one of Harry Collingwood's best efforts.' — Morning Post. 26 Messrs. Methuen's List Clark Russell. MASTER ROCKAFELLAR'S VOYAGE. By W. Clark Russell, Author of * The Wreck of the Grosvenor,' etc. Illustrated by Gordon Browne. Second Edition^ Crown %vo. 35. ^d. 'Mr. Clark Russell's story of "Master Rockafellar's Voyage "will be among the favourites of the Christmas books. There is a rattle and go " all through it, and its illustrations are charming in themselves, and very much above the average in the way in which they are produced.' — Guardian. Manville Fenn. SYD BELTON : Or, The Boy who would net go to Sea. By G. Manville Fenn, Author of * In the King's Name,' etc. Illustrated by GORDON Browne. C7'own i^vo. 3^. 6d. Who among the young story-reading public will not rejoice at the sight of the old combination, so often proved admirable— a story by Manville Fenn, illustrated by Gordon Browne ? The story, too, is one of the good old sort, full of life and vigour, breeziness and iwn.^— Journal of Education, 1. A PINCH OF EXPERIENCE. By L. B. Walford. 2. THE RED GRANGE. By Mrs. Molesworth. 3. THE SECRET OF MADAME DE MONLUC. By the Author of * Mdle Mori.' 4. DUMPS. By Mrs. Parr, Author of * Adam and Eve.' 5. OUT OF THE FASHION. By L. T. Meade. 6. A GIRL OF THE PEOPLE. By L. T. Meade. 7. HEPSY GIPSY. By L. T. Meade, is. 6d. 8. THE HONOURABLE MISS. By L. T. Meade. 9. MY LAND OF BEULAH. By Mrs. Leith Adams. University Extension Series A series of books on historical, literary, and scientific subjects, suitable for extension students and home reading circles. Each volume is com- A Series of Books for Girls by well-known Authors, hafidsomely bound in blue and silver^ and well illustrated. Crown Zvo, 1 Messrs. Methuen's List 27 plete in itself, and the subjects are treated by competent vviiters in a broad and philosophic spirit. Edited by J. E. SYMES, M.A., Principal of University College, Nottingham. Crown Svo. Price {with some exceptions) 2s. dd, 7'he following vohimes are ready : — THE INDUSTRIAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND. By H. de B. GiBBiNS, M.A., late Scholar of Wadham College, Oxon., Cobden Prizeman. Third Edition. With Maps and Plans. 35-. 'A compact and clear story of our industrial development. A study of this concise but luminous book cannot fail to give the reader a clear insight into the principal phenomena of our industrial history. The editor and publishers are to be congrat- ulated on this first volume of their venture, and we shall look with expectant interest for the succeeding volumes of the series.' — University Extension Journal. A HISTORY OF ENGLISH POLITICAL ECONOMY. By L. L. Price, M.A., Fellow of Oriel College, Oxon. PROBLEMS OF POVERTY : An Inquiry into the Indu:,trial Conditions of the Poor. By J. A. Hobson, M.A. VICTORIAN POETS. By A. Sharp. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. By J. E. Symes, M.A. PSYCHOLOGY. By F. S. Granger, M.A., Lecturer in Philo- sophy at University College, Nottingham. THE EVOLUTION OF PLANT LIFE : Lower Forms. By G. Massee, Kew Gardens. With Illustrations. AIR AND WATER. 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