MUNIMENT A ANTIQUA. 
 
MUNIMENTA ANTIQUA; 
 
 OR, 
 
 OBSERVATIONS ON 
 
 ANTIENT CASTLES. 
 
 INCLUDING 
 
 REMARKS ON THE 
 
 WHOLE PROGRESS OF ARCHITECTURE, 
 
 ECCLESIASTICAL, AS WELL AS MILITARY, 
 
 IN GREAT BRITAIN: 
 
 AND ON 
 
 THE CORRESPONDING CHANGES, IN 
 
 MANNERS, LAWS, AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 TENDING BOTH TO ILLUSTRATE 
 
 MODERN HISTORY: 
 
 AND TO ELUCIDATE MANY INTERESTING PASSAGES IN VARIOUS 
 
 ANTIENT CLASSIC AUTHORS. 
 
 BY 
 
 EDWARD KING, ESQ_. F.R.S. AND A.S. 
 
 Modo me Thebis, modo ponit Athenis. Hoh. Ep. 
 
 vol. I. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED BY W. BULMER AND CO. 
 FOR G. NICOL, BOOKSELLER TO , HIS MAJESTY, PALL-MALL. 
 
 FEBRUARY, 
 
 MDCCXCIX. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 When these sheets, and those which are intended to follow this 
 Volume, were first penned, — it was in days of peace, and of great and 
 long prosperity ; such as this country, and the rest of the king- 
 doms upon earth had not before known ; — in days, when scenes 
 and acts of savage barbarity were heard of only as antient tales ; 
 and scarce credited ; — and when the mention that is made of them 
 in these pages, as an illustration of the history of antient times, was 
 necessarily to be introduced with much caution, and the citation of 
 good authority, to prevent their being considered as mere fables ; 
 and as depreciating the narration, rather than affording useful 
 light. 
 
 But we have lived, in these late ages of the world, to have such 
 dreadful scenes of more than savage barbarity revived, — that, before 
 the book can be published, the just apprehension is now become, 
 lest such narrations should be even deemed useless ; as mere need- 
 less efforts to convince mankind of that horrid depravity of human 
 nature, with which they are only too well acquainted. 
 
 There is, however, still one material difference, between the 
 savage cruelties, and ravages of antient, and of modern times ; 
 which may render the accounts here given interesting : — and 
 which, though it tends to the greater condemnation of the present 
 age, yet affords some consolation. 
 
 a 
 
II 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 The antient scenes of shocking outrage, — were in days of dark 
 ignorance ;— and before it had pleased God to bestow upon the 
 world the comforts arising from the improvements of ingenious arts 
 
 and labours, and of what are called inventions of true genius : 
 
 but the horrid scenes of modern outrage, and barbarity, — are in the 
 midst of such rapid and refined improvements of elegant arts, and 
 of all the most effectual means of cultivating the face of the whole 
 globe of earth, as surely cannot but be considered, even in the midst 
 of the dire scene, (and whilst adversaries to truth, and true religion 
 are, without knowing it, bringing to pass the decrees of Heaven) as 
 harbingers of better tidings ; — and as preparations for a future sud- 
 den burst of peace and glory : when, at the time appointed by The 
 Almighty, and in the way His Divine Wisdom lias decreed, all things 
 shall soon be brought to perfection. 
 
 The original intention of writing these sheets was, to apply the 
 study of Antiquities to the elucidation of the history of the ways of 
 Divine Providence, in gradual successive dispensations ; and of His 
 dealings with the sons of men, in leading them from strength to 
 strength, till His wondrous work and purpose, in the very first 
 creation of the human soul, shall be finally accomplished. — And 
 this strange change of human manners, which has now, so suddenly, 
 and so dreadfully taken place, checking, apparently, for a short 
 time, the progress of improvement, does only render the important 
 history even still more interesting. 
 
 The tale therefore of antient deeds, and of antient modes of living, 
 begun in these pages, may still be allowed to go on, without inter- 
 ruption ; — though modern barbarity of manners, becomes such a 
 sad refinement of the antient, and more execrable barbarism ; as to 
 render the tale somewhat less surprising and striking. 
 
 The beginning of our narration, and which is contained in 
 this Volume, — relates solely to the earliest periods in Britain ; be- 
 fore the invasion of the Romans. — The days of primaeval sim- 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 HI 
 
 plicity, and rudeness ; — the days of Druidism, — and of Patriarchal 
 manners. 
 
 And here ; with regard to such of the Druidical structures as were 
 indeed unquestionably Temples ; I have carefully avoided, as much 
 as possible, the repeating, or interfering with what has been writ- 
 ten, so much at large, by Doctor Stukeley : — leaving the curious still 
 to draw their own conclusions from his learned dissertations ; — 
 though it cannot but be observed, that in the course of this work, 
 conclusions, even on different grounds, have led me very much to 
 agree with him. My object, it will be found, has been to add, if 
 possible, by fair observations, new and additional light to the in- 
 teresting subject ; by an investigation of circumstances, which had 
 before escaped due notice. 
 
 And in other points, with regard to Rowland, Borlase, and other 
 able writers, to whom we are so much indebted, it will be found 
 that I liave, as much as possible, observed the same rule. 
 
 The second Volume, which has the Plates already engraved, and 
 is printing with all expedition, will relate to the works of the Ro- 
 mans in this Island, and the improvements introduced by them ; — 
 to such works of the Britons as were imitations of Phoenician, and 
 Syrian architecture, with which they were made acquainted by the 
 traffickers for tin ; — and to such as were mere imitations of Roman 
 architecture ; — and also to such as, in the more barbarous parts of 
 the Island, were only imitations of those imitations. 
 
 The third Volume, which is also ready for the press ; will con- 
 tain the history of what truly relates to the Saxon times. 
 
 And the fourth, the History of the strenuous efforts of Norman 
 genius : — and of the preparations which their sturdy, and violent 
 endeavours were permitted to make for better times. 
 
 As viewing the history of our country in this light, has opened a 
 scene of wonder and delight ; and carrying with it a full convic- 
 tion of truth, though mixed with much novelty of ideas, to the mind 
 
of the Author ; it may perhaps become no less striking, and interest- 
 ing to the minds of others. 
 
 The world becomes, by this means, in the truest sense, the great 
 and splendid theatre, on which are displayed the wonders of Divine 
 wisdom, and designation, bringing light out of darkness, and a spi- 
 ritual world of created beings to maturity. 
 
 But there are scenes ; amidst which we must proceed with cau- 
 tious steps. 
 
 In this first part, therefore, it may be observed, that there are cir- 
 cumstances of particular superstitious observances, that are said to 
 have prevailed amongst the Druids, which yet are not detailed at 
 length in these pages. 
 
 And the reason is, — because they do not relate to the peculiar 
 object of these observations ; — because also of the uncertainty with 
 regard to some of them, (many of the conclusions resting on sur- 
 mise;) — and because they have been more than sufficiently men- 
 tioned by others ; — whilst, at the same time, it is surely to be 
 wished, that a veil should for ever be drawn over the foul and 
 foolish abominations of horrible idolatry ; wherever sacred truth 
 does not demand the naming of them. 
 
 Such circumstances are ; — 
 
 The account of the stately old Tree, in the deep wood, with its 
 branches lopped off ; and having the two largest fixed expanding 
 horizontally at top, so as to cause the whole to resemble the form 
 of aT. 
 
 The use of the ideal device of the orbicular winged serpent ; — 
 so much corresponding with the idea of the wings, the orb, and the 
 serpent, found amongst the Egyptian hieroglyphics. 
 
 The use also of the ideal device of the Mundane E<rg-. 
 
 And the pretence concerning the Anguinum, or Serpent Stone, 
 sometimes called the Adder Stone. 
 
 The various kinds of Lustrations : 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 V 
 
 The attention to the white horse, and to the white bull. 
 
 The veneration for the vervain, and other consecrated grasses ; 
 
 which was perhaps only a dark initiation to some science of botany, 
 and medicine. 
 
 The reverence for the Crescent Moon. 
 
 The hallowed, and unhallowed solemn Turnings from east to 
 west, or from west to east. 
 
 The supposed Dances of three groups ; the one wheeling round 
 in a circle, from the right hand to the left ; and the other from the 
 left hand to the right ; with the slow walk of the third round a 
 central altar, at the same time. 
 
 The supposed Fire Dances. 
 
 The Fires, or Bealtine, lighted on the Cairns, on May-eve : — and 
 the Double Fires on May-day ; between which they caused their 
 men and beasts to pass, which were destined to be sacrificed. 
 
 And finally, the horrid magical rites of devoting their enemies ; 
 in deep groves, whose trees were sprinkled, and reeking, with 
 blood and gore. 
 
 Barely to name such detestable offences of dark ages, (from any 
 enlarged narration of which, if such had been possible, no good 
 could be derived ;) is more than sufficient. 
 
 And the more interesting and safe pursuit, is to investigate, by 
 means of scattered Remains of antient labour and architecture, and 
 by means of scattered Records, how, amidst the deepest errors, useful 
 exertions have yet been made ; — and how the mind of man has been 
 insensibly guided through the whole wondrous chain of events, 
 from gloomy darkness, unto hope, and light. — How obstinate pre- 
 judices have been overcome; — the bonds of habit broken; — and 
 the fetters that held the human mind in such sad durance, by 
 degrees loosened. 
 
 This will be still more the purport of what is proposed to be 
 printed in the succeeding Volumes, than even of what is contained 
 
 b 
 
vi 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 in this. But as, in this present Volume, there has been occasion 
 both to refer to, and to fling some light upon, the historical part of 
 the Holy Scriptures; and also upon several passages in the most an- 
 tient classic authors; two short Indexes are added ; besides a very 
 full and minute Table of Contents. 
 
 The one Index, points out the Passages in the Holy Scriptures, that 
 are at all illustrated in these pages ; — in regular order, according to 
 the arrangement of the Sacred Books. 
 
 And the other Index, leads to such passages in antient writers, as 
 are here placed in any striking point of view ; — or have had any 
 additional light cast upon them. — And also some particular circum- 
 stances, besides those mentioned in the Table of Contents, that are 
 most deserving of notice. — And is made as short, and comprehen- 
 sive, as possible. 
 
 The same plan will be pursued in the succeeding Volumes ; if the 
 Author's life is spared to print them. — And as to the rest of their con- 
 tents ; it would be improper here to repeat what has been said in 
 the Advertisement prefixed, to the Vestiges of Oxford Castle. And 
 especially as no part of that little Tract will now be inserted in the 
 body of this publication ; but the whole will be left to be bound as 
 an Appendix to the work at large : that no one may be obliged to 
 purchase the contents of that Dissertation, in any shape, a second 
 time, for the completion of this publication. 
 
 How far the endeavour of rendering the search after Antiquities 
 more interestingly useful, has been accomplished in these Volumes, 
 every reader must judge for himself : — and faithful endeavours must 
 speak for themselves ; after a candid examination of the conclusions 
 they produce. 
 
 Real science can never be advanced (as has been sometimes vainly 
 attempted in antiquarian researches) by shallow conceits ; or by 
 hasty and precipitate conclusions, from a slight view of things ; 
 or by obstinate adherence to early imbibed prejudices. Patient 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Vll 
 
 examination ; repeated comparison of antient Remains, to dis- 
 cover the agreement or disagreement even of minute parts ; and 
 much candour, to embrace fair and plain deductions, (however 
 contrary to our original apprehensions ;) are necessary to investi- 
 gate truth, in any shape; and more especially in subjects of this 
 nature. 
 
 The Antiquary must undergo the laborious drudgery, of taking 
 many accurate measures ; and even of adopting different modes of 
 admeasurement, in order to form, as accurately as possible, exact 
 plans, — instead of resting satisfied with mere picturesque views ; — 
 must bear the provocation of servants making mistakes and blunders, 
 in stretching the measuring line, and in reading the figures ; — must 
 bear the vexation of having figures, written with a pencil, some- 
 times rubbed out ; or others blotted ; — must bear the fatigue of 
 travelling through roads almost impassable ; and of returning to 
 view ruined objects, over and over again ; — must bestow a vast 
 exertion of memory, both natural, and artificial ; before he can obtain 
 any right apprehension of those strong and certain outlines of the 
 Remains of past ages, which are absolutely necessary for the clear 
 illustration of the Records of antient times. 
 
 He must endeavour, as it were, with an energetic spirit of appre- 
 hension, to enter, by a retrospective view, into the very ideas of the 
 original architects ; and that also with ideas corresponding to the 
 circumstances of the times in which they lived. 
 
 And when he has done all, must bear the mortification of having 
 those who afterwards visit the spots with less cautious apprehen- 
 sions, and with less diligence of investigation, or after alterations 
 have actually been made, question his accuracy ; and contradict his 
 accounts. 
 
 The rapid mischievous destruction, that there has been of all 
 antient buildings, of late years, is almost incredible. 
 
 I could scarce visit any of them without hearing of some mischief 
 
Vlii PREFACE. 
 
 lately done; and of towers undermined, or pulled down, within 
 memory. 
 
 Not a few curious Castles, and Venerable Buildings, in England, 
 have I passed, in the earlier part of my life, recollecting anecdotes 
 of their history, and delighting to view them ; as if treading upon a 
 sort of classic ground ; — (but making, at the time, no drawings, nor 
 taking any measures ;) — and when, from such recollection as I 
 had, I wished to return, and to avail myself of the benefit of more 
 accurate examination ; — their most important parts were either 
 mutilated ; — or else changed, by that worst species of barbarism, 
 called modernization. 
 
 Perhaps, it may now be needful to render some account of the first 
 origin of this work : — and there may be some persons, whose leisure, 
 and curiosity, may lead them to wish to be acquainted with the his- 
 tory of its progress.- — 
 
 A life begun in habits of intercourse with several persons of 
 refined taste, and elegant pursuits, soon led the Author to an admi- 
 ration of the Remains of Antiquity. But fair reflection soon led, also, 
 to a conviction, that the study of Antiquities, as far as it tended only to 
 cherish the idle admiration of frivolous works of refined ingenuity, 
 applied at first even to the purposes of gross idolatry, and baneful 
 superstition, is one of the most childish and useless pursuits on the 
 face of the earth : — but, as applied, either by medallic Remains, or 
 otherwise, to elucidate truth, and to investigate the real history of 
 past ages ; is one of the most noble, and interesting employments, 
 that can occupy the human mind. 
 
 Full of this idea, it soon occurred to my mind ; that surely 
 those magnificent Castellated Remains of past ages, which had, in 
 general, been considered only as fine picturesque objects in a land- 
 scape ; — or, at most, as only worthy the having some short ac- 
 count rendered of their successive possessors ; — without any suffi- 
 cient inquiry into their real plan, nature, and design ; — might 
 
i 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 deserve a careful comparison one with another, as well as the smaller 
 vestiges of antiquity : — and might, by such comparison, lead us to a 
 still more solid kind of information. 
 
 Born in an age, in which all ideas of the mode of dwelling in the 
 antient Castellated Mansions of this country, were so entirely for- 
 gotten, in consequence of the happy improvements of succeeding 
 asras of civilization and freedom ; that all the design, and the curious 
 devices of their artificial structure, were become almost totally un- 
 known ; and indeed unintelligible, on any mere cursory view ; 
 (by which means many, even of the most curious circumstances of 
 History, were rendered both uninstructive, and uninteresting ;) — 
 I was soon induced, after having viewed a few of those towering struc- 
 tures that were least decayed, with a scrutinizing eye, and eagerly 
 attentive and apprehensive mind, to proceed to compare more of 
 them together, with cautious examination : and having found how 
 much light was to be obtained for the illustration of the most im- 
 portant parts of the History of Mankind, by proceeding in this un- 
 trodden path, — I ventured to put together my first conclusions, in 
 a few pages, which I presented, as a Memoir, to the Society of 
 Antiquaries : — and which was printed, in the IVth Volume of the 
 Archaeologia, in 1 7 7 7 . 
 
 The rude sketches accompanying that Memoir, though ill drawn, 
 as being merely by my own hand, were yet sufficiently correct to 
 explain, and to elucidate the whole account. — And the truths 
 recovered from oblivion, by that first effort, excited the most eager 
 curiosity to press forward, following the same researches. — This 
 produced another, and much longer, Memoir, which I also present- 
 ed to the Society of Antiquaries ; and which was printed in the 
 Vlth Volume of the Archaeologia, in 17 82. 
 
 Here the Drawings, and the Plans, were many of them most 
 minutely accurate : and even such as had not that precision, were 
 yet quite sufficient to convey fairly the general idea of what was 
 
 c 
 
X 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 described ; — and to explain fully what was most important to be 
 attended to. 
 
 Both these Memoirs were joined together, in one quarto Volume, 
 of about 200 pages, for the use of a few friends. 
 
 And I had now the satisfaction to find, that truth was indeed 
 able to support its own cause: — and that an age, enjoying the 
 blessing and advantage of having been delivered from the depres- 
 sion and blind ignorance that had reigned in the World, whilst 
 Castles, and Cloistered Monasteries, almost solely afforded Necessary 
 Protection, against barbarous violence, and oppression ; — had also 
 attained such a spirit of scientific curiosity, as to make the accounts 
 of those splendid Dungeons, which had first been so long forgotten 
 as objects of terror, to become at last exceedingly objects of literary 
 inquiry, and pursuit. 
 
 But upon this arose a circumstance, deserving still further 
 attention ; — and requiring still further elucidation : — a necessity of 
 guarding against the effect produced by the change of appearance 
 made in antient Remains, in consequence of devastations, and altera- 
 tions, subsequent to my visits to them ; — and also of guarding against 
 the mistakes of those, who content themselves with a cursory sur- 
 vey of such objects. 
 
 Even within these so few years, since the writing of the Memoirs 
 to which I refer, Rochester Castle has been so altered, by fitting it up 
 to be a repository, at one time, for the arms of the County Militia ; 
 and then for other purposes ; — Norwich Castle has been so muti- 
 lated ; — and its principal front so totally destroyed ; and covered 
 with additional buildings; — and Canterbury Castle has been so 
 changed, by having all the buildings that were within it, at the 
 time of my survey, pulled down ; and so altered with respect to its 
 environs, by having the great road turned close to it ;— that these 
 Great Castles no longer carry the same strong, and striking marks of 
 their original curiosity. — And I have found that hasty, and incau- 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 tious observers, have sometimes fallen into that very error, which I 
 was so carefully guarded against myself, by the old and experienced 
 persons living near the spot, with whom I visited those Remains ; — 
 the error of mistaking, for original parts of the Castle ; — walls built 
 in later ages ; — (and most obviously seen to be such, when scruti- 
 nously examined, by their materials :) — of mistaking newel stair- 
 cases, that had been constructed with old materials, and even partly 
 in the outside of the walls of the original structure, merely for the 
 benefit of houses that once adjoined ; as parts of the original build- 
 ing : — and the error of mistaking an excavation, left by the destruc- 
 tion of a really original staircase ; merely for an empty well ; — 
 (though it is of much too large dimensions to have been designed 
 for any such purpose ;) — and the error of doubting the existence of 
 appearances, which once were visible enough ; but which are so 
 no more. 
 
 Some other Structures also, the memorial of which deserve well 
 to be preserved, have been more changed and disguised, within 
 these last twenty years, than for centuries before. 
 
 Whilst, therefore, a full conviction of the utility of pursuing the 
 path of inquiry I had fallen into, for the purpose of flinging light 
 on the History of our own Country ; — and even upon that of the 
 remotest, and earliest People on the face of the earth ;■ — had caused 
 me to resume my labours ; and to endeavour to investigate the whole 
 progress of Architectural Improvements, as accompanying the pro- 
 gress of civilization, and change of manners, from the earliest 
 periods ; these other concomitant circumstances, and a desire to 
 elucidate the whole subject still more fully; determined me, with- 
 out hesitation, to lay the whole result of all my labours, in one 
 plain point of view, fairly before the public ; — and in such a 
 combined manner, as to carry the utmost weight of evidence 
 possible. — And also with such helps, of Tables of Contents, and 
 Indexes, as might explain the whole more fully ; and, as might at 
 
xu 
 
 PREFACE . 
 
 once render the illustration of the various historical parts of the 
 Holy Scriptures ; and of various Passages in antient Authors ; and 
 the account of the several identical Structures ; capable of being 
 easily referred to, by the curious, on any occasion. 
 
 The Plans, and the Drawings, were almost all of them made from 
 careful surveys, and exact measurements, taken by myself, with 
 much labour, and pains ; and even corrected, in many instances, 
 by repeated visits. — And the Drawings were finished, some by a 
 very able draughtsman, Mr. John Sanders, now of Bath ; with 
 constant emendations of every interesting part, under my own eye ; 
 — and others were finished, by my Niece, Ann Copson ; who was 
 upon the spot, when I visited several of the places ; and saw herself 
 almost all that she ventured to execute ; — and who also had all her 
 draughts examined, and carefully compared with my measures, and 
 the most exact observations I could make. 
 
 Her Drawings are all marked A. C. on the Plates ; — though she 
 is now married to the Hon. Henry Windsor ; — and I should do her 
 injustice did I not say, that they may be classed amongst the most 
 accurate of any in these Volumes. 
 
 Wherever any other Drawings, which I have been favoured with 
 from any ingenious and curious persons, are added ; I have men- 
 tioned the navies of those friends, with all due acknowledgment, in 
 the accompanying descriptions. 
 
 And now it ought to be premised ; — that even yet ; — and after all 
 the care, that has been used in preparing the materials to illustrate 
 the observations in these pages ; — there may, unavoidably, be still 
 some imperfections, and errors, both in some of my Plans, and in 
 some of these Drawings ; — which errors, those who follow me in 
 visiting the objects described, may possibly, by the assistance, and 
 inducement here afforded for the consideration of them, still more 
 accurately discover ; though they have escaped my notice. — But 
 it ought to be remembered by all, who may ever be able to add 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Xlll 
 
 any more correct designs ; — that they would probably neither have 
 comprehended the Plans of those Buildings at all ; nor have thought 
 of attending to any such minute circumstances relating to them, 
 unless they had first received from these persevering labours, an 
 intelligible leading outline, to assist them in pursuing their further 
 inquiries. 
 
 I found those Buildings so buried in ruins, when I began my re- 
 searches : — and had so many tedious neglected paths to tread ; — and 
 so many prejudices to encounter ; — that it was needful, to abide, for 
 a time, by the advantage, solely, of hasty sketches, — and of a few 
 glimmering right ideas ; before I could fully discover my way ; — 
 or, by repeated comparisons of objects, perceive the traces of the road 
 to truth ; in an investigation, which is yet of so much importance 
 for the truest illustration of the most interesting parts of the history 
 of mankind. 
 
 In the executing of the Engravings, it may be observed, that I 
 have, in some instances, purposely chosen to give mere Etchings ; 
 or even mere outlines ; rather than finished Copper-plates : — but I 
 have done so, both to avoid increasing the expence of this work 
 unnecessarily ; — and also, because such Etchings are not only quite 
 adequate to the representation of such parts of antient Structures as 
 are, on those occasions, described ; but do even, in a more charac- 
 teristick manner, serve to mark precisely the minute differences, 
 and distinctions, in the several parts, and periods, of Architecture, 
 that are meant to be pointed out ; — for in engravings, upon a small 
 scale, the effect of a very necessary small outline is too often ren- 
 dered confused, and spoiled, by the shading, and high finishing of 
 the adjoining parts ; — whilst a simple etching, of even the outline 
 alone, conveys the right idea precisely. 
 
 I have only to add ; that it may appear to some persons, a want 
 of accuracy ; that the Plates, instead of being all numbered in 
 precisely correct arithmetical order, have frequently one or two 
 
 d 
 
xiv 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 interveningly inserted ; and marked with the preceding number j 
 only with the addition of $, or f , or J. — But, in reality, the adopt- 
 ing this method arose from a determination to increase both the 
 accuracy, and the utility of the whole work, by every means 
 possible ;— as it was the only method of leaving an opportunity, 
 during the printing, of inserting whatever might be further obtain- 
 ed capable of affording any better illustration. — For another reason 
 also, this could not well be avoided ; — for the manuscript having 
 been already, in great part, written, with references throughout, 
 to a great number of original Drawings, and designed Plates, which 
 had been precisely numbered. — No additional Plate could have 
 been inserted afterwards, from time to time ; nor the first arrange- 
 ment of any of the Drawings have been changed ; unless in this 
 manner ; without deranging all the subsequent references through- 
 out the whole manuscript ; and occasioning so much confusion as 
 would have utterly barred any addition ; correction ; or improve- 
 ment, whatever. 
 
 Now then it only remains to be said ; that Antient Ruins are, 
 in this latter period of the world, become some of the best means of 
 aiding us to trace out, by their different peculiar styles, the different 
 peculiar characters, dispositions, and acquirements of different suc- 
 cessive ages ; — for almost every age has had its peculiar marks, and 
 character, left strongly impressed on the style, and manifest design 
 of all its buildings. — And in these sheets, justice has been endea- 
 voured to be rendered to all ; — neither ascribing merit, from an idle 
 veneration for Antiquity, to such aaras, and Structures, as abounded 
 with rude blunders ; — nor depriving any, of the credit of those ex- 
 traordinary exertions, which were wonderfully made, in the midst of 
 the greatest disadvantages ; — and under circumstances, in which a 
 fierce, hardy, race of men, dwelt in ignorance ; and sometimes, almost 
 literally, in darkness visible; — serving an hard warfare, with few 
 comforts of life, and with still fewer improvements of the mind. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XV 
 
 The gloomy Mansions of Saxon, and of Norman days, strike the 
 mind oftentimes with awe, and reverence.- — -But however wondered 
 at ; — they cannot often be sincerely praised : — nor be compared 
 with the admired elegance of Grecian, and Roman Structures. — 
 They have, however, frequently such a rude sublimity of thought 
 and design manifested in their Architecture ; — as produces uni- 
 formly an effect upon the mind, far surpassing any ideas of grandeur 
 that could possibly be excited, by the more regular rules of Gre- 
 cian art, even when aided by Roman greatness. 
 
 They were unhappily, in general, most horrible Mansions, either 
 of War and Desolation, — or of blind Superstition and Imposition. — 
 And indeed their best recommendation was ; that they were occa- 
 sionally Protections also, against ferocious and savage barbarity ; 
 which could hardly have been avoided any otherwise ; — and Re- 
 sidences, where sometimes were nurtured, and cherished, those 
 admirable spirits of intelligence, by whose honest labours Science 
 was not only restored in the world ; but made, at last, to rear its 
 head with redoubled vigour. — Much oftener, however, were they 
 the cradles of that very state of ferocity, and stupid ignorance, that 
 generally prevailed ; — and that bore down all before it ; — and, in- 
 deed, the very instruments of maintaining violence, and oppression. 
 
 Much does it import us, in these days, to be watchful ; — lest a 
 licentious disposition, on the one hand ; — artful imposition on the 
 other ; — and an abuse of the advantages we have enjoyed, — should 
 insensibly drive us back to a situation, wherein again may be want- 
 ed such Castellated Mansions, — to protect us, in like manner, against 
 almost forgotten cruelties ; — against revived barbarity ; — and against 
 modern savages : — and, lest again should be wanted, no less gloomy 
 dens, to preserve and cherish whatever real Science, and good 
 meaning may be left in the world. 
 
 For all that has been good in the world, appears very much to 
 have been, in its first root, merely derivative ; — and only the due 
 
xvi 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 cultivation of Divine instruction ; and of certain principles of 
 rectitude, and ingenuity, first imbibed from the information and 
 guidance of those who went before us ; — and then brought to matu- 
 rity, by reflection, and diligence. — And even what are called 
 Inventions; are (when fully considered) found to be only additional 
 branches of improvement, proceeding from the first vast stem. 
 
 Whatever may be philosophically (as it is called) fancied, or 
 concluded, concerning the innate faculties of the human soul ; — 
 and its own powers of exertion ; — experience has now taught us, 
 in every age, and in every climate, that it is totally unable of itself, 
 and by its own energy alone, to emerge from barbarism, and igno- 
 rance ; — or to produce, without external assistance, and borrowed 
 light, the boasted improvements of art, and of civilization. 
 
 The New Hollanders ; — the South Sea Islanders ;— the Kamt- 
 schadales ; — the Indians both of North and South America ; — and 
 the Negro Inhabitants of Africa ; — are all standing proofs of this 
 fact: — having advanced very little, if at all, during so many cen- 
 turies, beyond the bare supply of the wants and necessities of nature, 
 in the rudest manner ; as first taught them, by those wretched, 
 wandering, ignorant parents, from whom, in those respective coun- 
 tries, they derived their antient descent.* 
 
 * The wretched condition of human nature, in a barbarous state : — cast down, (as all 
 mankind, when left devoid of heavenly help, and in a fallen state, originally are,) has not 
 been sufficiently attended to, by those who have, by means of God's mercy, been delivered 
 from the horrors of it. 
 
 Perhaps— even the wretched Camibul Disposition of the Carribbee Indians ; and that of the 
 JVewZealanders; and of other barbarous people; was originally brought upon them, by a sort 
 of imagined necessity, either in their very narrow insulated, or else in their barren situation, 
 of finding food ; when, (lor want of industry ; and for want of the assistance of better in- 
 formed minds, who had never yet reached their shores, to teach them a right cultivation 
 of their land, and of the powers of their minds) they could hardly find even sufficient sus- 
 tenance, unless by such an horrid device, as that of devouring their supposed enemies ; — 
 enemies who had nothing to be plundered of except their bodies, that could supply the press- 
 ing want. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 xvu 
 
 And whence-soever the very earliest inhabitants of Asia derived 
 their skill in Architecture, and other noble Sciences ; — whether it 
 was directly by inspiration from heaven ; or by tradition from the 
 sons of Noah, who had carefully preserved, as far as they possibly 
 could, the most valuable and useful knowledge which the human 
 mind had been inspired with in its best estate ; nothing can be 
 more plain, to a careful Observer of History ; or to a faithful In- 
 vestigator of Antiquity, than that from the Noachid<e, (of whose 
 inspired skill the very building of the Ark itself was a great proof,) 
 either immediately, or mediately, all the rest of the civilized Nations 
 upon earth, have derived the first dawnings of Art, and of Science ; 
 however they may have advanced, or improved, any branch there- 
 of since. 
 
 The whole progress of Civilization, and Improvement in this 
 world, resembles, perhaps, with the closest analogy, the growth of 
 a vast Tree ; watered from on high, with Divine light, and spread- 
 ing its branches, indeed, over the whole earth ; but continually 
 discovering its original trunk, and root ; without the support of 
 which, not one branch has even grown to maturity. 
 
 Hence we have seen Egypt deriving Art, as well as the Science 
 of Astronomy, from the Chaldaeans ; — Greece adorned by skill, and 
 ingenuity derived from Egypt ; and from the Persians ; — Rome 
 profiting after the example of all these : — and when it had first im- 
 ported, by Mummius, spoils of which it knew not the value ; 
 producing afterwards still nobler specimens of Art, and Industry ; 
 although the stern Consul's authority, would not have been by any 
 means sufficient, to make the Ship Masters repair the loss of Grecian 
 works of Art, according to his threats. — And lastly, we have seen 
 all these Western parts of Europe adorned with, and profited, by 
 imitations of Greek and Roman works, and elegance. 
 
 It is no wonder, therefore, if upon close investigation, we find 
 the first dawnings of Architecture, in this country, to have been 
 
xviii 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 derived, in fact, from its intercourse with the Carthaginians, and 
 Phoenicians ; — and to have been of Syrian origin : — and the next 
 Improvements, to have been derived from the Romans; after their 
 visits, and successes in this Island : — the succeeding ones, to have 
 been, at first, a sort even of retrogradation ; — and the mere efforts of 
 such uncivilized invaders, as brought over their own imperfect 
 ideas of Building ; which they had already obtained in their respec- 
 tive native countries : — but the last vast increase of skill, and the 
 glorious works it produced, — to have been in consequence of calm 
 reflection, on the labours of past ages ; and of the exertion of great 
 ingenuity, fostered, and put in action, by due instruction ; and 
 drawn forth, by peculiar circumstances of situation, to the exertion 
 of those faculties, which must ever be considered, in every age, 
 as heavenly gifts ; and of Divine original ; — however, sometimes 
 abused, or however improved. 
 
 If, therefore, that remarkable passage in Diodorus,* where he re- 
 lates what he had learned from the writings of Hecatmts, concerning 
 a people called Hyperboreans, (because their Island is more remote 
 from the cold freezing north wind,) that has so often been cited by 
 various writers, as supposed to refer to the Britons, (though Diodorus 
 names them not by that name here, as he does in other parts of his 
 work ; — and though one does not well know what to make of the 
 part of the description, wherein it is said that they have a double 
 harvest in each year ;) — if that passage does really refer to them, and 
 to their Druids ; — Then, when we find him saying, that " they have 
 " a Magnificent Grove r^f/'o? ; — and a Temple worthy to be spoken 
 "of, adorned with many ivct^ixciat, consecrated devotements ; — 
 " which is of a circular plan ; — and a sacred city adjoining, inha- 
 " bited almost entirely by harpers; who, without intermission, 
 " sing hymns in verse, with melody: — and that they have a lan- 
 " g ua ge peculiar to themselves ; but yet have connection with the 
 
 * Lib. II. 91, 92 — p. 15S, 159, Wesselingii ed. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 xix 
 
 " Grecians, and particularly with the Athenians, and Delians; — 
 " some of whom are said to have left ivsi^oan, consecrated devote- 
 " ments amongst them, inscribed with Greek Letters:] — and that the 
 " Moon is seen from this Island, so as to appear absolutely but a 
 "little distant from, the earth; — and so as that rwxq eh/iq ycamq 
 " zyovozv p<W$*?, it appears to have certain terrestrial projections visible 
 " upon it;' — If all this did really refer to the Britons; we can only 
 conclude, perhaps, that the double harvest related to a reaping of 
 both corn, and hay, in some of the more southern parts of Britain 
 visited by the Phoenicians : — and that the Island had not been so 
 entirely sequestered from the Grecians, in the south-west parts, as 
 the Romans imagined. — And, with regard to the account concern- 
 ing the Moon appearing larger, and nearer to the Earth; — and their 
 being able to perceive certain terrestrial projections on its disk; — we 
 can only conclude ; either that it imported no more than their 
 taking more particular notice than other people of the comparative 
 largeness of the horizontal Moon, from the elevated situation of some 
 of their sacred Circles of Observation, (and because of its having its 
 magnitude increased, still more, by the haziness of an insular situation ; J 
 — and their taking more particular notice than others of the fixed 
 outlines of distinction, between the shaded part of the apparent 
 map, so visible on its disk, and the bright parts : — or else we must 
 conclude, that they had a further degree, both of Optical, and 
 of Astronomical Knowledge, derived from the more learned first 
 branches of mankind, than even Cssar was aware of; — and which 
 they still cultivated with some degree of care. 
 
 And if the accounts given us of their teaching their Science only 
 in verses, and by memory ; and in so slow a manner, that twenty 
 years were required to form an adept, be indeed true ; — this will 
 somewhat account, both for its being so much concealed from the 
 rest of the world ; and for its being lost, in the end. 
 
 That they really had Geometrical Science, as well as Astrono- 
 
XX 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 mical, may very fairly be concluded, from the evident design of 
 the form of an Ellipsis, in some of their Sacred Circles: — and par- 
 ticularly from the exact elliptical Bason, which Borlase says, he met 
 with, on Karnbre Hill, in Cornwall. 
 
 There cannot, however, be a doubt, but that this hidden myste- 
 rious science has been estimated by some persons too highly. — For, 
 if it had not, it must, notwithstanding any concealments, have pro- 
 duced better effects than ever appeared. — And, in like manner, as 
 to Druid Arts, and Magnificence ; — those must also, by some per- 
 sons, have been estimated too highly, even in early days ; — when 
 we find such accounts, as that given by Dion Chrysostom, of their 
 administering justice, sitting on thrones of gold. 
 
 To discover what effects of science are certainly apparent amongst 
 the Remains of British Antiquity ; and with what sort of care any 
 kind of derivative advantages seem to have been pursued ; — either 
 by the Britons themselves ; — or by their various Successors, in a long 
 succession of ages ; — will be the purport of all the ensuing sheets. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 AN INVESTIGATION OF THE HISTORY OF THE WORKS OF THE 
 ANTIENT BRITONS. 
 
 Pace 
 
 Short Introductory Observations I 
 Form, and Construction of the British Huts, and Towns - - 13 
 
 Ambresbury Banks - - - - - - 13 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 CONCERNING ABORIGINAL BRITISH FORTRESSES, AND HILL FOR- 
 TRESSES IN general: AND CONCERNING CAVES, AND HIDING 
 PITS. 
 
 Concerning Aboriginal British Fortresses, and Hill Fortresses in general: 
 
 and concerning Caves and Hiding Places - - - 17 
 
 Mod- Arthur - - - - - - - 19 
 
 Herefordshire Beacon - - 20 
 
 Bruff, hi Staffordshire --.■■> 20 
 
 Moel-y-gaer, in Flintshire - - 21 
 
 One near Montgommery - 21 
 
 Caer-Caradoc, near Longnor, Shropshire - - 22 
 
 Trer Caeri, in Caernarvonshire. - - - 22 
 
 Penmaen Mawr, Caernarvonshire - - ~ - - 22 
 
 Cam Madtyn, Caernarvonshire - - - - 25 
 
 Pen-y-Parc, Brecknockshire ----- 25 
 
 Boduan, Caernarvonshire - - 26 
 
 Pen-y-Crug, in Brecknockshire - . 26 
 
 Dinas, near Llandudno, Caernarvonshire 26 
 
 Karnbre-hill, in Cornwall - 27 
 
 f 
 
raii CONTENTS. 
 
 Paci 
 
 The While Catterlhun, in Angus, Scotland - - - 27 
 
 The Brown Catterlhun ~ - - - 28 
 
 ■ Incidental Observations, concerning the Canoes, or Boats of the Britons 29 
 
 Fortress at Mouline, in Perthshire, Scotland 30 
 Incidental Observations, concerning the Vitrified Walls oj some Fortresses 31 
 
 Fortress at Knock-ferret, in Ross-shire - - . - 3 1 
 
 And in Gallmvay - _ .34 
 
 Wharton Crag, Lancashire 34 
 
 Old Oswestry, Shropshire ' - - - 35 
 
 Old Winchester, Hampshire - - - 36 
 
 Vandleburtj, Cambridgeshire - - - . 37 
 
 Ape-Wood Castle, Staffordshire - - - - 37 
 
 Hill Fortresses in Cornwall - . - , - 37 
 
 Caer-bran, Cornwall - . . - 38 
 
 Caslle-an- Dinas , Cornwall - - - 38 
 
 On Bar line Hill, Cornwall - - - - - 39 
 
 Maiden Castle, Dorsetshire - - 3g 
 
 Maiden Bower, Bedfordshire - - - . 41 
 
 Hill Fortresses, — that have had Stone Buildings added, — or their names 
 
 greatly changed - <• . ■ _ 41 
 
 Craig-y- Dinas , Merionethshire - - - _ 41 
 
 Billington Bury, Staffordshire . - . .41 
 
 Caslle Hill, Staffordshire - - . . 41 
 
 Huusborough, jYorlhamplonshire - - . . 41 
 
 Mowslow Caslle, Derbyshire - . . ... 43 
 
 Caergivrle, Flintshire - - . . .49 
 
 Delvin, in Stralhmore, Scotland - - - - 42 
 
 Concerning British Caves, — and Hiding Pits - - 44 
 
 Instances of such in foreign Countries; — of high antiquity - - 44 
 
 On the Barbary Coast - - . . - 44 
 
 In Syria, — near Aleppo , and Rama - - - 45 
 
 Mention made of such by Jeremiah - - - -45 
 
 Also in the time of Baldwin - - - -46 
 
 Such in Hungary - - - . . 45 
 
 In Mingrelia - . . . . . .45 
 
 Such in this Island - - . . . . 47 
 
 At Royston, in Hertfordshire - - . - .47 
 
 Near Cray ford, in Kent - . . . . 47 
 
 Mar Feversham, in Kent - - . . . -47 
 
 Near Tilbury, Essex - . . 47 
 
 In the Island oflslay, one of the Hebrides - ' - - 49 
 
 Hiding Pits, called Inverted Barrows - - - .49 
 
 On the Coomb Hills, — near Croydon, Kent - - - 50 
 
 On Moushold Hill, Norfolk - - 52 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 xxiii 
 
 Page 
 
 Near Winchester, Hampshire 52 
 
 Near Piddletown, Dorsetshire - -52 
 
 On South Downs, Sussex - - - - - 52 
 
 Near Lewes, Sussex - 52 
 
 Near Winster, Derbyshire - - - - - 52 
 
 On the Black Mountains, Caermarlhenshlre 52 
 
 Pen Pits, Somersetshire - - - - 53 
 
 In the Vale of White Horse, Berkshire 53 
 
 Sometimes even on Hill Fortresses, — as at Thetford, Norfolk - 53 
 
 Hiding Caves of odd Construction in Ireland, in the county of Louth 54 
 
 Others at Hawthornden, Scotland - - - - 54 
 
 Hiding Pits in Minorca - 55 
 
 In Majorca - 56 
 
 In Syria, — and Palestine - - - - 56 
 
 Account of one used by Josephus - - - - - 56 
 
 Others, used by Simon, and John - - - - 57 
 
 Caves in Idumea, attacked by Herod - ~ • - 58 
 
 Different kinds of Hiding Pits in Cornwall - - - - 59 
 
 Near Kildr umy Castle, Scotland 59 
 
 In the Western Isles ------ 60 
 
 The Giants' Cave, near Penrith, Cumberland - - 60 
 
 Earth Houses in the Western Isles - - - 61 
 
 Near Leilh, in Scotland - - - - - 61 
 
 Very singular Place of Refuge in Scotland - - - 61 
 
 Illustration of several Passages in Holy Scripture - - - 62 
 
 Comparison of Antient Hill Fortresses in the East, and in other Countries, 
 
 with British Hill Fortresses ----- 63 
 
 Mount Tabor, in Palasline - 66 
 
 Bethulia, in Palestine - - - - - - 67 
 
 Some in America ~ •••• . 68 
 
 In Sogdiana, in Asia ------ 69 
 
 History oj Jonathan, and his Armour Bearer - - - 70 
 
 Capture of Dunbarlon Rock, in Scotland - - - - 7 J 
 
 Capture oj Fescamp Rock, in France - - - ' - 73 
 
 Marattoe Fortress, at Raree, in India - - - 74 
 
 Amba Geshen, in Ethiopia - 75 
 
 Hachilah, in the Wilderness ofZiph - - - - 75 
 
 Similar Fortresses, called Paths, in Ireland - - - 77 
 
 Their little Hillocks for Kitchens - - - - _ 73 
 
 Ardscul, in Kildare - - - . . 
 
 Cnock Caeflagh, near Kilcullen ----- 79 
 
 On Mullahmast Hill, in Kildare - 79 
 
 On Sliabh Guth, Wicklow - - - . _ 79 
 
 On Castle Town Hill, in Louth - - - 79 
 
xxiv 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Pace 
 
 Near Down Patrick - - - - . - 81 
 
 Smaller Mounts, even for private habitation, in Ireland - - 81 
 
 Excavations on some antient Mounts - -82 
 
 Description of Old Sarum, Wiltshire - - - - 82 
 
 Badbunj Rings, Dorsetshire - 35 
 
 Wood Castle, in Annandale, Scotland - - - - - 88 
 
 Ecbatana, in Media; the Capital at Rome; and the Acropolis at Athens; 
 
 had this sort of origin - - - - <- 90 
 
 The City of David; the antient Hill ofjebus - gj 
 
 Hebron - - - - - - 94 
 
 Observations concerning the Dresses, — Armour — and Appearance of the 
 
 antient Britons ----- 96 
 
 Also concerning their Cars iqq 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 CONCERNING STONES OF MEMORIAL. 
 
 Jacob' s Pillar ; one of the earliest patterns - - . n4 
 
 Also his Pillar, and Heap, set up before Lalian - - - H5 
 
 A third placed by him - - - . . jjg 
 
 Traces of such Customs carried to America - - - j 1 6 
 
 Pillar at Boswens Croft, Sancred, Cornwall - - - H6 
 
 Pillar at Enslon, Oxfordshire - - - . - 1 1 6 
 
 Heaps of Stones, — Bonds of Covenant, — in the Island ofjona - 116 
 
 Stones placed as Landmarks, — in Syria,— and in Asia Minor - 117 
 
 London Stone - _ 1 _ j j • 
 
 Stone of Scone - - - _ _ -lis 
 
 Stones set up by Joshua - - . _ . jjg 
 
 Stone of Shechem _ . A j j g 
 
 Stone of Abel - - r . _ _ 
 
 Stone of Ebenezer - - _ llg 
 
 Stones at Trelech, in Monmouthshire - - - - 119 
 
 Devil's Arrows, near Burroughbridge, in Yorkshire - 120 
 
 Devil's Quoits, near Stanton Harcourt, in Oxfordshire - - 120 
 
 Battle Stone, near Kinfare, Staffordshire - . 120 
 
 Stone at Leek, in Staffordshire - . -121 
 
 Stone at Newbridge, near Cork, Ireland • - i 2 i 
 
 On Mary-borough Heath, in Qiieen's county, Ireland - - 121 
 
 Stone in Brecknockshire, South Wales - ' - . - 121 
 
 Stone in the Shire of Murray, Scotland - . 121 
 
 Stone at Sowerby, near Halifax, Yorkshire - - - 122 
 
 Stone at Rudston, in Yorkshire - - . . ISQ 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Pagb 
 
 Stones in the Isle of Arran, Scotland - 122 
 Others in Long Island - - _ _ 222 
 
 In the Isle of Hemes, and in the Orkney Isles - - - 1 22 
 
 Stone near Cupel Kirig, Caernarvonshire - - - 122 
 
 Stone in Kildare county, Ireland - - - - 122 
 
 Also in the county of Dublin, in Ireland - - - 1 22 
 
 In the Island of Anglesey - - . - - 122 
 
 In Sweden — and in Denmark - - . - 122 
 
 Account' of the Pillars of Hercules - - - - 123 
 
 Of the Pillars of Bacchus - - - - - 124 
 
 Of the Pillars of Sesoslris - 124 
 Stone set up by Theseus , in Peloponnesus - - - - 125 
 
 Stone, of Bethlehem ; — Rachel's Pillar - - - - 126 
 
 Pillar of Hus - - - - . . f 126 
 
 1.270 
 
 Pillar on the Barrow of Achilles - 127 
 
 On that of Hector ...... ]o 8 
 
 On that of Elpenor - - - - . . 128 
 
 Such designed for Ulysses - - . - 129 
 
 Pillar or Barrow, near T illagh, in Caterlogh, Ireland - 1 129 
 
 1270 
 
 Stone placed by Harold, in Jutland - 199 
 
 Pillars in the later ages of the Britons, with rude Carving - 130 
 
 So also in Eastern countries: in Egypt; in India; and even in Persia 130 
 In Syria, near the river Aradus - - . . 131 
 
 Pillars on Easter Island ; on Tinian; and on other barbarous Islands 131 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 CONCERNING CIRCLES OF MEMORIAL J OF OBSERVANCES ; AND OF 
 OBSERVATION. 
 
 Stones placed by Moses, at Mount Sinai . . . 133 
 
 Stones placed by Joshua, on the banks of Jordan - - 134 
 
 Stone Circles in Media - 2^6 
 
 Various uses of Stone Circles ;~for Civil, Superstitious, and Astrono- 
 mical purposes - - _ _ _ _ 
 
 The Astronomers' Stones, near Coder Idris, in Merionethshire - 141 
 
 Another such Circle, called Buarth Arthur, in Caermarlhenshire - 142 
 Circle at Stanton Drew, Somersetshire - - . -143 
 
 Circle of Fiddess Hill, in the Highlands of Scotland - . 144 
 
 Circles in the Isle of Arran - - - - - 145 
 
 g 
 
Fagi 
 
 Circle near the Bay of Mull 245 
 
 Circles near Snowdon, in Wales - - - - . 145 
 
 Circle near Keswick, in Cumberland - - - 146 
 
 Circles on Hartle Moor, and on Stanton Moor, Derbyshire - 146 
 
 Circles of Election, and Inauguration - - 146 
 
 Circle at Boscawen-un, in Cornwall - - - 147 
 
 At Classerness, in Lewes, one of the Western Isles - - . J 147 
 
 1 156 
 
 Coronation Stone in the Isle of Ha - - - -147 
 
 Inauguration Stone, in Donegal, Ireland - - - - 147 
 
 Other Inauguration Stones , in Ireland - - _ 243 
 Custom of Kings, and Chieftains, standing by Stones, or Pillars, in very 
 
 antient times, in the East - - - - -148 
 
 Pillar of Shechem - - - - - . j4g 
 
 Saul made King at the Circle of Stones in Gilgal - - - 148 
 
 Stone of Zoheleth, where Adonijah stood - - - 149 
 
 Jehoash stood by a Pillar - - - - - 149 
 
 Josiah stood by a Pillar ----- 149 
 
 Ca-sar's account of the consecrated place for the Druids' Courts, in Gaul 1.50 
 
 Epiphanius' s account of a Circle in Syria - - - - 150 
 
 Homer s Elders are said to sit in a Circle of Stones - - 151 
 Similar Customs found even amongst the Indians in America, derived 
 
 from the first Migrators - 153 
 
 The Council of Alcinous sal on stones - - - - 152 
 
 Circles for holding Courts in the Isle of Man - - - 153 
 
 Also in Germany, — and in Norw'ay - - - - 153 
 
 Circle of Stones in Greece - - - - - 253 
 Circles for Observances of Turnings, and for Dances; — in Virginia, in 
 
 America; and also in Canada - • - - - 154 
 
 Dances of the Dei-vises, remains of these original Customs - 155 
 
 Probable mode of distinguishing the Circles of Stones for Dances - 155 
 
 One of thirty-eight Stones, in North Wales, near Clenenney - - 155 
 
 One in the Shire of Angus, in Scotland - - . 155 
 
 In the Island of Tire-iy, one of the Western Islands - - ise 
 
 In the Coun ty of Roscommon, in Ireland - - - 155 
 
 Near Winlerborn , in Dorsetshire - - - 156 
 
 Near Oldeer, in Scotland - - . . . 1-0 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 xxvii 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Pack 
 
 CONCERNING SACRED CIRCLES, WITH ALTARS OF OBLATION. 
 
 Stone Henge, in Wiltshire ----- i5g 
 Imitations of Altars of Oblation, amongst the Superstitious and Idola- 
 trous Usages in the South Sea Islands • * - 167 
 Bowing Stone, in the Western Isles - - - - 174 
 Altars in Virginia - - - 174 
 Illustration of the history of Balaam's Sacrifices - - 17 7 
 Druidical Temple discovered in the Island of Jersey - 190 
 Arbelows, near Bakewell, Derbyshire - - - 194 
 Circle of Stones near Penrith, in Cumberland - - 196 
 Mayborough also, near Penrith - - - - - 196 
 Avenue of Stones, near Penrith - - - 197 
 Circles in the Shire of Merris, in Scotland - - - 198 
 Circle in the Orkney Island - - - - - 198 
 Poll-rich, in Oxfordshire - - - - - 199 
 Stones formerly at Addington, near Town Mailing, in Kent - 199 
 Abury, in Wiltshire - - - 200 
 Account of antient High Places - - 204 
 Such even described by Homer, on the Coast of the Pylians, &c. &c. 207 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 CONCERNING CROMLECHES. 
 
 Kit's Colly House - - - - »?10 
 
 Investigation of the real intended use, and design of Crom leches - 2,18 
 Imitations of the early horrible Human Sacrifices, carried with the early 
 
 Migrators into America - 223 
 
 The Altar at Mexico 223 
 
 Cromlech at Bodwyn, in Anglesey, a truncated Pyramid ~ - 224 
 
 Cromlech in Syria, belonging formerly to the Tyrians - - 225 
 
 Cromlech, near Poitiers, in France - 229 
 
 Cromlech on Trescaw, amongst the Scilltj Islands - 230 
 
 Human Sacrifice in this Island, so late as the ninth Century - 231 
 
 Such horrible Custom continued late in Iceland - - - 231 
 
 Cromlech, at Plas-Newydd, in Anglesey - - - 231 
 Cromleches, though not Monumental Structures, often connected with 
 
 Places of Sepulture - - - - - - 232 
 
sxviii 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Double Cromlech, near Trevor, in Anglesey - - -235 
 
 Double Cromlech, nine miles from Holyhead, near Boddedem - 23 7 
 
 Another, still nearer to Holyhead - - . . 23 7 
 Others also, in Anglesey - - - -•--23 7 
 Heads oj persons slain, found by Germanicus , on trees, in Groves, near 
 
 the German Altars of the Druids - - - - 23 7 
 
 Account of the double meaning of the word Grove; in Scripture - 238 
 Cromlech and Carnedde, between Barmouth and Harlech, Merionethshire 239 
 
 Others, not far from Coder Id/is, and Circles of Stone - - 239 
 
 Another, at Bryn-y-Voel, near these - ' - . . 040 
 
 Cromlech, in Caernarvonshire, and Carnedde - - . 240 
 
 Three others also, in Caernarvonshire - . . 240 
 
 Cromlech in Circle of Stones, at Severn, in Pembrokeshire - - 240 
 
 Cromlech, in Llan- Hammwlch , Brecknockshire - . . 241 
 
 The Giantesses' Stone, in Cardiganshire - - . 2 4I 
 
 Altar Stone, in Lhan Goedmor Cardiganshire ■ . - 24 1 
 
 Altar Stone, near Llan Edern, Glamorganshire • - . 241 
 
 Another at Kevn Bryn, near Penrise, Arthur's Stone - . - 242 
 
 Three in St. jYicholas's Parish, Clamorganshire - - . 242 
 
 Cromlech, in Lhaw-Bondy Parish, Caermarlhenshire - - 242 
 
 Cromlech in St. Helier's Parish, Jersey - . . o 43 
 
 Another in Jersey, with a Carnedde, or Tumulus - . . 243 
 
 Others in the same Island • - . . 044 
 Cromlech in Guernsey - 1 _ _ 
 
 Cromlech at Lanyon, in Cornwall - 2 45 
 
 Cromlech at Portisham, in Dorsetshire - . 2 45 
 
 Cromlech in Lothian, in Scotland - ^45 
 
 Cromlech at Oldeer, in Scotland ... 245 
 
 Cromlech at Castlemary, in Cork, in Ireland - - - 246 
 
 The Warriors' Bed; or Hags' Bed; in Cork, in Ireland - . 2 46 
 
 The Giant's Grave, near Sligo, in Ireland . . 2 4 7 
 
 Cromlech, with Bones, in Louth, in Ireland - . 2 48 
 
 Another, called the KiJlino; Stone *.. - - „,„ 
 
 Imitations of Cromleches since the Druidical limes in Ireland - - 250 
 
 Imitations also of Druidical Circles, in the County of Dublin - 25 1 
 
 Also near Dungannon, in Tyronne, in Ireland - - - 251 
 
 Cromlech, near Fairy Rock, in Corn, in Ireland . . 2 52 
 
 Mar Loch Cool, Galway, Ireland - 2 52 
 
 On a Mountain near Baltinglass, in Wicklow, in Ireland - - 252 
 
 Mar Dundalk, Louth - . S5 „ 
 
 Near Dundrum, Down - - „.Z 
 
 Near Drumgoolan, Down ..... „ 53 
 
 In Tyronne, near the verge of Deny - - - - 253 
 
 At Tobin's Town in the County of Carlow - - - - 253 
 
CONTENTS. xxix 
 
 Pace 
 
 On Brown's Hill, near Carlow - - - - 253 
 
 Cromltches, in ike. Island of Minorca , - - 254 
 
 Also in Friesland - - - 255 
 
 In Germany, near Saltzburg - 256 
 
 In Lower Saxony - - - - - ■ 25 6 
 
 References to Cromleches in Ike Mosaic Law - - 256 
 
 Idea of Ike rude Mode of rearing these Masses - - - 259 
 Many instances of vaster Masses reared, and used in buildings, in 
 
 various Countries - - - - - 262 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 CONCERNING BARROWS, CAIRNS, AND KISTVAENS. 
 
 Reasons for believing almost all oar Barrows to be British - 267 
 
 Investigation of the History of Barrows, in the Countries first inhabited 269 
 The Barrow of Patroclus , and Achilles ; — an early specimen of the mode 
 
 of rearing such Mounds - - - - 270 
 
 Barrow, near Tullagh, in Ireland 
 
 Barrows in Pkrijgia - 
 
 271 
 
 Barrows near Sardes - 
 
 273 
 
 Barrow of Alyattes - 
 
 273 
 
 Barrow near /Egina - 
 
 274 
 
 Barrow on Ike Plain of Marathon - 
 
 274 
 
 Barrow of Laius - 
 
 ,\ ,V. - 274 
 
 Barrow of Tydeus - 
 
 275 
 
 Barrow of Hephestion - 
 
 275 
 
 Barrow of Abradaies, and Panlhea 
 
 275 
 
 Barrow between Mesopotamia and Assyria 
 
 275 
 
 Barrows in China - 
 
 276 
 
 Pyramids in Egypt - 
 
 276 
 
 Barrows in Siberia 
 
 Vast Antiquity of Barrows - 282 
 
 That of /Epylus, in Arcadia, antieni in Homer s time - - 282 
 
 Barrow of Mnus - - - - - 283 
 
 Barrows, or Cairns, reared by Joshua and the Israelites - 283 
 
 Cairn, or Barrow, raised over Absalom - 284 
 
 Barrows oj the Indians in North America - - 284 
 
 Barrows also of the Indians in Peru - 285 
 
 Cairns in Minorca - - - 286 
 
 h 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 The Danish Barrows derived from the Customs of the same Celtic An 
 
 ceslors; but few, if any Danish Barrows in Britain 
 Barrows in Sweden - 
 
 Barrows in Lower Saxony - 
 
 Barrow not far from Drogheda, in the County of Mealh, in Ireland 
 Barrow at Tullagh, in Caterlogh - - . . 
 
 Barrow, near Doulh, in Mealh - 
 
 Barrow, near Blagdon-house, by Bath, called Fairy's Toote 
 Cairn, or Barrow, near Plas-Newydd, in Anglesey 
 Other Cairns, or Barrows, in Anglesey 
 
 Silbury Hill, near Abury, in Wiltshire 
 
 Barrow, on Fin Cop Hill, Derbyshire 
 
 Barrow, at Merden, Wiltshire - . - ' - 
 
 South Long Barrow, Wiltshire 
 
 Barrows near Stone Henge - 
 
 Barrow at Wilton - - 
 
 Barrow at Marlborough, — not such .... 
 
 Shiplon Hill, Dorsetshire - 
 
 Barrow at Cossinglon, Leicestershire - 
 
 Julaber's Grave, near Charlham, Kent 
 
 Clear distinction between the Interments of the Romans, and of the Britons 
 Roman Coffins, at Ckeslerford, ire. 
 Also near Colchester - 
 
 Roman Interments near Mansfield Woadhouse, Nottinghamshire 
 
 Roman Interments at Ash, in Kent - 
 
 Roman Interment near York - 
 
 Roman Interments near Stratzburg, in Germany 
 
 Barrow at Trelech, Caermarlhenshire, Krig y-Dyrn 
 
 Barrow Hill, near Ruthin, Denbighshire 
 
 Barrows in Merionethshire - 
 
 Harnsley Hill in Northumberland 
 
 Barrow near Aldborough, Yorkshire - - 
 
 Barrow at Winsler, Derbyshire - 
 
 Barrows on Barham Downs, Kent - 
 
 Barrows on Exmore, Devonshire - 
 
 Barrow near Pakefield, in Suffolk 
 
 Long Barrow, near Pimpern, Dorsetshire 
 
 Nine Barrmv-Down, Dorsetshire - 
 
 Barrow near Wareham, Dorsetshire 
 
 Hambury-Toole, Dorsetshire - 
 
 Barrows near East Lullworlh, Dorsetshire 
 
 Other Barrows in Dorsetshire 
 
 Barrows near the Vale of While- Horse, in Berkshire 
 
 Pagi 
 
 286 
 287 
 287 
 288 
 291 
 292 
 293 
 294 
 294 
 J295 
 1325 
 296 
 297 
 297 
 298 
 298 
 298 
 298 
 299 
 299 
 300 
 300 
 301 
 301 
 302 
 303 
 303 
 303 
 304 
 304 
 304 
 304 
 305 
 305 
 306 
 306 
 307 
 307 
 307 
 308 
 309 
 309 
 310 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 XXXI 
 
 Page 
 
 Dragon- Hill - - - - - . - 310 
 
 Barrows near Chichester, viz. Four Barrow Hill - - 310 
 
 JVear Barrow in Lincolnshire - - - - 3H 
 
 Barrows at Aldjreston, Sussex - - - -311 
 
 Tumuli near Whitby, in Yorkshire - - - - Sli 
 
 Cairn, in Craven, in Yorkshire - - - - - 312 
 
 Tumuli on Barrow Hill, near Yealand; in Lancashire - - 312 
 
 Barrow at Oddington, Gloucestershire - - - 312 
 
 Tumuli in the Links of Skail, in the Orkneys - 313 
 
 Tumulus near Stranness ; and others in the Orkneys - - j 313 
 
 Tumuli near Sandford, in Westmoreland - - - 3H 
 
 Barrow at Ellenborough, in Cumberland - - - - 315 
 
 Barrow on Middleton Moor, in Derbyshire - - - 316 
 
 Barrows at Aggleston, in the Isle of Purbeck - - - 316 
 
 Barrows on the South Downs, in Sussex - - - 316 
 
 Barrows on Chatham Downs, Kent - - - - 317 
 
 Barrows on Blackheath, and others - - - 317 
 
 Barrows in Shepey Island - - - - - 317 
 
 Barrows in Cornwall - - - - 318 
 
 Barrows in the Scilly Islands, — the latest of any - - - 318 
 
 Battle Barrows - - - 3 1 9 
 
 Hackingdon Banks, Kent - - _ _ 319 
 At Barrow, in Suffolk ----„_ 339 
 
 At Wardlow, near Ashford, in Derbyshire - - - 320 
 
 JS ear Rais gill, in Westmoreland - - . 390 
 
 On Crosby Garrot Manor, Westmoreland ■ . - 32,1 
 
 JVear Battle-hill Causmay, in Hampshire - - - 321 
 
 In South Low Field, Staffordshire . - - - - 321 
 
 Odd square Barrow, at Biggar, in Teifidale, in Scotland - 322 
 
 Odd Interment of Charlemagne - - 323 
 
 Illustration of the various forms of Barrows - - - 325 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 CONCERNING LOGAN, OR ROCKING STONES ; AND CONCERNING 
 
 TOLMEN ; AND BASON STONES. 
 
 Traces of them in Asia, near Harpasa - - - -328 
 
 'The Gygonian Stone ggg 
 
 Mocking Stone at Golcar Hill, near Halifax, in Yorkshire - / 328 
 
 [330 
 
 Another at Rislmorth, in Yorkshire - 329 
 
xxxii 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 The great Qiioit at Karn-le-hau, Cornwall - - - 329 
 
 One at Castle 1 rerun, Cornwall - 329 
 
 Another on one of the Scillij Islands, St. Agnes - - - 329 
 
 Rocking Stone at Men-amber, in Cornwall - - - 329 
 
 Rocking Stone between Knaresborough and Shiplon, Yorkshire - 330 
 
 Rocking Stones near Warlon Crag, in Lancashire - - 330 
 
 Rocking Stone on Halhersage Moor, Derbyshire - - 331 
 
 Another on Stanton Moor, Derbyshire - - - .- 332 
 
 Rocking Stone, amongst the Jlrimham Rocks, Yorkshire - - I 
 
 [334 
 
 Two others also, — -anda Tolmen - 332 
 
 And a large one, with evident marks of the Tool - - 339 
 
 Robin Hood's Mark, on Ashover Common - 333 
 
 Yasl Rock Pillar, amongst Brimham Rocks - - 1 333 
 
 \336 
 
 Intended, but unfinished Rocking Stone .... 334 
 
 Another such in the Island of Purbeck, Dorsetshire; — Aggleslon [334 
 
 Stone Barrow - _ i 270 
 
 Great upon Little, at Hoadley, in Sussex - - 336 
 
 Rocking Stone near St. David's, Pembrokeshire - - 336 
 
 Rocking Stone on the ICells Rins, in Galloway, in Scotland - 33; 
 
 Rocking Stone near JVbvland, in Gloucestershire - - - 337 
 Rocks that seem to have been intended to have been used by the antienl 
 
 Britons, for Superstitious purposes - 333 
 
 Wring Cheese in Cornwall - - - 333 
 
 Another on Saltonslall Moor, in Yorkshire ... 333 
 
 So in Rishworlh Township - 333 
 
 So also Robin Hood's Pennystone - 338 
 
 Tolmen, in Constantine Parish, Cornwall - - - 339 
 Tolmen in the Scilly Islands - - _ _ -339 
 
 Rock near Tunbridge - - _ 340 
 
 One also like a Druid's Seat - 340 
 
 British Banks, and Dikes - 342 
 
 Concluding Remarks - - - -■ - - 343 
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 Page 08, line 5, for Celtes, read Celts. 
 
 120, 1. 4 from bottom, for ICinver, read Kinfare. 
 214, at the bottom, for IVestenii, read Wesselingii. 
 325, I. 9 from the bottom, dele, on the other side. 
 
MUNIMENTA ANTIQUA. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 AN INVESTIGATION OF THE HISTORY OF THE WORKS OF THE 
 ANTIENT BRITONS. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 To trace the progressive improvements of mankind, in various 
 countries ; to contemplate nations emerging from barbarism to a 
 state of civilization ; and to discover, with any degree of perspi- 
 cuity, the means by which these gradual improvements have been 
 made ; is surely one of the most interesting speculations afforded to 
 the human mind. 
 
 It effectually tends to awaken in us an humble sense of our own 
 original low estate, and insignificance, amidst created beings. 
 
 It insensibly calls forth a tribute of most grateful thanks, to the 
 Great Creator and Lord of all ; who amidst the confusion of turbulent 
 spirits, during their first state of trial, and opportunity of action, is 
 continually causing all things to tend insensibly to arrangement, 
 and order. And who so disposes of all events, that whilst, during 
 their progressive state, the different tempers, and disorderly passions 
 of a successive race of ignorant and sturdy free agents, do unavoid- 
 ably produce mischief, He is yet, from age to age, continually bring- 
 ing forth good out of evil ; and promoting the best final welfare of all. 
 
 It leads us, with due regard and affection, to venerate those, by 
 whose energetic efforts and labours, though under manifold disad- 
 
 B 
 
2 
 
 vantages, the human mind has been continually pressing forwards: 
 and inconsequence of whose honest endeavours, guided by Almighty- 
 help and goodness, the dawn of art, and of science, and of a melio- 
 rated state of things has appeared. 
 
 And the natural effect of the whole contemplation, whilst we 
 rejoice in such advantages as we have now obtained beyond our 
 predecessors, is to excite in our minds still further efforts, for the 
 promoting increase of good order, arts, science, industry, and inge- 
 nuity ; and of whatever may best tend to the general welfare of 
 mankind, and to the higher improvement of future ages. 
 
 When with due reflection we behold the wretched, almost naked, 
 aboriginal Briton, in his hovel in the woods,* feeding upon nuts 
 and acorns ; or at best living only a very little better than a New 
 Zealand savage ; 
 
 When we rightly consider the real condition of the fierce inva- 
 ding Saxon, besmeared with blood ; proudly quaffing a vile intoxi- 
 cation from the excavated skull of his enemy, in imitation of the 
 fabulous dire revels in Woden's hall ; and incapable of any quiet 
 enjoyment of life ; 
 
 When we reflect upon the sturdy Norman, cased in steel, for the 
 
 * It is most curious to observe the contempt with which the Romans spoke concerning 
 Britain ; as a place which had not any thing, worth relating, concerning it ; t a country 
 idlerly barbarous ; in the extreme part of the earth. % ' 
 
 Its inhabitants, savage to strangers; total/; uncivilized; and even, neither visited by, or con- 
 formed to, the enlightened parts of the earth. 
 
 The inhabitants of New Holland are hardly considered by us in so inferior a light, as 
 the Britons were considered by the Romans. 
 
 Perhaps the time may come, when our ideas, concerning the inhabitants of New Holland, 
 may be considered, and remarked upon, in the same manner, in which we now consider 
 the words of Horace, Dioderus, and Strain. 
 
 In the mean time it may be worthy of intelligent attention, also to remember the light 
 in which King Agripfa, before whom Paul delivered his energetical apology, considered the 
 Britons, in a speech recorded by Josephus ; which, from its style and composition, and 
 every circumstance attending it, there is the utmost reason to believe was truly original ; and, 
 as such, had a copy of it delivered, by Agrippa himself, to the venerable author. 
 
 t Strabo, lib. iv. 190— p. 289. Amsterdam ed. Diodorus, lib. iii. 120— p. 504 
 
 b. V. 205 p. 316. r 
 
 % Horace Carm. lib. i. Ode 3 5 . v. 3 o . lib. ii. Ode 4 . v. 3 3 . Epod. lib. Ode 7 . v. 7 . 
 
3 
 
 maintenance of the rights of his liege lord, and of his own fiefs ; 
 proudly imitating the lobster in his fancied security ; and serving a 
 bitter warfare all the days of his life, as the price of his inheritance ; 
 without means of duly cultivating either his land or his mind ; 
 
 When we justly apprehend, what it must have been to have lived 
 under such circumstances ; how is it possible to avoid turning the 
 eye of the mind instantly, to the easy industrious yeoman ; or to the 
 quiet manufacturer ; in the days of Oueen Elizabeth ; or rather to 
 the Courtly Knight of that glorious reign ? and much more, how 
 is it possible to avoid contemplating the present race of men ; and 
 their manifold advantages in the various ranks of society ; however 
 unworthy they may be of them, or however those advantages may 
 be abused ? 
 
 This extraordinary person, King Agrippa, who built those walls about Jerusalem, that 
 were, at last, its greatest strength; * and who to the last laboured to save the Jews from their 
 final immediate cause of destruction ; endeavouring to dissuade them from their revolt against 
 the Romans, by setting before them the power, and successes of that people, whom he 
 considered as instruments in the hands of the Almighty God; said, amongst other things, 
 endeavouring to shew their invincible strength ; 
 
 " Nay, indeed, they have sought for another habitable earth, beyond the ocean; and 
 " have carried their aims as far as such British islands, as were never known before, t Do 
 " you, also, who depend on the walls of Jerusalem, consider what a wall the Britons had ? 
 " For the Romans sailed away to them, and subdued them, while they were encompassed 
 " by the ocean, and inhabited an island that is not less than the continent of this habitable 
 •• earth;" for in other words, an island lib a sort of continent, just as we might now say of New 
 Holland.) 
 
 And then Agrippa intimates, that yet, at that time, only four legions were sufficient to 
 guard such an acquisition. 
 
 Again, speaking of Vespasian, who was, as it were, from this island led to the empire of 
 all the world, he says, He had also recovered to them (the Romans) Britain by his arm,, 
 " which had been little known before : whereby he procured to his father Claudius to have 
 " a triumph bestowed upon him, without any sweat or labour of his own." 
 
 And it even appears that the distinction of having Claudius called his father, was an 
 honour bestowed in consequence of these conquests in Britain ; a country so newly disco- 
 vered, and acquired. 
 
 Titus also, when persuading the Jews to surrender, admonished them to consider, what 
 greater obstacle to the Roman arms there could be, than the walls of the ocean with which 
 the Britons are encompassed? 1 
 
 * Josephus de Bellojud. lib. v. cap. i . see. t Ibid. lib. ii. cap. t c. sec. i . 
 
 X Ibid. lib. vi. cap. f». sec. 2. 
 
4 
 
 Who would leave, willingly, the comfortable English mansion 
 of a private gentleman, for the dull castle of a Norman Baron ; the 
 den of a Saxon Thane, even when settled in peace ; or the gloomy 
 wood of a British Chief? 
 
 Or who would exchange the advantages, which the very lowest 
 class of the industrious and active poor enjoy in this country, (even 
 amidst our worst mistakes and errors), for the naked, starving, 
 licentious condition of a savage Briton ? or for the bitter servitude 
 and bondage of a Saxon slave ? or for the situation of a Norman 
 Villein, regardant, or in gross (the original Gentleman Copyholder) ; 
 who, notwithstanding his fancied possession of landed property 
 (the only property then in the kingdom), might be conveyed, in 
 the one instance, as part of the stock on the land, by deed of con- 
 veyance, from one lord of a manor to another ; and in the other 
 instance, might even be granted, as an individual, by deed, to 
 whomsoever his haughty chieftain pleased.* Whilst, in both in- 
 stances, if lands were given by any friend, or distant relative, in 
 fee, to such villein (or copyholder), his lord paramount alone would 
 be entitled to the possession. 
 
 It is worth our while, then, amidst the many various investi- 
 gations, concerning the progress of arts, and of human knowledge, 
 that employ our minds, to bestow some inquiry how, and by what 
 gradual steps, and means, such progressive alteration of manners, 
 and of the modes of life has taken place, as has occasioned so great 
 a change in the condition of mankind. 
 
 * See Coke, Littelton, p. l a o . b. And to this great authority, I must add, that it appears 
 from a most curious book, written on parchment, by tile direction of Sir W illiam Gryffy ths 
 (Chamberlain of North Wales), who preserved the valuable records of that country from 
 perishing, by means of that collection of them which he so made ; + that all the natives 
 of a certain township, in Wales, many years after the time of the petty British princes, 
 were sold as part of lite estate of those lands they belonged unto. 
 
 It deserves also to be added, that Rowland % tells us he had, in^his own possession, a copy 
 of an injunction, issued out even so late as by Henry VII.; commanding Escheators, and 
 all other ministerial officers, to see that the king's native tenants kept within their common 
 limits; and, if any of them were found to stray and wander from their houses, to drive them 
 back, like kails to their pinfolds , with lite greatest severity. 
 
 + Mona Antiqua, p. 119. 
 
 % Ibid. 120. 
 
s 
 
 A trite old proverb admonishes the inconsiderate, that, one half of 
 the world knows not how the other lives: and it is still more true, and 
 deserves attention ; that those who live in one age of the world, 
 have too little apprehension of the mode in which preceding ages 
 have been passed by such as had their lot therein. 
 
 Yet perhaps in all countries, the progression may really be dis- 
 cerned to have been almost uniformly by somewhat the same steps ; 
 and from similar causes. 
 
 Savage stupidity, first gives place, and yields dominion to brutal 
 ferocity. Brutal ferocity, then yields to brutal fierceness disci- 
 plined. This latter, at last, yields to Civilization, and the light of 
 Truth. And when once Civilization, and any knowledge of God, 
 has at all taken place ; the advance of science, and the progress of 
 arts, would soon raise the state of human society, in any country, to 
 an high degree of prosperity ; if there were but a due maintenance 
 of well regulated principles of religion, and morality. 
 
 But alas .' there, the progress is in every successive period too 
 soon, for a time checked. The whole is too, too soon sadly coun- 
 teracted, by selfish views ; and by violent misguided passions. 
 
 And the combination of these last, continued banes of the human 
 soul, produce such dire effects, from age to age, as to give us but 
 little opportunity of carrying the speculations upon the advance of 
 civil improvements, in any period of time, any further ; than in 
 each age to contemplate, with horror, the continued struggling 
 efforts of true religious principle, and ardent zeal for public good ; of 
 science, and of industry ; against the opposition of hypocrisy, the 
 delusions of idolatry, superstition, selfish interest, vile lusts, passion, 
 ignorance, and obstinate insensibility. 
 
 Amidst all those sundry, gradual, and almost imperceptible ope- 
 rating causes which have prepared the human mind to be open to 
 the reception of improving knowledge; and which are the objects 
 of the inquiry now proposed ; but which have not perhaps, hitherto 
 been sought after with the attention they deserve j the strange, 
 varied, and sometimes detorted, progress of architecture, in its very 
 various branches, surely forms one, that unquestionably ought not 
 to be deemed either last, or least. 
 
 The improvements of Architecture, indeed, seem ever to have 
 o 
 
6 
 
 been, above all others, the most characteristic marks of improving 
 civilization: and at the same time, to have themselves contributed, 
 more than ought else, to the promoting of it. 
 
 More, I may almost venture to say, than even the knowledge of 
 letters ; and the arts of writing, and of printing. 
 
 For the improvements of Architecture continually open new 
 scenes to the imagination even of the most unlettered : and by caus- 
 ing them to feel themselves in a new situation, rouses their minds 
 to new pursuits. And even with regard to retrospective view ; 
 whilst the exercise of the pen has been gradually called forth, to 
 record any of the circumstances that gave occasion to the raising of 
 the fabrics which were the manifestations of this art, the Fabrics 
 themselves have continued to inform the world yet more fully : and 
 still remain, as it were, speaking from age to age. Many of them 
 relating a most interesting tale, long preceding, in its date, our first 
 knowledge either of reading, or of writing. 
 
 A tale, that will be heard. For even that disgraceful modern bar- 
 barity (more inexcusable than that of the antient savages), arising 
 from blundering stupid selfishness, and ignorance ; which is conti- 
 nually demolishing the most interesting remains of high antiquity; 
 cannot entirely hide from our eyes, those so legible characters, 
 which still, in many instances continue, as written in stone wit/i an 
 iron tool; constantly declaring the vast efforts, which past gene- 
 rations made, in the midst of all their errors, to emerge from a state 
 of sordid wildness. Whilst even the altars of idolatrous abomina- 
 tions, which deserved to be destroyed, still retain marks sufficient 
 to inform us what sort of dire corruptions had taken place. 
 
 Surely then, it is worth our while, as one of the first steps to- 
 wards a right comprehension of the progressive improvement of the 
 state of mankind, to trace, as far as we are able, before they are more 
 effectually destroyed, and before they utterly perish, the remaining 
 indications of the slow gradual improvements of Architecture in this 
 country ; and to watch how changes of manners, and of laws, and 
 of improvements in science, and in other arts accompanied them. 
 
 The examination of what remains in our own country, and the 
 consideration of its gradual improvements in all these particular 
 respects ; is indeed what belongs most peculiarly to ourselves : and 
 
7 
 
 demands the most properly our first attention. But the modes by 
 which several other civilized nations, have at various periods, in all 
 ages, arrived to such advantages as they obtained ; are so exceed- 
 ingly similar to, and so much connected with what has passed on 
 this spot which we inhabit ; that in carrying on the inquiry which 
 relates to ourselves, we cannot but unavoidably find much light 
 flung upon the history of the whole world ; and upon several cu- 
 rious details in the antient records of many other regions. Records, 
 which though continually perused by the learned, have too often, 
 for want of the illustration that might have been derived from such 
 sort of inquiries, been much misunderstood. 
 
 What kind of poor savages dwelt in this island, in some of the 
 very early ages of the world ; in the days of Moses, or of Solomon ; 
 or of Numa ; or Nebuchadnezzar, or Cyrus, or Darius ; (if this 
 island had at that time any inhabitants at all besides the wild beasts 
 of the forest) ; is perhaps of as little import to us now, as it is to know 
 who the poor beings were who dwelt in New Holland, during the 
 last three centuries. 
 
 Herodotus, who has so often, by persons wanting candour, been 
 deemed too credulous ; was with regard to this matter only too incre- 
 dulous. For at the same time that he gravely tells us,* " he could 
 " not forbear laughter, when he considered how some men describ- 
 " ed the circumference of the earth, without any hind of judgment, 
 " pretending that the ocean surrounds the whole, and that the earth 
 " is made round, as if it came out of a turner s lathe ; and that Europe 
 is equal in extent to Asia ;" he says also,+ " Neither can I assent to 
 " those, who tell us of a river, by the barbarians called Eridanus, 
 " which they say furnishes amber, and runs northward into the sea. 
 " Neither do I know any thing of the islands called Cassiterides, from 
 " the tin which is thence imported among us. And though I have 
 " diligently inquired, yet I have never seen any man, who by his 
 " own experience could inform me, concerning the nature of that 
 " sea, which bounds the extremities of Europe. However it is 
 " certain that amber, and tin come from the remotest parts." 
 
 We may therefore, from these words conclude, that whatever 
 
 * Herodotus, ed. Wessclingei, lib. iv. 36 — p. 597. 
 
 i- Ibid, lib.iii. lis — p. 251. 
 
8 
 
 inhabitants there were of Britain, in the days of Herodotus, they 
 were still in a state of such utter barbarity, as to be almost entirely 
 unnoticed by the then civilized part of mankind. And we well 
 know they continued in a very barbarous state, even down to the 
 time of Caesar, and Tacitus. 
 
 But although this venerable father of history, who dwelt amidst 
 the first dawn of science in Greece, could not believe the earth to be 
 spherical; and candidly confessed his ignorance of the geography of 
 this part of the world ; and of the existence of any inhabitants in any 
 suck island as this ; yet what he says concerning tin, is a clear proof 
 against his own doubts ; and a proof that the coasts of Cornwall 
 had been visited, previous to that time, by the Phoenicians ; for 
 there was no other part of the world then discovered, from whence 
 that metal could be had. 
 
 We shall find reason to conclude, in the course of our inquiries, 
 that we even still have remains of architecture in being, that were 
 not only long prior to the time of the Roman invasion; but most 
 probably prior to the days of Herodotus. 
 
 The remains I mean, are those called Druidical. With the exa- 
 mination of which therefore, together with the consideration of 
 the traces of British Strongholds, it will be necessary to begin these 
 Observations. 
 
 Wherever any such exist in this island ; their vast antiquity 
 must needs render any means of elucidation of their history no less 
 interesting to us, than the history of the Pyramids of Egypt has 
 been, for so many ages, to all the world. And though, in the one 
 instance, as well as in the other, perhaps no full information 
 concerning their original construction, is to be expected from any 
 positive records of history ; yet we shall find the remains may 
 speak with sufficient clearness for themselves, on a careful compa- 
 rison of them with one another ; with the antient remains of other 
 countries ; and with the usages of the very earliest ages of the world, 
 as described in the oldest writings, and from the first traditions of 
 mankind. 
 
 Several of them indeed must, as individual specimens, still con- 
 tinue subject to the having much doubt formed in our minds, con- 
 cerning their precise original destination, and use ; both on account 
 
9 
 
 of their present mutilated state, and because of the great simplicity, 
 and rudeness of the original design at best: but enough concerning 
 them will become perfectly intelligible, in consequence of such a 
 comparison, to explain to us, what many of these antient works, 
 of such immense labour, were really intended for, when first con- 
 structed : — and how many different kinds there were of them : to 
 some one or other of which, those mutilated fragments (whose more 
 particular history must still continue in some obscurity) did yet 
 doubtless originally belong. 
 
 Whoever the people were, who first passed over from the Con- 
 tinent to this Island, we may be well assured they had been 
 previously connected with some of the first inhabitants of the more 
 civilized parts of the earth ; as they must have passed over in arti- 
 ficial vessels of some construction or other. And therefore we may 
 well expect to find, in some of their strongholds, and works of rude 
 architecture, a connection with modes of defence, usages, rites, and 
 ceremonies, practised in other parts more early inhabited in the 
 very first ages of the world. 
 
 And as this resemblance will indeed soon strike a contemplative 
 mind, in the strongest manner ; so the continued illustration of the 
 history of the remains which we behold in our own country, by 
 means of the accounts of such transactions as passed in similar for- 
 tresses, and in the use of similar structures in other countries, (in 
 those times of the highest antiquity, which are the subjects of the 
 first dawnings of history), will supply the defect of actual re- 
 cords concerning the achievements of the first British inhabitants. 
 Achievements that, except for the sake of explaining these curious 
 remains, could not be at all interesting; nor of much more con- 
 cern to us, than the fights of kites and crows,* as Milton most justly 
 observed concerning the Saxon achievements, in the time of the 
 Heptarchy. 
 
 The history of almost all aboriginal nations may be compre- 
 hended in very few words ; like the account given in Scripture of 
 the first inhabitants of Idumea.t Merely that persons of a certain 
 
 * Kennet's Collection of Historical Facts, Vol. I. p. so. Hume's Histoiy, Vol. I. p. 20. 
 + Deuteronomy, chap. ii. v. lo, 1 1, 12. v. 20, 21, 22, 23. 
 
 D 
 
10 
 
 name dwelt there ; fierce, strong, contentious, destroying, and per- 
 haps deserving to be destroyed. 
 
 But, amidst all these disadvantages, the human mind would un- 
 avoidably make some exertions ; in consequence of which appeared 
 surprising works of defence ; and also other as surprising works, the 
 effects of blind superstition, and of immense labour. 
 
 These efforts alone have produced all that it is now of any con- 
 cern for us to know, with regard to any aboriginal people; or with 
 regard to the aboriginal Britons. 
 
 It is the observation of one of the most diligent and laborious 
 searchers after British antiquities, (the ingenious, and learned Row- 
 land,*) that the works, and employments, of the first colonizers of 
 any country, and especially of an island, (which could have been 
 inhabited only subsequent to the occupation of the adjacent con- 
 tinent) must have been merely those of hewing down the woods, 
 and of hunting ; to which we may add that of fishing. And that 
 such first inhabitants could not have had either time, or inclination, 
 to form any very fixed habitations. 
 
 With regard to our own country then, we may begin with re- 
 marking, that as far as the Romans knew any thing of them, it was 
 not till the time of Agricola, that the Britons were persuaded to live 
 at all in a social, and comfortable manner; to build convenient and 
 tolerably commodious stationary dwellings, contiguous to each 
 other; to form regular towns ; or to attempt to adorn them, with 
 such structures as halls, and temples. + 
 
 And we find that in the more remote parts, where civilization 
 arrived so many ages later ; in the Highlands, and most northerly 
 parts of Scotland ; there was not, in the time of Ptolemy, J in the 
 middle of the second century, so much as one British town among 
 nine nations. 
 
 As to the particular private abodes, therefore, even of the most 
 considerable chieftains of the Britons, they must unavoidably have 
 been dwellings nearly resembling rude tents, and hovels ; easily 
 removeable ; and incapable of leaving any very durable remains 
 
 * Mona Antiqua, p. so — 27. t Tacitus, Vita Agricola:, Cat. 
 
 % See his Geographical Account, and compare the different parts of it. 
 
11 
 
 behind them. And the huts of the people in general must have 
 been chiefly of such kinds, as we now meet with amongst various 
 barbarous and uncivilized nations, in the most remote parts of the 
 globe. Small hovels, formed of loose stones, with sticks, and boughs ; 
 and covered with grass, or reeds ; nearly like those described by 
 many of our navigators, and travellers, in the South Sea islands ; 
 in Africa ; and in America. 
 
 Perhaps then, it will not be a degradation of the idea to be 
 formed, concerning the aboriginal private dwellings in this island, 
 if we venture to compare the cabbins of the first migrators, and 
 hunters here, with such as are still used by the poorer wandering 
 inhabitants of the mountainous, and of the yet most uncultivated 
 parts of it. 
 
 The curious Mr. Cordiner* thus describes one, that he met with 
 in the northern parts of Scotland : 
 
 " In Dirry-more forest, on passing through this level tract, nu- 
 " merous herds of cattle came in view. Near to one of the grassy 
 " fields where they were feeding was reared the keeper's booth ; the 
 " most wretched hovel imaginable. With difficulty we crawled 
 " into it; and.one could not stand upright when within. Yet here, 
 " was straw for a bed ; a bottle of milk ; and some pieces of bread. 
 " It is possible men may be contented with such spare accommoda- 
 " tion ; with such hard and scanty fare. I strove in that cot to find 
 " shelter from an heavy rain; but soon found such confinement 
 " seem worse than an open exposure to the severest weather." 
 
 The range of ravenous beasts in the lower woods and valleys, 
 made those spots originally dangerous to dwell in, and only fit for the 
 scenes, and employments of hunting. And the hills alone, at first, 
 were the only fit places even for any abodes at all.+ Here, therefore, 
 both in Wales, J and in the island of Anglesey, || and in Scotland ; 
 and elsewhere in our own country, where they have had the pos- 
 sibility of being left undisturbed by subsequent cultivation, are to 
 be met with remains and traces of the most antient dwellings of the 
 first people. 
 
 * Antiquities of Scotland, p. 1 1 1 . t Mona Antiqua, p. 25. 
 
 % Pennant's Tour in Wales, Vol. II. p. 3 06. || Mona Antiqua, p. 27 . 
 
12 
 
 These, as far as they are now capable of minute examination, are 
 found to have been mere clusters of little round, or oval foundations 
 of stone; on which were erected small structures, with conical roofs 
 or coverings, which formed the very circumscribed dwellings, and 
 rude hovels, of the first settlers in Britain. 
 
 In places of great natural strength and safety, or of much conve- 
 nience in point of peculiar situation, it is easy to conceive they most 
 abounded. 
 
 And in some of these, in the more inaccessible mountains, al- 
 though they continued to be, from age to age, sometimes the abodes 
 of soldiers, as being fortresses of great natural strength ; yet the 
 original foundations and walls of such poor original little hovels do 
 still remain ; not having been subject, in consequence of their pe- 
 culiar situation, to be eradicated, either by the magnificence, or 
 necessities of succeeding generations ; who could have no induce- 
 ment to destroy such poor vestiges of pristine security, for the sake 
 of the materials. 
 
 But, besides these, some clusters of antient dwellings were, by 
 degrees, constructed in deep woods, and morasses; and near rivers; 
 in such parts, even of the Lowlands, as were fittest for. security : and 
 such became afterwards, in many instances, great Cities : some in 
 the times of the Romans ; and others in the times of the Saxons. 
 
 Amongst these Lowland clusters of huts, or bods, we may justly 
 deem one to have been even the first origin of London: whose early 
 existence, as a place of habitation, in some state or other, for the 
 first aboriginal inhabitants, was thought, by the curious author of 
 the Parentalia,* to be sufficiently ascertained, both from the British 
 name ; and also from the different kinds of interment, discovered in 
 distinct successive strata, one beneath another, on digging the foun- 
 dations of St. Paul's Cathedral ; from whence it clearly appeared a 
 greater number of Britons must have at the same time dwelt toge- 
 ther with the Romans, than could have been supposed to have in- 
 habited there, if it had been merely in its origin a Roman colony. 
 
 They first found, deep under the graves of the later ages, and in 
 a row (or stratum) below them, the burial places of the Saxon times : 
 
 * Parentalia, p. 254. 
 
13 
 
 where the graves were either lined with chalk, or stone ; and some 
 had stone coffins. And again below these, were discovered Roman 
 urns, and many British graves : in the latter of which were found 
 numbers of ivory pins; and pins of an hard wood, seemingly box, 
 about six inches long.* 
 
 With regard to these last kinds of Lowland towns, and fortresses ; 
 the traces of which, as to their precise form, (like the traces of many 
 of those on the mountains), and the figure of their huts, must now 
 unavoidably be almost entirely destroyed ; we may yet learn, from 
 Cassar's description of one of the most considerable of them, what 
 kind of places they were. 
 
 Speaking of that which was the capital of Cassivellaunus, where 
 a vast multitude of men, and of cattle, were cooped up together, he 
 says,+ " The Britons call a place a town, when they have fortified 
 '* thick impassable woods, by means of a vallum and fosse;" (in 
 other words, by means of an high bank, and a ditch) : " in which 
 " sort of place they are accustomed to get together, to avoid the in- 
 " vasion of enemies." 
 
 And indeed we have one spot remaining even to this very hour, 
 which notwithstanding all the alterations that have been made, of 
 boundary lines passing through it, and of roads cut through it, yet 
 in reality so completely answers this description, when its original 
 situation is duly considered, and its still woodland state ; that we 
 can scarcely doubt of its having been truly a Lowland British 
 town ; the nearest, of any connected with that which at last became 
 London. And this is the well known old intrenchment, near Copt- 
 hall in Essex ; called Ambresbury -banks. It is nearly of an oval 
 form, J and contains an area of about twelve acres. 
 
 The word used for the first kind of houses that could possibly 
 exist in these sort of towns ; that is for the huts the Britons con- 
 structed ; it plainly appears was merely, booth, or bod.\\ And even 
 their best towns we find were clearly understood to be universally, 
 mere assemblages of such huts. 
 
 * Parentalia, p. 860. t De Bello Gallico. lib. v. sec. 17. 
 
 % A Plan and Description of it may be seen in Gough's Camden, Vol. II. p. 4 9, and 
 Pl - !• fig- <• II Whitaker's Manchester, V. II. p. a6J. 
 
 E 
 
14 
 
 After all the best inquiry that Strabo could make, " The woods 
 " (he says*) are their towns. For having fenced round a wide cir- 
 " cular space, with trees hewn down, there they place their huts 
 " (xtzlvCoxoMwrat), and fix stalls for their cattle; but not of long du- 
 " ration." 
 
 And speaking in another place + of the Gauls, whose customs and 
 manners were so similar to those of the Britons, and which there- 
 fore, to avoid repetition, he often describes as having a reference to 
 them, he says, 
 
 " They have dwellings, of a round form, constructed of poles, 
 " and wattled work; with very high pointed coverings, of beams 
 " united at a point." 
 
 Thus also Diodorus Siculus, mentioning more precisely the ha- 
 bitations of the Britons themselves ; tells us, " they have very poor 
 " wretched dwellings, composed for the most part of reeds, (or 
 " straw), and wood. J" From whence we may conclude that, though 
 of the same form, they were in general of still less dimensions, and 
 of less nice construction than those of the Gauls. 
 
 In short, that they were little round hovels, formed of poles 
 united to a point at the top, and covered with reeds or straw, placed 
 upon low circular walls, or banks, of rough stones, or earth. 
 
 Entirely consistent with all these descriptions, is the appearance 
 of those remains which Rowland met with in Anglesey; and so 
 justly apprehended to be vestiges of the abodes of the aboriginal 
 inhabitants. 
 
 *' I have oft observed, (he tells us jj) in many places in this island, 
 " and in other countries, clusters of little round, and oval foun- 
 " dations; whose very irregularities speak their antiquity. On the 
 " hills near Porthsthwy there are prodigious plenty of them; and 
 " upon some heaths. The very make and figure, and other cir- 
 " cumstances of these rude misshapen holds, seem to indicate that 
 " they were the retreating places of those first people (who mi- 
 " grated here), when they began the work of clearing, and opening 
 
 * Strabo. lib. iv. p. 20 0, of the Paris ed. p. 300, of tbe Amsterdam ed. 
 
 t Strabo. 107, p. 301. ^ Diodorus Siculus. lib. v. 209, or p. 3 4 7 , ed. Wess. 
 
 II Mona Antiqua, p. 25 , 2 6, 27. 
 
15 
 
 " the country; — very necessity obliging those people then, as cus- 
 " torn does some to this day, to choose such moveable abodes : — 
 " and no one can well deny these to have been little dwellings, and 
 " houses." 
 
 And even in lower situations, in some instances ; and particu- 
 larly, on a piece of ground called Trev-wry, near the river Breint, 
 he tells us there are a great many such circular stone foundations.* 
 
 Hence, therefore, we may obtain even something more than an 
 imperfect idea, of the common dwellings of the aboriginal inhabi- 
 tants of Britain, in the earliest ages. 
 
 But notwithstanding it be true, that the first settlers could have 
 leisure only for the construction of such rude habitations ; and for 
 the exercise of as rude occupations : yet when they were once well 
 established, we may be assured they would form some important, 
 and lasting places of defence; and also establish some monuments 
 of their religion, customs, and superstitions. 
 
 And here we shall begin to have an ample field for satisfactory 
 inquiry ; and a means of obtaining a very considerable illustration 
 of all antient history : at the same time that we endeavour, in the 
 fairest manner, to discover the first dawnings of Architecture, both 
 military, and religious, in this island. 
 
 At first sight, the appearance of the scattered remains of Druidical 
 superstition, and of British works, only produces a succession of 
 confused ideas in the mind; and they are even liable to be con- 
 founded with the works of later ages : whence some writers have 
 been led into great mistakes concerning them. But on a careful 
 assortment of their different kinds, and on a careful comparison of 
 those of each class, in different and remote parts, one with another, 
 this difficult knot of the clue, leading to the discovery of truth, 
 gives way ; and we may plainly discern, that British, and Druidical 
 monuments, are all to be arranged under the description of the fol- 
 lowing different kinds, viz. 
 
 1 . British posts ; or Strongholds : together with Caves, and hid- 
 ing places. 
 
 2. Stones of memorial. 
 
 * Mona Antiqua, p. 88. 
 
u, 
 
 3. Circles of memorial; of Observance ; and of Observation. 
 
 4. Sacred circles, with Altars of oblation. 
 
 5. Altars for sacrifice, and divination. 
 
 6. Kistvaens; or tombs. 
 
 7. Barrows, and cairns. 
 
 8. Logans; or Rocking stones. 
 
 9. Tolmen; and Bason stones. 
 
 And these different kinds will well deserve to be investigated, as 
 far as we are able, in regular order. 
 
17 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 CONCERNING ABORIGINAL BRITISH FORTRESSES ; AND HILL FORTRESSES 
 IN GENERAL. AND CONCERNING CAVES, AND HIDING PLACES. 
 
 There are a vast number of strong Intrenchments in all parts of 
 this island, of a very peculiar kind : situated chiefly on the tops of 
 natural hills; and which can be attributed to none of the various 
 different people who have ever dwelt in the adjacent country, ex- 
 cept to the antient Britons; although indeed the subsequent con- 
 querors, Romans, Saxons, and Danes, and even the Normans, have, 
 on certain emergencies, made use of them at different times ; on 
 account of their great original strength : and although the erroneous 
 hasty conjectures of persons ill informed, for want of more expe- 
 rience, and even the crude reports of the country, have often called 
 them Roman camps; Danish forts; or Saxon intrenchments. 
 
 They could not be originally of Roman construction; because 
 we well know, that wheresoever the Romans certainly did form any 
 camps, and stations, either in this island, or abroad, they always 
 were of a very different sort. 
 
 They could not be Danish ; both because they do not resemble 
 such as we assuredly know to have been constructed by those 
 marauders, in their invasions: and because those pirates would 
 neither in their ravages, venture so far inland as several of these 
 works are found to be ; nor stay to undertake the excessive labour 
 of raising them, on such high hills and mountains as they are often 
 placed ; nor run the risk of being cooped up, and starved there, 
 when they had done so. 
 
 And as they were not the works of those people during their 
 state of piracy ; so neither can they be deemed to have been for- 
 tresses designed by them, when they had obtained an establishment 
 here. 
 
 For the great Castle built by Canute at Norwich; the Great 
 
 F 
 
18 
 
 Tower at Bury ; and other works of theirs ; shew that they had then 
 arrived at such a state of improvement in point of civilization, and 
 of architectural skill, as to fortify themselves in cities, and within 
 strong walls : when they did not use merely temporary camps ; and 
 not to be driven to the shift of contriving such places as these, for 
 stationary defence. 
 
 Neither could these intrenchments have been originally the 
 works of the Saxons. 
 
 For, even during the Heptarchy, we shall find fortresses of stone 
 were erected; and are still subsisting; of a far different sort. And 
 the remains of Architecture of the ages of Edgar, and Alfred ; and the 
 latter's well known complaint of there being Jew Castles in England; 
 together with the specimen of the Great Castle of his son Edward 
 the Elder at Colchester; and their strong cities mentioned in his- 
 tory ; shew that they had far different ideas of security, and of pro- 
 tecting themselves against invaders, than would correspond with a 
 dependance on the forming these kind of retreats. 
 
 Besides, indeed, we shall find several instances, in the sequel; 
 where their mere earthworks, when for temporary convenience they 
 did ever construct such, were encampments on plain ground; with 
 double ditches; and with either the whole, or at least part of the 
 area raised above the level of the adjacent country ; and sometimes with 
 a very small mount for watch guard. And quite different from those 
 either of the Danes, or Normans. 
 
 And as to the Normans themselves ; their magnificence ; and the 
 great Castles still remaining, which they constructed, in different 
 periods ; puts it quite out of the question to allow even the least 
 conjecture of their having had any share in casting up the works of 
 these retreats, and intrenchments; which are most properly the 
 first objects of our attention. 
 
 They must therefore have been the strong posts, and fastnesses, 
 of the antient Britons, the first settlers in this island. Where they 
 lodged their wives, and their children, on account of any sudden 
 war or invasion ; and to which they drove their cattle, at the same 
 time, from the low adjacent country. Here they formed garrisons ; 
 and made their stand ; and from hence they sallied forth, with con- 
 fidence, to repel the foe. 
 
19 
 
 And that such were by these people, first devised and fortified for 
 this use, appears most evidently from the account given of British 
 fortresses by Tacitus. For describing the strongholds formed, and 
 resorted to by Caractacus, he says,* 
 
 Tunc monhbus arduis, et si qua clementer accedi tpoterant, in modum 
 valli saxa prastruit. 
 
 Which we may very well translate ; " Then they fortified themselves 
 " on steep mountains; and wherever there was any possibility of access 
 " in any part, he constructed a great bank of stones, like a vallum." 
 
 Mr. Pennant instantly saw so strongly the exact conformity of 
 this description, with one of these sort of intrenchments still remain- 
 ing on a mountain hanging over the vale of Nannerch, in Flintshire, 
 in North Wales ; and called Moel Arthur ; that he could not forbear 
 immediately to apply it ; and to form the right conclusion concern- 
 ing these hill fortifications. + 
 
 Moel Arthur, is on one of the high summits of the mountain ; a 
 smooth terrace being levelled on the top of all, and having, on the 
 only accessible side, where there are not precipices, two ditches of 
 prodigious depth, with suitable dikes. 
 
 Many others of these fortresses are rendered defensible exactly 
 in the same manner : but there are sometimes more deep ditches ; 
 and high banks, formed either of earth or loose stones: and there are 
 sometimes only one; though more often two entrances. 
 
 They were indeed such as might well defy an enemy : as similar 
 ones often did, in various other countries, even from the time of 
 Alexander the Great, (as related by Quintus Curtius,J) down to the 
 time of Agricola. 
 
 But their situation being so high that they could have no supply 
 of water, except from the clouds, they were often liable to be unte- 
 nable for a long season, from that very circumstance alone ; though 
 their situations amongst hills, subject to much wet, gave the de- 
 fenders of them a better chance in this respect, than they could have 
 had in other places. 
 
 One of the most important, and most considerable of these fast- 
 nesses, in our country ; is situated on a spot, that could not but be 
 
 * Annalium, lib. xii. sect. is. + Tour in Wales, p. 412. 
 
 i Quintus Curtius, lib. vii. c. 1 1 . 
 
20 
 
 an object of the utmost attention to the original inhabitants of those 
 territories, which afterwards were deemed distinctly England, and 
 Wales, from the very division here formed. 
 
 It is on the summit of one of the highest of the Malvern ridge of 
 hills ; and is now known by the name of the Herefordshire Beacon ; 
 commanding that which was once the only pass through them, from 
 the one side to the other ; and which indeed is very nearly so to 
 the present hour. 
 
 This has sometimes been called, without the least proof or reason 
 to form any such conclusion, a Roman camp. It has also been called 
 a Danish camp; with still less ground for any such conclusion. It 
 has been talked of as being Saxon. And, because the tradition of 
 the country still preserves the curious memorial of the fact, that 
 Owen Glendour, or Glyndwr, made use of it as one of the fastnesses, 
 to which he resorted in his distresses, (as he did to several of this 
 sort,*) it has been sometimes idly supposed, to be one of his works. 
 
 But the construction of the whole stronghold, shews it to have 
 been formed for a more important use than he, and his refugees, 
 could ever make of it. 
 
 Its extent is so great, as to shew it was designed for the security 
 of an whole adjacent country, on any emergency. 
 
 And the access to its summit is to this day so exceeding difficult; 
 that, almost for that reason alone, it has been so seldom accurately 
 surveyed. 
 
 A view of its appearance on the N E side, is placed as a Frontis- 
 piece to this Book. 
 
 PI. I. fig. 1. Is a plan of the roots, or foundation of the mountain ; 
 and of the several works formed on its sides and summit. 
 
 a Is the area of the camp ; on the very highest part. An irre- 
 gular oblong, of 1 7 5 feet in its longest diameter ; and 1 1 in 
 its shortest ; surrounded by an high steep vallum (or bank) of 
 stones and earth, now covered with turf ; and by a very deep 
 ditch on the outside. 
 
 b An exceeding large outwork adjoining ; situated much lower 
 
 * Of his being confined to fastnesses on hills ; see Pennant's account of this Chieftain, 
 in his Tour in Wales ; p. 3 5 9. 
 
21 
 
 down ; resembling a sort of bastion : and containing a large 
 area, for the stowage, and even pasturage of horses, and cattle; 
 and surrounded by another high bank, and deep ditch. This 
 lies S W by S of the upper camp. 
 c Another similar large area, of a bastion-like form, for the same 
 purpose ; and exactly on a level with the former ; situated 
 easterly; and also surrounded by an high bank, and ditch. 
 These two plains have manifestly been constructed with great 
 care ; every advantage having been taken of the natural form of the 
 hill, which has been levelled, in this part, as far as possible. A 
 narrow plain slip of land [d], formed beneath one side of the ditch 
 that surrounds the upper camp ; and secured by means of the same 
 high bank and ditch that surrounds the two bastion-like plains ; 
 unites both of them together. 
 
 The three shaded circular lines at eeee, represent other banks 
 and ditches, with steep slopes ; defending the sides of the 
 mountain, from all access. 
 P Shews the old pass into Herefordshire, from Worcestershire ; 
 
 now improved, and converted into a turnpike road. 
 R R The ridge of the rest of the Malvern hills ; running nearly 
 
 S W by S and N E by N. 
 JJJJf The foot, and roots of the hill on which this fortress is 
 situated. 
 
 PI. II. fig. t. Shews the appearance of this curious fortress; as seen 
 at a considerable distance, in the vale beneath, in Here- 
 fordshire. 
 
 Somewhat similar to this, is a fortress at BrufF, in Staffordshire; 
 which was visited by Mr. Pennant.* It is, as he describes it, placed 
 on the summit of an hill, surrounded by two deep ditches, and a 
 rampart formed of stone. + The area not of any regular shape, but 
 complying with the shape of the hill ; and having two of the cor- 
 ners projecting naturally, and forming a species of bastions. The only 
 approach crept up the steep sides of the hill, and divided about 
 midway, one branch to the right, and the other to the left. 
 
 * See his Journey from Chester, p. 47. 
 
 * i.e. Exactly agreeable to the description given by Tacitus, and before referred to. 
 
 G 
 
22 
 
 Mr. Pennant seems to adopt too readily the ordinary ideas of the 
 country ; that this stronghold was cast up by Kinred king of Mercia, 
 against Osred king of the Northumbrians : but consistently with his 
 own judicious observations in other places ; as well as from the 
 precise form of its construction ; it seems to have been of more 
 antient date; and truly an original British fortress. 
 
 We have more of the same kind, distinguished and taken notice 
 of by this curious traveller, and especially in his own country, than 
 by any other writer. And the enumerating some of the most distin- 
 guished of them, will perhaps help greatly to confirm the distinction 
 of these truly original strongholds, from those of subsequent ages. 
 
 Not far from Northop in Flintshire, a fortress of this kind, called 
 Moely Gaer, soars high above the road, on the summit of an hill. 
 It has a great fosse, and dike of a circular form ; and a small arti- 
 ficial mount within.* 
 
 On an hill not far from the Castle of Montgomery (and therefore 
 most certainly utterly needless, unless it had been long prior to the 
 erection of that castle), is another fortress; a stupendous British 
 post; guarded by four great ditches; besides two or three other 
 fosses across the hill, where it is least steep. + 
 
 And still another is distinguished by the name of Gaer Caradoc,% 
 near Longnor, in Shropshire ; having the first ditch and rampart, 
 in a part of the hill, where, from the exceeding steepness, they 
 seemed even totally unnecessary ; (which by the way is also the 
 case with some of the ramparts on the side of the Herefordshire 
 beacon;) and a little higher, a second ditch, with a vast agger of 
 stones, now sodded over: the area at the top being irregular, as 
 usual, and of pretty considerable extent. 
 
 Mr. Pennant was sufficiently convinced, that notwithstanding the 
 near resemblance of its name, this was not the place where Caractacus 
 was attacked by Ostorius ; but was at a loss where to ascertain that 
 spot; because of what is said of the adjoining river, by Tacitus. In 
 the additions to Camden, |j however, the Editor seems to have cleared 
 
 * Tour in Wales, p. 8! . + Ibid. Part II. p. 37s. J Ibid. p. 4 2 1 . 
 
 II Gough's Camden, Vol. II. p. 40J. Where is also added a rough sketch from Dug- 
 dale's Visitation of Shropshire. 
 
23 
 
 up this matter very well ; having shewn, that the true Caer Caradoc, 
 which, if not the royal seat of Caractacus, seems to have been at 
 least his fortress, during the war with the Romans, was in Shrop- 
 shire, two miles south of Clun, and three from Coxal. Being a large 
 camp ; three times as long as it is broad ; on the point of an hill ; 
 accessible only one way; and defended on the north side by very 
 deep double ditches, in the solid rock. Whilst on the east, the 
 steepness of the ground renders it impregnable. And on the south 
 it has only one ditch, for the same reason. And the principal en- 
 trance is on the west side; fenced with double works: whilst to 
 the south-west it is even fenced with treble works. We have here 
 therefore another instance of the true British style of fortifying. 
 
 But one of the most extraordinary of all these kind of fortresses ; 
 is one that seems to have been even an established stationary resi- 
 dence. And in which are found still remains of the foundations of 
 the most antient kind of buildings, used by the Britons. 
 
 It is situated in Caernarvonshire ; and is called Tre'r Caeri, or 
 the Town of the Fortresses." On the accessible side it was defended 
 by three rude walls of stones ; the upper ones being lofty, about 
 fifteen feet high, and sixteen broad; exhibiting a grand and exten- 
 sive front. The space on the top is an irregular area ; but the whole 
 is filled with, cells; some round, and some oval; (answering to those 
 which have before been mentioned, as described by Rowland;) and 
 some also are oblong, or square. Some of the round ones were 
 fifteen feet in diameter. Which brings to mind the Gallic houses 
 described by Strabo. And of those that were oblong, there was at 
 least one, even thirty feet in length. 
 
 Similar to this ; and even still more worthy of attention ; is the 
 celebrated fortress in Caernarvonshire, on the top of Penmaen Mawr; 
 the very existence of which, on account of the difficulty of access, 
 has been denied by some hasty, injudicious persons. 
 
 '* I have more than once visited," says Mr. Pennant ,+ " the 
 " summit of this noted rock, to view the fortifications described 
 " by the Editor of Camden, from some notes of that sensible old 
 
 * The plan and elevation of this antient stronghold and abode, is given by Mr. Pennant 
 in his Tour in Wales, Vol. II. p. 205. f Ibid. Vol. II. p. so6, J07. 
 
24 
 
 " Baronet Sir John Wynn of Gwedir ; and have found his account 
 "very just. The ascent is laborious. After leaving the inn, and 
 " passing a considerable way amidst small trees and brush wood, 
 " I attained the bare and stony part, or the Braich y Ddinas (i.e. the 
 " arms of the city) ; which rises in form of another hill out of this 
 " promontory, the height of which from the sands has been found 
 " to be 15 45 feet. 
 
 " After climbing for some space among the loose stones, the 
 " fronts of three, if not four walls presented themselves very dis- 
 " tinctly, one above the other. In most places the facings appeared 
 " very perfect; but all dry work. I measured the height of one 
 " wall, which was at the time nine feet; the thickness seven feet 
 " and an half. Between these walls, in all parts, were innumerable 
 " small buildings, mostly circular, and regularly faced within and 
 " without ; but not disposed in any certain order. These had been 
 " much higher, as is evident from the fall of stones, which lie scat- 
 " tered at their bottoms ; — (Sir John Wynn supposed they had once 
 " the form of towers;) — their diameter in general is from twelve to 
 " eighteen feet; but some were far less; not exceeding Jive feet . On 
 " the small area of the top had been a group of towers or cells, like 
 *' the former ; one in the centre, and five others surrounding it. 
 " Three are still distinct; of the two others are only faint vestiges. 
 " There are some appearances of there having been another similar 
 " group, at present reduced to a shapeless heap of stones. And 
 " near adjoining is a well cut in the live rock, and always filled 
 " with water supplied by the rains." 
 
 This is the substance of Mr. Pennant's description. And surely 
 the remains of the buildings being circular, and some of them not 
 exceeding Jive feet in diameter within, clearly shews that they were 
 the foundations of antient cells, bods, or huts, and not of towers as 
 Sir John Wynn supposed ; (which surely in such an inaccessible, 
 unfrequented place, would not have been thus thrown down and re- 
 duced; when towers, really such, have so defied every thing except 
 undermining, and the blasts of gunpowder, in situations of constant 
 access, and exposed to all the means of destruction.) 
 
 At the same time the surrounding walls being all dry work, shew 
 the fortress to have been British, according to the description given 
 
25 
 
 by Tacitus, of their usual mode of fortifying. And the appellation 
 Dinas, or Ddinas, shews it to have been professedly a fixed town, 
 or abode, according to Rowland's observation,* that the word is de- 
 rived from their Dinesu; i.e. from men's associating and bandying 
 together. 
 
 There is a representation of the top, and of one side of this very 
 antient fortress in the Archaeologia, + which is accompanied by an 
 ingenious memoir, wherein the author J conjectures that it was a 
 place consecrated to Druidical worship. And it is not at all impro- 
 bable but that a part of the summit might be reserved for such pur- 
 pose. But the manner in which the little circular foundations and 
 remains of buildings are clustered together, plainly shew that a part 
 also formed what its antient name imports ; a town ; and place of 
 retreat. The well of water, jj on this vast height, rendered it pecu- 
 liarly fit for such a purpose ; and the walls, though rude, and at first 
 sight, appearing low in their dimensions, are yet quite as strong as 
 those met with in many other hill fortresses. When the experiment 
 of climbing up upon them is attempted to be made, it sufficiently 
 shews how inaccessible they must have been to an enemy. 
 
 Of a similar kind is the old fortress of Carn Madryn, in Caernar- 
 vonshire ; which whatever its original age was, has been noted for 
 having been a stronghold of the sons of Owen Gwynedd ; Rode- 
 rick, and Malgwn, so lately as A. D. 1 1 7 0. For like Owen Glendwr, 
 who lived still some centuries later, he and his sons occupied occa- 
 sionally several of the more antient strongholds ; and amongst the 
 rest, one on the top of an hill called Pen y Pare, near Cegidoc or 
 St. George. § So true is it, that these sort of places not only were 
 strongholds, and fortresses in the earliest British times; but were 
 also deemed capable of being such even in much later ages. 
 
 Mr. Pennant describes Carn Madryn as being** a lofty, rocky, 
 insulated hill ; the bottom, sides, and top of which are filled with 
 cells, oblong, oval, or circular; once thatched or covered from the 
 inclemency of the weather: many of them being still pretty entire. 
 
 » Mona Anliqua, p. 25. t Vol. III. p. 3 05 . PI. XIV. p. 35 z. PI. XXIX. 
 
 i Governor Pownall. || Mentioned in the Archaeologia, Vol. III. p. 300. 
 
 { Tour inWaks.Vol.II. p. 3 3 6. Ibid. Vol.11, p. 194. 
 
 H 
 
26 
 
 The chieftains resided on the top of the hill : the inhabitants of the 
 adjacent country, with their cattle, in times of invasion, occupied 
 the sides, and bottom : and the whole summit was surrounded with 
 a wall, still visible in many places. 
 
 Of a like kind, he says, is the hill of Boduan, in Caernarvon- 
 shire, above Nefyn, covered with similar cells." 
 
 Some British strongholds, however, which remain pretty entire, 
 in other respects, have yet all the traces of their small bods quite 
 destroyed. Amongst which may be reckoned one little known, 
 on the summit of a high hill, two miles nearly north-west from 
 Brecknock, in South Wales. It is called Pen y Crug ; and is of 
 an oval figure, surrounded by three very deep and broad intrench- 
 ments. Mr. Strange + very justly observes it is one of the most cu- 
 rious, and best preserved remains of the kind throughout the whole 
 principality. 
 
 On a great eminence called Dims, near Llandudno, J Mr. Pen- 
 nant informs us, is a large enclosure. The edge of the hill is 
 surrounded with a rude wall ; and within are multitudes of small 
 circular hollows, about twelve feet in diameter, environed with walls, 
 such as are found on Trer Caeri. And near this place is a Maen 
 Sigl or rocking stone, a great one, whose point of contact with the 
 ground is so small as to make it moveable with the least touch. 
 Which antient remain, is alone the strongest proof that can be of the 
 British origin of the neighbouring fortress; and shews, that here 
 was also some part adjacent dedicated to religious rites ; as Mr. 
 Pownall supposed was the case at Penmaen Mawr. 
 
 The same was the case at Karnbre hill in Cornwall, so fully 
 described by Dr. Borlase ; || which still more nearly agrees even 
 with Caesar's description of a British town ; because here was once 
 a thick impenetrable wood. 
 
 This hill is high, and its area on the top is thick set with 
 karns or groups of rocks ; the spaces between and below which, 
 were even in the memory of the last generation filled with a 
 grove of oaks. Mow indeed there are no trees ; but the places 
 
 * TourinWaIes.Vol.il. p. 20;. t Archaeologia, Vol.1, p. !97. 
 
 % Tour in Wales, Vol. II. p. 33-. || In his Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 11;. 
 
27 
 
 where those trees were charked, or burnt into charcoal, are still to 
 be seen. 
 
 The summit is divided into two unequal areas ; one of which 
 still called the Old Castle, is surrounded by a wall similar to what 
 we have been describing elsewhere ; and is admitted by Dr. Borlase 
 to have been unquestionably, a fortress. And here again, near 
 adjoining, are found several circular foundations; which (although 
 Borlase calls them holy circles,*) seem plainly (at least some of 
 them) to have been mere foundations of such kind of circular dwell- 
 ings, or bods, as those met with in other remains of British towns, 
 and strongholds. 
 
 And whilst we are endeavouring to illustrate the true nature of 
 these aboriginal remains, by the examination of such as continue to 
 preserve sufficient traces of their original construction and impor- 
 tance ; it would be unpardonable not to mention the Catter-thuns, 
 in the shire of Angus, in Scotland: which are decidedly to be 
 reckoned amongst the most antient Caledonian strongholds ; coeval 
 with what we have been calling British posts. 
 
 They are thus described by Mr. Pennant, whose description I 
 shall beg leave to borrow, and make use of, nearly in his own 
 words. + 
 
 " After riding two miles on black and heathy hills, we ascended 
 " one divided into two summits; the higher named the white, the 
 " lower the black Catter-thun, from their different colours. Both are 
 " Caledonian posts ; and the first of most uncommon strength. It 
 " is of an oval form, made of a stupendous dike of loose white 
 " stones, whose convexity from the base within to that without, is 
 " a hundred and twenty-two feet. On the outside a hollow made 
 " by the disposition of the stones, surrounds the whole. Round the 
 " base is a deep ditch, and below that about a hundred yards, are 
 " vestiges of another, that went round the hill. The area within 
 " the stony mound is flat; the greater axis or length of the oval is 
 " four hundred and thirty -six feet; the transverse diameter, two 
 " hundred. Near the east side is the foundation of a rectangular 
 " building; and on most parts are the foundations of others small, 
 
 * Page 1 1 8. 
 
 t Tour in Scotland, Part II. p. 157. 
 
2S 
 
 " and circular: all which had once their superstructures, the shelter 
 " of the possessors of the post. There is also a hollow, now almost 
 " filled with stones, the well of the place. 
 
 " The other is called the Brown (or Black) Catter-thun, from the 
 " colour of the ramparts, which are composed only of earth. It is 
 " of a circular form, and consists of various concentric dikes. And 
 " on one side of this rises a small rill, which running down the 
 " hill has formed a deep gully. 
 
 " The literal translation of the word Catter-thun is Camp-town. 
 " And these posts are both of the same kind with that made by 
 " Caractacus, on the borders of North Wales. But the former of 
 " them is the most remarkable." 
 
 A representation of this aboriginal fortress in the north parts of 
 this island, as seen at a distance, is added in the same Plate with 
 that remarkable one which I have before described as existing in 
 the south part : See PI. II. fig. 2. 
 
 And a plan of it is given, PI. I. fig. 2. copied from Mr. Pennant's 
 very nearly ; the only difference being, that this is drawn entirely 
 as a plan, without any shading to make it appear like a bird's eye 
 view. 
 
 A somewhat similar British fortress, is to be seen on the top of 
 an hill, near the valley of Glen-elg in Inverness shire.* It is diked 
 round with stone, and in the middle is the vestige of a circular 
 enclosure. 
 
 And there is another, now called Wardlaw, in the county of 
 Dumfries. It is on the top of a small hill, and surrounded with 
 two fosses. + And in a morass called Lockermoss, a very little dis- 
 tance from it, was dug up in 1 7 36, an antient canoe, used by the 
 first rude inhabitants of these parts ; which (like the rocking stones 
 before mentioned,) bears testimony to the high antiquity of these 
 neighbouring aboriginal strongholds; shewing that the near adja- 
 cent country was certainly occupied in the earliest ages. 
 
 The canoe that was dug up in 1 7 36, was seven feet long, and 
 dilated to a considerable breadth at one end. And its paddle was 
 found at the same time in the morass near to it. 
 
 * Pennant's Voyage to the Hebrides, p. 3 3 6. + Ibid. p. 9 5 
 
Another, hollowed out of a solid tree, and of the same kind, was 
 seen in the same neighbourhood by Mr. Pennant, near Kilblain;* 
 it was eight feet eight inches in length, and two feet in breadth, 
 having a cavity of six feet seven inches in length, and of eleven 
 inches in depth, the hollow of which had plainly been formed ori- 
 ginally by means of fire, in the very same manner as the Indians 
 of America formed their canoes : t so nearly are the first rude efforts 
 of human industry almost unavoidably similar, even in very remote 
 countries. 
 
 And as these two canoes bear testimony to the antiquity of the 
 neighbouring fortress ; so we are not without instances of cosval 
 remains, supporting this sort of testimony, in the more southern 
 parts of this island. 
 
 For besides others that might be mentioned ; in the year J 7 20, 
 there were several canoes, very similar to these, dug up in the 
 marshes of the river Medway, above Maidstone; made of trees 
 which were hollowed. And one of them was so perfectly pre- 
 served, as to be actually used for a boat some time after it was 
 dug up, J 
 
 So on draining Martins Meer, \\ or Marton Lake, in Lancashire, 
 a few years ago, there were found sunk at the bottom eight canoes; 
 each made of a single tree ; which there is every reason to believe 
 were used by the antient Britons in fishing upon this lake ; and 
 which, in size and shape, were much like the American canoes. 
 
 Beverley's account of the method which the Indians of Virginia 
 used for constructing these sort of vessels, is so curious, that I cannot 
 omit to insert it : and the rather venture even to describe the whole 
 process at large ; because it flings great light upon another most 
 singular circumstance, often observed with regard to our own peat 
 grounds, and morasses : (viz.) that many of the old stumps, and 
 bottoms of large trees found therein, appear to have been burnt 
 down with fire. A circumstance which seems to indicate, that the 
 trees themselves had been felled by the aboriginal inhabitants of 
 
 * Voyage to the Hebrides, p. 9 4 . + See a faithful representation by Thomas Harriot, 
 in De Brie s publication of his drawings. See also Beverley's History of Virginia. 
 X Description of England, Vol. V. p. 128. 
 II Leigh, I. p. u. Cough's Camden, VoLIH. p. us. 
 
 I 
 
30 
 
 this island, nearly in the very same manner as the trees by the 
 Indians in Virginia. 
 
 " They bring down a great tree, (says Beverley/) by making 
 " a small fire round the root, and keeping the flame from running 
 " upward, until they burn away so much of the basis, that the least 
 " puff of wind throws it down. When it is prostrate, they burn 
 11 it off to what length they would have it, and with their stone 
 " tomahawks, break off all the bark, which when the sap runs will 
 " easily strip, and at other times also will come off when well 
 " warmed by fire. When it is brought to a due length, they raise 
 " it upon a bed to a convenient height for their working, and then 
 " begin by gentle fires to hollow it, and with scrapers rake the 
 " trunk, and turn away the fire from one place to another, till they 
 " have deepened the belly of it to their desire : thus also they 
 " shape the ends, till they have made it a fit vessel for crossing the 
 " water ; and this they call.a canoe, one of which I have seen thirty 
 " feet long." + 
 
 In Perthshire, in Scotland, in the division called Athol, in the 
 parish of Mouline, on the top of a great eminence, are the remains 
 of a vast enclosure; a stronghold, of the same nature with that in 
 Glen-elg. % The form tends to an oval ; the greatest length is three 
 hundred and sixty-feet; and the breadth one hundred and twenty. 
 
 We now ought to mention some of those extraordinary fortresses, 
 which from certain very striking circumstances in their appearance, 
 have been supposed by Mr. Williams, and Mr. Anderson, who 
 examined them very attentively, to have had their walls, or rather 
 banks, artificially vitrified; but which Mr. Pennant, and Mr. Cordiner 
 (who also saw them), concluded to be either remains of antient vol- 
 canic hills converted to this use ; or at least to have had their valla, 
 
 * Hist, of Virginia, p. 19 8. 
 
 tit ought however to be remembered ; that besides heavy ones, of timber, (which may be 
 called log-canoes,) the Britons had a still lighter kind of boat, made of osiers, and the flexible 
 branches of trees, and covered with skins; which were still in use in Ctesar's time; who 
 informs us, that he even transported an army over a river in Spain, in boats made in imi- 
 tation of them. They were also, we are informed, so light, that they might easily be carried 
 in carts. See Cssar de Bello. Civ. lib. i. sect, it, Plinii Hist. Nat. lib. vii. sect. 57. 
 and lib. iv. cap. 16. sect. 3 0. 
 
 X Pennant's Tour in Scotland, Part II. p. 53. 
 
31 
 
 or banks, constructed of the lava of volcanos collected from some 
 adjacent parts. 
 
 Leaving the controversy to be supported by the ingenious dis- 
 sertations that have been written to clear up this matter,* we may 
 just remark ; that even if the bank or vallum was actually vitrified, 
 it required no great degree of civilization or skill, to melt down, 
 amongst the stones of which the bank was composed, masses of that 
 particular kind of earthy iron ore of a very vitrescible nature ; 
 which we are told much abounds in that neighbourhood, and 
 through all the northern parts of Scotland. 
 
 " The fortresses of this kind," Mr. Anderson says, " for the most 
 " part, surround a small area on the top of some steep conical hill 
 " of very difficult access. + One of the most remarkable of them, 
 " in particular, called Knock-ferrel, two miles west from Dingwal, 
 " in Ross-shire, is situated on the summit of a very steep and 
 " high hill, of a longish form, and therefore rising into a sort of 
 " ridge at top, long in proportion to its breadth. Hence, when it 
 " is viewed at a distance, opposite to either end, it appears of a 
 " perfect conical form, very beautiful in its proportions ; but when 
 " it is seen on one side, one of the ends appears plainly to be much 
 " steeper than the other: and at that end where the declivity is 
 " the least steep is the access, by a narrow path, on which you 
 " may ascend to the top even on horseback. The fortress on this 
 " summit consists of a long elliptical area, of near an acre of 
 " ground, which is entirely level, except towards each end, where 
 " it declines and falls a little lower than in the middle; and where 
 " are the two entrances. The one defended by eight or more cross 
 " banks, extending about an hundred yards," as Mr. Anderson 
 apprehended; " the other, where the hill is steeper, defended 
 " only by two or three such banks, extending about twenty yards.J 
 " This area is surrounded entirely, except at the entrances, by a 
 
 * See the Archaeologia, Vol.V. p. 25 5. Vol. VI. p. 8 8. And a pamphlet in octavo 
 by Mr. John Williams, entitled, " An Account of some remarkable Antient Ruins lately 
 " discovered in the Highlands, and Northern Parts of Scotland. In a series of Letters. 
 And Cordiner's Antiquities of Scotland, p. is, 13, n, 49. And Pennant's Tour in 
 Scotland, Vol.11, p. 165. 
 
 + Archaeologia, Vol. V. p. a55. J Ibid. p. S56. 
 
32 
 
 " steep sloping bank or vallum, so exactly adapted to the form of 
 " the hill, as to stand on the very brink of a precipice all round : 
 " and to appear even a continuation of the steep slope of the hill.* 
 " On cutting through this bank, it appeared to be composed of rub- 
 " bish, and loose stones, and superincumbent earth, like any other 
 " mound ; butt on the outside sloping part, it was found to have 
 " a crust of about two feet in thickness, consisting of stones im- 
 " mersed among vitrified matter; some of the stones being half fused 
 " themselves, and the rest of them having evidently suffered a con- 
 " siderable heat. But the stones in the interior substance of the 
 " bank beneath this crust, and in the part next the inward area, 
 " did not seem to have been affected at all. 
 
 " Such was the strange appearance of the construction of this 
 " vallum. In other respects it is exactly like that of other British 
 "fortresses: and," as the ingenious author of this account ob- 
 serves, " composed of large loose stones; not merely for the sake 
 " of forming a steep vallum to prevent the approach of an enemy, 
 " but because (being on the brink of a precipitous steep), no 
 " weapon could well have been so destructive to an assailant, as a 
 " stone rolled down the hill. 
 
 " In some other of these fortresses, the supposed vitrification was 
 " perceived to be on the inside." J 
 
 Let us attend to a few plain facts, by way of elucidating this 
 matter, if possible, a little more fully. 
 
 Strabo has told us, that the walls of British towns and fortresses, 
 in the plain and Lowland parts of the country, were constructed of 
 trees hewn down, and made to form a fence; || and if so, we may 
 surely conclude, that even in the hills, wherever timber could with- 
 out difficulty be obtained, trees were also made use of, at least in 
 part, to construct the banks and fences round the summits of their 
 strongholds. It is most probable, that trees and wood were at first 
 laid in such valla or banks, to bind the stones and earth the more 
 firmly together ; and to enable the Britons, or Caledonians, to raise 
 those banks the higher. And in that case nothing is more obvious, 
 
 * Archaeologia, p. 257. + Ibid. p. 259. % Ibid. Vol. VI. p. !8. 
 
 || Strabo. lib. iv. p. 200. 
 
33 
 
 than that such walls were capable of being set on fire by an enemy. 
 And if they were once set on fire, and there should chance to have 
 been any of the earthy iron ore of a vitrescible nature, with which 
 the neighbouring country abounded (and which Mr. Anderson men- 
 tions), mixed with the stone and timber, though by mere accident, 
 and only as a material ready at hand, the vitrified mass so much the 
 object of attention now, would easily have been produced, without 
 any design on the part of the original architects. 
 
 That other still more antient walls were actually of this sort of con- 
 struction has been most judiciously taken notice of by Mr. Harmer ; * 
 who says moreover, that the building walls partly of stones, and partly 
 of other materials, continues to be a practice in the East to this very 
 day. 
 
 Even the magnificent and finished wall of the outer court of the 
 Temple of Solomon, was built with three rows of hewed stones, and 
 then a row of cedar beams : and so was the wall of the inner court.+ 
 And again ; when the walls were rebuilt, after the captivity, it was 
 with three rows of great stones, and a row of new timber. J 
 
 And from this sort of construction, with materials so mixed, in a 
 much ruder manner, we may be able to account not only for vitrified 
 remains, but also for what the prophet Amos says, concerning the 
 sending afire on the wall of Gaza; || and kindling a fire in the wall of 
 Rabbah, $ in the day of battle, when their king should go into captivity. 
 
 We have a remarkable instance, mentioned by Josephus,** of a 
 strong inner wall, built by the Jews, when Masada was besieged ; 
 which was constructed of rows of great beams laid cross and cross, 
 in an artificial manner, with earth and rubbish flung in to fill up 
 the cavities ; this wall could not be affected by the battering ram, 
 which had destroyed the outward one. Flavius Silva, the Roman 
 general, therefore, found no other means of destroying it but by fire ; 
 which at last accomplished its ruin. And had any of the earth 
 and materials thrown in consisted at all of such sort of clay as has 
 been just mentioned, there cannot be a doubt but that the ruins of 
 
 * In his Observations on divers passages of Scripture, Vol. III. p. 93, 9<. 
 + 1 Kings, ch. vii. ver. 11, 12. % Ezra, ch. vi. ver. i . | Amos. ch. i. ver. I . 
 § Ibid. ver. 1 4 , 15. .« De Bello Jud. lib. vii. cap. 8. sec. 2. J. 
 
 K 
 
34 
 
 this wall would have formed a vitrified bank, exactly of the same 
 kind with the vitrified walls we have been describing. 
 
 These facts therefore may very plainly account, at least in a de- 
 gree, (or the vitrified walls of some of the old Caledonian strongholds, 
 which in other respects so nearly resembled the strongholds in Wales, 
 and other hilly parts of this island. 
 
 And we may the rather attribute the appearance to some such 
 cause ; when we consider, that the first and most antient walls of the 
 Acropolis at Athens, were merely of wood ; as appears from the mis- 
 apprehension of the oracle in the time of Xerxes." 
 
 And that, in later ages, there is every reason to believe, some of 
 the antient Welch castles had also walls merely of wood.+ 
 
 It remains only to be added, that two more of these vitrified for- 
 tifications are to be seen in Galloway. % 
 
 To proceed then with the consideration of other British fortresses 
 in our own country. 
 
 Warton Cragg, in Lancashire, may justly be deemed another 
 British stronghold. It is fully described by Mr. Hutchinson, in 
 the Archaeologia; where is also a representation of it. || 
 
 This fortress is on a lofty conical eminence, terminating obtusely ; 
 in height near one thousand feet above the level of the sea ; in the 
 bay called by Ptolemy the Bay of Morecamb. The ascent from the 
 north is gradual, by a ridge of land ; on every other side the cliffs 
 are rugged, and almost perpendicular; so that the summit of the 
 hill is unassailable but from the northern quarter. The crown of 
 the hill forms a plain upwards of two hundred paces in diameter, of 
 a circular form. In order to improve this natural stronghold, and 
 indeed to render it impregnable, the Britons erected three walls: 
 the first, or uppermost wall, runs from the brink of the cliff s, on the 
 south-east point, where the eminence begins to slope to the north- 
 ward, along the edge of the plain, forming an extensive area, almost 
 circular; the cliffs comprehending three hundred paces, and the 
 wall three hundred and thirty-six paces. The ruins of this wall fill 
 ten paces in width, and where the facings of both sides of the wall 
 
 * Herodotus Wesselingii ed. lib. 7, 14 2. p. 5 6S. 
 
 + See Pennant's Tour in Wales, p. 3 7 7 , 3 7 s. X See an account of them in the 
 
 Archaeologia, Vol. X. p. hi. [I Vol. IX. Pi. XV. p. 212, 213. 
 
35 
 
 are discovered, it shews ten feet in thickness. There are two open- 
 ings in this wall about six paces wide, and nearly at equal distances, 
 dividing the three hundred and thirty-six paces of the wall into 
 three portions. No mortar has been used in this or any of the walls 
 of the fortress. The surface of the area is rugged, and in most parts 
 rocky. Near the north-east gate, or opening, is a large circular 
 cavity, about twenty paces diameter, which seems to have been 
 designed as a reservoir for water. From the uppermost circumval- 
 lation, at the distance of twenty paces, a second wall commences, at 
 the edges of the inferior cliffs and precipices, and runs parallel with 
 the former wall. The ruins of this wall are considerably less than 
 the other. There are two gates, or openings, in the second wall, 
 not opposite to those of the inner one, but inclining more to the 
 north and west. At the distance of forty paces, is a third or outward 
 wall, also commencing at the edges of the cliffs, and running parallel 
 to the other walls. The ruins of this wall are not so immense as 
 those of the uppermost, though they are much more considerable 
 than those of the middle wall. In this outward wall there are three 
 gates, or openings ; one near the centre, commanding the ridge of 
 the hill, by which the fortress was most accessible; and two side 
 gates almost opposite to those in the uppermost wall. And not far 
 from this outward vallum are scattered very many small tumuli of 
 an oval figure. And as a still farther proof of the British origin of 
 this fortress; in its neighbourhood, on a range of rocks a little way 
 to the north-west of it, and much below its walls, are three rocking 
 stones, placed in a right line, north and south, at equal distances, 
 about forty feet asunder. 
 
 Another remarkable fortress that, both from its name, and form, 
 may well be concluded to have been British, is Old Oswestry, or Hen 
 Ddinas, or Caer Ogyrfcm, in Shropshire (for it has all these appella- 
 tions. 
 
 It is situated on an insulated eminence of an oblong form,* which 
 has been fortified with much art. The top is an extensive area, con- 
 taining fifteen acres, three roods, and eight perches of fertile ground, 
 surrounded with two ramparts and fosses of great heights and depths. 
 At a distance from these, at the foot of the hill, is another deep fosse 
 
 * Pennant's Tour in Wales, p. ss 8. 
 
36 
 
 which surrounds the whole, and ends (as do the two others) at the 
 two entrances ; which are placed diagonally, opposite to each other. 
 On the slope of the hill, on both sides of one entrance, are a range 
 of deep oblong trenches, running transversely between the second 
 ditch and another, which seems to be designed for their immediate 
 protection ; for the first extends no further than these trenches ; the 
 other to no great distance beyond them. Tradition says this place 
 was the last retreat of the Britons.* And it is no small confirmation 
 of its high antiquity, that a curious circular wooden shieldt was dug 
 up some years ago in its area. This shield was about eleven inches 
 and two-thirds in diameter, bound round with iron, and covered with 
 iron net work, and having the inside lined with three coats of leather, 
 and furnished with an handle, or strap, to pass over the arm; as the 
 outside had an umbo four inches long, terminating in a point from 
 the centre. 
 
 As there are such strong reasons for concluding this last fortress 
 in Shropshire to be British ; so also there are sufficient grounds for 
 believing that the high hill, which is seen near Warnford, in Hamp- 
 shire, J with a fortification of this sort at the top, called Old Winches- 
 ter, was indeed the very original British town, in this part, from 
 whence the present city of Winchester derived its existence, and 
 subsequent importance; just as Salisbury succeeded Old Sarum. 
 
 And there being at Warnford a most curious structure, mani- 
 festly of the highest antiquity of almost any remaining in this 
 island, if we are to judge from the style of its architecture ; we may 
 even from thence also § deduce some additional proof of the still 
 greater antiquity and importance of the pre-existing, and near ad- 
 joining stronghold. 
 
 The well known fortress also on Gogmagog hills, in Cambridge- 
 shire, called Vandlebury, || I may venture to say was most undoubt- 
 
 * See Gough's Camden, Vol. II. p. ttl; and a plan of Oswestry, PI. XII. Fig. 11. 
 P- * *- + This shield was engraved by the Society of Antiquaries in 17 63 . SeeVe- 
 
 tusta Monumenta, Vol. II. PI. XX. Fig. fi, 7, 8, kc. 
 
 t Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. 120. 
 
 $ This building is most accurately described by Mr. Wyndham, in the Archaeologia, 
 Vol. V. p. 357, where are views, and a plan of the whole. 
 II Gough's Camden, Vol. II. p. ua. 
 
37 
 
 edly British. It is triple trenched, with two ditches, rudely cir- 
 cular, two hundred and forty-six paces in diameter, formed just as 
 the British manner was ; and the Roman road passing by it, from 
 the brow of the hill, seems to have been caused to pass this way 
 merely on account of this aboriginal fortress. 
 
 So again a stronghold near Seasdon, in Staffordshire, which is 
 mentioned by Dr. Plott,* as situated upon the edge of Shropshire, 
 at a place called Ape-wood Castle, seems most obviously to have 
 been an antient British post. It stands, according to his description, 
 on a very lofty round promontory, commanding a vast prospect ; 
 and having the whole steep ridge, between it and Chapshill, for a 
 mile together, all along cut into ditches, or hollows in the ground. 
 Dr. Plott himself was persuaded it was a British work ; but as I 
 never saw it, I cannot presume to form a decided opinion, although 
 it would be an omission, on this occasion, not to make some mention 
 of it. 
 
 And now I must add further, that notwithstanding the arguments 
 adduced by Dr. Borlase, to prove those which he calls Hill Castles, 
 in Cornwall, to have been constructed by the Danes, I cannot but 
 conclude some of them, in like manner, to have been decidedly Bri- 
 tish ; as I am persuaded he himself would have done, if he had been 
 acquainted with the manyfortresses, of a construction exactly similar, 
 in Wales, and in Scotland, and in some parts where the Danes had 
 no access that we know of; and where at least they could have no 
 leisure to rear works of such labour, which would have been to them 
 of so little use, even according to Dr. Borlase's own method of rea- 
 soning. 
 
 And I do the rather remain most fully persuaded, that these Hill 
 Castles were British: 
 
 First. Because they are so totally different from those others; 
 which for the plainest and most satisfactory reasons, + Dr. Borlase 
 saw clearly were truly Danish. 
 
 Secondly. Because he himself was convinced that the reasons 
 usually assigned for these being Danish were very unsatisfactory. J 
 
 * History of Staffordshire, p. 3 9 7 . -f Borlase, 3 45, 3 4 0. 
 
 % Ibid. 3 4 8. 
 
 L 
 
ss 
 
 Thirdly. Because the original names of many of them are truly 
 British.* 
 
 Fourthly. Because they are in a part of the island, to which the 
 aboriginal Britons were driven to have recourse, in the same manner 
 as they were driven for shelter at last into Wales ; and we may be 
 assured therefore that they not only previously knew of strong British 
 posts and fortresses in this part, but would also afterwards render 
 the whole country as strong as possible ; which accounts for these 
 hill strongholds being so many of them in sight of one another, in 
 a continued chain ;+ just in the same manner as they are found to 
 be both in Wales, J and amongst the old Caledonians in Scotland. 
 
 Fifthly. Because they so exactly correspond with the description 
 of British strongholds on hills, given by Tacitus ; || to which also 
 Caesar originally remarked they had recourse, as well as to their 
 woods. $ 
 
 And sixthly. Because they so exactly resemble the British fortresses 
 we have already been describing ; and all those concerning which 
 there cannot possibly remain the least doubt; and agree with them, 
 even in the circumstance of the little circular foundations, and low 
 walls for the British huts, being still remaining on some of them. 
 
 To elucidate these particulars, I shall beg leave to add the descrip- 
 tions of two or three, almost in Dr. Borlase's own words. 
 
 On the top of an high hill, in the parish of Sancred, is a circular 
 fortification, called Caer-lran** consisting first of a deep ditch, fif- 
 teen feet wide, edged with stone, through which you pass to the 
 first or outward vallum, which is of earth, fifteen feet high. Within 
 this vallum, passing another large ditch, about fifteen yards wide, 
 you come to a rude stone wall, which quite rounded the top of the 
 hill, and seems to have been of considerable strength ; though it 
 now lies like a ridge of disorderly stones. The diameter of the 
 whole is ninety paces, and in the centre of all is a little circle. 
 
 Castleandinas, in the parish of Ludgvan, in Cornwall, is another 
 of these fortresses. It consisted of two stone walls, built one within 
 the other, in a circular form, surrounding the area of the hill. 
 
 * Borlase, p. 3 4 9. t Ibid. p. J4S. J Pennant's Tour in Wales, p. 4 13 . 
 
 II Annalium, lib. xii. cap. 33. { De Bello Gallico, lib. v. sec. 11. 
 
 «* Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 346. PI. XXIX. Fig l. 
 
.39 
 
 The ruins are now fallen on each side the walls, and shew the 
 work to have been of great height and thickness ; there was also a 
 third and outmost wall, built more than half way round. Within 
 the walls are many little enclosures, of a circular form, about seven 
 yards diameter, with little walls round them, of two and three feet 
 high ; which appear plainly to have been huts, and habitations. 
 The diameter of the area of the fort, from east to west, is four hun- 
 dred feet ; and the principal graff, or ditch, is sixty feet wide. 
 Towards the south the sides of this mountain are marked by two 
 large green paths, about ten feet wide, which have been visibly 
 cleansed by art of their natural roughness, for the more convenient 
 approach to this garrison. Near the middle of its area is a well, 
 almost choaked with its own ruins ; and at a little distance, a 
 narrow pit, its sides walled round ; probably dug for water also, 
 but now filled with rubbish. 
 
 This fortress is on the highest hill in the hundred of Penwith ; 
 and as to construction does not materially differ from Caer-bran. And 
 surely every one who compares the account of it, given by Borlase,* 
 with that which has been previously inserted of the Herefordshire 
 Beacon, must perceive that they were both clearly of the same kind 
 of construction. 
 
 Further; on the top of Bartine hill, in the parish of St. Just, in 
 Cornwall, may be seen a circular mound of earth, but with little or 
 no ditch ; and which perhaps was never finished.t But yet, within 
 this enclosure was sunk a well, now filled up ; and near the centre, 
 are three small circles, edged with stones pitched on end, and con- 
 tiguous to each other ; the northernmost nine yards in diameter, the 
 others seven. % 
 
 The celebrated work also, called Maiden Castle, in Dorsetshire, 
 although commonly supposed to be Roman,]] y et there is the strongest 
 reason to believe was originally British. For it is not easily to be 
 imagined, that the Romans would have been at the inconceivable 
 labour of erecting mud walls of so astonishing a magnitude, in such 
 a spot, when they were so well acquainted with the great prefer- 
 
 * Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 3 47 . t Ibid. p. 3 4 6. % Ibid. PI. XXIX. Fig. 1. 
 || See a representation of it in Gougli's Additions to Camden, Vol. I. p. 5 0. 
 
40 
 
 ence of stone ramparts, used by them in so many other places. And 
 it is no less unaccountable, that they should, contrary to their usual 
 mode, prefer such a barbarous and irregular form. Neither can any 
 satisfactory reason be assigned, why no Roman bricks, or coins have 
 ever been found here, when so many are found at Maumbury, a 
 much inferior work, near Dorchester. 
 
 To which I may add, that here also, near the south entrance, has 
 been found the mouth of a cavern ; a peculiarity that coincides with 
 some aboriginal hill fortresses, but not with any of those of the Ro- 
 mans. And indeed, the manner in which the whole interior part is 
 divided as it were into two camps ; by a ditch and vallum running 
 across ; (whilst each camp has its proper entry , with perplexed banks^ 
 and ditches, like those at Old Sarum) ; corresponds much more 1 
 nearly to the different spaces contrived, for the cattle of the coun- 
 try, and for the armed men, on the Herefordshire Beacon; and on 
 the Catterthun: and on some other British fortresses ; than with the 
 separation of a Roman prastorium from the rest of a Roman camp ; 
 which subdivision we always find was made by them in a very 
 different manner. 
 
 ^ From these circumstances therefore, together with the near ad- 
 joining situation of a vast number of tumuli, and barrows, reaching 
 for near ten miles, and very different from any works of theRomans, 
 we may conclude Maiden Castle to have been a British fortress.* 
 
 The appearance of its ditches ;+ its entrances somewhat resembling 
 those at Old Sarum ; and every thing about it, are British. And the 
 Via Icmiana running within a mile of it, only shews that such a 
 strong and original British post determined the Romans to bring a 
 road this way. They might also, indeed, when conquerors, find it 
 not inconvenient for a military post ; and might therefore make some 
 use of it, as they doubtless did of several other British fortresses : but 
 how unlike was the whole of the construction here, to that at Rich- 
 borough ? which lattermust have been one of their first establishments 
 on this island ; and which gives us decidedly their general plan. 
 
 And whilst we are enumerating these remarkable British remains, 
 
 ' See some investigation of this matter in the Gentleman's Magazine for ,7 87, p. 754. 
 + See apian of it in Cough's Camden, Vol. I. p. so. PI. II. 
 
41 
 
 we cannot but recollect that called Maiden Bower, not far from Dun- 
 stable ; although it was a place of much Inferior strength to many 
 of those already mentioned. It consists of a large circular area of 
 about nine acres, on the very summit of the chalk hills. Camden' 
 very justly observes, that it is a round military fortification, such as 
 Strabo has told us the British towns were. The vallum or bank is 
 from eight to fourteen feet high, and to the south and east it has no 
 ditch. On the north-west side is the descent to the meadows. The 
 barrows in the neighbourhood of Dunstable confirm the reality of 
 its British origin ; and there can be very little doubt, but that this 
 fortress was afterwards the very place called Magmtum by the Em- 
 peror Antoninus, in his Itinerary, from whence at last Dunstable 
 derived its existence, on an adjacent spot, in the reign of Henry I. 
 
 Besides all these fortresses, which remain in a state so little altered, 
 we find others that were as unquestionably British ; where yet, in 
 later ages, either buildings of stone have been erected, or the names 
 have been changed. 
 
 Amongst these, Craig y Dinas, in Merionethshire, deserves notice. 
 There we find upon an high summit of an hill, surrounded with a 
 vast heap of stones, the ruins of a wall, which in many parts re- 
 tains a regular and even facing. One of those kinds which were 
 the first deviations from the quite rude ramparts of loose stones ; and 
 prior to the improvement of masonry by the use of mortar. And 
 here we also find an oblique artificial entrance, with stone facings 
 on both sides; and near this entrance two ramparts of stone. + 
 
 And amongst these also may be classed Billington Bury; on 
 which the antient castle of Stafford is supposed to have been si- 
 tuated : % and Castle-hill, on the verge of Cank heath, in the same 
 county, which Mr. Pennant justly concludes (contrary to Dr. Plott's 
 idea) to have been a work much more antient than the time of King 
 Canute. || 
 
 Hunsborough Hill also, in Northamptonshire, may fairly be 
 allowed (contrary to the received opinion), to have been a British 
 
 * Gibson's Camden, p. s 90 . Gough's edition, Vol. I. p. 3 25 , 531. 
 t See Pennant's Tour in Wales, and Journey to Snowdon, p. ! 9. 
 t See his Journey from Chester, p. 77. || Ibid. p. 97, 98 . 
 
 M 
 
42 
 
 post, and not a Danish work of the beginning of the tenth century, 
 or about 92 I. For it is hardly probable that the Danes (who were 
 in possession of Northampton in 917) would raise such a kind of 
 work so near their much stronger quarters.* 
 
 So I must add Mowslow Castle, on the top of a very high hill, in 
 the parish of Glossop, in the county of Derby, appears much rather 
 to have been originally a British, than a Saxon fortress ; notwith* 
 standing its present name may seem to be derived from a name 
 given it in Saxon times : and though it may have been surrounded 
 with a wall.+ Its figure shews it plainly to have been originally a 
 British fortress. It is on a lofty summit; and consists of an area of 
 several acres, encompassed by three large ditches. The ascent is on 
 the south-west side, where the slope is easiest ; and there the strong- 
 est works, or banks, were raised. On all other parts the hill is ex- 
 ceedingly steep. 
 
 Caergwrle also, on the summit of a great rock, in the parish of 
 Hope, in Flintshire; notwithstanding it had afterwards a round 
 tower built upon it, and deep fosses, cut through the rock itself; 
 has round its verge the vestiges of a rampart of earth, and stones, 
 and a fosse of such a kind as was usual in the British posts. J 
 
 But one of the most remarkable is a rock called Delvin or Inch- 
 stuthel, in the great plain of Stormont, a part of Strathmore, in Scot- 
 land. 
 
 It seems to have been possessed successively, by the antient Ca- 
 ledonians, or original British people; by the Picts ; by the Ro- 
 mans; and by the Scots, from age to age; having now at last a 
 modern mansion upon it. |] 
 
 The situation of this house is of strange singularity; on a flat 
 of a hundred and fifty-four Scotch acres ; regularly steep on every 
 side, and in every part of equal height; that is, about sixty feet 
 above the great plain of Stormont, in which it stands. On this 
 elevated flat we find vestiges of just such a dike, as the most antient 
 uncivilized people used by way of fortification ; a mound of stones 
 
 * Journey to Chester, p. 3 2 3 . + Archaeologia, Vol. V. p. 8 9. 
 
 % Tour in Wales, p. 4 i . || It is not a great way either from Dunkeld, or 
 
 Perth. In Mr. Pennant's Tour in Scotland, Part II. p. 67 , is a plan of the whole. 
 
4.3 
 
 and earth running all round the margin of the steep in every part ■ 
 and remaining in many places entire ; although rendered less visible 
 in others. The stones of which it is composed, appear not to have 
 been found upon the spot ; but to have been brought from a place 
 two miles distant, where quarries of the same kind are now to be 
 met with. 
 
 In a part of this strange elevated plain of rock, where it begins 
 to grow narrow at one corner, a dike crosses the ground from margin 
 to margin. This seems to have been a sort of outwork against 
 an enemy; and within this, nearer the precipice, at the corner, a 
 portion has been cut ofF for the original stronghold ; defended by 
 five great dikes, and as many deep fosses. Here not only the Cale- 
 donians, but the Picts afterwards, and then the first Scots, unques- 
 tionably defended themselves ; and on the remaining larger part of 
 this extraordinary insulated rock, even the Romans formed a square 
 camp ; of which there are some remains.* Delvin seems also for- 
 merly to have had a further security, of which time hath divested 
 it; for there is every reason to believe, both from the antient name, 
 Inch-sluthel (or the isle of Tuthel), and from several appearances, that 
 the river Tay once entirely environed this insulated elevation. In the 
 plain of Stormont, near adjoining, are several small barrows ; an ad- 
 ditional proof surely, if such were wanted, of the great antiquity of 
 this fortress. 
 
 Such as we have been describing are the remains of the first rude 
 efforts of human industry; urged on, by fear and necessity, to form 
 munitions, in this country, against wild beasts, and against as savage 
 men. Munitions whose natural strength and firmness was so great, 
 that the caution, skill, and experience of Paulinus, of Agricola, and 
 of other Roman commanders, soon taught them not to attack, unne- 
 cessarily, these dernier resorts; these nearly inaccessible strongholds. 
 
 We read in antient annals, however, of fierce attempts in other 
 regions; where, before such consummate and dear bought experi- 
 ence took place, these aboriginal strongholds were attacked and 
 
 * Particular notice has been taken of this, since these sheets were written, by General 
 Roy (in his Military Antiquities, p. 75) ; who perceiving strong remains of Roman works, 
 of a subsequent age, seems too much to have lost sight of the nature of the original strong- 
 hold. 
 
44 
 
 stormed, with great loss; and, unless by surprise, to very little pur- 
 pose. We shall have occasion to mention some of these adventures. 
 But before we quit the notice of British forecast and caution, it may 
 not be amiss just to mention, as a matter of some little additional 
 curiosity; that from certain remains still existing, they seem also 
 to have devised some other means of more ordinary refuge, than 
 these great strongholds just described: and also hiding places for 
 their stores; as other nations on the Continent did, in a similar 
 manner, long before them. 
 
 For there are certain subterraneous rude pits and caverns still 
 remaining, in different parts of this island, which so nearly resemble 
 those mentioned by Tacitus, as being frequently made by the Ger- 
 mans, that it is almost impossible to avoid concluding that they were 
 formed for the same purposes, by the first colonizers of this country. 
 
 Tacitus tells us," " that the Germans were accustomed to dig 
 " subterraneous caverns, and then to cover them over above with 
 " much loose earth (or compost) ; forming hereby a refuge from 
 ' ' storm, and a receptacle for corn ; because by means of such sort of 
 ' ' places they resist the frost. And besides, if at any time an enemy 
 " comes; the open country is plundered, but these concealed and 
 " deep sunk dens, are either unknown, or deceive the plunderers, even 
 ' ' by that very circumstance, that they are places to be hunted after." 
 
 So Hirtius tells us,+ " it was the custom of the inhabitants (of 
 " that part of Africa which we now call the Barbary coast) to have 
 " in their fields, and in almost all their towns, caves under ground, 
 " for the sake of hiding their corn privately; and that they pre- 
 " pared these principally on account of wars, and the sudden in- 
 " vasion of their enemies; which circumstance being discovered 
 " to Cassar, he obtained from thence a great quantity of grain." 
 
 Numbers of such subterraneous magazines Dr. Shaw met with, 
 even still continued in use, in that very country. J And Dr. Rus- 
 sell tells us, that in Syria he met with the same sort of repositories : 
 
 * Soient et subterraneos specus aperire, eosque multo insuper fimo onerant, suffugium 
 hiemi, et receptaculum frugibus : quia rigorem frigorura ejusmodi locis molliunt: et si 
 quando hostis advenit, aperta populatur; abdita autem et defossa, aut ignorantur, aut eo ipso 
 fallunt, quod quEerenda sunt. De Moribus Germanic, c. 16. 
 
 + Hirt. de Bello Africano, sect. 57. i Shaw's Travels, p. 139. 
 
45 
 
 for near Aleppo, he says,* their granaries are even at this day sub- 
 terraneous grottos, the entry to which is by a small hole, or open- 
 ing, like a well. 
 
 And in like manner Le Bruyn assures us, + that near Rama, in 
 Syria, he met with many pits, and wells, which he was told had 
 served to keep corn and grain ; and by means of throwing down 
 stones, he discovered that they were very deep. 
 
 Mr. Harmer.J in his most useful and excellent observations on 
 Scriptural history, very judiciously applies some of these descrip- 
 tions to the illustration of that remarkable passage in Jeremiah, ,'j 
 where ten men are said to have preserved their lives from slaughter 
 by discovering their treasures to Ishmael, saying, " slay us not; for 
 " zue have treasures in the field, of wheat, and of barley, and of oil, and 
 " of honey. So heforbare, and slew them not among their brethren." 
 On which occasion I must also add, that the bodies of the seventy 
 men that were slain by Ishmael, are said to have been flung into a 
 pit, which Asa, the King of Judah, had made for fear of Baasha, 
 King of Israel. 
 
 The same most intelligent annotator, Mr. Harmer, also makes 
 use of a very curious account of a circumstance that happened so 
 late as the time of the Croisades ; and that serves to explain the 
 manner in which people, in the most antient times, hid themselves, 
 and their effects, for fear of an enemy. § 
 
 " When Baldwin I.** invaded the country near Ascalon in Syria, 
 " he found villages, whose inhabitants having left their houses, 
 " had retired with their wives, and children, their flocks, and herds, 
 " into subterraneous caves. And upon hearing this, he ordered fires 
 "to be kindled at the mouths of those caves, that they might be 
 " forced to surrender; which having effected, he ordered an hun- 
 " died of them to be beheaded, because they had been formerly a 
 "great annoyance to travellers, rendering the roads dangerous; 
 " and he seized on the provisions, they had lain in for themselves, 
 " and the cattle with them." 
 
 * Russell's History of Aleppo, p. 18. 
 t Harmer's Observations, Vol. II. p. 452. 
 f Harmer's Observations, Vol. III. p. 61. 
 
 N 
 
 t Le Bruyn's Travels, Vol. II. p. H9, 
 || Jeremiah, ch. xli. ver. 8,9. 
 ** Gesta Dei per Francos, p. 7 3 1 . 
 
4fi 
 
 Nor ought we, whilst mentioning these caves, and hiding places, 
 to omit recollecting what Tavernier relates,* concerning the country 
 between the ahtient Nineveh, and Ispahan, in Persia; not far from 
 the famous plain of Arbela. That amongst the mountains, even an 
 entire town, called Cherazoul, is found, formed of a number of ca- 
 verns ; which there is reason to believe were originally made only 
 as places of retreat, to defend the inhabitants of the frontier against 
 the Arabs of Mesopotamia. 
 
 They are cut out of the face of a precipitous rock, he says, for the 
 extent of a quarter of a league; and each habitation consists of a 
 cave, whose mouth is stopped by rolling a great stone, like a sort 
 of mill-stone, into it ; where the sides of the door-way are so cut, 
 as to receive it exactly ; in such a manner that the surface of the 
 stone becomes level with the rock. By which means we may per- 
 ceive, that it might be thrust out by those within, but could not well 
 be pulled out, without proper instruments, by any persons on the 
 outside. Tavernier adds also, that (au dessus) above these habita- 
 tions, there are caves dug out, where the inhabitants secured their 
 cattle. 
 
 And we have a proof of the construction and use of pits for 
 securing corn in Hungary; where necessity has caused the custom 
 to be preserved much longer. Dr. Brown says,+ that in Upper 
 Hungary, they use not barns or stacks of corn ; but have many deep 
 and large caves under ground, wherein they lay it up safe, both 
 from robbers, and from sudden incursion of enemies. At Clesch near 
 Toopolchan, when the Turks and Tartars, in late wars, made their 
 inroads, the people retired and hid themselves in such cavities; 
 but some Turks, speaking Sclavonian, told them that the coast was 
 clear, and the enemy gone, and so tempted them out of their holes ; 
 whereby they were unfortunately deceived into captivity, and car- 
 ried away into remote countries, never to be heard of again. 
 
 So in Mingrelia, on the borders of the Euxine, which was for- 
 merly connected with Media, Chardin informs us J that they secure 
 their grain and forage in deep pits, which they cover so nicely, that 
 there is no appearance of the earth having ever been removed. 
 
 * Voyages de Tavernier, Tom. I. p. 1 9 8 . t Brown's Travels, p. 12. 
 
 j Tom. I. p. 38. ed. 17 1 1. 
 
47 
 
 And he says, he has seen pits of this kind which have served from 
 generation to generation, without any damp or moisture having 
 penetrated into them ; and without being subject to any bad smell. 
 
 All these accounts uniformly shew, what recourse mankind in 
 general, in an uncivilized state, in different countries, and especially 
 in those which were first of all inhabited, had to these kind of hiding 
 places, for security; as well as to strongholds, on rocks, and hills. 
 It may therefore very reasonably be conceived, that the primaeval 
 inhabitants of this island, would not be without such rude resources : 
 and accordingly we find remains that answer most precisely to such 
 sort of hiding places. 
 
 For, as to those for corn and grain, there is one that can hardly 
 be mistaken ; although such strange conclusions have been drawn 
 by some writers with regard to it; and even by one who judged so 
 excellently well in other matters. 
 
 It is at Royston, in Hertfordshire ; most manifestly quite uncon- 
 nected with the foundation of the present- town ; and prior to the 
 existence of any place of that denomination: for it was discovered, 
 at last, only by means of an endeavour to put down a post in the 
 market-place, in 1 7 42. 
 
 A very imperfect sketch of it, taken from Dr. Stukeley's draw- 
 ing, may be seen in Mr. Gough's Additions to Camden's Britannia,* 
 but it is in reality of a much more conical form than there repre- 
 sented. The descent to it is by a narrow pipe or well, just like 
 those in Syria. And as to the figures, and odd holes cut in the 
 sides, in the chalk, they are clearly the rude carvings of idle per- 
 sons, who have been down there at different times ; and afford no 
 rational ground for any conjectures, like those of Dr. Stukeley, 
 concerning a Lady Roisia, or its having been her oratory. Its situa- 
 tion, in a country full of British barrows ; and in a spot of such note 
 in early ages, that two Roman roads were made to meet there ; as well 
 as the whole appearance of the place, speak it to have been a most 
 antient repository for grain; and sometimes even a secret hiding 
 place for persons, against irruptions of enemies, of that violent and 
 sudden kind so frequent in early ages. 
 
 Of the same sort of structure also ; and (as seems most plainly to 
 
 * Vol. I. p. 34 1. 
 
48 
 
 appear from their whole form) designed for the same use, are those 
 numerous pits near Crayford, in Kent ; described by Mr. Hasted.* 
 There are now to be seen, he says, as well on the heaths near Cray- 
 ford, as in the fields and woods hereabout, many artificial caves 
 in the earth ; some of which are ten, some fifteen, and others 
 twenty fathoms deep. At the mouth and thence downward, they 
 are narrow, like the tunnel or passage of a well, but at the bottom 
 they are large and of great compass, insomuch that some of them 
 have several rooms, one within another, strongly vaulted, and sup- 
 ported with pillars of chalk. Mr. Hasted apprehended them to have 
 been made by the Saxons, in imitation of the custom of their German 
 ancestors, as described by Tacitus ; but if we consider how much 
 superior the other Saxon modes of fortification appear, it seems 
 much more reasonable to conclude that they were first formed by 
 the Britons, in conformity to the most antient usages of mankind. 
 
 There are several more of these kind of hiding pits, and of the 
 like peculiar structure, near Faversham, in the same county.+ 
 
 And of this kind seem to have been the pits mentioned by Cam- 
 den, near Tilbury in Essex. J 
 
 That they were all really the works of the Britons, may be con- 
 cluded ; because Diodorus Siculus expressly tells us, that the Britons 
 did lay up their corn in subterranean repositories: || from whence the 
 antient people used to take a certain portion every day ; and having 
 dried and bruised the grains, made a kind of food thereof for imme- 
 diate use. 
 
 Nor is it unworthy our notice, that this sort of diet, and also 
 the quick mode of preparing it, greatly resembles what we read of, 
 as being still in use, in some of the most uncivilized of the Western 
 Islands of Scotland ; \ and in some parts of the Highlands ; amongst 
 the descendants of the old British Caledonians. For there sometimes, 
 to this very day, a woman taking an handful of ears of corn, and 
 holding them by the stalks in her left hand, sets fire to the ears ; and 
 then with a stick in her right hand, beats off the parched grain, 
 very dexterously, at the very instant when the husk is quite burnt ; 
 
 * History of Kent, Vol. I. p. 2 1 1. + Ibid. Vol. II. p. 7 17. j Gough's Cam- 
 
 den, Vol. II. p. 4 1. || Diodorus Siculus, lib. v. 20 9. p. 3 47. ed. Wesselingii. 
 
 $ See Martin's Description of the Western Isles, p. 2 4. 
 
49 
 
 by which means a quantity of com is winnowed, ground, and 
 baked, within an hour. 
 
 And in the very islands, where this usage and mode of dressing 
 corn has continued so long, are also still visible remains of hiding 
 pits. Amongst which, none are more remarkable than those called 
 the antient hiding holes in the island of Hay, one of the Hebrides • 
 which have been used even down to very recent times, by the bar- 
 barous inhabitants, both for hiding of stores, and for secreting their 
 own persons. 
 
 They are thus described by our most useful peregrinator, Mr. Pen- 
 nant.* Speaking of Doun-vollan he says, " in various parts of this 
 " neighbourhood are scattered small holes, formed in the ground, 
 " large enough to hold a single man in a sitting posture: the top is 
 "covered with a broad stone, and that with earth; in these, 
 " unhappy fugitives took shelter after a defeat; and drawing toge- 
 " ther sods, found a temporary concealment from enemies, who 
 " in early times knew not the giving or receiving of quarter. The 
 " incursions of barbarians were always short; so that the fugitives 
 " could easily subsist in their earths till the danger was over: men 
 " were then almost in (what is called) a state of nature: — how strong 
 "■ was their resemblance to beasts of prey !" 
 
 Together with these very odd and slight hiding places described 
 by Mr. Pennant, ought to be mentioned those which are to be met 
 with in several parts of England ; some of which have been strangely 
 mistaken by Dr. Stukeley, and called inverted barrows: whilst others 
 have been no less strangely mistaken by natural historians, and called 
 swallow pits ; or have even been supposed to have been occasioned 
 merely accidentally by the falling in of the earth, over caverns, 
 either natural, or artificial. 
 
 That some pits which were indeed originally natural swallows, 
 or inlets of water; and that others, where mines or caverns have 
 permitted the superincumbent earth to fall in, have a very similar 
 appearance, is unquestionable : but there is one strange circumstance, 
 that m a most decided manner distinguishes those conical deep pits 
 just mentioned from all the others ; and shews that they were really 
 artificially formed; and carefully designed for the purpose of being 
 * Voyages to the Hebrides, p. 224. 
 
 
 
so 
 
 hiding places. And that is; that to this very hour, although they be 
 in spots where neighbouring cavities, much more shallow, will form 
 little pools of water after rain ; and others form even standing pits 
 of water of no small depth ; yet these will hold no water at all, and 
 are always dry: being so contrived, with most manifest design, as 
 just to reach down either to sand, or gravel, where the water will 
 always run off directly. Whilst yet they cannot be conceived to 
 have been mere natural outlets, or swallow pits ; because they are 
 usually on high grounds, and even on the summits of hills, where 
 no descent, or final exit of any flood of waters could have been, 
 even in the time of a general deluge ; because such waters must have 
 departed towards the adjoining vallies. To which it may be added, 
 that their magnitude is by no means sufficient to have answered 
 any such great, natural purpose. 
 
 As a farther proof of their original use, it is to be observed, that 
 they are almost uniformly found on such hills as have on their sum- 
 mits a great extent of plain ground, and heath. 
 
 Of this kind are some very curious pits, on the top of the 
 Combe Hills, not far from Croydon, in Surrey. They are of a 
 conical form, and most manifestly have been constructed with great 
 care, and much rude art; so as to preserve their figure like the 
 barrows, and mounds, and other works of the Britons to this very 
 hour. I measured one of the most perfect of them very exactly ; 
 and found it to be, in every direction, almost precisely fifty-five 
 feet in diameter at the top, and thirty, or thirty-one feet in 
 depth. At the bottom it has a flat area, nine or ten feet in diameter; 
 where, on account of the sloping sides, and wide extended mouth 
 above, thirty or forty men might either stand, or repose themselves, 
 with the utmost ease and convenience ; whilst it would be utterly 
 impossible for any enemies, or marauders, traversing the great plain 
 above, either to see them, or to discover the place of their conceal- 
 ment, till quite near the very edge of the pit. Even parties of horse 
 could hardly discover the place at all more easily than roving bands 
 of foot soldiers ; for at this very time, an incautious traveller, or 
 sportsman, may frequently be in great danger of falling in, before he 
 is aware. And any person having seen it once, would be at a great 
 loss to find it again, were it not for a foot path that has now been 
 
51 
 
 purposely made. When I visited this curious pit, it was after many 
 days of heavy rain : nevertheless the bottom was as perfectly dry, 
 as the clearest part of the heath above ; and the ascent up and down 
 the sides was neither very dangerous or difficult, though steep and 
 slippery. The air at bottom was clear and refreshing, and there was 
 a perfect shelter from the wind. It appeared also most obvious, 
 that provisions, and moveables, and other treasure, might be placed 
 at the bottom, under the feet of those who should be concealed, 
 without being liable to any more damage, than in any other part of 
 the country in open air. 
 
 That these pits, therefore, were designed by the antient Britons for 
 this very purpose, during times of hostile invasion, is most highly 
 probable: and the rather, because there has been a constant tradi- 
 tion preserved, in the adjacent country, that there was a British 
 town in the neighbourhood, at Addington ; whilst as a confirmation 
 of the truth of this tradition, it may be observed, that there are still 
 existing, in the neighbourhood of these pits, on the brow of an 
 hill, many small barrows, or tumuli, evidently British. 
 
 Nothing could be finer than the situation here chosen ; for the 
 view from the plain above is one of the richest that this country 
 affords : and the remains of several exceeding antient stumps of trees, 
 plainly shew, that notwithstanding the bleak appearance of the sum- 
 mit of these hills at present, yet that the spot was capable of produ- 
 cing timber ; and was probably covered with wood originally, in the 
 very manner by means of which British towns were usually secured. 
 
 Besides the one most perfect pit that I have just described; 
 there are-three others still remaining almost entire; situated a little 
 further to the south or south-west ; and nearer to the barrows, and 
 to a most remarkable brow of these hills, which has greatly the re- 
 semblance of an head land at sea. And one of these is larger than 
 that which has been described. 
 
 Near these pits, although they are themselves so dry, there is a 
 fine continual spring of water bursting out, and running from thence 
 down into the distant valley ; sufficient for the supply of a great 
 number of persons.* 
 
 * These pits were pointed out to me by John Claxton, Esq. of Shirley, who has been long 
 
 resident in the neighbourhood. 
 
.52 
 
 Of a similar kind to the pits just described, are some conical pits 
 on the extended plain of Moushold hill in Norfolk ; not far from the 
 very antient city of Norwich. And some others, on the great plain, 
 not far from the road to Winchester. 
 
 There are some very remarkable pits also of this kind, about 
 three miles north-east from Piddletown, in Dorsetshire ;* one of 
 which is so wide, that a man cannot throw a stone over it. They 
 are all, like those in Surrey, of a conical form; broad at top, and 
 narrower at the bottom. And it has been observed, in like man- 
 ner of them, that they never hold water in the wettest seasons. 
 And there are also here, as in Surrey, some tumuli in the neigh- 
 bourhood. 
 
 So also, on several parts of the South Downs, in Sussex, + (on 
 which again are found many barrows) there are pits of a similar kind 
 and form: as also on the plains in the neighbourhood of Lewes, 
 and Brighthelmstone ; all which appear manifestly to have been 
 made by art, as the soil is firm and chalky. 
 
 There are also several others that might be enumerated, on ele- 
 vated downs, in different parts of England. 
 
 And besides these, must be added that near Winster, in the Peak 
 of Derbyshire, there are two regular lines of pits, of a very similar 
 sort; concerning which it is curious to observe, that although a part 
 of an adjoining wood is very swampy ; yet in these pits, after several 
 days rain, no water is to be found. They are in a wood, called 
 Linda Spring near Crick. They are in two lines ; and about fifty in 
 number. J And it has been well observed, that no ore, or stone, or 
 clay, or coal, or any material is to be found in these pits, that could 
 have been an inducement for digging them merely as pits. For the 
 soil is entirely a dry kind of useless sandy gravel; — a sandy gravel 
 which no hitman improvements in the neighbourhood could ever have 
 found use for. 
 
 And particularly amongst these ought to be reckoned, those de- 
 scribed by Leland, || on the Black Mountains, in Carmarthenshire, 
 in Wales. 
 
 ' See an account of them in the Gentleman's Magazine for 17 68. Vol.XXXVlII. p. 109. 
 t Ibid. p. 2 s 4 . } Archaeologia, Vol. X. p. 1 H, lie. 
 
 II Itinerary, Vol. VIII. p. lis. 
 
53 
 
 " Ther be (he tells us),* a great numbar of pitts made with hand, 
 " large lyke a bowl at the heade, and narrow at the bottom, ovar- 
 " growen in the swart with fine grase; and be scatterid here and 
 " there, about the qnartars where the heade of Kenner river is, that 
 " cummythe by Carie Kennen, and sume of these will receyve a 
 " hunderith men." 
 
 Such also seem to have been those called the Pen pits, between 
 Meere and Wincanton, in Somersetshire. + And perhaps, also those 
 extraordinary excavations, in the rich vale of Whitehorse, near Little 
 Coxwell, in Berkshire, J described in the Archaeologia ; which are 
 called Cole's Pits, though no coal was ever found in the neighbour- 
 hood. But as these last are of a different form and structure ; and 
 many in number; and not regular in their shape and design ; and 
 are dug out of a stratum of sand ; there is some room to conclude that 
 they were possibly mere sand pits. 
 
 However that matter may be ; it is undoubtedly true that exca- 
 vations exactly of a similar kind to those on the Combe Hills, in 
 Surrey, are often met with in various parts of this island ; formed 
 with such evident marks of design, that they might with much more 
 propriety be called inverted holds ; than (as Dr. Stukeley has denomi- 
 nated them) inverted barrows. They may very justly be deemed also 
 to have served sometimes for the purpose of laying ambuscades, as well 
 as for refuge. For their perfect concealment from the eye, till just 
 upon them ; and the very easy ascent from their bottom, by means 
 of their sides sloping all round ; appears admirably calculated for 
 such an use. 
 
 There are, in like manner, some that may well have answered 
 such an end, even on the summits of several hill fortresses. 
 
 Amongst which may be named the excavation found on the top 
 ofTketfordHill, in Norfolk : aFortress that has indeed generallybeen 
 supposed, in conformity to popular opinion to have been Danish ; 
 but which there is much more reason to conclude must have been ori- 
 ginally British, whatever use the Danes might make of it afterwards. 
 
 There are many pits for safeguard, and concealment, in various 
 other parts; the enumeration of which would be too tedious. But 
 before we quit entirely the consideration of artificial caves, it may 
 * Itinerary, Vol. VIII. p. 1 07 a. + Archaeologia, Vol. VII. p. 2 4 1 . % Ibid. p. 2 5 6. 
 
54 
 
 be a considerable confirmation of all that has been said, to observe 
 shortly, that such were common, in the early and barbarous ages, in 
 Ireland ; though of a different construction from most of those in 
 England; being long concealed winding galleries, with recesses 
 under ground. One of these is particularly described in the Lou- 
 tkiana;* which was discovered under a ploughed field, near the 
 river of Ballrichan ; and seems to have been designed both for a 
 granary to conceal corn, and for the security of other effects, in 
 time of invasion. Many such are said to abound in that part of Ire- 
 land : and the Irish people have still a tradition, that they were all 
 sculking holes. 
 
 We have some, of nearly a similar kind, also in Scotland ; and 
 particularly at Hawtlwmien, only seven miles from Edinburgh; 
 which the tradition of that country (a tradition always deserving of 
 some attention) still considers as the works of the Picts. Whenso- 
 ever and by whomever they were made, they were unquestionably 
 hiding places of the earliest ages, to secure both people, and effects, 
 from the inroads of barbarous invaders. + And as such they have 
 obviously been connected with a strong, though small square tower, 
 grafted as it were, % on the native rock above, whose walls are of 
 great thick ness ; and from the neighbourhood of which a pit or 
 well, is sunk, to let down effects and stores; that on account of the 
 narrowness of the path of access, could be conveyed into them no 
 other way. 
 
 The only entrance to these caverns, besides this pit, is on the 
 precipitous side of a perpendicular rock, a great height above the 
 river: where you first descend by twenty-seven steep and deep 
 steps, cut in the rock ; then pass a deep cleft, or gap, on a very 
 narrow board, five feet in length; then ascend eight steps; and 
 arrive at the mouth of the cave. Within the entrance of this, on 
 the left hand side, cut in the rock, is a long narrow gallery, ascend- 
 ed by two steps more ; which is seventy-five feet in length, and six 
 
 * Wright's Louthiana, B. III. p. 1 6. + Dr. Stukeley, who has given a plan of 
 
 them in his Itinerarium Curiosum, fancied they formed a Pictish palace. Maitland, in hi* 
 History of Edinburgh, ridicules this idea, but allows they were hiding caves. 
 
 % See the account in Grose's Antiquities of Scotland, Vol. I . p. i 5 . 
 
55 
 
 in breadth: near the upper end of which is a narrow little apart- 
 ment, like a dungeon, called the king's bedchamber. And on the 
 right hand of the entrance is another cavern, cut in the rock, and 
 descended into by two steps ; which is of the length of twenty-one 
 feet, and, like the other, of the breadth of six: into which cavern 
 it is that a communication is made from above, by the sinking of a 
 pit, or well.* 
 
 Fronting the entrance is another cavern ; ninety-one feet long, 
 and in the first part twelve feet wide ; but in the further part only 
 five feet eight inches wide, + and six feet high. And in a recess near 
 the broader part is a well, some fathoms deep. In the side of the 
 first gallery also is a small window, or hole, in the front of the rock, 
 facing the bridge; which seems obviously designed for the double 
 purpose both of taking in the narrow board which forms the bridge, 
 and of defending the pass. 
 
 So strong has this hiding pit been found, that it was even made 
 use of by the brave, and well known, Alexander Ramsay, so late as 
 the year 1341. He resided here a considerable time; and had (as 
 the historians tell us) many gallant men resort to him. J 
 
 And as there are so many remains of these strange hiding places, 
 and safeguards, in pits and caves in this island ; we in like man- 
 ner find similar remains, in other countries that were more early in- 
 habited : as for instance, in the island of Minorca ; where we may 
 be assured a Celtic people were established, even before it was pos- 
 sible for the Britons, and their Druids, to have made any of their 
 settlements in Britain. 
 
 There are, says Armstrong, || great numbers of caves to be found 
 m Minorca: which are either such as are natural and original; or 
 such as have been made by the waves of the sea ; or such as were 
 scooped out of the solid rock, by the labour of the natives in very 
 remote times. 
 
 These last are by far the most numerous, and are capable of con- 
 taining all the inhabitants of the country upon occasion. They 
 
 * See Grose's Antiquities of Scotland, Vol. I. p. 5 5. t Pennant's Tour in Scot- 
 
 id, Part II. p. 251. J Major. De Gestis Scotorum, lib. v. cap. xvi. p. sso. 
 
 It In his Histoiy of Minorca, p. 223, kc. 
 
56 
 
 differ little from those mentioned by Dr. Shaw, on the coast of Bar- 
 bary: and some of them are even still actually inhabited by the 
 poorest of the people. There is reason also to think, they served the 
 natives as a retreat, for a long time even in these later ages, and as a 
 place of security for their women and children, and the most pre- 
 cious of their moveables, on any extraordinary alarm; where they 
 were safely concealed until the danger was over. 
 
 We learn, also, from Dameto's History of the Balearick kingdom, 
 that the Moors, a little before their expulsion from Majorca, not only 
 drew vast advantage from such kind of caves ; but were enabled, 
 by means of them, to make a noble defence against the victorious 
 arms of their conqueror, and to cut off great numbers of his men, 
 before they could be totally reduced. 
 
 Nor ought it to be forgotten, that we have the strongest proofs 
 that the aboriginal caves, and hiding places, which had been made 
 in Syria, and Palestine, by the antient kings of those regions, even 
 in the days of Abraham, and of Joshua, were continued in use, from 
 time to time, so late down as to the very last Jewish war. 
 
 For the account given by Josephus himself, of his own final 
 retreat and concealment, just before he was taken prisoner by the 
 Romans, puts the matter out of all question. 
 
 We find, in that account, that he was, with many others, con- 
 cealed in a deep pit; which seems very nearly to have resembled 
 those still remaining in our own country; at Royston, in Hertford- 
 shire, and in some parts of Kent. 
 
 On the taking of Jotapata, he tells us,* the Romans slew all the 
 multitude that appeared openly. And on the following days they 
 searched the hiding places, and fell upon those that were underground; 
 and in the caverns. As for himself: as soon as the city was first 
 taken, he withdrew from the enemy, even when he was in the 
 midst of them, and leaped into a certain deep pit, whereto there adjoined 
 a large den at one side of it ; which den could not he seen by those that 
 were above ground. + And here he met with forty persons of emi- 
 nency, that had concealed themselves, with provisions enough to 
 satisfy them for not a few days. Having remained here two days, 
 on the third the place of his retreat was discovered by a woman : 
 
 * De Bellojud. lib. iii. cap. 7. sec. 3G. t Ibid. lib. iii. cap. s. sec. I. 
 
57 
 
 whereupon Vespasian immediately sent two tribunes to offer him 
 security for his life, and to exhort him to come up ; and upon his 
 hesitating, the soldiery grew so angry, that they ran hastily to set Jire 
 to the den;" but the tribune would not permit them so to do. At the 
 same time the Jews who were concealed with Josephus threatened to 
 kill him, if he condescended to surrender; and the event was, that 
 he found himself under a necessity of casting lots for life; submit- 
 ting to their determination of destroying each other to the last man. 
 Josephus had, as he tells us, by the good providence of God, on 
 which he trusted, the success to have the last lot but one; and then 
 prevailed on his fellow, who only was left with him, after the rest 
 were slain, to submit to Vespasian; and was thereupon drawn up 
 out of the pit, and saved alive. 
 
 This full account, which chances to have been preserved with 
 such minute particulars down to our times, serves clearly to illus- 
 trate the nature of these caves ; formed in the most antient times ; 
 continued so long in use in various countries ; and imitated by al- 
 most all aboriginal people. 
 
 And whilst we refer to it, we ought also to remark, that in the 
 very same places of his history, in which Josephus mentions the for- 
 tifying of Mount Tabor (a circumstance we shall have occasion to 
 take notice of), he tells us of his fortifying this very Gave qfjota- 
 pata;+ and also the caves of Arbela, Bersobe, Selamin, Capharec- 
 cho, and Sigo, and Japha. And J that moreover he built walls about 
 the caves near the lake of Gennesar ; which places lay in the Lower 
 Galilee: and the same he did to the places of the Upper Galilee. 
 
 He tells us also that Simon, the chief promoter of the last dire 
 Jewish war, when he was making preparations for it, enlarged many 
 caves, and found others ready for his purpose, at a valley called 
 Pharan ; and made use of them as repositories for his treasures, and 
 receptacles for his prey ; and therein laid up the fruits he had got by 
 rapine. And that many of his partizans had their dwelling in 
 them. || 
 
 * This could be done only by combustibles flung down, with a view to suffocate those 
 concealed therein, just as in another instance that will be mentioned in these Observations, 
 t Life of Josephus, sec. si. Jft Bello Jud. lib. ii. cap. 20. sec. 6. 
 
 ii Ibid. lib. iv. cap. a. sec. 4. 
 
 2 
 
58 
 
 We are told besides this, that in the end of the war, the last hope 
 which supported the seditious, was in their caves and caverns under 
 ground: whither if they could once fly, they thought they should 
 not be searched for.* And indeed, in some of these it was, that a part 
 of the gold and treasures taken from the Temple, and that was at last 
 delivered up to Titus, was for a time actually concealed. + 
 
 Both John and Simon also, the two head leaders of the seditious, 
 resorted in the end to these sort of caverns; the first of whom was 
 obliged to surrender, for want of food; and the other was taken 
 prisoner, as he and his band were attempting to make their way out 
 by mining. J 
 
 By the same most curious and venerable author, Josephus, who 
 describes these subterraneous caves, we have also a no less interest- 
 ing account of a kind of aerial caves, situated high up in the sides of 
 precipitous rocks; that were equally used as places of security, and 
 defence. 
 
 King Herod, he tells us, || determined to make an expedition 
 against the Idumean robbers, who lay in caves. Caves which were 
 in the precipices of craggy mountains, and could not be come at on 
 any side; since they had only some winding pathways, very nar- 
 row, whereby they got up to them : whilst the rock that lay in 
 their front had beneath it vallies of a vast depth, and of an almost 
 perpendicular declivity. But Herod let down the most hardy of his 
 men (by ropes) in chests (from the top of the precipice above) and 
 set them at the mouths of the dens ; where they slew the robbers, 
 and their families : and if any made resistance, they set fire upon 
 them, and burnt them. 
 
 Amongst these Idumeans, a certain old man, the father of seven 
 children, with their mother, desired leave to go out ; and having 
 obtained that leave, by the giving of the right hand, he ordered 
 every one of his family to go out before him, while he stood at the 
 cave's mouth. And on their so doing, he slew every son as he 
 passed forth ; and threw his body down the precipice. So also he 
 did unto his wife. And then, last of all, he precipitated himself. 
 
 * De Bello Jud. lib. vi. cap. 7. sec. 3. 
 X Ibid. lib. vii. cap. 2. 
 
 4- Ibid. lib. vi. cap. 9. sec. 3 and 4. 
 |] Ibid. lib. i. cap. 16. sec. 4. 
 
59 
 
 The form of these caves and hiding places, even in the very- 
 same countries in the East, was undoubtedly often different ; as we 
 find they were in our own country. 
 
 For whilst some, like that at Royston ;* and those at Crayford in 
 Kent, were descended into, by means of a pit or well ; of which 
 kind was that wherein Josephus himself took refuge; others again 
 were mere conical excavations: and others were entered on a level, 
 through the side of some hill ; like those concerning which he says, 
 that he fortified their entrances with walls. + 
 
 Of this latter kind seem to have been those caves of the antient 
 Cornish Britons mentioned by Borlase.J One of which is thirty-six 
 feet long, seven high, and four feet wide; having an interior cave 
 branching off on one side, with a second recess even in that. Whilst 
 another, called Pendeen Van, consists of three caves, each about 
 twenty-six, or twenty-eight feet long ; the second being placed at 
 the end of the first, and separated by a partition ; and the third 
 branching off on one side. The height of these caves being between 
 five and six feet ; but their breadth only four feet and an half, on 
 account of their being covered with flat stones at the top. || 
 
 And of this latter kind, also, seem plainly to have been some of 
 those caves in this island, on the bleak desolate hills near Kildrumy 
 castle, in the northern parts of Scotland, mentioned by Mr. Cor- 
 diner; } which have their openings on the side of a mossy bank. 
 " The entrance to them," he says, " is but small; shewing only a 
 " long dark cavity within : but on going in he found the recess to 
 " be about eight feet wide, and six or seven feet high, well built 
 " up at the sides, and covered with vast flags. One may advance 
 " twelve or fifteen paces without interruption; and where the pas- 
 " sage is blocked up, seems to be owing rather to rubbish having 
 " fallen in, than to the original design of the builders. The others 
 
 * It should perhaps just be mentioned, that since the cave at Royston was discovered, 
 about forty years ago, another more easy entrance down to it has been made, with a sloping 
 descent ; besides the original perpendicular well : which may much mislead an incautious 
 observer. 
 
 + De Bello Jud. lib. ii. cap. 20. sec. 6. J Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 292. 
 
 II There is a representation and plan of this cave in Borlase's Antiquities, Plate XXV. 
 n g- '> -< $ Antiquities of Scotland, p. is. 
 
60 
 
 " are similar; but whether they have been connected together, and 
 " had communication at the ends, cannot now be easily discovered. 
 " They are said to have been numerous, and of great extent ; and 
 " to have been the retreats of the antient possessors of the country, 
 " both from the inclemency of the weather occasionally, and from 
 " the fury of their enemies on invasions ; and no doubt had occa- 
 " sionally the entrance blocked up with a large stone." 
 
 In the Western Isles, also, in the skirts of the island of Skie, is 
 a large cave in a rock, on the east side of Portrie, large enough for 
 eighty persons ; and having a well within it ;* which circumstance, 
 together with its situation, and narrow entry, rendered it an inac- 
 cessible fort. One man only can enter it at a time by the side of a 
 rock ; and having a staff in his hand would be able, with very little 
 exertion, to cast over the rock as many as should attempt to come 
 into the cave. 
 
 In the isle of Arran, again, in Druim-Cruey, is a cave in which an 
 hundred men might very well be concealed. It is contracted gra- 
 dually from the floor upwards to the roof. And at the upper end, 
 on a large piece of rock formed like a pillar, there is engraven the 
 figure of a deer, and underneath it that of a two-handed sword. 
 There are also two holes cut out on each side the entrance, which 
 they say served for holding large hewn trees, on which the caul- 
 drons, or vessels, were hung for boiling venison, and provisions. 
 And the natives affirm, that in this cave+ Fin-Mac-Cowl lodged, 
 during the time of his residence in this isle; and that many of his 
 soldiers occupied the lesser caves, near this large one. 
 
 And as a further proof that these kind of caves were spacious 
 enough to be resorted to ; and used in the manner above described ; 
 it may be remarked, that a cave, a little more to the south, on the 
 same coast, has even been had recourse to, as a place of assembly, 
 within a very few years : the parochial minister preaching therein 
 sometimes, because of its being more centrical than the parish 
 church. 
 
 Somewhat similar to Fin-Mac-Cowl's cave, seems to have been 
 that remarkable den, not far from Penrith, in Cumberland, called 
 
 * Martin's Description of the Western Isles, p. 1 5 i . t Ibid, p. s 1 9. 
 
Gl 
 
 the Giants Cave. The approach to which is by a narrow flight of 
 steps, half way down a bold precipice hanging over the river' 
 Eamont. It* is about nine feet high, twenty wide at the entrance, 
 and about fifty in length ; and there were lately remaining strong 
 indications of the entrance having formerly been well secured, even 
 by gates : which seems to indicate that it was fortified in somewhat 
 the same manner with those Caves spoken of by Josephus. 
 
 Besides the great hiding cave abovementioned, in the skirts of 
 the island of Site, there are also several little stone hovels, built 
 under ground.t and called earth-houses; which served to hide a few 
 people, and their goods, in time of war. The entry to them was on 
 the sea side, or on the side of some river: and there is particularly 
 one of them that deserves notice in the village of Lachsay ; and 
 another in Camstinvag. 
 
 Somewhat such, and even of smaller dimensions, have already 
 been mentioned as existing in the island of Hay. 
 
 Of the same sort, also, and designed for the same purposes, seem 
 to have been some subterraneous apartments, cut out of the rock, 
 not far from Leith in Scotland. J 
 
 And with the bare naming of these, I should here end the account 
 of these hiding-places; but that there is still one more sort, of so odd 
 a kind, described by Mr. Pennant, as having been in use even down 
 to our own times; that I shall just add the mention of it. 
 
 " He observed," he says, [| " in the Highlands of Scotland, not 
 " far from Invercauld, among the rocks, a sort of projecting shelf; 
 " on which had been, a kind of hut, accessible only by the help 
 " of some thongs fastened by very expert climbers ; to which the 
 " adjacent family got in time of danger in former days, with their 
 " most valuable moveables." 
 
 These various instances tend to bring the history of all mankind, 
 as it were, into one point of view : and to manifest how nearly the 
 operations of human sagacity have resembled each other, though 
 exerted in the most remote countries ; whilst they were making their 
 slow progression, from rude barbarism, towards civilization. 
 
 * See the description of it in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1791, p. 990. 
 
 * Martin's Description of the Hebrides, p. 154. 
 
 % Pennant's Tour in Scotland, Vol. I. p. 65. || Ibid. p. 116. 
 
 R 
 
82 
 
 On viewing the caves and dens which once belonged to the Bri- 
 *tons, it is impossible not to call to mind ; that after the defeat of the 
 Canaanites by Joshua, "Jive of their kings Jled, and hid themselves in a 
 " cave at Makkedali. And it was told Joshua, saying, the five kings are 
 " Jound hid in a cave at Makkedah. And Joshua said, roll great 
 " stones upon the mouth of the cave, and set men by itjor to keep 
 " them in. And stay you not ; but pursue after your enemies." Nor can 
 we forget the sequel : that afterwards, when he returned from the 
 slaughter, Joshua sent and brought them out of the cave, and caused 
 his captains to set their feet upon the necks of these Icings ; and 
 slew them ; and afterwards cast their bodies into the cave where 
 they had been hid ; and laid great stones on the cave's mouth.* 
 
 So again we cannot but recollect, that on first seeing Jonathan, 
 and his armour-bearer, the Philistines said, " Behold the Hebrews 
 " come forth, out of the holes, + where they had hid themselves. 
 
 And in the mention so humbly made by Obadiah, many years 
 afterwards, of his fear of God, and regard for his holy prophets, we 
 find the same sort of hiding places referred to. 
 
 " Was it not told my lord, (said he) to Elijah, what I did when 
 "Jezebel slew the prophets of the Lord? how I hid an hundred 
 " men of the Lord's prophets, by fifty in a cave, and fed them with 
 " bread and water?" J 
 
 Again, the same sort of places of security are mentioned poeti- 
 cally by Isaiah, || as hiding places in time of any dread or danger. 
 
 " They shall go into the holes of the rocks, and into the. caves of 
 " the earth, for fear of the Lord, and for the glory of his majesty, 
 " when He ariseth to shake terribly the earth." 
 
 And to return to what passed in the still earlier ages of the 
 world ; we read ; that in the time of the judges of Israel ; " because 
 " of the Midianites, J the children of Israel made them the dens which 
 " are in the mountains ; and caves, and strongholds." 
 
 And again, when the Israelites were terrified on the approach 
 of the Philistines, " they did hide themselves** in caves, and in 
 " thickets, and in rocks, and in high places, and in pits." 
 
 * Joshua, chap. x. ver. 1 6, 17 , 1 8, 1 9, — 22, 26, 27 . f Samuel, chap. xiv. ver. II. 
 X l Kings, chap, xviii. ver. 13. || Isaiah, chap. ii. ver. 19. 
 
 $ Judges, chap. vi. ver, 2. ** 1 Samuel, chap. xiii. ver. 6. 
 
63 
 
 And it is very remarkable, that what our translation renders, in 
 one place, dens in the mountains, and in another thickets, the Septua- 
 gint calls lizvaoxc ; that is, places designed as a shelter for cattle ; exactly 
 conformable to the account that has been given, both of the British 
 strongholds on the tops of hills ; and of those in woods, as men- 
 tioned by Caesar. 
 
 Even so early as the days of Abraham, we find the remains of 
 an army which had been beaten, flying to a mountain.* 
 
 And these sort of Fastnesses are spoken of, in the most sublime 
 poetical language, by the prophets Jeremiah, + and Obadiah : J and 
 as being the usual cities of the people of Edom ; just as we find 
 such were formerly the cities of the people in North Wales. To 
 which we may add, that from the great number of cities said to 
 have been in that small tract, the land of Og the king of Bashan, || 
 besides unwalled towns; before the time of Joshua; we must con- 
 clude, those cities were only hill fortresses, and merely such sort of 
 places of defence, as we have been describing. Places of defence, 
 which yet are said to have contained the cattle; not only before they 
 were taken by the Israelites ; $ but also to have contained, and 
 secured the cattle of the Israelites themselves afterwards. 
 
 Nor is the description of them, that they had high walls, gates, 
 and bars, at all inconsistent with this idea: because the high steep 
 mounds, surrounding the areas of many of the British fortresses, 
 on the summits of high hills, most certainly both were, and might 
 very well be called high walls: and the entrances through these, 
 there is every reason to believe, were in times of danger barricadoed 
 with rude gates, and bars of timber. 
 
 We may therefore further conclude, the expression in the book 
 of Deuteronomy, of the cities of the Canaanites being fenced up to 
 heaven,'"' to have referred rather to those cities having been placed 
 (as indeed Tabor, Bethuliah, Hebron, and Jebus, actually were), on 
 the summits of high mountains, and rocks ; than as referring to any 
 extraordinary height of their artificial banks and walls. 
 
 * Genesis, chap. xiv. ver. lo. + Jeremiah, chap, xlix. ver. 16. 
 
 t Obadiah, ver. 3, i. || Deuteronomy, chap. iii. ver. 4, 5. 
 
 { Ibid. ver. 7, 19. j» Ibid. chap. ix. ver. 1. 
 
0-1 
 
 The various sorts of fortresses we have been describing, are most 
 exactly and curiously marked out by the words of the prophet 
 Jeremiah;* threatening final destruction to the obstinately sinful, 
 and disobedientjews. 
 
 " Behold, saith the Lord, I will send for many hunters ; and 
 " they shall hunt them ; from every mountain; and from every hill; 
 " and out of the holes of the rocks." 
 
 So again in another place, we read, " They that be in the forts, 
 and in the + caves, shall die of the pestilence."! 
 
 When Samson had made a great slaughter of the Philistines, we 
 are told, he went and dwelt in the top of the rock Etam ; |j where we 
 find, afterwards, three thousand men of Judah went up to confer 
 with him. And Josephus says \ it was a strong rock of the tribe of 
 Judah. To which may be added ; that from the words used by the 
 Greek translators, in the Septuagint version of the book of Judges, 
 it should seem as if there was also a strong cave in that place ; ren- 
 dering it similar to a retreat in another great rock in Syria, not far 
 from Damascus. In which latter, the Emir Faccardine, a fierce 
 Arab, in the beginning of the last century, with a small number of 
 his officers, defied the whole Turkish army, for some months;™' till 
 they were on the point of blowing up the rock. 
 
 Whether such kind of caves were, in any country, usual appen- 
 dages to these sort of strongholds, on the summits of rocks, and 
 hills, I will not pretend to determine : but it is not a little remark - 
 
 * Jeremiah, chap. xvi. ver. 16. t Ezelciel, chap, xxxiii. ver. 27 . 
 
 j: Whether the celebrated cave, called Eltlen Hole, in Derbyshire, is to be numbered 
 amongst the Hiding Pits of the Britons, together with those at Crajjari, and that at Rojsttm, 
 I will not pretend to determine : because it might possibly have had another use originally, 
 as a mere mine for obtaining ore. But its whole form coincides so exactly widi the form of 
 those caves ; and it so perfectly agrees with those described by josephus ; that 1 am now 
 much inclined to class it with Hiding Pits : and shall leave it to the curious to determine : 
 referring them either to the inspection of the whole themselves ; or to the account 1 gave of 
 it, in the Philosophical Transactions, Vol. LXI. p. 55 0, in consequence of the careful and 
 accurate survey made of it by my friend Mr. Lloyd. 
 
 If it was really a British Hiding Pit; the having a well at its bottom, that went down 
 to a river of fine fresh water, certainly gave it an advantage beyond most others. 
 
 II Judges, chap. xv. ver. s, l l. } (osephus's Antiquities of the Jews, B. v. 
 
 chap. 8. sec, ». ** Harmer's Observations, Vol. II. p. 324. 
 
65 
 
 able, that at a small distance from the very antient fortress I first 
 described (the Herefordshire Beacon), and 6n the very same ridge of 
 hill, there is a singular cave formed out of the rock on the brow of 
 an exceeding steep part; it is about 12 feet deep in length ; 1\ feet 
 wide ; and 6f high : a place where one or two Britons, might for a 
 long time have defied a great force, with the weapons then in use ; 
 and where a desperate man might even now make a considerable 
 stand, considering the rapid declivity of the adjacent ground. Its 
 situation is shewn very nearly by letter [d) PI. I. fig. i . 
 
 Just as Samson made his retreat to the rock Etam ; so, when the 
 greater part of the tribe of Benjamin were destroyed, by the fierce 
 attack of the other tribes of Israel, endeavouring to obtain, in that 
 violent manner, the execution of justice; those who escaped, to the 
 number of six hundred, fled to the rock Rimmon," in the wilder- 
 ness ; and abode in the rock Rimmon four months : which plainly 
 shews, not only that this must have been an actual hill fortress, 
 capable of containing all these men, with their tents, and cattle, 
 and provisions ; but also that it must have had a proper supply of 
 
 water 
 
 And to this observation concerning the rock Rimmon, it may be 
 added, that whoever attends accurately to the descriptions of mount 
 Tabor in Palasstine, and also of mount Bethaccerem, or Bethulia, 
 as given by Pococke, and Maundrell,+ will hardly forbear comparing 
 those places instantly, in his mind, with the antient British for- 
 tresses we have been describing. Whilst indeed, like them, they 
 seem continually, from age to age, to have been appropriated to just 
 the same kind of use. 
 
 When the land of Israel was invaded by the host of Jabin king 
 of Canaan; J and it was determined, at last, in consequence of the 
 exhortation of Deborah the prophetess, to make a stand against 
 them ; the people assembled, and went up for that purpose to the 
 
 * Judges, chap. xx. ver. 4,1 Chap. xxi. ver. ,3. This strauge and barbarous 
 manner of enforcing the execution of justice in those very antient days, cannot but remind 
 one of the same kind of rude practice existing amongst the Clans of Scotland in very late 
 ages : even long after the use of their hill fortresses was antiquated. 
 
 + Pococke's Travels, Vol. II. p. 42, and 64. 
 
 t See the Book of Judges, chap. iv. ver. 12, 14. 
 
 S 
 
66 
 
 top of mount Tabor. And we are informed, that Barak sallied forth, 
 and went down from thence to the battle, with ten thousand men 
 after him. 
 
 Again ; when the army of Nebuchodonosor, king of Assyria, 
 threatened the destruction of Judea; we are told expressly,* that 
 the people of Israel possessed themselves beforehand of all the tops 
 of the high mountains, and fortified the villages that were in them, and 
 laid up victuals for the provisions of war. Which description would 
 exactly suit what we may believe to have been the conduct and 
 management of the antient Britons, either with regard to Trer Caeri, 
 or Penmaen Mawr, or Dinas near Landudno, when invaded by 
 foreigners ; or threatened by neighbouring tribes. 
 
 And with regard to Bethulia, we have a singular narration ; 
 wherein we find that Holofernes, having been told that the Jews 
 had fortified the tops t of the high hills; and having examined 
 Achior, one of his captains, who was an Ammonite, concerning 
 their strength ; was much displeased with the extraordinary account 
 he gave; and did thereupon, in great wrath, and with much con- 
 tempt, % send him fast bound, to be delivered up to those in 
 Bethulia ; that he might abide there, till that fortress should be 
 taken by the Assyrians ; when he should be cruelly put to death. 
 The soldiers, who carried him, found great difficulty || in devising 
 to approach, because of the slings of the Israelites. They ventured 
 however near enough to cast him down bound at the foot of the 
 hill ; and thereupon the Israelites descended from their city ; and 
 loosed him ; and brought him up to their governor. 
 
 The description, given both by Maundrell, and Pococke, of 
 mount Tabor, \ is; that it stands in the great plain of Esdraelon, 
 apart by itself, about two or three furlongs within the plain;"'"' and 
 has so rich a soil upon it, as to be adorned with groves and clumps 
 of trees. Its figure is nearly conical ; and it is ascended by a wind- 
 ing path of about two miles. And on the south side, where the 
 approach to the summit was rather more easy than on the other, 
 
 * Judith, chap. iv. ver. 5. t Ihitl. chap. v. ver. l. 
 
 % Ibid. chap. vi. ver. 6. !| Ibid. ver. 12, 13. 14. 
 
 § Pococke's Travels, Vol. II. p. 64. »» Maundrell's Travels, p. in. 
 
67 
 
 there are many fosses cut. There are also some deep fosses on the 
 north side. The plain on the top is about half a mile long, and 
 near a quarter of a mile broad : being, as we learn from Maundrell,* 
 of an oval figure; and inclosed with trees on all parts, except to- 
 wards the south : which inclosure causes it to be in clear area only 
 one furlong in breadth, and two in length. There are in this area 
 a number of cisterns under ground ; formed for preserving the rain 
 water ; and Maundrell informs us he found it to be good water. 
 
 Being a place of such vast natural strength, it was not only re- 
 sorted to by Barak, in the time of the Judges of Israel, on the inva- 
 sion of Sisera ; but was in latter times, also made use of against 
 Antiochus king of Syria (who besieged, and took it). And was 
 again resorted to in the time of Vespasian ; when it was fortified 
 in a more improved manner, byjosephus, with strong walls. + 
 
 They were built, as that great Commander, and Historian, him- 
 self tells us,} in forty days time : when he furnished the place also 
 with many materials ; and with additional water from below, because 
 of the great multitude of people that were here gotten together. 
 And we find, by the subsequent history, that it was impossible for 
 the army of Vespasian to ascend the mountain ; and that he suc- 
 ceeded, against these Jews, only in consequence of a stratagem, by 
 means of which he first drew the Jewish army down into the plain, 
 and then cut off their retreat. 
 
 Of Bethulia, the same curious traveller whom we have just 
 cited, says, [| " that it is a fortress very strong by nature ; being a 
 " single hill, and very high ;§ and the top appearing like a mount 
 " formed by art. It is laid out in terraces on its side ; the first 
 *' rising about ten yards above the foot of the hill, and having the 
 " hill very steep over it. There is on one side a gentle ascent 
 
 * Maundrell's Travels, p. 114. 
 
 + Vitajoseplvi, sec. 37. De Belle. Jud. lib. ii. cap. xx. sec. 6. 
 
 t De Bello Jud. lib. iv. cap. i. sec. 8. || Pococke's Travels, Vol. II. p. 4S. 
 
 } When we consider that the Israelites, on their first invading the land, were only a lew 
 years before come out from Egypt, where all the inhabited parts were flat and level; and 
 even the cities were placed only on banks, a little higher than the surface of the waters at 
 the time of the overflowing of the Nile; there is every reason to conclude, that these sort of 
 fortresses must have appeared to them very tremendous and inaccessible. 
 
58 
 
 " formed by art;* and on the south, where the hill is not naturally 
 " so steep as in other places, is cut a deep fosse, to add a greater 
 " strength. There was a double circular fortification at top, which 
 " is of later date than the original fortress : and this stronghold has 
 " been made use of even so late as in the time of the Crusades." 
 
 The magnificent and stupendous works of the Great Author of 
 Nature, did most obviously dictate to the first inhabitants of the 
 earth, in every country, almost uniformly the same modes of defence. 
 And besides this, we may be assured, that those nations who in 
 the most early periods had migrated into remote regions, and had 
 thereby secluded themselves from the knowledge of improvements 
 more rapidly made in the first civilized parts of the world, would 
 still longer than others preserve the primaeval customs, and the imi- 
 tations of the first kind of fortresses that had been used. 
 
 Thus, amongst the Indians of South America, have been disco- 
 vered Strongholds, of a very similar nature to the British. For 
 Don Antonio de Ulloa tells us,+ that one Indian method of fortifi- 
 cation was, " to dig three or four ranges of moats quite round the 
 " tops of such mountains, as though high and steep, were not sub- 
 " ject to frosts; every one of which moats was strengthened by a 
 " parapet (or bank), whence they could safely annoy the enemy. 
 " These they called Pucuras. The inmost bank was always higher 
 " than those which were outermost: and within this inmost bank 
 " and its moat, they built their huts, or barracks." ' 
 
 These kind of forts Ulloa says were so common, that one scarce 
 meets with a mountain without them. And in some he says, the 
 outward moat of circumvallation is above a league in circumfe- 
 rence. On the peaks of Pambamaca alone, there are three or four 
 of these antient hill fortresses. 
 
 As to the continued use of such fortresses, in regions, near to 
 those where the invention of them had its origin ; we have a very 
 curious instance of the attack and surrender of one, in Sogdiana, 
 in Asia, in the time of Alexander the Great; related by Quintus 
 Curtius. % 
 
 * This ascent seems obviously to have been a zig-zag path. 
 + UUoa's Voyage to South America, Vol. I. p. 503, 5(M, 
 i Lib. vii. cap. xi. ed. Snakenburgii, p. !o7. 
 
69 
 
 It seems to have differed from those British Holds we have been 
 describing, only in this one circumstance, that a great cave, situated 
 much below the summit of the hill, induced the inhabitants of the 
 country to make a plain spot there their stationary camp, rather than 
 the summit itself ; which very circumstance occasioned the loss of 
 the place. 
 
 The rock must, from the description given by Ouintus Curtius, 
 have been indeed exceedingly high ; though we may very well 
 suspect the measures named by him, as given in our editions, not 
 to have been exact ; and that there has been some error in the 
 transcribers. 
 
 " It was," he says, " thirty stadia (or furlongs) in height, and 
 " one hundred and fifty in circumference; being on all sides steep 
 " and craggy; and accessible only by a very narrow path. In the 
 " midway to the top it has a cave, whose entrance is strait and dark, 
 " but by degrees grows wider; and further on has large recesses. 
 " This cave also is full of springs, whose waters being united, as 
 " they run down the rock, form a river. Here Arimazes, a Sog- 
 " dian, had taken possession, with thirty thousand men all armed, 
 " and had provided himself with necessaries for two years. 
 
 " Alexander, considering the difficulty of the enterprize, at first 
 " resolved to leave it : but afterwards was seized with a violent 
 "■ desire to get the better even of nature. To this end, after inef- 
 " fectual treaties with Arimazes, he sought out three hundred of the 
 " most active men in his army, who had been accustomed to feed 
 " sheep in the most rocky countries; and encouraging these by a 
 " promise of great rewards, induced them to attempt to scale the 
 " mountain, in one of the steepest and least suspected parts, behind 
 " the cave. Accordingly, having provided themselves with wedges 
 " to fix in the clefts of the rock, and also with strong ropes, they 
 " set about their work at the second watch ; being furnished also 
 " with provisions for two days, and armed with their swords and 
 " spears. When they came to the steep part, some laid hold of the 
 " broken crags to lift themselves up ; others made use of ropes with 
 " sliding knots, having fixed their wedges in the clefts to shift their 
 " footing. Thus they spent the whole day in fear and labour ; and 
 " having surmounted great difficulties, they found still greater to 
 
 T 
 
70 
 
 " overcome ; and the rock seemed to grow in height: It was a dis- 
 " mal spectacle, to behold those whose footing failed them, tumbling 
 " headlong down the precipice, and by their sad example shewing 
 " others what they were to expect. Notwithstanding all these dif- 
 '.' Acuities, however, they made a shift to get to the top; having 
 • lost only thirty-two of their number. Here they set up the signal 
 " which they had agreed with Alexander to make; who, perceiv- 
 " ing it, sent an officer to Arimazes again to demand his surrender; 
 " and to shew him the soldiers who had gained the summit of the 
 " rock above the cave. The Sogdian, who had before treated Alex- 
 " ander with insult, and contempt, asking if his army had wings ; 
 " maintained the same haughty demeanour on receiving the sum- 
 " mons to surrender : but when he heard all the trumpets sounding, 
 " and the shouts in the Macedonian army, and was shewn, to his 
 " utter astonishment, the soldiers of Alexander on the summit of 
 " the mountain above, he was seized with extreme fear, not being 
 " able to estimate what number might be behind them ; and offered 
 " to yield up the rock, on condition of having the lives of himself, 
 " and of his men spared ; and sent down thirty of the most consider- 
 " able with these terms. But the king, incensed with the haughty 
 " answers he had before received, refused to hearken to any capi- 
 " tulation; trusting to his good fortune; although there was dan- 
 " ger that the Sogdians might in the interim discover how few the 
 " number of the men on the summit was ; and might overpower 
 " them, and cast them all headlong down. This resolution was not 
 " without success; and Arimazes having descended with his rela- 
 " tions, and the chiefest of his men, Alexander caused them first 
 " to be scourged, and then to be crucified, at the foot of the rock." 
 
 Perhaps the bold adventure of Jonathan, and his armour-bearer, 
 related in the book of Samuel,* may be considered, as having been 
 something similar to this of the three hundred Grecians : for the 
 garrison of the Philistines which those two valiant men attacked, 
 appears to have consisted (according to our -translation from the 
 Hebrew), of twenty men encamped on the summit of a sharp rock ; 
 up the sides of which Jonathan climbed with great difficulty, and 
 
 * l Samuel, chap. xiv. ver. i * . 
 
71 
 
 c 
 
 his attendant after him : and the spot on the summit, which was 
 possessed by the garrison, is described as being only a small space, 
 containing about half an acre of land ; or as much as a yoke of oxen 
 might plough.* 
 
 Many more instances of attacks of these sort of Strongholds 
 might be referred to : which are interesting in the detail ; but too 
 numerous to be all inserted on this occasion. We cannot however 
 pass by unnoticed, the famous rock of Dunbarton in Scotland ; of 
 which there was a scalado, even in modern times, not at all inferior 
 to that by Alexander's soldiers : and especially as this was actually 
 one of the very last posts held by the Britons against the Saxons ; 
 having been taken from them so late as the year 7 5 6, by Edbert, 
 king of Northumberland ; + and being mentioned by Venerable 
 Bede, X as one of the best fortified cities the Britons had during his 
 days. 
 
 Mr. Pennant describes it, || "as being a two-headed rock, of a stu- 
 " pendous height, rising in a strange manner out of the sands, and 
 " utterly detached from every thing else. Bounded on one side by 
 " the river Clyde, and on the other by the river Levin. In an 
 " hollow between the two summits, is a large well of water fourteen 
 "feet deep: and the sides of the rock are immense precipices, 
 " which often overhang." 
 
 In very early times, Robertson says, the Britons had made$ this 
 rock a fortress. " And, here in 157 1, when it had for ages been no 
 " longer a mere rude British fortress, but was defended with a strong 
 " modern castle, a most gallant and enterprising officer, Captain 
 " Crawford, in the dead of night, in the very part where the rock was 
 . ' .. ., *V ' ■ N^OfrjJjipl 
 
 * I cannot forbear adding, as another proof of the constant use of Hill Fortresses in 
 those days, that at the same time that this bold adventure of Jonathan is mentioned, we 
 are told ( l Samuel, chap. xiv. ver. 2 2.) of certain men of Israel who had hid, or secured 
 themselves in Mount Ephraim, and who, when they heard that the Philistines Bed, came 
 down and pursued them in battle. 
 
 + Hoveden, A. 800. ? Beds Hist. Ecc. lib. i. cap. I. It was first called Alcluith; 
 
 then Btittanodimm ; and at last Dunbarton. 
 
 || Pennant's Tour in Scotland, Vol. I. p. 228. And see also a view of it, in the Anti- 
 quarian Repertory, Vol. II. p. id. 
 
 i Robertson's History of Scotland, Vol. II. p. t'i, 14. 
 
I 
 
 72 
 
 " highest, scrambled up, and fastened the top of a long scaling lad- 
 " der of ropes, to the roots of a tree which grew in a cleft. To this 
 " cleft a small determined band ascended ; and then a second scaling 
 " ladder was fixed in like manner. But in the midst of this second 
 " ascent, they met with an unforeseen difficulty: for one of their 
 " companions was seized with some sudden fit, and clung seem- 
 " ingly without life to the ladder. All were at a stand. It was 
 " impossible to pass him. And to tumble him headlong was cruel ; 
 " and might occasion discovery. But Crawford's presence of mind 
 " did not forsake him. He ordered this poor soldier to be bound 
 " fast to the ladder, that he might not fall when the fit was over ; 
 " and turning the other side of the ladder outward, they mounted 
 " with ease over his belly. Day now began to break ; and there 
 " still remained an high wall to scale. This, however, was also 
 " scaled ; the sentry was killed ; the garrison running out of their 
 " beds naked, to make a faint defence, were overpowered as fast as 
 " they advanced ; and this fortress, deemed impregnable even 
 " when only a bare rock, with rude banks, was taken with all its 
 " munitions, cannon, and stores." 
 
 A similar instance of an attack of one of these antient Rock For- 
 tresses, in the country of Caux, in Fiance, after its being also 
 more strongly fortified in modern times, is mentioned in Sully's 
 Memoirs. 
 
 The manner in which Fescamp was surprised, and recovered, 
 in 1 5 93, we are told * well deserved a particular recital. 
 
 " When this fort was taken by Byron from the league, in the 
 " garrison that was turned out of it there was a gentleman called 
 " Bois-rose ; a man of sense and courage; who making an exact 
 " observation of the place he left, and having concerted his scheme, 
 " contrived to get two soldiers, whom he had bound to his interest, 
 " to be received into the new garrison which was put into Fescamp 
 " by the royalists. 
 
 " That side of the fort next the sea is a perpendicular rock, six 
 " hundred feet high ; the bottom of which, for about the height of 
 
 * Sully's Memoirs, Fr. ed. Vol.1, p. 301. Eng. ed. Vol. 1. p. 344. 
 
73 
 
 ; twelve feet, is continually washed by the sea, except tor four or 
 ' five days in the year. 
 
 " Bois-rose did not doubt of accomplishing his design, if he 
 ' could contrive to enter by that side which was thought inacces- 
 ' sible. And this he endeavoured by the following contrivance to 
 ' perform. 
 
 " He agreed upon a signal with the two soldiers whom he had 
 ' corrupted ; and one of them waited for it continually, upon the 
 ' top of the rock ; where he posted himself during the whole time 
 ' that it was low water. Bois-rose taking the opportunity of a very 
 ' dark night, came, with fifty resolute men, chosen from amongst 
 ' the sailors, in two large boats, to the foot of the rock. He had 
 ' provided himself with a thick cable, equal in length to the 
 ' heighth of the rock ; and tying knots, at equal distances, run 
 ' short sticks through, to serve to support them as they climbed. 
 1 The soldier whom he had gained, having waited six months for 
 1 the signal, no sooner perceived it, than he let down a cord from 
 ' the top of the precipice, to which those below fastened the cable ; 
 ' by which means it was wound up to the top, and made fast to an 
 ' opening in the battlement, with a strong crow run through an 
 ' iron staple made for that purpose. 
 
 " Bois-rose giving the lead to two Serjeants whose courage he was 
 ' well convinced of, ordered the fifty soldiers to mount the ladder 
 ' in the same manner, one after another, with their weapons tied 
 ' round their bodies ; himself bringing up the rear, to take away 
 ' all hope of returning ; which indeed soon became impossible : 
 ' for before they had ascended half way, the sea rising more than 
 ' six feet, carried off their boats, and set their cable a floating. 
 
 " The impossibility of withdrawing from a difficult enterprize is 
 ' not always a security against fear, when the danger appears 
 ' almost inevitable. If the mind represents to itself these fifty men, 
 ' suspended between heaven and earth, in the midst of darkness, 
 ' trusting their safety to a machine so insecure, that the least want 
 ' of caution, the treachery of a mercenary soldier, or the slightest 
 ' fear, might precipitate them into the abyss of the sea, or dash 
 ' them against the rocks ; add to this, the noise of the waves, the 
 1 heighth of the rock, their weariness, and exhausted spirits ; it 
 
74 
 
 " will not appear surprising that the boldest amongst them trem- 
 " bled ; as in effect he who was foremost did. This Serjeant, telling 
 " the next man that he could mount no higher, and that his heart 
 " failed him, Bois-rose, to whom this discourse passed from mouth 
 " to mouth, and who perceived the truth of it by their advancing 
 " no higher, crept over the bodies of those that were before him, 
 " advising each to keep firm, and got up to the foremost, whose 
 " spirits he at first endeavoured to animate ; but finding that gen- 
 " tleness would not prevail, he obliged him to mount, by pricking 
 " him in the back with his poignard ; and doubtless, if he had not 
 " obeyed him, he would have precipitated him into the sea. At 
 " length, with incredible labour and fatigue, the whole troop got 
 " to the top of the rock, a little before the break of day; and was 
 " introduced by the two soldiers into the castle ; where they began 
 " to slaughter, without mercy, the centinels and the whole guard. 
 " Sleep delivered up the garrison an easy prey to the enemy, who 
 " killed all that resisted, and thus possessed themselves of the 
 " fort." 
 
 We have here therefore, still further, an instance of the prodi- 
 gious natural strength of an original Hill Fortress amongst the Gauls; 
 whose every mode of offence, and defence, we are assured on the 
 authority of the most celebrated contemporary historians, corres- 
 ponded very nearly with the devices of the Britons. And we find 
 here also, this primaeval fortress continued in use, and strengthened 
 with additional works, like Dunbarton, through a long succession 
 of ages ; and distinguished for its inaccessible situation, and sup- 
 posed impregnability to the very last. 
 
 Just thus the late residence of one of the Moraltoe Chiefs in 
 India, * is represented to have been at a fortress called Raree, in the 
 mountains of Deckan. A fortified mound of rocks, extremely high, 
 and so steep, as but by one narrow path to be accessible to human 
 footing ; with this advantage, that the enclosure, on the summit, is 
 large enough, independent of the stores accumulated there, to grow 
 grain sufficient for the maintenance of a garrison ; which however 
 small the band might be, could with ease defend the rock against the 
 
 * It is mentioned, on report only, in Grose's Voyage to the East Indies, Vol. I. p. 3 s. 
 
75 
 
 greatest armies that could be brought to take it. Whilst, at the same 
 time, all the passes and defiles leading thereto amongst the moun- 
 tains, are both rugged and narrow. 
 
 We ought perhaps also to recollect, what is said * of a fortress 
 called Amba Gesken in Ethiopia : that it is a mountain almost im- 
 pregnable : every way steep, prodigiously high ; and in form of a 
 vast natural castle of stone. At the top it is about half a Portugal 
 league in breadth, at the bottom near half a day's journey about : at 
 first easy to be ascended, then steep and rugged ; insomuch that 
 the Abyssine oxen, that otherwise will clamber like goats, must be 
 craned up, and let down with ropes. 
 
 As this little detail of these few curious fragments of history, is 
 even necessary, to enable us fully to comprehend the true nature of 
 these original Fastnesses, and Strongholds ; so our remarks concern- 
 ing them, should not be concluded without referring still further 
 to the descriptions given us, in the Scriptures, of David's retreats 
 from the pursuit of Saul. For they clearly shew, that some of his 
 strongholds to which he resorted in his distress, with his band of 
 men, most exactly resembled the antient British fortresses. And 
 that, as these latter were continually in use, from the earliest ages 
 of which there are any traces in this country, down even to the fif- 
 teenth century ; so those in Palestine seem also to have been used, 
 from the very earliest time that the Canaanites dwelt in the land, 
 and through all the perio'd that the Judges ruled in Israel, down to 
 the days of King David : as indeed they were also still further used, 
 down to the time of Vespasian, and Josephus, and to the destruc- 
 tion of the Jewish state. 
 
 When David was in danger of being treacherously delivered up 
 at Keilah, we are told,+ that he and his men departed, and went and 
 abode in the wilderness, in strongholds : and remained in a rock of 
 a mountain, in the wilderness of Ziph. The name of this hill, or 
 mountain, we find was Hachilah.J And like mount Tabor, it 
 abounded with trees and wood. When David knew of Saul's design 
 to search for him here, we read || (as the corrected translation in the 
 
 * Ludolphus's History of Ethiopia, p. 29. 
 
 ♦ 1 Samuel, chap, xxiii. ver. 1 J, H. { Ibid. ver. 1 9. || Ibid. ver. a. 
 
7(1 
 
 margin of our Bible has it), he came down from the rock, and abode 
 in the wilderness of Maon : which (from comparing together verse 
 24, and verse I 9, and verse 1 4, of the twenty-third chapter of the 
 first book of Samuel) appears to have been identically the same as 
 the wilderness of Ziph, in the neighbourhood of Hachilah. And 
 being thus come down into the low country, at the roots of this 
 mountain (which like Tabor, and Bethuliah, seems to have been 
 insulated) ; whilst Saul went on this side the mountain,* David and 
 his men went on that side the mountain ; and so escaped. 
 
 A second time also, we find + David making use of this strong- 
 hold. And then it was, that Saul, rashly attacking it, and encamp- 
 ing on the side of the hill, would certainly have lost his life; had it 
 not been for the noble and generous temper of mind which David 
 possessed, and for his great fear of God. 
 
 By the help of all these various illustrations; by means of such 
 traditions as are still preserved ; and from the very derivation of 
 many of their names ; we may now plainly, and exactly enough 
 perceive, of what kind of construction the Fortresses of the most ori- 
 ginal British inhabitants of this country were. The very first efforts 
 of human industry, and ingenuity, here exercised, to provide means 
 both of quiet habitation, and defence. 
 
 And the account of these Hill Fortresses cannot with propriety 
 be closed, without bringing to remembrance the last use made of 
 them, by the unhappy primaeval inhabitants of England, against 
 the united arms of the Picts, and Saxons : when in these very for- 
 tresses, they were either taken by storm, and slain ; — or starved into 
 a surrender ; — or compelled to lurk, a few miserable years, like 
 beasts of the forest. 
 
 The words of the Venerable Bede,J concerning this dire ca- 
 tastrophe are, 
 
 " Nonnulli de miserandis reliquiis in montibus comprehensi 
 " acervatim jugulabantur : alii fame confecti procedentes manus 
 " hostibus dabant, pro accipiendis alimentorum subsidiis" sternum 
 " subituri servitium, si tamen non continuo trucidarentur : alii 
 
 * l Samuel, chap, xxiii. ver. 2C. i Ibid. chap. xxvi. ver, I. 
 
 t Hist. Ecc. lib. i. cap. 15. 
 
77 
 
 " perstantes in patria trepidi pauperem vitam in montibus, silvis, vel 
 " rupibus ardais suspecta semper mente agebant." 
 
 It will now tend in no small degree to perfect our ideas with 
 regard to this matter; if we still further consider, that there are ves- 
 tiges of many Hill Fortresses of a very similar kind, in the neigh- 
 bouring island of Ireland. 
 
 They are there called Raths : and it has been very judiciously 
 observed concerning them, that they are as falsely ascribed to the 
 Danes, as the Tumuli in Ireland are.* Since there is positive proof, 
 in the accounts of the life of St. Patrick, that they existed, and were 
 found in Ireland, some centuries before the Danes ever set foot in 
 that country. 
 
 And indeed the strongest advocates for any of them being the 
 works of Danish invaders, do fairly after all confess, that as, on the 
 one hand, tradition is now almost silent concerning these strong- 
 holds ; so on the other, most of them must be allowed to have been 
 so exceedingly antient, and to have undergone so many changes 
 since their first formation ; that it is at least very difficult to deter- 
 mine what their original really was.+ 
 
 They J are plainly to be distinguished from such circular high 
 mounts as were of a sepulchral kind, by their being constantly con- 
 trived with ramparts, ditches, or intrenchments round them, for the 
 defence of those that kept within ; whereas the sepulchral hills are 
 not at all encompassed with works of this sort. To which it may be 
 added, that although indeed these latter, like the fortresses, are round, 
 steep , rising elevations ; yet they are plainly, quite from the bottom to 
 the top, mere heaps of earth and stone, cast up by hand ; and raised 
 from the surface of the earth itself ; and wholly formed by art ; 
 whereas the fortresses, especially the largest, do owe their height 
 more to their natural situation than to art, as being placed upon 
 some mountain, or rising hill, having the intrenchments dug out of 
 the hill on which they stand. 
 
 They are intrenchments thrown up on the very tops of hills: 
 sometimes with two or three, but more frequently with a single 
 
 * Gough's Camden, Vol. III. p. <gs. t Wright's Louthiana, p. 11, 12. 
 
 t Molineux's History of Ireland, p. 20s. 
 
 X 
 
7S 
 
 ditch. The word itself, Rath, also, signifying properly a Surety : and 
 the Rath being uniformly allowed to have been the antient abode, 
 or Castle of the old Irish Chief. 
 
 It appears, by a careful inspection of the remains of several, that 
 in these Raths, the habitations of the Chief of the district, and his 
 family, were constantly placed; consisting in general only of small 
 buildings, constructed of earth and hurdles ; or rather, having the 
 lower parts formed merely like banks of earth, upon which they 
 erected wooden posts covered with hurdles. They contained for the 
 most part one apartment only ; fewhadtwo; and thenumberof these 
 separate huts in each Rath, as appears from the careful examination 
 of very many,* was generally from four to eight; whilst the nume- 
 rous lesser huts of the vassals, and of the country people assembling 
 on any emergency, together with the cattle, were placed within a 
 surrounding fence, lower down the hill. There was also belonging 
 to several of these raths, a cave; where provisions were laid up, and 
 where was a still safer retreat, in time of extreme danger. These 
 caves are mentioned in the Icelandic annals ; + and numbers of them 
 have been continually discovered, either directly under the Raths, 
 or near adjoining. And oftentimes there are found near the Raths ; 
 and especially in those parts where the vassals and inhabitants of 
 the neighbouring country took up their abode, very small tumuli 
 of earth, with each a cavity, or sort of crater at top, containing 
 ashes. These were their cuci, or koocJiy ; a sort of kitchens ; J in 
 which they dressed their victuals, by means of lighting a fire in the 
 cavity, and then suspending on the top, with the help of wooden 
 stakes, the skin of a cow, or other animal ; into which, as it hung 
 like a sort of bag, they poured water, together with the flesh ; in 
 the same manner nearly as was practiced by the Scots many ages 
 afterwards. 
 
 A very curious plan and view of one of the most perfect of these 
 Raths; that of Ardscul, about three miles from Athy, on the road to 
 Dublin, in the county of Kildare, is given by Mr. Gough, in his 
 
 * Gough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 483. + See Ant. Celto-Scandicje, p. 14. 
 
 % There are good representations of two of these kitchens, in Gough's Camden, Vol. Ill . 
 Plate xlii. fig. 1 and 2, p. 4 83. 
 
79 
 
 additions to Camden.* The great ditch incloses an area of about 
 one hundred and fifty feet long, and one hundred and ten wide, 
 situated forty feet above the level of the country ; which is now all 
 around almost one entire bog, and was in antient times covered with 
 an extensive forest. In this area appear the remains of the rude ha- 
 bitations of the chieftain, and his retinue ; and there still exists 
 a well. 
 
 Another curious Rath remains near Kilcullen, in the county 
 of Kildare, called Cnoch Caellagh. It is surrounded by a circular 
 intrenchment twenty feet wide, and ten high. On this some ap- 
 pearance of streets may be traced. And it was deemed so good a 
 station, that even Oliver Cromwell is said to have encamped on it, 
 in his way to the south. + 
 
 There is also a Rath, in which may be discovered the founda- 
 tions of the small kind of buildings beforementioned, on the hill of 
 Mullahmast, in the barony of Norrah, in Kildare county ; near 
 which are, as further indications of high antiquity, a round pillar 
 stone ; and a number of sepulchral tumuli : and near which a battle 
 is said to have been fought, in the third century, between the Lein- 
 ster, and Munster forces. 
 
 And another curious remain, that obviously appears to have been 
 somewhat of this kind, is that on the top of Sliabh Guth, or Church 
 Mountain, in the county of Wicklow ; where is an immense bank 
 of rude stones, inclosing an area, in the which is a well. For 
 although there is now an idle tradition, that these stones were col- 
 lected in the twelfth century, to build a church, or to pave a road ; 
 yet it manifestly appears from the plan and view given by Mr. 
 Gough, J as well as from its situation and magnitude, that it must 
 have been originally designed for a fortress. 
 
 But Still more particularly for our purpose, by way of illustra- 
 tion, is a fortress in the county of Louth. 
 
 We there find, on the summit of a natural hill, near Castle 
 Town (which seems to have taken its name from this very fortress), 
 not far from Dundalk, a great mount raised to about fifty feet, 
 
 * Cough's Camden, Vol. Ill p. us, and Plate xlii. fig. s and 3. 
 + Ibid. p. 513. { Ibid. Plate xlv. p. sis. 
 
so 
 
 surrounded with a magnificent ditch ; and on the outside of this 
 ditch (nearly in the same manner as at the Herefordshire Beacon), 
 on the east, and west sides, are two plains, or lower camps, for cattle, 
 and for fugitives ; like a sort of redoubts ; which are again them- 
 selves surrounded with a ditch ; and, together with the mount, cover 
 the whole summit of the hill ; making a very formidable and grand 
 appearance, for several miles to the north, and south. 
 
 Mr. Wright, in his Louthiana, has given a plan and view of this 
 stronghold ; * in which appears also a stone pillar, standing at a little 
 distance. And though he ventures, in the outset of his description, 
 to pronounce it to have been an undoubted station of the Danes ; 
 yet it plainly appears that he had not so good authority for such an 
 assertion : as for his conclusion, that perhaps at last this became a 
 royal or chief Danish station. 
 
 It is very possible, the Danes might make use of it as a munition, 
 after they had gotten it into their possession : but the stone pillar ; 
 the greatness of the work ; and what has in the preceding pages 
 been observed concerning the general existence of such kind of for- 
 tresses before ever the Danes had any footing in Ireland ; may lead 
 us surely to place its origin much higher. 
 
 As, however, on the one hand, the Danes might possibly make 
 use of it in after ages ; so it is also, on the other, much deserving 
 our attention, as has been remarked by Spenser,+ that these fortresses 
 amongst the Irish, in still later times, became moreover places to 
 hold assemblies, to parley about matters in dispute ; and about wrongs 
 between township and township, or clan and clan. And became a 
 sort of folk-mote ; as such kind of original artificial hill works seem 
 subsequently to have done, about the Saxon aera, in various parts 
 both of England, and Scotland. 
 
 Even when they ceased to be regular fortresses, these hills had 
 their use ; in being places to which the adjacent inhabitants of the 
 country, in case of any sudden alarm, could repair with speed, and 
 there remain safe, till they could assemble themselves in greater 
 strength ; as whosoever came thither first, even if they were but 
 
 * Book i. Plates viii. and ix. p. 7. t See his View of the State of Ireland. 
 
 L'Estrange's edition of Spenser's Works, folio, p. 3S7. 
 
81 
 
 very few in number, could, in consequence of the narrow entrance, 
 and difficult access, easily rest safe, and defend themselves till suc- 
 cour came. 
 
 Somewhat similar to the fortress just described in the county of 
 Lowth, is one near Down Patrick, in the county of Down, 
 described by Dr. Molineux ;* and of which he has given a curi- 
 ous engraving. + It is surrounded by three great ditches, and ram- 
 parts ; and between that surrounding the foot of the mount, and 
 the second next unto it, is extended, on one side, a plain, forming 
 a lower camp ; similar to the great lower camp in the preceding 
 instance. 
 
 Dr. Molineux indeed supposes this to have been, a Danish camp ; 
 as Mr. Wright supposes with regard to that at Castle Town. But 
 can any one who allows himself sufficient time to reflect, be satis- 
 fied with such a conclusion ; or think that this was originally a 
 Danish work ? when there is no sort of positive authority for any 
 such conjecture: and when, at the same time, we are informed, J 
 that the Danes, in the ninth, and tenth century miserably defaced 
 a church, in the neighbourhood ; which therefore must have been 
 built, by old Irish inhabitants, having full possession of this place, 
 long before the Danes came hither; and when a large Remain, 
 which must have been prior even to the Church, a great druidical 
 Cromlech, on the top of a mountain near adjoining, shews that this 
 spot was considered as a place of great distinction, long before any 
 invasion of the Danes. 
 
 To these remarks, concerning the Irish fortresses, it may be 
 added, that there are also still remaining, in several parts of Ireland, 
 small mounts, on plains, and near rivers, surrounded with two or 
 three strong ditches, including a small area round such mounts: 
 and that such plainly appear to have been the private habitations 
 of the little petty Chiefs, of the several subordinate districts ; and 
 are allowed, by tradition, to have been so. 
 
 Some of these are particularly described, and represented, in the 
 Louthiana. || 
 
 * In his History of Ireland, p. so«. + Ibid. p. 2 1 a. fig. 10. 
 
 t Gough's Camden, p. eso. j| See more particularly Book i. PI. v. fig. l and a. 
 
 Y 
 
82- 
 
 And in the largest of them it may be observed, that on the sum- 
 mits, there is often a great hollow excavation ; similar to the pits 
 that have been already described as existing on the Combe Hills, in 
 Surrey, and on Thetford Hill, in Norfolk. Hollow retreats, in- 
 tended both for security, and for warmth, and shelter. 
 
 To return again, therefore, to our own country ; before we finish 
 our observations concerning these kind of strongholds ; it may be 
 added, as a very singular confirmation of all that has been remarked ; 
 that there is no one spot in this island, that tends more fully to 
 illustrate the true nature of these exceeding antient, and aboriginal 
 fortresses ; than that which may almost be deemed modern, in 
 comparison of the others we have been describing ; and which we 
 have still existing, in the hill called Old Samm, in Wiltshire. A 
 fortress which it is proper to describe nearly last of all ; because it 
 continued in use, even as an inhabited city, longest of all. 
 
 Here there not only was, as the whole form shews, and as is con- 
 sistent with all tradition, and the most authentic histories relating to 
 it, an antient, and original British Fortress ; and afterwards a City; 
 which was made a place of great strength, and inhabited under the 
 dominion of the Romans ; and which was taken at length by Kenric 
 the Saxon, in 5 5 3. But after it had continued for many ages the 
 residence of Saxon kings ; this Stronghold was in the end converted 
 into a Norman city, having a cathedral placed within its muni- 
 tions ; and having an high castle, on the summit of an inner mount, 
 in its centre : and in this state it continued in full splendour, the 
 occasional residence of Norman princes, till the time of Henry HI. 
 The stone walls of this Norman city were twelve feet thick, with 
 twelve towers ; and those of the castle above were stronger still. 
 
 Its original and singular peculiarity, as a British Fortress, could 
 however never be obliterated, in all its successive changes ; for such 
 it most fully and plainly appears still; although every other mark 
 of its greatness is obliterated: and of its Saxon, and Norman towers, 
 and cathedral, no traces hardly remain ; nor is there scarcely one 
 stone left upon another. 
 
 Here, there is much reason to think, the Emperor Severus some- 
 times took up his abode. Here, unquestionably, dwelt many noble 
 Romans ; as is most evident from the coins of Constans, Magnen- 
 
S3 
 
 tius, Constantine, and Crispus, that have so frequently been found 
 amidst its ruins. 
 
 Here King Edbert resided very much. And here King Edgar 
 held a great council, in 9 60. 
 
 Here William the Conqueror summoned all orders of the king- 
 dom, to swear allegiance to him. And here, from its cloud-capt 
 towers, the haughty garrison of King Stephen poured down dis- 
 dainful reproaches, and insults, on the city at their feet ; whose 
 inhabitants dared not, in those times, even to creep down further, 
 to the bottom of the hill, to escape from their dominion. 
 
 Continuing as a city of such dignity so long, this place affords a 
 decided proof, amongst others, that the apparent want of water in 
 such situations, could be no essential objection to such spots being 
 used as permanent habitations. For here dwelt a multitude through- 
 out many ages ; till, as civilization, and ideas of freedom increased, 
 in the time of Henry III. the desire of avoiding the oppression and 
 insults from the proud garrison above their heads, rather than the 
 want of water* induced the inhabitants to remove to the open plain 
 beneath j where Bishop Poor began to build for them the present 
 magnificent church of Salisbury : and to this place, even the very 
 stones and rubbish of Old Sarum were by degrees conveyed; as the 
 remains of Babylon were to Bagdat ; and those of Memphis to Cairo. 
 
 Not having met with any representation or plan of this most re- 
 markable stronghold, that appeared to me, on examination, to be 
 truly accurate ; I here subjoin the best I could form, on the spot ; 
 to convey more fully my ideas concerning it. 
 
 PL III. fig. I. Represents a view of Old Sarum, as it appears at a 
 distance. And 
 
 Fig. 2. Is a plan; as near the real form as I could discern by my 
 
 eye, standing on the high mound surrounding the summit. 
 The letters of reference in both correspond. 
 
 * The unpleasant mode of being supphed only with rain water, in cities, was no uncom- 
 mon thrng m autient times. We find that in Galilee, in the days of Josephus, t the city of 
 Jotopata, whtchwas built on a precipice, having on all sides, except one, valleys immensely 
 deep, and steep; was supplied merely with such water : there being no fountain whatever 
 in the city. 
 
 + De Bello Jud. lib. iii. cap. 7. sec. 7 and 12. 
 
84 
 
 The whole is surrounded by a ditch at the bottom {ffff), and 
 then by an high steep bank ; the principal entrance being in a very 
 singular manner by two narrow passes [i i) on each side of a most 
 remarkable mount at (g), like a rude sort of horn work ; which has 
 a strong and deep ditch, and high bank, of its own, of the form in 
 the plan. 
 
 There was also an entrance, or rather a postern gate, very nearly 
 of a similar kind, only with its mount more rounded, on the oppo- 
 site side of the foot of the hill. 
 
 Both these, however, were clearly of a somewhat later construc- 
 tion than the original British fortress. But having passed through 
 these, we find, now remaining, what in almost every respect clearly 
 existed before any Roman, or Saxon, or Norman additions were ever 
 made. 
 
 At (el) appears a plain elevated space (hhhh), which served 
 throughout all ages for suburbs ; and did here, in every sense of the 
 word, most truly correspond with its name. 
 
 Within this was another deep ditch, surrounding the next or 
 inner mount that formed the city. And over this ditch, after climb- 
 ing the side of the mount, which ascends exceedingly high and 
 steep from it, at (n) was the principal gate of ascent to the great 
 plain (cd); which, in the earliest periods, served only to contain 
 the cattle of the Britons, and mere huts of their fugitives ; like the 
 plains described on the Herefordshire Beacon ; but afterwards was 
 adorned with a regular city : wherein, in Norman times, the cathe- 
 dral stood, nearly in the spot marked by the dotted lines, on the 
 west side. To this city there was another gate of entrance at (o). 
 The whole being divided by a ditch, running north and south, so 
 as to secure one half, in case the other should be taken. 
 
 In the central part of this plain is another deep ditch (kkkk). 
 Within, and from which rises very steep the higher part of the 
 hill (ab); which was surrounded at the top, at first by a great 
 mound ; and in after ages by a strong wall : the ascent to it being 
 through a narrow pass at (m). 
 
 Within this mound was the original British fortress [ab). And 
 besides the contrivances of ditches and reservoirs to preserve all the 
 rain that at any time fell here, on the summit, tradition says was an 
 
85 
 
 exceeding deep well ; as there were also, in later ages, four others 
 on the next lower terrace, where the city stood. 
 
 The mouth of the well, that was in the Keep above, may still be 
 discerned. And in the year 1 7 95, a very curious subterraneous 
 passage, which was most probably made in Norman times, descend- 
 ing from the summit, in the north-east quarter, through the hill, 
 was discovered. 
 
 The entrance from above to this, was by a door way, near four feet 
 in width, (a part of the square stone columns of which still remained, 
 of eighteen inches by twenty-seven, with neat masonry of good free- 
 stone adjoining), and from hence a covered way, about seven feet 
 in breadth, and from seven or eight to ten feet in height, descended 
 in an angle nearly parallel to the glacis of the side of the hill, with 
 regular steps, to the distance of one hundred and fourteen feel; but 
 could not be traced any further, because of the loose chalk and rub- 
 bish that had rolled down to the bottom.* The arch over head is 
 circular, and manifestly artificial. And there are also manifest 
 marks of the tool on the side walls. The steps of descent are cut in 
 the chalk rock, and obviously not much worn ; which indicates 
 the secrecy of this passage. It was filled up after its first discovery, 
 but was soon opened again. -f 
 
 Somewhat similar to Old Sarum, is the hill called Badbury Rings, 
 about three miles and an half from Winburne, in Dorsetshire. It has 
 passed with many for a Roman camp ; because Roman coins, urns, 
 and a Roman sword, have been dug up here in 166 5. J And it has 
 by others been deemed Saxon; because Leland, speaking of Win- 
 burne, says, || the Saxon kings had hard by the toune a castelle, now 
 caulled Badbyri, but clerely down. The diches, hilles, and site ther of 
 
 * The account of the first discovery of this passage, by means of some earth falling in, 
 was given in the Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. LXV. for 1 7 95 , p. 95. An additional ac- 
 count, and sketch, is added, p. 193. 
 
 + See also Vol. LXVI. for 17 9 6, p. 1 8 5 ; where is a further representation of a neat little 
 brass double cross, that was ploughed up on the lower bank, or ring. 
 
 f Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. 5). 
 
 II Itin. Vol. III. p. S( ; and Camden, Vol. I. p. 16. 
 
86 
 
 be yet evidently scene. It is remarkable, that he adds the words, 
 now Conyes-borough ; which name is well known to denote a royal 
 residence. 
 
 But though the Romans might unquestionably make this a 
 station : as they unquestionably did make the same use of several 
 other strong British posts: and though, from the advantage of its 
 situation, the early Saxon kings might afterwards reside here; as its 
 name, Conyes-borough, certainly imports, as well as its later name of 
 Kingestoun Lascy, found in certain writings, as Leland tells us ; yet its 
 form, so unlike any thing that either Romans or Saxons ever con- 
 structed, shews it to have been originally truly British. And it is very 
 remarkable, that another similar British post, in Dorsetshire, is seen 
 from its summit ; that a chain of such Hill Fortresses, within sight 
 of each other, runs quite through the county ; and that it stands on 
 the very same Roman road that Old Sarum does, the Ikeneild 
 Street; a road which probably was made to pass in this very direc- 
 tion, on account of the great strength of these two prior, and most 
 antient British Strongholds. 
 
 A representation of this interesting Remain, with which I have 
 been favoured by my most ingenious and very curious friend, the 
 well known Mr. Tiberius Cavallo, I have inserted, PLf : and the 
 rather, because, by the aid of his mathematical science, he has 
 given a fine illustration of the great extent of country which these 
 sort of camps were made to command ; and also the exact bearings 
 of the several distant objects. 
 
 Hodd Rings, a sort of similar intrenchment, at ten miles distance ; 
 and Hambledon Hills, nearly as far off ; and Spilsbury Rings, at four 
 miles distance. 
 
 The whole circuit round the hill, and the extent of country, 
 bounded by the clouds and the horizon, is represented, fig. 1 . ; 
 and fig. 2. shews the appearance of the elevation of this antient 
 Stronghold ; where the conical hill, in the centre, appears to have 
 been very probably somewhat increased in height, by the addi- 
 tional ruins of the Saxon castle. 
 
 The extent of the area above, from (a) to [b) is eight hundred 
 and seventy feet. And for the satisfaction of those who are parti- 
 
87 
 
 cularly curious, Mr. Gavallo's list of the distances of all the objects, 
 is added in a note.* 
 
 It is perhaps in this place, more than in any other, most proper 
 
 is added in a note.* 
 
 It is perhaps in this place, more than in any other, most prope 
 
 * List of objects seen from Badbury Rings, Dorset, with their distances from that place. 
 
 Miles. 
 
 Dean's Leaze, a house belonging to Captain Bingham 2^- 
 
 Witchampton Church ... - - q 
 
 Horton Observatory - - • . 
 
 Gate of Mr. Bankes's Plantation - - - - o|- 
 
 High Hall, the seat of H. W. Fitch, Esq. - 2 i 
 
 Christ Church, Hants ----- 12 
 
 Isle of Wight - - - - - 22 
 
 Hengistbury Head - - - 13 
 
 Merly, the seat of J. Willett Willett, Esq. - 4-i 
 
 Kingston Hall, the seat of H. Bankes, Esq. - 1^ 
 
 Corfe Mullen * - - - - - gi 
 
 Knowle, the seat of Mrs. Drax - - - - * 4 
 
 Lytchett Beacon - - g& 
 
 Isle of Purbeck - - - - i£ 
 
 Mr. Churchill's Summer-house - g-i 
 
 Henbury, the seat of W. Churchill, Esq. - - - - gJ. 
 
 Earl of Strafford's seat - gX 
 
 Bailie Parsonage ; Rev. Mr. Harris g 
 
 Sturminster Marshall Church - - - -2 
 
 River Stour - - - - \ '• 2 
 
 Charborough. Seat of R. Grosvenor, Esq. - - 4^ 
 
 Woodbury Hill, a Roman camp - g 
 
 Shapwick - - s '- g 
 
 Colwood ... - - 5 
 
 Mr. Fane's plantation - - . . q 
 
 Mr. Mackrell's house at Spetisbury - g 
 Spetisbury Rings, called a Roman camp ... 
 Mr. Jekyll's seat at Spetisbury - - 
 
 Earl of Dorchester's plantation, near Abbey Milton - - io^- 
 
 Spetisbury Parsonage ; Rev. Thomas Rackett 3J- 
 
 Plantation near Bull Barrow - - - - 10 
 
 Mr. Portman's Cliff, near Blandfbrd 6 
 
 Ashley Wood , - - - . _ . a 
 
 Snow's Folly - - . _ _ a 
 
 Hodd, and Hambledon Hills ; called Roman camps - - 10 
 
 Blandford Race Down - 5 
 
 Tarrant Gunville, die seat of Anthony Chapman, Esq. - - 6± 
 
 Melbury Hill - . _ . . - 12 
 
88 
 
 to take some notice of a little mistake, into which Mr. Grose seems 
 to have fallen, in consequence of having drawn a general conclu- 
 sion too hastily. 
 
 In the county of Galloway, in Scotland, at a place called Urr, he 
 found a mount, or hill, with outworks, which on a small scale, does 
 indeed very much resemble* both the mount at Old Sarum, and also 
 that of Badbury Rings. It is called the Mote of Urr ; and he under- 
 stood, both from the meaning of the original Saxon word Mote, and 
 also from the tradition of the country, that when Galloway was an 
 independent state, this was the court where the Reguli, or petty 
 kings of that district, held their national councils ; and promulgated 
 such new laws and regulations, as were found necessary from time 
 to time to be enacted. And that it was also the seat of judgment, 
 where their doomsters, or judges, tried capital offenders. And find- 
 ing such another mount, or hill, appropriated to the same uses, at 
 Tinewald, in the Isle of Man, he directly concluded, that wherever 
 antient mounts, without buildings upon them, are found near castles 
 of the later ages, that they never were any thing else than mount 
 motes, or court kills; raised merely for holding such assemblies : not 
 considering, that the very reason why they were motes, or courts 
 at all, was merely that some great Chieftain, or Baron, once had his 
 residence there; and that the Baronial Court accordingly attended 
 upon the residence of the lord. 
 
 The foundations of the antient Keep towers, both at Old Sarum, 
 and at Oxford, and elsewhere ; and the uniform appearance of all 
 antient British Fortresses, lead us most obviously to understand ; 
 that whether raised in British, or Saxon, or Norman times, they 
 were all originally, according to the different modes of fortifying in 
 those different ages, fortresses ; and occasional Residences of Chief- 
 tains ; from the very first. And that for this very reason only, motes, 
 or courts, were held there. 
 
 Such another kind of old British Fortress nearly as Badbury 
 Rings, is to be found in Annandale, in Scotland ; and is called Wood 
 Castle. It has even a strong resemblance to Old Sarum ; and, like 
 it, was unquestionably used afterwards as a Roman post.t 
 
 * There are two representations of it, in his Antiquities of Scotland, p. 18 1, 18 2. 
 + It is to be found represented in General Ro/s Military Antiquities, Fl. viii. 
 
89 
 
 And surely we may now, without any deviation from our subject, 
 add, that one cannot reflect upon any of these very antient fortified 
 abodes, and especially upon Sarum, in all the various periods of 
 their existence, through so many successive ages ; nor upon any of 
 the aboriginal Hill Fortresses, and Strongholds on rocks, that from 
 the earliest times have been devised in various regions of the earth ; 
 without perceiving most forcibly, the beautiful energy of those plain 
 and simple poetical similitudes, so often made use of in the Psalms. 
 
 Be Thou my strong rock, and house of defence: that Thou may est 
 save me. For Thou art my strong rod, and my castle : be Thou also 
 my grade, and lead me for Thy Names sake* 
 
 set me up upon the rock that is higher than I ; for Thou hast been 
 my hope, and a strong tower for me against the enemy. + 
 
 Be Thou my stronghold zohereunlo I may alway resort : Thou hast 
 promised to help) me; for Thou art my house of defence, and my castle. J 
 
 We instantly see, in the clearest manner, on considering the 
 kind of munitions described in the preceding pages, from whence 
 it was that the Royal Psalmist must have taken his so poetical, and 
 descriptive ideas of Safety, Strength, and Security. 
 
 And that he actually did do so, is still further confirmed by the 
 words of the prophet Jeremiah, || when he says; Truly in vain is 
 salvation hoped for from the hills, and from the multitude of mountains : 
 truly in the Lord our God is the salvation of Israel. 
 
 These Hill Fortresses, however, were sometimes turned into 
 dens, for the mere support of plunder, and tyranny ; and to this 
 circumstance surely those words, also of the holy Psalmist allude, 
 where it is said, § Thou art of more honour and might : than the hills 
 of the robbers. 
 
 And how far these high hills, and strongholds, were, in some 
 instances, from contributing to the peace and quiet of mankind, in 
 latter ages, even in this country ; although they were originally 
 resorted to, as places of protection ; is most feelingly represented by- 
 Peter of Blois, in his Epistles ;** who says, concerning this very 
 fortress of Old Sarum, it was, 
 
 * Psalm xxxi. ver. 2 and 4. t Psalm lxi. ver. 3. 
 
 i Psalm lxxi. ver. 2. || Jeremiah, chap. ili. ver. 23. 
 
 £ Psalm lxxvi. ver. \ . ** Epist. eiv. p. 1 6 5 . 
 
 2 A 
 
90 
 
 A place, that was open to the winds, barren, dry, and desert: wherein 
 stood a tower, like that at Siloam, which oppressed the townsmen with the 
 burden of long servitude. 
 
 And such as this, was, in reality, the origin of almost all the first 
 enormous exertions of power on the face of the earth. 
 
 For such was at first, Ecbatana, in Media ; which there will be 
 occasion to mention more particularly hereafter. 
 
 Such was, in a degree, even the infant power of Rome itself. 
 
 And such also was originally, even the Acropolis at Athens ; 
 where Theseus assembled around him the scattered clans, and tribes 
 of the Athenians. It was adorned, in later times, with superb build- 
 ings, by Pericles ; but what its origin really was, will most clearly 
 appear to any discerning eye, that has an opportunity to examine 
 the fine and accurate drawings, made by Mr. Reveley, of the rock 
 itself, in its present state. 
 
 The Acropolis, the summit of the insulated rock, was long the 
 whole of the city ; and was called Cecropia, from Cecrops, its 
 founder. And when the city had extended all round its basis; this, 
 which was become the citadel, was still only surrounded with 
 wooden walls: insomuch, that so late as on the invasion of Xerxes, 
 when an Oracle had advised the Athenians to defend themselves 
 with walls oj wood, some of them, instead of having recourse to their 
 navy, thought they were only to enter the Acropolis ; and (shutting 
 themselves up there) to defend it.* 
 
 As to Rome, we read in Plutarch, + that the design of founding a 
 new city being formed by the two brothers, Romulus and Remus ; 
 the latter of them at first laid out a piece oj ground for that purpose, on 
 the Aventine Mount, well fortified by nature. Which description 
 plainly denotes both the smallness of the scale of such a city, and 
 the security intended, from its situation on a rock. And when 
 Romulus had prevailed, by augury, and treachery, to have it seated 
 on another spot ; still the account of it is of a similar kind. It was 
 only, at first, a small square; and afterwards a circle, including rude 
 hovels ; and surrounded by a ditch, and trench, and wall ; the 
 superstitious mode of constructing which, Plutarch fully describes. 
 
 * Syrianus in Herm. Corn. Nepos. Thermstodes, cap. ii. 
 + In liis Life of Romulus. 
 
91 
 
 This was confined solely to the summit of the * Palatine Hill : and 
 it was not till long after, that the Mons Ccelius was first added by 
 Tullus Hostilius; then the Aventine Mount in the time of Ancus 
 Martius; and afterwards the Mons Janiculus. The Capitol not being 
 reared on the Tarpeian Rock, till so late as the time of Tarquin the 
 Proud, above two hundred years afterwards. So that the real cause 
 of the great city of Rome, the mistress of the whole earth, being 
 built upon seven hills, seems to have been simply, that its first inha- 
 bitants fortified the summits of rock after rock, for defence ; just as 
 they were able ; till they had at last joined them all seven together. 
 The Capitol itself, the glory of the whole, being on an high ridge, 
 including about four acres, and ascended by an hundred steps. 
 
 And as, in illustration of the origin of the rude Hill Fortress of 
 Old Sarum in this island, which afterwards became a city of the first 
 distinction here, and continued to be such for so many centuries, I 
 have ventured to mention both Athens, and Rome ; so it deserves 
 to be remembered, that even the city of David itself, the Citadel of 
 Jerusalem, was originally nearly of the same kind. For the Jebu- 
 sites, in the very first ages of the world, had fortified themselves so 
 strongly on this natural rock, that although the Israelites took Jeru- 
 salem in the days of Joshua, they could by no means drive them 
 out from their hill ;+ but the Jebusites continued fixed there till the 
 time of David ; at whom, when he attempted first to lay siege to 
 this Stronghold, they scoffed exceedingly ; % being persuaded that 
 all his efforts would be in vain. 
 
 The manner of its being taken sword in hand byjoab, who first 
 ventured to scale the ascent, is briefly told in two passages, which 
 intimate the exceeding steepness of its situation. || And Josephus 
 speaking of it in later ages, when it had been fortified by Herod, 
 tells us also of its exceeding steepness ; { and of the admiration 
 which Titus expressed with regard to its strength, when the Jews 
 had deserted it. 
 
 It was then called the Upper City ; and was the last place to 
 * Livy, lib. i. sec. 6, 30, 33, 35. 
 
 + Joshua, chap. xv. ver. 63. % 2 Samuel, chap. v. ver. 6. 
 I! 2 Samuel, chap. v. ver. 8. 1 Chronicles, chap. xi. ver. c. 
 {Josephus de Bello Judaico, lib. vi. cap. viii. sec. 1. et cap. ix. sec. 1. 
 
92 
 
 which the zealots resorted for security,* after the Temple was taken. 
 It had been joined to the Temple by means of a bridge.+ And had 
 three strong towers, named Hippicus, Pluisaelus, and Mariamne, built 
 upon its old walls by Herod : J which towers were so exceeding 
 strong and beautiful, that when Titus destroyed every other part of 
 the fortifications of Jerusalem, he yet left these standing; || after the 
 Jews had at last of their own accord deserted them. And he declared 
 openly; " We have certainly had God for our assistant in this war: 
 " and it was no other than God who ejected the Jews out of these 
 " fortifications. For what could the hands of men, or any ma- 
 " chines, do towards overthrowing these towers."} 
 
 Josephus says it was the royal palace;** and that Simon dwelt in 
 one of these towers.++ And speaking of the Jews deserting this for- 
 tress at last, of their own accord, he adds, " Thus did the Romans, 
 " when they had taken such great pains about weaker walls, get, 
 " by good fortune, what they could never have gotten by their 
 " engines. "JJ 
 
 From the manner in which Simon attempted to make his escape, it 
 also appears that there were subterraneous caves, and private passages, 
 hewn out of the rock, from the interior parts of this Stronghold. 
 For we are told, [||| " that he let himself, and those that were with 
 " him, down into a certain subterraneous cavern, that was not visi- 
 " ble above ground. And that as far as had been dug of old they 
 " went onward along it. And then, as he had taken miners, and 
 " those who cut stones with iron tools, and a great quantity of pro- 
 " visions for to support them, they proceeded where they met with 
 " solid earth, to dig a mine under ground, in hopes they should 
 " be able to rise from thence, in some safe place, so as to make their 
 " escape. But when they came to make the experiment, their pro- 
 " gress being slow, they at last emerged just where the Temple had 
 " formerly stood ; and so were taken by the Romans."}} Which 
 
 * Josephus de Bello Judaico, lib. v. cap. x. sec. 5. lib. vi. cap. vii. sec. 1 . 
 
 + Ibid. lib. vi. cap. vi. sec. 2. % Ibid. lib. v. cap. iv. sec. 3. 
 
 il Ibid. lib. vii. cap. i. sec. l . $ Ibid. lib. vi. cap. ix. sec. I . 
 
 ** Ibid. lib. vi. cap. vii. sec. 1. t+ Ibid. lib. v. cap. iv. sec. 3. 
 
 ft Ibid. lib. vi. cap. viii. sec. 4. ||[| Ibid. lib. vii. cap. ii. sec. 1. 
 
 0$ On the mention of this effort of Siniaiis, to escape from the citadel of Mount Sion, 
 
9.3 
 
 very curious fact at once explains the nature and use of those caves, 
 and subterraneous passages, which are spoken of as being in several 
 other hill fortresses; and at the same time proves, that such had 
 been hewn out in the interior part of Mount Sion of old. 
 
 There is every reason to believe that Adoni-zedek dwelt in this 
 very hill fortress, at the time when Joshua and the Israelites passed 
 over Jordan." And it is more than probable (notwithstanding the 
 objection of Bochart, and of some other commentators, who appre- 
 hended Josephus to be speaking of the Temple at Jerusalem, instead of 
 the Fortress) that the very first establishment of Mount Sion as a place 
 of residence, might be, as Josephus plainly intimates, even so early 
 as by the great and venerable person called Melckhedek, king of 
 
 by means of mining ; I cannot forbear observing, that such art seems to have been, from the 
 earliest ages, known to the Jews; and was made use of by them, in a most remarkable man. 
 ner, on many occasions, during their last war widr the Romans. 
 
 We are told,+ that when they dared not to come to a plain open battle with the Romans, 
 which was certain death ; yet, through their mines underground, they would appear in the 
 midst of them on a sudden. 
 
 And when the Jews were provoking and bringing on the war, one Manahem, tire son of 
 Judas the Galilean, and a leader of the seditious, not being able to attack Jerusalem by a 
 regular siege, caused a mine to be dug, from a great distance, and carried under one of the 
 towers ; where they left the tower supported only by wooden props ; they then set fire to 
 these wooden props, and foundations, that supported the rest; and in consequence of this, 
 the tower fell down suddenly. £ 
 
 Again ; when the Romans were attacking the tower of ' Antonia, after they had raised four 
 great banks, or mounds, to carry on their operations ; and when their great engines of attack 
 were brought upon them ; John (the other great leader of the seditious, beside Simon) had, 
 from within, undermined the space that was over against the tower of Anlcnia, as far as the 
 banks themselves ; and had supported the ground over the mine, with beams laid across one 
 another. Then he ordered such materials to be brought in as were daubed over with pitch and 
 bitumen ; and set them on fire. And as the cross beams that supported the banks underneadi 
 were burning, } the banks (or mounds) were shaken down, and fell into the adjacent ditch 
 with a prodigious noise. At first there arose a very thick smoke and dust, as the fire was 
 choked with the fall of the bank ; but as the suffocated materials were gradually consumed, a 
 plain flame broke out. On which sudden appearance, a consternation fell upon the Ro- 
 mans; and the shrewdness of the contrivance discouraged them. 
 
 * Joshua, chap. x. ver. 1 . 
 
 + Josephus de Bello Jud. lib. i. cap. xviii. sec. i. J Ibid. lib. ii. cap. xvii. sec. s. 
 $ Ibid. lib. v. cap. xi. sec. 4. 
 
94 
 
 Salem, * who was probably neither more nor less than the patriarch 
 Shem.+ And that it afterwards fell into the hands of the Jebusites ; 
 who probably were the remains of the very shepherds that were 
 driven out of Egypt, and mistaken by Manetho for the Israelites. J 
 Other hill fortresses, in the land of Canaan, are described as being 
 nearly of the same age. Forjosephus tells us, || that Hebron was a 
 more ancient city even than Memphis in Egypt. And we read, in 
 the book of Numbers, that it was built seven years before %pan.§ 
 It was before the days of Joshua called Kirjath Arba, or the city of 
 Arba, the father of Anak,""' and was the residence of the celebrated 
 giants. 
 
 The vale of Hebron where Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, origi- 
 nally dwelt, was at its foot, and nigh unto it ;++ as was also the cave 
 where Sarah was buried. JJ 
 
 And it was, as a place of the greatest strength of any in the 
 country, the fortress where king David went to reside, before he 
 had the opportunity of residing in Mount Sion. |||| 
 
 It was the place also to which Absalom resorted, when he re- 
 belled, and set himself up to reign instead of his father. And was 
 afterwards rebuilt, and strengthened with additional fortifications, 
 by Rehoboam.*** 
 
 And whilst we mention these hill fortresses, in the land of Ca- 
 naan, there is, with regard to them, one very remarkable passage in 
 Sacred Writ, where the translation in the Septuagint flings the 
 greatest light (as it does in several other instances) upon descrip- 
 tions, which as they stand in our present English translation, though 
 it be so exact and excellent in all more material points, yet are almost 
 quite unintelligible. 
 
 * Josephus tie Bello Jud. lib. vi. cap. x. sec. l. + The line situation of this city 
 
 of David, Mount Sion, is most admirably well represented in a curious drawing, on a large 
 scale, by Mr. Miers, which is in the possession of Sir Robert Ainslie. 
 
 % See a passage in Josephus against Apion, which may best be explained on this suppo- 
 sition, lib. i. sec. 26. || De Bello Jud. lib. iv. cap. ix. sec. 7. 
 
 § Numbers, chap. xiii. ver. 22. ** Joshua, chap. xv. ver. IS. 
 
 t+ Genesis, chap, xxxvii.ver. 14. $| Ibid. chap, xxiii.ver. 2, 17. chap, xxxv.ver. 27. 
 
 1111 2 Samuel, chap. ii. ver. 1. ^ Ibid. chap. xv. ver. 10. 
 
 *** 2 Chronicles, chap. xi. ver. 10. 
 
95 
 
 The passage referred to is in the Book of Joshua ; ; ' ! wherein we 
 read what no one can possibly understand, as it is there translated ; 
 as follows : 
 
 But as for the cities that stood still in their strength, Israel 
 burned none of them, save Hazor only; that did Joshua burn. 
 
 In the margin of our Bibles, indeed, the reading is somewhat 
 amended by substituting the words, the cities that stood on their heap: 
 Even this expression, however, is still difficult to be comprehended. 
 But, in the Septuagint, the whole is fully explained. For there the 
 words are, 
 
 riq xoXsif nzf xtyoiLznotjivciQ, 
 that is, the cities that were built, or situated, on pointed hills, or on 
 mounts ; which expression clearly conveys to our minds the idea 
 of these very kinds of aboriginal hill fortresses, which we have been 
 describing. 
 
 Those who duly consider how closely mankind resemble each 
 other, in manners and customs, in the first dawnings of society, and 
 in the beginning and origin of all nations ; and even afterwards 
 during their continuance in any degree in an uncivilized state; and 
 how curious it is to trace the similarity of usages, and resources for 
 the defence and convenience of life, from the parts of the earth first 
 inhabited, and which first made approaches towards civilization, 
 down to those latest cultivated; will perceive the necessity of these 
 digressions, in the outset of these observations, on the interesting 
 Military remains of antiquity in Great Britain. 
 
 In truth, the original idea even of any city at all, amongst the 
 primaeval Celtes, seems, in all regions of the world, to have implied 
 nothing more than a mere Circunwallation, for the security of an 
 assemblage of huts, or tents, or dwellings of any kind : and did not 
 necessarily carry with it the intimation of the existence even of a 
 tower ; and much less of any regular house, or palace. 
 
 And hence we may easily account for the vast number of cities, 
 which are by Homer, and in the most antient histories, mentioned 
 to have been built by mere emigrants ; and finished in so very short 
 a space of time. 
 
 Hence also we may very easily account for what is said in the 
 
 * Chap, xi. ver. is. 
 
9(i 
 
 Mosaic writings, of Cain's having built a city; under such strange 
 circumstances as attended him." 
 
 And hence also we may perceive, why such particular notice is 
 taken, when a town, or city, really had the addition of a Tower ; as 
 in the case of ThebezA 
 
 After having thus endeavoured to form a clear idea of the nature 
 of the fortresses, and of the mode of habitation of the antient Bri- 
 tons ; we cannot but wish to obtain, as far as is possible, some 
 little conception of the appearance of their persons, and of their 
 manners. 
 
 Caesar says, the inhabitants of Kent were the most civilized of 
 any; and the most nearly resembled the natives of Gaul. For the 
 inhabitants of the interior parts of the island, according to his ac- 
 count, J were so utterly unacquainted with the conveniences of life, 
 that they did not even sow any corn at all, but lived entirely upon 
 milk, and flesh. 
 
 All the Britons painted themselves more or less [vitro] that is, 
 according to the apprehensions of the best commentators, with wood, 
 of a bluish colour, in order to render themselves of a more formid- 
 able appearance in battle. And Herodian affirms, that some of them, || 
 on the sea coast, punctured their bodies [alilovlm) with figures resem- 
 bling various kinds of animals ; in consequence of which they also 
 went without garments, that they might not cover or conceal those 
 indented representations ; which we may observe must have been 
 very nearly of the same kind, as to the manner in which they were 
 impressed, with the marks made by tattowing in the South Sea 
 Islands. 
 
 They had long lank hair; but were shorn in every part of the 
 body, except the head, and upper lip. And excepting the persons 
 just mentioned, they were, in general, clad with skins. 
 
 To this, which is the substance of the account given by Caesar, 
 Strabo adds,§ that many of the inhabitants were so rude, and un- 
 
 * Genesis, chap. iv. ver. 17. + Judges, chap. ix. ver. so, 51. 
 
 % De Bello Gallico, lib. v. sec. 10. || Herodian, lib. iii. sec. 47. Solinus, 
 
 lib. xxxv. Caesar de Bello Gallico, lib. v. sec. 1 4 . Plinii Hist. Nat. lib. xxii. cap. I . 
 § Strabo, lib. iv. p. 200. Par. ed. 
 
97 
 
 skilful, as neither to be able to make any cheeses, although they had 
 plenty of milk ; nor to cultivate pot herbs; or to use any kind of til- 
 lage of the ground whatever. 
 
 Their wretched black substitute for salt also, was obtained merely 
 by pouring sea water on the embers of burning wood.* And with 
 this they, or at least the neighbouring Irish, are said, in some in- 
 stances, to have devoured human flesh, t and to have drank the 
 blood of animals, and even of their enemies.} And it must be con- 
 fessed, that the barbarity and horrid customs of some barbarous na- 
 tions, lately discovered, render these accounts too probable, how- 
 ever questionable the authority of the authors who relate them 
 may be. 
 
 But though there were such instances of barbarity in some parts, 
 yet this wretched savage state was not universal: and with regard to 
 their Druids, we may infer, from Strabo's account of those in Gaul, 
 whom they so nearly resembled, that this order of men were even 
 richly clad ; and that some of them even wore golden chains, or 
 collars, about their necks and arms ; and had their garments dyed 
 with various colours, and adorned with gold . |f 
 
 Chains also, both of iron, and gold, appear to have been worn by 
 some of the chieftains, and noble personages. } 
 
 And from his account of the common people in Gaul, and of the 
 intercourse the Britons had with them, and of the close similarity 
 of their customs,** we may conclude that some of the common order 
 of Britons, instead of the rude skins of beasts, wore very thick 
 coarse wrappers made of wool j which must plainly have been a 
 sort of blankets, or rugs, fastened about the neck with a little sharp 
 pointed piece of stick. They wore also a coarse slit short vest, 
 reaching down barely to the thighs, with sleeves. «• Whilst, for 
 weapons, and armour, they had a long two-handed sword, hanging 
 
 * Taciti Annaks, lib. xiii. cap. 57 ; Plinii Hist. Nat. lib. xiii. cap.7; VarrodeRe 
 Rustica, lib. i. cap. s. + Strabo, lib. iv. i 9 «— p. sos ; Diodorus Siculus, lib. v. 
 
 cap. jj.sh— p. ,55. ;Solinus.cap. 3 j. p. ,66. ed. Basil. 
 
 II Strabo, lib. iv. 1 »7— p. S „ j. j Taciti Annaks, lib. xii. cap. 3 6 ; He- 
 
 rod.an, Kb. iii. cap. 4 7 • Polyb. lib. iii. « <W de Belle, Gallico, lib. v. sec. 1 2 ; 
 Tacitus Vita Agric. cap. ,1. tt Strabo, lib. iv. p. .06— joo; Ca-sar de Belle 
 
 Gallico, lib. v. cap. 14. 
 
 C 
 
98 
 
 by a chain, on the right hand side; a great long wooden shield,* as 
 tall as a man : long spears ; and a sort of missile wooden instrument 
 like a javelin, longer than an arrow, which they darted merely by 
 the hand ; (both of which latter, seem plainly to denote two differ- 
 ent sorts of those kind of weapons, called Celtes, fixed at the end of 
 staves and sticks) and some of them used slings for stones. There 
 were amongst them also those who had breastplates made of plates 
 of iron, with hooks, or with wreathed chains ; and such as had 
 helmets also of different fashions : but some went into the field of 
 battle nearly quite naked, + who probably were those mentioned by 
 Herodian, whose bodies were punctured with figures resembling 
 various animals : and who had sometimes wreathed chains of iron 
 about their necks and loins. J 
 
 They generally lay and reposed themselves, on the bare ground; 
 yet most of them ate their food sitting on seats. 
 
 And they had a particular species of dogs, most excellent for 
 hunting ; and so fierce, that the Gauls made use of them in war. || 
 
 From these accounts compared together, and duly weighed, we 
 may venture to represent to our imaginations some tolerably ade- 
 quate idea of the appearance which the antient Britons must have 
 made. 
 
 And, in order to convey such whole complex representation in 
 the readiest mode to others, just as it presents itself to my own 
 mind, I shall venture to add, in PI. |, a group of figures, which (as 
 
 * Strabo, lib. iv. 196 — p. 3i)l; Diodorus, lib. v. p. 2 1 3 — 3 53 ; Tacitus de Moribus 
 Germanorum, cap. 17; Clur. Germ. Antiq. lib. i. cap. 10; Pelloutier Hist. Cel. lib. i. 
 p. 3 1. Tbese rude rugs, or blankets, thus pinned about the shoulders, were manifestly the 
 old aboriginal patterns of dress, from whence, in more refined . times was derived the plaid, 
 afterwards fastened with the rich embossed broach, so well known to our modern antiqua- 
 ries. As to the vest, it was clearly seldom used by the common people, and appears to have 
 been the better sort of cloathing; it had at first sleeves covering only the arms, but afterwards 
 they were made reaching down to the wrists. Strabo, lib. iv. 196 — p. 300 ; Diodorus Sicu- 
 lus, lib. v. cap. 3 0. 213 — p. 353; Tacitus de Moribus Germanorum, cap. 17; Clurvius 
 German Antiq. p. ill. We have reason to believe also, that these rude garments which 
 covered them in the day, were the only covering they had in the night. (See Clur. Germ. 
 Antiq. p. 119.) Which circumstance is the more credible, when we reflect that the polite 
 nations of Asia, as described by Homer, had frequently no other resource to secure them 
 from the inclemency of the night air. + Diodorus, lib. v. 213 — p. 3S3. 
 
 t Herodian, lib. iii. sec. 17. I! Strabo, lib. iv. 199. Par. ed. p. 3 05. Amst. 
 
yy 
 
 they will appear with more meaning and animation, when supposed 
 to be engaged in some transaction, than if they were drawn singly 
 and unemployed) are arranged, in a manner descriptive of a cele- 
 brated scene in the Caractacus of our excellent poet Mason. 
 
 Elidurus, and Velinus, are represented as brought by the British 
 attendant soldiers into the presence of Caractacus, who was, at that 
 time, concealed in the sacred recesses of the Druids ; and just at the 
 instant when he was about to consult their Fates, and they were 
 preparing to begin some of their most solemn rites and ceremonies. 
 Caractacus is represented as standing in the midst, dressed accord- 
 ing to the preceding descriptions of the garb of the more civilized 
 Britons; and before him are Elidurus, and Velinus in a garb of the 
 same kind. The soldiers are one of them clad with skins, as was 
 usual amongst the inferior classes ; and one of them has the long 
 broad sword ; and another the sling ; they have also the long shields 
 so particularly mentioned ; and one of them appears quite naked, 
 and tattowed ; according to Herodian's description. Near them also 
 is placed a large dog, that the circumstance of their making use of 
 such in battle may not be forgotten. The idea of the dress of the 
 chief Druid is made to conform, as much as possible, to that of the 
 figure given by Rowland ; and in the dresses and garments of the 
 others, in conformity to the description given by Strabo, some of 
 their mantles are represented as striped, and of various colours ■ and 
 they have golden chains, and chains of beads, on their necks and 
 arms. One of them also has the golden hook, for cutting the misle- 
 toe : and the wand, or rod also ; and the Welsh harp are introduced ; 
 consistently with what is said of their having been unquestionably 
 in use in this most early period ; when no ceremonies of divination 
 could be performed without the one ; nor any religious worship 
 without the other. 
 
 The golden hook, however, is here represented, according to the 
 usual idea, as a flat sort of curved sickle ; but whether that is per- 
 fectly right, there have been some doubts : both because the misle- 
 toe might perhaps better be torn down, with an hooked instrument; 
 than cut down. And because, about the year 1 7 95, in Cornwall, 
 there was actually dug up from the depth of sixty feet below the 
 surface, in searching for a new tin mine, between Fowey and Lost- 
 
100 
 
 withiel, a curious long slender hook of hard metal, covered with a 
 substance resembling gold, and chased, in part, like a snake's skin; 
 and having a regular handle ; at the end of which a fine piece of 
 amber was well set : which pointed hook, if it might be deemed 
 strong enough, seemed well adapted to the tearing and pulling down 
 of misletoe from the oak. This instrument, which is in the posses- 
 sion of Philip Rashleigh, Esq. on whose estate it was discovered, is 
 above a foot in length. And, whilst the great depth at which it was 
 found buried, shews its high antiquity ; the niceness of the work- 
 manship of its coated ornament, and of the setting of the amber, 
 shews it must have been an instrument of great importance : and a 
 little round eye, or loop, just below the handle, shewed that it was 
 worn as a badge of dignity. Its form is represented of the real size, 
 PI. |* But it ought to be mentioned, that some doubts have been 
 entertained of the sufficiency of its strength, as well as of its having 
 been once straight ; and of its having been either a divining rod ; 
 or even a mere pin for a garment. To degrade it to the latter use, 
 however, it must be considered, notwithstanding its good workman- 
 ship, as a very awkward ill contrived implement ; which we can 
 hardly suppose a thing of such nice and .elegant construction, to 
 have ever been. 
 
 Leaving therefore its precise use undetermined ; but being as- 
 sured it was a British instrument of some sort, (very possibly to 
 assist in the inspection of the intestines of sacrificed victims,) we 
 will go on with the explanation of the Plate. 
 
 In the landscape behind the figures appears, in front, the Druid 
 Oak ; with misletoe growing upon it : not far off stands a Cromlech., 
 or altar: on one side, at a distance, is seen a Druidical circle, with 
 huts or cells of the Druids near adjoining: and on the other side 
 at a greater distance in the perspective, and as it were through a long 
 drawn glade, or vista, is seen a rocking stone on an hill. 
 
 The learned Sammes, in his Britannia, has given us the repre- 
 sentation of a Druid, p. 101, from some antient statues dug up at 
 
 * Since this drawing was made, another has also been taken, and engraved in the Ar- 
 chseblbgia, Vol. XII. p. A\i, PI. LI. fig. 8 ; but yet this is here inserted because it is ratlier 
 more exact, and in better proportion: as I am well able to ascertain, From having had the 
 instrument some time in my custody. 
 
101 
 
 Wichtelberg in Germany: and the same idea of their appearance 
 seems to have been followed by Rowland in his Mona Antiqua.* 
 But as some doubts may arise, concerning the supposition of these 
 Statues having been properly the representation of British, or 
 Gaulish Druids ; because of the place where they were found : so 
 it has been remarked by the celebrated Selden,\ that the garb and 
 representation does not, in all points, agree with what is described 
 by Ccesar, and Strabo, concerning their golden ornaments ; dyed 
 garments ; bracelets ; and the mode of shaving of the generality of 
 the Britons : and therefore I have ventured to make such devia- 
 tions, as are consistent with the accounts of antient authors. 
 
 Sammes also gives us J a representation of an inhabitant of the 
 Scyllies ; whose garments were black, and longer than those of the 
 other Britons : but neither the form of the garment, nor the ap- 
 pearance of the hair, seem justly to agree with the description of 
 Diodorus. And still much less authority is there for his represen- 
 tation of Queen Boadicea. ji These therefore are not attempted to be 
 here copied. 
 
 Having in the preceding description represented the long wooden 
 shield so particularly, amongst other accoutrements of the British 
 soldiers, I cannot forbear to observe, that although no such usage 
 can be presumed to have taken place amongst the more rude Britons ; 
 yet that even in their time, and age, the use of armorial bearings 
 seems clearly to have been introduced amongst the Gauls. 
 
 For Diodorus, describing the long shields of the Gauls, which 
 we have just referred to, says, they were oexoixiXithoic lm%br.oK, 
 varied, with particular marks, or colours, properly belonging to each in- 
 dividual person.^ Which perfectly accords with what Tacitus says, 
 concerning the Germans : that they distinguished their shields with 
 the most nicely chosen colours. " Scuta tantum lectissimis coloribus dis- 
 " tinguunt."** Who at the same time mentions the disgrace of losing 
 these shields, in nearly the same terms that a Norman Knight would 
 afterwards have spoken concerning the reversal, or breaking, of the 
 coat armorial, as a punishment for dishonourable military conduct. 
 
 *Page65. t JanusAngl. Iib.i. p. 3 2. % In his Britannia, p. 1 17. 
 
 II Page 2 2 9 . { Diodorus, lib. v. 2 1 3 — p. 3 5 5. 
 
 ** Tacitus de Moribus Germanoruin, sec. vi. 
 
 2 D 
 
102 
 
 ' ' Scutum reliquisse, pracipuum Jlagitium : nec aut sacris adesse, aut 
 " concilium inire, ignominioso fas : multiqite superstites bellorum, infa- 
 " miam laqueo fmerunt." 
 
 On a little reflection it plainly appears, that as there are no more 
 than seven colours, besides white, and black ; and no great number 
 of clearly distinct shades formed by the composition of them; the 
 numerous families, or tribes, of the Gauls, and Germans, could 
 not well be distinguished by colours alone, without the addition of 
 various forms, and figures. And if various forms and figures were 
 added ; we have then the very essence of armorial bearings, in the 
 strictest sense of the words ; and may plainly perceive, that coats of 
 arms were actually used, both by Gauls, and Saxons ; and, as well 
 as the ground work of our laws, and constitution, were brought 
 from the forests of the north. We may perceive also, that the tra- 
 dition concerning the Saxon standard of the White Horse, the memo- 
 rial of which has so long been preserved in Berkshire, does by no 
 means deserve to be considered as fabulous. Whilst unquestionably, 
 the common opinion concerning the use of armorial bearings hav- 
 ing been first introduced in the time of the Croisades, to distinguish 
 the Chieftains, and their followers, in battle, seems, on other ac- 
 counts, to be without any good foundation : as we can hardly con- 
 ceive why such distinctions should have been then first thought of, 
 or deemed at all more important in that war, rather than in long 
 preceding expeditions, and undertakings, during the greatness of 
 the Roman empire ; when full as many different nations were often 
 embattled on one plain. 
 
 Indeed it seems manifest, even from the sculpture on the cele- 
 brated columns of Trajan, and Antoninus at Rome, that armorial 
 distinctions were, in the days of those Emperors, in full use, both 
 amongst the Romans, and amongst many barbarous people. 
 
 For in Bartoli's fine engravings of Trajan's pillar, representing 
 the events of the Dacian war, and of the expedition against Dece- 
 balus, we find different varieties of bearings in no less than thirty- 
 one * different plates ; besides many repetitions of the same devices, 
 denoting persons of the same clan, or troop. 
 
 * See, besides the ornaments of the square pedestal, PI. VIII. fig. 90. PI. X. fig. loo, 
 104. PI. XVII. fig. 132. PI. XVIII. fig. 133, Sec. PI. XX. fig. 14 1. PI. XXII. 
 
103 
 
 And so also in the engravings of the Antonine pillar, represent- 
 ing the expedition of Marcus Aurelius against the Germans, and 
 Sarmatians, we find great varieties of bearings, on the shields of the 
 soldiers, and Chiefs of those nations.* From all which, a curious, 
 and even complete idea of the state of heraldry, in those antient 
 times, might be formed. 
 
 With regard to those bearings, however, it may be observed, that 
 notwithstanding there appear to have been such numerous varia- 
 tions ; yet few of the devices contained any figures of animals, or 
 plants, or of weapons ; probably on account of their little skill in 
 drawing, and designing. 
 
 And it may deserve attention, that perhaps we have one means 
 of tracing the use of armorial distinctions even to its very source. 
 For amongst other most curious pieces of information which we 
 receive from Herodotus, we are expressly told by that Father of his- 
 tory, + " that the Carians were the inventors of three things in use 
 " amongst the Grecians. They were the first who wore a crest 
 ' ' upon their helmets ;• — the first who taught men to adorn their shields 
 " with various figures (or signs, and marks of distinction) ; the words 
 " are exi raif xaxltixts rot artiiqix xouoOm, or as some copies have it, muictx 
 " meaSia; — and the first who invented the hold (or handle) whereby 
 " shields are managed, which before used to hang only by a leathern 
 " thong going round the neck, and descending by the left shoulder." 
 
 And this antient custom, last mentioned by Herodotus, accounts 
 for the general mode of wearing the sword on the right side, in the 
 earliest ages. And therefore even accounts for it, amongst the 
 Britons. 
 
 One of the long and broad two-handed swords, which there is 
 great reason to think actually belonged to a British Chief, who resi- 
 ded in the neighbourhood, and was buried on the spot, was dug up 
 
 PI. XXIII. PI. XXV. PI. XXVI. PI. XXVIII. PI. XXX. PI. XXXI. 
 PI. XXXII. Pl.XLII. Pl.L. Pl.LII. PI. LIII. Pl.LV. P1.LVI. PI. I. VIII. 
 PI.LXVIII. Pl.LXXI. Pl.LXXII. Pl.LXXIII. Pl.LXXXIII. Pl.LXXXIV. 
 Pl.LXXXV. Pl.LXXXVII. PI. LXXXIX. PI. CI. PI. CXI. 
 
 •See PI. VI. PI.X. Pl.XIX. PI. XX. Pl.XXII. Pl.XXXI. Pl.XXXIV. 
 PI. XXXVIII. PI. XL. Pl.XLVI. P1.LVII. 
 
 + Herodotus, ed. WesselHngii, 1 7 l . p. s I . 
 
104 
 
 at Chateris, in the Isle of Ely, in 1 757, together with a celt, or 
 spear-head ; the umbo of a shield ; an urn ; and a glass vase.* 
 
 One of these swords also was seen by Mr. Pennant, at T alyskir, in 
 the Isle of Rum, one of the Hebrides. It was called a Cly-more, 
 and had a blade two inches broad, doubly edged ; and three feet 
 seven inches in length ; with an handle fourteen inches long ; and 
 a plain transverse guard, of one foot.t 
 
 And it ought not to be passed by unnoticed, that such an one 
 appears to be represented in the antient figure of a soldier, that was 
 found amongst the ruins of London, in digging after the great fire 
 in 1666.J And that this figure had the hair flowing; the legs 
 bare ; the lower garment short, and fastened by a girdle round the 
 waist ; and the upper garment flung carelessly over the breast and 
 one arm. 
 
 A great broad sword of the same kind also, near five feet long, 
 with a transverse guard, ornamented with inlaid silver foliage ; was 
 found in a barrow at Aspatria, about twenty miles from Carlisle, in 
 the road to Cockermouth , in the year 1 7 89. || 
 
 The Celts, which so constantly formed a part of the armour of 
 the antient Britons and Gauls ; and which have been so particularly 
 taken notice of by Rowland ; $ and of which so very many, of va- 
 rious forms, have been found in different parts of this island ; are 
 all very fully described, in a very curious Memoir in the Archaeo- 
 logia," where their several distinct figures are shewn ; from whence 
 it plainly appears, that they must have been used for various dif- 
 ferent purposes, as well as for instruments of war; and that they 
 were in general fastened by strings, and thongs, to their handles, 
 much in the same manner as the implements so lately made use of 
 by the rude natives of the South Sea islands. 
 
 And indeed some few others of stone that I have seen, (and one 
 of which I have still in my own possession), plainly indicate, that a 
 
 * They are all represented from a drawing of Dr. Stulcelcy's, in the Gentleman's Maga- 
 zine for 1 7 66, p. 1 1 8. 
 
 + See Voyage to the Hebrides, p. 283. i See Montfaucon Antiq. Vol. IV. 16. T.X. 
 II An account of this is given in the Archaeologia, Vol. X. p. 112. 
 } Mona Antiqua, p. 86. ** By Dr. Lort, Vol. V. p. 106. 
 
105 
 
 time and state of things once existed in these countries of Europe, 
 when the conveniences of life were quite as much limited, and the 
 manners of the people nearly as barbarous, as those of the New Zea- 
 landers. 
 
 Some of the stone hatchets, of a later date, and of a somewhat 
 more artificial kind than mine, are described, and represented, in 
 the Archaeologia* Whilst a flint axe, still more like that in my 
 possession, was discovered some years ago, sticking in a vein of coal 
 in Craig-y-Parc, in Monmouthshire :+ which vein, it is remarkable, 
 was in such a situation, as to have been accessible to the early na- 
 tives of the country, without any need for mining, or digging deep. 
 
 And we may add, that stone arrow heads, are still sometimes found 
 in Scotland, and called by the name of Elf shots. % 
 
 Sucli also have been found in the midway, of the ascent up to 
 the celebrated mountain of Cader Idris, in Merionethshire. $ 
 
 They have been also found in other parts of Britain: and what 
 is most remarkable, are nearly of the same construction with such 
 as have been discovered near the Straits of Magellan, in South 
 America. Woodward has engraved six of them:|| and says, truly 
 enough, they are of a form the most mischievous, and most fitted to 
 hurt that could possibly be devised. They are brought to an exqui- 
 sitely sharp point, with keen edges, and have snaggs, or as they are 
 called beards on each side, on purpose that they may make a large 
 wound wherever they enter; and may not be drawn out without 
 much difficulty, and harm to the part which they happen to have 
 penetrated. 
 
 Diodorus expressly tells us** the Gauls wore brazen helmets ; hav- 
 ing either horns affixed to them ; or so contrived as to represent the 
 faces of birds, or beasts. And we may therefore, from the close 
 similarity of the customs of the two nations, conclude very fairly, 
 that such were sometimes in use amongst the Britons. But as they 
 are no further particularly described ; and as no remains of any such 
 have ever been dug up ; I have not ventured to insert, amongst the 
 
 * Vol. II. p. us. m, PI. VIII. fig. i and s. + See Philosophical Trans- 
 
 actions, No. 335. p. soo. ( See Pennant's Tour in Scotland, p. 102. 
 
 f See Gough's Additions to Camden, Vol. II. p. 54 l ; and Wyndham's Tour, p. io7. 
 II See Woodward's Fossils, octavo, p. 4 3. «• Lib. v. 213. p. 353. 
 
 2 E 
 
106 
 
 figures of the annexed plate, any sort of representation of their 
 form.* 
 
 Strabo had himself seen some of the antient Britons at Rome ; 
 and he took particular notice of a circumstance not mentioned by- 
 other writers ; of their being remarkably tall. + 
 
 He describes also, on that occasion, their peculiar custom of usino- 
 in their own country, a vast number of Cars, or Chariots J in their 
 wars: which is confirmed by Caesar's account; who says, that Cas- 
 sivelaunus had no less than four thousand about his person. £ 
 
 But, truly, from the exceeding rudeness of the British dwellings, 
 and also from the savageness of their manners, as we find them de- 
 scribed by Strabo ; and further, from their having not a few merely, 
 but such a vast multitude of cars ; we may easily conceive, that 
 these, as well as their dwellings, were of no great magnitude; nor 
 of any very curious workmanship. 
 
 They most probably (if we may be allowed to investigate facts, 
 without preconceived prejudices) may even be deemed to have re- 
 sembled the modern, little, low built, Welch carts ; the common 
 use of which, in these present days, seems to have been derived 
 down, merely as a simple, plain imitation, of the general form of 
 their most antient vehicles. 
 
 And it is surely a striking fact, that the present modern Welch, 
 are no less remarkable for using a vast, unnecessary, and quite dis- 
 proportionate number of carts, or cars, on many occasions, than 
 their ancestors were. 
 
 * There is a curious passage in Herodotus, lib. iv. no. p. 3 60, wherein he affirms, that 
 the Greeks first borrowed Ihe helmet from the Egyptians : and it seems very probable, that 
 the figures of men with the heads of birds, and beasts, so often seen amongst the Egyptian 
 hieroglyphics, and which have been commonly imagined to represent some of their false 
 deities, were designed, in reality, originally to represent men armed with antient helmets. 
 The fabulous tale also of men whose mouths were in their breasts, might be derived from 
 the appearance of barbarians armed with large casques. And the first barbarous idea of this 
 sort of armour, may very easily be conceived to have been to strike beholders with horror, 
 and amazement; as well as to defend the head from blows. And hence probably this cus- 
 tom might be derived to the Britons ; who by some historians are said to have shaped their 
 Mies into divers figures. Sammes's Britannia, p. in. 
 
 tThis distinction is perhaps still remarkable, with regard to the inhabitants of this 
 island, when compared with the Spaniards. } Strabo, lib. iv. » . p. 305, Jo! 
 
 $ Ca:sar de Bello Gallico, lib. v. c. is. 
 
107 
 
 I myself have seen, near Penrice, in Glamorganshire, a farmer, 
 carrying home a part of his harvest, by means of a procession of twelve 
 little carts ; each drawn by one horse ; with a man, or a woman, 
 riding astride upon it; and followed by a train of twelve single 
 horses ; each having a man, or a woman, riding in like manner, and 
 carrying behind them merely two or three sheaves of corn, tied up 
 in bags ; whilst the whole convoy, all together, though consisting 
 of twenty-four riders, twenty-four horses, and twelve carts, did not 
 carry home more corn than would have been a load for an English 
 waggon ; nor perhaps so much. 
 
 That the resemblance between the antient British cars, and the 
 modern Welch, little, low built carts, is not founded on idle conjec- 
 ture, will plainly appear, if we fairly allow ourselves to consider, 
 that no sort of carriage, of any kind of construction that can be 
 conceived, can better, or indeed by any means so well agree with 
 Cesar's description of the manner in which they were used in battle: 
 running quickly here and there in every part, over the most uneven ground, 
 without being overturned; and then, when the warrior had descend- 
 ed from them to fight on foot, affording him an easy opportunity to as- 
 cend again in a moment. 
 
 " This," says Caesar," is the mode of fighting from their cars: first 
 " they drive about through all parts, and cast their weapons ; and 
 " by the very terror of the horses, and noise of the wheels, much 
 " disturb the enemies' ranks. And when by this means they have 
 " forced their way into the midst of the enemies' cavalry, they jump 
 " from their cars, and fight on foot ; the drivers in the mean while 
 " removing a little out of the heat of the battle, and placing them- 
 " selves in such a manner, that if those who are fighting, are hard 
 " prest, by the multitude of the enemy, they may make an expedi- 
 " tious retreat to their cars. Thus they have both the rapidity of 
 " cavalry, and the stability of infantry in their fights. And they 
 " have acquired such skill, by daily use and exercise, that they are 
 " accustomed, even in a steep and precipitous spot, to keep their 
 " horses on full speed ; and to stop or turn them in a moment ; to 
 " run fi.e.themselvesj upon the shaft for polej ; to stand upon the yoke; 
 " and from thence quickly to betake themselves to the car again."* 
 
 * Caesar de Bello Gallico, lib. iv. §. 39. 
 
108 
 
 From the mode of expression, and mention that is made of Bri- 
 tish Cars, in many detached passages of -the most antient, and most 
 curious historians,* we may conclude, that the Britons had six 
 kinds of chariots, distinguished by different names ; but all very 
 small. And it is much deserving of our attention, that these names 
 are allowed to be derived from the East, and from the Phoeni- 
 cians ;+ the Benna; the Carrum; the Covinus ; the Essedum ; the 
 Rheda ; and that a carriage is still called by some of the Germans 
 Benne ; and that to this day, to carry in a cart, or waggon, is in the 
 old British tongue called Cowain. 
 
 The Covinus seems, however, to have been, properly, the Car, armed 
 with scyths, or hooks, in imitation of the antient iron chariots of the 
 Syrians ; whilst the Essedum was that to carry armed men ; and the 
 Rheda, that of the chieftain ; and the Benna, and the Carrum, seem 
 to have been left to carry single private men, or baggage. But in 
 none of them can we conceive, that there was much difference of 
 form ; because if there had been so, they could not have run so ra- 
 pidly over uneven ground, without overturning. Nothing except 
 such low built cars as those of the modern Welch could endure that: 
 and therefore we may be well assured, that the figures given by Mr. 
 Sammes, % must be erroneous ; for any one who casts an eye upon 
 them, must perceive, that such carriages would overturn even sooner 
 than a modern cart. 
 
 As to the Scyths also, I should suspect, that both in the British, 
 and in the Syrian chariots, they were fixed, at the ends of the axle- 
 trees, as well as on the sides of the shafts, not sticking out straight; 
 nor with the inner side of the curved part forwards ; but rather 
 sloping backwards, and with the edge formed on the outer convex part ; 
 by which means they would cut slanting, as well as merely strike. 
 
 The warriors who fought in these war chariots, we find, from 
 Caesar, { were clad in skins ; were stained with woad of a bluish 
 colour, to make them appear more dreadful in battle ; had their 
 
 * Cffisar, Diodorus, Strabo, Lucan, Tacitus, Pomponius Mela, Dio Nicseus. See also 
 a citation from the poet Juvenal, with judicious remarks in the Archaeologia, Vol. VII. 
 p. 2 l t ; and it ought not to be forgotten, that Dio Nicams describes the horses as being small; 
 as are the true Welch horses. + Sammes's Britannia, p. 120, 1st, 
 
 t See the plate in Sammes's Britannia, p. 12 2. Lib. v. sec. 10. 
 
109 
 
 hair lank ; and were shaved in every part of the body, except the 
 head, and upper lip. 
 
 And there is the greatest reason to believe, that like the savage 
 South Sea Islanders, described by Cook, 1 '" they preserved the jaw- 
 bones of their enemies slain by them, as memorials of their ex- 
 ploits, and valour. 
 
 For Strabo says,+ of the Gauls, (who, he tells us, were even more 
 civilized than the Britons,) but yet resembled them in most points, 
 " that when they return from battle, they carry the heads of their 
 " enemies suspended from their horses necks; and then place them 
 " openly before the gates of their towns, as a sort of trophies. And 
 " anointing some of them also with pitch or turpentine, they pre- 
 " serve them in chests, or baskets; and shew them with ostentation 
 " to strangers ; refusing to suffer them to be redeemed even for their 
 " weight in gold." Which account is confirmed by Diodorus. 
 
 And it is very remarkable, that immediately after his account of 
 the Britons, whom he had seen at Rome ; J describing the still more 
 savage state of the Irish, Strabo says, that they eat human flesh. 
 Which circumstance he mentions with just the same kind of timid 
 caution, as some of our early geographers did the first reports con- 
 cerning the Carribee Indians ; before the later voyagers had put the 
 existence of Cannibals past all doubt, both in the Carribee Isles, 
 and in New Zealand, and in the Islands of the South Sea. 
 
 The weapons which the British warriors used, when mounted 
 on their Cars, were most manifestly those called Celts, of various 
 kinds : which must have been tied at the end of sticks, and staves; 
 m a mode not at all surpassing, and most likely much resembling, 
 the weapons of the New Zealanders. 
 
 The manner in which very remote nations, in their early periods, 
 resemble each other, is a most striking circumstance in history. 
 And the numerous Cars of the Britons, unavoidably remind us of 
 the nine hundred chariots of iron, of Jabin king of Canaan. || Nine 
 hundred Chariots, that most probably were not of much greater 
 magnitude, or magnificence, than a British Car. 
 
 * Hawkesworth's Voyages, Vol. II. p. 169. See also, a strange fact, Vol. III. p. 469. 
 + Lib. iii. 19 8. p. 3 2, and a 00, p. 3 05. See also Diodoms Siculus, lib. v. 2 12, p. 3 5 2 . 
 Ed. Wesselingii. % Strabo, lib. iv. 2 1. p. 3 07 . Hjudges, chap. iv. ver. 3\. 
 
 a F 
 
110 
 
 They remind us also, of the Cars of the antient Grecians, and 
 Trojans ; which seem to have been, when all that is related con- 
 cerning them is duly considered, (like those of the Britons,) of a 
 much more simple construction, than the usual prejudices of edu- 
 cation, and the too great reverence we are so apt to entertain for 
 objects of high antiquity will, at first sight, readily permit us to 
 allow. 
 
 Homer himself may be our guide, to open our eyes, in this 
 respect; whether his admirable work be really an exact narration; 
 or merely a romantic Epic poem. For in either case we may be 
 assured, that he accurately described well known usages, and cus- 
 toms. And, according to his account, in the first place, we find, the 
 Grecian Cars were hardly less numerous than those of the Britons : 
 since, when Achilles wished to pay honours to the remains of Patro- 
 clus, we are led to understand, that almost every one, (if not pre- 
 cisely every one,) of the Myrmidons, had his own Car to make use 
 of on the occasion.* 
 
 And in the next place, we find a circumstance strongly marking 
 the simplicity of the Trojan Cars. For the poett describing Lycaon, 
 the son of King Priam, as having been taken prisoner by Achilles ; 
 says it was at the very time, that he (not suspecting the approach of 
 any enemy,) was lopping young green branches from a tree, to re- 
 pair a part of his chariot. The Greek expression, III aywlsq xnJuytq 
 thv, implies, that curved, projecting part, of the front of a chariot, J 
 where the reins are hung, when the car is standing still : but Pope 
 translates it coarsely enough; and in a manner that would con- 
 vey a still more degrading idea of the carriage ; telling us, that 
 Lycaon was 
 
 " But late made captive in his father's land, 
 
 " (As from a sycamore, his sounding steel 
 
 " Lopp'd the green arms, to spoke a chariot wheel.)" 
 
 And after this ; from the description given of the Chariot of 
 Priam || himself, we find reason to conclude, even that Royal Car 
 
 * Iliad, book xxiii. line 6, 7. + Ibid, book xxi. line 37, 38. 
 
 % See H. Stephens's Thes. p. 4 69, 17 0. 1| Ibid, book xxiv. line 2 55 to 285 
 
in 
 
 to have been merely of a very simple construction ; notwithstand* 
 ing what is said of its beam being made of box wood, and nicely 
 polished. As Homer speaks of the fastening upon it, the baskets, 
 for holding the gifts, to be carried to Achilles, in a manner that 
 shews its structure, and magnitude, to have been not vastly superior 
 to that of a Welch Car. 
 
 It is plain also, that Priam's chariot had only two wheels ; be- 
 cause the chariot or waggon, With, four wheels, which was to bring 
 back the body of Hector, is by tliat very circumstance* distinguished 
 from the one in which Priam rode. 
 
 The primaeval simplicity of the times also, as well as that of the 
 Car, is in a most striking manner pointed out, by the poet's telling 
 us, that King Priam, with his own hands, assisted only by his 
 herald, harnessed the horses ; and that afterwards he himself drove 
 the carriage. 
 
 And we find no less simplicity of manners, and of the construc- 
 tion of an antient Grecian Car, in the account given, in the Odyssey, 
 of the Royal Car of Alcinous, king of Phasacia, which his daughter 
 Nausicaa requested + leave to borrow, that she might convey the 
 robes of the family, that were wanting cleansing, to the river side, 
 to be washed. In these our days of modern refinement, it is almost 
 impossible to preserve the description free from burlesque ideas ; not- 
 withstanding the dignity of Homer's expressions. And still less, 
 when the request of the Princess, begins with the Greek words 
 IUxsec ftX ; Dear Papa. 
 
 We are then told, the car was loaded with the whole wardrobe 
 of the family ; and that the Princess, mounting the seat, took the 
 reins, and whip, into her own hands, and whipped, and drove the 
 horses along. Whilst at the same time most particular care is taken 
 to inform us, J that the carriage moved but very slowly ; both on 
 account of its heavy load ; and that the damsels, who attended on 
 foot, might the more easily follow it. || 
 
 These facts, and this little digression, may tend to assist us in 
 forming more precise ideas, both of the simple construction of the 
 
 * Iliad, bookxxiv. line 3 2 4 , 3 26. + Odyssey, bookvi. line 57 , 5 8, 59. 
 
 t Odyssey, bookvi. line II, Is. || Ibid. line 3 1 1, % so. 
 
112 
 
 Grecian Cars, notwithstanding the high-sounding words in which 
 they are often described ; and of the antient British Chariots, notwith- 
 standing they were sometimes so formidable to the Romans/'' We 
 may however fairly allow, both the one and the other to have been 
 frequently much ornamented, and, like the Canoes of the South Sea 
 Islanders, to have been inlaid with pearly shells, and bone ; or 
 ivory ; or even with gold, and silver. 
 
 Ideas of ostentation have ever been prevalent in the human mind • 
 and even still more amongst barbarians, as far as their abilities 
 reached, than amongst more civilized nations. 
 
 * In a Vignette, beneath, is added a sketch of one of the little modem Welch Carts- 
 and also a distant view of two others of them without wheels, which kind are much in use! 
 And on one side of the same Vignette, is represented, a modern Welch Pig-stie ; several of 
 which sort are to be seen near Llandaff. They are built of small stones, and being whitened 
 over, make a very pretty, neat appearance. And, ludicrous as the comparison may at first 
 sight be deemed, there is certainly reason to conclude, that their form has been derived down 
 from an mutation of the antient British huts ; as that of the earts, is from a resemblance of 
 the antient British car. 
 
113 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 CONCERNING STONES OF MEMORIAL. 
 
 The objects of British Antiquity that next demand our attention, 
 as being cosval with the Fortifications just described ; are Druidical 
 Remains ; Civil ; Religious ; and Superstitious. 
 
 But it is odd enough to be obliged to observe, in the very first 
 instance, that although so very many of these remains do now go 
 promiscuously under the name of Druid Temples; yet, in reality, the 
 Druids had no Temples at all,* that could properly be so called ; 
 and by the very principles of their religion, disowned the use of 
 any, as much as the antient Persians did. 
 
 The objects of antiquity now to be considered, are therefore 
 simply confined, to plain Stones of Memorial ; Circles of Memo- 
 rial, Observance, and Observation ; Sacred Circles, with Altars of 
 Oblation ; Altars for Sacrifice, and Divination ; Rockino- Stones ; 
 Kistvaens, or Tombs ; and Barrows. 
 
 Many different specimens of which kinds, remaining in various 
 parts on British ground, plainly speak for themselves : and are all 
 of them obviously derived from the common usages of the most 
 early ages of the world. 
 
 And the considering them in this light ; and attending to them 
 as connected with such usages ; will, it is trusted, be more satisfac- 
 tory, than labouring to connect their history with that of any par- 
 ticular British, or Saxon, or Danish battles; with regard to which 
 precise events it is, after all, by far most probable they had no con- 
 nection whatever. 
 
 Nothing can be more certain, than that the setting up of Stones 
 of Memorial, was one of the very first means devised in the world, 
 
 * This is, in reality" confirmed by what Borlase fairly acknowledges, [p. I II.) and by the 
 substance of what has been written by the most judicious Investigators of these kind of anti- 
 quities, notwithstanding their inadvertent use of the word Temple. 
 
 S G 
 
114 
 
 to record events, and facts of high import. And the really interest- 
 ing part of the present inquiry, is merely to ascertain what kind of 
 Stones were designed to do so. 
 
 It has on this occasion often been recollected, that when Jacob 
 was going into Mesopotamia, to Padan-aram ; and had on his way, 
 whilst he was taking his rest at Bethel, a Divine Vision, in a dream; 
 that in memory of it, when he awoke in the morning, he set up a 
 Stone for a Pillar of memorial ; anointing it with oil. 
 
 But the circumstances of this fact have not, perhaps, been so 
 properly and rightly attended to, as they deserve. For, in the first 
 place, our version in the Bible has very strangely translated the 
 narration ; saying, that he tool of the stones of that place, and put them 
 for his pillows; and that in the morning he took the stone he had put for 
 his pillows, and set it up for a pillar, * and poured oil upon the top of it. 
 
 Now, to say nothing of the inconsistency of this double narra- 
 tion in itself, as to the confusion of the singular, and plural num- 
 ber; what sort of pillow must it have been that was formed of se- 
 veral stones, one of which alone was large enough to be set up for a 
 pillar of memorial? and how could any man living have contrived 
 to rest, with his head on such an heap? The translation of the Sep- 
 tuagint, however, sets the matter right : for there we simply and 
 plainly read, that lie took a stone, and placed it at his head ; obvi- 
 ously to fence and keep off the wind, and weather ; just as travellers, 
 to this day in the Desart, as Shaw informs us, have recourse to the 
 shelve of a rock, for shelter ; or to the loose ruins, and remains of 
 antient arches, that formerly belonged to cisterns, constructed to 
 preserve water. + 
 
 This stone, thus taken by Jacob, to place at his head, during the 
 night, as a fence against the weather, might therefore easily be large 
 enough, to set up for a pillar ; and indeed must in a degree have 
 been sufficient to answer such a purpose ; if it was at all of a size 
 sufficient to answer as a means of shelter. And such an one might 
 also be of a bulk not too great for one man to rear: of a bulk, not ex- 
 ceeding that of many antient stones of memorial, such as we still find 
 in many parts of our own country ; about 3 or 4 feet high, standing 
 
 * Genesis, chap, xxviii. ver. 1 1 , 1 K . + Preface to Shaw's Travels, p. ix. 
 
115 
 
 single, in fields, and on heaths, and by the sides of roads ; without 
 the least tradition now left, when, or why, or by whom, they 
 were so placed : yet so appearing, and so remaining, that we may 
 be assured, they were not so placed without some very significant 
 reason. 
 
 Again; when Jacob was returning from Mesopotamia, and was 
 pursued by Laban with hostile intentions ; and when they were at 
 last reconciled ; and Laban proposed to make a solemn covenant, 
 that might be for a witness between them ; * we are informed, that 
 Jacob took a stone, and set it up for a Pillar: and moreover said unto 
 his brethren, (that is to his kinsmen, the near relations of Laban,) 
 gather stones: and they took stones, and made an heap : and they 
 did eat there, upon the heap. And Laban said, this heap is a witness 
 between me and thee this day. Behold this heap, and behold this 
 pillar, which I have cast betwixt me and thee; this heap be witness, and 
 this pillar be witness, that I will not pass over this heap to thee, and that 
 thou shall not pass over this heap and this pillar to me, for harm. 
 
 And previous to this last solemn transaction, we find also, the 
 first pillar set up by Jacob, mentioned, and approved of, by an 
 Angel, in a vision, in a dream. + 
 
 We read also still further; J that when Jacob removed again, and 
 fled from Shallem, or Shechem, and came again to Bethel ; he reared 
 there an altar; and seems then also to have set up another pillar, by 
 the altar; and to have poured a drink offering thereon, and to have 
 poured oil thereon. 
 
 Now these erections of pillars, in all these instances, we may be 
 certain were not new devices either of Jacob's, or of Laban's ; but 
 were ceremonies observed, in conformity with more antient usages : 
 of which all that passed in the interview, on the second occasion, 
 was a proof. These more antient usages were therefore derived from 
 the very first men, in the very first ages : [| even from the same stock, 
 which the first inhabitants of Britain descended from. 
 
 Accordingly we find in this country, in Cornwall, one most re- 
 
 * Genesis, chap. xxxi. verse 44, 45, 4 6, 51, 52. + Ibid, verse 13. 
 
 i Ibid. chap. xxxv. verse 7 , 14. 15. 
 
 II The analogy between [he customs of the most antient nations, and those of all such 
 others, as having been branched off, and separated from them, in very early periods of the 
 
116 
 
 markable Stone, with an heap of other stones lying at its bottom ; 
 in Boswen's Croft, Sancred, which so exactly answers to the de- 
 scription of that erected by Jacob and Laban, that if it were in Syria, 
 it might even be mistaken for it. 
 
 I must borrow the representation of this stone, and heap, PI. IV. 
 fig. I, from Dr. Borlase.* 
 
 And somewhat similar to this, seems to have been a great Stone, 
 about half a mile south-west from Enston Church, in Oxfordshire, 
 which tapers from a broad bottom, and had several stones of a much 
 smaller size lying on the ground by it. 
 
 And as we have these remarkable appearances ; so we are not 
 without instances of a superstitious regard being preserved for cer- 
 tain heaps of stones, as actual bonds of covenants ; in sequestered parts, 
 where customs and manners are but slowly changed. 
 
 For in the Isle of Jona, one of the Western Isles of Scotland, we 
 are told, + there are still certain stones, called the Black Stones ; not 
 from their colour, for that is grey ; but from the dire effects that 
 tradilion says ensued upon perjury ; if any one became guilty of it, 
 after swearing on these stones in the usual manner ; for an oath 
 made on them, was decisive in all controversies. 
 
 Further, it has been particularly remarked by Rowland ;J that, 
 in many places, where there are Carneddes, or Heaps of Stones, of 
 great apparent antiquity, there are generally Stone Pillars standing 
 near by them. 
 
 To which I must add ; that, even when such kind of stones as 
 we often see remaining alone, of great bulk, and of great antiquity, 
 
 world, have for ages been shut out from intercourse with the improvements of civilization, 
 is in a vast variety of instances exceedingly deserving of notice. 
 
 Thus we not ordy find the custom of raising heaps of stones, as Memorials, preserved 
 amongst the Britons, long after it was disused by the Asiatics, and by the Greeks, and he- 
 come even unknown to the Romans ; but amongst the Indians, in America, we find the same 
 custom preserved, down to our own days. For Beverley informs us, $ that on concluding 
 a peace, the Virginian Indians buried a Tomahawk, or stone hatchet, and raised an heap of 
 stones thereon, as a Memorial. 
 
 * Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 164. PI. X. fig. 3. + Martin's Description of the 
 
 Western Islands, p. 259. % Mona Antiqua, p. 5 1. 
 
 History of Virginia, p. 164. 
 
117 
 
 answered the purpose only of mere boundary Stones ; as some of them 
 most unquestionably did : it yet seems very obvious ; that their 
 being allowed, through ages, to be decidedly such legal mark; was 
 actually in consequence of some solemn covenant, and agreement, 
 made on the spot, between the parties claiming, on both sides ; of 
 which covenant, before the use of deeds in writing, the Stone erected, 
 was the vouched signature and proof; as much, as in the instance 
 of the agreement between Jacob and Laban, the Stone then set up, 
 was a proof of a Covenant of another sort." 
 
 These kind of solemn boundaries we find mentioned in the Holy 
 Law of God. + Cursed be he that removeth his neighbour's Land-mark. 
 We find them also mentioned by Homer. For in the imaginary 
 scene, in which he supposes Minerva to have thrown a great stone 
 at Mars, and to have wounded him ; the Poet says, that she retreat- 
 ing, seized in her strong hand, a stone lying in the field, black, rough, 
 and vast; which men in former times had placed as a boundary of cul- 
 tivated land. J 
 
 London Stone, preserved with such reverential care through so 
 many ages, and now having its top incased within another stone, 
 in Cannon Street, was plainly deemed a Record of the highest an- 
 tiquity, of some still more important kind ; though we are at pre- 
 sent unacquainted with the original intent and purport for which 
 it was placed. It is fixed at present, close under the south wall of 
 St. Swithin's Church ; but was formerly a little nearer the channel, 
 facing the same place ; which seems to prove its having had some 
 more antient and peculiar designation, than that of having been a 
 Roman Milliary ; even if it ever were used for that purpose after- 
 wards. It was fixed deep in the ground ; and is mentioned so early 
 as the time of Ethelstan, King of the West Saxons, without any 
 particular reference to its having been considered as a Roman Mil- 
 liary stone. [| 
 
 * One cannot but bring to mind, on tins occasion, the legal ceremonies so long retained, 
 in these later ages ; of delivering a lurfofthe land, or a twig uptm ike spot, by wayofLiMrr 
 of Seisin of a Freehold Estate. And of holding a Utile rod iu the hand, and vf delivering it into 
 the hands of the Steward, (by the custom of some Manors,) as a necessary form of Legal Sur- 
 render of a Copyhold Estate. See Coke Litt. H. 4 s . a. and fbl. 6 l . a. 
 
 + D=uteronomy, chap, xxxvii. verse 17. J Iliad, book xxi. line 405, 404. 
 
 II There are some curious observations with regard to this Stone, in the Gentleman's 
 
 2 H 
 
118 
 
 And so the famous Stone of Scone, formerly in Scotland ; on 
 which the Kings of England and Scotland are still crowned ; though 
 now removed to Westminster, and inclosed in a chair of wood, 
 is yet well known to have been an antient Stone of Record, and 
 most Solemn Designation, even long before it was first placed at 
 Scone. 
 
 Buchanan tells us, it formerly stood in Argyleshire; and that King 
 Kennith, in the ninth century, transferred it from thence to Scone, 
 and inclosed it in a wooden chair. It was believed by some, to 
 have been that which Jacob used for a pillow, and to have travelled 
 into Scotland, from Ireland, and from Spain. But whatever may be 
 thought of such a Monkish tradition, it is clear enough, that before 
 the time of Kennith, that is, before the year 834, it had been 
 placed simply, and plainly, as a Stone of great import, and of great 
 notoriety, in Argyleshire ; and on account of the reverence paid to 
 it, was removed by Kennith.* 
 
 Even under the Divine Sanction, and after the giving of the Law, 
 we find this method of recording great events, complied with, in 
 conformity to still more ancient usage. 
 
 For Moses expressly commanded the Children of Israel to record 
 their entrance into the promised Land, in the following manner. 
 
 + It shall be on the day when you shall pass over Jordan, unto the Land 
 which the Lord thy God givelh thee, that thou shall set thee up great 
 Stones, and plaisler them with plaister ; and thou shall write upon them 
 all the words of lids Law. 
 
 Which command we are afterwards told Joshua most punctually 
 observed. J 
 
 And when he himself, just before his death, had given his last 
 charge to the people ; we are told, || he took a great Stone, and set it 
 
 Magazine, Vol. XLII. p. 126. See also Pennant's London, p. 4. And the Parentalin, 
 p. 265 ; in which it appears, that Sir Christopher Wren, in consequence of the depth and 
 largeness of its foundation, was convinced that it must have been some more considerable 
 monument than a mere Milliaiy stone. 
 
 * It would not be just to omit mentioning, that a curious investigation of the history of 
 this Stone, maybe seen in the Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. LI. p. 45 2 ; and Vol. L1I. p. 23. 
 
 + Deuteronomy, chap, xxvii. verse 2,3, fcc. 
 
 % Joshua, chap. iv. ver. s, so. Chap. viii. ver. 3 0. ]] Ibid. chap. xxiv. ver. 2 6, 27. 
 
119 
 
 up thereunder an oak, that was by the Sanctuary of the Lord in Shechem. 
 And said unto all the people, Behold this Stone shall be a witness unto us ; 
 for it hath heard all the words of the Lord which He spake unto us : it 
 shall be therefore a witness unto you, lest ye deny your God. 
 
 We read also of a well known, and distinguished Stone, of great 
 magnitude ; on which even the Ark of God was placed, when it 
 returned out of the Country of the Philistines, and had been taken 
 out of the cart by the Levites. Which stone, seems to have been 
 well known before that time, by the name of the great Stone of 
 Abel.* 
 
 Further ; when the Israelites had been in a most extraordinary 
 manner enabled, by the directions of Samuel, on their repentance, 
 to defeat the Philistines ; and were by that means delivered from 
 their oppression ; Samuel took a Stone, and set it between Mizpeh and 
 Shen, and called the name of it Eben-ezer, for the Stone of help,) saying, 
 hitherto hath God helped us A 
 
 And there are some great Pillars of Stone still remaining in this 
 country, of such vast magnitude and distinction ; and standing so 
 remote from any circles of Pillars, or heaps of Stones ; that they can 
 only be concluded to be also Memorials of great victories, and 
 events ; although all knowledge of such victories, and events, is 
 now perished. 
 
 They are like the Pyramids of Egypt ; Records of the highest 
 antiquity, in a dead language. 
 
 Of this kind are three great stones, little known, but deserving 
 much attention, standing near each other, in a field atTrelech, in 
 Monmouthshire ; in a manner which plainly indicates, that they 
 did not form a part of any Circle of Stones. 
 
 They are sometimes called by the neighbouring inhabitants, 
 Harold's Stones; but for what reason does not at all satisfactorily 
 appear. 
 
 Yet, from their vast bulk, and the immense labour required to 
 erect them, they must have been designed to perpetuate the remem- 
 brance of some event, deemed at the time of the highest importance 
 to an whole people. 
 
 * 1 Samuel, chap. vi. verse !5, 1 8 
 
 t Ibid. chap. vii. verse 1 2 
 
120 
 
 They are represented from a drawing, taken on the spot in 17 89, 
 in PI. IV. fig. 2. 
 
 Their height is unequal ; but the highest is at least thirteen or 
 fourteen feet above the ground ; and being most manifestly of the 
 very same kind of substance with a stratum of rock, situated a few 
 miles off, nearer to Monmouth, (that is, a kind of stone composed of 
 small pebbles inclosed in an hard cementing rock, something like 
 what is vulgarly called pudding stone,) they must have been con- 
 veyed to the spot where they now stand, by means of most prodi- 
 gious efforts: efforts not inferior to those which are recorded of 
 Harold, the son of Gormon, in the North. 
 
 For the preserving also the remembrance of some event of high 
 import, at the time, must those stones called the Devil's Arrows, have 
 been placed, near Burrowbridge, in Yorkshire. With regard to 
 which it is very remarkable, that one of them stands leaning, nearly 
 in the same manner as one of those at Trelech does ; only they 
 are further distant from one another. The highest is about 24 feet 
 high. They seem never to have had a tool lifted up, or used upon 
 them ; and, in consequence of their vast antiquity, have a sort of 
 little furrows worn in some parts, from the top downwards, by the 
 rain.* 
 
 So those three stones, called the Devil's Coits, near Stanton Har- 
 court, in Oxfordshire, (which were all existing a very few years 
 ago,) stood too far remote from the Rowldrich Stones, to have had 
 any connection with them, as to their particular import: and seem 
 to have been designed rather as mere Records, like those just men- 
 tioned. They were 65 paces asunder, and about 8 feet high, and 
 7 broad at the base.+ 
 
 At a village also called Kinver, in Staffordshire, 9 miles from 
 Wolverhampton, is a large single stone, 6 feet high, and 12 feet in 
 circumference ; called by the neighbouring inhabitants Battle Stone, 
 or Bolt Stone; which there is reason to believe was set up by the 
 
 • A particular account of them in their present state, with drawings, is given in the Gen- 
 tleman's Magazine, Vol. LX. p. i o s i . See also Drake's History of York, p. tt. And 
 Cough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 58. 
 
 t See some account of them in Cough's Camden, Vol. I. p. 2 9 1 . And in the Dcscrip. 
 tion of England, Vol. VII. p. in. 
 
121 
 
 antient Britons, as a Memorial of a Fight, and Victory. On the top 
 is a very rude resemblance, as some imagine, of three heads ; or 
 rather, indeed, a sort of notching, like what is seen on the top of 
 those called the Devil's Arrows, in Yorkshire. Dr. Plott's * plain 
 description of the Stone is ; that it has two chops in the top of it, so 
 that at a distance it appears a triceps. 
 
 In the churchyard of Leek in Staffordshire also, is a Stone adorned 
 with exceeding rude devices, that seem to be more antient than 
 the times of the Saxons, and Danes ; and was therefore most pro- 
 bably one of the latest remains of this kind erected by the Britons.t 
 
 That, however, even in later ages, Stones have been actually set 
 up as memorials of particular battles and victories, both in this 
 Island, and in Ireland, is well known. 
 
 Thus ; about three hundred yards west of New-bridge, in the 
 county of Cork, in Ireland, are three large Stones set edgeways to- 
 wards each other ; the middlemost of which is five feet broad, and 
 seven high, and two thick. And these are said, by an uncontro- 
 verted tradition, to be theMemorial of a battle fought on this spot, the 
 plain of Ballagh Leachta, between Brian Boirwma king of Munster, 
 and the Mahonies of Carbery, assisted by the Danes, most of 
 whom were slain.J 
 
 And again, on the heath of Maryborough, in Queen's County, in 
 Ireland ; there is a Stone remaining, which it is affirmed was set 
 up in consequence of a Battle fought in the third Century, near 
 that spot, between the Leinster, and Munster forces.} 
 
 And in Brecknockshire, in South Wales, is a Stone still remain- 
 ing, with exceeding rude sculpture ; which there is the utmost 
 reason to believe was erected to commemorate a Victory over a king 
 of Northumberland in 6 1 7 . || 
 
 So late also as the time of Malcolm, son of Kennith, king of 
 Scotland, a single Stone was set up in the shire of Murray,** as a 
 Monument of a Victory over the Danes, about the year 1008. 
 
 * Plott's Staffordshire, p. 3 97. Cough's Camden, Vol. II. p. 3 si. Description of 
 England, Vol. VIII. p. 2 4 1 . t It is represented in the Gentleman's Magazine, 
 
 Vol. L. p. ! 65 . ? Cough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 505. 
 
 f See PI. XLI1I. fig. 1. in Gough's Additions to Camden, Vol. III. and p. 5 4 3. 
 
 ]| Archaeologia, Vol. I. p. 294. Vol. IV. p. 21. And Gough's Camden, Vol. III. 
 P- 4 7 6. ** Gough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 43 0. 
 
 2 I 
 
122 
 
 As to other Stone Pillars, besides those we have already men- 
 tioned, of a more antient date ; there is a very remarkable one still 
 standing, in the parish, or township, of Sowerby, near Halifax in 
 Yorkshire.* 
 
 And a still more extraordinary one, in the village of Rudslon, in 
 the East Riding of Yorkshire ; which place seems to have taken 
 its very name from the long prior existence of this Great Pillar, 
 reared on the spot. It is five feet ten inches in breadth ; two feet 
 three inches in thickness ; and four-and-twenty feet in height, 
 besides the part inserted deep in the ground. All the four sides 
 are a little convex ; and it tapers to a sort of point at the top.+ 
 Every circumstance of its appearance shews it to have been Bri- 
 tish ; and there seems to be no coincidence of circumstances, nor 
 indeed any thing except vulgar prejudice, that should lead us to 
 conceive it to be Danish. 
 
 There are also two remarkable Great Stones placed, in the form 
 of Columns, but quite rude ; in the Isle of Arran, on the coast of 
 Scotland.J And one in the same Island, is said to be above fifteen 
 feet high. § And even many such are to be met with in various 
 parts of the Highlands. || 
 
 In the parish of Barvas, in one of the Western Islands, called 
 Lewis, or Long Island, is a very high Stone, called the Thrushet 
 Stone.** And there are also three erected Stones upon the north 
 side of Loch Garlvay, about twelve feet high each. 
 
 There is a Stone eight feet high, and two feet thick, placed in 
 the Isle of Harries, near St. Asaph's Chapel.+t And another above 
 St. Peter's Village. JJ 
 
 In the Orkney Islands also, are great high Stones, like obelisks.^ 
 
 And it ought not to be forgotten that near Gapel Kirig, in Caer- 
 narvonshire, is a remarkable single upright stone called Maen-gwyr ,\\\\ 
 
 * See Archaeologia, Vol. II. p. 3 60. 
 
 + There is a representation, and particular account of it, in the Archaeologia, Vol. V. 
 p. 9 4. | Voyage to the Hebrides, p. 17 s. § Martin's Descript. of the Western 
 
 Isles, p. 2 2 0. || Cordiner's Antiquities of Scotland, p. 43. 
 
 Martin's Description of the Western Isles, p. 8. 
 tt Ibid. Description of the Western Isles, p. 47. Ibid. p. 59. 
 
 Wallace's Account of the Orkney Islands, p. 5 4 . |||| Gough's Camden, Vol. II. 
 p. 5 lo. 
 
123 
 
 As there is a most antient Stone also in Kildare county, in Ire- 
 land, called Gablahn, or Gobhlan Stone. * 
 
 And there is one most particularly noticed, t in the county of 
 Dublin, on Broadley Common ; whose high antiquity, and design, 
 seems to be the rather ascertained, by the number of tumuli, or 
 barrows, near to it. 
 
 And whilst Memorials of this sort, as Rowland affirms, are to be 
 met with in so many parts, up and down in the fields in Anglesey ; J 
 
 And are also to be met with, in different parts of Sweden, $ and 
 of Denmark ; 
 
 So doubtless many, which have been observed in the various 
 southern parts of the world, besides those in Syria, and Palestine, 
 may fairly be concluded to have been reared originally for similar 
 purposes, in the earliest ages ; though all tradition concerning them 
 is now lost. 
 
 Nor are we without most striking, and most antient instances, 
 which assure us of the truth of this conclusion : one of which is, 
 that of the pillars of Hercules. For although fable, and supersti- 
 tion, confounded the memorial of them afterwards, with the two 
 great mountains on each side the strait leading into the Mediterranean 
 sea ; yet Quintus Curtius plainly says, such sort of columns were 
 reported to have been really placed by Hercules at Cadiz in Spain. [| 
 And the memory of them is even preserved in some antient Tyrian 
 coins, in a manner that indicates the very mode of setting them up 
 to have been somewhat similar to that of Jacob's setting up his pillar. 
 For there are represented, on those coins, two Stones, placed erect, 
 with a figure of Hercules sacrificing by them. ** 
 
 Pliny, in his Natural History,++ and Solinus also, inform us, that 
 as these Pillars were placed as memorials of his travels in the West; 
 so there were certain altars placed by Hercules, in the East, beyond 
 the country of the Sogdiani ; as memorials of his travels in those 
 
 * PI. XXXV. fig. 7, in Gough's Additions to Camden, Vol. III. p. 543. 
 t Ibid. Vol. III. p. 55 9. * Mona Antiqua, p. 93 — 52. 
 
 } Ola Mag. lib. i. p. s. Wormius, p. 64, 65. 
 
 || Quintus Curtius, lib. x. cap. l. ** Stukely's Stonehenge, p. so. 
 
 ft Plin. Hist. lib. vi. cap. xvi. xviii. 
 
124 
 
 parts. And Festus Animus,* mentions Stone Pillars, or Columns ; 
 and Altars also, placed in that remote region, by Bacchus. 
 
 The account of Diodorus Siculus, detached from the poison in- 
 fused into it, in consequence of superstitious and fabulous traditions, 
 is plainly ; that when Hercules found he had arrived at the ex- 
 treme parts both of Africa, and Europe, he determined to set up 
 pillars as a Memorial of his military expedition (^Italuxc).^ 
 
 And we have, in the account given us by Quintus Curtius,J 
 a clear description of the manner in which, the stones were placed, 
 as memorials of the victory of Bacchus ; and of the extent of his 
 conquests in Scythia ; which shews even the arrangement of the 
 stones to have been very similar to that of those British Remains 
 which we have described as still existing at Trelech in Monmouth- 
 shire. His words are—" Transierant jam Liberi Patris Terminos ; 
 " quorum Monumenta lapides erant crebris intervallis dispositi! 
 " arboresque procera, quarum stipites hedera contexerat." 
 
 , To this we may add, that Sesostris, the Egyptian, when he made 
 his conquests, set up pillars in every country he conquered. The 
 antient writers indeed, and especially Herodotus, who § saw some 
 of them in Syria, mention an inscription to have been placed 
 upon them : but as there are no inscriptions upon any of the pillars 
 or obelisks in Egypt, from the time of Sesostris, down to that of 
 Cleopatra, except hieroglyphics ; and as Diodorus expressly says, 
 they were in the characters peculiarly read by the priests,** it is not 
 reasonable to believe that there could be any other than slight hiero- 
 glyphical characters,++ on these monuments of his victories, erected 
 in so much haste. 
 
 . cap. ix. sec. 1 5 
 
 * Descriptio Orbis, p. 8 3 5. 
 
 t Diodorus, lib. iv.p. 157,— p. 264. ed.Wessclingii. { Lib. 
 } Herodotus. Euterpe, lib.ii, 106, p. 15 1. Wesselingii ed. 
 ** Diodorus, 35, p. 65. Wesselingii. 
 
 44 1 have been informed by Doctor Meyes, one of the most learned and ingenious Chemists 
 of this age, that it has lately been discovered, that a certain preparation D r lead, rubbed with 
 a blunt iron tool, will quickly wear away the hardest granite, or even basalles ; which circum- 
 stance may both account for the manner in which the antient hieroglyphic Egyptian figures 
 were wrought on stones which no modern tool hardly will touch; and also illustrates, in 
 the clearest manner, those sublime words of Jon ; Oh that my words were vow written '.—Oh 
 that they were graven with an iron fen ami lead, in the rock for ever '.—For I know that my Re. 
 deemer liveth, and that he shall stand at the latter day ufen the earth. Job, chap. xix. v 
 
 . ver. 23, 24. 
 
125 
 
 Another instance of the placing a stone of memorial, which is of 
 very high antiquity, and of a very singular kind, the rather deserves 
 to be now mentioned, because it has so seldom been taken notice of. 
 
 It is recorded by Plutarch, in his life of Theseus: who tells us, 
 that when JEgeus had reason to apprehend that ^Ethra, the daughter 
 of Pittheus, founder of the city of the Trcezenians in Peloponnesus, 
 would have a son born after his departure ; her own father having 
 been desirous that there should be such issue ; he placed a sword, 
 and a pair of sandals, under a great stone ;* acquainting none but 
 
 * I have followed the common translations in this description ; but must observe that 
 the Greek word used by Plutarch is ■n'tliXcc ; + which, though it be rendered by one translator 
 sandals, and by another shoes, does properly mean neither one nor the other ; but rather a 
 sort of coverings like short boots, both for the Jeel and ankles; similar to those which the poets 
 describe Mercury to have worn with wings; and which are represented on several gems, 
 and antient figures of him. 
 
 And from the peculiar manner in which they are mentioned, as being left together with 
 the sword here ; as well as from what is said of them in several passages of Homer ; they 
 seem to have been both badges of dignity, and a kind of armature ; perhaps offensive, by 
 means of sharp points, as well as defensive. 
 
 They are mentioned as a characteristic part of the magnificent dress of Agamemnon, 
 in the Iliad, i And in the Odyssey, the very same words used to describe this part of the 
 accoutrements of Agamemnon, are also used to describe the golden covering of the feet of 
 Mercury himself. |I 
 
 wo Trotrvw eSyctxTo zaXa ir'iSika, 
 
 In the sixteenth book of the Odyssey, they are described amongst the badges of honour, and 
 distinction, fit and proper to be bestowed by a prince upon an illustrious stranger, together 
 with a sword, and robes. J In short, they seem to have been as peculiar to the dignity of 
 an antient Chieftain in Greece, as spurs were afterwards to a Norman Baron : or to a Knight 
 of any of the Great Orders in our modern courts in Europe. 
 
 Nor is it any objection to these ideas, that Homer describes Eumasus as preparing such 
 accoutrements for his own use ;** since it appears, both from the simplicity of antient customs ; 
 and from the respect with which Eummts was H eated by Telemachus in the palace of Ulysses, 
 at a feast, in the presence of all the guests ; that he was considered as an Officer of no inconsi- 
 derable rank. His employment in the fields was no more disgraceful to him, according to 
 the ideas of the times, than it was to Palroclus to dress the food for Achilles ;++ — or for Jacob 
 to feed the sheep of Laban. 
 The greaves, it Ku^inc, which are mentioned as fastened previous to the arming for battle, 
 
 t See the first edition, printed at Florence in 15 1 7 , fol. p. 4. } Iliad, lib. ii. ver. 44. 
 II Odyssey, lib. v. ver. u, 45. } Ibid. lib. xvi. ver. so. 
 
 ** Ibid. lib. xiv. ver. 2J. ++ Iliad, lib. ix. ver. so 6, 20 7, 20 8. 
 
 1? Iliad, lib. xvi. ver. m. and lib. xix. ver. 3 69. 
 
 2 K 
 
126 
 
 jEthra with the circumstance ; and directing her, that if such son 
 should be born, and should arrive at man's estate, and be able to lift 
 up the stone, and take away the weapons, she should then send him 
 with them to Athens, to become his heir. All which was most exactly 
 complied with, on all parts. 
 
 And as a stone, in this instance, was placed over these tokens, to 
 keep them inviolable till the appointed time ; and to preserve the 
 memory of their designation. So we find, in other instances, that 
 stones of memorial were placed over the dead ; to preserve the remem- 
 brance of illustrious persons, when their bodies were deposited re- 
 mote from their family sepulchres. 
 
 Thus when Rachel died, on her journey from Bethel, to Ephrath ; 
 and was buried at Bethlehem," (instead of being carried to the cave, 
 in the field of Machpelah, where Rebekah had been buried, and 
 ■where Leah was afterwards buried +) ; we read, that Jacob set up a 
 pillar upon her grave. 
 
 And when Ilus, the son of Dardanus, the antient king of Troy, 
 
 round the legs and thighs, seem to have been merely additional parts of armour, not so 
 usually worn as the irsffAa, and sword. 
 
 And indeed it is a circumstance that deserves some notice; though at first sight it appears 
 trifling; that in the gems alluded to in Spence's Polymetis,^ as representations of Mercury ; 
 where his figure is represented with the Peclila; yet the toes of the feet are visible, and with- 
 out any straps crossing them ; for from thence we may surely conclude, that the ntliKa., in 
 other instances, although they were not wings, yet were neither shoes, nor sandals. 
 
 I must further observe, with regard to this remarkable passage cited from Plutarch ; that 
 the words, a. Great Stone, are Tr'tyM peyaXyv : which plainly Indicate a GrreofMossof Rock, fit for 
 a Stone Pillar; much rather than merely a large Stone : and they may therefore very well lead 
 us to apprehend, that this Stone, placed by /Egeus so carefully, was full as large, and of as 
 proper dimensions, as that set up by Jacob; which there is every reason to believe was reared, 
 in like manner, by Jacob's own hands alone. And we may fairly conclude, that the Stone 
 placed by ^Egeus, on this occasion, was designed to be taken notice of, as a Memorial, not 
 merely privately by /Ethra, on account of what was so cautiously and secretly deposited under 
 it; but also openly by Pittheus, and the Trazenians: as a standing record of the friendship 
 between Mgeus, and Pittheus; and of his having been in that country. I may venture to 
 add, that unless the other cause of its being placed, had been concealed by some such general 
 apprehensions as this; either curiosity, or idle amusement, might easily have induced the 
 natives, with united strength, to have removed it very soon ; or at least before Theseus was 
 of age, and strength, sufficient to undertake the adventure. 
 
 * Genesis, ch. xxxv. ver. 19, SO. + Ibid, ch, xlix. ver. 3 i, 
 
 X See Pi. XIV. fig. 5 .PI. XV. fig. 4. 
 
127 
 
 was buried in the plain before that city, his body was placed under 
 an heap, or barrow; and a pillar was set upon it ; for we find, in 
 the Iliad, mention made most plainly, and in a very descriptive 
 manner, both of this barrow, as an eminence; and of the pillar, as 
 a mere single stone, from behind which, Paris taking advantage of 
 the elevated situation, shot his arrows in one of the battles, and 
 wounded Diomed. 
 
 Pope, in his poem, which from one end to the other, is rather a 
 paraphrase of the Iliad, than a translation, describes it as if there 
 had been a regular building. — His words are : — 
 
 " Around the fields his feather'd shafts he sent, 
 " From ancient Ilus' ruin'd monument ; 
 " Behind the column placed, he bent his bow, 
 " And wing'd an arrow at the unwary foe." 
 
 Iliad, Book xi. /. -47 5. 
 
 But the fair undisguised account given by Homer is, that Paris shot 
 his arrows, bending behind the pillar, placed on the tumulus, that 
 contained the ashes of Ilus, the son of Dardanus, the antient king of Troy : 
 which is exactly the description of one of these rude pillars, placed 
 on a barrow. 
 
 It appears most manifestly also, from the account given by Plu- 
 tarch, that there was a pillar of the same sort placed upon the barrow 
 of Achilles himself ; under which had previously been deposited 
 the bones of Patroclus. 
 
 A very curious account of the ceremonies attending the first rais- 
 ing of this tomb, or barrow, is given in 23d book of the Iliad; 
 where we find customs mentioned, no less shocking to humanity, 
 than those amongst the most barbarous Indians, or most uncivilized 
 nations. 
 
 The body of Patroclus was first laid on the top of a great funeral 
 ^>ile of wood, about an hundred feet square ; and was covered with 
 the fat of beasts that were sacrificed. The carcasses of the beasts, 
 and the bodies of Trojan captives, who were most cruelly slain in 
 cold blood on the occasion, were then flung on the pile round the 
 margin; and afterwards the whole was reduced to ashes. The next 
 day the remains of the fire were extinguished, by pouring wine on 
 
128 
 
 the embers ; and as many fragments as could be collected of the 
 bones of Patroclus, (which were distinguished by being found in the 
 very midst of the heap) were wrapt up in fat, and put into a rich 
 urn, having a veil of linen flung over it. 
 
 Then the whole army flung earth upon the spot where the pile had 
 been consumed ; covering the bones of the Trojans, and of the beasts, 
 and all the ashes that remained ; and rearing an high rude hill, or 
 barrow ; under which, nearly in the centre, the urn was placed ; 
 and as it should seem, in such a manner as to have a narrow passage 
 or gallery left, leading to the spot ; because Achilles expressly di- 
 rected, that his own remains, when he should die, should be placed 
 by those of his friend. 
 
 After this, solemn games were performed ; and chariot races ; 
 round the Barrow ; in honour of the deceased. 
 
 Here ends the account given by Homer. But in Plutarch's life of 
 Alexander, we find ; that when that Great Conqueror had passed the 
 Hellespont, and was arrived near the ruins of Troy, he anointed, 
 with much ceremony, the Stone placed on the tomb, or barrow of 
 Achilles ; poured out libations ; and as the antient custom was, ran 
 naked round the sepulchre ; and crowned the Stone with garlands. 
 
 And it is very remarkable, that the original Greek word used by 
 Plutarch,* to describe what his translators call the Gravestone of 
 Achilles, is [2hfar) or Pillar; the same word that is used by Homer 
 to describe the stone pillar, on the tomb, or barrow, of Ilus. 
 
 There is the greatest reason also to believe that Homer intended 
 to intimate to us, that exactly such a barrow, or tumulus, with its 
 proper pillar at the top, was placed over the ashes of Hector.t 
 
 So also he gives us to understand, in his Odyssey, that over the 
 remains of Elpenor, a tumulus or barrow was raised, on which was 
 placed a stone pillar; and on the top of this, one of the oars of the 
 ship was set upright.! The word he makes use of is 21^, which 
 every where so uniformly denotes the rude Stone Pillar. 
 
 And Pope's translation here, conveys nearly the proper idea ; 
 only it implies more of finish and ornament, both in the barrow 
 
 * See the first edition, printed at Florence in 1517, folio, p. 2S3, at bottom, 
 t Iliad, Book xxiv. at the end. J Odyssey, Book xii. ver. ft, u 
 
129 
 
 and pillar, than the plain account given by Homer allows us to add 
 to our idea. 
 
 " The rising tomb a lofty column bore, 
 
 " And high above it rose the tapering oar." 
 
 Mention also is made, of the supposed raising of a Tumulus by all 
 the Grecians, in honour of Ulysses ; had he died, either at Troy, or 
 amongst his friends : or in honour of Agamemnon ; if he had died 
 before the walls of Troy. Which circumstances Pope, though de- 
 parting from the original simplicity of the words, describes in the 
 two passages, in a manner, that perhaps conveys the idea of the real 
 supposed designed Tumulus, with the pillar upon it, even better 
 han he intended. His words are,* 
 
 " That grateful Greece with streaming eyes might raise, 
 " Historic marbles to record thy praise." 
 
 And conformably to these more antient usages, we find a barrow, 
 and a pillar upon it, still existing in the county of Caterlougk, in 
 Ireland. It is not indeed to be supposed, that just the same magni- 
 ficent and expensive ceremonies had been observed here, as on 
 forming the barrow for Patroclus, and Achilles : though indeed 
 more barbarous ceremonies than those of the Trojans could not well 
 be used. But the barrow itself, and its pillar, most minutely cor- 
 respond, on a smaller scale, with what the appearance of that of 
 Achilles must have been. 
 
 It is a Tumulus (now called Castle More, near Tullagh, in Cater- 
 lough) ; about thirty feet perpendicular in height ;+ having on the 
 top, a square stone, five feet high ; and on one side the appearance 
 of there having been, originally, an entrance to a Cave underneath. 
 
 And there is a most remarkable well known fact, preserved on 
 record ; which was perhaps one of the last instances of the prodi- 
 gious efforts often used for these kind of purposes. 
 
 Harald, the son of Gormon, employed his whole army, and a vast 
 
 • Odyssey, book xiv. I. 169. Book xxiv. I. 3 2. 
 
 t A representation of this is given in Mr. Gough's additions to Camden, Vol. III. 
 PI. XL1II. fig. 6. p. 5 29 and 533. And 1 have inserted a drawing of it, PI. XI. fig. l. 
 
 2 L 
 
130 
 
 number of oxen, to draw a stone of enormous size, from the shore 
 of Jutland, to be placed over the grave of his mother.* 
 
 A fact, which at the same time that it. serves to shew how late 
 these rude observances remained in use; explains also the very rude 
 means by which the removal, and erecting of vast stones, was 
 effected by barbarous nations. 
 
 After the Britons had embraced Christianity, and were somewhat 
 more civilized ; these rough, and ponderous stones, placed upright 
 as pillars, were succeeded by those very rudely carved high stones, 
 found in several of our most ancient churchyards ; as particularly 
 at Penrith in Cumberland ;+ and described by so many of our anti- 
 quaries. And afterwards these latter were again succeeded by Stone 
 Crosses placed upright ; with which ended the usage of placing 
 pillars on graves in this country. 
 
 In a somewhat similar manner, the rude stone pillars had pre- 
 viously been changed into the adoption of works of art, and of cu- 
 rious workmanship (and even into the forming of regular structures) 
 in the most antient countries upon the face of the earth. 
 
 For in Egypt, the mother of arts ; and the mother also of all abo- 
 minations, we find, first, remains of the original use of rude pillars 
 of stone ; and even of mere rocks formed into the shape of pillars : 
 of which there is a remarkable specimen, opposite to the island of 
 Phyla, on the banks of the Nile. J And then we find these rude 
 memorials to have been succeeded by their wondrous hieroglyphi- 
 cal Obelisks. 
 
 So at Banarow, in India, we are informed by Tavernier, { there 
 is a very remarkable obelisk with hieroglyphics, thirty-five feet in 
 height. 
 
 And even in Persia, where all idols were abhorred ; near the 
 ruins of the antient palace of Persepolis (whether what are so called 
 were really the remains of the Edifice, destroyed by Alexander, or 
 of some antient temple) are found pillars standing, with inscrip- 
 tions, |j which pillars cannot be numbered amongst those that sup- 
 ported the building. 
 
 ♦ Wornui Mon. Dan. p. 3 0. t Archaeologia, Vol. II. p. 4 8. 
 
 t Ste Pococke, Vol. I. p. 121. } Tavernier's Voyages, Vol.11, p. 1!. 
 
 il Le Bruyn's Travel's, Vol. IV. p. 3(0. 
 
131 
 
 And in Syria, a country of no less antiquity, we find three most 
 magnificent remains ; which plainly, in this respect, speak for them- 
 selves ; and shew that they were originally substituted, as designed 
 funereal memorials, in the room of such rude stones, as had formerly 
 adorned the tombs of Ilus, and Achilles. 
 
 They are described by our curious traveller Maundrell, in the 
 following manner : 
 
 The one has the appearance of a tower, thirty-three feet in height: 
 but consists merely, first of a single stone, as a pedestal, fifteen feet 
 square, and ten feet high ; then of a very tall vast stone, in form of 
 a cylinder ; and lastly of another stone at the top, cut in the shape 
 of a cone, or rather of a multangular pyramid. 
 
 The other," also resembles a tower : and consists first of a single 
 stone as a pedestal, sixteen feet and a half square, and six feet high ; 
 having four very rudely carved figures, like lions, at the four cor- 
 ners ; and then of one other single, round, and tapering stone ; round- 
 ed, in such a manner at the top, as to be there in the form of an 
 hemisphere: and this second stone has two rudely carved bands, or 
 mouldings, running round near the higher part. Whilst the whole 
 height of this pile is thirty feet. 
 
 And a third structure, of the same kind, stands at the distance of 
 about a furlong. All of them being a little to the southward of the 
 river Aradus; and about a quarter of a mile from the sea ; and having 
 sepulchral chambers, hewn out of the solid rock, under them ; in 
 which remain many long narrow cells, for the depositing of bodies. 
 
 But whilst the Patriarchal custom of rearing pillars of stone, was 
 thus changed in countries where arts multiplied, and civilization 
 advanced ; so on the other hand it was transferred, in its rudest mode 
 into, and longer preserved in, the more barbarous regions. 
 
 And amongst the instances that might be produced, of this ; there 
 is hardly any one more surprising, or curious, than that which is to 
 be met with in Easter Island, in the South Seas:+ where stone pil- 
 lars, which Captain Cook calls a sort of statues, were found stand- 
 ing, of twenty-seven feet in height. And it is remarkable, that in 
 
 * There are drawings of both, engraved in Maundrell's Travels, p. 2 1 ; and also in the 
 Universal History, fol. ed. Vol. ]. p. 306. i See Forster's Voyage, Vol. I. p. 593 ; 
 and Cook's second Voyage, Vol. I. p. 284, 294, 29 6. PI. XLIX. 
 
132 
 
 the same place also, there were curious remains of masonry, without 
 cement ; of much the same kind with that which has been so often 
 met with of the antient Britons. 
 
 Perhaps I might also here, very well add, that other instance, 
 in the Island of Tinian :* although the writer of Lord Anson's voy- 
 age conceived the pillars there to have been formerly foundations, 
 or supports of buildings now destroyed: for the representations of 
 them by Sir Percy Brett, are more conformable to the idea of their 
 having been Pillars of Memorial. 
 
 And we ought not to forget, that stones are said to be set up in 
 the island of Sou, or Saou, on the accession of everyone of their 
 kings. And that they have a solemn assembly, and a feast, at the re- 
 spective stone, at each king's death. t 
 
 Besides Pillars being placed for all these kind of purposes ; it is 
 undoubtedly too true, that, as on the one hand, the spots where 
 such memorials were placed, became in a succession of ages con- 
 secrated as it were to Solemn Public Meetings ; J and to some Sacred 
 Uses ; (as we find religious assemblies were held, both at Gilgal, and 
 at Mizpah) : so, on the other hand, these memorials, through the 
 corruption of succeeding ages, were sometimes made the occasions of 
 idolatry.} And such kind of pillars were, in the end, even set up 
 as objects of idol worship themselves. 
 
 But this was a sort of abuse, and horrid abomination, over which 
 it is better to draw a veil : and to leave it to perish in everlasting de- 
 testation, and oblivion. And especially, as it is impossible now, to 
 distinguish precisely, whick were which: and as the purpose of the 
 present Inquiry is, merely to shew, what kind of Structures, and 
 Memorials of various kinds, were reared, by those rude, first in- 
 habitants of this Island, who were most probably less corrupted than 
 many of their Successors ; and who had not learned, to build any 
 thing more than huts, as habitations for themselves : and preserved 
 nearly unchanged the earliest Patriarchal Usages. 
 
 * Anson's Voyage, 8vo. ed. p. -In. t Hawlcesworth's Voyages, Vol. HI. p. 695. 
 
 * S « Judges, chap. xx. ver. 1.3. Chap. xxi. ver. 1 . 1 Samuel, chap. vii. ver. 5,6.1c. 
 Chap. x. ver. 8. Chap. xi. ver. 11, is. j 1 Kings, chap. xii. ver. 3 3. 
 
1.33 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 CONCERNING CIRCLES OF MEMORIAL ; OF OBSERVANCES ; AND 
 OF OBSERVATION. 
 
 1 he Remains that in the next place deserve our attention, after 
 the first more simple ones ; are those Circles of Memorial, and of Ob- 
 servances; that are so often called erroneously, Druid T emples. 
 
 That great Stones standing upright, were in the most antient 
 times placed occasionally in groups, formed of several standing to- 
 gether, merely byway of Memorial ; and having their numbers con- 
 formable to some particular circumstances relating to the people 
 who placed them ; or to the occasion on which they were erected; 
 seems to appear from what we read even in the first informations 
 we have in the world ; concerning the history of the Israelites : 
 some of whose methods of recording great events, were perhaps per- 
 mitted to be in conformity with still more antient usages, in order 
 to have them the more extensively and universally understood. 
 
 Thus, when the Law had been delivered to the people of Israel 
 by Moses, at Mount Sinai, and had been written by Moses in a 
 book ; we are told, as the translation stands in our copy from the 
 Hebrew,* that " Moses builded an altar under the hill, and twelve pil- 
 " lars according to the twelve tribes of Israel." And the translation of 
 the Seventy expressly calls them twelve Stones. 
 
 And when Joshua, with his whole army, and all the people, had 
 passed over the river Jordan ; whose waters had been dried up on 
 that occasion in a miraculous manner; (probably by means of some 
 earthquake, or convulsion, stopping those from the upper part ; 
 whilst those below ran off, and fell away ;) we are told, that in con- 
 sequence of the express appointment of the Almighty, Joshua com- 
 manded twelve men+ to take up twelve stones out of the midst of 
 Jordan ; 
 
 * See Exodus, chap. xxiv. ver. t,i, 6, 7, s. + Joshua, chap. iv. ver.l , l, j, 4, 5. 
 
 2 M 
 
134 
 
 * And those twelve stones which they took oat of Jordan did Joshua 
 pitch in Gilgal. And he spake unto the children of Israel, saying, 
 when your children shall ask their fathers in time to come, saying, 
 what mean these stones? Then ye shall let your children know, saying, 
 Israel came over this Jordan on dry land. For the Lord your God dried 
 up the waters of Jordan from before you, until ye were passed over, as the 
 Lord your God did to the Red Sea, which he dried up from before us, 
 until we were gone over : That all the people of the earth might know 
 the hand of the Lord that it is mighty: that ye might fear the Lord your 
 God for ever. 
 
 Now the word pitch, here used in our translation ; and the Greek 
 word M^w, which we find in the Septuagint, seem plainly to indi- 
 cate, that these stones were set up as pillars. Although, indeed, their 
 being carried upon men's shoulders, shews, that they must perhaps 
 have been but small, in comparison of some other pillars set up as 
 memorials. It shews, however, that they were chosen of a shape 
 and form fit for that purpose. And if they were indeed set up, in a 
 group, as pillars; there is no form in which they can be conceived 
 to have been placed, so likely, as that of a Circle. This has been 
 remarked by Dr. Borlase ;+ who also concluded, that twelve such 
 stone pillars were so placed, by Moses, near Mount Sinai, at the 
 time of the giving of the Law, and of Moses's going up into the 
 mountain ; because it is said,! that, when he rose up early in the morn- 
 ing, he builded an altar under the hill, and twelve pillars. 
 
 In the Septuagint, it must be confessed, the expression is such as 
 not necessarily to imply any thing more, than that the altar was built 
 with twelve stones. And it must also be acknowledged, that in the 
 other instance mentioned, with regard to Joshua, we findjosephus 
 saying, " that Joshua built an altar of those stones, which all the 
 " heads of the tribes had taken out of the deep ; to be afterwards a 
 " Memorial of the division of the stream of the river."|| 
 
 Which seems indeed, at first sight, to imply, that the altar was 
 built with those very twelve stones ; instead of their being set up 
 as pillars. 
 
 * Joshua, chap. iv. ver. 20 to 2 4. 
 } Exodus, chap. xxiv. ver. 4. 
 
 + Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 195. 
 [| Antiquities of the Jews, book v. chap. i. 
 
135 
 
 Yet, when we consider that, even in the Septuagint version of 
 the Scripture, the Greek word used, expressly indicates that the 
 stones were pitched, (or set up) in Gilgal ; and not that they were 
 placed to compose or form an altar : and that twelve other stones 
 also, are expressly said to have been set up," in Jordan itself, before 
 the waters rose again, in its bed, to their usual height ; it is much 
 most reasonable to conclude, that these masses of rock were in both 
 instances placed as pillars, according to the usage of the times ; as 
 a Memorial of this great event; rather than that they were so laid 
 upon one another, as to form an altar. 
 
 It may further be added, that such a conclusion is greatly con- 
 firmed, by what must have been the case on Mount Ebal, with re- 
 gard to the stones set up there. 
 
 For we read, in the Law, die command concerning them as fol- 
 lows : + 
 
 1. " It shall be on the day when you shall pass over Jordan unto 
 " the Land, which the Lord thy God giveth thee, that thou shall 
 " set thee up great stones, and plaister them with plaister. 
 
 3. " And thou shalt write upon them all the words of this Law, 
 " when thou art passed over, that thou mayest go in unto the Land 
 " which the Lord thy God giveth thee, a Land that floweth with 
 " milk and honey, as the Lord God of thy fathers hath promised 
 " thee. 
 
 i. " Therefore it shall be when ye be gone over Jordan, that ye 
 " shall set up these stones which I command you this day, in Mount 
 " Ebal, and thou shalt plaister them with plaister. 
 
 5. " And there shalt thou build an altar unto the Lord thy God, 
 " an altar of stones : thou shalt not lift up any iron tool upon them. I 
 
 6. " Thou shalt build the altar of the Lord thy God of whole 
 " stones: and thou shalt offer burnt offerings thereon unto the Lord 
 " thy God. 
 
 * Joshua, chap. iv. ver. o. t Deuteronomy, chap, xxvii. ver. 1, 3,4, ice. 
 
 i It seems as if this injunction, repeated so often in the Law, that no iron tool should 
 be lifted up upon the stones, whereof the altar of God was to be composed, was designed 
 emblematically to impress upon our minds the awful and just consideration, that we can in- 
 deed, at our best estate, render nothing unto God but an acknowledgment of his bounteous 
 gifts ; which we are so far from being able to add unto, or to improve to any effectual pur- 
 pose, that we can hardly use them at all properly. 
 
136 
 
 7 . " And thou lhalt offer peace offerings, and shalt eat there, and 
 " rejoice before the Lord thy God. 
 
 8. " And thou shalt write upon the stones, all the words of this 
 " Law, very plainly." 
 
 Whether the writing of the words of the Law, very plainly, could 
 or could not be effected without an iron tool, I will not presume to 
 determine. But it is surely most evident, both from the circum- 
 stance that such writing was to be upon the stones; and from the 
 command that they should be plaistered over with plaister ; that 
 those stones could not be used, in this instance, for constructing the 
 altar ; on which both burnt-offerings were to be consumed, and peace- 
 offerings offered. The words of the Law were to be written very 
 plainly. And as there are exactly twelve precepts of the Law men- 
 tioned in this chapter, which were to be written on these stones, with 
 the twelve denunciations ; there is the strongest reason to conclude, 
 that there were, in this instance, twelve pillars set up ; and that 
 there was a command, and a denunciation, written on each pillar. 
 
 And however this matter may have been ; here were, in each 
 one of these instances, twelve stones placed as Stones of Memorial, ' 
 designed to be referred to, as records, in after ages. 
 
 We have a proof also of such sort of stone circles existing in other 
 parts of the East. For Chardin tells us,* that between Tauris and 
 Sidlanic, in Media, they saw " on the left hand side of their road, 
 " great Rounds [or Circles) of free-stone, which the Persians say are 
 " marks that the Caous, or Kaous, the antient giants of the Persians, 
 " held their councils there, when they made war upon Media. It 
 " being the custom of those people, that each chieftain who entered 
 " into the council should bring a stone with him, to serve him for 
 " a seat. But," says Chardin, " the wonder consists in attending to 
 " the bulk of the stones ; they being so large that eight men could 
 " hardly move any one of them; t and of such a kind of stone, that 
 
 * Voyages dc Chardin, Tom. I. p. 192. ed. 1711. 
 
 + Surely we may be allowed to conclude, that on such an occasion, each Chieftain might 
 be at liberty to employ as many of his men as he pleased, to convey such stone, by means 
 of ropes, and poles, upon their shoulders. And I do not know that we are forbidden to 
 annex the same idea, to the conveyance of the stones from the bottom of Jordan, by the 
 command of Joshua. 
 
137 
 
 " they could not have been brought from any less distance, than 
 " from mountains six leagues off." 
 
 We find therefore here, an account of Stone Circles, which agrees 
 exactly with the description of those in our own country. And their 
 being referred by tradition to the time of the giants, plainly shews 
 they were of the highest antiquity. 
 
 The corruptions of later ages, in other countries, as well as in 
 Palestine, and Syria, and Media, introduced undoubtedly much 
 superstition, both as to the form, and the mode of placing such stones ; 
 and also as to certain dances, or solemn circuits (the invention of 
 blind superstition) to be made round them. And hence, are de- 
 rived the many variations in the form of the construction of Circles 
 of rude Stone Pillars ; which have given occasion to a great variety 
 of learned and ingenious conjectures. With such I shall not in- 
 terfere ; but must plainly observe, that from what is recorded con- 
 cerning the most antient usages ; there can scarcely remain a doubt 
 in the mind, but that some of these circles were used as Courts ; or 
 as places for electing Kings, and Governors, and for holding Coun- 
 cils ; and for trying causes. — Some of them were for mere Memo- 
 rials, of great Events. — Some were for making the superstitious 
 walks, and turnings ; or dances three times round, so often mention- 
 ed,* both by poets, and writers of old romances; and of which 
 kind of dances, there are remains to be found, amongst the more 
 sequestered tribes of modern rustics, in Scotland, in Ireland, and in 
 America, even to this day.t — Some were for the exhibition of pub- 
 lic Games, and Spectacles. — And some for Sacrifices. 
 
 And it may be remarked, that although the number of stones in 
 these Circles is not uniformly the same : some being of nine stones ; 
 
 At the same time, it may surely be allowed to be remarked ; that as to each stone serv- 
 ing/or a seal:— horn its great bulk it could not so well serve for a seat to sit nfcn ; as for a 
 station, at which to sil — And the considering the matter in this light, will both illustrate 
 many curious passages of antient history ; and render several curious remains of antiquity 
 more intelligible. 
 
 * Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 129. 
 
 + Thus in Martin's Description of the Western Isles (p. us.) we read, that the natives 
 olCollonsaj Isle are accustomed, on their arrival in Oronsay Isle, to make a tour, sun-ways, 
 about the church. And in the Isle of Egg, there is a heap of stones, called Martin Dessil, 
 about which the natives oblige themselves to make a tour round, sun-ways, p. 27 7. 
 
 S N 
 
138 
 
 some of nineteen ; and some of many more ; yet the most usual 
 number of which they are found to have been composed, is twelve. 
 
 There are also some of these circles, found to have been most 
 curiously and nicely erected, on geometrical plans, so as to have either 
 the chief entrances, or some particular stones, in a line facing the 
 cardinal points of the heavens ; * or at least only deviating therefrom 
 in such manner, as may well be accounted for, either from the 
 precession of the equinoctial points since their erection ; or from 
 the variation of the needle. Which circumstance induces me to 
 add, with the more earnestness, one further conclusion, to the 
 many that have been formed with regard to these circles : — a con- 
 clusion, which I am firmly persuaded deserves to have the support 
 of more numerous and exact observations, on the very spots, than 
 it has ever been in my power to make. 
 
 It is well known, from the accounts given us by antient writers, 
 that the British Druids were particularly well skilled in the science 
 of astronomy ; as far as that science had been previously improved 
 in those early ages ; and that some further improvements were even 
 made by themselves. 
 
 Caesar, after having informed us that the science and mode of 
 education amongst the Druids in Gaul, was understood to be de- 
 rived from the Druids in Britain, (where indeed they seem to have 
 fixed, in the first instance, their principal establishment, on account 
 of its retirement from the rest of the world ; and on account of its 
 security as an island ; as they did afterwards, and finally, in An- 
 glesey]; informs us,+ that " they taught many things to their scho- 
 lars concerning the Stars, and their motion ; concerning the magni- 
 tude of the world, and the regions of the earth ; and concerning the 
 natural history of things." 
 
 And Diodorus Siculus, speaking of the same persons, in Gaul, 
 (whom according to the copies of his history that have come down 
 
 * Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 153 — see also p. US ; where it is remarked, that Dr. 
 Stutcley found the Circles at Stone-hcnge to be so placed, as to have the meridional diameter 
 at the variation of between six and seven degrees to the East of the north. And those at 
 Almry, so as to have that diameter about ten degrees the same way. See also Slukeley's 
 own account in his Aburj. 
 
 + De Bello Gallico, lib. vi. sect. 1 1 . 
 
139 
 
 to us, he calls Slttyp&w;, SaruidsJ* says they were both philosophers 
 and divines. 
 
 And Strabo, who divides the whole body of these (the only 
 scientific and learned men of the western regions of Europe,) into 
 three classes ; the Bards; the Teachers, (or Prophets ;) and the Druids 
 (properly so called) ; — says, the Bards sing Hymns, and compose 
 Poems : — the Teachers, are those who officiate at the sacrifices ; 
 and speak concerning Natural History ; — and the Druids, besides 
 Natural History, cultivate Moral Philosophy. — -And that they de- 
 clare, that souls, and the world, are incapable of perishing by means qf 
 corruption : and that fire and water shall at length prevail. + That is, 
 if the words can have any meaning well annexed, shall prevail to the 
 restoration of both. 
 
 izixqzTTipiii' Is xorc xxi kcu uSa^. 
 
 I have ventured to give the translation of this passage as nearly 
 and closely as possible, as it stands in the original Greek ; and the 
 rather ; because it is so very remarkable, on account of its con- 
 gruity with the first traditions of mankind, as recorded in Scripture ; 
 and even with doctrines of Revelation afterwards delivered. 
 
 We see therefore, that the body of the then only learned men, in 
 these parts, commonly called Druids ; (from whom even Pytha- 
 goras is apprehended to have obtained some useful information, if 
 not the best part of his knowledge,) J were acquainted, in a degree, 
 both with some certain branches of Natural Philosophy ; and with 
 Astronomy. 
 
 And as the latter Science could neither be improved, nor indeed 
 be made at all useful, without some sort of Instruments/or Observation, 
 however rude or rough such might have been ; or without some 
 means of determining certain particular points in the heavens ; we 
 may fairly suspect, and indeed almost positively conclude, when 
 we actually find certain of the great perpendicular stones, in so many 
 of these Druidical Circles so very carefully placed in, or near the 
 
 * Diodorus, lib. v. s n , p. 3 5 4 . And see a learned Note concerning this name, in the 
 edition oSWesselingius. t Strabo, lib. iv. Paris ed. 197. p. 30!, ed. Amst. 
 
 X Strom, lib. i. p. 357. Borlase, p.74. Alexander Polyhistor in Clemens Alexan- 
 drine expressly says, that Pythagoras heard both the Druids, and the Brachmans. 
 
140 
 
 meridian of the spot ; whilst others are placed as cautiously exactly 
 to the east and west of the centre ; and that the rest (although placed 
 obviously with as great care) are yet set at very and strangely un- 
 equal distances in the periphery of the Circle ; we may, I say, fairly 
 suspect, that all these were so placed, with real design, to answer 
 the purpose of rude astronomical instruments ; in a manner some- 
 what similar to the use of the Azimuth Compass ; and of the Astro- 
 labe: and might answer the end, at least as well as the Azimuthal 
 Horizon, described by Father Le Comte ;* which was so magnifi- 
 cently, and so carefully erected, under the direction of the Jesuits, 
 in China. 
 
 Part of the intent might be, that by looking along the edges, or 
 sides, of two opposite stones in the circle, certain determinate 
 points, either in the horizon, or at certain elevations above it, might 
 at fixed times be marked out : from whence an observer might be 
 enabled to ascertain precise points in the ecliptic or zodiac ; and to 
 ascertain more easily the varying distances of the planets from cer- 
 tain fixed stars ; and might, by that means, the better observe their 
 motions. 
 
 At least such instruments might enable them to ascertain the 
 identical places of the rising and setting of certain fixed stars : and to 
 preserve the knowledge of the times of their rising, and setting, 
 throughout the year ; even when, from their proximity to the sun, 
 they became invisible. 
 
 At the same time also, by means of the different heights of the 
 stone pillars, certain and different altitudes, both in the meridian, 
 and in azimuths, might be observed in the heavens ; and though 
 rudely, yet with some degree of precision be determined, by an 
 observer standing at the opposite corresponding stone, on the verge 
 of the circle (that is, at the opposite end of the diameter,) and having 
 his eye placed at a determinate height from the ground, either by 
 means of a staff, or of some known mark in the side of the stone. 
 
 They might also, by means of the combined effect of the relative 
 position of the shadows of the several stones, (which, when com- 
 pared with the situation of the stones themselves, would be varying 
 
 * Account of China, p. 6 6. 
 
141 
 
 almost every minute,) the more accurately distinguish the hours, 
 or portions of the day : and cause the Sun, and also the Moon, to 
 become the more useful, for that very purpose, for which we are 
 told, in Holy Writ, the two great luminaries of the heavens were 
 ordained ; that is to be for signs, and for seasons, and for days, 
 and years.* 
 
 It would be not unworthy the attention of some good practical 
 astronomer, in order the more fully to ascertain this matter, to take 
 accurately the bearings of the opposite stones in some of those circles 
 which remain in the best state: and to compare those bearings 
 with the corresponding parts of the horizon of the place, upon a 
 globe ; and to observe how such parts were intersected by the paral- 
 lels of declination of some of the most remarkable fixed Stars, at 
 their rising, and setting : making at the same time due allowance 
 for the precession of the Equinoxes, during the lapse either of two, 
 or three thousand years. 
 
 We might, by that means, perhaps discover, almost with preci- 
 sion, what the astronomical skill of the antient Druids really was ; 
 and what was the more immediate purpose of their observations. 
 
 And this I venture to mention ; although I am well aware, that 
 in the latter days of Druidism the grossest superstition, and igno- 
 rance, was become so prevalent, that even some of those actually 
 called Cerrig Brudyn, or Astronomers' Stones, might be stupidly reared 
 without the least regard to those proper adjustments, which the 
 original use required. 
 
 Some it is probable would be discovered of an earlier and more 
 cautious construction, that would develop the designed primaeval 
 use. 
 
 And in conformity to these ideas it may further be remarked, 
 that most of the very distinguished Druidical circles are placed 
 on eminences, commanding a free and extensive horizon. 
 
 Thus, one of them is situated near the high summit of Cader 
 Jdris, or Caer-Edris, in Merionethshire ; and is even to this day 
 called Cerrig Brudyn, or the Astronomers' Stones, or Circle : — on be- 
 holding which it ought to be remembered, that it is allowed by all 
 H 
 
 * Genesis, chap. i. ver, 14. 
 a o 
 
142 
 
 the most learned,* that the antients denoted Astronomy itself by 
 the name Edris: a name attributed to Henoch, or Enoch, who has 
 ever been deemed the first founder of that Science. 
 
 There is also a circle of stones in Caermarthenshire, which there 
 is very great reason to think answered the same sort of purpose. It 
 is erected on a mountain near Kil y mam Llwyd, and is called Buarth 
 Arthur, or Meineu Gtuyr* The diameter of this circle is about sixty 
 feet : and the stones are extraordinary rude ; pitched, on end, at 
 uncertain intervals, of three, four, or six feet ; and being from three 
 to six feet high. Only fifteen are standing ; and, at least seven or 
 eight seem to have been carried off. The entrance, for about three 
 yards, is guarded on each side by lower or smaller stones contiguous 
 to each other: and opposite to this avenue, at the distance of about 
 three hundred paces, stand three other large rude stones. 
 
 And the well known circles of stones, at Stanton Drew, in Somer- 
 setshire, seem to have been designed for astronomical observations, 
 and for superstitious rites conjointly. The principal one there, 
 forms, like that at Stone Henge, in reality a sort of ellipsis, of about 
 330 by 260 feet, and not a regular circle. And there are stones 
 
 ♦ See Mona Antiqua, p. s 4 . To which it may be added, that perhaps the Patriarchal skill 
 of the Druids in Astronomy, and the degree of science which, according to Cesar's account, 
 they had attained unto, notwithstanding the rudeness of their instruments; as also that of the 
 Chaldeans; and such ideas of dividing time, by means of observing the motion of the 
 heavenly bodies, as are found to have been preserved either in Egypt, or in India, or even 
 m Peru, as well as in Britain; may best be accounted for, by deducing the first origin 
 of the whole, from a circumstance, the memorial whereof, we find from Josephus, was 
 preserved by an antient tradition amongst the Jews that the most religious of the long 
 lived Antediluvian Fathers, who were the most drrect descendants of Sell, had employed 
 much of their lime in putting together successive astronomical observations ; the remem- 
 brance of the first of which had been preserved by the posterity of Shem. 
 
 And hence perhaps we may the more easily account for the reverence attached to all who 
 were skilled in such kind of science, in the barbarous ages of the world : and for the usual 
 connection which those possessed of such knowledge, like the Magi, and the Druids, and 
 the Egyptian Priests, and Bramins, ever have had both with legislation and government. 
 
 Josephus, consistently with such tradition, even goes so far as to intimate, (Antiq. Jud. 
 lib. i. cap. J. sec. 9.) that Almighty God afforded those first ancestors of mankind a longer 
 time of life, because of their virtuous exertions, and because of the good nse they made of 
 their time, in astronomical and geometrical discoveries; for which a long period oflife was 
 necessary. 
 
 f Gough's Camden, Vol. H, p. mo. 
 
143 
 
 cautiously placed nearly on each side of the meridian ; two at the 
 one end, for a sort of observer's index, and two at the other, as if 
 designed for leading sights to direct the eye to certain points in the 
 heavens equally distant, a little to the east and west of the south : and 
 so in like manner two to the east, and one on the west side for an 
 index ; as if to observe the rising of certain stars and planets. The 
 rest of the stones of this circle are at most unequal distances ;* but 
 yet apparently fixed in their situations with great circumspection. 
 Within the circuit appears, lying on the ground, a great altar stone, 
 as at Stone Henge, placed towards the east ; and at some distance 
 on the outside of the circle, in the same direction, is a great and 
 high stone of memorial. All these circumstances should be borne 
 in mind, to compare them with other remains of a similar kind. 
 
 The stones in general are in height, from 8 to 1 4 feet ; which 
 would lead the eye of an observer to a considerable height in any 
 azimuth circle ; and from 6 to 8 or 10 broad ; and 3 or 4 feet thick. 
 
 Near adjoining to this great circle of stones, are two other smaller 
 ones, which seem plainly to have been mere appendages to this. 
 
 And not far off, towards the north-east, on an high hill, is an 
 antient fortress containing about thirty acres, called Stanton Bury ; 
 which appears to have been British ; whilst at the same time a num- 
 ber of barrows, on the top of Mendip hill, point out the former re- 
 sidence of many Britons, and Druids, of high rank, in these parts ; 
 as well as near Stone Henge. 
 
 Thus much for Astronomical Circles: — as to the rest, there would 
 be no end hardly of enumerating the many curious remains, which 
 might be named, to illustrate the general observations concerning 
 such circles having been designed, for superstitious dances, and 
 other superstitious rites; for courts of judicature; for inaugura- 
 tions ; and for councils. Whilst yet, at this distance of time, it is 
 impossible for us to ascertain precisely which were which. 
 
 For illustration therefore of their general appearance solely, I 
 shall only add one or two representations, and a few general 
 descriptions. 
 
 * Plans and Views of the whole may he seen in Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. 81. 
 Wood's Description of Bath, p. 1 4 7 , 15 9. And somewhat more correctly in the Gentle- 
 man's Magazine for 1 7 8 5 , p. 7 62 . 
 
144 
 
 PI. V. Fig. i. represents the plan of a Druidical Circle on the 
 hill of Fiddess, m the Highlands of Scotland; of which Mr An 
 derson gives us a very curious account ; * informing us at the'same 
 time, that there are several others, in that country, which he has exa 
 mined ; and that they are for the most part placed upon an eminence 
 and usually on that side of it which declines towards the south '■ 
 and seem to have been all formed after one sort of plan, with little 
 variation. 
 
 This on Fiddess hill, is forty-six feet in diameter, and consists 
 of tune long stones marked C, placed on end, in circular form, at dis- 
 tances nearly equal, but not exactly so. The area E, within this 
 circle, is smooth, and somewhat lower than the ground around it. 
 By this means, and by means of a small bank carried quite round be- 
 tween the stones, which is still a little higher than the adjacent ground 
 on the outside ; the circular area has been most distinctly defined 
 Between two stones that are nearest the meridian line, on the south 
 •side of the area, is laid on its side, a long stone (A) ; at each end of 
 which are placed two other stones, smaller than any of those that 
 form the outer circle. These are a little within the circle, and at a 
 somewhat greater distance from one another. And still further 
 within the line are placed two other stones ; which, with the two 
 former, are marked DDDD in the Plan. Behind, or rather within 
 the large stone, the earth is raised something more than a foot higher 
 than the rest of the Circular Area ; this is shewn at (B) Mr An- 
 derson conceives this eminence to have been the station of some offi- 
 ciating Priest or Druid, at some solemn rites. But it was surely 
 rather the seat of the presiding Judges. -And it is material to add, 
 that of the many circles of stones which Mr. Anderson examined 
 he observed there was not the mark of any tool upon any of them • 
 and that they were seldom less than 6 or 8 feet in length, (or rather 
 in height), and usually about 10 or 12, and sometimes 16. 
 
 And in the shire of Nairn, he says, where thin flat stones much 
 abound he saw some structures of this kind, where the stones almost 
 touched one another all round. 
 
 Corresponding with these accounts, Dr. Garden informs us,+ that 
 
 * Archaeologia, Vol. V. p. 2<6. 
 
 t Ibid. Vol. I. p. j 12. 
 
145 
 
 in the north parts of Scotland there are many of these circles of 
 large, tall, unpolished stones, set upon one end ; most frequently 
 consisting of one circle only ; and of stones at nearly equal dis- 
 tances ; but sometimes having towards the south, or south-east, a 
 large broad stone standing on edge, and filling up the whole space 
 between two of the stones ; and sometimes having an inward circle 
 of smaller stones ; and in one instance, which he saw, having three 
 concentric circles. 
 
 Mr. Pennant also mentions having seen some remarkable antiqui- 
 ties of a similar kind in the Isle of Arran.* 
 
 There are, he says, on the plain of Tormore, the remains of four 
 circles in a line, extending north-east by south-west ; very few of 
 the stones indeed are standing to perfect the inclosure ; but those 
 that do remain shew what each circle was, and are of a great size, 
 and stand remote from one another. One of them is even 1 5 feet 
 high, and 1 1 feet in circumference. And on the outside of these 
 circles are two others ; one whereof differed from all he had before 
 seen, consisting of a double circle of stones, and a mound within 
 the lesser circle. 
 
 And about a mile from Connel,+ in the neighbourhood of the 
 Bay of Mull, near the site of what is supposed to have been a British 
 town ; he also saw another Druidical circle, formed of round stones 
 placed close together, inclosing an area 26 feet in diameter, and hav- 
 ing an erect pillar 7 feet high, about the distance of 10 feet from the 
 outside. 
 
 And in Wales, as indeed we might reasonably expect, he met 
 with still more perfect remains. 
 
 For in the neighbourhood of Cors-y-Gedol, on a flat plain, in the 
 mountainous country surrounding Snowdon, are two remarkable 
 circles; the first about 5 6 feet in diameter, formed of piles of loose 
 stones, with upright columns placed at five yards distance from each 
 other, in pairs, so as nearly to divide the circle in four parts : and 
 the other, about thirty yards distance, formed of several upright 
 stones, among smaller, but placed with less regularity ; never- 
 theless in such a manner, that design, not chance, seems certainly 
 
 * Voyage to the Hebrides, p. iso. + Ibid, p, 357 . 
 
 2 p 
 
 ■ 
 
146 
 
 to have directed the founders of these circles in the disposition of 
 every one of the columnar stones. * 
 
 Half a mile south of these circles, on the side of an hill, also are 
 some great Cromlechs. 
 
 Near Clenenney, in the same tract of country, on Bwlch Craigwen, 
 is a fine Druidical circle, consisting still of thirty-eight stones. + 
 And at a mile's distance, and within sight of this, above Penmorva, 
 is another. 
 
 In Cumberland also, not far from Keswick, on the summit of a 
 broad and high hill, is an oval circle about thirty-four yards from 
 north to south, and near thirty from east to west, formed of forty 
 stones, many of which are now fallen down, some inward, and others 
 outward ; % and having on the north side two larger than the rest, 
 standing five feet and a half above the soil ; and having also, on 
 the east side, a small rectangular area, parted off by ten stones ; 
 where seems to have been the altar. 
 
 In Derbyshire also, on Hurtle Moor, is a Druid circle, consist- 
 ing at present only of six stones ; one of which is 1 7 feet high. 
 But there is reason to conclude, that it consisted originally of nine 
 stones. This has been well described, and represented, by Major 
 Rooke; || who has also given a good representation of another circle 
 of nine stones, on Stanton Moor near Rowter, which had a single 
 stone standing at 34 yards west from it ; and seems also to have 
 had another single stone, originally placed in the centre. 
 
 And it may be observed, that these circles, so containing a single 
 stone in the centre, seem above all others to have been designed for 
 civil and legal solemnities ; and for inaugurations ; and for holding 
 of councils, (the King, or Chieftain, according to the most ancient 
 usage, standing by the pillar, in the midst, and the great officers 
 standing by their respective pillars, in their proper stations around 
 him.) And of these circles, one of the most complete seems to be 
 that described by Borlase, at Boscawen-un, in Cornwall, ** of which, 
 
 * Journey to Snowdon, p. 1 1 o. + Tour in Wales, Vol. II. p. 18 9. 
 
 X Pennant's Tour in Scotland, and Voyage to the Hebrides, p. 3 8. and PI. I. fig. I. 
 There is a view also of this circle in the Antiquarian Repertory. Vol. I . p. a 3 9 . 
 II In the Archaeologia, Vol. VI. p. 1 13. 
 ** Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 205. 
 
PL:V . 
 
 
 
 Q 
 
 
 
 F.-2. 
 
 
 
 
147 
 
 therefore, I shall borrow the representation, PI. IV. fig. 2. in order 
 to convey a general idea of their appearance. 
 
 A great stone also is sometimes placed in the centre, manifestly de- 
 signed to have been a sort of tribunal to stand upon ; or, at least for 
 the principal person to stand near unto it ; of which there is a most 
 remarkable instance in the centre of a great circle of stones,* at 
 Classerness, in Lewis, one of the Western Isles. 
 
 And in the same Western Islands, where on account of their 
 sequestered situation, many primaeval, and antient customs, and 
 superstitions, have been preserved longer than in other parts ; we 
 find also remains of the Crowning, or Inauguration stone. 
 
 For in the Island of Ila there was fixed a large stone, 7 feet 
 square, in which there was a cavity or deep impression made, to 
 receive the feet of Mack-Donald, who was crowned king of the Isles 
 standing in this stone ; and swore that he would continue his vassals 
 in the possession of their lands ; and do exact justice to all his sub- 
 jects ; and then his father's sword was put into his hand ; and the 
 bishop of Argyls, and seven priests anointed him king, in presence 
 of all the heads of the tribes in the Isles and Continent: and at the 
 same time an orator rehearsed a catalogue of his ancestors.t 
 
 Here also the high court of judicature sat, consisting of fourteen ; 
 to whom there was an appeal from all the courts in the Isles ; and the 
 eleventh share of the sum in debate was due to the principal judge. 
 
 We have here, therefore, a most remarkable instance of the pre- 
 servation of antient customs, which seem to have been derived from 
 Druidical times, coaeval with the erection of the circles of stones. 
 
 And on this occasion it cannot but be recollected, that in confor- 
 mity to these kind of antient usages, there were furious and de- 
 structive wars continually raging in Ireland, between the family of 
 O'Donnel and the family of the O'Neals, from age to age, even 
 down to the time of king James, merely in order to acquire domi- 
 nion over the county of Donegall, by virtue of obtaining the cere- 
 mony of inauguration, attended by a sort of popular election, to be 
 performed at a stone near Kilmacrenan. % 
 
 * Martin's Description of the Western Islands, p. 9. t Ibid. p. 8 4 1. 
 
 t Gough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 63 9. The savage character and ideas of these chief- 
 tains to the last is described by Speed, p. 863. 
 
148 
 
 . And S P en cer does not hesitate to affirm, that it was a con- 
 tinued custom amongst the Irish, presently after the death of any 
 of their chief lords, or captains, to assemble themselves to a place 
 generally appointed, and known to them, to choose another in his 
 stead ; where, says he, for the most part they do not elect the eldest 
 son, but the next of blood that is the eldest and worthiest. And, on 
 that occasion, they use to place him upon a stone, placed commonly 
 upon an hill. In some of which stones, says Spencer, I have seen 
 formed and engraven a foot ; which they say was the measure of their 
 first captain's foot ; whereon he standing received an oath to pre- 
 serve the customs of the country, and had a wand delivered unto 
 him by a proper officer, with which in his hand, descending f rom 
 the stone, he turned himself round, thrice forward, and "thrice 
 backward.* 
 
 Of the original custom of chieftains standing, on certain great oc- 
 casions, by a pillar, or at, or upon some great stone, there are also 
 many most antient proofs, on record. 
 
 Thus, we are told, that when Abimelech was suddenly elevated to 
 the Regal Dignity, that he was made King, by the Pillar that was in 
 Shechem;+ winch celebrated pillar was the same great stone that had 
 been set up by Joshua under an oak ;J and which therefore was 
 called, as the original words imports, and as it is rendered in the 
 margin of our Bibles, the Oak of the Pillar: or as the Se P tua<nnt 
 renders it, the Oak of the Station. 
 
 And even when Saul was made King there was some sort of com- 
 pliance with this custom ; for we read that it was at Gilgal that the 
 kingdom was confirmed to him ; at which place were the celebrated 
 stones before mentioned, pitched by Joshua, as it should seem, in a 
 circle : and near which was also an altar unto the Lord. 
 
 Came, and let us go to Gilgal, said Samuel to the People, || and renew 
 the Kingdom there. 
 
 And all the people went to Gilgal, and there they made Saul 
 King before the Lord in Gilgal : and there they sacrificed sacrifices of 
 peace offerings before the Lord: and there Saul and all the men of Israel 
 rejoiced greatly. 
 
 * L'Estrange's ed. of Spencer's Works, p. 203 . + judges, chap. ix. ver. c. 
 
 t Joshua, chap. xxiv. ver. S6 . || , Samuel, chap. xi. ver. u. 15, 
 
149 
 
 And again at Gilgal it was, that the people were called together 
 after Saul to fight against the Philistines.* At a time when it is very 
 remarkable they were so ill armed and provided with weapons, 
 that none had swords, or spears, except those who were more im- 
 mediately about the persons of Saul, and Jonathan. + 
 
 So again, when Adonijah was by the assistance of Joab and Abia- 
 thar intended to be raised to the Throne ; and attempted to be pro- 
 claimed King of Israel ; it was by the Stone of loheleth, which is by 
 Enrogel ;J where he assembled his brethren and friends, and made 
 a great feast on the occasion. 
 
 And in like manner, in conformity with this sort of more antient 
 usage, even after the building of the Temple, we are told, that 
 Jehoash, after he had been preserved from being slaughtered in his 
 infancy by Athaliah, and had been some years secreted by the 
 Priest Jehoida in the House of the Lord, when at last he was 
 brought forth to recover the kingdom, stood by a Pillar, as the 
 manner was, and the Princes and those that Mowed the trumpets 
 by him ;\ and there he took the oath, and had the crown put upon 
 his head. 
 
 And Josiah, when, on a most remarkable and solemn occasion, he 
 had renewed to thejews the knowledge and the teaching of the law ; 
 in a great assembly of the nobles, and of the people in the Temple, || 
 stood by a Pillar, and made a Covenant before the Lord. 
 
 And as we have this testimony concerning the usage, of standing 
 by a Stone, or Pillar; so have we also testimony concerning the 
 solemn use of Stone Circles. — For Csesar has told us, concerning the 
 Gaulish Druids, " whom he says were imitators of the British 
 " Druids, and derived from them their customs and science ;"** that 
 at a certain time of the year " they sat in a certain Consecrated Place : 
 " to which all that had controversies came from every part around, 
 " and submitted to their judgments and decrees. And that they 
 " determined concerning all disputes, publick and private; con- 
 " cerning murder ; concerning the rights of inheritance ; and con- 
 " cerning the boundaries of land." 
 
 * l Samuel, chap. xiii. v. 4. + Ibid. ver. 22. % 1 Kings, chap. i. ver. 9. 
 
 $ 2 Kings, chap. xi. ver. 14,17. |] Ibid. chap, xxiii. v. 3. 
 
 ** De Bello Gallico, lib. vi. sect. u. 
 
 2 S 
 
150 
 
 And Epiphanius, who was born and lived in Syria, also describes 
 an open Cirque, as a place of prayer, formed by the antient Samari- 
 tans ; (which Cirque is with great propriety referred to, by the author 
 of the Louthiana.) * 
 
 And it ought by no means to be forgotten, that Homer, in his 
 fine description of the Shield of Achilles, represents the elders of a 
 nation, (when assembled on occasion of a murder, and to decree 
 whether a fine should be allowed in such an instance, or not ;) as 
 sitting in a ring, on stones, (or at stones) in a sacred place. Which 
 description Pope thus paraphrases, and almost turns into bur- 
 lesque, 
 
 On seats of stone within the sacred place, 
 The Rev'rend Elders nodded o'er' the case ; 
 Alternate, each th' attesting sceptre took, 
 And rising solemn each his sentence spoke. 
 Two golden talents lay amidst, in sight, 
 The prize of him who best adjudged the right. 
 
 Iliad, book xviii. 1. 5 85, 
 But whoever takes the trouble to consult the original, will find a 
 much more dignified description ; which, whilst it agrees with the 
 use of the circle of stones on these occasions, on the one hand ; agrees, 
 also on the other, with an antient custom that has passed over into 
 America, and is preserved amongst several of the Indian nations, of 
 delivering a sort of sacred sceptre, in regular order, to him who was 
 to speak in council: for the literal translation* of the lines in Ho- 
 mer, is 
 
 Kqouxic 8 fyx Xxw tyfcoov oi Si yioovhq 
 Eh1 hi hatoiai Xidoic;, ma hi mniker 
 2xijx7qz Si Kn^ixan h %fya fyo? r(£oo$mmv, 
 Taam heif \iaaov, inoiC n Sk 8 iSixxlov. 
 Kara S in (Uaaoim Sua xgwtfo rakwlz, 
 To Soitir, Sc nzri mm Sixty itui/rxlx lixy. 
 
 The Heralds at length appeased the populace. And the Elders sal on 
 (or atj rough hewn stones, within a SACRED circle. And held in 
 their hands the sceptral rods of the loud proclaiming Heralds. 
 
 •Louthiana, bookiii. p. io. • + Iliad, lib. xviii. ver. 5 3 , 
 
 • 
 
 I 
 
151 
 
 To which for on receiving wltich) they then rose from their seats; and 
 in alternate order gave judgment : whilst in the midst lay two talents of 
 gold, to be bestowed on him, who, with these, should pronounce the 
 rightest sentence. 
 
 That is, who on receiving the sceptral rod should propose the best 
 Decree. 
 
 And as to the Americans, Cadwallader Colden* tells us ; that, at a 
 conference, the Sachem, or Indian Chief who presides, has a bundle 
 of small sticks in his hand : and as soon as the speaker has finished 
 any one article of his speech, he gives a stick to another Sachem,+ 
 who is particularly to remember that article ; and so when another 
 article is finished, he gives a stick to another, to take care of that 
 other ; and so on. 
 
 Exactly similar to which, is the account given by Hennepin of the 
 Iroquois ; % amongst whom their President, or Speaker, in the midst 
 of an assembly consisting of forty-two old Indians, having several 
 little pieces of wood laid on the ground before him, took up each of 
 them in due order, and held it in his hand, as long as he was 
 answering to each particular article of the proposals that had been 
 made. 
 
 This holding of the slicks, surely seems exactly conformable to 
 Homer's Elders receiving the Herald's sceptral rods, and then with 
 them in the hand, beginning each to pronounce judgment. 
 
 And I must add, that as all these assemblies seem to have been held 
 by the Chieftains sitting in a circle ; so there is an account in Picart's 
 Religious Ceremonies, $ of the manner in which the Calumet, or 
 
 * See his curious Account of the Five Indian Nations of Canada, p. loo. 
 
 + Consistently with the account of the rods here mentioned by Golden, in Canada, Be- 
 verley in his History of Virginia, p. 157, informs us, that the native Indians ofVirginia 
 had a tobacco pipe, bigger than those for common use, in each community ; adorned with 
 wmgs and feathers of birds, and other ornaments ; and that when strangers came amongst 
 them, either as friends or enemies, they filled this pipe with tobacco, before the face of the 
 strangers, and lighted it : and the chief Indian took the pipe, and taking two or three whififs, 
 presented it to the hands of the chief stranger, who, if he came in peace, took it, and present- 
 ed it to the next man of the district: but if it were refused, it was a sign of war. An account, 
 which it is surely almost impossible to read without bringing to mind the origin of the use 
 of the Caduceus of Mercury. 
 
 ± Hennepin's new Discovery of a vast Country in America, p. 5 8. 
 i Religious Ceremonies, Vol. III. p. 9S, and PI. I. p. 73. 
 
152 
 
 Pipe Rod, passes from hand to hand, in such a circle, in an assembly 
 of the Canadian, and Missisippi Indians, previous to their going to 
 war, or undertaking any great enterprize : and also an account of a 
 Calumet dance, at the same time. And he has given us two repre- 
 sentations ; one of this Missisippian Calumet ; and one of the Virgi- 
 nian Calumet. * 
 
 And that the holding these pipes, and rods, in their hands was 
 designed to assist and strengthen the memory on the occasion, by a 
 certain association of ideas, may be concluded, not only from the 
 account given by Cadwallader Golden ; but also from a usage which 
 we find still retained by other barbarous Indians, in the South Seas. 
 For Mr. Forster informs us, that Mahine, or Hedeedee, who went 
 once round the South Pole with Captain Cooke, and himself; made 
 use of a bundle of small sticks as a journal. + 
 
 To return to other proofs of Elders, and Senators sitting on stones 
 (or at stones/ in council, or to decree justice, in the most antient 
 times ; we have still another most remarkable one, in Homer: 
 
 When Alcinous assembled his council ; they sat, we are told, by 
 the sea side ; (and therefore manifestly in the open air) faj bmitit 
 XiSoiai, J which I should translate, on plain hewn stones (or rather at 6 
 plain hewn stones] ; though Pope is pleased to translate it, 
 
 Then to the Council seat they bend their way, 
 And fill the shining Thrones along the bay. 
 
 Other instances might be produced. And those who wish to 
 pursue this inquiry further, will find several curious facts mention- 
 ed by various authors. 
 
 They will also find, in antient writings, many tending to shew 
 even the continuance of the use of stone circles, on various occa- 
 sions ; as of public inaugurations, and of councils; even so late as 
 
 , 95. 
 
 * See also Hennepin's Discovery, p. < 
 + Forster's Voyage, Vol. I, p. 530, 601, 311, 481, &c. % Odyssey, book viii. line 6. 
 { That the preposition tm with a dative case, signifies full as properly al, meaning, at 
 a certain station; as on, or upon ; — is obvious from a variety of passages that might be cited ; 
 as m noTttftu, and tm SeXoOTini, cited by H. Stephens from Thucydides: and as 'tm $i pv m, 
 and «ri 9u' p « <5 -, cited also by him, from Homer, and Arislcphanes. — See H. Stephens, fol. i. 
 p. 1210, I2li; and Vigerus de Idiotismis, p. 602. 
 
153 
 
 the fourteenth century;* in the northern parts of Germany; in 
 Sweden ; in Denmark ; and in the Western Isles. 
 
 Such Circles also, without any positive record of their use, are to 
 be met with in Iceland ; in Shetland; and in the Isle of Man ; where 
 they are even called by a name that plainly indicates a Forum, or 
 place of Justice. + And in the Marquisates, of Brandenburgh, the 
 Dutchy of Brunswick Lunenburgh, and other parts of Germany. % 
 And in Scandinavia, § and in Norway they are to be met with again. 
 
 All which only tends to prove, that the Norwegians, and Danes, 
 and Germans, derived similar usages with the Britons, from the 
 same remote, common, and primitive ancestors : but does no more 
 lead us to conclude that any of these structures in Britain (several of 
 which appear in parts of the island where the Danes never came) 
 were the works of the Danes ; as some writers have hastily sup- 
 posed; any more than that those in Scandinavia, and Norway, and 
 Germany, were the works of the Britons. 
 
 They were merely works, consistent with the usages, of those 
 primitive ancestors, from whom the people, in all these several 
 countries, were equally descended. 
 
 And there is a circumstance, the mention whereof ought not to 
 be omitted, on this occasion ; which is, that in conformity with the 
 idea of Circular stones being originally, by antient custom, properly 
 connected with the administration of justice ; the Phareans, in 
 Greece, in the middle of their Forum, erected thirty cubes of stone 
 round their Mercurius Agorteus. || 
 
 The Circles designed particularly, by the Britons, for the super- 
 stitious Turnings round, and Dances, cannot perhaps at this distance 
 of time be precisely ascertained, or distinguished, from the others 
 appropriated to the administration of justice. But these superstitious 
 observances themselves, are well known to have continued in use, 
 amongst the descendants of the antient Britons, ** even down to 
 very late ages. 
 
 * Borlase's Antiquities of Cornwall, p. so5. Wormius, p. !7, oo. 
 + Worm. Mon. Dan. p. 68. Keyskr, p. 7 8. % Borlase's Antiquities of 
 
 Cornwall, p. 193. j Dalhbery, L. iii. tab. 250. 
 
 || Pausan. Acha, lib. vii. c. 22. 
 
 ** See the Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 127, isl, 129, no, 131. 194. 
 
 2 R 
 
154 
 
 And it deserves to be well noticed, again on this occasion, what a 
 striking and remarkable conformity is to be found in the manners of 
 all those called aboriginal people, in every part of the earth, as to 
 some certain usages ; which therefore shew their original connec- 
 tion with the few patriarchal families who first repeopled this globe ; 
 whose superstitions were increased to an enormous height, even be- 
 fore the days of Abraham. 
 
 For whilst we meet with these Circles of stones in so many parts 
 of Europe ; and are acquainted with such striking remains of super- 
 stitious runnings round, and Dances, in England, Scotland, Ireland, 
 and in many Northern parts of Europe ; we find nearly the same 
 sort of observance actually kept up, till within a very few years, 
 amongst the Virginian Indians, in America. 
 
 Beverley informs us,* concerning them; that their dancing is 
 sometimes performed by a great number of people: the dancers 
 forming a ring, and moving round a circle oj caned posts, that are set 
 up for that purpose ; each dancer having his rattle in his hand, or 
 his bow and arrows, or his tomahawk. They also dress themselves 
 up, for this purpose, with branches of trees. And thus they proceed, 
 dancing and singing, with all the antick postures they can invent. ' 
 
 So, concerning the customs of the Indians of Canada, and the 
 Missisipi, La Houtan informs us, that on their reception of ambas- 
 sadors, or foreigners, who come with the Calumet, or Pipe of Peace; 
 some young people advance forwards, and range themselves in an 
 oval form: and as the foreigners advance forwards, they all dance 
 together, and make another oval, round the officer who bears the 
 Calumet. And this dance continues about half an hour: after 
 which they conduct the foreigners to the banquet, i- 
 
 So a strange ceremony of the Caribbee Indians is described ; + 
 when their Priests pretend to inspire them with courage. Which 
 ceremony consists, in their singing and dancing in a Circle, with 
 great agitation ; after which, three or four of their Priests rush into 
 the circle, and with a gourd bottle tied at the end of a stick, or with 
 a long reed filled with tobacco, blow upon them. 
 
 * History of Virginia, p. 191. t Sec an Account of this in the Religious Cere- 
 
 monies, Vol. Ill, p. 9 1. ♦ Ibid. p. l 
 
 162. 
 
155 
 
 In other more civilized countries also, the strange Circular dances, 
 and Turnings round of the Denises, * still retained as a sort of reli- 
 gious ceremony in the East, seems to have been derived from most 
 antient superstitious rites, in those countries, in use long before the 
 time of Mahomet ; as well as the reverence for the Caaba at Mecca ; 
 which we know was an object of superstitious regard, numerous 
 ages before Mahomet was born. 
 
 And whilst we read of the badges, which the Indian Priests, and 
 Dancers hold in their hands, together with branches of trees, on 
 performing these ceremonies in America ; it is almost impossible 
 not to call to-mind the Druidical misletoe, and oak branches, used 
 by the Britons, on all solemn occasions, as well as their stone 
 Circles. 
 
 On the whole ; perhaps we shall not err from the truth, if we 
 conclude those Circles, where the stones are placed uniformly at equal 
 distances, and are of no great magnificence in point of bulk ; though too 
 high to sit upon; to have been designed for these sort of Celebrations: 
 whilst those, where the stones are carefully placed at unequal intervals, 
 with two opposite ones placed nearly in a meridian line ; and those other 
 circles which have Pillars, obviously placed with great care towards the 
 east and west; were designed for the more important purposes of Astro- 
 nomical Observations: and that those which have an high stone in the 
 centre of many smaller ones, were for Public Assemblies, and Councils : and 
 those, where all the stones are rather low ; for Courts of Judicature . 
 
 A fine Circle, consisting of thirty-eight stones, near Clenenney, 
 in North Wales, not far from Penmorva, which is only just men- 
 tioned by Mr. Pennant ; + deserves to be well examined. 
 
 And so also does a Druidical Circle of stones in the shire of Angus, 
 in Scotland, near the celebrated camp of Readykes, J on Garnie Hill • 
 in the neighbourhood of which distinguished spot, it seems evident 
 from a variety of circumstances most fully considered by the Earl 
 of Buchan, the war with the Romans was put an end to, by the 
 
 * Thevenot, booki. cliap. 40, Ricault, bookii. chap. 11. Tournefort, in his Letter 
 xiv. Religious Ceremonies, Vol. VII. p. 109. See also Motraye's Travels, Vol. I. 
 P- " 6 - + Tour in Wales, Vol. II. p. 189. 
 
 t See a sli g ht P ,an of Ae Circle, with that of the Camp, from Lieut. Gen. Melvill's 
 Drawings, in Cough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 109. 
 
156 
 
 signal victory obtained by Agricola over Galgacus, and the Caledo* 
 nian army. 
 
 And as to Inauguration Circles, and those for Legal Solemnities ; 
 one has been already just mentioned, as still preserved by its re- 
 mote situation in one of the Hebrides, call Lewes Island, or Long 
 Island. 
 
 We find there, at Classerness," first, thirty-nine stones, 6 or 7 
 feet high, and about 2 feet each in breadth, placed in the form of 
 an avenue, the breadth of which is 8 feet, and the distance be- 
 tween each stone 6. There is a single stone set up at the entrance of 
 this avenue ; and at the other extreme part, which is the south end, 
 stands a Circle of twelve stones, of equal distance, and height, with 
 the former thirty-nine. In the centre of this circle is one great 
 stone 13 feet high, of an odd irregular form, like the rudder of a 
 ship ; concerning which the tradition of the country still is that, in 
 the times of Heathenism, the Chief Druid, or Priest, stood near this 
 stone, from whence he spoke to the surrounding people. On the 
 outside of this circle, there are four stones standing towards the 
 west ; of the same proportions, and at the same distances ; and, in 
 like manner four to the east ; and four towards the south. 
 
 And about a quarter of a mile's distance from these, there is ano- 
 ther circle of high stones. 
 
 There are also some circles of stones, both such as are small, and 
 such as are of large dimensions, in the island of Tire-iy.t 
 
 And as in the instance of single stones of memorial, we have com- 
 pared those in England, and Scotland, with certain remains in Ire- 
 land ; so here it ought not to be omitted, that on a Rath, or artificial 
 hill, in the county of Roscommon, in Ireland, there is a Circle of 
 ten stones ; which from representations that have been given of 
 it, % seems to have been of the kind designed merely for supersti- 
 tious dancings, and turnings. 
 
 About half a mile west of Winterborn Abbey in Dorsetshire, also, 
 are the remains of a Druid Circle of stones ; which from the small- 
 ness of its dimensions, and the nearly equal distances originallv of 
 
 * Martin's description of the Western Islands, p. s. + Ibid. p. a;o. 
 
 X See one in Cough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 596 ; and PI. XLIII. fig. m. p. s „, 
 
157 
 
 all the stones ; and from their inconsiderable magnitude, * appears 
 plainly to have been in like manner a circle merely for supersti- 
 tious dances, and turnings. There are at present nine stones, placed 
 in a form more elliptical than circular, for one diameter is 27 feet, 
 and the transverse diameter 25£: their distance from each other is 
 somewhat unequal, but generally about six feet. And as there is 
 a vacant unmeaning space on the north-east, it seems as if three 
 more stones, in that part, had completed the whole number, at 
 very nearly equal distances. One of them is seven feet high, and 
 another six ; the rest not above three. It is remarkable, however, 
 that two of these stones stand nearly east and west. And their very 
 high antiquity, and superstitious designation, seems to be confirmed, 
 by the near adjoining situation of a vast number of barrows. 
 
 There are some other great Circles of stones well known, + whose 
 peculiar forms might tend to illustrate all that has been just said ; 
 but which have moreover certain appendages to them, that cannot 
 well be understood, without the consideration of some curious 
 circumstances that will be more fully considered in subsequent 
 observations : it will be proper, therefore, to defer the enumera- 
 tion of them, till all those additional peculiarities have been a 
 little explained. And it is only proper to add here, that what- 
 ever the designation of all such various kinds of Circles of co- 
 lumnar stones was, there is one circumstance which with us, in 
 this country, is an unquestionable proof of their great and high 
 antiquity ; and that is ; that, in some places, the antient Roman 
 ways are found to cross through, and to mangle some of these Cir- 
 cles, % in various directions: which could never have been the 
 case, unless the erection of such Circles had been so long prior to 
 the existence of such roads, that all the reverence for them was 
 
 * See an account of their measures, and forms, in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1768, 
 p. IIS. 
 
 + Boskednan Circle in Gullval, in the Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 1 9 s , PI. XV. fig. a. 
 And those called, The Hurlers, in the parish of St. Clare in Cornwall, p. 19 9, 
 PI. XVII. fig. (,. 
 
 And the curious cluster of Circles at Botallek, in Cornwall, p. 199, PI. XVI. 
 And the very remarkable Circle of six stones in Denmark, which is described by Wor- 
 Dlius; and represented by Borlase, p. 2 l o, IBS, do also deserve much notice. 
 
 * See Borlase's Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 19 7. 
 
 3 S 
 
15S 
 
 lost, even when those roads themselves were first constructed by 
 the Romans. 
 
 Another confirmation of their high antiquity, and solemn use 
 also, is, that their name in the Erse, is clachan ; and that to this 
 day, the phrase for going to church amongst the Highlanders is, to 
 go to clachan. * Whilst the church of Benachie is included in one 
 of these very circles ; as are others in Scotland ; which seems to 
 have been the effect of choice, not chance : the founders designing 
 to induce the Pagan inhabitants the more readily to attend on the 
 doctrines of Christianity; by building churches, on the very spots, 
 where they were wont to celebrate their antient and most solemn 
 rites. 
 
 Thus near to the village of Oldeer, not far from Inverugee, 
 where an abbey was founded in 1218, a Druidical Circle of 
 stones is found, still existing pretty entire, on an adjacent hill ; 
 having three of the stones remaining in the midst, which had 
 composed a cromlech, or altar, of an enormous size. + And near 
 this are still to be discerned vestiges of cells, or huts, which the 
 neighbouring people call Picts houses ; and which probably were 
 the residence of attendant Druids. 
 
 * Cordiner's Antiquities, p. 3 -J. Pennant's Tour in Scotland, 1/69, p. 23 2. 
 + Cordiner's Antiquities, p. 44. 
 
159 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 CONCERNING SACRED CIRCLES, WITH ALTARS OF OBLATION. 
 
 H aving, from so many concurring facts, derived a certain degree 
 of information, with regard to the original use of those various 
 Circles of Druidical stones (as they are called) which were designed 
 for mere civil purposes ; it is now time to proceed to the investiga- 
 tion, still more particularly, of those more magnificent Remains, 
 which there can be no doubt were originally parts of structures des- 
 tined to superstitious, and what were deemed most sacred rites, and 
 ceremonies. 
 
 As of this destination there can exist no doubt ; it being a fact 
 allowed on all hands ; it would be both unnecessary, and unwarrant- 
 able, here to repeat, what has been so judiciously, and ingeniously, 
 and in most respects so satisfactorily, observed, and written, concern- 
 ing these wondrous piles, by Rowland, Stukeley , Borlase, and Wood. 
 I shall therefore confine myself chiefly to such new and additional 
 observations, as may tend, without invalidating the material sub- 
 stance of their conclusions, to afford still further light. 
 
 The most perfect and stupendous structure of this kind yet re- 
 maining, may however, I trust, justly be referred to, in order to 
 explain in a more precise manner, the whole of them. 
 
 Stonehenge, in Wiltshire, will therefore be instantly present to 
 every one's mind on this occasion. 
 
 It has been so often drawn, and represented in engravings in 
 one entire group (in which it always does, and must ever appear an 
 heap of confusion), that both to avoid copying, and repetition ; 
 and in order to elucidate the explanation of it still more fully ; I shall 
 venture to take quite another method. 
 
 And therefore, referring those who wish to see views of the whole 
 together, to the many engravings already published (most of which, 
 though differing so much one from another, in consequence of their 
 being taken from different stationary points, have yet a degree of 
 
160 
 
 authority, and faithfulness, that does not deserve the censures be- 
 stowed on some of them) ; referring for more general representation 
 of the whole to such prior engravings ; I shall beg leave to confine 
 my description, in the first place, to a mere plan of the aggregate 
 ruin, as it was in Mr. Wood's time. Then, to two views of the 
 most important and detached distinct parts ; after that to a plan of 
 the whole, represented as it appears clearly to have been origi- 
 nally ; and lastly, to one or two views of the great Trilothons, as 
 they once stood ; and of that which has fallen, in its fallen state. 
 
 PI. VI. fig. 1 . represents a plan of all the stones of the body of this 
 majestic structure, that remained on the spot in 17 40 ; both those 
 which were fallen down, and those which were still standing in 
 their original position. 
 
 This plan is copied from Mr. Wood's actual Survey ; and, being 
 most accurate, requires nothing to be added to it, or substituted in 
 its room, in this respect; notwithstanding I may venture to differ 
 from him, in some particular conclusions. 
 
 I chanced, the first time I visited this structure, to approach it 
 by moonlight ; being later on my journey in the evening, than I 
 intended. This, however, was a circumstance ; advantageous to 
 the appearance : insomuch, that although my mind was previously 
 filled with determined aversion, and a degree of horror, on reflect- 
 ing upon the abominations of which this spot must have been the 
 scene ; and to which it even gave occasion, in the later periods of 
 Druidism ; yet it was impossible not to be struck, in the still of 
 the evening, whilst the moon's pale light illumined all, with re- 
 verential awe, at the solemn appearance produced by the different 
 shades of this immense group of astonishing masses of rock ; arti- 
 ficially placed, impending over head with threatening aspect j be- 
 wildering the mind with the almost inextricable confusion of their 
 relative situations with respect to each other ; and, from their rude- 
 ness, as well as from their prodigious bulk, conveying at one glance, 
 all the ideas of stupendous greatness, that could well be assembled 
 together: whilst, at the same time, the vast expanse of landscape 
 from this summit of an hill, added an idea of boundless magnifi- 
 cence, similar to that produced by a view of the wide extended 
 ocean. 
 
161 
 
 Surely, there can hardly be a more painful reflection ; or one that 
 more tends to cause an honest mind to shudder with indignation ; — • 
 than that by the perverseness and blindness of the human heart, 
 such grand associations of ideas should ever have been perverted 
 to impious, and to idolatrous purposes ; instead of being directed to 
 the worship and honour of HIM, who created the whole expanse 
 from hence surveyed ; both above, and beneath ; who made sun, 
 moon, and stars ; heavens, and heavens of heavens ; worlds of in- 
 conceivable glory. 
 
 It is an happy circumstance, that we do not, at this distance of 
 time, with precision, understand what the abominations here prac- 
 tised, in the latter most corrupted ages of Druidism were ; though 
 the first original designation, in conformity with Patriarchal usages, 
 is manifest enough. 
 
 It is not to be lamented that we are so far ignorant ; and it would 
 be serving but an ill purpose, to endeavour to bring them to light 
 again ; or to strive to catch ideas of them, by the wild guidance of 
 conjecture ; as has sometimes been endeavoured. 
 
 I shall beg leave, therefore, here to draw the veil : and in these 
 observations only to elucidate as much as appears most positively 
 clear, from the most antient records ; and as is indeed, in a degree, 
 free from any necessary concern with those gross abominations. 
 
 To do even this, however, I must first endeavour to make the 
 whole of the fabric plainly intelligible. 
 
 Those stones, in the plan referred to, PI. VI. fig. 1 . the propor- 
 tions and dimensions of whose bases are represented black ; are such 
 as are still standing upright, except only the one in the middle 
 marked (y). 
 
 And amongst these ; the stones in that part of the outward circle, 
 that is on each side the letter (a), are the very stones, some whereof 
 are shewn, as they appear on approaching them, in PI. VII. fig. 1. 
 having the great imposts still remaining upon them. 
 
 They are, in general [as far as such rude masses can be reduced 
 to any scale) between 6 and 7 feet broad ; between 3 and 4 
 thick ; and about J 4 in height ; and, when they were all entire, 
 
 * See a confirmation of the truth of these rough measures, and computations, in Wood's 
 exact Survey of Stonehenge, p. C3. 
 
 fi T 
 
162 
 
 plainly formed (as appears from the uniform proportions of what 
 remain), a great circular inclosure ; of about 97 feet in diameter: 
 consisting of 30 upright rude stone pillars; and of 30 imposts, each 
 of which was about 10 feet long, or a little more; and about 3 
 feet thick. The intervals or intercolumniations between these 
 stones was only about 3, or sometimes near A feet ; but amongst 
 these, the interval at [a] was rather wider than the rest; and 
 formed a sort of principal entrance to this august structure. The 
 whole construction manifestly shewing, how even very small di- 
 mensions, provided there be but a sufficiently obvious scale for 
 measuring the greatly different proportions of the several parts, 
 may convey effectual ideas of magnificence, even detached from 
 any consideration of the additional circumstance of grandeur, that 
 is conveyed by the vast bulk of each single stone. 
 
 The stones in the plan, which are marked with dots, shew such 
 as have long been thrown down, but yet still remain near their ori- 
 ginal places. Whilst, by the blank intervals, it plainly appears, that 
 some others have been carried away. 
 
 There remain 1 7 upright pillars of this outward circle standing ; 
 and 7 now lying on the ground, either whole, or in pieces ; there 
 remain also 6 of the imposts in their places. But all the rest are 
 carried off and lost. 
 
 They have all plainly in a degree been wrought with a tool: 
 for, in order to join the upright pillars to the imposts more effec- 
 tually, there is formed, on the top of each pillar, a sort of tenon, of 
 the form of half an egg ; and about 1 Of inches in diameter ; which 
 was made to fit into a corresponding mortise in the impost. And the 
 rude pillars themselves, on examination, have been found to be 
 placed at bottom, in a kind of socket, dug in the chalky soil ; and 
 having small flints carefully rammed in, between the stone and the 
 sides of the socket. 
 
 About 9 feet nearer towards the centre; that is, 9 feet from the 
 inside of this exterior Circle, appear the remains of a second and 
 interior Circle, of smaller stones ; which are of about one half of 
 the dimensions of those of the outward circle. And, (from the pro- 
 portion of the distances of those that remain, as well as from their 
 
163 
 
 situation,) they appear to have been originally twenty-nine* in 
 number. 
 
 Only nine of these are now left standing in their proper places : 
 and whether they ever had, or had not, imposts on them, is not at 
 present to be determined. But it is remarkable, that whereas the 
 stones of the outward Circle are of a lightish colour, being by some 
 Observers deemed to be of the same kind as the Grey-Weathers on 
 Salisbury Plain ; these, of the inner Circle, are of darker hue, 
 almost inclining to black : which variety and contrast, must have 
 added much to the beauty of the original work. 
 
 After passing the remains of these two great outward Circles ; be- 
 tween which the circular walk seems to have been nearly 300 feet 
 in circumference, and to have afforded an awful view of the interior 
 structure ; we come to the most striking part of the whole ! which 
 is, at the distance of about 1 3 feet more inwards ; consisting of a 
 large portion of an oval, about 52 feet in its shortest diameter, and a 
 few feet more in its longest ; a part of whose circumference was 
 formed originally by at least Jive, (or as appeared to me, and as I much 
 suspect, by seven) massy combinations of huge fragments of rock, in 
 the form of exceeding high altars ; placed one at the end, and the 
 rest on each side of the longest diameter, fronting the principal 
 entrance (a). 
 
 These Dr. Stukeley calls TfUothons; because they were com- 
 posed of three great stones each : and stand each quite apart ; and 
 not joined to, or appearing to have any annexation to each other, 
 like the pillars and stones in the outward circle. 
 
 Three of these remain entire ; and are marked in the Plan (1 , 2, 
 3) ; but the rest are thrown down, and demolished ; except that 
 there is one of the supports of the fifth Trilothon left standing at (i). 
 And except also, that of the Trilothon marked (4), (which was the 
 highest and largest of all) ; one of its pillars also remains partly stand- 
 ing ; although leaning forwards, in a sloping position ; being so sup- 
 ported, by a smaller stone pillar of the interior oval, just before it. 
 
 This vast, rude remain of the highest Trilothon, is about 22 feet in 
 length to its top ; whereon still exists the great tenon, that fastened 
 
 * See this ascertained by Mr. Wood, p. 64. 
 
164 
 
 it to the impost above. Its fellow supporter is thrown down j and 
 lies, just by, in two great pieces ; whilst the impost itself has fallen 
 quite across the long black stone marked (y) ; which was placed a 
 little before the foot of this high altar ; and in this position it for 
 some years remained, so nicely balanced, as to form a sort of rock- 
 ing stone. 
 
 All these great Trilothons, may be plainly observed to have been 
 so constructed, that those on each side the oval, were made respec- 
 tively to increase in height, the further they were from the entrance 
 at [a] : whilst this (whose leaning pillar is left,) which fronted the 
 entrance, was highest of all. 
 
 The first pair, that at present have any existing traces of their ori- 
 ginal form left; namely those marked (l and 5), being about 16-J 
 feet in height. 
 
 The next, marked (2 and 3) ; being about 1 71 feet in height. 
 And the middle one, marked (4), being, as before mentioned 22 
 feet high. 
 
 In the front of this last ; at the distance of about 12 feet; was 
 placed, on the very ground, and partly sunk into it, a great black 
 stone [y] : about 16 feet in length, and 4 feet wide, and about 20 
 inches thick : which seems to have marks of burning upon it still 
 remaining ; and is of a quite different, and harder kind of stone, 
 than the rest ; as being designed to resist the effects of fire. 
 
 The leaning pillar of the great and highest Trilothon ; and the 
 two Trilothons, on each side, remaining entire, when I visited the 
 spot; are represented by themselves, in Plate VII. fig. 2." for a 
 
 » The drawing was made in the year 17 87 : and long since these sheets were written, 
 there has fallen, in the year l : 9 7 , one of these so curious Trilothons. It is the most western 
 one, or that, which was (of the five), the second, on the right hand, as you advance towards 
 the upper end. 
 
 An account of its fall was given to the Society of Antiquaries, in a letter from M. G. 
 Maton, Esq. 
 
 The sound of the fall was so great, as to frighten the horse of a cart, then going on the 
 road at a distance. And I have lately been informed, by the present Lord Bishop of 
 Durham (as the only probable account for its falling), that a little time before his Lordship 
 was first advanced to the See of Salisbury, the then Dutchess of Queensbury wished to have 
 this Trilothon removed, and had caused labourers to dig deep, at its foundations, for that 
 purpose. But that finding their labour ineffectual, they had desisted; and had filled up 
 
165 
 
 clearer explanation of this description. And are shewn as detached, 
 and free from all the other stones ; which are in this drawing pur- 
 posely left out, to avoid confusion. 
 
 And whilst the vastness of their bulk is so obvious ; it cannot 
 but appear most remarkable ; what a very small interval there is 
 between the two great supporters of each Trilothon. It is not more 
 than 2 1 , or 22 inches: though the width of each stone supporter, is 
 at least about 7 feet ; or 7f. 
 
 This narrow interval therefore seems plainly to indicate, that the 
 void space, between the two stones, could neither have been design- 
 ed for a seat ; as some have supposed : — or for any entrance ; — or for 
 passing through, for any superstitious purposes ; (as others have ima- 
 gined.) — But that plainly, each structure of these five was intended 
 indeed solely for an high raised basis; — an altar of oblation; — a 
 sort of Table for offerings ; — according to what we read of antient 
 Ceremonies concerning Offerings; and are informed is still in use, 
 amongst barbarous, and Gentile nations. 
 
 Nor is it any objection to this idea, that these Tables, or Altars 
 of Oblation, and Offering, were so very high, that they could not 
 be ascended except by ladders : for we find that they are of such 
 kind of height still, amongst such barbarous and idolatrous people, 
 
 the excavation. Perhaps the loose earth, thus slightly thrown back, might afford an 
 opportunity to successive wet, and frosts, to do that which the labourers could not do; 
 and, by the swelling and expansion of the solid earth, on the other side, to force the up- 
 rights from their perpendicular position; and so at last to fling them down. 
 
 On this fall there was discovered a still further proof of the very rude construction of this 
 stupendous pile ; though so much advance towards art had been made, as in concurrence 
 with abominable superstitions, to break in upon antient primaeval institutions. For it 
 was not only, like the other Trilothons that had previously been thrown down, found to 
 have mortesses and tenons, to join the uprights to the impost : but the mortesses were here 
 quite unequal : the one 1 3 feet deep, and the other only 9 feet deep. 
 
 The uprights appeared to have been decayed a little by time, and weather ; and were some- 
 what smaller beneath than at the upper parts. They were about 2 2 feet high. Besides 
 which they had been buried from 4 to 6 feet in the ground; the depths of the two, however, 
 were not exactly alike : insomuch that, the foundations seemed to have been cautiously so 
 prepared, as to make both even when they were set up. 
 
 This Trilothon appears in PI. VII. fig. 2. just as it was standing in the year US7, when 
 I visited the spot. It is that near which is seen the figure of a man, designed as a scale to 
 measure its apparent height. 
 
 * V 
 
166 
 
 as do yet retain, in consequence of their having been so long sepa- 
 rated from the rest of the world, the most primitive usages. 
 
 And indeed that altars were ascended by ladders, in the most an- 
 tient times of the world, even before the giving of the Law of Moses, 
 we maybe assured, from the caution, and express command given, 
 in the Divine Law, in contradistinction to all former idolatrous, 
 and Gentile usages. 
 
 Thou shall not (says the Holy Law of God) go up by steps, unto mine 
 
 ALtAR.* 
 
 And it deserves to be remarked, that in this passage the original 
 words in avzCtxAidou', used in the Septuagint, exactly convey the very 
 idea of the steps of a ladder. + 
 
 Amongst remote, and barbarous people, who have been cut off, for 
 many ages, from all correspondence with the rest of the world, we 
 find preserved almost uninterruptedly (though mixed perhaps with 
 additional horrible idolatrous corruptions), the practices, in point 
 of form, of those Patriarchs, in the first ages of the world : who had 
 so soon and so grossly departed from the worship of the most Pure, 
 and Perfect, and Holy God, The Creator of all, as to have given 
 occasion to the calling of Abram to depart from amongst them. 
 
 And as to such usages, and practices, we have many curious, 
 and indeed dreadful elucidations, in the late voyages to the South 
 Sea ; and that from persons who were even eye witnesses to them : 
 — but who, a serious mind must think, ought to have used more 
 caution in attending such horrible observances: and ought to have 
 related them with more serious animadversions, and observations, 
 than have been made, either by themselves, or by those who have 
 communicated them to us. For most undoubtedly nothing can be 
 so dreadful, and pernicious, as the remotest, even silent assent to, or 
 connivance at, any part of idolatry. 
 
 If some investigation of its horrid history be unavoidably neces- 
 sary for the full elucidation of the truth contained in Holy Scrip- 
 ture ; and for the better illustration of the history of the dispensations 
 of the Divine Providence ; yet surely, at least, an avowed abhor- 
 
 * Exodus, chap. xx. ver. 2 6. 
 
 t Of this opinion plainly was H. Stephens. See Vol. I. p. 640. For 'AraSaSpc is 
 even the diminutive of 'Ava&ufyos. 
 
167 
 
 rence of every thing relating thereunto, and an heartfelt manifesta- 
 tion of a deep sense of the abomination thereof, is the duty of every 
 servant of God ; and especially of every Christian, who is at any 
 time led either to investigate, or to explain, such matters as relate to 
 the times of Gentile darkness. 
 
 The elucidations I refer to, are to be met with in Captain Cook's 
 voyages. 
 
 Amongst other parts of the description of a most horrible cere- 
 mony, when Captain Cook was present at an human sacrifice, of a 
 man that had been killed, to implore assistance against Eimeo, a 
 neighbouring chieftain ; which ceremony was performed at the great 
 Morai at Atahooroo, and attended by Otoo, King of Otaheite ; we 
 are told ; * that after the corpse of the man, who had been sacrificed, 
 was interred, a dog they had brought with them was killed, by 
 twisting his neck, and suffocating him. The hair was singed off, 
 and the entrails taken out, and thrown into the fire, where they 
 were left to consume. The heart, liver, and kidneys, were roasted, 
 by being laid on hot coals ; and the body of the dog, after being 
 besmeared with the blood, which had been collected into a cocoa- 
 nut shell, and dried over the fire, was, with the liver, &c. carried 
 and laid down before the priests, who sat praying round the grave. 
 They continued ejaculations over the dog for some time ; while 
 two men, at intervals, beat on two drums very loud. As soon as the 
 priests had ended their prayers, the carcass of the dog, with what 
 belonged to it, were laid on a whatta, or scaffold, about six feet high, 
 that stood close by, on which lay the remains of two other dogs, 
 and of two pigs, which had been lately sacrificed ; and which, at 
 this time, emitted an intolerable stench. + 
 
 When the dog was put upon the Whatta, the priests and attend- 
 ants gave a kind of shout, which closed the ceremonies for the 
 present. The day being closed. 
 
 The next day, however, a pig was killed with many superstiti- 
 ous forms ; and after its entrails were burnt, the body and its liver 
 
 * Cook's lastVoyage to the Pacific Ocean, Vol. II. p. 30, 35, 3 6, and 42; 303 . 
 + P. 3 8 . See also, as to the use of these Wltaiias (or Ewaltas, as they are sometimes 
 called), Hawkesworth's Voyages, Vol. II. p. 16S. 256, 257. 
 
168 
 
 also, Jcc. were put upon the same Whatta, or scaffold, where the dog 
 had been deposited. 
 
 Here we find the carcass of the dog lifted up, — or placed on high, — 
 on an altar, — on occasion of an horrid demoniacal sacrifice: and that 
 of the pig placed in the same manner. Only in this instance, as in al- 
 most all other Indian usages, we find wood substituted instead of stone. 
 
 Again, we have the account of a Morai, or place of Sacrifice, in 
 the very spot, where poor Captain Cook was himself either lifted 
 up, and worshipped ; or (as the event too sadly proved) desecrated, 
 in the Sandwich Islands. I will give the sad account in the words 
 of the Editor of his Voyage.* 
 
 " Before I proceed to relate the adoration that was paid to Cap- 
 " tain Cook, and the peculiar ceremonies with which he was re- 
 " ceived on this fatal Island, it will be necessary to describe the 
 " Morai, situated, as I have already mentioned, at the south side of 
 " the beach at Kakooa. It was a square solid pile of stones ; about 
 " 40 yards long, 20 broad, and I 4 in height. The top was flat, and 
 " well paved, and surrounded by a wooden rail, on which were 
 " fixed the sculls of the captives, sacrificed on the death oj their chiefs. 
 " In the centre of the area, stood a ruinous old building of wood, 
 " connected with the rail, on each side, by a stone wall, which 
 " divided the whole space into two parts. On the side next the 
 " country, were Jwe poles, upwards of 20 feet high, supporting an 
 " irregular End oj scaffold; on the opposite side, toward the sea, 
 " stood two small houses, with a covered communication. 
 
 " We were conducted by Koah to the top of this pile by an 
 ' ' easy ascent, leading from the beach to the north-west corner of the 
 " area. At the entrance, we saw two large wooden images, with 
 " features violently distorted, and a long piece of carved wood, of 
 *' a conical form inverted, rising from the top of their heads ; the 
 " rest was without form, and wrapped round with red cloth. We 
 " were here met by a tall young man with a long beard, who pre- 
 ' ' sented Captain Cook to the images, + and after chanting a kind oj hymn, 
 
 • The present Lord Bhhcf> of Salisbury, Dr. Douglas. See Cook's last Voyage 
 to the Pacific Ocean, Vol. III. p. 6. 
 
 + Horror! — Horror! — Horror! — can an Englishman, and Christian, read this without 
 die utmost indignation ? 
 
169 
 
 " in which he was joined by Koali, they led us to that end of the 
 " Morai, where the five poles were fixed. At the foot of them were 
 " twelve images ranged in a semicircular form, and before the 
 " middle figure stood an high stand or table, exactly resembling 
 " the Whatta of Otaheite ; on which lay a putrid hog, and under it 
 " pieces of sugar cane, cocoa nuts, bread fruit, plantains, and sweet 
 " potatoes. Koah having placed the Captain under this stand, took 
 " down the hog, and held it toward him ; and after having a second 
 " time addressed him in a long speech, pronounced with much 
 " vehemence and rapidity, he let it fall on the ground, and led 
 " him to the scaffolding, which they began to climb together, not 
 " without great risk of falling. At this time we saw, coming in 
 " solemn procession, at the entrance of the top of the Morai, ten men 
 " carrying a live hog, and a large piece of red cloth. Being ad- 
 " vanced a few paces, they stopped, and prostrated themselves; and 
 " Kaireekeea, the young man above mentioned, went to them, and 
 " receiving the cloth, carried it to Koah, who wrapped it round the 
 " Captain, and afterward offered him the hog, which was brought by 
 " Kaireekeea, with the same ceremony. 
 
 " Whilst Captain Cook was aloft, in this awkward situation, 
 " swathed round with red cloth, and with difficulty keeping his 
 " hold amongst pieces of rotten scaffolding, Kaireekeea and Koah 
 " began their office, chanting sometimes in concert, and sometimes 
 " alternately. This lasted a considerable time ; at length Koah let 
 " the hog drop, when he and the Captain descended together." 
 
 I have added the whole of this sad detail, for the sake of shew- 
 ing the nature of these horrible Indian Altars of Oblation ; which 
 plainly consisted both of the Whatta," on which the putrefied 
 flesh lay; and also of the scaffold, on which poor Captain Cook 
 
 * As there is no Whatta, or high Altar, in the instance I am going to refer to, it was not 
 quite proper to add the mention of it, with those remarkable and horrid Ceremoniesjust allud- 
 ed to ; but it is not beside our purpose, by way of illustration, to mention, that Purchace in- 
 forms us, the old Florida Indians did, as idolaters, annually make an oblation to the Sun, 
 witli great solemnity, of the representation of a stag. For which purpose they chose the 
 skin of the largest stag they could meet with. This they first stuffed with all kind of 
 herbs, then adorned it with fruits and flowers, and lifted it up, to the top of an high tree, 
 with its head turned towards die rising sun. And this ceremony was performed every year 
 about the end of February. See Picart's Religious Ceremonies, Vol. III. p. us. 
 
 S X 
 
170 
 
 seems in reality to have been himself made a sort of offering ; or 
 else to have been treated in a manner that conveys a still more 
 dreadful idea. 
 
 I cannot but feel many fearful reflections in my mind, on reciting 
 such a tale : and cannot but wish it to be a warning to all future 
 Navigators ; to prevent their compliance with idolatrous rites. For 
 the sake of which warning chiefly, I am induced to recite the whole 
 thus at large. 
 
 Several other instances of Whattas, or raised stages ; or rather of 
 rude Altars, with Oblations, and Offerings ; might be added from 
 the accounts given in Captain Cook's different Voyages : but these 
 are sufficient. 
 
 It is, however, even a sort of duty, just to point out, as well as 
 to lament one or two other fatal mistakes, which our valuable, and 
 excellent Navigator fell into amongst these people ; that others may 
 be upon their guard against so sad a snare. 
 
 Can any thing be more horrid to the apprehensions of a sincere 
 Worshipper of the One only true God ; than that poor Captain 
 Cook should, by the circumstances in which he was placed, have 
 been induced to stand by, and in that manner, as it were, to give 
 countenance to that poor wretched being Omai, (who was then just 
 carried back, after a long abode in this country), whilst he made an 
 open idolatrous offering of red feathers, and of cloth,* to his false 
 gods, on the island of Huaheine : and whilst Omai caused their abo- 
 minable Priests, at the same time, to pray in the presence of all the 
 people, English, and Indians, to those false gods, for Lord Sand- 
 wich, and for the Captains Cook, and Clerke. 
 
 Or is it possible to read, without trembling apprehensions of Di- 
 vine displeasure ; that, some time after, some sacrifices to their 
 false gods, with their usual ceremonies, and with their hymns, and 
 prayers, were performed on the burial of an English seaman ? + 
 
 Again, how painful is it to be informed, J that when that poor 
 ingenious being Tupia, with his boy Tayeto, in the midst of their 
 
 * The account of this Ceremony, with all its horrible circumstances, may be seen a! 
 large in Cook's last Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, Vol. II. p. 93, 94. 
 + See the whole account in Cook's last Voyage, Vol. III. p. 25. 
 % Hawkesworth's Voyages, Vol. II. p. 307 . 
 
171 
 
 darkness, and error, offered, on board the ship, a fish to their sup- 
 posed Eatua, or god, in gratitude for Tayeto's escape from the In- 
 dians who had seized him ; that not one soul on board the ship took 
 that fair opportunity of instructing them better. And that on the 
 contrary, on another occasion, our mariners appear even to have 
 remained present, * and almost as assenting to Tupia's idolatrous 
 offerings, and ceremonies. 
 
 Let every future Navigator guard against such horrible and fatal 
 compliances, as he values the life and safety of himself, and of those 
 who are with him. 
 
 Having mentioned these extraordinary facts, in order to elucidate, 
 by a comparison with primaeval usages preserved in other parts of the 
 earth, the nature of our aboriginal remains in this country ; and to 
 shew that the great height of these Trilothons, or high Altars, at Stone 
 Henge, is in reality rather a proof, and indication of their original 
 designation, as Altars of Oblation ; than an objection to their hav- 
 ing been originally intended for such superstitious purpose ; it re- 
 mains only, in the next place, to be observed, with regard to the 
 interior part of this structure at Stone Henge ; that, in the inside of 
 this almost semicircular range of Trilothons, or high bases of Altars ; 
 (which are of the same whitish stone, with the outward circular 
 portico) ; there was again (as in the outward circle), a lesser corres- 
 ponding range of upright stones ; smaller, darker coloured, and even 
 black; somewhat of a pyramidical form; nineteen in number: being 
 each about «f feet in breadth ; i\ thick ; and near 8 feet in height ; 
 only increasing in height, as they approach the upper end, near to 
 the black stone Altar for burning, which lays on the ground. 
 
 For the sake of rendering the Great Trilothons more firm, and 
 their form more beautiful, the upright supporters in general may be 
 observed to have been made originally to diminish somewhat in 
 breadth, and thickness, from the base to the top ; whilst the imposts 
 were made nearly of the same length as was occupied by the whole 
 base : that is, about ] 7 feet. 
 
 On the summit of one of these, marked (2) in the plan, Lord 
 Winchelsea, and Dr. Stukeley, walked backwards and forwards 
 for a considerable space of time, some years ago ; neither of them 
 * Hawkeswortli's Voyages, Vol. II. p. 25 1. 
 
172 
 
 being willing to yield, in point of courage, to the other. (An odd 
 instance of English oddity). 
 
 With regard to the outside of this extraordinary pile, it is to be 
 remarked still further ; that at the distance of about a diameter of 
 the structure from its circumference, that is, at the distance of about 
 100 feet, or a little more, from the outward circular range of stones, 
 is a double bank, inclosing a circular ditch, about 30 feet in breadth ; 
 which surrounded the whole in e.very part, except opposite to the 
 entrance (a), on the north-east side. And was so constructed, that 
 the inward bank formed a kind of broad surrounding terrace. 
 
 Just where the passage through this terrace was, on the first ap- 
 proach ; there appears, lying on the ground, on the part correspond- 
 ing to the inner bank of the ditch, an exceeding large stone, about 
 20 feet in length, and between 6 and 7 in breadth ; which seems 
 manifestly to have been designed for the slaying, and preparing, 
 the victims. 
 
 It is marked (b), in the second plan ; which comprehends the 
 whole of this sacred Circle, as it seems to have been originally form- 
 ed, with all its outworks. See PI. VI. fig. 2. 
 
 Again; further off; and directly before the principal entrance ; 
 is still remaining another large stone, or Pillar of Memorial, about 
 17 feet high, standing erect. Which is marked (c) in the plan. 
 
 This great stone, is about 100 feet, or a little more, from the 
 slaughtering stone, (b.) 
 
 And that such Pillars of Memorial, were usual appendages to these 
 kind of altars, in the earliest ages ; and amongst barbarous and ido- 
 latrous nations ; and were considered as being closely connected 
 with their superstitious rites ; appears most plainly, even from the 
 words of the command in the Divine Law to the Israelites ; concern- 
 ing the destruction of all such kind of remains of abomination. 
 
 « Ye shall utterly destroy- all the faces wherein the nations which ye 
 f shall possess served their gods, upon the high mountains, and upon the 
 " hills, and under every green tree. And you shall overthrow their 
 " Altars, and break their Pillars, and burn their groves with fire, 
 ' ' and you shall hew down the graven images of their gods, and destroy the 
 " names of them out of that place." 
 
 * Deuteronomy, chap. xii. ver. 2, 3. 
 
PL.Vl 
 
 Of 
 
 °CL 
 
 o 
 
 s 
 
 c3 
 
 V % 
 
 % 1 
 
 I 
 
 1 V.I 
 
173 
 
 But though it appears, from these words of the Law, that there 
 then actually were such appendages to the Altars of the Heathen 
 nations, used abominably; yet we may perhaps perceive, that the 
 setting up of such Pillars, near unto Altars, had been a practice, 
 derived, through mistake, and by very gross corruption, from the 
 imitation of such antient Patriarchal usages, in the very first ages, 
 as were perfectly free from every approach to idolatry. 
 
 For at Bethel, and near Mizpeh, where there were sacred Altars 
 built, the one by Jacob,* when he fled from Shechem ; and the 
 other, as we may conceive, by Samuel, + (since we read that he of- 
 fered up, in that place, an whole lamb for a burnt-offering), we find 
 that there was, moreover, at each place, a Pillar also of Memorial set 
 up, at no great distance from the Altars. + That at Bethel, having 
 been set up (as has been before observed), by Jacob, as he was tra- 
 velling on his journey to Laban : and that at Mizpeh, by Samuel, 
 just after his sacrifice, and the victory the Israelites had obtained 
 over the Philistines. 
 
 And at Gilgal, where there were sacrifices offered in the time of 
 Saul, and Samuel it is well known there were standing near 
 adjoining, the twelve stones, that had been placed as a Memorial of the 
 passage of the Israelites over Jordan. || 
 
 It is not at all to be wondered at, therefore, that in subsequent 
 ages, there should be a perverted imitation. 
 
 Those holy men set up their Pillars of Memorial, in places, 
 where Almighty God had actually revealed Himself to them, by ex- 
 press visions, or manifest tokens of favour: but the Gentiles, with- 
 out any such authority, set them up, on every high place ; from 
 the mere dictates of fancy and superstition. 
 
 And it is very curious to find, that in sequestered parts of modern 
 countries, where the remoteness from intercourse with those who are 
 improving in modern usages, and by means of increasing light, pre- 
 vents a change of antient habits, and customs ; the imitative regard 
 for such a Stone of Memorial, or of introduction to a sacred spot, is 
 still preserved. 
 
 » Genesis, chap. xxxv. ver. 7. 14. +1 Samuel, chap. vii. ver. 9. % Genesis, 
 chap, xxviii. ver. 1 1 to 1 9. l Samuel, chap. vii. ver. 12. { i Samuel, chap. xiii. 
 
 | ver. 9. chap. xv. ver. 12. 11. || Joshua, chap. iv. ver. so, 21, 22, S3, s«. 
 
 2 Y 
 
174 
 
 Thus we are told,* that in the Western Isles, on the coast of 
 Scotland, in the Isle of Gigay, near the west side of the modern 
 church, there is a Stone placed, about 1 6 feet high, and 4 broad. 
 This stands upon an eminence. And about sixty yards distance 
 from the chapel, there is a square Stone erected, about 10 feet high ; 
 at which the antient Inhabitants usually boiuei; because it was there, 
 where they had the first view of the church. 
 
 And as to still more remote, and sequestered people, we learn from 
 Beverley, + that the Indians in Virginia often set up, as a sort of hie- 
 roglyphics of the Permanency of the Deity, Stones, and Pillars, 
 which by that means became sad objects of idolatry. And that 
 moreover, they were accustomed to erect Altars, wherever they had 
 occasion to record any remarkable event ; their principal devotion 
 consisting in sacrifice. And that they have a profound respect for 
 these Altars : and, when they travel by any of them, take great 
 care to instruct their children, and young people, as to the particular 
 occasion, and time of their erection ; and recommend the respect 
 which they think they ought to have for them. Thus connecting 
 these Altars, and Pillars, with Memorials relating to their history ; 
 and making them serve in the room of written history. 
 
 To return to the more immediate consideration of Stone Henge. 
 
 Besides the detached Stone forming the Altar for slaughter ; and 
 the Stone of Memorial, which has occasioned this digression ; there 
 stand, on the inward bank, two other lesser Stones, [d) and (e): and 
 there are also, directly Opposite to each other, and placed very nearly 
 north, and south, the appearances of two basons, or hollowed exca- 
 vations, about 16 feet in diameter, at (/) and (g), placed on the same 
 bank ; or rather hollowed out of it. Which cavities were certainly 
 designed for some precise superstitious use ; concerning which it is 
 perhaps, not only difficult, but even not very desirable, to ascertain 
 any thing with certainty. 
 
 But most probably they were designed to hold the blood of the 
 victims ; or at least as receptacles into which it was to be poured. 
 And it is almost impossible not to bring to mind, on seeing them, 
 the curious description given by Homer, of the rites performed 
 
 * Martin's Description of the Western Isles, p. 229. 
 + History of Virginia, p. 1 84, 1 85. 
 
175 
 
 by Ulysses ; undoubtedly in compliance with antient superstitious 
 usages, and ideas, with which Homer was acquainted. 
 
 The substance of the whole description, extracted from Pope's 
 translation, is this : when Ulysses had approached the place de- 
 stined for his sacrifice, he says : 
 
 / from the scabbard drew the shining sword ; 
 And trenching the black earth on every side, 
 A cavern form'd, a cubit long and wide. 
 New wine, with honey temper'd milk, we bring, 
 Then living waters from the crystal spring ; 
 O'er these was strow'd the consecrated flour, 
 And on the surface shone the holy store. 
 
 Book xi. line 29. 
 
 Then dy'd the sheep ; a purple torrent fiow'd, 
 And all the cavern smok'd with streaming blood. 
 
 line 45. 
 
 Straight I command the sacrifice to haste, 
 Straight the Head victims to the flames are cast, 
 And mutter'd vows, and mystic song apply'd. 
 
 line 57. 
 
 Thus much for Pope's translation. But the original explains the 
 matter better, for there, describing the excavation made by the sword 
 of Ulysses ; it is not spoken of, as describing a square cavern, a cubit 
 long and wide ; but 
 
 Botyov oouix, ooov rt myotomy, cv6z xxi 
 I dug a pit, as much as a cubit every way. 
 
 That plainly is, a circular pit, a cubit in diameter. And men- 
 tioning the slaughter of the victims, it is not said, the cavern smoked 
 with blood, but 
 
 rx Si /iriXx lxCai> aitStiooToiaipx 
 £( fiotyv, pie S affix xiklavtfzt;. 
 
 That is ; Seizing the sheep; I slew them 
 
 Over the pit, and the black blood fiow'd. 
 
176 
 
 The curious will excuse this digression ; and now, whoever 
 views what is clearly intelligible of this antient structure at Stone 
 Henge ; — the Stone of Memorial ; — the Slaughtering Stone ; — the 
 great pits, or basons for receiving the blood ; — the Altar of hard Grey 
 Marble, in the central part of the whole, for the fire ; — and the high 
 Altars of Oblation: — is it possible for him, if he well considers what 
 is related concerning those most remarkable sacrifices offered by 
 Balak, and Balaam, not to discern a most obvious and striking re- 
 semblance between this High Place, and the High Places of Moab ? 
 
 From the appearance of the ruins, and from the void spaces left, 
 I should judge (as I before mentioned), there were originally seven 
 high Altars, or Trilothons, at Stone Henge, as well as in the High 
 Places erected by Balak : and that the stones of two of them, nearest 
 to the entrance, have been destroyed, and carried away ; as has cer- 
 tainly been the case with regard to some others of the great stones 
 of the outward Circle. 
 
 But whether there were in this place five, or seven ; the resem- 
 blance is equally striking. And one cannot but be surprised, that 
 it should never have been remarked before. 
 
 Nor is the resemblance destroyed ; although it should be sup- 
 posed that the Stone Altars erected by Balak, in so short a space of 
 time, were much less massy, and of inferior bulk to those at Stone 
 Henge. For (besides the consideration of the circumstance, that 
 Balak had his whole army, at command, on the occasion) ; we are 
 not without an instance, as I shall hereafter shew, of a similar struc- 
 ture (or at least of one for similar purposes) of much less dimensions. 
 
 It is very likely, that succeeding ages did, as superstition in- 
 creased, increase the majestic ponderosity of the stones composing 
 these sort of high Altars. A circumstance that is no more to be 
 wondered at, than that the vast piles of Norman cathedrals, should 
 succeed to the small Saxon churches. 
 
 That these Altars of Stone Henge, were of the very latest ages of 
 Druidism is manifest, from tools having been lifted up upon them, 
 both to form their shape, and to carve the tenons, and mortesses. 
 For the original Druidical Altars, like those of the Patriarchs, and 
 those directed by the Law, we may be assured were to be without 
 any tool. And indeed the lesser high place, which appears to have 
 
177 
 
 been of a similar destination with that at Stonehenge, and which 
 shall presently be referred to, was so. Nor shall we perhaps err, 
 if we deem this caution to have been at first used, in order to be an 
 indication, that the creatures of the Almighty God, the Great Crea- 
 tor, cannot, by any thing they can of themselves do, really add to, 
 or increase the original perfection which He has designed, and will 
 finally bring to pass, in His due time, by means and instruments 
 best known to Himself, with regard to all His works. 
 
 " If thou wilt make me an Altar of Stone, thou shall not build it of 
 " hewn stone: for if thou lift up thy tool upon it, thou hast polluted it,"* 
 are the words of Divine Law. 
 
 Whatever idea the Druids may have had, either in earlier ages, or 
 in those when Stonehenge was reared; there' can scarce remain a 
 doubt, but that the observances used by Balak, and Balaam, in the 
 High Places of Moab ; and which had been derived from a cor- 
 ruption of Patriarchal observances, long prior; were also, from 
 the same antient original, copied by other nations ; and therefore, 
 however much corrupted, somewhat copied here. 
 
 And as it pleased Almighty God, in vindication of His supreme 
 Power, and in support of His original Divine promises to Abra- 
 ham, to condescend on the occasion alluded to, to cause the Prophet 
 Balaam, by his express command, to deliver, contrary to the expec- 
 tations of the King of Moab, and contrary to Balaam's own wish, a 
 most Solemn Prophecy, not only concerning the prosperity of Israel, 
 but also concerning the final coming of the Messiah ; it may, with a 
 view to fling some little additional light upon that most important 
 subject ; as well as to illustrate the history of the remains we are 
 considering, be well worth our while, to endeavour to apprehend 
 more fully, the whole of that curious narration. 
 
 It is intelligible enough indeed, from the present elegant transla- 
 tion in our Bible: but it is much more so, from that given in the 
 Septuagint ; to which therefore I shall beg leave to have recourse. 
 
 It is there as follows : 
 
 Numbers, chap. 23. 
 1 . And Balaam said unto Balak, build me here seven high Altars, 
 and prepare me here seven young bullocks, and seven rams. 
 
 * Exodus, chap. xx. ver. 25. 
 2 Z 
 
178 
 
 2. And Balak did as Balaam had spoken. And Balak, and Balaam 
 placed up on high, a bullock and a Tarn on every altar. 
 
 S. And Balaam said unto Balak, stand thou here by thy offerings, 
 and I will go and see whether God will manifest Himself to me, to meet me : 
 And -whatsoever word He sheweth me, I will tell thee. And Balak stood 
 by his offerings, and Balaam went to inquire of God ; and he went on 
 
 STRAIGHT FORWARDS. 
 
 4 . And God manifested himself unto Balaam.. And Balaam said unto 
 Him, I have prepared the seven high Altars; and have lifted up on 
 high a bullock and a ram, on every altar. 
 
 5 . And God put a word in the mouth of Balaam, and said, return unto 
 Balak, and thus thou shall speak. 
 
 6. And he returned unto him, and behold he stood by his whole 
 burnt offerings, and all the Riders of Moab with him. 
 
 Now whoever well considers this account of Balaam's Patriarchal 
 Offering, will discover several most remarkable particulars in it ; 
 illustrative of those remains of still more corrupted Imitations, 
 which we find at Stone Henge. 
 
 For, in the first place, the word fi&fcpff,*. made use of, to describe 
 
 * A quite different word, is uniformly made use of in Scripture, for an Altar on which 
 Sacrifices are burned. For in Genesis, chap. viii. ver. 2 0. where mention is made of Noah's 
 building an Altar unto the Lord, the word is not, as here, @upo; ; but QucricctrT^piov. So 
 again, when mention is made of Abram's building an Altar, chap. xii. ver. 7. and chap. xxii. 
 ver. 9. So again, when mention is made of Jacob's building an Altar, chap. xxxv. ver. 1, 
 and ver. 3. And so again, when mention is made of Moses's building an Altar after ob- 
 taining the victory over Amalek. Exodus, chap. xvii. ver. 1 5 . And where the most solemn 
 directions are given, by Almighty God Himself, concerning the building His Holy Altar, 
 the word is still Qviricta-Tviptov ; both where an Altar of Eartli is mentioned, and where an 
 Altar of Stones is mentioned. Exodus, chap. xx. ver. 24, and 25, and £G. In Exodus, 
 chap. xxi. ver. 14. — chap. xxix. ver. 37 . ver. 4 1. — And where the Altar of Incense also is 
 mentioned, chap. xxx. ver. 27 . still the word is QvirtairT^ptov and not @a>[Acg. 
 
 Again Leviticus, chap. vi. ver. 9. — Numbers, chap. vii. ver. 8 4. — chap, xviii. ver. 3 ; 
 where the Holy Altar of God is mentioned; still the word is Qva-iourr^ptov. And in Judges, 
 chap. vi. ver. 25. 3 1. And l Samuel, chap. ii. ver. 33. And in 2 Samuel, chap. xxiv. 
 ver. is, where David is commanded to build an Altar unto the Lord, the same word is 
 carefully used. 
 
 And further ; when Elijah is said to have repaired the Altar of the Lord that was thrown 
 down, l King's, chap, xviii. ver. 3 0; the identical same word ®ua-iet<rrriptov is used. 
 
 So again, 2 Kings, chap, xviii. ver. 22; and in the Psalms, and Prophets continually; 
 see Psalm, xxvi. ver. 6; Psalm, xliii. ver. 4. Isaiah, chap. xix. ver. 19. — chap. lvi. ver. 7. 
 
179 
 
 the Altars, signifies most clearly, according to the explanation given 
 of it by Eustatius," a certain structure raised high, and having a 
 •plain surface, on which any thing may be raised up and placed. And 
 the words, which in our Bible are translated, offered on every Altar a 
 bullock, arid a rain, do, in the Septuagint, most properly signify, the 
 lifting of the victims up on high; whilst the words, prepare me here 
 
 Lamentations, chap. ii. ver. 7 . Ezekiel, chap. viii. v. 1 6. Joel, chap. i. ver. n. — chap, 
 ii. ver. 17. Amos, chap. ii. ver. s. Malachy, chap. i. ver. 7. io.— chap, ii. ver. 13. 
 
 And the same word Qv<ria<TTripiov is in the Holy Gospel confirmed as the proper word for 
 an Altar on which sacrifices were to be burnt, and consumed ; see Matthew, chap. v. ver. 
 23. — chap, xxiii. ver. 18. 35. Luke, chap. xi. ver. 51. l Cor. chap. ix. ver. 13. — 
 chap. x. ver. 18. Hebrews, chap. vii. ver. 1 3 . — chap .xiii. ver. l o. Revelations, chap. vi. 
 ver. 9, — chap. viii. ver. 3. — chap. ix. ver. ij. 
 
 It appears therefore manifestly, that this word Qwpog, here used in the account given of 
 Balak's Offerings, indicates most clearly a quite different thing from an Altar on which sacri- 
 fices were burnt, and consumed by fire, like those on the Holy Altar of God. 
 
 It must mean an Altar on which Victims, preparcdhy the fire, were placed as Oblations. 
 And this is still more strongly confirmed, by the use of the same word in other places, 
 where it is at all mentioned. 
 
 For when the Reubenites, and the Gadkes, and the half tribe of Manasseh, on their going 
 to dwell in their own country beyond Jordan, built the Altar of Memorial, with which the 
 rest of the Tribes of Israel were so enraged, that they were about to fall upon them, and to 
 destroy them ; as conceiving it to be a breach of God's most Holy Law, and a discovery of 
 some disposition towards Idolatry; and therefore an act of Rebellion against the Lord; we 
 find then this same word Eufios used. Joshua, chap. 22. ver. 10,11.16. 13. 27. 3 J; and 
 in the description given of it, we find it described as being a great Altar to the View. Whilst 
 it is remarkable ; that in the very same Chapter, where the Altar of God is mentioned, ver. 
 19, that is on the contrary called Qvtrtaa-r^ptov. And, in the vindication of their conduct, 
 ver. 23, the Reubenites, kc. declare that this Great Altar they had built, was not for the 
 purpose of lifting up thereupon, on high, any whole burnt offering, or any other sacrifice ; as 
 the Heathens were used to do. — And protest, ver. 2 9 , against its being Qvo-iacrTypiov, an Altar 
 for burning Sacrifices at all, whatever resemblance it might bear to the Altar of the Lord. 
 
 So in Isaiah's Prophecy, chap. xvii. ver. 8, where the confidence which the Syrians 
 placed in their false Altars is mentioned ; and again in chap, xxvii. ver. 9, where the indig- 
 nation of the Lord is expressed against the idolatrous Altars ; the word fiopog is used. 
 Although where mention is made of the Altar that should be to the Lord, in the Land of 
 Egypt, the word QvtrtutrTyptov is used. 
 
 And in Exodus, chap, xxxiv. ver. 13 ; and Deuteronomy, chap. vii. ver. 5, where an 
 express command is given to break down the Altars, and to overturn the Pillars, of the ido- 
 latrous people ; the words used, are Qtopog and £-nj*ij ; and are used in such a manner con- 
 jointly, as to represent to our minds such structures as this at Stone Henge. 
 
 * See H. Stephens's Thesaurus, p. soo. 
 
180 
 
 sevenyoung bullocks, b-c. indicates rather the dressing them, and mak- 
 ing them ready, than merely the burning of the victims. At the same 
 time also, the circumstance of Balak's continuing to stand with, his 
 whole Court, some time, by what is called his whole burnt offering; or 
 rather, by his sacrifice dressed whole and entire; seems to indicate, 
 that it was not consumed to ashes; but that, having been dressed and 
 prepared whole, by the fire, each carcass was, in that state, placed on 
 one of the Altars ; just as we read, in the Voyages of Cook, that 
 the animals dressed in the South Sea Islands, were placed on 
 their rude high Altars. 
 
 Not one word indeed is said of the time that was taken up in pre- 
 paring the Altars. But as Balak had his whole army at hand to 
 assist in that service ; it would not require many days ; even though 
 they may be conceived to have been formed of stones of consider- 
 able bulk. And we may be assured that each of them must have 
 been both large enough, and strong enough, to bear the placing 
 thereon a bullock, and a ram. And so far must have resembled 
 those at Stonehenge. 
 
 In the next place ; from the circumstance mentioned, of Balak's 
 standing with all the Rulers of Moab, by the Altars ; it is most pro- 
 bable, and almost certain, that those Altars must have been placed 
 in nearly a circular form : and that there must have been certain 
 fixed stations for the Rulers with him : in which particulars again 
 the ceremonial seems most exactly to agree, with what must have 
 been the Observance of the Rites, in such an high place, as this re- 
 markable one, which we have been considering, on Salisbury Plain. 
 For here was evidently an hearth for the great fire for preparing the 
 sacrifice near the centre ; — and the high Altars of Oblation surround- 
 ing it, whereon to place the victims when dressed and prepared ; — 
 
 Again, in the Acts of the Apostles, chap. xvii. ver. 2 3 , when St. Paul mentions the Altar 
 at Athens, with the inscription lo the unknown God, it is called /S&jfioc- 
 
 To which I cannot but add this one remark, that, when in the latter ages of the refine- 
 ments of the horrid corruptions of idolatry, carved Altars of a smaller size were used, instead 
 of these great primeval instruments of abomination ; all the specimens of them which we 
 have remaining, of the age of the Greeks, or Romans, and which have from time to time 
 been dug up, plainly shew, by their dimensions, and figure, that they were utterly incapa- 
 ble of having any victims burnt upon them; and that all that could be done, was the 
 having Offerings placed upon them ; — or at most, occasionally, a very small fire. 
 
18} 
 
 and a circle of small black pillars, just within that of the Altars, 
 to denote the stations of the Chiefs, and great Officers attending \ 
 And another circle of small black pillars, just within the outward 
 surrounding portico; probably to mark the stations of inferior 
 Officers. 
 
 And in the third place, the description of the next set of Altars 
 reared by Balak, still continues the idea of observances of exactly a 
 similar kind ; and even with an hint of their connection also, with 
 other customs of the Moabites, that may be compared with those of 
 the Britons. For we read, 
 
 Ver. 13. And Balak said unto him; come yet with me to another 
 place, from whence thou may est not see this people, at a single glance : but 
 thou shalt only see some part of them, and shall not see them alt: and curse 
 me them from thence. 
 
 Ver. 14. And he brought him, to a spying place of the country ; to the 
 summit of an hiding place; [or Strong-hold of Retreat.) And he 
 built there seven high Altars, and lifted up on high a bullock and a 
 ram on each altar. 
 
 And surely it cannot escape notice, that we have here a very cu- 
 rious account of Balak's carrying Balaam, to just one of those kind 
 of original fortresses, on the summit of a rock, which we have had 
 occasion to describe in the beginning of these Observations. 
 
 Afterwards, when the second Prophecy had given as little satis- 
 faction to Balak as the first ; and when he had determined to make 
 a third experiment; we have still an account of a repetition of the 
 very same rites as before. 
 
 Ver. 27. And Balak said unto Balaam, come, I will conduct thee to 
 another place; peradventure it will please God that thou mayest curse me 
 them from thence. 
 
 Ver 28. And Balak brought Balaam, to the top ofPeor, that looketh 
 towards the Wilderness. 
 
 Ver. 29. And Balaam said unto Balak, build me here seven Altars 
 and prepare for me here seven young bullocks, and seven rams 
 
 Ver. so. And Balak did as Balaam had said, and lifted up on 
 high a bullock and a ram on each Altar. 
 
 Here, I should perhaps properly close these remarks.— But as it 
 has pleased Almighty God, of His Infinite Wisdom, to call the 
 
 3 A 
 
182 
 
 attention of mankind to the words even of a Gentile Prophet : — and 
 as those words, according to the rendering of them in the Septuagint, 
 are still more nervous, and more emphatically descriptive both of 
 the prosperity of Israel, and of the GREATNESS of the future 
 Kingdom of the Messiah, than the translation in our Bible; I can- 
 not forbear just adding, for the fuller satisfaction of the curious, a 
 careful translation from thence, of all the four distinct Prophecies, in 
 successive order. The first begins thus : 
 
 The First Prophecy. 
 
 Ver. 7 . And taking up his parable he said — Balak the King of Moab 
 hath called me from Mesopotamia, out of the mountains of the East ; say- 
 ing ; come defy for me Jacob : and come curse for me Israel. 
 
 Ver. 8. How shall I defy him, whom The Lord hath not defied? And 
 how shall I curse him, whom God hath not cursed*? 
 
 Ver. 9. For from the summit of the mountains I shall see him : And 
 from the high hills I shall well consider him. Behold a People shall 
 dwell apart : and shall not be reckoned amongst nations* 
 
 Ver. 10. Who shall be able to count the seed of Jacob? or who shall 
 number the Governments^ of Israel. Let my soul in death depart with the 
 souls of the righteous : X and let my progeny be like his. 
 
 * That is most plainly ; shall be distinct front, and superior to all other nations. There is 
 not surely a more astonishing and striking Prophecy than this, in all the Holy Scriptures : 
 for it most manifestly has pointed out ; not only the great peculiarity of character of the 
 Jewish nation, that was to subsist even whilst they were to be in possession of their kingdom 
 in the Land of Palestine : but also it has foretold, in what an unparalleled manner they 
 should still subsist as a distinct people; even when they should be dispersed, and cease to be 
 a nation : and moreover, what an high degree of supereminence should at last be obtained, 
 by THE TRUE ISRAEL OF GOD, over all nations, in the days of the Messiah's final 
 Kingdom. And ver. 1 o, seems, in pursuance and confirmation of this idea, to point out, 
 and even to describe clearly, The very many great, and subordinate dependant Governments, that 
 should finally be established, under The true Israel: when, according to the words of another 
 superior, and subsequent Prophet, The Kingdoms of this world shall become the Kingdoms of 
 The Lord, and of His Christ. Revelations, chap. xi. ver. 15. 
 
 + This surely denotes clearly the subordinate dependant Governments of a Great 
 Empire. 
 
 % And at the same time, the solemn, awful wish, in the same verse, plainly indicates, that 
 the full completion of the blessing, and of what was foreseen, related not merely to (he then 
 temporal prosperity of Israel, on earth ; but to the days of future ages. 
 
183 
 
 The Second Prophecy. 
 
 Ver. 1 8. And taking up his parable he said, arise Balak, and hear; 
 attend to a witness, thou son of Tjppor. 
 
 Ver. I 9 . God is not as a man ; that He should Jail to perform. Nor 
 as a son of man; that He should boast in vain. Hath He said? and shall 
 He not do it? or shall He speak? and doth it not remain established? 
 
 Ver. 20. Behold I have received commandment to bless: — I shall bless: 
 and shall not reverse it. 
 
 Ver. 2 1 . There shall not be wretchedness in Jacob. * Neither shall 
 distress be seen in Israel. The Lord his God is with him. And the glo- 
 rious acts oj Rulers are amongst them. 
 
 Ver. 22. It was God who brought him out of Egypt, as a glory oj 
 HIS ONLY HORN OF STRENGTH.+ 
 
 * Ver. si. This verse, as it stands in the Septuagint, is A BLESSING INDEED; 
 and most manifestly, both a declaration of the prosperity that should ensue, on the Israelites 
 taking possession of the Promised Land, notwithstanding the contrary wishes of Balak j and 
 stdl more plainly, a promise of the final blessings that should attend the kingdom of THE 
 MESSIAH: whilst the words, as dieyare rendered in our translation in the Bible; He tali 
 not beheld iniquity in Jacob, neither hath he seen peiverscness in Israel; can scarcely be reconciled 
 with what we read of the behaviour of the Israelites in the Wilderness, both in Exodus, 
 and in this Book of Numbers. 
 
 + This expression seems plainly to mean the same thing as if it had been said, as the Glory 
 of the Messiah — Because Jrim Israel, the Messiah was to descend, and to be born according 
 to the flesh. 
 
 It seems also to be an expression intended to denote the Supereminent Dominion of 
 Christ, the Messiah. Just as He is, in other places, called the only Son of God, John, 
 chap. iii. ver. 16. is. And the arm of the Lord, Isaiah, chap. li. ver. 5.0. Ibid. chap, 
 liii. ver. 1. Ibid. chap. lxii. ver. 8. And His being here prefigured as The Only Horn 
 of Strength; is surely exactly similar to, and coinciding with what we read, in many other 
 passages of Divine writ ; where it is said ; He shall exalt the Horn of his Anointed. 1 Samuel, 
 chap. ii. ver. lo. And again, Psalm, cxxxii. ver. 18. Tltere shall I make the Horn of 
 David lo flourish. Both which are also clearly Prophecies concerning the Messiah. So in 
 Psalm xcii. ver. lo, (or rather n), the expression in the Septuagint is even still more ex- 
 actly similar to this ; for there we find the Royal Prophet, when speaking of future blessings 
 and comfort, saying, Mine Horn shall be exalted, as the Only Horn of Strength. Which surely 
 is both there, as well as here, a more intelligible translation, than that which we read in our 
 English version ; mine horn shall be exalted like the horn of an unicorn. 
 
 So again, in a manner consonant to these expressions, we read, Psalm lxxv. ver. 5.6.1 said, 
 to the ungodly, set not up your horn; set not up your horn on high. And ver. 1 2. All the horns of 
 theungodly will Ibreak; and the horns oj the righteous shall be exalted. Where itis remarkable, 
 that, in the Greek, the ungodly is put in the plural number; but the righteous in the singular. 
 
184 
 
 Ver. 23. For there is no divination against Jacob. Neither is there 
 any prophesying against Israel. In time shall it be said to Jacob, and 
 to Israel; what will God ■perform ! 
 
 Ver. 2 4. Behold a people shall rise up as a young lion; and shall 
 rage with fierceness as a great lion. He shall not lie down, until he eat of 
 the prey, and drink the blood of the slain. 
 
 The Third Prophecy. 
 
 Chap. xxiv. ver. 3. And taking up his jjarable he said, Balaam, 
 the son of Beor, hath said; the man who sees the very truth hath said; 
 
 Ver. 4. He hath said who heard the words of the Almighty God; who 
 saw a vision of God m A dream,* having the vail withdrawn from his 
 eyes. 
 
 Ver. 5. How goodly are thy dwellings, Jacob.' and thy tents, 
 Israel.' 
 
 Ver. 6. As shadowing groves; and as gardens by the rivers side; as 
 tents which God hath firmly fixed; and as cedars by the waters. 
 
 * The original word signifies most properly, in his sleep. And I cannot pass it by un- • 
 noticed, that this one verse, as it stands in the Septnagint, removes all the difficulty with 
 regard to what is related concerning the speaking of the ass. For hence it should seem, that 
 all that is related concerning that wonderful fact, was merely the substance of a divine 
 dream, or vision in the night. And that indeed it was so, appears the more probable ; be- 
 cause nothing is said, in the relation itself, concerning the attendants and messengers, who 
 we know travelled with Balaam ; and who must, as they were journeying with him, have 
 seen or known something of that astonishing event, had it really happened on the road, and 
 openly in the course of the day. 
 
 It must be confessed however, that the translation, as it stands in our version from the 
 Hebrew, conveys rather a different idea ; leading us to suppose that Balaam fell into a trance 
 on the road. But even according to that reading ; — from the words of the 4th verse, which 
 saw the vision of the Almighty , falling into a trance, bid having his eyes open; which are repeated 
 again in the 1 6th verse, we may rest well assured, that whether this vision was in a d/eam at 
 his own house ; or at any resting place on the road ; or whether it was an extatic vision, as 
 he was riding, and setting upon the back of his beast : or after he had been crushed against a 
 wall by the beast starting aside in the way ; that yet, in any one of these cases, all that 
 passed between Balaam and the ass, as to any words spoken, was hut in a vision; and we are 
 under no necessity at all of supposing that the beast ever did speak ; or once utter any sound 
 like a word. 
 
 And to these observations 1 cannot but add, that the word used by the Seventy, in the 
 latter part of the verse, a7rsKctXv[i[itvot ol otpQahpo) uyrv, does much rather signify having a 
 vail removed from his eyes, or having an extatic vision ; than having his eyes open, according 
 to the common acceptation of that expression. 
 
185 
 
 Ver. 7. There shall come forth A MAN from his seed, who shall 
 rule over MANY nations : whose kingdoms shall be exalted higher than 
 Gog ; and His dominion shall be increased. 
 
 Ver. 8 . God hath brought Him out of Egypt, as a glory of HIS 
 ONLY HORN OF STRENGTH. He shall eat uf nations of his ene- 
 mies; and be replenished with their fatness ; and with his arrows shall 
 pierce through AN ENEMY INDEED. 
 
 Ver. 9 . Couching, He lay down to rest as a great lion ; * and as a 
 young lion: who shall rouse him up? — They that bless Thee, are indeed 
 blessed; — but they that curse Thee, are cursed. 
 
 The Fourth Prophecy. 
 
 Ver. 1 5 . And taking up his parable he said, Balaam, the son of Beor 
 hath said, the man who sees the very truth hath said; 
 
 Ver. 16. He hath said who heard the words of God; who understood 
 the knowledge of the Most High; and who saw a vision of God, in a 
 dream, having the vail removed from his eyes. 
 
 Ver. 17. I shall behold Him ;+ though not now. I pronounce Him 
 blessed; though He doth not YET approach nigh. There shall arise a 
 star out of Jacob. Even A MAN shall be raised up out of Israel, and 
 shall break in pieces the rulers of Moab ; and as a Shepherd, shall feed 
 all the sons of Seth. 
 
 Ver. IS. And Edom shall be an inheritance. Even Esau, his Emmy, 
 shall become an inheritance. And (it shall be said) Israel hath done 
 valiantly. 
 
 * As the 7th and sth verses are a most remarkable prediction of the dominion of the Mes- 
 siah over ali nations ; and of His great final victory over Sin, and Satan ; so it deserves sin- 
 gular notice, that the emblem of a Great and Strong Lion, made use of to prefigure THE 
 MESSIAH, in the 9th verse, is exactly conformable to the type by which He is prefigured, 
 both in Jacob's Prophecy of Him; and in the book of Revelations. In Genesis, chap. xlix. 
 ver. 9, l o, we read in the Septuagint, where the truest sense seems to be given ; 
 
 Ver. 9 . Judah is a young lion. From the true rising branch my son art thou ascended. 
 Couching he laid down to rest, as a great lion, and as a young lion, who shall rouse him} 
 
 Ver. 10. There shall not fail to be a Ruler out of Judah, nor a Leader descending from him, 
 until HE come, for wliom the RULE is finally determined. And HE is the expectation of all nations. 
 
 And in the book of Revelations, chap. v. ver. 5, we read — behold the Lion of the Tribe of 
 Judah, the root of David, hath prevailed lo open the book, and to loose the seven seals thereof. 
 
 i The original words signify more fully, and properly ; / shall behold Him, and point to 
 Him, to make Him known to others. 
 
 3 B 
 
186 
 
 Ver. 1 9 . And He shall be raised up out of Jacob ; and shall destroy 
 what was saved out of a city. 
 
 Ver. 20. And beholding Amalek; and taking up his parable he said, 
 Amalek was the first of nations : but his seed shall be destroyed. 
 
 Ver. 2 1 . And beholding the Kenite ; and taking up his parable he said, 
 Strong is thy dwelling place : but though thou puttest thy nest in a rock ; 
 
 Ver. 22. And though Beor be to thee a nest of cunning device, the 
 Assyrians shall carry thee into captivity. 
 
 Ver. 23. And beholding the og, — and taking up his parable, he 
 said, alas, alas, who shall live, when God shall establish such as 
 
 THESE EE ! 
 
 Ver. 2 4. For they shall come from out of the hands for out of the 
 bands] of the Ketiaioi* and shall afflict Assur ; and shall afflict the 
 Hebrews ; + and they themselves shall perish in like mannner. 
 
 Ver. 25. And Balaam rising up, departed, returning to his place. 
 And Balak went away by himself to his house. 
 
 The many strong reasons for concluding several of the Druidical 
 Stone Circles to have been designed for astronomical uses, and ob- 
 servations, has been mentioned in the preceding pages. And an 
 
 * Who were meant by these people, the Ketiaioi, I cannot presume to say; whatever my 
 suspicions be : not being satisfied with any translation whatever that I have met with of 
 this word. 
 
 + The ensuing prophecy, however, manifestly denounces, the final destruction of the 
 Assyrian empire ; and also the destruction, or at least the heavy affliction, of the Hebrews. 
 
 And therefore the persons described, as coming out of the hands for from the bands] of the 
 Ketiaioi, seem manifestly, in the first instance, to relate to the Romans : who were finally to 
 destroy the remnant of the Assyrian empire, under Antiochus ; and were also to lead the 
 Hebrews, and Jews, into captivity : but were themselves to perish at last. 
 
 And as the original promises, and predictions, concerning the Great Messiah, (THE 
 MAN who was to arise out of Jacob] were previous to, and established before all these denun- 
 ciations, concerning the Hebrews ; so it is obvious, that.Hu Kingdom and Glory was to suc- 
 ceed, in order of time, tb all the accomplishments of these Prophecies : and is therefore now 
 still to be looked for, as to its final perfect completion : as are also perhaps the final great 
 effects, and final destruction of the power o( the very Og. Which last word perhaps related, 
 at the time Balaam delivered the Prophecy, only to some then present power; esteemed 
 either as allies to, or part of the fiercest of the bands of the Moabites. But who might very 
 well be an emblematical representation of the destructive Power, that was to prevail, for a 
 time, in the latter days. 
 
187 
 
 ingenious writer, Dr. Smith, * has conceived the number and posi- 
 tion of the Stones, at Stone Henge, to have had the same designation, 
 in a sort of mystical manner. 
 
 Apprehending that the outer circle of thirty stones, multiplied by 
 the number of the twelve stones, which stood within, and which 
 (as he thinks) were intended to mark the twelve signs of the Zodiac, 
 was a mode of representing the antient solar year, of 360 days. And 
 that the inner circle of thirty stones, (one of which seems to have 
 been smaller than the rest), denoted the lunar month of 29 days, 
 12 hours. Six at the upper end of the circle signifying the hunters', 
 and the harvest moon, ; rising six nights together with little variation : 
 whilst the great ellipse, composed of seven pair of pillars, with an 
 impost on each pair, signified the seven planets, and their influ- 
 ences. Within which, was the circle of twelve stones, for the signs 
 of the Zodiac. The centre of the circle is in 5 1° 11" latitude : which 
 he conceives to be peculiarly connected with the position of the 
 stones. And the circular holes, near the margin of the bank, are by 
 him apprehended, at the time of the construction, to have marked 
 out a meridian. 
 
 The coincidence of circumstances, is certainly very extraordi- 
 nary. And some such mystical allusion to astronomical numbers, 
 and divisions of time, may very fairly be allowed to have been pos- 
 sibly introduced, in these superstitious structures ; and especially in 
 the latter, and most corrupt ages of pagan idolatry. 
 
 But, leaving that matter to be judged of, as every one shall think 
 fit. — After having endeavoured, by a careful examination of the re- 
 lative situation of the several parts ; and by a comparison of them 
 with antient rites, and ceremonies, (the history of which has been 
 preserved by unquestionable records,) to give some adequate idea of 
 the original appearance, and designation of Stone Henge ; it may 
 now be proper, notwithstanding the constant apparent confusion of 
 the whole group of stones, when seen altogether ; — and notwithstand- 
 ing the great change which is ever made in their appearance, how- 
 ever little the situation of the observer is changed ; to give one or 
 two views of the whole assemblage of stones, as nearly as possible. 
 
 * See his ingenious Dissertation, printed at Salisbury mo, 4to. entitled Choir Gawr, 
 the grand Orrery cj the Druids. 
 
188 
 
 PI. — therefore represents the general view of the Remain, as 
 it was about the year 17 90 ; and as seen by a spectator, standing a 
 little on the outside, westward, and looking eastward. Where the 
 great Trilothon on the left of the leaning stone, near which the figure 
 of an horse is placed, is that which has since fallen down. And the 
 leaning stone itself is that which once formed one of the supporters 
 of the greatest, and highest Trilothon standing at the upper end. 
 It is that which was just behind the great black flat stone, for the 
 fire hearth ; which lies on the ground, and is shewn in the Plan, 
 PI. VI. fig. I, at j. 
 
 PI. — shews the same assemblage of stones ; seen from the same 
 spot ; as it now appears in 17 98, since the great Trilothon (marked 
 3 in the plan) has fallen. 
 
 And the great original supporters of that Trilothon, now lying 
 flat on the ground, are distinguished by the figure of a man standing 
 by, in a stooping posture, to examine them. 
 
 And in this view also, are plainly seen, in the further part, on 
 the right-hand side, and also near the fallen stone on the left, some 
 of those smaller black upright stones ; which have been mentioned, 
 as designed probably to mark the stations of certain great Officers, 
 during the celebration of the abominable superstitious rites. There 
 are seen also, quite at the further end, some remains of the outward 
 portico, or Circle of lower covered stones ; a part of which were 
 shewn. PI. VII. fig. l. 
 
 This portico is shewn by the outward regular circle of stones in 
 the Plan, PI. VI. fig. 2. As the stones supposed to have been 
 placed, for marking the Stations of inferior Officers, are shewn by 
 the next inward Circle : and those for marking the Stations of the 
 great Officers, by those of the small inner Circle of all.* 
 
 PI. ™ shews the same assemblage, as seen before .the year 1 7 90, 
 by a spectator standing a little on the outside, southward, and look- 
 ing northward. And here, the leaning stone is seen on the left : and 
 the smaller stones of station are seen more plainly ; and also some- 
 what more of the outward portico. But to avoid confusion, some of 
 
 * These two drawings I was favoured with by the Rev. Mr. Rackll, who had also been 
 assisted by the celebrated Mr. Beachy ; and to whom the world has been indebted for so 
 many other useful and correct delineations. 
 
Back of 
 Foldout 
 Not Imaged 
 
Back of 
 Foldout 
 Not Imaged 
 
Back of 
 Foldout 
 Not Imaged 
 
189 
 
 the stones, lying on the ground, by the leaning stone, and before it, 
 are left out.* 
 
 We may now venture to resume the course of our inquiries ; 
 and to proceed with our observations, by remarking plainly, and 
 without further hesitation, that such as were Balaam's Altars, such 
 in some degree were the Altars at Stone Henge ; only more vast, and 
 magnificent ; being constructed by a people who were at the time 
 more at leisure : and who erected the Altars with more additional 
 appendages, for the purposes of more gross Superstitious Rites, in- 
 troduced in the later, and still more corrupted ages of the world. 
 
 And after having adduced so many circumstances, to shew that 
 it was in very truth an antient British Structure ; an old high Place; 
 a Pa/ioc ; — we may venture to affirm, that the idea of its having been, 
 as some have supposed, merely a monument erected in remem- 
 brance of the massacre of the four hundred and sixty British nobles 
 by Hengist ; when he seized and took Vortigern, their king, pri- 
 soner, is not deserving of any credit. — Yet I must add, that no- 
 thing is more likely, than that the perfidious designs of that ambi- 
 tious Saxon should have been carried into execution, in so dire a 
 manner, on this very spot. For no place surely was so fit to assemble 
 both Vortigern, and his train of Chieftains, for the purpose of a 
 Solemn Treaty, as that high place, where the Britons had so often 
 been accustomed to assemble, on their most awful public occasions.t 
 It was thus, that, in still earlier times, Ishmael, with his perfi- 
 dious train, persuaded Gedaliah, the Governor of Judea under Ne- 
 buchadnezzar, in the high place at Mizpah, to treat with him ; and 
 to eat bread ; or feast with him ; when, just like Hengist, on a 
 sign given, he caused his followers to slay Gedaliah, and all those 
 Jews and officers who were with him. J The facts, and stories, are 
 almost exactly similar : and I can therefore easily believe, that this 
 was indeed the very spot whereon that murder by Hengist was 
 
 * It ought to be mentioned, on this occasion also, that there are some very curious repre- 
 mutations of Stone Henge, as seen in different points of view, in a publication entitled a 
 Tour tkrmghthe South of England, Wales, andlreland, made during Ike summer oj u 9 l . And 
 that the late ingenious Mr. Keate published one or two Views of parts of the outward Portico. 
 
 + There is a curious account of this Massacre in the Antiquarian Repertory, Vol. I. 
 P - uc - ? Jeremiah, chap. xl, ver. 1 3. 16. chap. xli. ver. 1 . 3 . 
 
 3 C 
 
190 
 
 committed ; although it never could have been originally reared in 
 remembrance of that murder, consistently with any degree of his- 
 torical probability ; and although it existed as a great high-place, 
 long before this dreadful event; as Mizpah did, long before the 
 murder of Gedaliah, and his officers. 
 
 It ought just to be added ; that it has been observed, * that its 
 very British name Cor Gaur, points out an Asiatic origin ; and leads 
 us to conclude, that it was some kind of resemblance of something 
 derived from the East. As indeed many other Oriental, and Hebrew 
 words, introduced into the British language (as appears from a com- 
 parison of them with the Welch language), shew that both names, 
 and rites, were in many instances derived from the Phoenicians, and 
 from the abominations in the Land of Canaan : or perhaps, rather, 
 from that original root; from whence those still more corrupted abo- 
 minations in the Land of Canaan sprang. 
 
 Let us now proceed to the consideration of those other Remains, 
 of a similar kind, that have been discovered, of late years, in the Isle 
 of Jersey ; upon a smaller scale ; and approaching nearer, in bulk, 
 even to the Whattas, or superstitious Altars, still in use amongst 
 barbarous nations, in the South Sea Islands. Whilst also, they may 
 be deemed to have approached nearer to the real bulk of the Altars 
 erected by Balak. 
 
 They are placed round an irregular Circle, about 2 4 feet in dia- 
 meter ; or rather 60 feet in circumference.t 
 
 Their number at present, is mentioned in the Archaeologia as 
 being five only ; but this, on a close inspection of the whole, as it 
 has been cautiously preserved, and set up in the garden of General 
 Conway, I found to be a mistake : for the number is evidently seven : 
 the termination of the covered entrance itself having plainly served 
 for one of the Altars ; and there being evidently the remains of one 
 other Altar, on the right-hand side ; of which only the top stone is 
 gone. 
 
 The interval between the Altars, is filled up with rude Stone 
 Pillars, of irregular heights ; a Pillar being placed between every 
 
 * See a very ingenious Dissertation, by W. Williams, in the Gentleman's Magazine, 
 Vol. LX1. p. 108. + See the account, and plan, and views of the whole, in the 
 
 Archaeologia, Vol. VIII. p. 3S i. 3S6. 
 
191 
 
 two Altars : whilst the whole seem never to have been profaned by 
 the use of any iron tool. * 
 
 These Altars are (in the Archaeologia), called Lodges, or Cells: and, 
 by some subsequent observers of this curious Remain, have even 
 been supposed to have been mere Kistvaens; or chests, and tombs, 
 for depositing dead bodies. Which latter supposition had some 
 countenance, from the state in which this whole extraordinary 
 structure was first discovered in Jersey : it having been buried 
 under an heap of earth and stones, like a barrow. 
 
 But as the small narrow intercolumniations of the T rilothons, (or 
 great high Altars), at Stone Henge, shew, that the void spaces under 
 them could never have been Kistvaens; so here, the small and nar- 
 row dimensions of the cavities, under these Altars, are but ill adapted 
 to such a purpose. Whilst at the same time, it ought to be remark- 
 ed, that in order to their having ever been appropriated to such-use, 
 under any barrow, the inner circular area must have been vaulted, 
 or covered over ; t at least as securely as the passage of entrance can 
 be supposed to have been secured by the covering of large stones. 
 But as, on the one hand, there was no appearance of any vault, or 
 covering of stone, remaining ; so, on the other, there is no one ap- 
 pearance in the structure, that should lead us to conclude, that 
 those who erected it, had the least idea how to form an arch, or 
 vaulted roof. And the irregular heights, and forms of the stone pil- 
 lars, between the Altars, shews clearly that it was impossible any 
 such rude vaulted roof should ever have been constructed. 
 
 These Cells therefore, or rather real Altars, could never have had 
 any use at all, except when quite clear of the superincumbent stones 
 and earth, and freely exposed to the open air. 
 
 They were obviously covered up at last, on purpose to be con- 
 cealed ; and to be preserved, if possible, as sacred, from such de- 
 struction as had been brought upon so many others in Anglesey, the 
 chief Druidical Island, by the Roman Invaders ; and out of terror of 
 the dire example of vengeance executed there, by Suetonius Paulinus. 
 
 * See the Views of them both in the Archaeologia, PI. XXVIII. p. i s J ; and also in 
 Grose's Antiquities, Vol. VI. 
 
 + We shall hereafter find, that in real barrows, such covering of the interior part was 
 contrived by rude stones laid one upon another ; forming a sort of ' hallow am. - 
 
192 
 
 A Medal of Claudius Caesar, found in the midst of the earth and 
 stones, under which this Circle of Altars was buried,* seems to 
 evince this to have been the case. 
 
 And how far it was most unlikely that these Altars should ever 
 have been designed for Kistvaens, or Sepulchres, appears from 
 their dimensions, even as given in the Archaeologia; and still more 
 from the dimensions which I took myself, measuring exactly the 
 insides. 
 
 Of those which remained perfect, the cavity of the largest, as 
 described in the Archaeologia, facing nearly the east, measures only 
 4 feet 3 inches in length ; and 4 feet 3 inches in depth, from the 
 front. 
 
 The next, on the left, measures 4 feet in breadth ; 4 feet 3 inches 
 in length ; and 3 feet 7 inches in height. 
 
 The third, measures, in breadth, 2 feet 16 inches: in length, 2 
 feet 1 9 inches ; in height, 4 feet.4- And the rest seem to have been 
 in the same sort of proportion. J 
 
 And the entrance to this sacred Circle, is a covered way, (com- 
 posed of rude upright stones, and of as rude stones lying across 
 them), and was about 15 feet in length ; and about 5 feet 3 inches 
 in breadth ; and 4 feet 4 inches in height, in the inside ; and 
 somewhat smaller at the beginning of it. 
 
 According to my measures, (leaving out every where the thick- 
 ness of the stones themselves), the whole length of the entrance was 
 near 1 6 feet. 
 
 The Altar which terminated it, and under which any person 
 entering is obliged to pass, fronts the highest stone in the circle, 
 and may therefore be called No. 1. 
 
 And its dimensions, and the dimensions of all the rest, going 
 round the circle on the inside, in regular order, proceeding from 
 the entrance towards the left, are as follows, by my measures : 
 
 F. In. 
 
 ["4 8 wide, 
 No. 1 - - is < 2 1 1 deep, 
 l_4 high; 
 
 * Archaeologia, Vol. VIII. p. 3 8 5 . + Ibid. p. 3 H . ? The whole are 
 
 now removed to General Conway's elegant seat, near Henley on Thames. 
 
193 
 
 No. 2 
 
 No. s 
 
 F. 
 
 . P 
 is < 2 
 
 u 
 
 [2 
 3 
 
 No. 4, almost opposite 
 to the entrance, is 
 
 No. 5 
 
 No. 6, the broken one . 
 whose top stone is < 2 
 off, 
 
 No. 7 
 
 In. 
 4 
 
 10 
 10 
 4 
 9 
 10 
 6 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 
 8 
 3 
 7 
 
 
 wide, 
 deep, 
 high, 
 wide, 
 deep, 
 high, 
 wide, 
 deep, 
 high, 
 wide, 
 deep, 
 high, 
 wide, 
 deep, 
 high, 
 wide, 
 deep, 
 high. 
 
 ... o 
 The dimensions of the Circle, measuring first a diameter from one 
 of the side stones at the entrance, to the middle of the highest single 
 stone opposite ; and then a diameter quite across, are, as I found them, 
 
 F. In. 
 
 The first diameter - 24 6 
 And the transverse diameter 2 4 9 
 
 And the first was, as nearly as I could | E N E 
 judge, in a direction, - - ■ and 
 
 And the transverse one 
 
 Lwsw. 
 
 r sse 
 i 
 
 ■i and 
 
 [nnw. 
 
 So that the entrance must have fronted about E by N. And 
 probably, if we make allowance for the variation of the needle dur- 
 ing a long succession of ages, was originally exactly E ; as it stood 
 in Jersey. I venture to say this ; because great care was taken, by 
 General Conway, to have every stone placed exactly in the same 
 position in which it was originally found in that island. 
 
 3 d 
 
194 
 
 The account in the Archaeologia says, the entrance fronted al- 
 most eastward ; as the entrance did at Stone Henge. And at some 
 small distance before the entrance, only a little on one side, was 
 found standing a sort of Stone of Memorial ; represented in the Plan, 
 in the Archaeologia, and in Grose's Views. 
 
 We have here, therefore, surely another, though smaller group, 
 of those Druidical Altars of Oblation ; which may justly be com- 
 pared with those, reared under the direction of the Patriarchal cor- 
 rupt Prophet Balaam. 
 
 And the constant tradition of a great Cromlech, and of a Circle of 
 Stones, having also stood formerly on the same hill in Jersey ; and 
 of many other Druidical Monuments having been discovered ; both 
 here, and in the neighbouring Islands of Guernsey, Alderney, and 
 Sark, (most of which have been pulled down, and used for building) 
 confirms this idea. 
 
 The Stones of this small Circle of Altars, found in Jersey, do not 
 bear any such marks of the tool, as those at Stone Henge ; and seem 
 to have been preserved in their original situation merely by means 
 of having been covered up. Many others therefore of the more 
 antient ones, in this our Island, may easily be conceived to have been 
 thrown down long ago : and, like the many Druidical antiquities in 
 Guernsey, Sark, and Alderney, to have been used for buildings, 
 and walls. 
 
 But nevertheless we are not without instances of some fragments, 
 the few remaining parts of which seem clearly to point out, where 
 such sort of Circles, of Altars of Oblations, may have been, in other 
 parts of the country, in the times of the antient Britons. 
 
 And amongst these, on this occasion, I cannot but particularly 
 mention, that most curious Druidical Circle, in the Peak of Derby- 
 shire, called Arbelows, or Arbour-lows ; about five miles from Bake- 
 well :* which, when fully considered, there is great reason to think, 
 notwithstanding its mutilated appearance, in its present ruined state, 
 was once a regular structure, very nearly of the same kind with 
 that at Stone Henge. For we find there, several great stones lying on 
 
 * It is most exactly described, and represented, by Mr. Pegge, in the Archaeologia, 
 Vol. VII. p. 13 1. — who assigns many strong reasons for concluding it to be a British 
 Temple. 
 
195 
 
 the ground, in pairs, and much broken ; some of which were lately- 
 remembered by old persons in the neighbourhood, to have stood 
 upright. It may therefore fairly be concluded, that the greater part 
 of them stood upright also ; and in pairs;* two and two, nearly in 
 the spots where they now are found. And if they stood in a Circle ; 
 and in such a peculiar position; there seems good reason to ap- 
 prehend, that each pair had a transom stone, or impost, at the top, 
 somewhat like those at Stone Henge ; which impost was composed, 
 either of the fragments now lying on the ground, near the pairs of 
 Stones ; or of fragments more broken, and carried away. 
 
 Besides this resemblance ; near the middle of the Circle, which 
 is 5 8 yards in diameter, is found lying flat (just as at Stone Henge), 
 a great Stone, fit for a fire hearth, 1 3 feet long, and 7 feet wide ; + and 
 near to this another, which seems to have formed part of a Cromlech. 
 
 We have therefore here, the apparent remains of a great Stone, 
 for the fire, and burning ; and of a Circle of Altars of Oblation ; 
 nearly as at Stone Henge. To which, if we add, that there ap- 
 pear to have been Pillars on each side the entrance ; and that the 
 whole Circle is surrounded with a great Rampart, or Bank, 6 or 7 
 yards high, measuring by the slope ; having a fosse within, and 
 not on the outside, which fosse, is 5 yards over, in the bottom ; 
 the resemblance which Arbelows bears to Stone Henge cannot escape 
 notice. 
 
 And this resemblance becomes still more striking ; when we con- 
 sider, that those two tumuli, called the Lows, have each of them a 
 circular hollow cavity, like a bason, on the top ; + that may be some- 
 what compared with the remarkable basons on the banks of the In- 
 cisure of Stone Henge: and that one of these Lows, with its bason, 
 stands near adjoining to the Rampart, or Bank, of this Circle, the 
 Arbelows; and that the other is on the bank itself. 
 
 One can scarce forbear entertaining a suspicion, in like manner, 
 that a Circle of Stones, which has before been mentioned, not far 
 from Castell Divas (a strong British fortress), in Wales, was some- 
 what of this kind. For there we find a great Circle of Stones, about 
 
 * Archaeologia, Vol. VII. p. 14 j. 
 % Ibid. p. 141, 
 
 t Ibid. p. 142, 143 
 
196 
 
 5 6 feet in diameter ; formed of piles of loose stones, with upright 
 Columns, placed in pairs, at 5 yards distance from each other.* 
 
 And it ought not to be omitted; that, at about 30 yards distance 
 from this, is another lesser Circle of Stones, consisting of several 
 large upright stones, amongst others that are smaller. 
 
 An attentive observer, with more opportunities than have been 
 in my power, may perhaps soon discover more instances ; wherein 
 Stone Pillars, standing, equally high, in pairs; and in parts of the 
 periphery of a Circle, or Oval, are to be met with. 
 
 And perhaps, amongst others, may be named one not far from 
 Penrith, in Cumberland, at a place called Addingham, or Ald-Heng- 
 ham, where is a Circle of Stones, 300 feet in diameter, having sixty- 
 seven of the stones now standing, each 10 feet high:+ of which, 
 in Camden's time, there were seventy-seven. For here, as at Stone 
 Henge, there is found, on the outside, at the distance of about 70 or 
 100 feet, a vast upright Stone of Memorial; 12 or 15 feet in height ; 
 near 2 yards square at bottom : and having, as a peculiarity, a re- 
 markable hollow at the top. And a little way from it, nearer to the 
 Circle, were, within the remembrance of several persons still liv- 
 ing, four large Stones, forming a sort of Altar, or Cromlech. 
 
 This Circle is by the vulgar called Long Meg, and her Daugh- 
 ters ; J and by Camden is too hastily concluded to be the Monument 
 of some victory. But its whole appearance, and the adjoining 
 Altar, and Stone of Memorial, shew it to have been a British Circle. 
 A fact that is confirmed also by the British name of the town near 
 adjoining, Penrith; and by its having still further the appendage of 
 another lesser Circle, at a small distance, 50 feet in diameter ; con- 
 sisting of twenty stones. 
 
 On this occasion too, though it does not exactly relate to the pre- 
 sent purpose, it would be some omission, not to mention that most 
 remarkable Remain in Westmoreland, at a little distance from Pen- 
 rith, called Mayborough; situated on the summit of a small hill, 
 because it shews still further the connection of the first-mentioned 
 Circle of Stones, with British Antiquities. 
 
 * Pennant's Journey to Snowdon, p. 110. 
 t Cough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 174. 190. 
 in the Antiquarian Repertory, Vol. I. p. 239. 
 
 X A view of this Circle is given 
 
197 
 
 For it is a vast circular bank ; the height and breadth of which is 
 stupendous ; surrounding an area SS yards in diameter, and having 
 an entrance on the east side.* Near the middle is an upright stone, 
 9 feet 8 inches high, and 1 7 feet in circumference. And there had 
 been three more placed near it, so as to form a square ; besides four 
 more on the sides of the entrance, one at each exterior, and one at 
 each interior corner. All which last, have of late years, been blasted 
 by gunpowder, to clear the ground. 
 
 And this curious place, seems, in truth, to have been a British 
 Druidical Court, for the administration of justice ; and for other 
 Civil purposes, such as Inaugurations : somewhat similar to that in 
 Anglesey, called Bryn-gwyn, at Tre'r Dryw, that is mentioned 
 by Rowland. + And it has, like that, a round Cirque, or Theatre 
 also, near adjoining ; formed, in this instance, by an high dike 
 of earth, and a deep fosse within, surrounding an area 2 9 yards 
 in diameter. 
 
 These extraordinary British Remains, therefore, so near Penrith, 
 confirm the fact, that the Circle at Addingham is also British. 
 
 And indeed ; notwithstanding Mr. Pennant's apprehension con- 
 cerning a great Alley, or Avenue of Stones, a few miles distance from 
 Penrith, near Simp, being a Danish work; I must venture to form 
 the same conclusion with regard to it. For its near resemblance 
 to the great Avenues long since taken notice of by Dr. Stukeley, at 
 Abury, in Wiltshire; and its proximity to these other unquestion- 
 ably British Remains, can scarce leave a doubt as to the fact : at the 
 same time that certain large Circles, and Ovals, formed of smaller 
 stones, and placed near unto that Avenue, do further speak, in effect, 
 the same language. 
 
 The Avenue itself, was formed J of a double row of granites of 
 immense size, that once extended above a mile. And it was crossed 
 at the end by another row, all placed at some distance from each 
 other. But a great part of them have been destroyed, within the 
 remembrance of persons still living. 
 
 On the top of one of the Stones in the Addingham Circle, we 
 
 • See a curious account of it, and a good representation, by Mr. Pennant ; Tour in Scot- 
 land, Vol. I. p. 25 6. f Mona Antiqua, p. 89. 
 
 t Pennant's Tour in Scotland, Vol. I. p. 258. 
 
 3 E 
 
198 
 
 have found was a remarkable hollow, like a rock bason. It proba- 
 bly was for some such purpose as the basons, on the bank, at 
 Stone Henge : for holding of blood, or libations. 
 
 Nor are we without other instances, where such substitutes ap- 
 pear. — In the shire of Meris, or Merns, in Scotland, about five 
 miles from Aberdeen,* we find two Circles of Stones. — The one 
 consisting of two concentric Circles ; the exterior, above 24 paces 
 in diameter, having thirteen great stones, 9 feet high, standing ; 
 and two fallen down : and the interior, 3 paces within the former, 
 having the stones only S feet high ; like small Stones of Station. 
 Whilst towards the east, at 26 paces distance from this Circle, is a 
 great sort of sacrificing Stone, placed flat on the ground, (as at Stone 
 Henge) ; in which there is also a rock bason, partly natural, partly 
 artificial, that will hold a Scotch gallon of water. 
 
 The other Circle, is rather larger ; and at the distance of a bow 
 shot, nearly, from the first : and consists of three concentric Circles ; 
 the Stones of the outermost being about 9 feet high ; and those of 
 each of the others, like stones to denote Stations, only 3. And here 
 again, on the top of one of the stones, on the east side of the largest Circle, 
 is formed a bason, or hollowness, 3 inches deep ; in the bottom of 
 which is cut a sort of little trough, crossed by another, that is carried 
 down by the side of the stone some way. One other stone also, in 
 the Circle, is observed to have a cavity, or rock bason upon it. 
 
 Again, in the largest of the Orkney Islands, at a place called Stennis, 
 a most remarkable spot ; at the south end of a rude causey of loose 
 stones, forming a sort of bridge over the narrowest part of a lock, is 
 a great Circle, set about with high smooth stones, or flags, about 20 
 feet high above ground ; + 6 feet broad, and each a foot or two thick. 
 And betwixt that circle, and the causey are two other stones, stand- 
 ing much in the same manner as the outward stones at Stone Henge ; 
 one of which hath a round hole, or cavity in it. And at the other 
 end of the causey, about half a mile from it, is another great Circle ; 
 1 1 paces in diameter, with such stones as the former placed round 
 it ; and having, moreover, on the outside, towards the east and west. 
 
 * See a very curious account of these Circles, by Dr. Garden, in the Archaeologia, Vol. 
 I. p. 3 14* + Wallace's Description of the Orkney isles, p. 52. 
 
199 
 
 two artificial green mounts, just in the same manner, as at Stone 
 Henge, we find two small cones, with cavities like basons at the 
 top, placed on the bank of the outward ditch. 
 
 And we ought not to omit giving full weight to what has been 
 well remarked by Wallace, in his description of these Circles ; that 
 Boethius, in his Life of Mainus, King of Scots, expressly says, that 
 these kind of Circles, were, by the people of the country, called the 
 Antient Temples of the Gods. 
 
 Perhaps even the Roll-rich, or Rowldrich Stones,* in Oxford- 
 shire, may be named as having some affinity with Stone Henge ; as 
 they certainly had also with Astronomical Circles. 
 
 F or they are placed in a ring, not circular, but rather elliptical ; the 
 longer diameter from north to south being 35 yards ; and the shorter 
 33. The stones are of very unequal dimensions both in height, and 
 thickness ; few of those now remaining exceeding 4 feet, and some 
 reaching scarce 2 : but they seem designedly to have been placed 
 at very unequal distances, which gave occasion to Mr. Gale, and 
 others, to think there were many gaps. Almost precisely in the 
 meridian, is one, on the north part, higher than the rest ; being 
 7 feet high, and 53 broad. And there seem to have been two 
 such others placed opposite to it. At the distance of about 8 4 
 yards, also, on the outside of the Circle, towards the north-east, 
 is an huge Stone of Memorial, at least 8 feet high, and 7 broad. 
 And about 300 paces eastward from the Circle, instead of an 
 Altar Stone lying on the ground, was a Cromlech, or standing 
 Altar, formed of six stones, (five for supports, and one on the top), 
 mentioned by Dr. Stukeley.t and called by him (though I think 
 very improperly) a Kistvaen, but now destroyed. 
 
 There are some circular dish-like cavities, or basons, also, near ad- 
 joining, as at Stone Henge : and in the neighbourhood are many bar- 
 rows ; which confirm the British origin of the whole. 
 
 Perhaps the Circular Stones that formerly stood in the parish of 
 Addington, near Town Mailing, in Kent, which are now almost 
 obliterated, partly by being buried under the sand, and partly by 
 being broken, and removed, ought further to be named, as having 
 
 * See views of them in Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. its. 29) ; and PI. XV. fig. j. 
 ancl '■ + Aubrey Mon. Brit. Stukeley, Abury, p. lo. H. 
 
200 
 
 some affinity with those at Stone Henge. A curious account, has been 
 given of them by Mr. Colebrooke : * from whence it appears, that 
 they in reality formed an oval, 50 paces from east to west ; and 42 
 paces from north to south : that some of them were 7 feet high, and 
 some less. That at the east end, there lay on the ground, a great 
 Altar Stone, placed somewhat like that at Stone Henge ; 9 feet long, 
 and 7 feet broad. Not far from which was seen another great Stone, 
 15 feet long ; which there is reason to think once stood upright ; 
 and which I should therefore call the Pillar of Memorial. 
 
 What others there may be still remaining, in such a state as to 
 deserve any particular examination, I shall leave to the investiga- 
 tion of those who may have opportunities of exploring the unfre- 
 quented parts of this country. But it would surely be a great 
 omission, to conclude this short enumeration of the most distin- 
 guished Remains of this kind, without giving some account of that 
 most superb specimen of British Druidical magnificence, at Abiri, 
 or Abury, in Wiltshire, which once existed, though it is now quite 
 mutilated ; and indeed almost entirely destroyed : the Stones hav- 
 ing been broken in pieces, from time to time, by means of fire, and 
 sledge hammers, to build the village of Abury itself; and many of 
 them having also been broken and buried, merely in order to turn 
 the surface of the land into pasture. 
 
 In the beginning of this century, however, many persons were 
 living, who remembered the whole of them remaining nearly entire. 
 As we find, also, they had been very little disturbed in Holland's + 
 time. It was not till the year 17 13, that the great central Pillar of 
 one of the double separate Circles in the great Inclosure, more than 
 20 feet high, was demolished ; and even after that, one pair of those 
 double Circles, was left almost in its original state till 17 20 ; and 
 enough of the other to ascertain what it once had been. And in 
 Dr. Stukeley's time, when the destruction of the whole, for the pur- 
 poses of building, was going on so rapidly, still forty-four of the 
 Stones of the great outward Circle were left ; and many of the Pil- 
 lars of the great avenue : and a great Cromlech was in being ; the 
 upper stone of which he himself saw broken, and carried away ; 
 
 * Archaeologia, Vol. II. p. 107. 
 
 t Holland's Camden, p. !55 ; and Gough's edition, p. 112. 
 
201 
 
 the fragments of it alone making no less than twenty good cart 
 loads. 
 
 This structure, at Alury, must have been of vastness, and of ori- 
 ginal importance, even beyond those of Carnbre-hill in Cornwall ; 
 or those in the Isle of Anglesey, mentioned by Rowland. For it 
 appeared, on a cautious examination of it, in the beginning of this 
 century, that it must have consisted of no fewer than six hundred 
 and fifty vast stones. 
 
 The idea that may be formed of the whole, from the several 
 accounts that have been transmitted to us, * free from all conjectures 
 of Dr. Stukeley's, or of any one else, is precisely this. 
 
 That it was seated on the most elevated part of a great plain, from 
 whence is a very gradual descent every way. 
 
 That the main body consisted of one vast Circle, of an hundred 
 enormous stones; each from 15 to 1 7 feet in height, and near as 
 much in breadth : the intercolumniation between them being in 
 general about 2 7 feet. And the whole Circle being at least about 
 1 300 feet in diameter ; surrounded with a great ditch, near SO feet 
 broad, and very deep, which had again, on its exterior part, a most 
 lofty vallum, at least 60 feet broad, inclosing both the ditch, and 
 an area, that contains about twenty-two acres, and is not less than 
 14 feet in diameter. Whilst in the intermediate space, between 
 the Ditch, and the great Circle of one hundred Stones, there was a 
 fine circular walk, of about SO feet in breadth. 
 
 Within the area, inclosed by the great Circle of one hundred 
 stones, were two other distinct doable Circles, placed in a line run- 
 ning north and south ; as it were side by side ; only removed at a 
 little distance, the one from the other, and also from the Stones 
 forming the great exterior Circle surrounding the whole area where- 
 in they stood. 
 
 Each of these separate double Circles, consisted of two concen- 
 tric Circles, one within another ; whereof the outermost, in each 
 pair, was nearly 466 feet in diameter, and consisted of thirty stones, 
 whose dimensions, and inteixolumniations, very nearly resembled 
 those of the great inclosing Circle of one hundred stones. And the 
 
 ' Abury, p. 43, 44. 41 , 4 8. Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. 111. 
 3 S 
 
202 
 
 inner concentric circles, of each of these separate double circles, 
 was about 186 feet in diameter; and consisted of twelve stones, of 
 the same sort of proportions, and intervals. 
 
 In the centre of the first pair of those concentric Circles which 
 stood southward, in the great circular area, was a great Stone Pillar, 
 circular at the base, and above 20 feet in height. 
 
 And in the centre of the other pair of those two concentric 
 Circles, which were placed northward, in the great circular area, 
 was a vast Cromlech, (or as some have chosen to call it, on account 
 of the appearance of the Cavity underneath, a Nich, or Kebla, or 
 Cove), which appeared to have been originally no less than 16 or 
 17 feet in height, and 35 feet in breadth. And before this, flat on 
 the ground, lay a great Hearth Stone, for fire, as at Stone Henge, 
 towards the east, or rather towards the north-east. 
 
 From the great external circular area, inclosing, with its hun- 
 dred pillars, these two distinct lesser circular structures, there were 
 two great avenues, formed by rude Stone Pillars placed on each side, 
 somewhat like that great alley, or avenue, which has been already 
 mentioned, as not being far from Penrith in Cumberland. 
 
 One of these avenues, more than a mile in length, consisted of an 
 hundred stones on each side, and led, in a south-east direction, to 
 an hill near Overton, on which was another double circle of stones, 
 placed nearer together. The outermost circle, about 120 feet in 
 diameter, consisting of forty stones, about 5 feet high ; and the 
 innermost, which was concentric with it, of eighteen, larger than 
 those of the outermost. And the diameter of this latter was about 
 45 feet. 
 
 The other avenue, from the great circular area first described, ex- 
 tended westward, in like manner, for more than a mile, towards 
 Beclhampton, and did also consist of one hundred stones on each 
 side. And halfway, that is, at the fiftieth stone on the north side 
 of this avenue, was another great Cromlech resembling that before 
 described. And at the termination of this avenue, was one single 
 stone; and then a vast number of barrows dispersed all over the 
 plain. 
 
 Having thus endeavoured to convey as clear an idea as possible, 
 from the accounts delivered down to us, I do not wish to add any 
 
203 
 
 conjectures" concerning this extraordinary structure: but cannot for- 
 bear just observing, that the great Stone Pillar, in the centre of the 
 southernmost double circle, seems to intimate, that the area there 
 inclosed, was designed for the holding of great Councils, and for In- 
 augurations ; whilst the Cromlech, and great Altar, in the centre 
 of the northern double circle, indicates that inclosure to have been 
 designed for sacrifices. And the great circle of an hundred Stones, 
 and the vast ditch, and rampart, surrounding the whole vast area, in 
 which both these solemn places stood, indicates a boundary of that 
 awful regard that was paid to them. The double Circle, on Overton 
 hill, to which one of the great avenues led, having the stone pillars 
 much nearer to each other, induces one to think they might have had 
 transom stones at top originally ; and that, therefore, here were the 
 Altars of Oblation. And the great Cromlech of the other avenue, 
 seems to have been similar to some that will be examined, and con- 
 sidered, in the next part of our investigation ; and will be remem- 
 bered on that occasion. 
 
 In the mean while, a few more remarks ought to be added, with 
 regard to the history of these kind of structures in general. 
 
 For as, upon a full consideration of all circumstances, there 
 appears to have been a very remarkable similarity between the 
 Remains at Stone Henge, and what we read concerning the High- 
 Places, where Balaam and Balak offered up their Sacrifices ; so in- 
 deed there is the utmost reason to conclude, that all these Stone 
 Circles, were originally imitations of those primaeval High-Places, 
 of which we find so frequent mention made in the books of Holy 
 Scripture : and a comparison of them, with those descriptions, may 
 tend to fling considerable light upon many expressions in the Sacred 
 Writings, that have been much misunderstood. 
 
 The common idea, which the prejudices of education, and of 
 vulgar apprehension, have taught us to form, with regard to what 
 
 * It may perhaps greatly tend to confirm the truth of these Observations, to call to re- 
 membrance the appearance of the remains of the Stone Circles, at Bolallak; and of those 
 called the Hurters, at St. Clare, in Cornwall; as represented in Borlase's Antiquities, PI. 
 XVI. p. 109 ; and PI. XVII. fig. vi. p. 206 ; — only pursuing a train of ideas a little dif- 
 ferent from those of that curious, and valuable author. For in both those instances, we find 
 different Stone Circles connecled together in one group, as well as at Abuiy. 
 
204 
 
 are called High-Places, in the Writings of Moses, and the Prophets, 
 is, that they were the Summits of Hills : but though our Stone Henge 
 is indeed on the summit of a wide extended hill country ; and the 
 Moabitish Altars, erected by Balak, were on very elevated spots ; 
 and so probably were many others ; yet it manifestly appears, from 
 certain passages in Scripture, that the word which we translate 
 High-Place, rather referred to the height, and elevation, and design, 
 of the structure itself, than to the height of its situation : and was 
 generally made use of merely to denote, with peculiar emphasis, its 
 being ifiaidf, or Altar of Oblation : whilst on account of each kind 
 of High-Place being, in reality, applied to such an horrible super- 
 stitious use, in the worship of false gods, both the name, and thing 
 itself became, in every instance, where it is mentioned in Scripture, 
 so justly an object of sacred abhorrence. 
 
 That this name does not imply necessarily a place, or structure, 
 on the top of an hill, is manifest from the cautious distinction pre- 
 served, in the enumeration of the idolatrous compliances of Ahaz, 
 King of Judah ; * where it is said, he sacrificed and burnt incense in 
 the high places, and on the hills, and under every green tree. 
 
 And also.f that in every several city of Judah he made high places 
 to burn incense unto other gods, and provoked to anger The Lord God of 
 his Fathers. 
 
 And from the manner in which the Prophet EzekielJ reproaches 
 the Jews, for building high places in streets ; and threatens that the 
 enemy shall break them down ; it is not only obvious that such high 
 places were not properly hills, or structures on the summits of hills ; 
 but also that they were composed of rude stone, or artificial mate- 
 rials ; which might be broken in pieces by violence. 
 
 This also appears from several other passages of Scripture, even 
 where any of them are spoken of as being in reality situated on 
 hills, or eminences. 
 
 Thus the same Prophet says, § Ye Mountains of Israel, hear the 
 word of the Lord God, — thus saith the Lord God to the mountains 
 and to the hills, to the rivers and to the valleys, behold, I, even I 
 will bring a sword upon you, and I will destroy your high places. 
 
 * s Kings, chap. xvi. vcr. 4. + 2 Chronicles, chap, xxviii. ver. 2 s . 
 
 % Ezekiel, chap. xvi. ver. 5 1. l<j. $ Ezekiel, chap. vi. ver. J. 
 
205 
 
 Where we may observe high places are mentioned, as being on 
 the sides of rivers, and in valleys, as well as on mountains, and 
 hills. 
 
 Again, it is very remarkable, that in the law,* where the high 
 places, according to our translation, are threatened to be destroyed ; 
 the version of the Septuagint uses the word to describe them ; 
 
 as threatening the destruction of their Pillars. 
 
 The command also, in the book of Numbers + shews, that High 
 Places were artificial fabrics, that might be pulled down, or over- 
 turned. 
 
 Ye shall, quite pluck down all their high places. 
 
 In reciting which command, the version of the Septuagint again 
 uses the word 27iX K , Pillars ; thereby implying, that rude Stone 
 Pillars, were at least a very considerable appendage to, and an im- 
 portant part of the assemblage of objects in these places of super- 
 stition. 
 
 And it is very remarkable, that in the account given of the abo- 
 minations of Jeroboam, we even read, that he made an house of high 
 places* Indicating, perhaps, that a number of them were capable 
 of being contained within one vast inclosure ; (as in the instance of 
 Abury, in this country) : though here it must be confessed, the Sep- 
 tuagint differs from our translation, by saying only, " that he made 
 " dwellings at the high places " 
 
 Further ; we read, concerning the high places, that they were not 
 removed, or taken away, by Asa,§ or by Jehoshaphat,\\ or by Jehoash; ** 
 "for the people offered, and burnt incense yet in for onj the high 
 " places." 
 
 Which both implies that they were, in reality, removeable ; and 
 shews that they were used as Altars of Oblation. ++ And we find that, 
 by the good King Hezekiah, they were at last actually removed and 
 taken away. 
 
 • Leviticus, chap. xxvi. ver. , o. + Numbers, chap, xxxiii. ver. I,. 
 
 } l Kings, chap. xii. ver. 31, 3 2. j Ibid. chap. xv. ver. u. 
 
 I Ibid. chap. xxii. ver. 41. .. , K i„ gs , chap. xii. ver. 3. 
 
 ++ This is confirmed by , Kings, chap. xiv. ver. 4 . chap. xv. ver. a . 3 5 ; and by chap 
 xvm.ver. A. s2; and by 2 Chronicles, chap. xi. ver. ,5. chap. xiv. ver. J. chap. xv. 
 vcr.17. chap. xvii. ver. r,. chap. xx. ver. 3 3. chap.xxi.ver.il. chap, xxviii. ver. A. ts. 
 chap. xxxi. ver. 1. chap, xxxiv. ver. 3. 
 
206 
 
 Further we read, that, by Manasseh,* the high places, which 
 Hezekiah, his father, had destroyed, were again built up. 
 
 And again we read, that by that faithful Prince, Josiak, (who 
 had even been foretold by name, by the word of Divine Prophecy) 
 the high places, where the Priests had burnt incense, were defiled ; + 
 and that lie brake down the high places ; and took away (or removed) the 
 houses of the high places. 
 
 And the words, in another mention of High Places, in the con- 
 clusion of the history of the ten tribes, are still more explicit : for 
 there it is expressly said, that " the children of Israel built them 
 " high places in all their cities. J And there they burnt incense, 
 " in all the high places, as did the Heathen, whom the Lord carried 
 " away before them." 
 
 And in words, to the same purport, the Septuagint has the trans- 
 lation, as well as our version. 
 
 And indeed that their being Structures of this sort is the true idea 
 of High Places, appears not only from this concluding part of the 
 history of the Israelites, as far as relates to the ten tribes ; but also 
 from what is said in the very beginning of the history of the Kings 
 of Judah, before the building of the Temple. 
 
 For there we read, § " that the people sacrificed in high places, 
 ' ' because there was no House built unto the name of the Lord, until those 
 " days. 
 
 ' ' And Solomon loved the Lord, walking in the statutes of David, his 
 "father: only he sacrificed, and burnt incense in high places. 
 
 ' ' And the King went to Gibeon to sacrifice there ; for that was the 
 " great high place: a thousand burnt offerings did Solomon offer 
 " upon that Altar." 
 
 And we cannot but observe, that although, indeed, in the Sep- 
 tuagint, only the words u-^-r[kolc, — v-^^kozirri, and }-jiiaolfimoi>, are used ; 
 yet that the altar of sacrifice, at Gibeon, must have been a prodi- 
 gious large one ; to admit of the offering up such a number of 
 burnt offerings, according to any of the Observances appointed by 
 the Law. 
 
 When Solomon afterwards offered up his magnificent burnt offer- 
 
 * 2 Kings, chap. xxi. ver. 3. + Ibid. chap, xxiii. vcr. ». 19. 
 
 | Ibid. chap. xvii. ver. 9.11. { l Kings, chap. iii. ver. 2,3, 4. 
 
207 
 
 ings, on the dedication of the Temple, we find it expressly said,* 
 that the Altar there was not sufficiently large on that occasion. 
 
 " The King did hallow the middle of the Court that was be- 
 " f° re the house of the Lord: for there he offered burnt offer- 
 " ings, and meat offerings, and the fat of the peace offerings: 
 " because the brazen Altar that was before the Lord, was loo Utile to 
 " receive the burnt offerings, and meat offerings, and the fat of the 
 " peace offerings" 
 
 Having from these many instances, of the manner, in which the 
 High Places of the most antient times of corrupt superstition, are 
 mentioned in Scripture, found reason to conclude that they were 
 clearly somewhat similar to those rude imitations of primeval cor- 
 ruptions, whereof we have so many Remains still existing, in the 
 fragments of the aboriginal Structures of this Island: it may be, in 
 the next place, considered as a matter not undeserving our atten- 
 tion, that we have proofs of similar usages, derived from the same 
 Patriarchal origin, being mentioned in the most antient parts of 
 Grecian fable, and history. 
 
 For we read in Homer's Odyssey, that when Telemachus ap- 
 proached the coast of Pyle, he found old Nestor, and his Pylians, 
 performing sacred Rites, on the sea shore : and that there were nine 
 + which word may surely much better be translated nine 
 Bases, or Seats, or Tables of honour; or in other words, nine High 
 Altars; than by any other expression we can make use of. 
 
 Pope's translation, in this instance, as in so many other places, is 
 merely a sort of paraphrase, conveying but very imperfectly any 
 thing like the real meaning. 
 
 " Now on the coast of Pyle the vessel falls, 
 
 " Before old Neleus' venerable walls. 
 
 " There, suppliant to the Monarch of the flood, 
 
 " At nine green Theatres the Pylians stood ; 
 
 " Each held five hundred, (a deputed train), 
 
 " At each, nine oxen on the sand lay slain. 
 
 " They taste the entrails, and the Altars load 
 
 " With smoaking thighs, an offering to the god." 
 
 * I Kings, chap. viii. ver. 64 
 
 t Odyssey, ]ib. iii. ver. 7, 
 
208 
 
 And truly, as there is not the least authority, in the original 
 words of Homer, for the word green ; so indeed neither the word 
 Consessns, Assembly, or Company, which our Latin translation uses, 
 nor the expression, nine green Theatres, which Pope uses, do at all 
 agree with what styou seems intended to imply, or with what is said 
 in the following verses ; the plain import of which seems to be ; 
 that there were nine Stations, with high Altars, or Seats, or T ables of 
 honour ; at every one of which stations a party of five hundred de- 
 puted Pylians were assembled ; and at every one of which nine 
 oxen were slain ; the thigh parts of them being offered up, upon the 
 altars ; according to their idolatrous rites and usages. 
 
 And that this is the true import, seems further confirmed by 
 verse 3 J . 
 
 */&»> S k IIv)Jai> ivfyav zyvnjv Ts xzi SloK, 
 where it is said Telemachus and Mentor, 
 
 came to the Assembly, and zfyct.q of the Pylians ; 
 for if, in this verse, sSssfc meant either Consessus, Assembly, or green 
 Theatres, the word would then be a mere repetition. But supposing 
 it to mean High Bases, or Altars, all is plain, for the words then are, 
 
 They came to the Assembly, and High Altars of the Pylians. 
 
 And we find, also, that here, close by the Altars, sat Nestor, and 
 his Sons ; and here also they were actually dressing those other parts 
 of the slain beasts, that were to be feasted upon by the guests.* 
 
 Consistently with this whole explanation, we find in another part 
 of the Odyssey, King Alcinous, with his Phaeacians, going down to 
 the sea shore, in like manner, to offer his sacrifices. 
 
 And we read expressly, of his standing, with his people, by the 
 high Altar, ffia/iii/) like Balak.t 
 
 J/ijmu $nric~G>v \yifWK, r t Sk p&ttjsq, 
 Etfaortq zsai ficofLov. 
 And Pope renders the lines not amiss, as to the idea to be con- 
 veyed ; 
 
 The gather 'd Tribes before the Altars stand, 
 And Chiefs and Rulers, a majestic band. 
 
 Odyssey, book xiii. line 216. 
 
 * Odyssey, book in. ver. 3 3, to do. 
 
 t Ibid, book xiii. ver. i s 7 . 
 
209 
 
 All these instances of the corruptions, and superstitious practices 
 of early ages, though it is painful to enumerate them, yet cast light 
 upon the aboriginal Remains of antiquity in our own country ; 
 which were unquestionably appendages to blind superstitious ob- 
 servances, derived by the first colonizers of this Island, from those 
 primaeval ancestors of mankind, from whom they were more imme- 
 diately descended. 
 
 And one good use, at least, may be made of these informations : 
 which is ; that now, in these latter days, when the great light afford- 
 ed to mankind, has rendered the Pillars, and Altars of the supersti- 
 tious and idolatrous ages so incapable of conveying any longer any 
 corrupt superstitious ideas, that the throwing of them utterly down 
 could hardly more effectually abolish every thing abominable relat- 
 ing to them, than has been done ; — that now, we may be led, by the 
 comparison between these days, and those days, to be rightly and 
 truly sensible of the advantages we enjoy. And when we consider 
 ■the vast improvements of the arts, and of the conveniences of life, 
 which have attended our emerging from the dreadful chains and 
 fetters of those corrupt times ; that we may become sincerely and 
 heartily thankful, to the only true and Almighty God, Immortal, 
 Eternal, Invisible ; who (as an Apostle has expressed it) hath de- 
 livered us from darkness, and brought us to His marvellous light; in 
 His own appointed way ; through That Great Deliverer, who was 
 foretold by Balaam, in those remarkable words of Prophecy ; when, 
 standing by his seven high Altars of Oblation, following his cor- 
 rupt Observances, he was compelled, even against his will, to utter 
 the most awful and Divine Truths. 
 
 s H 
 
210 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 CONCERNING CROMLECHES. 
 
 VVe come now to the investigation of a part of the Remains of 
 British Antiquity, so horrible, that I should wish to pass over the 
 consideration of all that relates thereunto, with as much rapidity as 
 is possible ; and would not even enter into the inquiry at all ; but 
 that it would leave the idea of British Architecture very imperfect ; — 
 and facts unexplained, which will appear, from a variety of cir- 
 cumstances, and unquestionable evidence, to have been hitherto 
 much misunderstood. 
 
 There are, in various parts of this Island, Structures of vast pon- . 
 derosity ; and of more art and contrivance than has been usually 
 apprehended ; which have defied the ravages of ages ; and still 
 retain their pristine form ; whilst Castles, Temples, and Magnifi- 
 cent Mansions, the long laboured works of the since intervening 
 successive periods, have slowly arisen, and have more slowly fallen 
 into such utter ruin, as to leave no traces behind them. 
 
 Amongst these Stern Structures, is one, which has stood out all the 
 buffettings of time, and still remains the same. 
 
 Which yet, notwithstanding this, so long continuance under the 
 eyes of mankind, has, from age to age, been so superficially viewed ; 
 and so erroneously described ; though so frequently mentioned in 
 the records of different periods ; that of all the accounts now exist- 
 ing in print, there is hardly one, which, on a careful examination 
 of the Structure itself, will stand the test ; or be found adequate to 
 convey the true and fair idea of its real form ; proportions ; and 
 original designation : whilst it is indeed the most completely proper 
 to elucidate the whole history of these kind of Remains, of any 
 thing we have of the sort existing in this Island. 
 
 The edifice I mean, is that rude Structure in Kent, called Kit's 
 Cotty House, which, therefore, after having explained the several 
 
211 
 
 particular circumstances relating to it (observed on a most accurate 
 survey), I shall make use of, to throw light upon the present sub- 
 ject : comparing it with other similar Structures ; and with such 
 fragments of antient history ; and of the remains of primeval obser- 
 vances, and corruptions, in various parts of the world ; as may, 
 when brought into one point of view, concur to lead us to a right 
 apprehension of the truth. 
 
 Nothing has been more detrimental to the progress of real science, 
 than the too humble, and implicit, attention paid to the fancied con- 
 clusions of those, who, on the first revival of letters in these parts, 
 began to form /tasty, though ingenious, conclusions, concerning 
 matters of this kind. 
 
 It was easy to fancy, that this structure was erected in memory 
 oi Catigern, and of the fatal battle fought between his brother Vor- 
 timer, and the Saxons, under Hengist, near Aylesford : because it 
 certainly is in a part of the country, which could not be very remote 
 from that very scene of action. 
 
 And this plausible fancy, once adopted ; though without the least 
 authority, either from positive tradition, or record ; or from any cir- 
 cumstance belonging to the Structure itself, that should truly concur 
 with such an assertion ; has been implicitly followed ; and almost 
 without controversy delivered down, from one author to another ; 
 without once examining fully, and fairly, the edifice itself, or the 
 peculiar scenery of the country around it ; and without ever duly 
 considering either its appendage, of an Altar on the ground; or the 
 testimony, and light, that real history might afford, to clear up, 
 what might be known concerning this interesting Remain. And 
 indeed without rendering any tolerable account, why the body of 
 Catigern should be conveyed from the field of battle, to this spot, 
 rather than to any other. 
 
 First, let us hear ; what the very best, though indeed erroneous, 
 accounts of this strange piece of antiquity describe. And then let 
 us see ; on the whole, what is its real figure ; and artificial construc- 
 tion. And what the records of antiquity, and similar appearances, 
 may teach us concerning its real use. 
 
 Camden says,* Catigern was buried in great state, as it is thoucht, 
 
 * Gibson's Camden, p. 194, 
 
212 
 
 near Ailesford, where those four vast stones are pitched on end, with 
 others lying crossways upon them ; much of the same form with that Bri- 
 tish Monument called Stone Henge. 
 
 For which strange and mistaken account his recent Commentator* 
 makes the handsomest apology possible ; — yet without giving any 
 clear idea of the real form of the Structure ; — whilst his old Editor, 
 Holland, in the edition of 1610, adding indeed, in part, an account 
 of his own, instead of a close translation, gave a better and fuller 
 description, though not the right one : — it being very deficient, from 
 the circumstance, of representing the top stone as placed, like those 
 at Stone Henge jlat, and horizontally ; instead of rightly explaining 
 its inclined position. His words are worth inserting, however, both 
 because of their nearer approach to accuracy ; and because they 
 shew, still more fully than those of Camden, how little credit is to 
 be given to any apprehension of this structure being Catigern's 
 Tomb, or Kistvaen. 
 
 " Catigern,+ honoured with a stalely, and solemne funeral , is thought 
 " to have been enterred neere unto Ailesford, where, under the side of a 
 " hill, I saw four huge, rude, hard stones erected, two for the sides, one 
 ' ' transversall in the midest between them, and the hugest of all, piled and 
 " laied over them in manner of the British Monument which is called 
 " Stone Heng, but not so artificially with mortis and tenants" 
 
 Stow's account is deficient, exactly in the same manner, and for 
 the same cause. 
 
 " I have myself (says he), J in company with divers worshipful 
 " and learned gentlemen, beheld it in 15 90, and is of four flat 
 " stones, one of them standing upright, in the middle of two other, 
 " inclosing the edge sides of the first, and the fourth laid flat aloft 
 " the other three, and is of such height that men may stand on either 
 " side the middle stone, in time of storm or tempest, safe from wind 
 " and rain, being defended with the breadth of the stones, as hav- 
 " ing one at their backs, one on either side, and the fourth over 
 " their heads : and about one coit's cast from this Monument, lieth 
 " another great stone, much part thereof in the ground, as fallen 
 " down when the same had been affixed." 
 
 * Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. 231. + Holland's Camden, p. 13°. 
 
 % Chronicle, p. 5 2. 
 
213 
 
 Mr. Colebrooke, in his very curious Dissertation* in the Archaeo- 
 logia, falls into the same mistake ; and besides this, as well as Cam- 
 den and Stowe, entirely neglects to advert to the side stones being 
 not parallel; on which the great durability of the Structure mani- 
 festly depends. 
 
 Phihpott gives a description ; and a representation, engraved 
 in the style of Hollar ; yet both so totally unlike the truth, that 
 it would be improper to mention either, except for the sake of 
 shewing the more clearly, how strangely the Antiquities of this 
 country have been misrepresented, for want of due attention. 
 
 And what is still more extraordinary, even our last painful Anti- 
 quary, Mr. Grose, has fallen into a mistake almost more inexcusable 
 than all the rest. For he tells us, 
 
 " This Monument is composed of four large Stones, of that sort 
 " called Kentish Rag : three of them are set upright in the ground, 
 " inclosing three sides of a square, and fronting the north, west, and 
 " south points ; the fourth, which is the largest, is laid transversely 
 " over, and serves as a covering, but does not touch the south stone. 
 " It is not parallel to the horizon, but inclines towards the west, in 
 " an angle of about nine degrees ; owing to the west, or end stone, 
 " on which it rests, being somewhat shorter than the other supporter. 
 " Perhaps the east end, now open, was once also inclosed ; as at 
 " seventy yards to the northwest, lies another stone of the same kind 
 " and form, as those standing." 
 
 And further on, describing the dimensions of the stones, he says, 
 " The west, or end stone, is extremely irregular.";); 
 Thus representing the whole throughout, as if the stones were 
 placed, two on the sides, and one quite at the end; with a cover at 
 top, forming merely one regular Cell, or small room. Which is very 
 far from being the case. His description also is very inadvertent : 
 for the Altar Stone, lying towards the north-west, is not very likely 
 to have been a stone closing the now open supposed front, which 
 is towards the south-east ; nor would the dimensions have suited 
 either front, as a means of closing it up. 
 
 Harris, in his History of Kent, § gives a representation a very 
 
 • Archaeologia, Vol. II. p. 107. t Villare Cantianum, p. 48. 
 
 t Grose's Antiquities, Vol. II. $ History of Kent, p. 371. 
 
 3 I 
 
214 
 
 little better than Philipots ; and under just the same sort of mis- 
 apprehensions. 
 
 And Mr. Hasted, at the same time that he gives us an engraved 
 Representation from a drawing, which is in many respects one of 
 the best that we have ; yet neglects to mention the inclination, and 
 sloping of the top stone. And although he fairly, and rightly de- 
 scribes the third supporting stone, as being placed in the middle, 
 yet suffers the engraving, for want of a very little attention to keep- 
 ing, to appear as if this third stone was placed at the further end of 
 a sort of Cell, or Chamber;* containing the whole of the space 
 under the superincumbent stone. 
 
 He also falls into a strange mistake with regard to the position of 
 the front of the Structure, both inconsistent with its real position 
 (even allowing that to be the front which has been generally con- 
 ceived to be such), and also inconsistent with his own description 
 of the Stone lying on the ground. I cannot but say also, that the 
 outlines of the supporting stone, on the right hand, are exceedingly 
 erroneous. 
 
 Borlase, in his representation of it ; willing to believe, consis- 
 tently with prejudices he had adopted, that it was a mere Kistvaen, 
 or tomb, or place of burial, does, like Grose, make it appear as if 
 the three supporting stones stood, two on each side, and one at the 
 further end, so as to form a chest, or at least a covering of an area fit 
 for sepulture : taking his information, not from actual inspection, 
 but from a drawing made by another person.+ 
 
 Yet his own plain account of such Structures of a similar kind 
 as he had seen, might have been sufficient, one would have thought, 
 to have led him to a more accurate investigation of this matter. For 
 he says fairly, in the very same page, 
 
 " I find the number of supporters, in all the Monuments of this 
 " kind which I have seen, to be no more than three, the reason of 
 " which I take to be this ; they found it much easier to place and 
 " fix securely any incumbent weight on three supporters, than on 
 " four, or more ; because, in the latter case, also the supporters must 
 " be exactly level on the top, and the lower surface also of the 
 
 * Hasted's Kent, Vol.11, p. us. 
 
 + Antiquities of Cornwall, PI. XXII. p. 22 <. 
 
215 
 
 " covering stone be planed and true, in order to bring the weight 
 " to bear equally on every supporter; whereas three supporters 
 " have no occasion for such nicety ; the incumbent weight easily 
 " inclining itself, and resting on any three props (though not of 
 " one level on the top) ; and accordingly, we find the covering 
 " Stones, not horizontal, but always more or less shelving." 
 
 This account, with the consideration of the real advantage of 
 three stones as supporters, rather than any greater number, might 
 have led him to have attended more carefully to the manner in which 
 they might best be placed for strength ; if he had not been prejudiced 
 by his idea of a sort of Tomb, or Kistvaen, being inclosed and formed 
 by them. An idea which Mr. Pegge,* has very fully shewn to 
 have been adopted without any kind of sufficient authority ; at the 
 same time that he has, also, in his very curious Memoir, said more 
 than enough to convince any reasonable person, that Kit's Cotty 
 House could neither have been the Monument of Catigern, or of 
 Horsa ; nor of any person whatever. 
 
 It is now time to endeavour to investigate its real history ; only 
 first observing, that the author of the Louthiana,+ as well as Dr. Bor- 
 lase, has remarked, in like manner, that the Cromleches, in Ireland, 
 have in general only three supporters ; though indeed so far from 
 being aware of the firmness arising from this circumstance, he con- 
 siders them as being the most tottering of all Structures : which a 
 little reflection on their vast antiquity, and long duration, might 
 have convinced him they were not. 
 
 PI. VIII. fig. 6. is a Plan of the whole Structure o£ Kit's Cotty 
 House, with the respective dimensions of the several parts : from 
 whence it appears manifest, on the very first glance, that there is 
 no regular Cell, or Kistvaen, formed by these three stones at all ; but 
 that the third stone (c) is placed nearly in the midst, between the 
 two others [a] and (b), as being the properest situation to support 
 them, and to prevent their falling together; whilst their being 
 placed leaning against it, and inclining towards each other, renders 
 it almost impossible for them to be thrown down outwards, or so as 
 to part from each other. 
 
 • Archaeologia, Vol.IV. p. lis. 
 
 ■f Louthiana, Book iii. p. is. 
 
216 
 
 This peculiar position of the middle stone, leaves indeed some- 
 what of the appearance of two little Cells, or Cabins, on either 
 side ; but neither of them are deep enough for to place therein the 
 body of a man at length ; for the one is only 4 feet 2 inches from 
 the front ; and the other only Sf feet ; and the supposition of a 
 stone having been placed to close up the mouth of either Cell, would 
 render the dimensions smaller, and still more confined. 
 
 But there is another circumstance, which much rather deserves 
 attention, as being a very artificial designation in the Structure. 
 And that is, that the two side stones (a) and (b) are placed so, as to 
 draw nearer towards each other at the south-east end, than at the 
 north-west ; in consequence of which it becomes impossible to 
 throw down the middle stone towards the south-east: whilst another 
 circumstance in the Structure, namely, the dipping of the top stone 
 towards the north-west, renders it impossible to throw down the 
 middle stone that way. 
 
 Fig. 1. represents the elevation of the Stone (a), with the super- 
 incumbent Stone [d] projecting over it, both ways, and dipping 
 towards the north-west ; and, at the same time shews the rough 
 irregular corner, or point, at [d), projecting further than the rest. 
 It shews also the measured dimensions of every part. 
 
 Fig. 2. represents the other supporting Stone [b), on the oppo- 
 site side, seen on the external part (as also was the stone [a) just 
 described). And here it cannot but demand the attention of every 
 curious person, to observe how exceedingly different the proportions 
 are of these stones, on which no tools were lifted up; but which 
 nevertheless were so cautiously, and firmly put together. 
 
 It also deserves observation, how strangely irregular the top 
 stone [d] is ; and how different its appearance, and dimensions are, 
 on this side from the other. 
 
 Fig. 3. represents what is commonly called the front: but what 
 I apprehend was really the back part of this surprising Structure. 
 It shews the dimensions of all the Stones (a) [b) and (d) ; and the 
 odd, irregular manner in which the top stone projects, on each side. 
 
 Fig. 4. represents what is usually taken to be the back part of 
 the edifice ; but which I cannot avoid conceiving to have been its 
 front, from circumstances that will hereafter be mentioned ; and also 
 
217 
 
 because, before this face of the edifice, towards the north-west, has 
 been placed a great Altar Stone, on the ground, as at Stone Henge. 
 Whilst the direction of the Structure, if we consider this as the front, 
 is also nearly similar to the direction of that which is the front of the 
 part destined to superstitious and solemn rites, at Stone Henge. 
 
 Fig. 5. shews the form, and dimensions, and relative situations 
 of the several sides, as to the points of the compass, of the top stone. 
 Only it must be remembered, that it dips from the south-east towards 
 the north-west. 
 
 Now, put all these circumstances together ; and we shall perceive 
 the astonishing solidity of this Structure: which fully accounts 
 for its having defied the ravages of time ; and for its having re- 
 mained entire, through such a vast period of successive ages, that 
 all positive records and traditions concerning it being lost, it has 
 become liable to misrepresentation from those hasty conjectures 
 formed, when men first awakened, from the long deep sleep of 
 ignorance and insensibility, to open their eyes, with some degree 
 of curiosity, in researches after Remains of Antiquity. 
 
 What efforts, of any ordinary kind, could destroy it ?— The top 
 stone could not be thrown down, or taken off ; except by the same 
 means whereby it was raised. Which was, probably, by means of 
 a bank, or hill of earth, formed round about the supporting stones, 
 with a gentle ascent, quite to the top of them : up which, the Stone 
 was forced along slowly, with rollers, and levers, by prodigious 
 united exertions of many men ; and possibly with the aid of oxen 
 to draw it; when, being advanced to the spot, the whole hill, or 
 mound, was removed, and taken away. 
 
 The middle stone (c) could not, nor cannot, be thrown down one 
 way, because the dipping of the top stone prevents its vibration, or 
 being turned on its edge into that direction. 
 
 Neither can it be thrown down the other way ; because the side 
 stones nip in beyond it, and approach nearer to each other towards the 
 south-east, and by that means hold it up fast, and tight, that way. 
 
 The side stones (a) and [b] cannot be separated, and thrown down 
 outwards ; because being placed leaning towards each other, as 
 appears most plainly in fig. 4. instead of being placed upright, as 
 some of the old descriptions mention, their vast ponderosity, alone 
 
 s K 
 
218 
 
 would prevent their being easily heaved over. Whilst besides this, 
 they could not be so heaved over, without raising up the whole 
 weight of the immense superincumbent Stone. 
 
 Thus, therefore, this edifice has stood, and may yet stand, firm, 
 throughout many generations, as several others of a similar kind 
 have stood, in different parts of the world. — The objects of wonder 
 now; because most happily, the motive for their being erected, and 
 the detestable use to which they were originally destined, have both 
 long since ceased to have any prevalence on the face of the earth. 
 
 The records of most antient history, however, and similar Remains 
 in other parts of the world, together with a little degree of attention 
 bestowed on some extraordinary customs, preserved by other bar- 
 barous people, long separated from those primsval Heathen nations, 
 from whom both they, and the most antient Britons, were descended, 
 may perhaps fling more than sufficient light upon this matter. 
 
 It will only be proper just to mention, before we enter upon this 
 discussion, that PI. IX. fig. l. represents the present appearance of 
 the Structure under consideration, with a distant view of a part of 
 the magnificent surrounding theatre of hills. The front here shewn, 
 being that towards the south-east, usually deemed the front ; but 
 which ought rather to be considered as the back part ; and the 
 place of the great Stone, or Altar for burning, on the ground, being 
 therefore hidden beyond the building. 
 
 In the account, given by Diodorus, of the customs, and horrible 
 superstitions of the antient Druids, in Gaul, who derived both then- 
 Science, and Superstition, merely from those in Britain, we read 
 this strange description.* 
 
 " Amongst, the Druids, are Prophets (or Diviners), who are held 
 " by them in the highest estimation. These men divine concern- 
 " ing future events, both by means of augury, and by means of 
 " sacrificing victims ; and have the whole multitude subservient to 
 " them. 
 
 " And in a more particular manner, when they inquire concern- 
 " ing any great event, they observe a most astonishing and incre- 
 " dible Rite. For pouring out a libation upon a man, as a victim, 
 
 * Diodorus Siculus, lib. v. 213. p. 3 5 4 . ed. Wesselingii. 
 
219 
 
 " they smite him with a sword upon the breast, in the part near 
 " the diaphragm ; and on his falling who has been thus smitten ; 
 " both from the manner of his falling, and from the convulsions of 
 " his limbs, and still more from the manner of the flowing of his 
 " blood, they presage what will come to pass ; firmly trusting in 
 *' these conclusions, from an antient, and long established, Obser- 
 " vance." 
 
 And Strabo relates this matter also ; in a manner, indeed, a little 
 different ; but upon the whole to the same purport. For he says,* 
 speaking of their savage custom of keeping by them the heads of 
 their enemies. 
 
 " The Romans have brought them off from these customs, and 
 " also from those which they had adhered to, with regard to sacri- 
 " ficing and divination. For smiting a man (who had previously 
 " had a libation poured upon him) with a sword upon the back, 
 " they divined from his convulsions. 
 
 " They never sacrificed without the Druids. 
 
 " And other sacrifices of men by them, are spoken of. For some 
 " they shoot with arrows ; and some they crucify ; in the sacred 
 " places. 
 
 " And (also) having formed a vast Colossus of straw, and casting 
 " wood upon this, they make an whole burnt sacrifice, of cattle, 
 " and of all manner of wild beasts, and of men." 
 
 Caesar says,+ speaking of the Gauls, and of their Druids ; after 
 having told us J that the Rites and Discipline of the Druids werejound 
 originally in Britain, and from thence carried over into Gaul. 
 
 " That those who were afflicted with any severe disease, or who 
 " were entered into battle, or were in danger, either sacrificed men 
 " as victims, or vowed that they would so sacrifice them : and they 
 " made use of the Druids as ministers, or performers of those sacrifices. 
 " Thinking that the immortal gods could not be rendered propi- 
 " tious, unless the life of man, was given for the life of man. 
 
 " They have also public sacrifices instituted of the same kind. 
 
 " And others, have images of a vast magnitude, the limbs and 
 " parts of which are formed of wicker work, and are filled with 
 
 * Strabo, lib. iv. ms. p. 3 03. 
 
 + De Bello Gallico, lib. vi. sect. 15. % Ibid. sect. 12. 
 
220 
 
 " living men ; and being set on fire, the men are burnt to death by 
 " the surrounding flame. On these occasions they deem the punish- 
 ' ' ment of such persons as are found to have been guilty of theft, or 
 " robbery, or of any other atrocious mischief, to be most grateful to 
 " the immortal gods : but when there are not enough of these, they 
 " proceed to inflict the same punishment on the innocent." 
 
 Now, laying aside the consideration, of the Colossus of Straw, 
 and Wicker work, and of the poor wretched victims destroyed in" 
 it ; (with which, on this occasion, we have no immediate concern ; 
 but the description of which it would not have been right to have 
 separated from the rest of these curious descriptions) ; and putting 
 the other parts of these accounts fairly together, we shall perceive, 
 that in the Observance of these horrid Rites and Ceremonies of the 
 Gauls, derived from the Britains, there was —a sacred public spot 
 for the horrid solemnity, fully ascertained and distinguished ;— that it 
 was performed in the presence of multitudes ;— that therefore the poor 
 victim must have been placed aloft, in a situation where he could be 
 seen;— that none but a Druid, or Druids, were on the same spot, to 
 strike the fatal blow ;— that it must also have been such a hind of surface, 
 and elevation, that the flowing of the blood might be traced; as well as 
 that the sad convulsions of the sufferer might be exposed to view ;— and 
 that the dire ceremony was performed , by first pouring a libation on the 
 head of the poor sufferer, and then striking him with a sword, either on 
 the breast, or back. 
 
 And considering that it is almost impossible to conceive there 
 should be no Remains left of any spots destined for such dreadfully 
 notorious solemnities, so much more remarkable above all others : 
 when so many other marked spots still exist, that were used for super- 
 stitious Rites, even of much less, and of the most trifling importance ; 
 we may venture to affirm, there is no kind of appearance that so 
 perfectly corresponds with these dire relations, which we have 
 from Cassar, Diodorus, and Strabo, as that of the inclined Cromlech 
 in general, wherever found ; and particularly as this Structure 
 which we have been now examining, called Kit's Colty House. 
 
 For here we find, in truth, a great Stone Scaffold, raised just high 
 enough for such an horrid exhibition, and no higher : and just large 
 enough, in all its proportions, for the purpose, and not too large: 
 
221 
 
 and so contrived, as to render the whole visible to the greatest mul- 
 titude of people ; whilst it was so framed and put together, though 
 superstitiously constructed only of unhewn stones, in imitation of 
 purer, and more primasval usages, that no length of time, nor any 
 common efforts of violence, could destroy it, or throw it down. 
 
 That front, which seems to have been placed with most supersti- 
 tious care, in a direction somewhat resembling ihe front of others of 
 their sacred places, and Stone Circles, and therefore made to face the 
 north-west, has the top stone only about 6 or 7 feet from the ground, 
 at most. Whilst the other end, is elevated between 8 or 9 feet from 
 the ground : and by this means, the whole surface is placed in such 
 a position, as to have exhibited fully, whatever was at any time 
 placed upon it, to an immense multitude of people, even at the 
 greatest imaginable distance. And yet, the declivity is not such as 
 to occasion the least danger of any slipping, or sliding off. 
 
 The dimensions of this top stone also were very sufficient for the 
 sad purpose ; since it is about 1 1 feet, or more, in every direction ; 
 and had, therefore, space enough for the standing of one or two 
 Druids ; and for the victim, both before and after the fatal blow ; 
 from which the sloping of the stone upwards, would probably pre- 
 vent his retreat, as well as the fetters that might be upon his legs. 
 
 And more especially will the surface of the stone appear to have 
 been large enough for the dire purpose, if we consider, that the same 
 horrid precautions might most probably have been in use here, 
 which we find to have been observed by those savage tribes of In- 
 dians, in America, descended from the same common heathen 
 ancestors ; amongst whom the dreadful custom of sacrificing their 
 prisoners remained still in use, within a very few years, if it is not 
 still existing. 
 
 We find that in Mexico, on such occasions, the prisoners' feet 
 were sometimes tied to a stone. And, amongst the Brasilians, the 
 poor victim had a rope wound around his waist, the two ends of 
 which were held tight, by two of the executioners, one standing 
 on each side, whilst a third struck the fatal blow.* 
 
 There is further to be observed, on the surface of this great Upper 
 
 * See Picart's Religious Ceremonies, Vol. III. p. 137. PI. LXXX. De Bry's His. 
 tory of Brasil, Pars iii. p. 125. 
 
 3 L 
 
222 
 
 Stone of this Cromlech, a cavity, or Rock bason, probably designed 
 to receive part of the blood, as it flowed down. This bason is of an 
 irregular form, about 2 feet in length, and 1 1 inches, or one foot, 
 in breadth ; and extends in such a manner under the surface of the 
 stone, that it will hold several quarts. It has almost always a quan- 
 tity of rain water in it at present ; and there are, besides this, many 
 rude channels on the surface of the stone, which might be used to 
 catch the flowing blood, whether they were originally formed by 
 nature, or by art. 
 
 The situation of this bason, on the top of the stone, and the figure 
 of the whole platform is shewn, PI. VIII. fig. 5. 
 
 And in PI. IX. fig. l, is a View of the back front of this Struc- 
 ture, or huge Stone Scaffold, towards the south-east ; which has, I 
 think, most erroneously, usually been deemed its real front. I pre- 
 ferred, however, the giving this representation ; both because it is 
 the appearance most commonly attended to ; and also, and still the 
 rather, because it shews the rising of the hills in the front, and on. 
 the side of this Cromlech, from which hills, many thousands, and 
 even myriads of people, might distinctly see all that passed upon 
 the surface of the top stone. 
 
 Just beyond this Cromlech, and concealed by it, in this View, at 
 the distance of about 70 paces, or the cast of a coit, lays on the 
 ground, the great Stone, which was, as I apprehend, the Altar for 
 burning; which stone is mentioned by Stowe, Colebrooke, and Grose. 
 
 It is about 1 1 feet in length, by 7 broad ; just fit for such a pur- 
 pose ; but much too large to have been used to close up either end 
 of the Cromlech. And as to any idea of its having once stood up- 
 right, I can perceive no more grounds for such a supposition, than 
 for any conjecture that the black Stone Altar, at Stone Henge, was 
 ever reared in a perpendicular position : which no one has ever 
 imagined. 
 
 It cannot but have been remarked, by an attentive inquirer, that 
 a Cromlech, with an Altar Stone, for burning, lying before it on the 
 ground, existed at Abury ; in the centre of one of the great double 
 Circles. And that there was also a detached Cromlech (of which 
 Dr. Stukeley saw the final destruction), standing near the end of one 
 of the great avenues. Which latter was probably for the accom- 
 
223 
 
 plishing of those more private vows of this horrid kind, mentioned 
 by Ctesar; whilst the former, in the midst of one of the Circles of 
 Stones, within the great inclosure, was for the more public dreadful 
 solemnities of this kind. 
 
 And it cannot but be remembered also, that there was a great 
 Cromlech, existing a few years ago, as an appendage to the sacred 
 Circle of superstition, at Roll-rich in Oxfordshire; though of late 
 years it has been utterly destroyed. 
 
 Let us now consider, what traces of primaeval Customs, and Super- 
 stitions, are to be met with, corroborating these ideas ; either amongst 
 those most barbarous Indian nations, who have long been separated, 
 at a distance, from those corrupt branches of the first inhabitants of 
 this present globe of the earth, from whom they originally sprang : 
 or amongst those more civilized nations of antiquity who remained 
 nearer to the Patriarchal Residence. 
 
 As to the first ; we find that the Mexicans, who most probably 
 were descended from the Phcenicians, and Carthaginians, retained 
 their horrible rites of human sacrifices ; and performed them in a 
 manner that may very obviously be mentioned, as a sad, and obvi- 
 ous, illustration of the present subject. 
 
 For, we are told,* that in the centre of the great area, of one of 
 the largest Temples at Mexico, which would contain eight or ten 
 thousand persons, is a great Stone Platform, or Stage, I 20 steps high, 
 and 40 feet square, but diminishing, in dimensions, upwards, till it 
 formed a sort of truncated pyramid. And on this were placed some 
 of their abominable idols ; and the poor victims to be sacrificed, 
 having been first carried to the foot of another artificial terrace 
 formed of timber, on which hung upon poles, reaching from post 
 to post, the skulls of such unhappy persons as had been before sacri- 
 ficed ; they were then carried up the great terrace ; which seems 
 plainly to have been merely an abominable and dreadful refinement 
 upon the more antient Cromlech; when six of the priests slaugh- 
 tered each victim in turn, in a shocking manner, tearing out their 
 hearts, and then throwing the bodies down from the top of the ter- 
 race to the bottom. 
 
 * See Antonio de Solis's History of the Conquest of Mexico, Vol. I. p. 333. And 
 Picart's Religious Ceremonies, Vol. IH. p. 1S7. 
 
224 
 
 On some particular occasions, the captive had his feet tied to a 
 stone, and was allowed, as long as he could, to parry the instrument 
 with which one of the priests struck at him. 
 
 And in other instances, the miserable captive was placed with 
 his back on a sharp stone, about 5 feet high, and being there held, 
 was ripped up by the dreadful tormentor. 
 
 Here surely we discover the very counterpart of the descriptions 
 given bv Strabo, of the Gaulish and British human sacrifices, even 
 very lately existing, in horrid Rites practised by Indians, who had 
 long lost all remembrance of their origin, but who were most pro- 
 bably descended, through Tyrians and Sidonians, (where such abo- 
 minations, we are assured, had existed originally in their utmost 
 extent of horror), from the same first heathen ancestors with the 
 Celtes, and Britons. 
 
 The Mexican great Altar of Sacrifice, was a truncated Pyramid : 
 and even in this country there seem to have been some constructed 
 somewhat in the form of a truncated pyramid ; of which there is a 
 most remarkable instance mentioned by Rowland," in a small one 
 standing on the summit of an hillock, at Bodowyr in Anglesey ; the 
 upper stone of which, he says* is a detruncated pyramid, flat at top. 
 Though it ought to be acknowledged, that the flat space, left at the 
 top, in this instance, was too small for such dire use as we have been 
 mentioning ; unless more than ordinary precautions were used. 
 
 And if Ware's representation is to be depended upon, + such an 
 one seems to have been placed at Brenan's Town, six or seven miles 
 south of Dublin. 
 
 As we find such traces of the Cromlech, in the instance of the 
 great Altar at Mexico, amongst those who may be believed to have 
 been descendants of Phoenicians ; so it is very remarkable, that the 
 resemblance of it may be found existing, in the very country of 
 the Phoenicians themselves ; only with just so much introduction 
 of the use of the iron tool, to add somewhat of ornament, as was con- 
 sistent with the original plan of construction on the one hand ; and 
 with the ideas of magnificence, which the Tyrians and Sidonians 
 had acquired, in the veiy first ages, on the other. 
 
 * Mona Antiqua, p. 92 ; and PI. V. fig. 2. 
 
 t bee Ware's Antiquities of Ireland, p. no. PI. I. fig. 1. 
 
 / 
 
225 
 
 This resemblance of the Cromlech, is on the Syrian coast ; and 
 
 is the very instance I alluded to, of traces of these customs existing 
 amongst the more civilized nations of antiquity. — And its existence 
 carries the more weight with it ; because the curious Traveller, who 
 first gave us the full account of it, had manifestly no right idea of its 
 real design and use himself, to occasion any bias in his description ; 
 although his words are such, that when we have once become at all 
 acquainted with these kind of Structures, it is impossible not to be 
 struck instantly with the strong resemblance. 
 
 I shall therefore, the rather give the account in his own words.* 
 Describing the situation of the antient Arpftad of Scripture ; the 
 Aradus of the Greeks and Romans ; our most intelligent traveller, 
 Maundrell, says, adding at the same time, that its inhabitants were 
 Jamousjor navigation, (and therefore, we may conclude, might very 
 probably be the very ancestors of the Mexicans), that, " the first 
 " Antiquity that we here observed, was a large Dike, 30 yards oyer 
 " at top, cut into the firm rock. Its sides went sloping down, with 
 " stairs formed out of the natural rock, descending gradually from 
 " the top to the bottom. This Dike stretched in a direct line, east 
 " and west, more than a furlong, bearing still the same figure of 
 " stairs, running in right lines all along its sides. It broke off at last 
 " at a flat marshy ground, extending about two furlongs betwixt it 
 " and the sea. It is hard to imagine that the water ever flowed up 
 " thus high ; and harder (without supposing that) to resolve, for 
 " what reason all this pains of cutting the rock in such a fashion, 
 " was taken. 
 
 " This Dike was on the north side of the Serpent Fountain ; and 
 "just on the other side of it, (that is plainly on the south side of 
 " the Serpent Fountain), we espied another Antiquity, which took 
 " up our next observation. 
 
 " There was a Court of 55 yards (l 65 feet) square, cut in the 
 " natural rock ; the sides of the rock standing round it, about 3 yards 
 " high, supplying the place of walls. On three sides it was thus 
 *' encompassed ; but, to the northward, it lay open. In the centre 
 " of this area, was a square part of the rock left standing ; being 3 
 
 * Maundrell's Travels, p. 20. 
 S M 
 
226 
 
 " yards high, and 5 J yards (or 1 6J feet) square. — This served for a 
 " pedestal to a Throne erected upon it. 
 
 " The Throne was composed of four large Stones, two at the sides, 
 " one at the back, another hanging over all the top, in the manner of 
 " A Canopy. The whole Structure was about 20 feet high, fronting 
 " towards that side where the Court was open. 
 
 " The Stone that made the canopy was 5* yards square, [i. e. above 
 "17 feet, or 1 7 feet 3 inches). And was carved round with an hand- 
 " some cornish. 
 
 " What all this might be designed for, we could not imagine; 
 " unless, perhaps, the Court may pass for an idol Temple, and the 
 " pile in the middle for the throne of the idol : which seems the more 
 " probable, in regard that Hercules, the great abomination of the 
 " Phoenicians, was wont to be adored in an open temple. 
 
 " At the two innermost angles of the Court, and likewise on the 
 " open side, were left Pillars of the natural rock ; three at each of 
 " the former, and two at the latter." 
 
 Now, here we may plainly observe, in the first instance, that the 
 idea of a Throne having been intended to be formed by the great 
 stones, and that which overhangs in the manner of a canopy ; has no 
 more authority, nor any better support for it, than the idea of the 
 stones at Kit's Cotty House having been put together, in the man- 
 ner they are, merely to form a Mich, or Cell; or a Kebla, or Kislvaen; 
 which the whole of the Structure shews to have been almost an im- 
 possible design ; and which idea has not the least countenance from 
 any records of antient history, or from any well applied similarity 
 of antient usages whatever. 
 
 And we may also observe, at the same time, that the words of 
 the description, that the whole was composed of four large stones, two at 
 the sides, one at the back, and another hanging over all at the top," 
 
 * All Maundrell's descriptions, die more they have been examined by subsequent 
 travellers, are found to be minutely exact, and good ; but the drawings, and engravings, 
 designed to illustrate his account (for want of having had skill in drawing himself, or any 
 able draughtsman to attend him), are known to be as bad. I have ventured, therefore, fol- 
 lowing closely the words of bis own description, to endeavour to represent, in a slight 
 Etching, PI. ^. a little more fairly, what he seems to have intended to describe. Follow- 
 ing, very nearly upon a regular scale, the proportions which he himself has given us, in his 
 description ; and the ideas which his own words fairly convey to our minds. And I can- 
 
227 
 
 plainly lead us to understand, that this was indeed a Cromlech, or 
 Altar, of nearly the very same form and kind, with that which we 
 have been considering, in Kent. And these words so very nearly 
 resembling those by which our own Antiquarians have so fre- 
 quently, and so inaccurately, described Kit's Cotty House, lead us 
 to suspect, that in this instance, in Syria, the stones may really be 
 placed just as in the Remain we have been considering, in Kent ; 
 that is, two on the sides, leaning a little towards each other; one 
 near the middle, transversely to support them ; and one great stone 
 on the top, in a position a little inclined or sloping, and hanging, or 
 projecting, over the rest, on all sides : though the circumstance of 
 the sloping of the top stone is not mentioned by Maundrell ; and 
 though, like our own Antiquarians, he might conceive the middle 
 stone, from the deception of the appearance, to have been placed at 
 the back part of the structure. 
 
 And if this be the case, then we have still remaining, in the 
 country of the antient Phoenicians (which was the real original 
 source of so many of the abominations that spread forth upon the 
 face of the earth), a specimen of the very kind of Altars that were 
 used (as Maundrell well observes, in open temples], for the horrid 
 human sacrifices, that we know were introduced in the earliest 
 ages, amongst the detestable Superstitions of theTyrians, and Sido- 
 nians ; and were, by the British and Gaulish descendants of cor- 
 rupted Patriarchs, continued long in use, in these parts of Europe. 
 
 not but add, that the two Stone Pillars, like Towers, which he describes as seen at some 
 distance ; and which have most remarkable sepulchres annexed to them ; may probably, on 
 account of some celebrated persons there interred in the most antient ages, have had some 
 connection with those horrid rites, that may have been here performed. 
 
 Pococke saw this same most extraordinary remain ; and was well convinced of its high 
 antiquity : but following Maundrell's idea, of a cell, or throne, he has rather perplexed than 
 elucidated the account ; by taking two projections of stone, for seals on each side, in the 
 throne. Whilst indeed, the representation he has given dees not well agree even with the 
 words of his own description ; and whilst he also evidently seems too hasty, in giving plans 
 of door cases, in the Court, where Maundrell positively speaks only of plain stone pillars ; 
 and where even Pococke himself does not venture to affirm that he saw any thing else. 
 The plans of the door cases, seem to have proceeded merely from the imaginations of 
 Pococke's Engravers here in England. And as to the rest, he himself says, plainly enough, 
 the throne consisted only of four stones; — and yet he has represented its inside, as if it con- 
 sisted of many. See Pococke's Travels, Vol. II. p. 80s. PI. XXX. fig. T. 
 
228 
 
 The height and dimensions of the edifice very nearly correspond 
 with those of the Structure in Kent : for the whole being about 20 
 feet high ; and the piece of rock left for the base, being 3 yards, or 
 9 feet high : the Cromlech itself will be found to be only about 1 1 
 feet in height ; whilst the platform, or top stone, was about 1 7 feet 
 square ; that is only a very little larger than Kit's Cotty House. 
 And this top stone, having a sort of cornice carved round it, is only 
 a proof of the addition of a small degree of art added, by the 
 Tyrians, to these kind of structures ; in the same manner as we 
 find some degree of art was introduced here by the Britons, in a 
 different instance, to form the tenons, and mortices, at Stone Henge : 
 but the whole still, from Maundrell's plain description, clearly has 
 the appearance of a Cromlech. 
 
 It cannot have escaped the notice of any curious person, compar- 
 ing antiquities of a similar kind together, that here also is found a 
 regular area, formed as a sort of Court, or sacred place, round the 
 Cromlech ; and also rude stone pillars, placed in certain order : all 
 which bears an affinity with Druidical Remains. 
 
 The whole Court also was open towards the same point of the com- 
 pass to which the front of the Altar was directed: and therefore open 
 towards that remarkable range of Rock, cut into regular terraces, or 
 steps, which Maundrell calls a large Dike ; but which seems obvi- 
 ously to have been a range of terraces, like the benches, or risings 
 of a theatre, designed to hold an immense number of spectators : — 
 which might indeed have been used for a sort of Circus ; — and from, 
 and near which, all that passed on this horrid Cromlech might ever 
 be clearly visible ; just as the Cromlech called Kit's Cotty House, in 
 Kent, is so placed, as to be exposed, in the fullest manner, to the 
 view of numberless spectators, at anytime, in any part of the mag- 
 nificent adjacent amphitheatre of hills. 
 
 Having found, therefore, such a resemblance of the Cromlech, 
 both in Phoenicia, and amongst those barbarous nations who we 
 have reason to think were descended from the Phoenicians ; though 
 so long since removed to Mexico ; and having seen what horrid 
 rites still remained in use there, within a very few centuries ; and 
 knowing not only that the Britons were descended from the same 
 common ancestors, but had, also, long intercourse with the Phoeni- 
 
229 
 
 cians ; we may now, in a more satisfactory manner, proceed td 
 examine what other Remains of this kind exist ; the works of the 
 aboriginal inhabitants of this country, who, as well as the Gauls, 
 we are assured, by writers of the greatest authority, practised, in 
 their fullest extent, such kind of abominations. 
 
 Besides the passages asserting the fact concerning these abomina- 
 tions, in the writings of Caesar, Diodorus, and Strabo, we find 
 Tacitus asserting, " that the Britons held it right, to sacrifice, on their 
 " Altars, with the blood of their captives; and to consult the gods by 
 " the inspection of human /muscles; orj entrails."* 
 
 And it ought not to pass unnoticed, that our curious, indefati- 
 gable, home traveller, Mr. Pennant, at the same time that he seems 
 too hastily to approve of Dr. Borlase's idea, that these Cromleches 
 were not Altars ;— because there was not room, upon them, for fires 
 and surrounding Druids; nor was the sloping suited to the placing 
 piles of wood for fires; (in which last particular I perfectly agree 
 with him) ;— yet records a fact of great importance, as a useful 
 testimony, on the present occasion ;— for he says,+ almost all (the 
 Cromleches) which I have seen, have an inclination.— Which 
 plainly shews how well they were adapted to the dire augurino- and 
 consulting, by the flowing of the blood, as mentioned by Strabo 
 
 And at the same time, and in the same page, he mentions the 
 famous Cromlech, called the Pierre Levee, near Poitiers in France 
 which will be hereafter more particularly mentioned ; and which is 
 at once a stupendous specimen % of this kind of Structure, existing 
 where we have a right to expect to find such an one ; that is in the 
 country of the antient Gauls; and has its whole form such, as is'a con- 
 firmation of all that has been remarked. 
 
 But whilst I venture to say, that Mr. Pennant was too hasty in 
 assenting to Dr. Borlase's idea, that Cromleches were not Altars ■ I 
 ought, at the same time, to observe, that Borlase has himself in this 
 instance, even aided us to confute his own ideas. For (as Mr Pegge 
 has judiciously observed),} it appears most plainly, on considering 
 all that he has written, that he had, at last, in reality, this very notim 
 
 ' Taciei Annales, lib. xiv. sect. 50. + Tour in Wales, Vol. H, p. S37 . 
 
 ;ia, Vol. IV. p. in. 
 
 t Braunii Civitat. v. l!. 
 
230 
 
 of them himself, in part ; and could not but acknowledge that they 
 were Altars, in some instances. 
 
 Describing a vast rude stone, or mass of rock,* I 9 feet long, shelving 
 on the top, round which there is a circle of rude and unequal stones, 
 and which has every appearance of having been a sort of mere 
 natural Cromlech, requiring no other stones to support it ; he has no 
 scruple to pronounce this, at once, to have been really an Altar. 
 
 This extraordinary Remain is on the Island of Trescaw, amongst 
 the Scilly Islands. And it is represented, PI. IX. fig. 2, as a fit 
 companion to the horrid Altar in Kent. 
 
 And it may be added that, the word Cromlech, in its very etymo- 
 logy, really implies a place of superstitious devotion, by means of 
 sacrifice, and auspicy. For Rowland has, with much learning and 
 judgment, observed,* that the antient word Crom-lech, by which so 
 many of these structures are now, by tradition, known, is derived 
 from Caeraem-lech ; i. e. indeed from the Hebrew mi am (or Ciserem- 
 luach), a devoted Stone, or Altar. 
 
 Having produced such a confirmation of the existence of shelving, 
 and sloping Altars, and of their designation for some sort of sacri- 
 fices, even from the acknowledgment of Borlase himself ; there 
 needs but little else to be added, for the illustration of this subject, 
 than a simple detail of the plain accounts given of some few other 
 Cromleches, that are to be met with in different parts. Only it ought 
 not to be forgotten, that the horrible usage of human sacrifices con- 
 tinued amongst the Britons, even to the very time of the carnage 
 and destruction of the Druids themselves, by Suetonius Paulinus, 
 in the Isle of Anglesey. 
 
 Tacitus % has given us to understand, that, when the Romans 
 approached, the Britons had great sacrificing fires near at hand ; 
 designed for human sacrifices ; into which both they, and their 
 Druids, were at last themselves thrown, by their conquerors. These 
 fires are what we may conceive were generally lighted on the flat 
 stones, lying on the ground, like that near Kit's Cotty House, and 
 that at Stone Henge. The words of Tacitus are brief, but descrip- 
 tive in a most characteristic manner. — Injerunt signa, sternuntque 
 
 * Antiquities of Cornwall, p. «oo. t In his Mora Antiqua, p. «• 69. 
 
 X Annal. lib. xiv. sect. 3 0. 
 
231 
 
 obvios, et igni suo invobunt. And with regard to the British Sacri- 
 fices, has been well applied, the nervous description ; Crepitantque 
 preces, Altaria Jumant ; alluding both to their chattering prayers; 
 and to the wood of the fires of their Altars crackling ; and smok- 
 ing, with the horrid miserable burnings, of the bodies of men, 
 women, and children.* 
 
 It is a most remarkable fact, that an instance existed of an human 
 sacrifice, in the northern parts of this Island, even so late as about 
 the year eight hundred and ninety-three. 
 
 For when Einar, Thane, or Earl of Caithness, had made captive 
 Haldanus, Prince of Norway : with horrible solemnity a sacrifice 
 was prepared ; and Haldanus, the destined victim, was made an offer- 
 ing to Odin: and upon his remains a tumulus of stones was raised, 
 to perpetuate the memory of the event. + 
 
 And consistently with this horrible account of this custom being 
 so long continued, we find, that in the western parts of Island, or 
 Iceland, in the province of ' Thornesthing, there was a Circle of Stone, 
 where tradition has preserved the record that men were sacrificed^ 
 after they had been killed at a vast stone placed therein. J 
 
 As to the instances of Cromleches still remaining ;— we meet with 
 them, in the first place, in the very spot where, of all others, we 
 might most naturally expect to find them ; and that is in the Isle of 
 Anglesey itself. 
 
 At Plas Newydd, not far from the present ferry that forms one 
 of the passes into Anglesey, is a vast double Cromlech ; of which I 
 have ventured to borrow a Representation, in the first place, from 
 Mr. Pennant. § PI. X. fig. l. 
 
 The upper, or higher part, consists of a vast stone, (according to 
 Mr. Pennant's measures, and those mentioned by Mr. Gouo-h), 12 
 feet 7 inches long ; J 2 broad ; and 4 thick ; supported apparently 
 some years ago, by five tall stones, near the upper end, but now only 
 by three ; one 5, the other 3, and the third Sj feet high:|| which 
 
 « See also Mona An.iqua, p . , 6 . „ f „. + See ^ ^ ^ ^ 
 
 Torfceus, published at (he end of Cordiner's Antiquities of Scotland, sect. i. p. 
 t Arngnm. ex Eyrbyggia, Worm. Mon. Dan. p. 27. 
 } Tour in Wales, Vol. II. p . a37 . 
 
 II See, as to these facts, Gough's Camden, Vol. II. p. 569, 
 
232 
 
 were, most probably, its only original supports, the rest being, here, 
 as in other instances, merely appendant ornaments, and therefore 
 easily thrown down. The lower part of this double Cromlech, con- 
 sists of another great stone, barely separated from the first ; which 
 is nearly a square, of about 5f feet, or almost 6 feet ; and is sup- 
 ported in like manner by three stones, (one, that for some time 
 formed the appearance of a fourth, being now thrown down). * 
 
 Mr. Pennant, on his mention of this curious Remain, adopts, (as 
 has been just mentioned), Dr. Borlase's idea of Cromleches being Kist- 
 vaens, or mere Cells for interment. But it is very remarkable, that 
 (as it were in full confutation of his own, and Borlase's conclusion), 
 he immediately proceeds to describe + an exceeding large Carncd.de, 
 (which indeed was manifestly a sepulchre, or burying place), just 
 by the spot ; which he most unaccountably conceives to have been 
 a prison, for confining prisoners for sacrifice: retaining strangely 
 some idea of the real use of the Cromlech, whilst he both falls into 
 Dr. Borlase's unfortunate error ; and more strangely mistakes a deep 
 buried sepulchre, for a prison for living condemned captives. 
 
 Rowland says J the Carnedde, near this Cromlech, is one of the 
 largest Carneddes in the Isle of Anglesey : in his time hardly to be 
 discerned and distinguished from a mount of earth ; the stones being 
 overgrown with earth, and moss ; and great trees growing thick 
 upon it. And that it stands in a dry bottom ; and without any 
 pillars now standing by it. 
 
 Since Rowland's time, on its being opened, there has been found, 
 underneath, a Cell, about 7 feet long, and 3 wide, covered with two 
 flat stones, and lined with others : and much more truly resembling 
 a Kistuaen, than the cavity under the Cromlech could ; and indeed 
 much fitter for a tomb, than for a prison. 
 
 And truly that Carneddes, or great and high heap of stones, so 
 called, did really cover Tombs, we have a strong proof, from what 
 
 * There is an imperfect representation, and description of it, given by Rowland, 
 in the Mona Antiqua, p. 93. 99. The measures there mentioned seem, however, to be 
 very inaccurate. But indeed the great inequalities in the height of the several stones, from 
 the inequalities of their position, and of the under surface of the incumbent stone, may easily 
 occasion mistakes. 
 
 + Tour in Wales, Vol. II. p. ssl. ; Mona Antiqua, p. 9 J. 
 
£2 , , PLX. 
 
233 
 
 appeared on opening another large one in the Isle of Anglesey, not 
 very far from this very spot. 
 
 For here was found * a passage, 3 feet wide ; 4f feet high ; and 
 about 1 9| feet long ; which led into a room of an irregular hexagonal 
 form, having the sides composed of six rude slabs, (one of which 
 measured diagonally 8 feet 9 inches) ; and this little room was cover- 
 ed by one stone near 10 feet in diameter, which was also supported 
 by a rude stone pillar in the middle, 4 feet 8 inches in circumfe- 
 rence ; whilst all round the sides of the room was a stone bench, on 
 which were found human bones, that fell to dust almost at a touch. 
 
 To return therefore to the fair consideration of our original Car- 
 nedde, and Cromlech ; we have here obviously, the great Cromlech, 
 for slaughter, with an adjoining lesser Altar ; and a great monu- 
 mental heap of Stones, or Carnedde, near at hand, under which 
 was some remarkable interment, designed to be kept in remem- 
 brance ; and originally perhaps connected with some dire sacrifice 
 here performed. 
 
 And indeed, thus far we may fully accede to Dr. Borlase's idea, 
 as to allow, that though Cromleches were not, ar-he supposes, them- 
 selves actual Sepulchres ; or mere monumental Structures ; yet that, 
 both in this instance, and in many others, they were often origi- 
 nally connected closely with places of Sepulture. Because it is well 
 known, that in antient times, amongst the Druids, as well as in the 
 East, horrible human sacrifices, such as might be offered on these 
 Cromleches, were performed at the barrows, and graves, of great 
 Chieftains. 
 
 In PI. i is given another View of this great Cromlech, at Plas- 
 Newydd, as seen on the other side, whilst all the five supporting 
 stones, near the upper end, were standings 
 
 And for the more perfect explanation of the nature of this double 
 Cromlech, I have obtained more exact dimensions of all the parts, 
 than could be had before ; which are here given : whilst the out- 
 lines of the Stones are also annexed in PI. —. 
 
 3 
 
 * Gough's Camden, Vol. II. p. 5 7 o . Pennant's Tour in Wales, Vol. II. p. 262. 
 
 + Willi this very curious and explanatory Representation, as also with the measures of 
 the several parts, I was furnished by Paul Panton, Esq. a gentleman most accurate in his 
 investigations, and of much erudition, who lives not far from the spot. 
 
 S O 
 
234 
 
 A. shews the form of the top stone of the larger part of the 
 Cromlech, at Plas-newydd ; and its dimensions across, in different 
 parts. From whence it appears, that it is 12 feet 9 inches long ; and 
 1 3 feet 2 inches broad, in the broadest part : whilst its greatest depth, 
 or thickness, is 5 feet.— Its contents, therefore, in cubic feet, and 
 decimal parts, cannot be less than S92, 8 7 S , 1 2 5 .—And as the specific 
 gravity of one cubic inch of this stone is as 1 . 6, in avoirdupois 
 ounces, it follows, that the weight of this mass must be no less than 
 30 tons, 7 hundreds, and 4 pounds. 
 
 The two following sets of numbers, shew both the breadths, and 
 the depth, or thickness, in different parts. 
 
 B,Cddth - Depth or Thickness. 
 
 Ft - J°- Ft. In. 
 
 13 2 
 
 5 7 
 
 •19 4 5 
 
 11 i 3 
 
 10 3 3 6 
 
 8 9 3 
 
 6 3 4 
 
 4 9 
 
 1 
 
 The other figures, No. 1, 2, 3, 4, shew the outlines of the four 
 stones that support the North end. — And their dimensions are as 
 follows : 
 
 
 No. 
 
 l. 
 
 No. 2. 
 
 No. 3. 
 
 No. 
 
 4. 
 
 
 Ft. 
 
 In. 
 
 Ft. In. 
 
 Ft. In. 
 
 Ft. 
 
 In. 
 
 Length - 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 5 6 
 
 4 5 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 Breadth 
 
 4 
 
 S 
 
 5 6 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 Thickness 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 1 6 
 
 1 3 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 And the figures No. 5, and 6, shew the outlines of the supporters 
 of the South end ; one of which, No. 6, at present lies lengthways, 
 on the ground. 
 
 No. 5. No. 6. 
 
 Ft. In. Ft. In. 
 
 Length - 4 10 - ■ . 50 
 Breadth -39 - - 26 
 
 Thickness - 2 - - 2 
 
235 
 
 And it is very remarkable, that both this top stone, and its sup- 
 porters, are of one and the same kind of stone ; and must have 
 been carried, or rolled, more than a mile ; as there is no stone of 
 that sort to be found near the spot. 
 
 B. represents the outline of the top stone of the smaller, or lower, 
 part of the Cromlech. — And its dimensions are, 
 
 Ft. In. 
 
 In length, - - 6 
 
 In breadth, - -57 
 It has at present only three supporters ; but there are three other 
 large stones, of the same kind, lying underneath ; which seem to 
 have been intended for supporters ; or at least to have had the 
 appearance of supporters in antient time. And these are what 
 occasion the apparent confusion and disagreement in the drawings 
 and descriptions of this Cromlech* — The three supporters of the 
 lesser Stone, which are now standing as such, are, 
 
 Ft. In. 
 
 In length, about - - 4 4 
 And in breadth, about - -30 
 Another double Cromlech, not less extraordinary, near an house 
 called Trevor, about two miles and a half from Beaumaris, in the road 
 to Plasgtayn, is represented PI. XI. 
 
 This Remain fully conveys that marvellous idea of stupendous 
 danger, and horror, which was ever in the minds of those wretched 
 Gentiles, whose corrupt superstition destined human victims to 
 appease their false deities, and to grace the obsequies of their fierce 
 Chieftains. The only material difference between this Cromlech, and 
 the former, is, that the second, or inferior Altar is placed a little fur- 
 ther off from its lower end ;t and that its top is somewhat gibbose. 
 
 * It cannot but be remembered that Mr. Pennant, who is so generally accurate, describes 
 the larger stone as supported by five stones ; and the smaller one as supported by four , — 
 whilst Rowland represents only three supporters to each stone; — and Mr. Gough says of 
 the great one, it rested on Jive stones, bit one being detached, and another thrown down, four only 
 bear Us weight at present; which leaves us in suspense whether there were five, or even six 
 supporters to the great Stone. See Pennant's Tour in Wales, Vol. II. p. 237. Mona 
 Anliqua, p. 03 and 99. Gough's Camden, Vol. II. p. 5fi8, 569. 
 
 + I was favoured with this curious Drawing also, and die dimensions of the whole, 
 from Mr. Panton, whose house is at Plasgwyn. 
 
23 6 
 
 This latter circumstance, however, is a peculiarity of some of the 
 Cromleches, which may be suspected to have been rather of the later 
 ages ; and is so conspicuous in one called the Giants' Coit, in Corn- 
 wall, as to render it exceeding difficult for any one to stand upon it 
 at all. On which account Mr. Maton, who describes it,* was led to 
 adopt Dr. Borlase's idea of all Cromleches being mere Sepulchres. 
 
 Of the double Cromlech, near Plasgwyn ; C and D, PI. —, mark 
 the outlines, on a larger scale, of the two top stones ; as far as out- 
 lines can be marked of such irregular masses. And their dimen- 
 
 sions are as follows : 
 
 C. D. 
 
 Ft. In. Ft. In. 
 
 ("Length 7 4| - 8 6 
 
 Mean< Breadth 7 1 0-J - - 8 
 
 [Thickness 2 4 - - 16 
 
 And the dimensions of the supporters of these Stones, of which 
 that marked (C) has four in number, are 
 
 No. 1. No. s. No. s. No. 4. 
 
 Ft. In. Ft. In. Ft. In. Ft. In. 
 
 Length 7 2 - 7 - 5 6 - 4 8- 
 
 Breadth 56 - 3 3 - 3 6 - 40 
 
 Thickness 10 - 20 - 08 - 12 
 
 And the supporters of that marked (D), of which two only now 
 remain, though it is supposed there were others, that have been 
 carried away ; are in dimensions, 
 
 No. 1. No. 2. 
 
 Ft. In. Ft. In. 
 
 Length - 7 - - 5 6 
 
 Breadth - 4 - - 6 
 
 Thickness 10 - - 10 + 
 
 In the same Island of Anglesey also, we have another very 
 
 * Matan's Observations on the Western Counties, Vol. I. p. 225. He was led also to 
 form the same conclusion, because no steps to ascend any of them appear, any where, to re- 
 main. But this can be no objection at all ; as we have full reason to believe that the antient 
 Gentiles used ladders merely for their Altars ; since there is a most express prohibition of such 
 usage, in the Divine Law of Moses, in words attended with circumstances that could relate 
 only to a ladder. Exodus, chap. xx. ver. 26. 
 
 t I have given all these measures arranged exactly as they were given to me. 
 
237 
 
 remarkable double Cromlech ; which seems to have escaped the 
 notice of the curious Rowland. It is in the parish of Boddedern, 
 in the second field opposite the ninth milestone from Holyhead.* 
 The larger stone is about 10 feet by 8, and 2| feet thick; appa- 
 rently resting on four stones, the highest whereof is 5 feet. The 
 smaller stone, which formed the second, or lower part of the Crom- 
 lech, stood on three stones, and was about 9 feet square, but is now 
 thrown down. 
 
 There are also remains of a double Cromlech, on the hill over- 
 looking Holyhead. + 
 
 And Rowland mentions remains of not less than six other 
 Cromleches,J in the same island ; one of which, was also clearly 
 a double one. 
 
 We find therefore even still, dire traces of the barbarous customs 
 of the Druids in Anglesey, their last established residence, numerous 
 enough to convince us, that if indeed their sacrificing fires, on the 
 landing of the Romans, appeared to be so many; there might also 
 have been as many of these kind of adjacent Altars, or scaffolds, des- 
 tined for the slaughter of their victims. § 
 
 * SeeGough's Camden, Vol. II. p. 57 2. + Ibid. p. 571. 
 
 X Mona Antiqua, p. 92, 93. 
 
 $ I cannot but just remark, on this occasion, that when Germanicus approached the 
 hideous spot in Germany, where Varus and his army had been destroyed ; they saw the 
 skulls of men placed on the trunks of trees : and in the adjacent groves, the savage AUars, 
 where, of the Tribunes and principal Centurions, the Barbarians had made an horrible 
 immolation, 
 
 4t Truncis arborum antefixa ora ; lucis propinquis barbaiEe arae, apud quas tribunos, ac 
 " primorum ordinum centuriones mactaverant." || 
 
 So similar were the customs of all these countries ; which were, in those days, deemed 
 the barbarous parts of Europe. Where were retained, in a corrupted state, primaeval 
 usages ; to which had been added every kind of cruelty, and abomination, that savage fero- 
 city could, in the course of time, engraft upon observances that iiad even previously been 
 perverted by ignorance and superstition. 
 
 And as sacred Groves and Altars are here mentioned as existing in Germany ; so it 
 is well known that Groves of Oak were a remarkable appendage to many of the Druidical 
 Altars, and sacred spots, in Britain. 
 
 The Oaks, indeed, belonging to most of these sacred places, are now all hewnJown. But 
 such Groves we know, from the testimony of many historians, did once exist. And 
 
 || Taciti Annalium, lib. i. sec. 61. 
 3 P 
 
2.38 
 
 We also meet with such Remains in other parts of Wales ; where 
 we might fairly most readily expect they should the rather exist ; 
 because it was the last and safest retreat of the Britons. And indeed 
 the existence of such Remains here, is a strong proof, amongst others, 
 that they were undoubtedly Structures of British origin, and not 
 raised (as has been sometimes supposed), by the Danes; because, in 
 truth, the Danes never reached these parts at all, any more than 
 they did the Highlands of Scotland ; where similar edifices are also 
 
 Rowland + has very clearly shewn, that the reverence for them was derived from an imita- 
 tion of the most antient sacred ideas ; though most grossly corrupted. For some of the first 
 sacred places on record, were Groves of Oak, or other thick trees. — Amidst such Almighty 
 God himself appeared to Adam, and to the Patriarchs ; — there Angels were entertained ; — 
 there Covenants were formed; — and there Oblations, and Sacrifices, were offered. 
 
 The veneration, however, which the consideration of these circumstances had first occa- 
 sioned, soon carried the abuse of the idea, concerning the sacredness of Groves, to such an 
 excess; that at last, in abhorrence of that abuse, a Divine Command was even given, not 
 to plant any Grove at all near the Temple, or Altar, of the only true God. 
 
 The name also, as well as the thing, became, in time, horribly perverted ; insomuch that 
 one of the most serious objects of reformation, to the religious Kings of Israel, andjudah, 
 was to destroy those appendages to idolatrous worship, which were called Groves ; although 
 it now does most plainly appear, that such Groves (notwithstanding the affinity of the word 
 both in antient, and modern language) could not be Groves of Trees. 
 
 We read} of a Grove (to aXo-os), which Josiah brought out from the house of the Lord, 
 unto the brook Kidron, and burnt it at the brook Kidron, and slampt it small to powder. 
 
 We read also of the setting up of Groves; spoken of in exactly the same words as the setting 
 up of idols. § 
 
 And again of the making of Groves, as an artificial work ; just as the making of idols is 
 spoken of. || 
 
 Ahab, it is said, made a Grove.** 
 
 And we are told H the Israelites set them up images, and Groves, under every green tree, 
 which surely distinguishes such groves, from any plantation ; and shews them to have been 
 carved works, as much as the images to which they belonged. 
 
 And indeed, from the expedition, and silence, with which Gideon is recorded, in the book 
 °f Judges, tt 10 na ve cut down the Grove that was by the Altar of Baal, as well as to have 
 thrown down the Altar itself (which probably was of stone, somewhat like those at Stone 
 HengeJ ; and from the wood of the Grove being not more than sufficient to afford wood for 
 one sacrifice ; and from its being dried wood, fit for such a purpose, we may form just the 
 same conclusion. 
 
 + Mona'Antiqua, p. 5 6. } 2 Kings, chap, xxiii. ver. 6. £ 2 Chronicles, 
 
 chap, xxxiii. ver. 19. || Ibid. chap, xxxiii. ver. 3. ** l Kings, chap. xvi. 
 
 ver. 33. +t 2 Kings, chap. xvii. ver. ro. ii Judges, chap. vi. ver. Si, 26, 
 
 n, 2J. 
 
239 
 
 met with, and are called, even at present, Chapels, and Temples:* 
 and what is more remarkable still, are sometimes denominated by a 
 rude phrase in the language of the country, which signifies a throne; 
 an Oracle; or place of Address ; + — just as Maundrell was led, and, 
 probably, somewhat by the language of his interpreters in Syria, 
 to call the Cromlech, he there saw on the coast, not far from Tyre, a 
 Throne. 
 
 In Merionethshire, between Barmouth and Harlech,% (in which 
 latter place, tradition says a British Chief resided, § in an old square 
 tower, even to the latest times of their maintaining their independ- 
 ance) ; and at no great distance from Cader Idris, and very near to 
 two antient British fortresses, called Cast ell Dinas Gortin, and Gastell 
 Craig y Dinas, there stands, on a vast Carnedde, or heap of loose 
 stones, which is 5 5 feet rbng, and 12 high, a great double Cromlech 
 Altar, at the east end ; which is composed of two sloping stones, 
 one placed over the edge of the other, upon five flat upright Stones, 
 7 feet high in one part, and 4 feet 10 in the lowest. And about 8 
 yards from this is found, lying flat on the Carnedde, without the 
 appearance of any support, another great flat stone that looks like 
 the upper stone of a Cromlech. We have therefore here, a Cromlech 
 raised on a great mound, or terrace ; which shews no small analogy 
 between it, and the one described by Maundrell near Tyre ; and 
 have also a large flat Stone near adjacent, fit for a fire hearth, or 
 Altar for burning, as at Kit's Cotty House, and at Stone Henge, placed 
 on the ground: — and here, as at Kit's Cotty House, placed to the 
 westward. 
 
 Eleven yards further, is another great heap of Stones ; having 
 also a larger Cromlech supported with upright Stones, which is 
 now converted into a retreat for a shepherd. And a little further on 
 was still another vast Cromlech, whose incumbent stone was 1 2 feet 
 by 9. And about half a mile from this spot, are two remarkable 
 Druid Circles, one of which has the upright stones placed in pairs. 
 All of which circumstances put together, plainly shew the original 
 entirely superstitious designation of this place ; and that there were 
 
 * Gough's Camden, Vol. II, p. 521. 
 
 ■f See some curious observations of Dr. Garden's, in die Archaeologia, Vol. I. p. 315. 
 % Pennant's Journey to Snowdon, p. 11 1. 120. $ See also Mona Antiqua, p. 148. 
 
240 
 
 here, on certain occasions, more than one horrid fire, as well as in 
 Anglesey, when the Romans brought the final vengeance on the 
 whole Druidical race. 
 
 At no great distance from this spot also, in a place called Bryn- 
 y-Voel, is another great Cromlech ; the upper stone of which is 1 6 
 feet 4 inches long,* and 7 feet 4 broad, and near 2 feet thick, which 
 is placed only 2 feet above the ground, supported by small stones, 
 and is (like the rock Cromlech mentioned in Cornwall), surrounded 
 with a Circle of loose stones. 
 
 In Caernarvonshire again, not far from Penmaen Mawr, on the 
 top of which mountain is a most celebrated and antient British for- 
 tress, we find, in the neighbourhood of several British Circles of 
 Stones, remains of a Cromlech ; which seems to have stood, like 
 that at Abury, in the centre of one of the Circles, And at about 
 the distance of a quarter of a mile is a large Carnedde.+ 
 
 In the same county also, near Ystymkiged, are three more Crom- 
 leches, joining to each other ; which Mr. Pennant supposed might 
 be Memorials of three Chieftains slain on the spot ; % though the 
 neighbourhood of a great Druidical Circle of thirty-eight Stones, 
 on Bwlch Craigwen, near Clenenney, seems much more strongly to 
 indicate that they were, in reality, appendant Altars, like those in 
 Anglesey, and Merionethshire. 
 
 In short, the whole Principality of Wales, where the Welch had 
 their last retreat, does, by the remains of its antiquities, speak one 
 uniform language in this point. 
 
 In Pembrokeshire, near Pentre Evan, in the parish of Nevern, 
 in the midst of a great Circle of Stones, 50 feet in diameter, is a vast 
 Cromlech, consisting of an upper stone, 1 S feet long, and 9 broad, 
 and 3 feet thick, supported by three large rude stones, about 8 feet 
 high, with five other apparent supporters, which do not at all con- 
 tribute to its support; and near it lies on the ground, another mass of 
 the same kind of stone, being a great slab, or sort of Altar, as it were 
 for fire, 10 feet long, and 5 broad ; which some persons have sup- 
 posed to have been broken off from the other. § 
 
 * Pennant's Journey to Snowdon, p. 112. 
 
 + Pennant's Tour in Wales, Vol. II. p. Jos. J Ibid. Vol. II. p. in. 
 
 $ Gough's Camden, Vol. II. p. 5 2 1. 
 
241 
 
 So in Brecknockshire, on the top of an hill, in the parish of 
 Llan-Hammwich, is a Cromlech composed of four large flatfish 
 rude stones ; three of them pitched in the ground, and the fourth laid 
 on them as a cover, forming a cell, open in front, about 8 feet long, 
 and 4 wide, and high.* 
 
 This seems to have been very nearly such a sort of edifice as Kit's 
 Cotty House. But having some rude marks, and cross lines, cut on 
 the side stones ; if those marks were not merely the rustic cuttings 
 of idle persons at various times, they seem to indicate (like the tenons 
 on the supporters at Stone Henge, and like the Cornich on the Crom- 
 lech, in Syria) , that this Cromlech, in Brecknockshire, was reared 
 in the ages when Druidism was wearing out. 
 
 In Cardiganshire, the well known remain called the Giantess's 
 Stoned is a vast mass, apparently supported by four other stones, 
 about 5 or 6 feet high ; besides which, it has two more pitched on 
 end like supporters, though too low to bear any of the weight, as is 
 most probably the case with the fourth stone. It stands on a small 
 eminence, in a plain open field ; and at a little distance are two, 
 or more, large stones lying on the ground, one of which might 
 serve for the fire hearth. Whilst, at some distance, is a sort of stone 
 of Memorial. 
 
 There is also in Cardiganshire, J in the parish of Lhan Goedmor, a 
 vast rude stone, 8 or 9 yards in circumference, and at least half a 
 yard thick, placed in a reclining position ; one side on the ground, 
 and the other supported by a stone about 3 feet high ; which seems 
 therefore, in its appearance, to have some resemblance to that which 
 Borlase calls the Altar Stone at Trescaw, in Stilly. 
 
 Not far from this is- another smaller, of the same kind ; and also 
 a Circle of Stones ; and five small Kistvaens uncovered, scarce 2 feet 
 long, formed of rude stones pitched in the ground. And about 6 
 yards from it lies a stone on the ground, which might serve for the 
 fire ; and there is also another lying at much the same distance be- 
 yond that, in a manner not very unlike the position of the two 
 great fiat Altar Stones, on the ground, at Stone Henge. 
 
 There is also a still larger stone of this sort, near Llan Edern, in 
 
 * Gough's Camden, Vol. II. p. 47 6. 4- Ibid. Vol. II. p. 528. 
 
 t Gougk's Camden, Vol. II. p. 5 28. Description of England, Vol. I. p. 28 J. 
 
 so. 
 
242 
 
 Glamorganshire, lying in this sloping position, -with one end on the 
 ground, and the other supported by a rude stone about 2 feet high. 
 It is somewhat of an irregular oval form, and is about 4 yards long, 
 and 2 broad.* 
 
 And there is besides this, in Glamorganshire, on a mountain 
 called Kevyn Bryn, two or three miles from Penrise, a rude stone of 
 prodigious size, about twenty ton weight, called Arthurs Stone, t 
 which appears to be supported by six or seven other stones about 4 
 feet high ; from which, being of the millstone kind, several frag- 
 ments have been broken off, from time to time, for use. 
 
 And on this occasion, we ought not, by any means, to forget the 
 three very remarkable Cromleches, mentioned by Mr. Brereton, as 
 standing in some grounds in the parish of St. Nicholas, about six- 
 teen miles eastward from Newton, in Glamorganshire. J 
 
 The upper stone of the first, is about IS feet long; and 15 
 broad ; and 2 I inches thick. And it is supported by three stones ; 
 the back, or middle one of which is near 1 5 feet broad. 
 
 The second is rather less in dimensions ; and sunk lower in the 
 ground. 
 
 The third is quite perfect, in its antient form ; and full S feet high. 
 
 All three stand on high ground ; open to the east ; and are in 
 full view of each other. 
 
 In Caermarthenshire, in Lhan Boudy parish, is a rude stone, 
 about 30 feet in circumference, and above 3 feet thick, supported 
 by four others, about 2i feet high. } 
 
 And as we find such stupendous Remains of these Cromleches, 
 in Wales, and particularly in Anglesey, where the Britons and 
 Druids had their last retreat. So, as we might reasonably expect, 
 there are still more remarkable Antiquities of this kind, in the Island 
 of Jersey ; where was another place of refuge, in their latter end ; 
 and which had been indeed an original establishment of the Druids, 
 perhaps even prior to the former, if we may judge from the rude- 
 ness of the Remains. 
 
 In St. Helier's parish, about a mile north-north-west from the 
 
 * Sec the account from LIuyd ; and in Gough's Camden, Vol. II. p. 5 28. 
 4- See also Gough's Camden, Vol. II. p. 503. 
 
 t Archaeologia, Vol. III. p. ii6. § Gough's Camd en. Vol. II. p. 510* 
 
243 
 
 town, on a rising ground, stands a great Cromlech, which consists* 
 of a vast stone, 1 1' 2 feet long, 10 broad, If foot thick, at the west 
 end, and above 2 feet at the east end, supported by three stones, each 
 near 5 feet high, and as much wide ; so that both its appearance 
 and size nearly resemble Kit's Cotty House ; and, like that, it has a 
 stone lying at a small distance on the ground, seeming to have been 
 an Altar for fire, about 7 feet long, and 5 feet broad. There is also 
 standing hard by, a sort of Stone of Memorial ; and one other. And 
 at about the distance of half a mile, was a Tumulus. 
 
 Again, on the south-east side of the town, on another Tumulus, 
 or small hill, is another Cromlech, consisting of a vast Stone ; 1 5 
 feet long, 6f feet broad, and 4 feet thick ; supported, like the for^ 
 mer, by three other great stones. And here again, at some small 
 distance to the west, and lying on the side of the Tumulus, on the 
 ground, is another great stone, which might serve as an Altar for 
 the fire, being 7 feet long, and 4 broad. There are also some other 
 large stones on the north side, now thrown down. And on the 
 east side is another, 1 2 feet long, 3| broad, and between 2 and 3 
 feet thick, now lying prostrate on others, but which, from its form 
 and dimensions, may be concluded to have stood erect formerly, and 
 to have been originally a Stone of Memorial. 
 
 Still further ;t on the town hill, is another Cromlech, consisting 
 of a stone 14 feet long, by 7f broad, and above 3 feet thick, sup- 
 ported ki appearance by five others. J On the east-south-east side 
 of which, stood a Circle of Stones. 
 
 And in Groville parish, near Mont Orgeuil Castle, on a Tumulus 
 
 * See Gough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 75 1. t Ibid. Vol. III. p. 7 5 I . 
 
 t This seems to be the same that is described in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1 7 84. 
 Vol. LIV. p. 809 ; but which is there said to be supported by six stones, about a feet from 
 the ground ; for it is very remarkable, that in the engraved figure, which accompanies that 
 description, there are only live supporters visible. 
 
 It should be mentioned also, though it seems 1 ardly proper to be made use of as any 
 illustration of the present subject, that in St. Martin's parish, in' Jersey, on a cliff near the 
 sea, within an oval circle of twenty-one erect stones, is a very singular Structure, consisting 
 of fourteen stones standing up in two rows, seven on each side, and supporting three large flat 
 stones, each of which are about 6 feet over. And there are also, two large stones at each 
 end, without the Circle— See Gough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 7 j l . 
 
 The Circle of Altars, discovered in 1 7 8 5 , on the top of an high rocky hill, near St. 
 Helier, has been already mentioned. 
 
244 
 
 in sight of the sea, is a Cromlech, formed of a stone 15 feet long, 1 Of- 
 fset broad, and 3| feet thick, supported by five others. 
 
 In the Island of Guernsey also, there are at least three Crom- 
 leches; in the part called- Lc Clos du Veil; one of which is called 
 La Pierre de Debus, and points east and west, and has the upper 
 stone 151 feet in length ; and 7 feet 4i inches in breadth ; and 4 
 feet 5f inches in thickness* 
 
 And there are traditions of such having been extant within 
 memory, in the Island of Jona, which probably derived its first ori- 
 ginal estimation for sanctity, like Anglesey itself; from having been 
 a Druid retreat and residence. A circle of stones, and a cairn found 
 there, confirm this idea.t 
 
 Next to these Islands of Anglesey, and Jersey, and Guernsey, and 
 to the Principality' of Wales, we may most reasonably expect to find 
 a considerable number of the Remains of these sort of Altars, in 
 Cornwall; where the aboriginal Britons maintained their ground 
 more firmly than in any other part of this country, except Wales. 
 And, indeed, here we do find them in such abundance, and they 
 have been so clearly described by Dr. Borlase, that there needs no 
 further mention of them, on this occasion, than a mere reference to 
 his whole account ; J wherein, however, it cannot but be observed, 
 that although he was so strangely led to adopt the idea of their being 
 Kislvaens, or mere chests, and tombs, for interment, yet the whole 
 tenor of his observations does really confirm all that has been here 
 said ; and he himself seems clearly to have been compelled, against 
 his will, to adopt the idea that some of them at least certainly were 
 Altars. 
 
 One of them, where he acknowledges there is no Kistvaen, is so 
 •remarkable, that I cannot but borrow a representation of it, PI. X. 
 fig. 2. for the more complete illustration, and confirmation, of all 
 that has been advanced. As on that account alone so very many of 
 these Remains in different parts, have already been so particularly, 
 and almost tediously, described, and enumerated. 
 
 * There is a slight representation of this Stone in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1736; 
 
 p. 3 7 3 . PI. II. fig. S . 
 
 t See Pennant's Voyage to the Hebrides, p. as 8, ssg. 
 ? Antiquities of Cornwall, p. ss3. 
 
245 
 
 This great Cromlech is situated at Lanyon, * in the parish of 
 Madern, in Cornwall; on an artificial bank of earth, not 2 feet 
 higher than the adjacent soil, but about 70 feet long, and 20 feet 
 wide, and extending in its length, north and south. The upper 
 stone is ] 9 feet long, and more than 47 feet in circumference : its 
 thickness on the eastern edge, is 1 foot 4 inches ; and on the western 
 edge, 2 feet. It is placed on four great stones, (one of which does 
 not appear from the figure to bear any part of the weight) ; and it 
 is placed so high, that a man can sit on horseback under it. At the 
 south end are many rough stones, placed without regular order, but 
 manifestly with some design. And at about 80 yards distance west- 
 north-west, there stands an high stone, like a stone of Memorial. 
 
 In the parish of Portisham, in Dorsetshire, + is a considerable 
 Cromlech, consisting of a Stone 10 feet in length, and 6 in breadth ; 
 apparently resting on nine others ; though it cannot be supposed 
 that they all contribute to support its weight. 
 
 Cromlcches also, as well as all other aboriginal Remains, conform- 
 able to British superstitions and usages' are to be met with in Scotland. 
 
 In Lothian, J south of the road to Falkirk, among the hills, is a 
 large Cromlech ; and near it a Circle of Stones, with one or two in 
 the centre; and on a neighbouring little eminence, is a conical 
 stone, set on its end. And in the country adjoining, are remains of 
 several Cairns. 
 
 At Oldeer also, not far from Inverugee, in the northern parts 
 of Scotland, on the top of an hill, is a Druidical Circle of Stones, 
 that has already been referred to on another occasion, where are 
 remaining three great stones} in the middle, that formerly sup- 
 ported a Cromlech of enormous size. And near this Circle are even 
 vestiges of Cells of the Druids. 
 
 In Ireland also, we find, as in other instances, so in this, strong 
 Remains of such edifices, and superstitious abominations, as are 
 conformable to the corruptions of those corrupted Patriarchs, from 
 whom both they and so many other western nations were derived. 
 
 In the county of Cork, at Castlemary, not far from Cloyne, is a 
 
 • See Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 231. 
 
 + Hutch. I. 5 3 3 ; and Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. 5). 
 
 t Gough's Camden, Vol. HI. p. 3 18. J Cordiner's Antiquities, p. ti. 
 
 3 R 
 
246 
 
 Cromlech, called Carig Croith, or the Sun's Rock; or Cot's Rock;" 
 which consists of a Stone 15 feet long, and 8 feet wide, supported 
 by three other large ones, at the height of 9 feet from the ground. 
 And near adjoining, lies on the ground a large round flag stone : so 
 that both in its dimensions, and form, and height, and even in one 
 of its names, as well as in the having this appendant hearth stone, 
 or Altar for fire, on the ground, it bears no small resemblance to 
 Kit's Colty House. 
 
 Again ; in the same county, two miles from Castle Hyde, is a 
 great double Cromlech, called Leaba Gaily ch, or the Warriors Bed; and 
 sometimes Labacally, or the Hag's Bed; + consisting first of a vast 
 stone, 17 feet long, 9 feet broad, and 3 thick, sloping to the edges ; 
 and supported by stones, some whereof are 6 feet high. Near to 
 which stands another stone, 1 1 feet long, and 7 feet wide, supported 
 also on upright stones ; and then a third, supported in like manner ; 
 7 feet square. And before them, at the west end, lies a fourth stone, 
 on the ground, as if for the fire hearth. Whilst the whole is in- 
 closed in a great circle of flag'stones standing erect. 
 
 From its old name, the Warrior's Bed, or the Hag's Bed, some 
 have been induced to suspect that here was some Tomb, or Inter- 
 ment. But if it ever was so ; these Altars seem plainly to have 
 been no Kistvaens, but designed for horrid sacrifices : as we well 
 know human sacrifices were offered at graves, in old times, on cer- 
 tain occasions ; and even at the tomb of Patroclus, by Achilles, who 
 we are taught to consider as one of the most potent, and most civi- 
 lized of the Grecians, in the time of the Trojan war. If, therefore, 
 any warrior, like Odin, was buried here ; it nevertheless does by no 
 means contradict the idea we are led to form concerning the abo- 
 minable use and design of these edifices : for, like Odin, he might 
 be honoured by abominable rites. Though it is much more likely, 
 that this antient name was given to this Cromlech, merely in con- 
 sequence of the frightful idea, which the superstitious rites of 
 idolatrous sorcery, and divination, here performed, conveyed to the 
 minds of common people. 
 
 * Smith, Vol. I. p. 147. Cough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 507. 
 + Smith, Vol.1, p. 35 6. — Vol. II. p. 490. — And see a Representation of it in Gough's 
 Camden, Vol. III. PI. XXXV. fig. 9. p. 477. 
 
247 
 
 And indeed, to cut the matter short at once, concerning the dis- 
 pute between different writers, as to the original design of these 
 Cromleches, whether they were at first intended merely for Tombs, 
 or for Altars ; it may be observed in general ; that all antient super- 
 stitions, and corrupt idolatrous practices, were so much connected 
 with the deification of deceased heroes, warriors, and oppressors, 
 that unavoidably, some of their most sacred and direfully venerat- 
 ed Altars, and also some of their sacred Circles, where dances, and 
 superstitious turnings and processions round, were solemnized, 
 must have been connected with the interment, and supposed pre- 
 servation of the Remains of such heroes ; just as, in later dark ages, 
 churches designed for the worship of Almighty God, were con- 
 nected with, and contained the shrines of, supposed Saints, like 
 Thomas a Becket. 
 
 Thus we find, that in the centre of two such Circles in the county 
 of Louth, were discovered human bones,* and the broken parts of 
 urns that contained them, made of a sort of baked clay. In which 
 instance, it is just as unreasonable to conclude, that these Circles 
 were mere Sepulchres, or Monuments ; as it would be to conclude, 
 that Canterbury Cathedral was no place of worship, but only a 
 Monument of Archbishop Becket. 
 
 Just so Cromleches, where bones are, or may, possibly be found ; 
 are surely by no means to be considered as mere tombs, when so 
 many corroborating circumstances lead us to be assured, that they 
 had another, and more dreadful use ; whatever remains of departed 
 warriors, or giants in vulgar estimation, might be deposited either 
 under them, or near to them. 
 
 And this may tend to explain, in some degree, the original his- 
 tory, and designation, of those two Cromleches in Ireland, under 
 which have actually been discovered human bones ; and under 
 which alov,e human bones have ever been discovered ; notwith- 
 standing the various researches that have been made. 
 
 The first of these is in the county of Sligo ; where, at a place called 
 Lugna Clogk, or the Giant's Grave, near Sligo, is a sort of Cromlech 
 of large stones, under which such bones have indeed been found. + 
 
 * Wright's Loutliiam, book iii. p. s. 
 
 + Wilson, p. 93 — Gough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 5 90. 
 
24S 
 
 And another Cromlech is said to have been thrown down on the 
 Ballrichan estate, in the county of Louth : when, the ground un- 
 der it being opened, there was found, about 2 feet deep, inclosed 
 and covered with flat broad stones, great part of a human skeleton, 
 crowded together in a bed of blue greasy earth, as if originally lodg- 
 ed in an urn. And with the bones were mixed some pieces of hard 
 clay, about the thickness of one's little finger. And a yard deeper, 
 under another flat stone, were several other large bones ; but whether 
 human or not was uncertain.* And on a still further examination 
 of this spot, and digging further down, it appeared, that there were 
 many regular stones of a considerable length, placed at bottom, very 
 deep ; and that the whole seemed to have been built up regularly, 
 on purpose, to strengthen the three great props that supported the 
 upper stone of the Cromlech, and to prevent their being forced 
 down into the ground, by the immense superincumbent load. 
 
 All this, however, plainly discovers a design, for the erection of 
 somewhat of much more importance than a mere Kistvaen, or Se- 
 pulcfre. And indeed, in this very county of Louth, we have 
 another instance of a most remarkable Cromlech, of which the very 
 name, still preserved by tradition, shews the original dreadful use. 
 
 It is called the Killing Stone ; and the hill on which it is reared, 
 is called, to this hour, Killing Hill. The name indicates Slaughter. 
 And the Cromlech Altar, which, from the figure given of it,+ greatly 
 resembled Kit's Cotty House, and which Wright calls the Cell for 
 sacrifice ; was placed on the highest summit of the hill ; and sur- 
 rounded by a Circle of pyramidical Stones, (like that formerly at 
 Abury). 
 
 Upon a very near adjoining summit also, was another Circle of 
 Stones ; which might surround the flat Altar on the ground, for 
 burning. The whole, there is reason to think, was surrounded by 
 a wood of oaks ; and must have produced, altogether, a magnificent, 
 and vastly awful, appearance, to rude minds ; especially when ap- 
 proached from the south. 
 
 But what is most remarkable, and connects this Cromlech Altar 
 more particularly with Druidical Superstitions, and horrid detestable 
 
 * Wright's Louthiana, book iii. p. 12. 
 
 + Louthiana, book iii. p. 15. — PI. VI. and VII. — fig. A. 
 
249 
 
 Rites, performed in the latter ages of their prevalence, is, that upon 
 the principal Stones that form the Altar, are found spiral figures, re- 
 sembling the celebrated snake stones of the Druids ; which, indeed, 
 have been supposed to have been carved ; but which were most pro- 
 bably merely the fossil impressions of the Cornua Ammonis, in the 
 original stone ; of which the Druids might, in this instance, avail 
 themselves, as they did, in other instances, of the loose smaller 
 fossils of that kind. 
 
 Whether, however, these appearances, upon the stones, were 
 mere accidental impressions of the Cornu Ammonis shell ; — and whe- 
 ther the stones were particularly chosen for the purpose, because 
 such impressions were found upon them ; — or whether they were 
 really rude carvings with any tool ;— it cannot be beside our pur- 
 pose to call to mind, some circumstances relating to the attention 
 paid to the Serpent (whose form the Cornu Ammonis resembles), by 
 many heathen nations. 
 
 The learned Mr. Bryant has made several very curious observa- 
 tions,* concerning the general connection of a superstitious regard 
 for the Serpent, with the abominable rites of idolatry, in Syria, and 
 in Egypt, and in Crete, and in Greece :— and has shewn that it was 
 originally derived from the Chaldeans. It unquestionably therefore 
 prevailed amongst the Tyrians, and Sidonians. 
 
 And on that account it much deserves our notice, that as the great 
 Cromlech Altar (as we may, indeed, truly conceive it to have been), 
 mentioned by Maundrell, in Syria, was situated near to what was 
 called the Serpent Fountain ; + — so concerning the great Temple at 
 Me xico, where was a great Altar for human sacrifices, (which I 
 have in the foregoing pages adverted to, as having had originally a 
 connection with the Cromlech), we are informed by Joseph de 
 Acosta, and Antonio deSolis, J that the Wall of the great Square, in- 
 closing the whole, was wrought, on the outside, with various knots 
 of Serpents intertwisted. 
 
 The Druids, we know, had some sort of superstitious reverence 
 for the Serpent. And as there seem, in so many instances, to have 
 
 * Analysis of Ancient Mythology, Vol. I. p. 473 . 4 7 8, 482. 
 
 t See Maundrell's Travels, p. jo ; and also Pococlce's Travels, Vol. II. p. 2 3 . 
 
 t History of the Conquest ofMexico, Vol. I. p. Jsl, us. 
 
 3 S 
 
250 
 
 been a connection between their ideas, and those of the antient cor- 
 rupters of religion, in the Patriarchal countries ; so on this occasion 
 another resemblance may very well be brought to mind. 
 
 For as we are well informed how celebrated the Druids were 
 for the songs of their Bards, accompanied by the harp ; so Mr. 
 Bryant has remarked,* from unquestionable authorities, that the 
 songs of the Canaanites, and Cretans, which accompanied their hor- 
 rible human sacrifices, and cruel rites, were particularly plaintive, 
 and melodious. 
 
 We have the strongest proofs that can be expected, of the real 
 existence of the Druids in Ireland,+ even in the days of St. Patrick. 
 The name of Druid is also to this day, in the Irish tongue, applied 
 to a Cunning Fellow, or Wizard. And O'Donnel, an old translator of 
 the New Testament into Irish, was thereby even led to call the Wise 
 Men of the East DRUIDS. There are also remaining, an Astrono- 
 mers' Hill belonging to them, called Carrick Edmond, which cannot 
 but remind us of the Cerrig Edris, or Astronomers' Mountain, in 
 Merionethshire, in Wales : and there is also an Astronomers Circle 
 of Stones, not far from Dundalk, called Carrick Brauda,! correspond- 
 ing very nearly in name with the Cerrig Brudyn, or Astronomers 
 Stones, that existed in Anglesey, where also is another Caer-Edris, 
 or Caer-Idris. § 
 
 As the latest existence of the Druids, and of their imitators, was 
 in Ireland ; so it ought to be remarked, that in Ireland too there 
 seem plainly to have been some strange, and irregular imitations 
 of Cromleches, in ages after the real Druidical times : of which 
 fact, a Cromlech, on the top of Slive na Grideal mountain, || in the 
 county of Down, may serve as a proof ; which is shaped like a 
 lozenge, 1 1 feet long, and gg feet wide ; and H foot thick ; and is 
 placed on two stones only ; one 8 feet high ; and 3 broad ; and 1 
 thick ; and the other not above S feet high. 
 
 And again, in the same county, we find a place called the Giant's 
 Ring; which is an earth-work, 842 paces in circumference, having 
 
 * Analysis of Ancient Mythology, Vol. II. p. 17, is. 
 + Ogygia, p. 5 8 Matthew Kennedy, p. 19. 
 
 t Louthiana, book iii. p. 6. $ Rowland's Mona Antiqua, p. S4. 
 
 II Gough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 6S0. 
 
251 
 
 in the centre a Cromlech, of 7 feet by 6, supported by two ranges of 
 seven pillars; and round it, at 4 feet distance, several stones 2 feet 
 high* 
 
 And as the usage of erecting a sort of Gromleches seems to have 
 continued in this rude manner longer, and more recently, in Ireland, 
 than in any other parts of Europe ; so in the same country, there are 
 also other vestiges of interments being connected with Altars, and 
 Sacrifices, and Burnings, and Circles of Stones, somewhat resem- 
 bling Druidical Circles, of a more variable, and manifestly later 
 construction, than any of those in Britain. 
 
 Of this there seems to be a very singular proof, in a most remark- 
 able Circle of Stones, in the county of Dublin : which is so unlike 
 any thing Druidical in reality, when narrowly examined ; and yet 
 has such a strange connection, in part, with the imitations, and ex- 
 ternal appearances, of Druidical Memorials, that it would be most 
 unpardonable not to mention it on this occasion ; though it only 
 tends to shew, how external appearances may be resembled, and 
 names assumed, after the original design of things is changed. 
 
 At Mount Druid, not far from Dalkey,+ is a Circle, 135 feet in 
 circumference, composed of large stones set upright ; and within 
 the area are three tombs, or altars ; and a circular figure cut in 
 stone. And near to them was discovered, in 1 7 87, below the sur- 
 face of the earth, a great number of tombs, or stone coffins, composed 
 of thin flag stones, and in the form of our modern coffins. They 
 had no flags at bottom, but were nicely covered at top, and laid side 
 by side. A great number of skeletons lay near them without coffins. 
 And they were only about 2 feet below the surface, and laid in 
 rows. And on the top of Dalltey-hill, is an immense stone, some- 
 thing like a Cromlech, called Clogh-hobber-gilline-stone. 
 
 So near Dungannon, in the county of Tyronne, on an hill, are 
 two Circles of Stones, forming a figure of eight ; each about 20 
 yards diameter, inclosing urns in holes, set round with six stones, 
 and covered with flat stones, and other stones thrown on the top. 
 And about 30 yards to the east of these circles, was a kind of Altar 
 of dry stone, 8 feet long, and 4 feet wide ; — and both coals, and 
 
 * Gough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 62 2. 
 
 * Wilson, 2 87 ; and Gough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 559. 
 
252 
 
 bones, were discovered by it among the stones, which had the marks 
 of fire very obviously remaining. 
 
 And at the east end, of this sort of Altar, was a pit, into which 
 the remains, after burning, were plainly thrown ; insomuch that a 
 black greasy substance had tinged part of the hill, in a straight line 
 from the pit.* 
 
 These irregular appearances it is needful to mention, to prevent 
 mistakes ; and in order to lay the whole detail fairly before the eyes 
 of the curious and intelligent. And, for the same reason, it would 
 be an omission not to add a short recital of the rest of the most dis- 
 tinguished Cromleches, of the more usual and regular antient kind, 
 that have been taken notice of in Ireland. 
 
 In the same county of Cork, where the Warriors', or Hags' Bed is 
 found, is another Cromlech ; and a Circle of Stones ; situated a 
 little to the east of what is called Carickafouchy Castle, or Fairy Rock 
 Castle ; where the very name seems to indicate a connection with 
 antient Superstitions. 
 
 The Castle stands on a rock, accessible only on one side, and to 
 one person.+ And in this neighbourhood also, are other Circles of 
 Stones, with single Pillars, like Pillars of Memorial, standing at a 
 small distance. All which seems to be a further confirmation of the 
 superstitious designation of the whole. 
 
 We have the representation also given us of a very large Crom- 
 lech, having the great upper stone placed in a sloping position on 
 three others ; which stands on the borders of Loch Cool, Galway ; 
 the upper stone being 15 feet by 12. J 
 
 In Wicldoxo, on the top of a very high mountain, called Lug-na- 
 Cullach, north of Baltinglas, is a large Cromlech. And there is ano- 
 ther in the Park of Baltinglas. $ 
 
 In the county of Louth, near Dundalk, || is a Cromlech of a kind 
 of oval form ; 1 2 feet by 6 ; weighing between thirty and forty 
 ton ; and resting on three others. It is called the Giant's Load; and 
 pretended to have been brought hither, all at once, by Parraghbough 
 M'Skaggean, a giant; whose grave, a cell of stone work, 20 feet 
 
 * Philos. Trans. No. 3 37. G Gough's Camden, Vol. HI. p. 63 a. 
 
 + Gough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 505. * Ibid. Vol. III. PI. XLVII. 
 
 fig. 8. p. 603. $ Ibid. Vol. III. p. 551. || Ibid. p. 603. 
 
253 
 
 by 5, they shew near it. On which occasion it is obvious to re- 
 mark, that if this Cromlech, ever had any connection with the 
 memory or interment of any antient warrior, this Stone Cell, and 
 not the Cromlech, was the Kistvaen. 
 
 In the county of Down, near Dundrum, is a Cromlech, 10 yards 
 round ; 3 broad ; and 4 or 5 feet thick : placed on three stones, 4 
 feet high.* 
 
 And in the same county, in the parish of Drumgoolan, on a 
 mountain, is another Cromlech, 1 1 feet long ; 5 feet broad ; and 
 about 2 feet thick ; placed also on three stones, about 6 feet high.t 
 
 In the county of Tyronne, on the verge of the county of Derry, is 
 a great Cromlech, or inclined stone ; 10 feet in length ; and 28 in 
 circumference ; J supported by six upright stones : the highest of 
 which is about 5 feet above ground, and 2 at least under it. So that 
 this Cromlech appears to be about 7 feet high, at the east end, and 
 about 3 at the west end. 
 
 In the Introduction to Mr. Grose's Antiquities of Ireland, is a re- 
 presentation ij of a very remarkable Cromlech at Tombins, or To- 
 bin's-Town, in the county of Carlow, in Ireland, the upper stone 
 of which is 23 feet long ; and 18 broad at one end, but only 6 at 
 the other ; and from 2 to 4 feet thick : the upper surface of which 
 is convex, and has one large channel, and other small ones, branch- 
 ing from it, that have almost the appearance of being artificial ; and 
 evidently seem to have been designed for some superstitious use. 
 
 There is also another as remarkable Cromlech described ; |j as 
 being on Brown's hill, about a mile and a half from Carlow. And 
 here also the great sloping Stone is above 22 feet in length, and 1 8 
 feet in breadth. 
 
 Such are the Cromleches that are to be met with in Great Bri- 
 tain, and Ireland. And it is no wonder that so many of them, 
 are still remaining in the latter island ; when we consider that 
 Pagan Rites, and Druidism, actually continued there, so late as 
 the year 432.** 
 
 As in other instances of primaeval manners, and customs, so in 
 
 * Gough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 619. t Ibid. p. 6!3. J Ibid. p. 63 8 . 
 
 { Antiquities of Ireland, Vol. I. Introduction, p. xi. |j Ibid. p. xii. 
 
 ** Usher, Prim. p. 8Ss. — Ind. Chron. p. 430. — Borlase, p. 15s. 
 
 3 T 
 
254 
 
 this, of the use of the Cromlech, other nations, derived from the 
 same first ancestors, have left similar proofs of their customs ; which 
 cannot well be accounted for from any imitation of the Britons ; 
 any more than the appearances in Britain can, with any consist- 
 ency, be supposed to have been derived from any connection with 
 those nations. 
 
 In the countries first inhabited by the Gauls and Danes, there are 
 remains of these sort of Structures ; which have led hasty observers 
 to suspect, that the very first origin of such edifices, was either 
 amongst the antieut Danes, or Gauls ; and was from thence brought 
 into Britain. But they might surely just as well have concluded, 
 that their first original fabrication was in Britain ; and that the 
 imitation of them was from thence conveyed to the northern parts 
 of Europe, and to Gaul. And neither in the one instance, or in the 
 other, would the conclusion be true. 
 
 We have seen, that there is still existing, a specimen of these 
 Structures, in that part of Syria, in the East, which was the source 
 of the most abominable Corruptions, and Institutions, that perverted 
 the whole Gentile world. 
 
 And as a further proof of the origin of the rearing of Cromleches 
 having been in Eastern parts of the world, and neither in the north, 
 nor in Britain, we have an account of somewhat similar Structures, 
 in the island of Minorca ; where the great antiquity of the inha- 
 bitants has always been spoken of, in the strongest terms ; even 
 in the earliest ages. 
 
 The Structures there, that have this sort of resemblance to Crom- 
 leches, are by the natives of the Island, to this day, called Altars of 
 the Gentiles ; or Heathen Altars* 
 
 There are many of them in the island. And one of the most re- 
 markable of them is thus described. 
 
 It stands about two miles to the eastward of Alaior, on an emi- 
 nence ; and is inclosed by a Circle about 200 yards in diameter, 
 formed of large flat stones, set on their ends close together. 
 
 In the centre of this inclosure is a huge mass of great rough 
 Stones, piled on each other, without mortar, in a sort of conical 
 
 * Armstrong's History of Minorca, p. 21s. 217. 
 
255 
 
 figure ; being about 90 feet in diameter, and near as many in 
 height (resembling what we call Cairns, or Carncddes, in England 
 and Wales) ; and having a cavity and narrow entrance, now open, 
 at the base : and a special path of ascent, about 3 feet broad, on the 
 outside, with a flat area on the top, only large enough to hold six or 
 seven persons. 
 
 At some distance from this Pile, or Cairn, and within the same 
 circular inclosure of stones, stands (what is called the Gentile AltarJ ; 
 the mass that has such affinity to the Cromlech. 
 
 It consists of a great upper stone, 16 feet long; 7 broad; and 
 about 2 feet thick ; which is placed nearly horizontally, at the dis- 
 tance of almost 12 feet from the ground ; being supported by ano- 
 ther stone, of very similar dimensions, standing on edge, and fixed 
 in the ground even much below the surface. The upper stone rests 
 upon the upper broad edge of the other ; and neither one, nor the 
 other, seem to have upon them the mark of any tool. 
 
 There are several such Cairns in Minorca, as this which has been 
 described. And they are so placed, that from any one of them you 
 may always see some other. And near each is constantly found 
 such a sort of Altar.* 
 
 As the upper stone of that which has been just described is 
 placed nearly horizontally ; and as it is supported in so singular a 
 manner ; it has some appearance of having been used as an Altar 
 of Oblation (like some of those which have been mentioned, in the 
 preceding observations concerning Stone Henge), rather than as a 
 Cromlech; but as its bulk, dimensions, and height from the ground, 
 have a proportion and resemblance so much nearer to that of the 
 Cromlech, it was nevertheless more proper, to mention it on this 
 occasion. 
 
 And as we have mentioned this Structure in Minorca, so, in like 
 manner, what has been called a sort of Stone Henge, in Friesland, t 
 deserves now to be taken notice of. 
 
 In Drenthe, in Over Tssel, near Coeworden, on the borders of East 
 Friesland, are heaps of Stones ; from 1 6 to 25 paces in length ; and 
 
 * Armstrong's History of Minorca, p. 2 1 7 , s l s . 
 
 ♦ It is mentioned in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1 7 8 8, Vol. LV11I. p. 195. si!; 
 with references to the pages in the German printed book, where it is described at large. 
 
256 
 
 from 4 to 6 paces in breadth : and here also, upon smaller stones, 
 are laid others of immense weight ; some of which are 5 6 feet in 
 circumference ;* (and therefore must be from 1 4 to 1 8 feet in length, 
 and breadth ; nearly resembling the dimensions of our large Crom- 
 leches). 
 
 There is also, besides these ; — a large mass of this kind, near 
 Saltzberg; — another of amazing size at Embsbnir ; — and there are 
 several others also, in parts adjacent + to Friesland. 
 
 And Dr. Brown informs us, J that in the road through Lower 
 Saxony, he found rows of great Stones, like those mentioned by 
 Wormius, in Denmark ; and that in one place particularly, he took 
 notice of three massy stones placed in the middle of a large square 
 space, encompassed by other large stones, set up on end. As we 
 may recollect the Altar in Syria was also in the midst of a square 
 space. 
 
 And as a still further proof of the connection of these sort of 
 Structures, with persons, manners, and observances of a similar 
 kind with those of the Druids ; and deriving their customs from 
 the same primaeval sources ; it ought not to be omitted, that near 
 one of those Cromleches, which are still called Heathen Altars, in 
 Minorca, was found an Earthen Bead,\ of near an inch in length, 
 and three-quarters of an inch in diameter, with an hole through it ; 
 which greatly resembled those Druidical Beads which have been so 
 often found in Wales, and in different parts of Britain. 
 
 It remains only to observe, that as the rude Stone Pillars of the 
 corrupted Heathen nations, are particularly mentioned in the pro- 
 hibitions of the Divine Mosaical Law ; so also there seems to be 
 some mention of these kind of rude Cromlech Structures, which we 
 have been describing. 
 
 For it is scarce possible to annex any other idea to what the 
 Septuagint translates \i$oi> mo-ov, Saxum quod spectatur ; a Stone to be 
 looked upon, and reverenced ; or to be viewed, with respect, as distinct 
 from a Pillar. 
 
 * See also Schaten's History of Westphalia, Vol. VII. p. 487. 
 
 t Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. LVIII. p. 51s. % Brown's Travels, p. HE. 
 
 $ Armstrong's History of Minorca, p. 22;!. 
 
257 
 
 Leviticus, chap. xxvi. ver, I . 
 
 Ov xoirpen uiuv ccurok ■/zi^oxai\xai, ouS'i ykuxlov, oils 27i\ni> imojifitte 
 ijiiy, o'jo's Xtion skoxoi/ $-qS£Ti iv rf[ yri uniov, zoosyjji'-qozi ino. 
 
 If the translation of the word anoxov were to mean only a mere 
 Stone Pillar, standing as an idol ; or as it has sometimes been 
 thought, a figured stone, to bow down to; then the words of the law 
 would be mere repetitions : as they are indeed made to appear to 
 be, in the translation in our Bible : where we read, 
 
 Te shall make you no idols nor graven image, neither rear you up a 
 standing image, neither shall ye set up any image of stone in your land, 
 to bow down unto it. 
 
 But if they be more closely translated, with a strict adherence to 
 the meaning of each word, the expressions will all be found to 
 describe very different things ; which were necessary to be under- 
 stood, in order to be avoided ; as thus, 
 
 Te shall not make to yourselves any idols [the work of mens hands] 
 nor a graven figure; neither shall ye set up a rude Stone Pillar ; 
 neither shall ye place a Stone to be looked upon, in your land; to 
 worship towards it. 
 
 For here we find a strict caution, — first, against making an idol 
 Statue; or a graven figure on a tablet, as a representation, to bow 
 down unto ; — next, against setting up a rude stock, or Stone Pillar, 
 as an idolatrous object to bow down to ; — and then, against pla- 
 cing (for the distinction between the words setting up, and placing, 
 is very remarkable), a Stone to be looked at, and bowed down 
 to ; — that is, in other words, against placing a stone, which as a 
 scaffold, should be viewed by multitudes; and towards which, be- 
 cause of rites performed thereon, was accustomed to be bowing, and 
 abominable Heathen worship. 
 
 And if the words are allowed to be in this manner translated, 
 with a careful attention to the full extent of their meaning ; there is 
 surely no kind of placed stone now extant in the world, to which 
 they can so properly be applied, as to the old Celtic Cromlech. 
 
 It may fairly be added also, that there seems to be an allusion to 
 some such stone scaffold, or elevated stone, as being a place of 
 execution, in the account that is given of Abimelech's slaughter 
 
 3 u 
 
258 
 
 of his brethren* — For it is said, " he slew his brethren the sons 
 " of Jerubbaal, being threescore and ten persons, upon one stone." 
 And this expression the rather seems to allude to such a well 
 known antient sort of Cromlech Stone ; + because, from ver. IS. it 
 appears evidently to have been a public execution, with the con- 
 sent of all the people. And because an antient stone Pillar is more- 
 over immediately mentioned as being not far distant : — for we read 
 in (ver. 6), that after this execution, " all the men of Shechem, 
 " and all the house of Millo, went and made Abimelech King, 611 
 " the plain oj the Pillar that was in Shechem." Where we have, just 
 as manifestly, an allusion to the antient ceremonial of inauguration 
 by a Pillar, in a stone circle ; perfectly consistent with what has 
 been said concerning such usages, in the preceding pages. 
 
 We have found that there are still existing amongst us, in this 
 island, many remains of the rude erected Stone Pillars, of the earliest 
 ages ; similar to those abominations of the Land of Canaan, which 
 were derived from corrupted Patriarchal usages : and we now find 
 also, that there are Remains of the placed Stones, to be looked at ; or of 
 the dire conspicuous Scaffolds. 
 
 And it is very remarkable, that in the old Erse language, as 
 explained by a Scotish Highlander^ who was skilled in that abo- 
 riginal language, Grom signifies bent, or crooked ; and lech is a 
 corruption of clach, a stone ; and the word Cromlech, therefore, in 
 
 * Judges, chap. ix. ver. 5. 
 
 t Some curious persons may perhaps suspect, with me, that it was upon some such stone 
 as this, that the Ark of the Lord was placed at Belh-shernesh, when it was conveyed back, out 
 of the land of the Philistines : — and the rather, because it appears that, on some account or 
 other, the Divine displeasure was greatly manifested against the men of Beth-shemesh on drat 
 occasion; — our translation says, they had looked into the Ark; — but that does not agree with 
 the translation in the Septuagint : — it rather should seem, from thence, that the displeasure 
 arose from the Ark being seen in that place. — The Septuagint also leads us to conclude, that 
 
 it was a great stone, that had been placed there by mens hands It is called the Stone of Abel; 
 
 and appears to have remained to the days of Ezra See t Samuel, chap. vii. ver. 14, 15. 
 
 18, 19. 
 
 We know the Israelites went so far, in their compliance with the horrible usages of the 
 land, as to sacrifice their children to Moloch and to devils. — And we find the holy Prophet 
 reproving them for their being soothsayers like the Philistines; — and for their bowing down. — 
 See Isaiah, chap. ii. ver. 6. 9. Psalm cvi. ver. 3 6, 3 7. 
 
 % See the Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. LXII. p. 
 
259 
 
 its very etymology, according to the original ideas of that country, 
 still imports a stone that was to be bent towards, or bowed to, or 
 to be looked toward out of abominable superstition ; as well as a 
 stone placed in a bent or sloping position. 
 
 The same is the meaning in Welsh, and Cornish, as derived from 
 the Celtic language.* To which we may add, the remark of the learn- 
 ed Rowland, + that Crom, in the old Celtic language, seems to have 
 been derived, on the confusion of tongues, from the Hebrew word 
 Cterem: according to which idea, Ccercem-lech will signify a devoted, 
 or sacrificing stone; as Cremlyn, or Cremhvynan, signifies a sacrificing 
 grove. 
 
 Take therefore the derivation of the word Cromlech how you 
 will, it accords, in one shape or other, with the Stone of Abomination 
 pointed at in the Mosaic Law, as distinguished from that other abo- 
 mination, the Stone Pillar; whilst both are equally distinguished 
 from idol images, and graven figures. J 
 
 It will now perhaps be proper, before we conclude these obser- 
 vations, just to reflect a little, by what means these immense masses 
 of stone could be reared. 
 
 Much has been said, about the impossibility of their being raised 
 from the ground by any mechanical powers that we are accpjainted 
 with : and concerning the supposed most astonishing skill of the 
 architects. But as, on the one hand, we may be assured they were 
 reared in barbarous ages; and find, in other parts of the earth, that 
 the most uncivilized, and unenlightened countries, and the earliest 
 
 * Borlase, p. 225 . t Rowland's Mona, p. 47. 
 
 £ In these sheets I have endeavoured, in the clearest manner possible, and from the 
 highest, and most unquestionable authorities of remote antiquity, to elucidate the true history 
 of the Druidical Stones; of their sacred Circles ; and of their abominable Altars. But I 
 cannot forbear adding an hearty wish, that no use may ever be made of what is here brought 
 to light, for the purpose of introducing any imitations, or representations, of such things 
 upon the stage, by wayof representing antient manners. For I must conscientiously say, 
 that I have ever thought the representation of Pagan sacrifices, and of Pagan rites, upon the 
 stage, to be (if not an absolute abomination in itself) , at least a too near imitation of abomi- 
 nations. And the very reverse of an observance of that holy Command, to which a 
 blessing was annexed ; viz. to break their images ; and pillars ; and to throw down their 
 Altars, { Sec. 
 
 § See Deuteronomy, chap. xii. ver. 2, J. 
 
260 
 
 ages, have ever been most remarkable for the moving, and making- 
 use of such ponderous masses of rock ; so it really requires no grea" 
 degree of penetration, to perceive, by what means it might be 
 done ; even without any great portion of that knowledge of me- 
 chanic powers, which we really are acquainted with. 
 
 The simple lever, with a common roller, aided by mounds of 
 earth, and a few wedges, are quite sufficient for the purpose ; added 
 to the exertions of a multitude of hands. 
 
 It may clearly be conceived ; that when the upright pillars of 
 support were once placed in their proper position ; that if these 
 were covered up by an artificial and firm mount, raised round them 
 for a considerable extent, with a gentle and gradual ascent ou one 
 side ; that a covering stone (even larger than any that is found on 
 any CromlechesJ, might very well be dragged, and forced up, on 
 rollers, by united efforts of men, and oxen ; both which are actually 
 said to have been thus made use of, by Harold, the son of Gormon, 
 in Jutland ; when he removed a vast Stone, to be placed over his 
 mother's grave. 
 
 And when, by such efforts, the Stone was once brought to its pro- 
 per place, and situation, over the supporters ; on removing the mount 
 of earth, by the same number of soldiers, or other people, by whom 
 it was raised, the whole Structure would appear finished, and firm. 
 
 And as to the placing the supporters themselves ; — this might 
 surely be done (even if they had been vastly larger than any we 
 know of), by means of the same sort of bank of earth ; at first 
 advanced no further than to the side of the foundation pit, or cavity, 
 into which the bottom of the stone was to be let down : having a 
 proper and steep slope formed, from its summit, down to the bottom 
 of the pit. For the intended stone support being advanced on rollers, 
 and pieces of timber, to the very brink and edge of the summit of 
 the bank ; on being forced only a little further, would fall over of 
 itself, by its own weight ; and sliding down the steep slope, would 
 pitch, with its lower end in the pit ; in a position very near being 
 upright ; and might soon be made, by the driving of wedges, to 
 stand perfectly right* 
 
 In justice to perfect truth, I must affirm, that this plain account of the matter had 
 offered itself to my mind, and had carried with it, to the best of my apprehensions, the 
 
261 
 
 That, in the earliest ages of antiquity, mankind did actually 
 make use of such kind of sloping ascents, formed by factitious mounds 
 of earth, and other materials, for the heaving up of vast masses of 
 Stone ; seems to be pointed out to us, by those most remarkable artifi- 
 cial Causeys, near the pyramids of Egypt ; of which no other account 
 can be given, than that they were used to convey to the sloping 
 sides of such mounts, and by that means up to the spots where 
 they are now placed, the immense stones whereof those fabrics are 
 composed. Some of which stones are 30 feet in length, and S or 4 
 feet in thickness.* 
 
 Norden informs us.+ that the artificial upper plain, formed on the 
 rock on which the pyramids are placed, and which is about four- 
 score feet above the lower plain, has a sloping on the north side, 
 and on the east side; which favoured the making divers causeys, 
 that gave conveniency of transporting the materials necessary for 
 the pyramids. — Consistently with which observation, Herodotus 
 had informed the world, above two thousand years before ; that, 
 according to the tradition of the country (which indeed he receiv- 
 ed from the Egyptian Priests), the Egyptians were employed ten 
 years, % informing a way, or causey ; over which they might draw the 
 stones used in building the pyramids. And this causey, he says, was 
 formed of hewn stone ; and was adorned with sculptures of animals. 
 
 And it is very remarkable, that there exist to this day, not only 
 the slojnng of the rock observed by Norden ; but also remains of 
 two causeys on the east side ;{ and of another causey, on the north 
 side of the pyramids ; in a most singular situation ; seeming plainly, 
 by its direction, to have been designed for the conveyance of stones, 
 from a canal, about two miles from the pyramids ; and being of a 
 most singular structure.' — For it extends about 1 000 yards in length ;)| 
 
 fullest conviction, long before I perused the Mam Antiqua. But in justice to the author of 
 that curious work ; and as a confirmation of the full conviction with which plain truth 
 strikes various minds, attending to it ; I must also acknowledge, that I found, afterwards, 
 Rowland had previously acquired much the same kind of apprehensions of this matter. See 
 Mona Antiqua, p. 94. 
 
 * Greaves's Pyramidographia, Vol. I, p. 101.104. 
 
 + Norden's Travels, Vol. I. p. 7 1. % Herodotus, ed. Wesselin. 124. p. 163. 
 
 $ The Plan of these may be seen in Norden's Travels, Vol. I. p. 7 1. PI. XLIII. 
 II Pococke's Travels, Vol. I. p. 42. 
 
 3 X 
 
262 
 
 and is about 20 feet wide ; * and is built of hewn stone ; and has 
 a turning, in its direction, in one part; and at last ends abruptly, 
 at about the distance of a mile+ from the pyramids ; opposite to the 
 easy slope, and ascent, on that side of the rock. 
 
 This latter Causey, besides its arches, has indeed inscriptions, 
 and other evident proofs, of having been, in its present state, partly 
 a work of the Saracens. But those parts seem to have been repara- 
 tions of breaches in a much more antient work. — And it is in a 
 situation where it seems to have had no use, in any late ages.J 
 
 The Temples in Upper Egypt, it is well known, were built of 
 vast stones ; and these also must have been conveyed to their place 
 by means of a very similar kind. 
 
 And by some simple method, merely of this sort, in all proba- 
 bility, were those immense stones brought to their proper situation, 
 which are found in a wall surrounding a part of the Temple of Bal- 
 bec. Where there are many stones above 30 feet in length ; 1 3 feet 
 wide ; and 10 thick. § And some even 63, and 64 feet in length ; 
 placed near 20 feet above the ground. || 
 
 Whilst in a quarry, not much more than half a mile from thence 
 (and out of which these stones seem to have been taken), Pococke 
 saw still remaining, a stone ready hewn out, only the bottom was 
 not yet separated from the rock; which stone measured 68 feet in 
 length i and was 1 7 feet 8 inches wide ; and I 3 feet 1 inches thick.** 
 
 After the mention of these, the great Stones in the antient Palace 
 of Persepolis, in Persia, scarce deserve notice ; although they are to 
 the full as large as most of those used in the Druidical Structures, 
 and Cromleches, which we have been describing: being some of 
 them 1 3 or 1 4 feet long, and 8 broad ; and others 9 or 1 feet long, 
 and 6 broad. ++ And several of those which stand upright, as sup- 
 porters to those above, being from 8 to 15 feet in height, above the 
 ground. JJ 
 
 * Norden, Vol. I. p. 80.P1. XLIV. + Tins might probably be, because it 
 
 served only for the conveyance of stones, by means of a very long artificial sloping mount, 
 from this ending, to the upper part of the pyramids ; conveying them far above that easy slop- 
 ing of the rock, which was of use only for forming their bases. | Norden's Travels, 
 Vol - I: P' so - i Ruins of Balbec, p. 10.— Maundrell's Travels, p. us. 
 
 || Pococke, Vol. II. p. m. *» Ibid. ++ Voyages de le Bruyn, Tom. 
 
 IV.p. 303. 30i. *t VoyagedeM.Chardin.Tom.il. p. ISt. ed. 1735. 
 
263 
 
 With regard to the Stones used in Egypt, we have even an 
 account of the very manner in which they were hewed out of 
 the quarries. For Pococke tells us, that after viewing the ruins of 
 the antient Syene, he went about a mile south-east to the granite 
 quarries ; all the country to the east, and the islands, and bed of 
 the Nile, being red granite ; (the Thebaic stone mentioned by Hero- 
 dotus.) These quarries, he says, are not worked in deep ; but the 
 stone is hewn out of the sides of the low hills. And he saw some 
 columns marked out in the quarries, and shaped on two sides: 
 and particularly a long square one, which might be designed for 
 an obelisk. They seemed to have worked in, round the stones, 
 with a narrow tool ; and, when the stones were almost separated, 
 there is reason to think they forced them out of their beds with 
 large wedges ; of which there are great signs in the quarries, in all 
 parts. In some places also, he observed channels marked out, about 
 3 inches wide ; and holes cut in those channels, at certain distances, 
 as if for their chisels to go in ; so that probably they worked down 
 with the chisels, at the bottom, and on one side of the stone, and 
 then forced the stone out of its bed with wedges."* 
 
 When Solomon built the house wherein he was himself to 
 dwell ; and an house for Pharaoh's daughter ; they were built, we 
 are told, of costly stones, sawed with saws,+ 1 5 feet in length, and 
 of 1 2 feet. 
 
 And when Herod rebuilt the Temple at Jerusalem, it was with 
 stones white and strong : the length of each of which was S7f feet ; 
 their height, or rather their depth, 12 feet ; and their breadth, IS 
 feet. | 
 
 Andjosephus even tells us of some that were 4 5 cubits (z. e. 6 7£ 
 feet in length) ; y 6 cubits (or 9 feet), in breadth ; and 5 cubits (or 7-J 
 feet), in height, or thickness. || 
 
 * Pococke's Travels, Vol. I. p. 1 17. t l Kings, chap. vii. ver. 9, 10. 
 
 % Josephus's Antiquities of the Jews, Book xv. chap. xi. sect. 3 . — This mucli elucidates 
 the meaning of the Observation which the Disciples made to our Lord, Mark, chap. xiii. 
 ver. 1. $ In order that I may not exceed in any of these descriptions, I have 
 
 considered the cubit as being merely that measure which is commonly called the Cubit of the 
 Ark: (or l foot inches.) — But if we take the cubit to be, as Winston does, and also several 
 other learned men, 1 foot g inches; the vast dimensions of the stones will be still greater. 
 
 11 De Bello Jud. lib. v. cap. 5. sect. 6. 
 
264 
 
 When he built the mole at the port of Cssarea also, Josephus 
 tells us,* he let down stones into 20 fathom water; the greatest 
 part of which were 50 feet in length ; and 9 in depth ; and 10 in 
 breadth ; and some still larger. 
 
 The stones also with which he built his three celebrated Towers, 
 on the old walls of Jerusalem, were some of them 20 cubits (or 30 
 feet) in length ; 10 cubits (or IS feet) in breadth ; and S cubits (or 
 7i feet) in depth, or thickness. + 
 
 We find therefore, that in the days of Solomon j in the time of 
 Herod, and Augustus Cassar ; and in the time of the Emperor An- 
 toninus ; larger stones than those either on any Cromlech, or at 
 Stone Henge, were reared to various and considerable heights ; 
 without any mention, by the Historians, of any extraordinary en- 
 gines, or uncommon mechanical powers, to effect the work. 
 
 And as it is impossible to suppose that the use of any very un- 
 common, or important machines, or devices, actually used on so 
 many extraordinary occasions at different periods (if there had been 
 any such machines), should have been forgotten ; or that the me- 
 morial thereof should have been lost in the world ; when the account 
 of matters of so much less import, in those very days, has been care- 
 fully preserved ; we may be assured, that nothing more than common 
 exertions were made, on those occasions ; and such as were deemed 
 to be merely of course, and well understood by all mankind :— in 
 short, merely the use of sloping banks of earth, or stone ; and of 
 levers ; wedges ; and rude timber frames. 
 
 Such knowledge might be easily apprehended by the most bar- 
 barous people : and there is every reason to believe was derived 
 from the first Patriarchs ; from whom so many various nations 
 branched off, and were descended. 
 
 We therefore find instances of similar operations, amongst other 
 antient and barbarous people, as well as amongst the Britons. 
 
 For Don Antonio de Ulloa informs us, that the Stones of the old 
 Palaces of the Yncas of Quito, were of prodigious magnitude,} and 
 magnificence ; placed one upon another, and joined in the nicest 
 manner, but without any cement. In which palaces, it is remark- 
 
 • Josephus de Bello Jud. lib. i. cap. IU sect. 6. t Ibid. lib. v. cap. i. sect. 4. 
 
 t Ulloa's Voyage, Vol. I. p. 499. S02. 
 
265 
 
 able, that the door-ways are formed somewhat like those in Upper 
 Egypt. 
 
 It is well known also, what vast stones have been used for build- 
 ing some of the very antient Choltres, in the East Indies. 
 
 And in like manner, we are informed, that in Dalmatia, the rude 
 ancestors of the Morlacchi, placed vast stones over graves ; of which 
 there are above two hundred, 9 feet long ; 5 feet broad ; and 5 feet 
 thick; which, says Abbe Alberto Fords* (reasoning in the usual 
 method upon this subject), it is not possible to imagine how the old 
 inhabitants of the country could bring from the mountain, without 
 the help of well contrived machines. 
 
 Yet as to any extraordinary machines, we may be assured, from 
 every circumstance of their history, they had them not. 
 
 And now; after all the prodigious masses just mentioned, the 
 vast circular Stone of 38 feet in diameter, placed on the top of the 
 Sepulchre of Theodorick the Goth, at Ravenna, ought by no means 
 to be forgotten. + For this mass seems to have been reared, and 
 placed in its present situation, in conformity to ideas of magnifi- 
 cence, which Theodorick's Gothic soldiers had derived from their 
 own Celtic country ; though long after the use of the Cromlech was 
 forgotten. 
 
 It was reared about the year 526, not by architects deriving their 
 skill, and powers, from the architects of Adrian, or Antoninus: — 
 but by men (as Theodorick himself was a DacianJ much more 
 acquainted with the rude methods used by the Morlacchi, and Dal- 
 matians, in moving their ponderous grave-stones ; and, by modes 
 which we have every reason to conclude were similar to such as 
 were used by the antient Minorcans, and by the antient Britons, in 
 rearing all their various superstitious Structures. 
 
 * Travels into Dalmatia, p. 23 4. 
 
 + There lias been a fine Drawing made of this building by Clarisseau, of which a Print 
 has been published by Mr. Sandby. 
 
266 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 CONCERNING BARROWS ; CAIRNS ; AND KISTVAENS. 
 
 The path we have hitherto trodden, in the investigation of abori- 
 ginal military works, and of contemporary rude works of architec- 
 ture, was necessary to pass through ; in order to shew the first 
 dawnings of the efforts of mankind, exerted to procure mere safety, 
 in a savage state ; — in a state unrestrained by good laws, good 
 government, or civilization in a state, where thus only could be 
 found some scope for exercising the faculties, and various appre- 
 hensions of the human mind, in the midst of darkness : — where the 
 whole soul was rendered torpid, for want of proper exertion : — and 
 where even the little light obtained, was but as darkness ; and be- 
 came rather a means of plunging the mind into the most dangerous 
 superstitions, and errors, than a source of any true consolation, or 
 an inlet of any real good. 
 
 And this path, which we have been thus obliged to tread, has 
 been the more difficult, and unpleasant : — because the specimens, 
 necessary to be referred to, lie so scattered ; and in such a ruined 
 condition ; and have, in general, been so imperfectly described by 
 those who examined them at all, when they were more perfect : — . 
 and because the facts needful to be brought into one point of view, 
 in order to give us an insight into their true history, were to be col- 
 lected from the accounts of so many various countries, and from the 
 very short details of most antient writers. Whilst, at the same time, 
 the sad superstitious abominations that have been thus unavoidably 
 brought to remembrance, are such as deserve everlasting oblivion ; 
 except only as far as the remembrance of them, is absolutely needful 
 to explain, in a more full, and more satisfactory manner, the real 
 history of the world. 
 
 To attain, however, in any degree, to such explanation, is ever 
 worthy of our utmost pains. And to trace the progressive improve- 
 
267 
 
 ments of mankind ; so as to make us duly sensible of the blessings 
 we now enjoy, in consequence of superior light, and unmerited 
 advantages, is a just tribute of thankfulness to the great Author of 
 all good. 
 
 What remains to be said, with regard to this obscure subject, re- 
 lating to the exertions and customs of the very first barbarous ages, 
 will be somewhat less difficult. 
 
 For the next kind of Remains that come under consideration ; — 
 those relating to memorials of their dead ; — the Barrows, Cairns* 
 and real Kistvaens ; — it will be proper to describe all together, and 
 at the same time; because, in truth, I hardly know of any such 
 thing as a Kislvaen, properly so called, but what is connected with a 
 Barrow, or Cairn. 
 
 And the other few remaining species of British antiquities, the 
 Logan, or Rocking Stones; and the Tolmen; and the Bason Stones, 
 are of such a kind, that I have but very little more to observe with 
 regard to them, than has been sufficiently explained by others. 
 
 With regard to Barrows, and Cairns, in general, it ought, however, 
 in the first place, to be observed ; that there is very great reason to 
 believe, that almost all that we have in this island, are British: and 
 that even those that were heaped up in Roman times ; and where 
 Roman insignia have been found ; were the Sepultures, not of 
 Romans ; but of British Officers, or Chieftains, in Roman service. 
 
 We do not find that the Romans ever raised Barrows over the 
 sepulchres, or ashes, of their Great Men, either in Italy, or in any 
 other part of the world ; and, therefore, there can be no proper 
 authority for supposing them to have done so in this country. 
 
 In truth, they do not seem to have raised any Barrows at all ; 
 except, in a very few instances, after great battles (in which case, 
 Mounds, or Barrows, have at certain times been raised, even down 
 to the latest periods, by all nations) ; insomuch that three Mounds, 
 like Barrows, were raised in Scotland, after the battle of Culloden, 
 in 1 7 45.+ 
 
 But these sort of bailie Barrows may easily be distinguished, from 
 
 * It is well known that the Cairn is distinguished from llie Barrow, merely by being a 
 vast artificial heap of loose stones, instead of being a similar heap of earth, and sods of turf. 
 
 ♦ See Gough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 430. 
 
268 
 
 all others, by the immense number of bones they contain ; as was 
 the case with one opened in the Isle of Thanet, containing the 
 bones of Danes, and Saxons, slain in a battle on that coast. 
 
 The raising of Barrows over great men, according to antient pri- 
 maeval usage in the East, appears to have been entirely disused by 
 the Romans. And even of others raised by them after battles, the 
 accounts may be said, as to any certain evidence, to be nearly re- 
 duced to two only. 
 
 One, when Claudius Nero buried both his own soldiers, and those 
 of the enemy, in one common grave, during the second Carthaginian 
 war. In which instance, the words of Livy hardly amount to the 
 description of a Barrow; though Dr. Borlase* concludes that one 
 was formed on that occasion. For the words simply are,+ cesorum 
 hostmm, et suorum corpora collata in urium sepelirijussit. 
 
 And the other instance was, when Ca;sar Germanicus brought 
 the first turf himself, to raise a tumulus over the remains of the un- 
 fortunate army of Varus. Concerning which, the words of the de- 
 scription are so elegant, that they deserve to be cited at length. 
 
 " Igitur Romanus qui aderat exercitus, sextum post cladis annum, 
 trium legionum ossa, nullo noscente alienas reliquias an suorum 
 humo tegeret, omnes ut conjunctos, ut consanguineos, aucta in hos- 
 tem ira, mcesti simul et infensi condebant. Primum extruendo tu- 
 mulo cespitem Caesar posuit, gratissimo munere in defunctos, et 
 praesentibus doloris Socius." J 
 
 In this instance, a Barrow, or tumulus, was certainly raised by 
 the Romans, over the vast quantity of bones of those who had been, 
 six years before, slain with Varus, in Germany. But as there are 
 hardly any other instances even of such Barrows thrown up by 
 them after battles ; so I do not know of one instance of a Barrow 
 raised by the Romans, at any time, over any of their Generals, or 
 Emperors. 
 
 As to the account given by Virgil, § of the Barrow raised over 
 the ashes of Pallas ; if the description was not merely an imitation 
 of Homer's description of the Barrow raised over the ashes of Patro- 
 clus, it at least related to times much more antient than the founding 
 
 * Antiquities of Cornwall, p.!!!. + Livy, lib. xxvii. sect. 4 2. 
 
 t Taciti Annalium lib. i. sect. 02. $ ^Eueidos, lib. xi. ver. 207. 
 
269 
 
 of Rome: and, after all, was a Barrow not raised by JEneas, and 
 his followers (though vEneas might very well be supposed to have 
 brought some such usage from Troy) ; but was raised by Evander, 
 and the Tuscans. 
 
 We therefore may deem ourselves well warranted in the conclu- 
 sion, that there were no Barrows raised, as particular monuments 
 of their Illustrious Commanders, by the Romans, any where ; and 
 therefore unquestionably not in this country. 
 
 And as to the Saxons, and Danes ; — we know, that when they be- 
 came Christians, most of their Kings, and great men, were buried in 
 Abbeys, and in the precincts of religious houses ; as the bones of 
 their greatest monarchs were preserved at Hyde Abbey ; and are, 
 indeed, many of them, to this hour, in chests, at Winchester. And 
 before the conversion of those people (except merely in the case of 
 Hengist in Yorkshire, and of Hubba in Devonshire) ; there is not 
 any one instance, that has come to my knowledge, of a satisfactory 
 traditionary record, concerning any Barrow belonging to the grave 
 of any one of their Kings. 
 
 But as to the Britons ; we not only know that they did actually 
 raise Barrows, and Cairns, over their Druids, and Chieftains : but 
 in this instance, as well as in others, relating to their fortresses, and 
 to their superstitious rites, we find plainly they did so, in conse- 
 quence of adopting a similarity of usage with those nations, and 
 countries, in the East, from whence they originally first migrated ; 
 just as did the antient Grecian, and Syrian people. 
 
 It may, therefore, justly become a regular mode of investigating 
 the history of these awful Remains of the fleeting transitoriness of 
 all human greatness, however estimated, or wherever dwelling ; to 
 consider, as a prelude to our inquiries, the dismal efforts, which in 
 the earliest periods, and in the first inhabited parts of the world 
 were exerted, to cause human greatness, if possible, to survive its 
 certain wreck. 
 
 Besides the Barrow under which are said to have been buried the 
 bones and ashes of Patroclus, and Achilles; (the manner of raising 
 which is so particularly described by Homer, and has been fully 
 mentioned in the former part of these observations ;* and which is 
 
 * P. 127. 
 
 9 z 
 
2,70 
 
 still existing;) we find, moreover, one called that of Hecuba; and 
 another, that of Antilochus, the son of Nestor ; which were cer- 
 tainly the Barrows either of those very persons ; or at least of 
 persons who had lived in the very earliest ages, long before the 
 days of Alexander. We find also the Barrow of Halyattes, Kino- 
 of Lydia, with many others near Sardes ; and several others in 
 Greece ; — all still existing. 
 
 And if these, of such vast and high antiquity, are yet in being, 
 in so perfect a state ; preserving their original appearance, and 
 form ; it need not be a matter of surprise to us, that those of the 
 aboriginal Britons still remain. Nor need we have recourse to con- 
 jectures without foundation, of their being raised by marauding 
 Danes, or Saxons : neither of whom, during their plunderings, could 
 hardly have stayed long enough in a place, to erect such mighty 
 works, as some of those are, that have been attributed to their labours. 
 
 The Barrow said to be that of Patroclus and Achilles, with some 
 others near adjoining, are thus described by Dr. Chandler ; who 
 surveyed them in their present state. 
 
 " Early in the morning we descended the slope, on which 
 " Sigeum stood.* After walking eight minutes we came between 
 " two Barrows, standing each in a vineyard, or inclosure. One was 
 " that of Achilles and Patroclus; the other, which was on our 
 " right hand, that of Antilochus, son of Nestor. This had a frag- 
 " ment or two of white marble on the top, which I ascended : as 
 " had also another, not far off, which, if I mistake not, was that 
 " of Pendens, one of the leaders of the Boeotians, who was slain by 
 " Eurypylus. We had likewise in view the Barrow of Ajax Tela- 
 " mon ; and at a distance from it, on the side next Lectos, that of 
 " jEsytes, mentioned in Homer." 
 
 The fragments of marble found here, on the tops of the Barrows 
 of Antilochus, and Peneleus, deserve our attention : because they 
 plainly shew, that here were placed rude marble pillars, similar to 
 that which was erected on the Barrow of Uus, which has been 
 already so particularly taken notice of.+ 
 
 And because we have also reason to think there was formerly such 
 
 * Travels in Asia Minor, Vol. 1. p. 4 2. 
 
 + P. us. 
 
E L 
 
271 
 
 an one on the Barrow of Achilles : inasmuch as Plutarch tells us,* 
 that Alexander poured oil on the stone pillar of the grave of Achilles ; 
 when he had passed the Hellespont, on his way into Persia. 
 
 The Barrow of Hecuba, Chandler says, + is still very conspicu- 
 ous, near one of the castles of the Hellespont. 
 
 And the same curious and intelligent traveller observed, before 
 the antient Sardes, on the opposite side of the plain, many Barrows, 
 on an eminence, % some of which are seen afar off. 
 
 And at the distance of five miles from thence, by the antient 
 Gyg<ea, where was the burying place of the Lydian Kings, he saw 
 many more Barrows, of various sizes ; four or five of which were 
 distinguished by their superior magnitude. All of them covered 
 with green turf, and retaining, as far as he could examine them, 
 their conical form, without any sinking in at top. 
 
 They are all placed on an eminence. — And on the same rising 
 ground, near the middle, and towards Sardes, is most remarkably 
 conspicuous, the vast monument, or Barrow, of Halyattes, the father 
 of Croesus. Where the mold, which has been washed down by 
 time, now conceals (as Chandler very fairly supposes), the basement 
 of stone, mentioned by Herodotus. 
 
 That great historian's very remarkable description of the mode of 
 constructing it well deserves our notice. — And especially as one part 
 of his account will admit of two different kinds of explanation : and 
 as that which has never yet been adopted, may probably be the 
 true one. 
 
 Herodotus says, § " Lydia exhibits one work, by far the greatest 
 " of any, except the works of the Egyptians and Babylonians. For 
 " there is there, the Sepulchre of Halyattes, the father of Croesus. 
 " The foundation of zuhich (or the bottom partj , ri xynxk, is oj great stones ; 
 " hit the rest of the Sepulchre yaV-'*- a tumulus of earth." 
 
 * In his life of Alexander, p. 2 8 3 , in the Florence edition, printed A. D. l h 1 7 ; where 
 we find the Greek word used, is actually o-TyXyv. Dryden's translation therefore is very 
 lax and indescriptive, when he says, Vol. VI. p. 25, merely that Alexander anointed the 
 Monument of Achilles, and with his friends, as the antient custom was, ran naked about 
 his Sepulchre, and crowned it with garlands. 
 
 + Travels in Asia Minor, Vol. I. p. H. $ Ibid. Vol. I. p. 260. 
 
 $ Herodotus, ed. Wesselingii, lib. i. 93. p. 47. 
 
272 
 
 Here we have, surely, in the first place, an exact description of 
 what perfectly resembles a large British, or Irish Barrow. 
 
 We have also some intimation, in the next place, of the probable 
 existence of a passage, and Kistvaen, or small room, under the foun- 
 dation of great stones; designed for the reception of the bones and 
 ashes ; and formed of large rude stones, as in some of our Barrows ; 
 and both covered, and surrounded with other large stones. Over 
 which there was then, a vast tumulus, or mount of earth, heaped 
 up very high. 
 
 And the historian, after this, goes on, and says, (as has hitherto 
 been apprehended,) " that the artificers, the labourers, and the girls 
 " who were prostituted for hire, constructed it. And even to°my 
 days, are remaining five termini* on the top of the Sepulchre ; hav- 
 " ing letters inscribed, recording what each had performed. And 
 '■■ on a measurement it appeared, that the work of the girls was the 
 " most constderable.— The circuit, or circumference, of thisSepul- 
 " chre is six stadia, and two plethra (that is, a little more than three 
 " quarters of a mile) ; and the breadth is thirteen plethra." 
 
 But in translating the whole in this manner, there seems to be 
 no small difficulty as to the word o5,o, ; which is translated termini, 
 or rude boundary stones; and also as to the words mmdi^m; 
 which are translated letters were inscribed. For, 'indeed, it is only 
 by a particular mode of accenting A that 0% can ever be put for 
 6 ? oc terminus, or fines— a boundary, or limit. And much more pro- 
 perly Otyc may mean alveus, or fossa, a ditch, or artificial trench; 
 whilst, at the same time, the word ernxmohun, in reality rather im- 
 plies, that letters, or marks, were impressed, by being slam.pt, or beaten 
 in, than by being inscribed, or cut. The expression, therefore, ac- 
 tually used by Herodotus, does not, in reality, at all agree with the 
 idea of an inscription being cut on boundary stones; or on any stone 
 monuments: but exactly agrees with that of rude characters, or marks, 
 being stampt, or beaten into the side of a dry ditch (perhaps some- 
 what in the manner that those old memorials, the figures of the 
 
 » Littlebury translates the words, five monuments; but Mr. Beloe. whose translation of 
 Herodotus IS by far the best of any we have, fairly translates the words only ^ termini; 
 leaving the precise meaning, as to what material they consisted of, uncert: 
 
 + H. Stephens, Tom. 11. p. H64. 
 
 ;] tain. 
 
273 
 
 white horse, and of the white-leaf cross, are formed on the sides of 
 certain chalk hills, in our own country.* 
 
 Herodotus then expressly says, it appeared, by measuring, that the 
 work of the girls was the greatest. And we may observe it cer- 
 tainly would be so, in every respect, if their ditch was, as it should 
 seem to have been, the outermost of five concentric ones, formed on 
 the summit of this vast Barrow. 
 
 I should therefore be greatly inclined to translate the words of 
 Herodotus as follows ; taking them as they might appear before the 
 invention of accents. 
 
 Tou n xqixic fiir can Wov (tiyalav, to Sc ctXko ar^sc, ^aiisc yijf . ihtoyxuxno 
 Si pu> 01 zyoqxto, xv^aiot, w, o, ^oraxrrc, hxi x, moyxZotuvtu xxiSmxi. 
 ou ? ot it Xtvti twrtf, m xxi k e/u n exf m tov Ornixrot: sera- kxi aft yoxn/ixtx 
 wtxexoXvcTo, ra exxotoi zhoyxaxvTo- xou tfwiro ^to^mv to tov xxiSiexcw 
 tcyov tov (itytSTov. 
 
 " T1,e DO «om part of it was a mass of great stones ; but the rest 
 " of the Sepulchre a tumulus of earth.— The men in civil life+ (or 
 " who exercised public offices), and the craftsmen (or mechanics), 
 " and the girls who were prostitutes, J reared this Sepulchre, each 
 " class by themselves. — And there were yet existing, even to my 
 " days, five ditches (or artificial trenches), upon the Sepulchre on 
 " the upper part; on which were stampt (or impressed) letters (or 
 " characters), shewing what each set had wrought. And, on measur- 
 " ing, it appeared that the work of the girls was the greatest." 
 
 According to this translation, we find, this Sepulchre was (as 
 Chandler indeed found it to be) a great Barrow, or artificial hill. 
 
 And, according to this translation of the whole, we are further 
 informed, that it was raised over certain great Stones, which imme- 
 diately covered the bones and ashes ; whilst, at the top, were five 
 
 • The first in Berkshire ; the latter in Buckinghamshire.— An account of both of winch 
 may be seen in Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. 155, and 319. 
 
 + Ayofxm wfyun,, surely means, properly, men who frequented the forum, fokinses, mm 
 concerned in public business; much rather than labourers, or men of mean occupations. See H. 
 Stephens, Tom. I. p. 27. 
 
 t Herodotus informs us a few lines further, that there was an horrible custom, among 
 the Lilians, for all the young women to prostitute themselves, during one part of their 
 lives ; and by that means to procure their marriage portion. 
 
 4 A 
 
274 
 
 great works, like ditches, or artificial trenches ; somewhat in the 
 manner of those of an antient hill fortress, surrounding the area on 
 the summit. On the slopes of which ditches were rudely stampt, in 
 large characters, certain marks, or letters, expressing how much of the 
 work each of the several classes of people had performed. 
 
 And this account surely agrees much better with the rudeness of 
 those early ages, than the idea of any regular pillars, or carved stones, 
 with inscriptions engraved upon them. Which -pillars, if such had 
 really been what he intended to describe, the historian would rather 
 have mentioned, by the proper word Shjkai. By which the rude 
 Pillars, on the Barrows of Ilus, and of Patroclus, and Achilles, are 
 actually mentioned. 
 
 To proceed then with the consideration of such works of the 
 primaeval ages, in parts of the earth first inhabited, as were similar 
 to our British Barrows. 
 
 Chandler saw in Greece, another Barrow, on the shore near 
 yEgina ; * which seems to have been the same with that seen by 
 Pausanias in Adrian's time, when it had still remaining, upon its 
 summit, a rough Stone. 
 
 There is also still remaining a most remarkable Barrow, on the 
 plain of Marathon ; which was in like manner taken notice of by 
 Pausanias ; and seems to have been that under which the Athenians 
 were buried, after the celebrated battle with the Persians. — It is,+ 
 thougli so many centuries have elapsed since the time of Pausanias, 
 a mount that still towers above the level of the plain.J It is of light 
 fine earth, and has a bush or two growing on it. And from the 
 summit is a most pleasant view of the country. 
 
 There are also some other Barrows in the adjacent region, near a 
 part called Brauron, which may probably be some of those others 
 mentioned by Pausanias, as belonging to other persons slain in this 
 famous battle. 
 
 And it ought not to be forgotten, that when Laius had been slain 
 at Phocis, in a sudden tumult, § by his son (Edipus, stones were 
 heaped over him, and those slain with him ; which must have 
 
 * Travels in Greece, Vol. II. p. 14, is. + Ibid. Vol. II. p. 165, 1 66. 
 
 % The well known, ingenious Mr. Reveley, made a very fine drawing of this Barrow 
 upon the spot. § Diodorus, lib. iv. p. 185. Par, ed. 308. Westenii. 
 
275 
 
 formed a kind of Cairn, or Stone Barrow, and seems to have existed 
 in the days of Pausanias. * 
 
 Neither should it be forgotton, that when Tydeus, the father of 
 Diomed, was slain, in the Theban war, he was buried by heaping, 
 or pouring out, earth upon him ; that is, by means of forming a 
 Barrow, or tumulus over him.t 
 
 TuSeoc, oi> QqCrioi yulri mrx ycCm xihi^ii. 
 
 So, the Sepulchre of Lycus, near Sicyone, was a Barrow of earth.J 
 
 And even so late as in the time of Alexander, his friend Hephes- 
 tion (like Patroclus the friend of Achilles), was buried under a Bar- 
 row. — Justin says, $ that Alexander raised a tumulus over him, at 
 the expence of twelve thousand talents. And from the manner in 
 which Quintus Curtius speaks of it, [| we may clearly perceive that 
 such a kind of interment was then become, even in those days, 
 which we now deem so early, somewhat unusual. 
 
 So also, if Xenophon's History of Cyrus is to be relied on as con- 
 taining real facts ; when Abradates and Panthea were honoured by 
 that conqueror with distinguished marks of respect ; on the inter- 
 ment of that unhappy pair (Panthea having killed herself, that she 
 might be interred in the same grave with her husband), a great 
 tumulus of earth was raised over them ; Cyrus having before pro- 
 mised Panthea, that such a monument should be reared by many hands, 
 and that such victims should be sacrificed, as were becoming the memory 
 of a brave man!** 
 
 In the most antient, Eastern parts of the world, first inhabited, 
 we find accounts of the observance of the same aboriginal custom. 
 
 For Ives informs us, ++ that not far from the Courdistan and San- 
 jack mountains, between Mesopotamia and Assyria, is a small mount, 
 containing the tomb (or Sepulchre) of Geraza, an antient Sage. 
 And in another plain, between the Courdistan, and Sanjack moun- 
 tains, are eight or ten mounts, which in shape resemble some others 
 near Kircoote, and Arvele, (supposed to be the antient Arbela.J 
 
 * Pausanias in Phocicis, cap. v. p. 808. A Iliad, lib. xiv. ver. 114. Nothing 
 
 surely can be more lax, or erroneous, than Pope's translation of this line : — viz. that 
 Tydeus, Lies whelviea 1 in ruins of the Theban wall Iliad, book xiv. ver. 128. % Pausa- 
 nias, p. 126. $ Justin, lib. xii. cap. 12. |] Quintus Curtius, lib. x. cap. 4. 
 
 ** Cyropedia, lib. vii. p. 5t>7. Hutch, ed. +t Ives's Travels, p. 3 3 5 , 3 1 6. 
 
276 
 
 The custom seems also to have been carried Eastward, in the 
 earliest ages, even as far as China : and (as all customs of their an- 
 cestors are there revered) to have been preserved, in a degree, even 
 to this day : for we are told, in the accounts which we have of 
 that country, * that mountains and solitary places far from towns, 
 are chosen for the seat of the tombs and sepulchres of the great : 
 and if a tomb is erected in a valley, or plain, a vast heap of earth is 
 accumulated over it, to the height of a mount. Whilst the tomb itself 
 is an arched vault, about the size of an ordinary cottage, so covered 
 with plaister that no moisture can penetrate. 
 
 Nor ought the pyramids of Egypt to be forgotten on this occa- 
 sion. For there can hardly remain a doubt in the minds of those 
 who fairly reflect upon the whole of their construction, and upon 
 their situation, and numbers, but that these pyramids were merely 
 one degree more of a little refined improvement beyond the more 
 aboriginal Barrows of that country, that had existed in the very first 
 rude ages. And that they were substituted in the room of such, in 
 consequence of the introduction of vast power, and of its concomi- 
 tant magnificence bursting forth here, sooner than in other regions 
 of the world. 
 
 Dr. Shawt indeed fancied, that the pyramids of Gize were de- 
 signed for Temples ; and for the exercise of superstitious Pagan 
 rites. And there might perhaps have been some foundation for 
 such an idea, if there had been only one or two, or a few pyramids 
 in different places ; and those open, and by any means accessible. 
 But as we find not only the three great pyramids at Gize, but also a 
 fourth not far distant, all entirely closed, except the one which has 
 been forced open ; and find also remains of many small ones near, 
 that have been destroyed ;— and find others so numerous at Sakarra, 
 or Saccara, and Dagjour ;— there can remain no doubt, but that 
 they were intended for Sepulchres. 
 
 And indeed we may be well assured, that they were formerly 
 more numerous still. For if those two vast pyramids, which were 
 seen by Herodotus standing in the midst of the lake of Maris; and 
 
 * This agrees with the accounts of Du Halde, and NimhoJ, and is particularly mention- 
 ed in a Voyage to the East Indies in 1 7 4 7 . 8vo. p. 1 9 1 . 
 + Shaw's Travel, p. 370. 410. 
 
277 
 
 which were 200 cubits (that is, 50 fathom, or 300 feet) above the 
 surface of the water,* be now so utterly destroyed, that nothing is 
 to be seen of them at present, but two banks like islands ; t how 
 much rather may many other smaller one's have been demolished, 
 as well as those J which were near the great ones that still remain at 
 Gize, and at Sakarra. 
 
 The pyramids of Saccara, we have every reason to believe, were 
 of higher antiquity than those of Gize. And they seem manifestly 
 to have been the first rude improvement of the antient Barrow, 
 formed by rearing such vast pyramidal piles, either of stone, or 
 of brick ; instead of heaping up conical mounds of earth. 
 
 Indeed Pococke says, J some of them look more like hillocks cased 
 with stone, than like pyramids. 
 
 And Herodotus expressly tells us of a vast pyramid, formed by 
 heaping up bricks, made of clayey mud, and straw ; and piled up 
 in this manner. And even describes the process observed in its 
 construction, on the authority of an antient inscription. A process 
 which cannot avoid impressing upon our minds an idea of the man- 
 ner in which the antient Egyptians improved the peculiar soil of 
 their country; for the purpose not only of rearing these sepulchral 
 trophies of magnificence ; but for constructing the walls of many of 
 their cities ; and also those artificial mounds, on which several of 
 their cities and towns themselves were placed. || 
 
 The process was ; that striking the bottom of the lake Maris, with 
 long poles, they collected the mire and mud that adhered to them ; 
 and of that formed the bricks.** 
 
 The great false pyramid of Meduun, as it is called, made of 
 bricks, and standing amongst those of Dagjour, and Sakarra, seems 
 to have been constructed of just such materials. And is described, 
 both by Norden+t and Pococke. JJ 
 
 And Shaw mentions others that had been made of bricks : and 
 
 * Herodotus, lib. ii. 14 9. p. 177. ed. Wesselingii. 
 + Pococke's Travels, Vol. I. p. 65. J Ibid. Vol. I. p. 41. 
 
 i Ibid. Vol. I. p. 50. || Ibid. Vol. I. p. si, ss, as. 
 
 ** Herodotus, lib. ii. 136. p. 170. ed. Wesselingii. 
 
 it See Norden, Vol. II. PI. LXVI, LXV1I. p. 81. 84 ; and Vol. II. p. 10. 
 tt Pocoike, Vol. I. p. S3. PI. XIX. Shaw's Travels, p. 136. 4to.ed. 
 
 4 B 
 
278 
 
 says, the straw which keeps these bricks together, seems to be a 
 proof that they were never burnt, or made in kilns. 
 
 Whilst, therefore, we make this observation ; it cannot escape 
 the attention of the curious, that we have perhaps here, somewhat 
 of an elucidation of the manner in which some part of the revenue 
 of Egypt was originally produced. — The payment of a certain tale 
 of such bricks, from the mud of the overflowings of the Nile, being 
 most probably, as regular an impost, as the payment of a certain 
 portion of corn, from the produce of the land. A circumstance 
 which greatly illustrates the whole of the very interesting piece of 
 sacred history, that we have in the book of Exodus concerning the 
 Israelites; and concerning the unjust exaction of bricks: such, being 
 perhaps an unreasonable, oppressive, increase of what had once been 
 indeed a part of revenue ; but was now so exacted, from the Israel- 
 ites, as to reduce them to be mere hard labourers, and bondmen. 
 
 Towards the North, we find most curious Remains of the obser- 
 vance of this custom, of raising vast mounts, or Barrows, over their 
 dead, from time immemorial. 
 
 Strahlenberg tells us,* that vast numbers of Turmdi, called by the 
 Russians Bogri, are found in Siberia, and in the deserts which bor- 
 der on that country southwards. And that in these tombs are found 
 many plates, and ornaments, and trinkets of gold. 
 
 These graves, or Sepulchres, he says, are of different structures. 
 Some are only raised up of earth as high as houses, and placed so 
 near together, and in such numbers, in the spacious plains, that, at 
 a distance, they appear like a ridge of hills. Others are set round, 
 with rough hewn stones (of which Strahlenberg has given us some 
 representations, that much resemble some of our rude Druidical 
 Stones, erected upon, or near to Barrows). 
 
 Others are entirely built, or formed, of stones (and therefore were 
 obviously what we now call CairnsJ . These Barrows are in the 
 antient maps of Tartary, called the Pyramidal Sepulchres of the 
 Tartarian Kings. And their vast antiquity appears, from the con- 
 struction of the weapons found in them, especially the swords ; 
 which were not forged, but cast, of copper, and shaped like our 
 
 * Strahlenberg's Description of the North and Eastern parts of Europe and Asia, 
 
 p. 3 25. 3 3 0. 3 64. 
 
279 
 
 bayonets : and still more from a very curious circumstance, men- 
 tioned by a Swede, who was long in captivity in the city oljenisei ; 
 that the ambassadors of the Chinese Tartars, in the last century, in 
 their return home, passing through that city, desired leave of the 
 then Governor, to visit (these tombs, as) the graves of their ancestors ; 
 but it was refused them (says Strahlenberg),* not improbably, be- 
 cause they would have found almost all of them opened, and rifled.t 
 
 In short, there is no tradition concerning the time of their con- 
 struction ; and they seem to have been the very Sepulchres, which 
 were deemed antient, even in the time of Darius ; when on inquir- 
 ing of the Scythians (the inhabitants of these very regions), why 
 they so continually retreated before him from the part of the coun- 
 try wherever he was? — they answered, J that they lost nothing by 
 giving way, having neither towns, nor cultivated lands ; but that 
 they had Sepulchres of their fathers, which, if he should Jind, and attempt 
 to disturb them, he would then know whether they could fight or not. 
 
 These Sepulchres, and the treasures discovered in these latter 
 days to have been concealed in them, are also particularly describ- 
 ed by Bell,} in his Travels; who says, that in a large, dry, and 
 open plain, about eight or ten days journey from Tomsky, are 
 found many tombs, and burying places of antient heroes. These 
 tombs are easily distinguished by the mounds of earth and stones 
 raised upon them. 
 
 In short, it appears from all the accounts given to us, that they 
 most exactly resemble the kind of Sepulchres described by Hero- 
 dotus, as being constructed on the interment of the Scythian Kings ; 
 many of which were antient even in his days, and therefore must 
 have been aboriginal indeed. 
 
 Herodotus tells us || (if we fairly extract the substance of his 
 account), that they placed the body in a Sepulchre, or a sort of bed ; 
 fixing spears both on this side and on that side ; and that they 
 
 * P. 366. t Before the Czars oFRussia were acquainted with the riches 
 
 of these tombs, the Governors of the cities of Tara, Tomskoi, and of some others, used to 
 give leave to the inhabitants of those cities to go in voluntary caravans to plunder the tombs, 
 on condition of sharing in the spoil. Strahlenberg, p. 365. 
 
 % Herodotus, lib. iv. 127. p. 3 3 6. ed. Wesselingii. $ Journey to Pekin, 
 
 Vol. I. p. 209. || Herodotus, lib. iv. 71. p. 313. ed. Wesselingii. 
 
280 
 
 formed a roof, or covering over It ; and in the ample space around, 
 they placed one of his concubines strangled, and also, some of his 
 officers, and some of his horses, and also vessels of gold (because 
 silver and brass are not used amongst them) ; and then with great 
 care and diligence they heaped up earth upon the whole ; and raised 
 a mound, or tumulus, as high as they could. 
 
 With this description, the appearance, both within and without, 
 of one of the largest of these Tumuli, or Barrows, that was opened 
 by order of the Russian court, agreed as nearly as possible. 
 
 We have an exact relation of what was found, on that occasion, 
 in the Archaeologia. * 
 
 The Barrow, like many of ours in this country, had the appear- 
 ance of a great conical artificial mount, or hill. And after removing 
 a part of this, that formed a very deep covering of earth and stones" 
 the workmen came to three vaults (as they are called), which were" 
 manifestly, as appears from their form and figure, mere Kistvaens, 
 or small square cells, or chambers, with flat coverings, constructed 
 of rude rough stones. In one, which was placed in the centre, 
 and was the largest of the three, were deposited the remains of the 
 prince ; distinguished easily, by the sword, spear, bow, quiver, 
 and arrows, which lay beside the body. 
 
 In the cell, or vault beyond him, at his feet, were the bones of 
 his horse ; with his bridle, saddle, and stirrups. 
 
 And in a cell, or vault of smaller dimensions than the prince's ; 
 and placed at his head ; lay the body of the princess, or concubine, 
 distinguished by her female ornaments.— She was placed in a re- 
 clining posture against the wall, with a gold chain of many links, 
 set with rubies, round her neck, and gold bracelets round her 
 arms. The head, breast, and arms, in other respects appeared to 
 have been left naked ; but the body was covered with a rich robe, 
 only without any border of gold or jewels. It was laid upon a 
 sheet of fine gold, and covered over with another of the same pre- 
 cious metal. 
 
 And, in like manner, the body of the prince lay in a reclining 
 posture, on a sheet of pure gold, extending from head to foot ; and 
 
 * Vol. II. p. 224. PI. XIV.— The account is given in a letter from Petersburg, sent 
 to Mr. Peter Collinson ; of which I have here, shortly, extracted the substance. 
 
281 
 
 had another sheet of gold, of the like dimensions, spread over him. 
 He was wrapt in a rich mantle, bordered with gold, and studded 
 with rubies and emeralds. But there was no ornament upon his 
 head, neck, breast, or arms. 
 
 The four sheets of gold weighed forty pounds. And the robes 
 of both bodies looked fair, and complete ; but upon touching 
 crumbled into dust. 
 
 In a subsequent Memoir, in the Archaeologia, a conclusion is 
 drawn, that this Sepulchre was not older than the year 1294, and 
 was subsequent to the time of Genghiz-khan. But as that conclu- 
 sion is founded, merely upon the appearance of some letters, cut 
 upon the pedestal of the figure of a tiger in silver ; and upon the 
 imagination that the conquests of Genghiz-khan, who had the plun- 
 der of a great part of the East, would best account for the riches 
 found in this Sepulchre ; it surely is not easily to be assented to. 
 For it appears that the silver tiger was not found in this Barrow ; 
 but in another, which had no immediate connection with it ; and 
 therefore, from the letters on the pedestal of that silver tiger, no 
 conclusion can fairly be formed on this occasion. And as to the 
 plates of gold, and other rich ornaments, discovered in this great 
 Barrow ; surely what is expressly asserted by Herodotus, will better 
 account for the whole, than a supposition of the gold being apparent 
 remains of the plunder of Genghiz-khan.* 
 
 Herodotus positively affirms, that vessels of gold were interred 
 with the bodies of the Scythian Kings, and that they actually had, 
 even in those antient days, such plenty of gold in Scythia, that 
 silver and other metals were of no account. To which I cannot but 
 add, that a very curious fact lately brought to light, somewhat 
 explains this matter. And shews at least whence they might have 
 obtained some of their gold : in regions, to which it was very pos- 
 sible for them to have access. — Concerning this fact I received 
 information from that most inquisitive, intelligent, and accurate geo- 
 grapher, Major Rennell ; who obtained the account from an eye 
 witness, that had lately traversed those regions. And this fact is, 
 that in a tract of country, running from the parts of Mount Taurus, 
 
 * Herodotus, lib. iv. 7 1. p. lis. ed. Wesselingii. 
 4 C 
 
282 
 
 near where the Euphrates begins to be navigable, northwards 
 through Tartary, into Siberia, there are still most astonishing re- 
 mains of mines, which contain gold, as well as silver, and other 
 metals ; but which are not now worked ; because all the timber in 
 the neighbouring countries has been utterly exhausted. Consist- 
 ently also with all these accounts, we are told by M. de Stehlin,* 
 that amongst the Mongul Tartars there were hords, called the Ioktaja 
 hords, or herds of gold; from the abundance of that metal, and other 
 riches found amongst them. 
 
 Hence, therefore, we may be convinced, that great treasures of 
 gold and silver, might exist in Tartary, in the most antient times ■+ 
 and long before the conquests of Genghiz-khan. And as (con- 
 sistently with their reply to Darius,) the Scythians had neither 
 towns, nor cultivated land, nor indeed any commerce ; those riches 
 must necessarily have been confined to, and appeared in the orna- 
 ments of their persons, and tents, and accoutrements ; and therefore 
 would often be buried in their Sepulchres ; and must ever, in con- 
 sequence of all these circumstances, have appeared more vast than it 
 really was. 
 
 Of these very antient Scythian Barrows, concerning which we 
 have been speaking, there arc some that are 30 Russian toises in cir- 
 cumference ; some 50 ; and some 100 ; and even so large as 500. 
 Their altitudes also are from 5 toises, to 20 ; and even to 30 toises,J 
 or 210 feet: each Russian toise measuring 7 English feet. So that 
 they are evidently just as various in their magnitudes as our British 
 Barrows. And the matters found in those of small dimensions, are 
 there, as here, in general merely rotten, or burnt bones, with arrow, 
 and spear heads, and other pieces of weapons. 
 
 The vast antiquity of these kind of Barrows, in the primitive parts 
 
 * Counsellor of state, and secretary to the academy of sciences at Petersburg, in one of 
 his Memoirs. 
 
 + It is possible, that in future ages, when the navigation of the Euphrates shall no lono-er 
 be impeded by the severe band of Turkish government, and by want of improvement ; that 
 these mines, either by the exportation of their contents, or the importation of fuel, may s tM 
 become a source of prodigious, and useful commerce. 
 
 % See a very curious account by Governor Pownall in the Archaeologia, from parti- 
 culars communicated to him by Mons. de Stehlin, Vol. II. p. sea. 
 
2S3 
 
 of the earth, appears from one having been made use of as an old 
 landmark, even in the time of Homer ; which that father of poets 
 calls the Tomb, or Sepulchre of jEpytus, * and describes as being 
 situated on mount Cyllene in Arcadia. Which Barrow, Pausanias, 
 who saw it many ages afterwards, says,+ is a tumulus of earth, of 
 no great size, surrounded at the foot, or base, with a circle of stones. 
 
 It appears also, from what Diodorus Siculus relates, J on the autho- 
 rity of Ctesias, concerning the supposed Sepulchre o( JYinns, raised 
 by Semiramis; which was a vast tumulus of earth, 9 stadia in height, 
 and 10 in breadth ; according to his account. And although these 
 dimensions, like those given by Herodotus concerning the Barrow 
 of Halyattes, seem to be mentioned in an exaggerated manner ; un- 
 less there has been some mistake in the figures in the copies, or 
 unless the stadium was a smaller measure than is generally appre- 
 hended ; yet, without doubt, we have here an instance of a vast 
 Barrow being formed, in the very first ages concerning which his- 
 tory pretends to preserve any records. 
 
 And indeed, as on other occasions, we find constantly in the 
 .Holy Scriptures, some traces, in what is related concerning the 
 Israelites, of such primaeval customs as were derived from the first 
 ancestors of mankind, and were from thence adopted in common by 
 the most antient and aboriginal inhabitants in various parts of the 
 earth ; so here also ; in the construction of Cairns, and great Bar- 
 rows; although the Israelites themselves were, by their law, directed 
 most carefully to avoid the adopting, in their own manners, the cus- 
 toms of the Gentile nations, in superstitious ceremonials ; yet we 
 may perceive (from what was practised on certain occasions, where 
 the decease of some particular persons was to be in an especial 
 manner remembered), that they were not at all unacquainted with 
 this usage. 
 
 For, when the King of Ai was slain, his carcass was cast (or 
 placed on the ground), at the entering of the gate of the city, (or 
 near unto the gate of the city,) and thereon was raised a great heap 
 of stones. § 
 
 * Iliad, lib. ii. ver. 604. + Lib. viii. cap. 16. 
 
 J Lib. ii. p. 67, of the Paris ed. ; and p. ISO. Westerii. 
 $ Joshua, chap. viii. ver. 39. 
 
284 
 
 So, when the Jive Kings who warred against Gibeon were taken, 
 after they had fled and hid themselves in a cave at Makkedah f 
 (which, from the whole tenour of the account, seems plainly to have 
 been of the same kind with that wherein Josephus, so many ages 
 afterwards, endeavoured to conceal himself from the forces of Ves- 
 pasian ; and of the same kind with those, in still later ages, formed 
 by the Britons near Crayford, which are fully described in the for- 
 mer part of these sheets) ;+ when these five Kings had been brought 
 forth out of this cave, or pit, and had been hanged, by the command 
 of Joshua, their bodies were afterwards cast into the same cave, and 
 great stones were laid upon the caves mouth (i. e. on the mouth of the 
 narrow pit leading down to itj, which remained for ages. 
 
 So again, in the instance, of a most tremendous punishment, in- 
 flicted upon Achan, for setting an example of most wilful disobe- 
 dience to a positive command of Almighty God, on the very first 
 entrance of the people of Israel into the Promised Land ; we are told, 
 they burned him, and his sons, and his daughters, and his oxen, 
 and his asses, and his sheep, with fire, after they had stoned them 
 with stones. And they raised over him a great heap of stones. % 
 
 And when Absalom was slain, many ages after ; they took him, 
 and cast him into a great pit in the wood J and laid a very great 
 heap of stones upon him. There must, therefore, have remained in 
 that spot, an exceeding great Cairn ; which being in time covered 
 with soil and grass, would have just the appearance of one of our 
 large Barrows. 
 
 The usage of rearing these kind of Sepulchres, being then of 
 such exceeding high antiquity, it is no wonder that we find it to 
 have been practised by the first settlers, every where ; who having 
 branched off from the most antient nations, had been led by various 
 events to take up their residence in very remote parts of the earth. 
 
 Accordingly, even in America we find traces of this practice. 
 
 For a circumstance mentioned by Colden, concerning some of 
 the interments of the Indians of the five nations, bears a very strong 
 resemblance to what we have been describing as to the antient 
 customs of the aboriginal Scythians. 
 
 * Joshua, chap. x. ver. 16. ts. 22, 23, 24. 27 . + See p. 47. 
 
 f Joshua, chap. vii. ver. 24, 25, 26. § 2 Samuel, chap. 18. ver. 17. 
 
285 
 
 They make a large round hole, he says,* in which the body can 
 be placed upright, or upon its haunches, which, after the corpse is 
 placed therein, is covered with timber, to support the earth which 
 they lay over it ; and thereby they keep the body free from beinf 
 pressed. They then raise the earth, in a round hill, over it. They 
 always dress the corpse in all its finery, and put wampum, and other 
 tilings, into the grave with it. 
 
 So, in Frezier's Voyage, + we have an account of the tombs of the 
 Indians in Peru, before the invasion of the Spaniards, that bears a 
 distant resemblance both to the customs we have been describing, and 
 to the conversion of plain Barrows, or Tumuli, into pyramids ; which 
 change was so much more completely effected by the Egyptians. 
 
 In travelling through the country, he says, there are still to be 
 seen many tombs, even of those before the conquest by the Spa- 
 niards. They are above the ground, built with unburnt bricks, and 
 round, 5 or 6 feet in diameter ; J and I 2 or 1 4 in height; arched 
 like the top of an oven ; in which the dead were placed sitting, and 
 were then walled up. 
 
 And as these pyramidal Sepulchres, in Peru, are formed of un- 
 burnt bricks ; (as indeed are very many of the pyramids near 
 Saccara in Egypt, {) so, even in those same Deserts of Siberia, and 
 Tartary, where the great Barrows we have been describing are met 
 with, there are also found others, entirely built up of stone ; || 
 
 * History of the Five Indian Nations of Canada, p. 16. 
 + Frezier's Voyage to the South Sea, p. 17 8. 
 
 % Whoever well considers these dimensions, will perceive that Frezier must probably 
 have meant to speak only of die structure of the cavity, or vault within. 
 
 § Norden's Travels, Vol. I. p. 8 l .— Pococlte's Travels, Vol. I. p. 49, 55.— The 
 bricks of which these pyramids were built, formed of chopped straw, and dried and harden- 
 ed in the sun, were some isi feet long : f,i inches broad ; and 4 inches thick. And others 
 15 inches long; and 7 inches broad ; and 4+ inches thick. They were plainly, therefore, 
 of no determinate measure ; and remind us very much of the bricks said to be made by the 
 children of Israel, during their bondage, and oppression in Egypt.** 
 
 I must add, that Dampier, in his Travels, Vol. I. p. 1 j 9, informs us, that some of the 
 Indians in America, make brick for their houses, of earth and straw kneaded together, and 
 dried in the sun. 
 
 And that Le Bruyn, in his Travels, Vol. IV. p. 6 1 . mentions buildings in Persia, of 
 bricks made with clay and chopped straw, and dried by the sun. || Strahlenberg, p. 3 65 
 ** Exodus, chap. i. ver. H. — chap, v. ver. 7. 
 
286 
 
 which are, therefore, in appearance, a sort of rude rough pyra- 
 mids ; and are in the antient maps of Tartary, with still more 
 propriety than the others, called the Pyramidal Sepulchres of the 
 Tartarian Kings. 
 
 And to return nearer home ; most surely, very similar to these, 
 are the great stone Cairns mentioned by Armstrong, as still exist- 
 ing in the island of Minorca; where we have every reason to be- 
 lieve the Celles, descended from the same common ancestors with 
 the aboriginal Britons, existed in the earliest ages ; and where so 
 many remains are found, similar to the Druidical Stones that were 
 reared in this country. 
 
 Diodorus Siculus, speaking of the Balleares, says,* " that press- 
 " ing together the limbs of a dead body with boards, + they cast it 
 11 into a hollowed receptacle (or cavity), and place over it a large 
 " heap of stones." And accordingly we actually find in Minorca, 
 many great Cairns, or conical heaps of great rough stones, piled up 
 even to the height of fourscore or 90 feet. J And on one side of 
 these, is often found, at the base, the entrance of a cavity, or narrow 
 gallery, which seems to have led originally to the rude vault, or re- 
 ceptacle for the dead, in the centre. 
 
 The same sort of Celtic people also, derived from the same com- 
 mon ancestors, carried the same customs into the northern parts of 
 Europe; into Denmark, and Sweden ; whence it comes to pass, that 
 there is so great a similarity between the great Barrows, and the 
 Stone Circles, of those countries, and those in Britain, that some 
 persons have too hastily been led to conclude, that such works in 
 this country were, in general, the works of Danish invaders. 
 
 Torfa:us, J and Stephanus, inform us, that Odin introduced into 
 those northern regions the custom of burning the dead, and of put- 
 ting the most valuable things of the deceased into the grave with 
 
 • Lib. v. J07. p. 34.|. ed. Wesselingii. + The expressions made use of 
 
 in the Greek are very remarkable, and may be allowed rather to convey the idea of a sort of 
 coffin of wood, being deposited in a Kistvaen, or stone chests or vault; than that of the 
 body being pounded, or beaten with clubs, and then crammed into an in, — Soj-Kotpieife 
 
 i Armstrong's History of Minorca, p. a 15. § Ser. Dynast. Reg. Dan. 
 
 cap. vi. p. 130. nt. svo. 
 
287 
 
 their ashes ; and (this grave, with the ashes, and urn, being placed in 
 the middle of a circular area), they covered it up with great stones ; 
 and heaped stones, and earth, and turf, over it, in form of a mount, 
 or hill. 
 
 The same is said also to have been the form and construction of 
 the antient Cimbrian Sepulchres. * 
 
 There are numbers of these kind of Barrows in Denmark, + and 
 Sweden ; in Russia ; and in Poland. And still more particularly, 
 we are told, by Wormius, that two brothers, petty princes in Naum- 
 dhall, employed themselves for successive years, with very expen- 
 sive labour, in erecting one of these Sepulchral Barrows. Which 
 piece of history alone plainly shews, how impossible it was for 
 Danish invaders in Britain, and Ireland, to raise those vast Sepul- 
 chral mounts that have been so hastily attributed to them. 
 
 In Sweden, we are told, J there are three vast Barrows, near old 
 Upsal, which still retain the name of the King's Cams, or Cairns — 
 Kongs Hoaarn. — One of these is 7 5 steppings high. There are also, 
 in that neighbourhood, very many others of smaller dimensions. 
 
 In the road through Lower Saxony also, Brown says, § he could 
 not but take notice of many Barrows, or Mounts of earth ; the burial 
 monuments of great and famous men ; such as are to be often ob- 
 served in open countries in England. 
 
 Having, by this great variety of instandes, shewn how plainly 
 this custom of heaping up vast Barrows of stones, and earth, over 
 the illustrious dead, may be traced from the very earliest ages, and 
 from the inhabitants of those countries, which were first cultivated 
 on the face of the earth ; and how evidently it has been preserved 
 in so many other countries, by the first settlers, most immediately 
 derived from those common ancestors; and especially when they 
 have been secluded from much intercourse with the rest of the 
 world ; and how truly it has been preserved by such aboriginal peo- 
 ple only ; we may now safely venture to reason more closely j and 
 to draw some satisfactory conclusions, concerning the Cairns, and 
 Barrows, in this island, and also in Ireland : — and on examining the 
 
 * Remarks on the Cimbrian Antiquities in Holstein Hamburgh, I78«. p. 154. 
 
 4- Monumenta Dau. lib. i. cap. 6. + Monumenta Sueo-Gothica, 
 
 lib. i. p. 2is. 2i7. j Brown's Travels through Germany, p. H6. a to. 
 
288 
 
 plain descriptions of a few, we shall perceive, that they must have 
 been the works of the Britons here, and, in all probability, of the 
 very first inhabitants of Ireland, in that island ; and prior to the 
 invasion of the Danes in either; though, indeed, they are so similar 
 to the works of that people, in their own northern regions. 
 
 There is one in Ireland, which has been opened by accident, in 
 such a part as to shew its exact interior structure : and has been 
 repeatedly, and carefully, examined: and which so completely 
 corresponds with the accounts we have of the Asiatic Barrows of 
 Patroclus, and of Halyattes, and with the accounts of the Tartarian 
 Barrows of the Scythian Kings, that in reading the accounts of the 
 one, we even seem to be reading an account of the other. 
 
 It has been examined, and described very particularly, by Dr. 
 Molineux,* with the assistance of a gentleman of the same name j — 
 by Mr. Wright, + the author of the Louthiana ;— and by Governor 
 Pownall : J — and as the account given by the Governor is far the 
 fullest, and most accurate of any, I shall beg leave to extract princi- 
 pally from thence, and very briefly, such particulars, as it is on this 
 occasion needful to mention. 
 
 This prodigious Barrow is situated in the county of Meath, with- 
 in four miles of Drogheda. Its altitude is about 70 feet; and its 
 diameter about 320; and it covers about two acres of ground. It is 
 formed, not of earth, but of pebble, or coggle stones, of a kind 
 which shew they must have been brought from the mouth of the 
 Boyne, at the distance of twelve or fourteen miles ; a circumstance 
 that is alone a proof how vast a multitude of people, and how great 
 a space of time, must have been employed to rear. this astonishing 
 heap ; and that it could not be the work of mere invaders, or of 
 any people but such as had uninterrupted possession. It was en- 
 circled formerly, at the base, with a number of enormous unhewn 
 stones set upright, (nine or ten of which were remaining very 
 lately ;) and there was one also of considerable bulk erected on the 
 summit : just as we may recollect was the case, on the Sepulchre of 
 
 » See the Philosophical Transactions, No. 335, and 3 3 6 ; and Boate's Natural History 
 oflreland, p. 20;, 206, See.; and Ware's History of Ireland, p. HI. In all of which 
 are plans and representations of the whole. 
 
 + Louthiana, book i. p. 15. | Archaeologia, Vol. II. p. a3 6. 
 
\ 
 
 289 
 
 Ilus; and of others that we have mentioned to have been reared in 
 the most antient times in Asia. 
 
 At the distance of forty feet, within the utmost limit of the base, 
 was discovered, by accident, the mouth of a long narrow gallery, be- 
 tween 3 and 4 feet in width, and height ; formed of rough large flag 
 stones, some set on end, on each side, and others laid across to cover 
 the top : one of which latter is no less than 1 3 feet long, and 5 broad ; 
 and another 1 1 feet long, and 4-J wide. This gallery is about 
 feet in length ; leading to a remarkable repository, or vault, at the 
 end ; where were found, when the cave was first opened, the bones 
 of two bodies lying on the floor. At the distance of 13 feet from 
 the entrance, the gallery is narrowed, so as to be only 2 feet, 2 
 inches wide, and to form a most difficult pass, (which cannot but 
 remind a curious observer of the difficult pass at the end of the first 
 gallery, in the great pyramid of Egypt.) After this, it becomes high 
 enough to stand upright; and increasing in height, from 6 to 9 feet, 
 conducts the visitor with ease to the vault, which is near 20 feet high. 
 
 This dome is nearly of a conical form ; and cannot but remind 
 us of what has been said concerning the repositories in the Indian 
 Sepulchres. 
 
 It is of a very remarkable structure. The plan of it is a sort of 
 rude irregular octagon, about 9 feet in diameter ; with two wings 
 or recesses, forming receptacles, or Kislvaens, to the east and west ; 
 and a third to the north ; and having the entrance from the gallery 
 on the south : which four open spaces do, therefore, occupy four 
 sides of the octagon ; whilst the remaining four sides are formed of 
 large flag stones, about 6 feet high, and near 4 feet wide, set on end. 
 
 The conical, irregular dome over head, is formed manifestly with- 
 out the least design of composing an arch, or really vaulted roof; 
 and without the least knowledge of the mode of constructing any 
 such thing ; for it is formed merely by the over-hanging, or over- 
 lapping, of the stones. — The setting in, or projection inwards, of 
 the super-incumbent stones, begins at various heights, from 8 to 9 
 or 10 feet, on different sides. At the height of 1 5 or 1 6 feet ; the 
 north and south side of this coving run to a point like a gore ; and 
 the coving continues its spring with six sides : the east side coming 
 to a point next ; it is then reduced to five sides : the west closes 
 
 4 e 
 
290 
 
 next ; and the whole ends and closes with four sides, not tied with 
 a key-stone, but capped with a flat flag stone, covering a space only 
 3 feet 10 inches, by 3 feet 5. The whole is therefore obviously 
 composed of great long flat stones laid one upon another, having the 
 end of each upper one projecting a little beyond the end of that 
 immediately under it, till at last only the small space was left, which 
 is covered by the stone laid over the middle. 
 
 The side recesses are formed in as rude a manner as this central 
 dome. That to the east, on the right hand of the entrance, is about 
 8 or 9 feet in length ; about 4 feet wide at the entrance ; and 6 at 
 the further end : and has each of its sides composed of two upright 
 stones, about 7 feet high ; has another, only 6 feet high, quite at 
 the end ; and is covered with one large flat stone, which, from the 
 inequality of its supporters, lies sloping. The northern recess is 
 constructed in the same manner; but is a little more than 4 feet 
 wide at the entrance ; and 7 feet 9 inches at the further end ; whilst 
 it is not above 6 feet in height. — The recess on the west side, or to 
 the left of the entrance, is smaller than the others ; being not above 
 4 feet in length from its mouth, whilst it is above 7 feet wide, and 
 6 high : and its sides are formed each only of one stone set on end. 
 
 In the niche opposite to the entrance, is placed, on the floor, a 
 long flat stone, G feet 8 inches long, by 4 feet 1 1 inches broad. 
 
 In the larger niche, which is on the right-hand side, stands a great 
 stone oval bason, above 4 feet in diameter one way, and above 3 
 the other ; and this bason is placed on a stone, 6 feet, by 5 feet 4 
 inches, in its dimensions. 
 
 And in the smaller niche, or Kistvaen, on the left hand of the 
 passage of entrance, is another stone bason ; of the same oval form, 
 standing on the plain and original ground. Which bason is nearly 
 of the same capacity with the other ; being 4 feet 4 inches, by 3 feet 7 . 
 
 Whether these Basons were designed as urns, to contain bones 
 and ashes ; or whether they were designed to contain victuals, and 
 libations ; or to hold any supposed valuable effects deposited with 
 the dead ; still we have in the whole of this sepulchral structure, 
 something very similar to the tomb of Patroclus, and Achilles. 
 
 A repository for the body, or ashes of the person first interred ; — 
 vessels of respect, and imaginary honour, for the holding something 
 
291 
 
 interred with him ; — a long, narrow gallery, reaching from the 
 central vault, to the external part of the base of the Tumulus, or 
 Barrow, for the purpose of conveying into this Sepulchre, the 
 bones, or ashes, of some friend, or relative, that should, after the 
 first interment, be deposited there. — And, when this second inter- 
 ment was made (as it actually appears it was, by the bones of two 
 bodies being found), the whole mass appears to have been again 
 further enlarged, by increasing the dimensions «f the external Tu- 
 mulus, or Barrow, so much, that the very entrance of the gallery 
 was inclosed at least 40 feet within the limit of the utmost base of 
 the mount. 
 
 It only remains to add, that Governor Pownall observed here, on 
 some of the stones, traces of a spiral line;* and on one other stone, deep 
 indented marks, which he took for antient Phoenician characters. — 
 What these latter might be, I will not presume to say ; but I can- 
 not forbear suspecting, that the former (like those on some of the 
 Irish Cromleches), are neither more nor less than the fossil impres- 
 sions of the Cornn Ammonis, so often met with, on various fragments 
 of stone, both in Ireland, and in this country : which are, indeed, 
 as it were medallic impressions, bearing testimony to astonishing 
 changes on the face of the earth, and in the structure of this globe, 
 long, long prior to the rearing of any Barrows, or to the existence 
 of any Phcenician characters. 
 
 And I am the rather induced to harbour this suspicion, because 
 the governor also found, on some of the stones, certain other lines, 
 forming a kind of trellis work, in small lozenges; which description 
 exactly answers to the appearance of several fossil impressions, of 
 the hard skins of fishes; which I have seen on stones, from various 
 parts, both in this country, and elsewhere. 
 
 Very similar to this great Barrow, in its external appearance ; 
 (though not of such vast dimensions,) and most probably, very simi- 
 lar also to it, in its internal construction, is one that has been already 
 mentioned, on account of its having a Stone Pillar placed on its 
 summit, like the tomb of Ilus, in Asia Minor ; and which is repre- 
 sented PI. XII. fig. 1. 
 
 * Arcljaeologia, Vol. II. p. 225. 
 
292 
 
 It is situated nearTullagh, in the county of Caterlogh, in Ireland. 
 There is also said to be such a cavern as that at New Grange, un- 
 der a very large Tumulus,* or Barrow, on the brow of an hill near 
 Douth on the Boyne, in the county of Meath. And that this was 
 coaeval with the works of the aboriginal inhabitants, and with the 
 rude age of Druidism in Britain, seems to be clearly pointed out to 
 us, by a Circle of large unhewn stones, 2 I feet in diameter, stand- 
 ing in the neighbourhood, with the remains of a Cromlech on its 
 north side ; and having, moreover, a large flat stone lying on the 
 ground, before the entrance. 
 
 Thus we find, as we approach nearer home, that the resemblance 
 between our great Barrows, and those with regard to the construc- 
 tion of which, in the earliest ages, in Asia, there are most undoubt- 
 ed records, is so exceedingly strong, that they have a much nearer 
 affinity to those works, though so remote from them, than to any 
 works in these parts, concerning which, we have any tradition that 
 can be relied upon. For nothing can be more vague, and unsatisfac- 
 tory, than the common account usually given, of their being Danish 
 works ; which account has taken its rise, merely from the hasty 
 opinions of those who first began to investigate these matters, as 
 deserving attention, in these latter ages. We may, therefore, from 
 such strong resemblance between primaeval, and nearly Patriarchal 
 customs in the East, and these aboriginal works in Ireland, and 
 Britain, in the West ; much more rationally infer, that these Sepul- 
 chral Barrows, are almost without exception, the works of the first 
 race of settlers in these countries; who retained primaeval customs, 
 and usages, till they were disturbed and driven out of them (as well 
 as out of their possessions), by the Romans, and other invaders; 
 and were converted to a different mode of life, and manners, by the 
 embracing of Christianity. 
 
 And we may the rather draw this conclusion, because we are told, 
 both by Casar, and Pomponms Mela,+ that the Gauls, (whose super- 
 stitions, and manners, Tacitus also affirms J were the same as those 
 of the Britons ;) just as the antient Asiatic nations did, threw into 
 
 * Cough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 504 : and Wilson, p. 45!. + Cssar de 
 
 Bello Gal. lib. vi. cap. is Mela, lib. iii. cap. 2. + Tacitus, Vita Agric. 
 
 cap. xi. Eanim sacra dejneliendas, supaslitiomim persuasime. 
 
29.3 
 
 the funeral pile, on which the body was burnt, such things and 
 animals as the deceased most delighted in ; and even some of his 
 favourite slaves. And that there were instances, in which near re- 
 lations and friends had destroyed themselves, and perished in the 
 same fire, on such occasions. 
 
 Almost every Tumulus and Barrow, great and small, that we 
 have any accurate accounts of, indicate the complete similarity be- 
 tween their original construction, and that of those in the East. 
 
 A few of them, that have been particularly described, in our own 
 Island, are now worthy our attention, as confirming this idea. 
 
 In the neighbourhood of Blagdon House, at no great distance 
 from Bath, is a considerable Barrow, that has long been called 
 Fairy's Toote; (which kind of superstitious name, is in itself indeed 
 an indication of its high antiquity.) It is 1 50 feet from east to west ; 
 and 7 5 feet in breadth ; and of a proportionable height. It appears 
 to have been first constructed by piling up fragments of whitish 
 stone, with which the adjacent country abounds ; after which it 
 was turfed, so that there still remains a layer of grassed earth, of 5 or 
 6 inches deep, covering the whole ; on which grow several trees. 
 
 And upon endeavouring to remove some of the stones, for the 
 repair of the adjacent roads, in 1 7 89,* there was discovered, on the 
 southern side, not far from the west end of the Barrow, a large stone 
 in a sloping position, which closed up the entrance of a gallery, 
 whose height was a little more than 4 feet. The wall of this pas- 
 sage was built up of base free stone, less in length than in breadth, 
 and about 1 4 inches in thickness. And at the distance of 1 3 feet 
 directly north from the entrance, was found a Kistvaen, or Sepulchre, 
 composed of rude stones, which was 9 feet long ; 4 feet high ; and 
 2 feet 3 inches wide ; and in which was an human skull, and some 
 other bones, and also those of some quadruped. The roof of the 
 gallery having here fallen in, prevented any further accurate exa- 
 mination in this part ; only it was possible to see, by the light of a 
 candle, that there were two other similar Sepulchres, one to the 
 right, and the other to the left. This tumulus being opened in ano- 
 ther part of the southern side, the gallery appeared again, formed 
 
 * See a very particular account in the Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. L1X. p. 392. 
 4.F 
 
294 
 
 of three stones, two perpendicular, and one horizontal ; and here 
 were discovered some more Cells, or Khfmens, on the sides, contain- 
 ing human bones. But the thorough examination of the gallery 
 was not perfected. — It appears, however, plainly enough from 
 hence, that there was no small similarity between the construction 
 of this Tumulus, and that at New Grange in Ireland. 
 
 The great Cairns, or Barrows, in Anglesey, of a similar kind, 
 have already been mentioned, (p. 232.) One of them, near Plas 
 Newydd, (which is exceeding large, and the stones of which, like 
 that in the preceding instance, are covered with earth and moss, and 
 have great trees growing thick upon them,) having been opened 
 since Rowland's time, discovered a passage, and a cell,* about 7 feet 
 long, and 3 wide, covered with two flat stones. 
 
 And another of them, near the seat of Sir Nicholas Bayley (now 
 Lord Uxbridge), having also been opened, there was found + a pas- 
 sage, about 3 feet wide ; and 4 high ; and about 1 9f feet long ; that 
 led into a small room of an irregular hexagonal form, the sides where- 
 of were constructed of rude slabs of stone ; and the roof of which 
 was covered with one great stone, near 10 feet in diameter; sup- 
 ported, moreover, by a rude stone pillar in the middle. And all 
 round the sides of this little room was formed a stone bench, on 
 which lay human bones, that fell to dust almost at a touch. 
 
 And a third Cairn of immense size, at Tre-garnedd, is understood 
 to have beneath it passages, J formed on the sides and tops with flat 
 stones or flags: and is very justly deserving therefore to be men- 
 tioned, whilst we are considering those that have any resemblance 
 to the great Cairn, or Barrow, at New Grange. 
 
 The next that more particularly claims our attention, is that vast 
 one called Si/bury Hill, near those other stupendous British Re- 
 mains, at Abury, in Wiltshire. 
 
 It is 500 feet in diameter at the bottom ;$ 1 70 feet in perpendi- 
 cular height ; and 105 feet in diameter at the top. A work surely 
 deserving to be compared, in point of magnificence, with that of 
 Alyattes ; and which could never be raised by Danes, or Saxons, 
 
 * Pennant's Tour in Wales, Vol. II. p. 23 s. + Ibid. p. 262. 
 
 ? Pennant's second Tour in Wales, Vol. II. p. 26 1. 
 § Cough's Camden, Vol. I. p. 
 
 110. 
 
295 
 
 during their invasions ; nor by any people, except in time of peace, 
 and with the aid of a vast multitude. 
 
 Part of an human skeleton, and a very antient horse's bit were 
 found, in digging upon it to plant some trees, in 1 723 ; which 
 seem to indicate, that to do honour to the great person interred at 
 the bottom, and to whose memory this astonishing work was reared, 
 there were both captives, or slaves, and horses, slain, and their re- 
 mains interred around him ; as was done on raising the funeral pile 
 for Patroclus ;* when four horses, two favourite dogs, and twelve 
 captive Trojans were slain, and their remains covered at last by the 
 Barrow that was raised on the occasion ; and as was also usual! y done, 
 on raising the great Barrows over the Scythian Kings.+ An attempt 
 was made, a very few years ago, to sink a well perpendicularly, in 
 order to discover the contents of this vast Tumulus ; but nothing 
 was found except a rotten post, and something which had the ap- 
 pearance of a rusty knife. We must therefore conclude, either that 
 this well was not sunk in such a part of the extensive area covered 
 by this mount, as to be near the cavity where the body had been 
 deposited ; or else, that the body, at the time of its interment, was 
 not inclosed in a cell, or vault of rude stones ; but in a cell merely 
 formed of timber, as some of those of the Scythian Kings described 
 by Herodotus, J seem clearly to have been ; or as some of those, 
 mentioned by Colden, § as formed for the reception of the bodies of 
 Indian Chiefs were ; and that this rotten post, was the remains of 
 one of the strongest supporters, whilst in other parts, the whole had 
 fallen in, and was with the body entirely consumed and decayed. 
 
 It seems probable, from the appearances on the opening of many 
 Barrows ; and especially from the appearances of those of the 
 smaller kind, which have so often a cavity, or sinking in, at the 
 top, that the bodies were originally deposited in such sort of cavities 
 formed merely of rude pieces of wood, and that the sinking in of 
 the Barrow, in the centre at the top, was merely the consequence of 
 the decay of this rude kind of receptacle. But however this may 
 have been, in the instance of this great Barrow at Silbury, there is 
 
 * Iliad. lib. xxiii. ver. 17 1. 17 5. 255. t Herodotus, lib. iv. 71. 
 
 p. 313. ed. Wesselingii. J-Ibid. ; and see before, p. 27 9. 2S5. 
 
 § History of die Five Indian Nations of Canada, p. 16. 
 
296 
 
 every reason to conclude, from bones having been found in it, that 
 it was a sepulchral Tumulus ; and from its vicinity to Abury, that it 
 was of British construction. 
 
 And indeed, we need not have recourse to the supposition of the 
 body, or ashes, having been inclosed merely in a cell of wood, in 
 order to account for no other remains having been found on sink- 
 ing the well in the centre ; because in clearing away a large Barrow 
 in Derbyshire, it was found that neither of the two Kistvaens, which 
 really belonged to it, were placed at all near the middle. 
 
 This Barrow was on Fin Cop Hill, about two miles from Ashford ; 
 and had near it earth-works, with a ditch on the inside of a vallum, 
 (as at Stone Henge,) a ditch of that kind which are so peculiarly 
 known to be Druidical. It was 161 feet in circumference ; or be- 
 tween 50 and 60 feet in diameter ; and of considerable height. In 
 the latter end of the year 1 7 95, it was destroyed, for the sake of 
 obtaining the great quantity of limestone it was supposed to contain. 
 And it was found composed of fragments of limestone mixed with 
 fine dry mould. But no Kislvaen, or any kind of Sepulchre, was found 
 in the centre. Yet here had plainly been an antient interment of the 
 most splendid kind, with the greatest care. Several arrow heads of 
 jlmts found in it, shewed its high antiquity. And bones, and skele- 
 tons, lying in some parts, seemed plainly to indicate that there had 
 been an immolation of captives, or other wretched victims. But the 
 Kistvaens, in which remains of bodies had been deposited apparently 
 with the utmost care, were found remote from the centre. And the 
 one, which seems to have been that of the greatest consequence, was 
 even the most remote. It was on three sides hewn out of the solid 
 rock; and had one flat stone placed at its end, and another at the 
 top. It was only 2 feet 9 inches in length ; and 2 feet in breadth ; 
 and 1 foot 9 inches in depth. But in it were found bones, which 
 as well as those in the other Kistvaen, seemed to have been collected 
 after burning the body. And the skull was, in a most remarkable 
 manner, placed with the face downwards ; and an oblong piece of 
 dressed black Derbyshire marble carefully fixed, by strong cement, 
 to the back of the head ; under which were found two arrow heads 
 of flint. There was also a flat round varnished stone in this Kist- 
 vaen, which seems to have been some ornament for dress. 
 
297 
 
 The other Kistvaen, which probably contained the remains of 
 the queen, was of the same form, but of less dimensions ; and was 
 constructed only of four stones standing on an edge, with one to 
 cover them. And had the bones and ashes thrown in promiscu- 
 ously, and no arrow heads. There were, however, some urns of 
 very coarse baked earth, found near the rim of the Barrow ; in one 
 of which was also a flint arrow head. And these, it is probable, 
 might contain the ashes of some of this family who had been in- 
 terred after the rearing of the Barrow ; as the ashes of Achilles are 
 said to have been deposited in the Barrow of Patroclus. But one 
 cannot form the same conclusion, with any propriety, with regard 
 to the two skeletons that were found lying flat on the ground ; near 
 which, was also found another spear head of flint.* For they seem 
 to have been denied both the honour of being burned, and of being 
 inclosed in Kistvaens. 
 
 The same conclusion, as concerning Silbury Barrow, we must 
 also unavoidably form, concerning another large Barrow at Mer- 
 don, or Merden, notwithstanding what is said, and conjectured, with 
 regard to a battle fought there, between Alfred and the Danes in 
 8 7 1; neither of whom could have had time, or assurance of security, 
 long enough, to rear this mount, which is at leat 240 feet in dia- 
 meter, and of considerable height. The many large stags' horns 
 also, found buried near the spot, indicate a different age, and obser- 
 vances of rites and customs of far prior times. 
 
 Another great Barrow near 300 feet long, and of great breadth ; 
 called South long Barrow, near Silbury Hill, seems to be, on account 
 of its situation, undoubtedly British : and so also does a great one 
 at Monkton, called Milbarrow ; which is near 200 feet long, and 
 above 30 broad ;+ and was set round with stones 6 or 7 feet high. 
 
 And as the vicinity of Abury to these works, plainly bespeaks 
 their origin ; so the multitude of smaller Barrows, within sight of 
 Stone Henge, seems most fully to prove their connection with that 
 structure, and with the aboriginal Britons. 
 
 They are generally placed on elevated ground, within sight of 
 
 * See a very full and curious account oF this Barrow in the Archaeologia, Vol. XII. 
 p. 3 2 7 ; ivith representations of the spear heads, PI. XLIX. 
 t Gough's Camden, Vol, I. p. 1 1 ] . 
 
 4 C 
 
298 
 
 that seat of antient dire superstition ; insomuch, that one may, from 
 thence, count even fifty at a time, in an evening, when the sloping- 
 rays of the sun shine on the ground beyond them. And they are 
 generally, though small, yet of an elegant campaniform shape, con- 
 structed with great nicety ; which, together with their peculiar 
 situation, as has been well observed, plainly shews that they are not 
 the vestiges of tumultuary burials of persons slain in battle ; but 
 rather the Sepulchres of distinguished personages, interred on what 
 was deemed a sacred spot; and interred in times of peace* 
 
 On examination of their contents, they have been found to con- 
 sist of a coat of turf ; a layer of chalk 2 feet thick ; then another of 
 fine mould ; and under this, 3 feet from the surface, of a layer of 
 flints 2 feet thick, somewhat like other layers that have been found 
 in Dorsetshire ; and last of all, of a second layer of mould 1 foot 
 thick, inclosing both human skeletons, and rude unbaked urns, hold- 
 ing burnt human bones.t Sometimes also were found spear heads; 
 glass and amber beads ; wood ashes ; bones of horses, and other beasts ; 
 a sort of pole-axe ; a sword ; or a celt ; and fragments of stone. 
 
 We may now add, that besides these smaller Barrows, the great 
 Barrow in Lord Pembroke's park at Wilton, is also in sight of Stone 
 Henge. 
 
 The great Mount at Marlborough, has been observed to be also 
 in the vicinity, if not in sight of Abury ; and has therefore been 
 sometimes hastily considered as a great Barrow. + But I shall have 
 
 * The view and appearance of Silbury Hill, compared with that of the Herefordshire 
 Beacon, or indeed with that of any other Hill Fortress, shews most characteristically the dif- 
 Terence between the Barrow, and the Stronghold; and the comparison of the same magnificent 
 Remain, with the appearances of the Norman Mounts, at Tunbridge; at Oxford ; at Walling- 
 ford ; and at Lewes ; or Clare ; shews, as precisely, the difference between the great high 
 Barrow, and the Norman Mount. 
 
 The distinguishing smoothness of the Barrow, and gradual easy ascent ;— the bold pro- 
 jecting works, and ramparts of the Hill Fortress ;_ and the obviously intended glads, and 
 steep of the Norman Mount; with the top adjusted to the foundation of the great Keep 
 Tower ;— are decided marks, that will almost always prevent any confusion. 
 
 The form of low Barrows, is also as certainly and easily to be known. Many of them 
 may be seen from a part of the road very little distant from Silbury ; where the scene they 
 form, will soon make any intelligent eye acquainted with the general appearance. 
 
 + See Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. 10s ; and Stukeley, fee. 
 
 % Archaeologia, Vol. II. p. sj7. 
 
299 
 
 occasion hereafter to shew, that this conclusion is founded in a mis- 
 take ; and that the Mount at Marlborough, was no Barrow at all; 
 but raised by the Normans, as the foundation of a great Keep of a 
 Castle, at that place, consistently with the construction of all their 
 earliest castles ; the mounts of which, are every where to be most 
 carefully distinguished (as they easily may be), from Barrows. 
 
 Barrows themselves, however, as appears even from the preced- 
 ing pages, are not always of the same form. — And there is, in Dor- 
 setshire, an immense Barrow, between Bridport and Dorchester, 
 that well deserves to be compared with Silbury Hill, though it be 
 of a quite different construction. — It is 7 49 feet in length ;* and 1 6 1 
 feet in breadth ; and 147 feet from the foot to the summit, measur- 
 ing one of the sloping sides. It is called Shipton Hill. 
 
 Of the same kind seems to be a great Barrow at Cossington, in 
 Leicestershire, nearly three miles to the south-east of Mount Sorrel. 
 It is about 350 feet long; 120 broad ; and 40 high. The people 
 of the country call it Shipley Hill ; and have a tradition that some 
 great warrior was buried under it : or, as they express it, some great 
 captain .+ 
 
 Of the same kind also, seems to be that well-known Barrow in 
 Kent, near Chartham, called Julaber's Grave ; supposed by Camden 
 to be the Sepulchre of a Roman Tribune, Ouintus Laberius Durus ; 
 though he acknowledges % that the tradition of the country concern- 
 ing it, like the tradition concerning many other British memorials, 
 intimated that Julaber, instead of being a Roman, was either a giant, 
 or a witch. We are left at liberty, therefore, to conclude this to 
 have been (consistently with the uniform appearances of so many 
 others), a British Barrow of high antiquity ; long preceding the 
 time of the Romans. It is, like that in Dorsetshire, of greater length 
 than breadth ; and is placed upon a chalk hill, near the side of a 
 river, half way between Swerdling Downs and Shellingheld. 
 
 * This is near 150 feet more than the diameter of Silbury Hill. Hotch. p. 342. 
 
 t Description of England, Vol. V. p. 203 . — Gough's Camden, Vol. II. p. 210. 
 There are trenches on the top of this Barrow; supposed to be modern, and cut merely for 
 amusement. — But it is by no means impossible that they may, at first, have been more 
 antient than is imagined. — -We cannot forget what we have had occasion to remark, from 
 Herodotus, with regard to the Barrow of A/jatlcs; p. 27 3 . 
 
 £ Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. 2 15. 
 
300 
 
 What has induced the curious, more than any other circumstance, 
 to suspect this to be a Roman Barrow is, that on examining the 
 contents of some small Barrows, in its neighbourhood, there were 
 found, lying in graves cut in the chalk, together with bones and 
 urns, a bracelet of gold ; fibula; ornamented with garnets and colour- 
 ed stones, and gold filagree work, and ivory ; a chrystal ball ; a 
 gold clasp; brass pins; garnet pendants: amethystine beads; 
 glass, and other beads ; umbos of shields ; and spear and arrow 
 heads.* And it has been thought, that such a multitude of orna- 
 ments, many of which were of nice work, and of costly materials, 
 could not but be proofs, that the persons interred were Romans,' 
 and not rude Britons. 
 
 But besides taking into consideration the fact adverted to, in what 
 has been remarked concerning the habits of the Britons, that some 
 of them had ornaments of gold ; and that many of the articles men- 
 tioned, such as the beads, and arrow heads, are more likely to have 
 been British than Roman ; I must beg leave to observe here, once 
 for all, that when ornaments and arms, decidedly Roman, have ever 
 been found under Barrows, they were, in all probability, the orna- 
 ments and arms of Britons, in Roman service. 
 
 For as we have not any instance, that I am acquainted with, (ex- 
 cept the two I have already mentioned,) of the Romans raising any 
 Barrows, in any one part of the world ; so indeed, the Romaninter- 
 ments, wherever we meet with them, even in the neighbourhood of 
 Barrows, and almost close to them, are of a very different kind. 
 
 On which account, it is much more reasonable to conclude, that 
 all the Barrows that are met with in the parts any where adjacent to 
 Roman camps, and stations, were either long prior to the Romans 
 having possession of those spots ; or else were the Barrows of Bri- 
 tish officers, who had at length entered into Roman service, but re- 
 tained so much of their antient customs, as to have Barrows raised 
 over their remains, by their fellow countrymen, on their decease. 
 
 In the neighbourhood of the great Roman camp at Chesterfbrd, 
 in Essex, on the borders of Cambridgeshire, in a spot just without 
 the vallum, near the present mill, I saw myself, in the year 1.7 85, 
 four very large stone coffins, of a very singular form, and different 
 * Gougli's Camden, Vol. I. p. a 12. 
 
301 
 
 from those used in any ages after the times of the Romans. These 
 coffins had just been dug up ; and were found in a spot where I 
 could not discern the appearance of any thing like antient Barrows. 
 They were quite round at the head, both within and without ; 
 were about 7 feet long ; 1 4 inches deep at the head ; and 1 inches 
 deep at the feet ; and were each of them covered with a large flat 
 stone lid, about 8 feet long, that was made round at the bottom end, 
 over the feet ; and in the form of a demi-hexagon at top, over the 
 head ; where, on the contrary, the coffin itself is rounded. There 
 was no groove in the lid, for fixing it fast ; it being merely laid 
 down flat upon the stone Sepulchre. But there was yet a most re- 
 markable circumstance, in the construction of the lid itself ; for on its 
 inner, or lowermost side, there was a large sloping hollow cut, more 
 than a foot in length, and of a proportionable breadth, excavated 
 out of the thickness of the stone, which was very great ; and situat- 
 ed just over where the breast of the body interred must have been 
 placed ; which hollow was therefore manifestly designed, to receive 
 either the umbo of a shield, or the handle of a sword. 
 
 In each of the coffins was found a great mass of lime ; which having 
 been put in at the time the bodies were deposited, had devoured 
 and corroded, both them, and all the other contents of the chests.* 
 
 With these coffins were dug up, at the same time, some brass 
 coins of the Emperor Claudius ; one of which I have in my pos- 
 session. And we may fairly add, that whilst these were an indica- 
 tion that the coffins must have been Sepulchres, connected with 
 the great Roman Castrum, in the very earliest periods in which the 
 Romans had possession of this country ; there was the strongest 
 proof, from their situation just without the Vallum of the Castrum, 
 that there never could have been any Barrow here : nor any thing 
 to connect this mode of interment with that of the British Officers 
 under Barrows. 
 
 In like manner, in the Roman Sepulchres, discovered near the 
 remains of the antient Roman Villa, near Mansfield Woadhouse, + 
 
 * There was a similar kind of interment discovered near Colchester ; about the year 
 177 6, where, in the mass of lime contained in the coffin, were found some yellowish 
 nodules of a pyritical kind ; which probably were occasioned by the decomposition of the 
 iron weapons. + Archaeologia, Vol. VIII. p. 3 7 3 . 
 
 4 H 
 
302 
 
 in Nottinghamshire (so accurately described by Mr. RookeJ ; there 
 was nothing like the appearance of the kind of interments of the 
 Britons ; nor like a Barrow. 
 
 So at Ash in Kent, at no great distance from the very first great 
 Castrum of the Romans, called Richborough; though too far off to 
 suppose it, reasonably, to have been the usual, and proper burying 
 place belonging to that Castrum ; have been found the remains of 
 some interments of the Romans ;— in some respects indeed, of ano- 
 ther kind from those just mentioned ; but yet quite different from 
 those of the Britons, and from interments under Barrows. Though, 
 indeed, some interments under Barrows of a British kind have also 
 been discovered on this very spot, and sometimes confounded with 
 the other. 
 
 In a sandy field, which seems to have been the burying place 
 of some distinguished Romans ; and which is on a rising ground, 
 above the marshes, intervening between it and Richborough ; on 
 the right hand of the road from Canterbury to Sandwich ; were 
 found several bodies, inclosed separately in cavities, formed by 
 wooden boards, at the depth of about 4 feet. A sword was found 
 generally put on the right side, and a spear on the left of each. 
 And several Roman medals, of the Upper and Lower Empire, were 
 found in these graves.* Yet, at the same time, not very far from 
 these Roman graves, have been found not only small Barrows con- 
 taining truly British remains, all of which are well described in the 
 Xenia of Mr. Douglas ; but also some large Barrows : and parti- 
 cularly one at Winshorough ; and again another between that and 
 Sandwich, called Marvill Hill; which Barrows one cannot rea- 
 sonably conceive to have been constructed by the same people, 
 who formed such very different kinds of graves near this very spot. 
 One might as soon fancy the urns, and pins, found on digging the 
 foundations of St. Paul's, to have belonged to the Normans. 
 
 Again, in the North of England ; all the discoveries that have 
 
 • There were a variety of other articles dug out of these graves; such as scales ; and a 
 touchstone; and many glass vessels; and fibula: of filagree, and other curious workman- 
 ship, with coloured and precious stones. Many of which I have myself seen in the cabinet 
 of the late Mr. Faussett of Heppington, near Canterbury ; and of which some account is 
 given in Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. so. 
 
been made with regard to the interments of the Romans, though 
 different from either of the former just described, yet plainly appear 
 to have had no sort of connection with the raising of Barrows. 
 
 Near York, in 1 7 68, was discovered a Roman Sepulchre, in the 
 form of a little oblong room ;* formed of large Roman tiles, of a 
 very peculiar figure, set on edge, on each side ; and at the two 
 ends ; and covered with other tiles of the same kind, set leaning 
 against each other, in the manner of a pent, or ridge. In this little 
 space were found several urns, containing some ashes, and earth, 
 standing upon a tiled pavement. And near it were found two coins 
 of Vespasian and Domitian, and also a silver ring seal; and on the 
 tiles was impressed, Leg ix His. But there does not seem to have 
 been the least appearance of a Barrow belonging to it. 
 
 We are told also, that several such Roman Tombs were found 
 about 1 720, near Stratsburg, in Germany. 
 
 And in other places, where Barrows still appear, there are the 
 most positive proofs, from remains of interments most clearly Ro- 
 man, (but of a far different kind, from those in the Barrows near 
 adjoining,) that the Barrows themselves could have no connection 
 with the times of the Romans, or with persons at all connected with 
 the Romans, any further, than that possibly British Chiefs, retain- 
 ing their own usages and customs, might be interred there. 
 
 In Trelech parish, in Caermarthenshire, (a country that abounds 
 with antient Fortresses, Camps, and Barrows,) there is a very 
 remarkable Tumulus that has been opened. The circumference at 
 bottom is about 60 paces, and the height of it about 1 8 feet ; rising 
 with an easy ascent.t There appeared an hollow, or sinking in at 
 the top : and on examining this, there was discovered a vast rude 
 flat stone, of an oval form, about 9 feet long ; and 5 feet wide ; and 
 near 1 foot thick, which covered a Kistvaen, or rude chest, 4± feet 
 long, and 3 feet broad, composed of rude stones standing up ; one on 
 each side ; one at each end ; and one behind each of the end stones, 
 as a support. And within this chest were some remains of bones, 
 and other fragments. The name of this Barrow in the country, is 
 Krigy Dyrn; and it has with great propriety been deemed by Mr. 
 
 * Archaeologia, Vol. II. p. 1 7 7 , 1 7 8. 
 
 t Cough's Camden, Vol. II. p. 510. 
 
304 
 
 Lluyd to have been the Barrow of a British prince. In this same 
 county, however, and at no great distance, are found manifest traces 
 of the Romans ; to whom some persons might therefore have been 
 ready to have ascribed the raising this Barrow ; but their own real 
 interments, near adjoining, appear to have been in plain graves, 
 with stone pillars, and Roman inscriptions. 
 
 This Barrow was plainly formed, like many others, of a vast heap 
 of stones, piled round the Chest, or Kistvaen, and then covered with 
 turf. 
 
 In like manner there is a Tumulus in Denbighshire, called Bar- 
 row Hill; about three miles from Ruthin. And near it also, is a 
 very different kind of Roman Sepulchre ; for it is placed in a sort 
 of hollow about 8 feet in diameter ; and has two stones, standing 
 above the surface of the ground ; one, as it were, at each end of a 
 grave, about 4 feet long ; and on one of these stones are rude letters,* 
 that Mr. Lluyd deemed to have denoted the interment of some 
 Roman officer. 
 
 So in Merionethshire, on the side of the road from Dolgelly to 
 Tanybwlch,+ on a plain part of a mountain are many Barrows. 
 And at no very great distance, proceeding further on the road, are, 
 again, a considerable number of graves, of a very different kind ; 
 resembling, and connected with some others which have Roman 
 inscriptions. 
 
 So also, in Northumberland ; not far from Elsdon, are some 
 Tumuli; and one large one, called Harnsley Hill. J Yet here also, 
 in the neighbourhood, were found Sepulchral Roman inscriptions, 
 which belonged to graves, of a quite different kind. 
 
 From this decided distinction, therefore, of Roman graves in gene- 
 ral from Barrows, we may fairly conclude, that even where Roman 
 coins, or medals, or Roman insignia have been found in Barrows ; 
 that still those were indeed British Barrows ; only raised, in the 
 later times, over such British chiefs as were in Roman service. 
 
 Thus we find there were some Roman coins, and particularly one 
 of Vespasian, discovered on opening a considerable Tumulus, about 
 three miles from Aldborough , in Yorkshire ; in the years 1 7 85, and 
 
 * Gough's Camden, Vol. II. p. 5 7 s , 57 9 ; where the inscription may be seen, PI. XX. 
 fi g- + Ibid. p. 54 J. j Ibid. Vol. Hf. p. 2i«. 
 
f 
 
 305 
 
 17S7. The elevation of this Tumulus was about IS feet; and its 
 circumference at the base 370. In it were found rude urns, com- 
 posed of blue clay and sand ; which may much rather be conceived 
 to have been of British manufacture than Roman. These contained 
 burnt bones and ashes :* and, what is very remarkable, there were 
 a great number of bones found on one side of the Tumulus, separate 
 from the urns ; which may lead us to suspect, that it was raised 
 after some battle. 
 
 On opening also a Barrow of earth, on the common of Winster, 
 in Derbyshire, which stood amongst divers other Barrows, or 
 Cairns of stone, were found some well wrought ornaments ; and 
 particularly one that was circular, about 2 inches in diameter, re- 
 sembling the cover of a fibula ; similar to some of those found at 
 Ash near Richborough, in Kent ; and which therefore appears to 
 have been Roman. It was composed chiefly of filagree, or chain 
 work of gold, or silver gilt, and set with garnets, or red glass. + 
 There was found also a silver collar, or bracelet, studded with 
 figures of human heads: and two glass vessels, between 8 and 10 
 inches in height, with wide circular mouths, and a little bulge in 
 the middle. But as the conclusion concerning all these being Ro- 
 man is rather equivocal ; so indeed there being several square and 
 round beads of various colours, of glass, and earth, found with 
 them, does much more plainly shew, that the Barrow was raised 
 over some Briton of distinction ; who, even in the later times, and 
 though dwelling amongst the Romans, yet retained these latter so 
 peculiarly British ornaments. 
 
 Again, on Barham Downs, in Kent, there are a great number of 
 Tumuli, or Barrows ; some of which are of considerable size ; and 
 most of which, if not all, have been opened : Mr. Fausset, formerly 
 of Heppington.J having alone been the means of opening upwards 
 of seventy. Some of them contained a variety of curious ornaments, 
 which were most probably wrought in Roman times ; and which 
 I have myself seen at Heppington ; § such as fibula; of filagree 
 
 * There is an account of this Barrow in the Gentleman's Magazine for 17S7, p. 56J. 
 + Archaeologia, Vol. III. p. 271. % Hasted's History of Kent, Vol. III. p. 753 . 
 § A very exact representation, and account, of many of these remains of antiquitv, has 
 been published by the Rev. Mr. Douglass, in the Ncnia Brilannim. Who has also added 
 
 4 I 
 
306 
 
 work in gold, set with garnets, and coloured stones of various kinds 
 and dimensions ; similar to that just described, which was found in 
 Derbyshire ; bracelets, chains, spoons, knives, keys, spear heads, 
 rich handles of swords, with glass vessels : and a denarius of Tibe- 
 rius, was also found near some of them. 
 
 There are undoubtedly great remains of Roman works on these 
 Downs ; and a Roman military way runs along the lower side of 
 them : yet, from the numbers of beads found in these graves, with 
 bracelets, and necklaces of glass beads, all of which are so peculiarly 
 British, one cannot but conclude that these were British graves, 
 although made in the time of the Romans. And indeed Mr. Faus- 
 sett himself was convinced, from all the best observations he could 
 make, that they were the very graves of the inhabitants of the 
 neighbouring villages : of men and women, promiscuously buried 
 in them, at different times: only with this distinction, that those 
 with military appearances in them, were of persons who had been 
 soldiers. 
 
 Thus, in like manner, as I mentioned on a former occasion, 
 near Addington, in Kent, on the Downs, situated on the Coombe 
 Hills, are small Barrows still existing, of persons who had belonged 
 to the antient British town, which tradition says, was in those parts ; 
 and to which the remarkable adjacent hiding fits belonged.* 
 
 A Barrow of immense size is said to have existed, and to have 
 been opened, on Barham Downs, in the time of Henry VIII. ; in 
 which was found a large urn with bones ; and brass and iron hel- 
 mets ; and remains of shields. 
 
 In the same manner in which we have reasoned concerning these 
 Barrows on Barham Downs, we may also fairly reason concerning 
 the urns, with both Greek and Roman coins in them, which 
 Aubrey says, were found in Barrows on Exmore, in Devonshire.+ 
 
 And in the same manner we ought surely to reason, concerning 
 a Barrow near Pakefield, in Suffolk ; in which was discovered,! in 
 
 most exact descriptions of the contents of many other Barrows ; which I do not particularly 
 mention ; because I wish lather to refer the inquisitive reader, to the perusal of that very 
 curious work itself, however I may differ from the author in some few points. 
 
 * S « 1'- 50 - t Cough's Camden, Vol. I. p. 35. 
 
 I Ibid. Vol. II. p. 90. 
 
307 
 
 175S, a skeleton ; round the neck whereof remained an ornament, 
 with an onyx set in gold, and also a gold medal, appendant, ot Avi- 
 tus, who had been set up by Theodoric, King of the Goths, about 
 45 5, and was deposed by Ricimer. 
 
 And if we may fairly conclude even these Barrows, containing 
 insignia of the times of the Romans, to have been British; how 
 much more strongly may we form the same conclusion with regard 
 to almost all the rest ; excepting only some few of those which 
 appear to have been decidedly reared in consequence of battles. 
 
 In Dorsetshire, besides the great Barrow called Shipton Hill, 
 which has been already mentioned, there is another, near Pimpern, 
 called Long Barrow, which is 22 4 feet long, and 10 feet in perpen- 
 dicular height ; being of the kind which Dr. Stukeley believed to 
 have been raised over some of those who were esteemed the heads 
 of the classes of the Druids. Others of the same sort, standing single 
 and solitary, are found in different parts of the same county.* And 
 one of them, near Bradford Peverel, is surrounded at the basis with 
 rude stones. 
 
 In the county of Dorsetshire also, on Mne-Barretv Down, are some 
 small and round ones near adjoining to each other ; which seem 
 to have been very much of the same kind, and for the very iden- 
 tical purpose, with those mentioned on Barham Downs, in Kent. 
 
 And, in 1 7 67 , a great Barrow, 100 feet in diameter, and 12 feet 
 in height, near Wareham, in Dorsetshire, was opened ; and there 
 was found in the centre, at the bottom, even with the surfice of the 
 ground, a very large hollow trunk of an oak rudely excavated, 10 
 feet long, and containing a cavity 3 feet wide, in which lay several 
 human bones, wrapped up in a covering composed of several skins ; 
 which, by remains of the hair, appeared to be deers' skins. At one 
 end of this rude chest was found, what has been called an urn, made 
 of oak ; but which, from its dimensions, we may much rather con- 
 ceive to have been a small drinking cup ; or else a vessel used for 
 libations ; its diameter being only 3 inches, and its depth within, 
 2.+ There was found also a piece of some kind of gold lace, 4 inches 
 
 ♦ See an account of some of them in the Gentleman's Magazine for 176s, p. 113. 
 4- A very curious account of the contents of this Barrow is inserted in the Gentleman's 
 Magazine for 17 67, p. 53. 
 
308 
 
 long, and broad, with bits of wire in it ; but there were not the 
 least fragments of brass, or iron, or remains of spear heads, or 
 celts: from all which circumstances it seems plainly to appear, 
 that this was indeed the grave of a Druid ; and especially from 
 the oaken cup, and the piece of gold lace, with its wires ; as the 
 Druidical reverence for the oak is well known ; and their actually 
 wearing ornaments of a kind of gold lace, has been mentioned, from 
 the highest authority of antient writers, in the preceding part of 
 these observations. 
 
 In some other Barrows also, that were opened in Dorsetshire, the 
 appearances still confirmed the idea of their being British.* 
 
 A Barrow, about 200 feet in circumference, and 12 feet in height, 
 well known by the name of Hambury-taut, or toote, situated on the 
 highest point of a lofty hill, about midway between the points of 
 Portland and Purbeck Islands, being examined a few years ago, 
 there were found, a little beneath the surface, and also near the 
 extremities, burnt human bones, and bones of different kinds of 
 animals ; bits of metal, and other fragments ; all placed as if they 
 were the remains of captives, and animals, who had been slain 
 and burned at the time of the forming the Barrow ; according to 
 those horrid rites that were practised in the earliest ages. And 
 lower down, in the centre of the Tumulus, was found a skeleton in 
 perfect preservation, lying with its head to the North, in the pos- 
 ture of a person sleeping on his side ; with the feet rather drawn 
 up, and one hand on the breast : close to which was deposited a 
 rude urn, too much decayed to be handled without falling to pieces. 
 It was of the measure of about 2 quarts, but empty of every thing 
 except fine mould. Near the neck of the person interred, were also 
 found many small rounded stones, of different sizes, from that of a 
 pigeon's egg down to that of a pea ; which, as they were imper- 
 forated, seemed probably to have been set in some sort of ornament. 
 Underneath this body appeared the foundation of the Barrow, com- 
 posed entirely of flints and stones ; and beneath these was found 
 an heap of ashes, which were, in all probability, the very remains 
 of the great funeral pile that had been erected on that spot ; just as 
 
 * There is a most particular and exceeding curious account of the opening of some of these 
 Barrows, by Mr. Milner of Winchester, in the Gentleman's Magazine for 17 90, p. a 97. 
 
309 
 
 the funeral pile of Patroclus, had been on the very spot where his 
 Barrow was afterwards raised. 
 
 Two other Barrows also were examined, opposite to East Lull- 
 worth ; on a level piece of ground, which is met with in the ascent 
 of a steep mountain, on the top whereof is situated an antient hill- 
 fortress, that Hukkins, in his History of Dorsetshire, without any 
 other authority than a most strained etymology, conceived to be 
 Roman; but which has every appearance of having been British. 
 And in these were found the same mixture of bones of men, horses, 
 oxen, and boars ; with lumps of corroded metal ; and the same sort 
 of coarse round stones, not bigger than children's marbles ; and also 
 some pointed stones, appearing as if they had formed the heads of 
 weapons. And the bottom of one of these Barrows, like that other 
 which has been just described, was paved with large round stones. 
 No entire skeleion, however, was found here. 
 
 In another of the numerous Barrows in that part of Dorsetshire, 
 were found five skeletons, deposited at different depths, and in 
 such a manner, as if they had been buried at different times ; and 
 as if this Barrow (like some of those on Barham Downs, in Kent,) 
 had been a family burying place. Each of these bodies had a rude 
 urn upon it ; of such coarse and perishable materials, that except a 
 few fragments of the parts near the rims, which appeared ornament- 
 ed, in a sort of zig-zag fashion, they fell to pieces on being touched. 
 And under the head of one was a small vessel of earth, about the size 
 of the cup of a wine glass, covered with the shell of a limpet. 
 
 Five or six other Barrows, in the neighbourhood, appeared to 
 have the same sort of contents : and the rough rudeness of the urns 
 (so unlike the polished ones of the Romans, that are met with in so 
 many instances), together with the rudeness of the ornaments, sure- 
 ly sheV the whole to have been British :* whilst the situation of 
 several of them, on lofty mountains, and sequestered downs ; inti- 
 mates the same thing. 
 
 In another Barrow, about .150 feet in circumference, and about 
 
 » These are almost Air. Milner's own words : who also further most justly observes 
 that the Danes never seem to have been at all stationary in this part of the kingdom, till 
 their princes, and the nation in general, professed themselves Christians, and therefore 
 could not have cither permitted, or used this kind of burial. 
 
 4 K 
 
310 
 
 1 in height ; very near unto several others of the same kind ; on a 
 shaft being cut down to the centre of the Barrow, there was found 
 a kind of vault, (or rather a Kistvaen,) formed with unhewn stones ; 
 and inclosing an urn that held about two gallons, full of burnt 
 human bones, and covered with a thin flat stone ; having a quan- 
 tity of the roots of quilch grass, undecayed, near it ; which also 
 was sometimes met with in other Barrows. This urn, like the for- 
 mer, was of a coarse black clay ; not seeming to have been either 
 turned in a lathe, or burnt in a kiln ; but to have been most truly a 
 rude British urn. 
 
 Having seen how clearly these Barrows, on the most minute exa- 
 mination, appear to be British, — we may now venture without 
 hesitation, to conclude that those in Berkshire, not far from the vale 
 of White Horse, were also raised by the Britons. I mean those 
 called the Seven Barrows; and those others in their neighbourhood, 
 near twenty in number, within an extent of six or seven hundred 
 yards.* And we have still a further confirmation of this conclu- 
 sion, from the circumstance of a Cromlech being within the distance 
 of a mile from them, well known by the name of the Wayland Smith, 
 and which seems plainly to have been a Druidical Altar; notwith- 
 standing the idle tales relating to it. 
 
 So another Barrow, called Dragon Hill, between White Horse 
 Hill, and the Ickleton Way, may fairly be concluded to have been 
 British. 
 
 And we may add, that the large Tumuli also, on that which is 
 called Four Barrow Hill, near Chichester, appear, from their situa- 
 tion on the ridge of an high hill, not more than 60 yards over ;— 
 from their vast dimensions ; (the most perfect being 5 1 feet in 
 height,) — and from the name they have preserved, by tradition, 
 of the Kings Graves; — much rather to have been British; tRan to 
 have been merely Saxon Tumuli, thrown up in haste after a sup- 
 posed battle. 
 
 This idea also is confirmed, by the remarkable appearance of 
 three adjoining circular hollows, on the ground, with circular rais- 
 ed rims; two whereof are each 15 feet in diameter, and the third 
 
 * See Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. 153 
 
311 
 
 18. It is confirmed also by the appearance of a sort of intrench- 
 ment, with the ditch inwards, carried in a sort of circular form 
 round the top of the hill.* All which circumstances point out a 
 connection with Druidical customs, and manners. 
 
 In like manner, the Tumuli not far from Barrow in Lincoln- 
 shire, may fairly, be concluded to have been British ; as there is 
 a remarkable earthwork near, which has every appearance of hav- 
 ing been a work of the Britons ; + and as, on being opened, there 
 were found in these, both rude urns, and bones. 
 
 So on opening one of the round Barrows at Aldfriston, in Sussex, 
 in 1 763 ;J after digging a few feet, there was found the skeleton 
 of a man, lying on its side, in a contracted form ; the bones of which 
 were very hard and firm, owing to the nature of the ground in which 
 they lay, which was a bed of chalk. And during the course of dig- 
 ging, there were also found ten different sorts of knives, or weapons, 
 of different make ; iron spikes ; charcoal ; a thin piece of yellow 
 metal ; and bones of brute animals. And in the middle, under a 
 pyramid of flints, was found an urn, holding about a gallon of burnt 
 bones, and ashes. It was carefully placed on the chalk rock, with 
 about 4 feet of earth over it ; and was of unbaked clay ; and had 
 some rude ornaments on the verge of it. — And in this instance, as 
 in those just before mentioned, the unbaked urn, the burnt bones, 
 and the rude weapons, plainly point out to us the earliest age in 
 this country ; whilst the entire preservation of the one skeleton, 
 shew the Barrow could not have contained many bodies of persons 
 slain in battle ; as they would have remained entire, just in like 
 manner, if that had been the case : and the bones of the brute ani- 
 mals rather indicate, that some victims had been slain on occasion 
 of this interment, as was the usage in the most barbarous times. 
 The whole, therefore, of the appearance leads us to conclude, that 
 this Tumulus was British. 
 
 And the Tumuli near Whitby Strand, in Yorkshire ; wherein 
 
 * There is an account of these Barrows, and Rings, and a representation of a section of 
 them, in the Gentleman's Magazine for 17'J2, Vol. LXXII. p. 593. 
 4 Gough's Camden, Vol. II. p. 27 8 . 
 
 % Description of England, Vol. IX. p. 150. — Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. sal. 
 
312 
 
 have been found the remains of bodies, and their ornaments, have 
 also very justly been concluded to have been British.* 
 
 So surely the Cairn that was opened in Craven, in Yorkshire 
 some years ago ; and which stood upon a mountain, above the 
 hamlet of Stackhouse, had great appearances of being British. It 
 was about 9 or 10 yards in height, and of considerable diameter; 
 (being about 210 feet in circumference ;) composed of stones piled 
 one upon another ; with a small stone wall, or rampart, round the 
 basis, somewhat similar to those described by Borlase, in the West 
 of England. In the centre was found a Kistvam, or stone Chest ; 
 formed of several stones of great magnitude, and thickness, and 
 being about 6 or 7 feet long, and 3 broad ; fixed in the ground ; 
 and covered with one vast stone. In this chest were certain parti- 
 tions ; and an human skeleton was found there, nearly entire ; and 
 also a circular piece of ivory, (or at least of a substance that appeared 
 like ivory,) and the tusk of a boar.-i- 
 
 And as several other bones were found in this Barrow beside the 
 one more perfect skeleton, there is reason to think it might be a 
 family Sepulchre ; unless those are to be supposed to have been 
 the bones of captives slain at the interment. 
 
 The Tumuli also, on Barrow Hill, near Yealand, in Lancashire, 
 may fairly be concluded to have been British : as, upon opening 
 one of them, there was found an urn that had every appearance of 
 being British ; and a large glass bead, of a blue colour ; and an hu- 
 man skeleton, adjoining to the urn ; whilst the urn itself contained 
 about three or four quarts of human bones calcined. J 
 
 And still more strongly may a Barrow that was opened in the 
 parish of Oddington, in Gloucestershire, in 17S7, be concluded to 
 have been British. It was but a small one: and, on being cut 
 through perpendicularly, appeared formed of layers of large flat 
 stones, of the kind with which the adjacent country abounds, inter- 
 spersed with earth ; but its contents were very remarkable. It seemed 
 to have been a sort o[ family Sepulchre ; containing the bones of at 
 least six bodies ; the ornaments of some of which appeared to be 
 
 * Cough's Camden, Vol, III. p. so. t There is an account of the whole 
 
 in the Gentleman's Magazine for 17 84, p. 962 ; and in that for 17 85, p. 417. 
 } Archaeologia, Vol, VII. p. 4 11. 
 
31.3 
 
 those of females: as the bones also were small. There were found, a 
 bodkin, and a sort of large pin of copper. Beads of a sort of freestone, 
 like some of those formerly described in these sheets, and of blue, 
 and red, and green glass ; and of amber ; all perforated ; and as many 
 of them in number as would fill a quart pot. And besides these, 
 were found, a fibula of copper, parts of a shield, and spear heads* 
 
 The Tumuli also, in the Links of Skail, in the Orkneys, may 
 with good reason be deemed British : their internal structure having 
 so near a resemblance to some of those which have been described ; 
 and which undoubtedly contained British remains. 
 
 In examining one of them very carefully, + there appeared, first 
 a large quantity of sand covering the whole ; then a large parcel of 
 great stones, which seemed to have been taken from the neighbour- 
 ing sea shore. And, when these were removed, there appeared a 
 Kistvaen, or Chest, composed of four stones, covered with a very 
 large fifth stone. In which chest lay a skeleton, entirely preserved, 
 in the posture of resting on one side, with the knees drawn up to 
 the body, and the arms folded on the breast. And at the feet of this 
 lay the remains of a bag of some very coarse vegetable stuff, con- 
 taining the bones of a younger person. 
 
 And as the bones here were found in this remarkable posture ; 
 so in a Tumulus that was opened, near Stranness, were found the 
 remains of an entire body ; which, by the position of the bones, 
 appeared manifestly to have been placed in a sitting posture : % and 
 which, therefore, unavoidably reminds us of what has been said, 
 concerning the manner in which some of the Indians, in America, 
 placed the bodies of their departed heroes, under their Tumuli. 
 
 There are several other Barrows, in the Orkneys ; under which 
 have been found Kistvaens, or small cells, built square with stones, 
 and a great stone lying on the mouth ; and having black earth, or 
 bones, in them. And under one of these was found a most remark- 
 able cell, formed of an whole round stone, § like a barrel, hollow 
 within, sharp edged at the top, and having the bottom joined like 
 
 * There are representations of several of them in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1 7 87 , 
 P' 292. t Archaeologia, Vol. III. p. 877. 
 
 $ Gough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 7 2 4. 
 § Wallace's Description of the Islands of Orkney, p. 5 6, 5 7. 
 
 4 L 
 
314 
 
 the bottom of a barrel ; and on the mouth a round stone ; and above 
 that another large stone, for the preservation of the whole ; whilst 
 within was found red clay, and burnt bones. 
 
 There have been found also, in various of the Tumuli in the 
 Orkneys,* silver fibula; ; combs ; knives ; pieces of swords ; and 
 bones of dogs, or other animals ; a spoon ; a cup ; a gold ring; and 
 beads. From all which circumstances, fully considered, we cannot 
 but conclude these Tumuli to have been of very high antiquity ; 
 and to have been indeed the very Sepulchres of the most aboriginal 
 settlers in those islands j notwithstanding what has been conjectur- 
 ed concerning their being merely Roman, or Danish. And we may 
 form this conclusion, the rather; because, in the one instance in the 
 Orkneys, + where a skeleton was actually found with a Danish axe, 
 as well as with a sword lying by it : the grave there was of a quite 
 different kind from these j being made merely just under the sand, 
 in the Links of Tranabie. And we may remember, that in a similar 
 manner, in Kent, there are also graves in the sand, at Ash, near 
 Richborough, very different from those under the adjacent Barrows, 
 and Tumuli. 
 
 It may seem tedious to proceed with any further enumeration. 
 But almost every instance that can be named of Barrows, which 
 have been actually examined, corresponds so completely with the 
 ideas here conveyed, that I cannot but mention a few others. 
 
 Near Sandford, in Westmoreland, and not far from the Roman 
 road, are four Tumuli; the largest 9 1 paces in circumference ; the 
 second 86; the third about 40; and the last, a small one almost 
 defaced. J They have, by some, been suspected to be Roman, be- 
 cause of their proximity to the celebrated road constructed by that 
 people, called the Maiden way; but on inspection of the contents of 
 the largest, we must, I think, form a very different conclusion. 
 
 This largest, which is about 90 feet in diameter, was cut through 
 in 1 7 66 ; when, half a yard below the summit, was found a small 
 urn, in a larger, containing a few white ashes : and a little deeper 
 lay a sword, 2 feet long, and 21 inches broad ; and the haft jf 
 inches, with an hilt most curiously carved. There were also the 
 
 * Cough's Camden, Vol. III. p. j Wa Hace, p. 57. 
 
 t Burn, Vol. I. p. 610 — Cough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 159. 
 
315 
 
 heads of two spears ; the fragments as was supposed of an helmet ; 
 and the umbo of a shield. And below these, under a great heap of 
 stones, 1 S or 20 feet in diameter, piled up conically, was a square 
 place, about 4 feet by 2, containing rich black mould, and many 
 human bones, that appeared to have been burnt. This last was 
 evidently the Kistvaen, or Tomb ; and, as well as all the rest, leads 
 us to conceive the whole to have been British. — But nothing does 
 So more fully, than the kind of armour discovered ; which has 
 therefore been the more particularly described. The great broad 
 sword, (instead of the short one of the Romans,) and the two spears, 
 are exactly the arms of an old Briton, according to the best ideas 
 we can form. 
 
 In like manner, on opening a great Barrow at Ellenborough, in 
 Cumberland ; which, from its neighbourhood to so many undoubt- 
 ed Roman antiquities, has been called a Roman Barrow;* nothing 
 really Roman was found in it : and the whole appearance, to the 
 best of my apprehensions, shews it to have been really British. 
 
 It is situated indeed only about 63 paces from the Roman camp. 
 That circumstance, however, is no proof that it did not exist prior 
 to the Roman camp itself. On the contrary, it is rather an indica- 
 tion, that this station (like many others of the Romans in this Island,) 
 had been an aboriginal British post, long before those invaders and 
 conquerors took possession of it. Every circumstance almost be- 
 longing to this Barrow leads us to this conclusion. It is placed on 
 the edge of a very high bank, which overhangs towards the sea, in 
 an elevated conspicuous situation, similar to that of many of the 
 most antient Barrows, both in Asia, and in this Island. It is by 
 old tradition, in the neighbouring country, called the King's baryina- 
 place: (which much rather imports its connection with the antient 
 Britons, than with the Romans.) It is of considerable dimensions ; 
 being at least 250 feet in circumference ; 4 2 feet on the slope, from 
 the verge to the summit ; and at least 1 4 feet in its perpendicular 
 altitude. And, on examining it from the surface to the bottom, 
 nothing Roman appeared. There was first a stratum of soft earth, 
 covering the whole, in every part, from the base to the top of the 
 
 * Archaeologia, Vol. II. p. 54. 
 
316 
 
 Barrow; then a mass of stiff unctuous blue clay, intermixed with 
 fern roots ; which formed the greater part of the Barrow, and had 
 manifestly been brought from the sea side ; and, near the centre of 
 the whole, were found three or four strata of clods ; many of which 
 had the grassy sides placed together, and retained the moss fresh • 
 and which covered wood ashes, mixed with some remains of the 
 bones of an ox ; all of which remains appeared to have been placed 
 originally, merely on the surface of the ground, exactly correspond- 
 ing with the surface of that all around. So that here seems to have 
 been, previous to the construction of this Barrow, a great funeral 
 pyre; (somewhat like that of Patroclus,) and the bodies of oxen 
 and possibly of other animals, seem to have been burnt together 
 with the remains of the deceased, to whose memory this Barrow was 
 raised. 
 
 Again ; on opening a Barrow, on Middleton Moor, in Derby- 
 shire, in 1 788, the contents had much appearance of being Drui- 
 dical;* as might indeed be expected, from the nearness of the 
 situation of this Tumulus to Druidical remains of another kind : it 
 being not above half a mile from the Arbelows. 
 
 We may therefore fairly conclude those Barrows to have been 
 most unquestionably, in like manner, British, and even Druidical 
 which are found in the neighbourhood of that curious unfinished 
 Rocking Stone, at Aggleston, in the Isle of Purbeck. On one of 
 which was placed a stone, now thrown down, 10 feet by 8.+ 
 
 And indeed there would be no end of enumerating those many 
 Tumuli, concerning which, we can hardly avoid forming the same 
 conclusion ; such as the Barrows on the South Downs, in Sussex ; J 
 some of which are large, and scattered singly here and there ; some 
 smaller, and a great many near together ; most of them indeed 
 round, with a trench inclosing the basis, and a circular cavity on 
 their top ; (the contents of one of which has been described ;) but 
 some few of them of the long kind ; the longest of all, being one 
 that has been already mentioned, as situated on an hill near Ald- 
 friston, and above 1 30 feet in length, from north to south. 
 
 * Archaeologia, Vol. IX. p. is 9. 
 
 + Mentioned in the Gentleman's Magazine for 17 67. p. no. 
 $ Ibid, for 17 68, p. zS4. 
 
317 
 
 The Barrows on Chatham Downs, in Kent, * which indeed 
 have been justly suspected, by former Antiquaries, to have been 
 those of Britons ; because no truly Roman remains were ever found 
 in any of them ; and which have been manifestly shewn, in these 
 pages, to have been, in truth, British, by certain peculiar orna- 
 ments discovered therein ; are fully and curiously described by 
 Mr. Douglas, in the Kenia.i- 
 
 The Barrows on Blackheath, % (notwithstanding the conjectures 
 concerning their being Danish ;) have by late investigations appear- 
 ed to have been British, { of the later ages ; 
 
 The Barrows on Dartford Brent, ]| so near to the antient curious 
 British pits ; 
 
 The Barrows on Greensted Green ; ** — that on Sandown field, 
 near Green street ; 44 
 
 That on Shotienton hill, between Faversham and Chilham, in 
 Kent ; %% 
 
 Those also, in the Island of Shepey, ^ (which have surely too 
 hastily been supposed to be Danish,) may all, in reality, most justly 
 be deemed British. 
 
 And they may, indeed, the more certainly be concluded not to 
 have been Roman ; because (in addition to what has been observed 
 concerning the very different appearance of truly Roman Sepul- 
 chres, in other instances), there is such a striking dissimilarity, in 
 the real Roman burial ground, in the adjacent county, near New- 
 mgton, mi on Keyed Hill ; where such an immense number of urns, 
 and of remains of Roman interments, have been found. 
 
 And consistently with the idea of all these Tumuli being British, 
 we find, that in Cornwall, to which part of the Island so many of 
 
 * Hasted's History of Kent, Vol. III. p. 15 /. 
 
 t See the Xmia, in various parts throughout ; in parts too numerous for me here to reftr 
 to the particular pages.— This curious work contains such a particular and exact account 
 of these kind of Barrows, and of their contents, that I can only wish to refer the inquisitive 
 reader to the whole work itself, as the best illustration and confirmation ofall the conclu- 
 sions formed in these observations; notwithstanding my differing a little from the author 
 in some few points. * Haslcd's History of Kent, Vol. I. p. 1 .,. 07. 
 
 { See Nenia, p. 5 6. || Hasted's History ofKent, Vol. I. p. 226 . 
 
 ** Vol. I. p. 249. ++ Ibid. Vol. II. p. est. *± Ibid. Vol. III. 
 
 P'"- Sr Ibid. Vol. II. p. 610. mi Ibid. Vol. II. p. sou 
 
 4 M 
 
318 
 
 the Britons retired, in order to secure themselves finally from the 
 Roman arms, Barrows of a very similar kind do (as we might ex- 
 pect) exceedingly abound. 
 
 On St. Austle Downs there are many ; which lie sometimes two, 
 three, or even seven, in a straight line* And, indeed, they are 
 found dispersed on almost every plain in that country ; as well as 
 on the tops of hills. + 
 
 On opening one, in 1 75 1, in a field at Trelowarren, which was 
 constructed of earth, (very wide in circumference, but only about 5 
 feet high,) as the workmen came to the middle of the Barrow, they 
 found a parcel of stones, set in some order ; which being removed, 
 discovered a Kistvaen, or cavity, about 2 feet diameter, and of equal 
 height, inclosing bones of all sorts, intermixed with wood ashes. 
 This was surrounded and covered with stones. And at the distance 
 of a few feet, were found two urns ; one on each side, with their 
 mouths turned downwards, and small bones and ashes under them. 
 All the black vegetable mould, which covered the place where the 
 urns were found, had been industriously cleared off, and the urns 
 were inverted, on the clean yellow clay, which, in the adjacent 
 field, lies immediately under the soil. J Three thin bits of brass 
 were also found, near the middle of the Barrow, which seemed to 
 have been pieces of a sword. 
 
 On opening some others, in the Scilly Islands, they appeared 
 manifestly to have been designed, each of them, for the reception of 
 a family ; although neither bones, nor urns, but only an unctuous 
 cadaverous earth, was now found in them. 
 
 They contained large ICisivaens, or Cavities, formed of rough 
 stones : whilst the edges of the Barrows were surrounded with large 
 stones. 
 
 And one of these in particular had a large cavity formed in the 
 midst of it, 22 feet in length ; 4 feet 10 inches high ; and 4 feet 8 
 inches wide ; having a regular passage into it, at the eastern end, 
 1 foot 8 inches wide. § The whole therefore of this, much resem- 
 bled some of those galleries that have before been described under 
 Barrows ; except that this was found filled with earth ; and that, if 
 the person who examined it was not deceived in his observation, 
 * Borlase, p. a 17. + Ibid. p. sit. % Ibid. p. m. $ Ibid. p. sao. 
 
319 
 
 there was an appearance even of masonry, and mortar ; a circum- 
 stance that would induce us to think it was one of the latest con- 
 structions of this kind of interments. 
 
 Can any one then, who reflects upon the exceeding great similarity 
 that appears, upon the whole, in the contents of all the Barrows 
 that have been thus examined, (so different from any thing that 
 can, in any instance, be ascertained to have been either Saxon, or 
 Danish, or Roman,) at all doubt any longer, whether the generality 
 of these Sepulchral Tumuli were, or were not British ? 
 
 Surely therefore we must differ from Dr. Borlase in opinion, and 
 presume to say, that no further observations need be added, to con- 
 vince us that the persons, whose memory was intended to be had in 
 honour, by the construction of almost all the Barrows we meet with, 
 in this country, were, nearly in every instance, the antient Britons ; 
 and not, either Romans, or Danes, or Saxons. 
 
 There are, indeed, a few Barrows, of later ages, thrown up after 
 battles ; which therefore may be called Battle Barrows; but they 
 are easily to be distinguished, by the vast number of bones they 
 contain ; and by the very different manner in which the bodies are 
 placed in them. And that they are not very numerous ; nor a neces- 
 sary appendage to fields of battle, we maybe assured, because there 
 are so many antient fields of battle mentioned on record, near none 
 of which are any Barrows to be found : which would not have been 
 the case, were Barrows rightly concluded to be in general connected 
 with such scenes of slaughter. 
 
 Amongst these Battle Barrows, we cannot forget, that three were 
 raised even on the field of Culloden,* no longer ago than the year 
 1 7 46. Such, however, cannot possibly mislead or deceive the 
 curious. 
 
 Neither could those two much more antient Barrows, in the Isle 
 of Thanet, on the coast of Kent, called HacMngolon Bank, which 
 seem to have been raised over Saxons, and Danish invaders, slain 
 in one of the violent irruptions of those Northern pirates, at all 
 deceive the cautious Antiquarian in any age. In 17 41 they were 
 opened ; and many bones, and skulls of men, women, and chil- 
 
 * Gough's Camden, Vol. III. p. oo. 
 
520 
 
 dren, were found ; some just under the surface ; others in the solid 
 chalk ; where the bodies appeared to have been put in, neck and 
 heels together.* A deep trench having been dug in' the middle, 
 and the bodies flung in on each side. 
 
 So in a Barrow, in a parish called Barrow, in Suffolk, the vast 
 number of bones discovered (by means of carrying a turnpike road 
 through it),+ and which have been continually discovered by further 
 digging, render it incapable of being mistaken for a British Bar- 
 row ; and plainly point out the difference between a Battle Barrow, 
 and a British. Barrow. 
 
 And, as the multitude of bones found under Battle Barrows of 
 earth, shew their origin ; so similar appearances, in certain places, 
 under other Barrows, or Cairns of Stone, speak the same language, 
 and plainly enough, exclusive of the low appearance of their out- 
 ward form, distinguish them also from the more numerous real 
 British Cairns. 
 
 In the village of Wardlow, near Ashford, in Derbyshire, was an 
 odd Cairn, or Stone Barrow, 32 yards in diameter, and about 5 feet 
 high; on opening which, in 1 7 5 9, for the purpose of making a 
 turnpike road, it was found to have been reared over the bodies of 
 more than seventeen persons, who had been there interred at the 
 same time. J The bodies appeared to have been laid on the surface 
 of the ground, on long flat stones, 1\ feet long, and their heads and 
 breasts protected from the incumbent weight of stones, by small 
 walls (or rather chests) raised round them, with a flat stone on the 
 top ; excepting the two principal ones, which were completely in- 
 closed in two stone chests, about 2 feet high, and 7 feet long. § 
 
 Somewhat similar to this, was one near Raisgill, in Westmore- 
 land ; 100 yards in circumference, and about 3 high ; composed 
 of loose stones, and covering a large stone, supported by one other 
 on each side, under which was a human skeleton, having the bones 
 of several others round about it. [[ 
 
 * There is an account of this in Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. 2-10. 
 
 t Ibid. Vol. II. p. S2. % As the remains of these seventeen were 
 
 found only in the half part of the Cairn that was examined, after it began to be attended to, 
 it is probable the whole number was at least thirty-four. § Bray's Tour in 
 
 Derbyshire, p. 184. »d ed. — Philos. Trans. Vol. LH. Parts, p. 54 1. 
 
 II Burn, Vol. I. p. 481.45! Gough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 15 0. 
 
321 
 
 And of this kind seems to have been the low Barrow situated in 
 the Manor of Crosby Garrot, in the county of Westmoreland, in a 
 common pasture called Bullflat, under an hill. It probably contains 
 the remains of officers slain in some battle in the time of the early 
 deadly feuds ; but long after the age of the first British Caledonians. 
 And its aera, seems to be pointed out, both by the peculiarity of a 
 wound in one of the skeletons ; and may also be inferred, from 
 there being no remains of beads, or weapons found, though the 
 bones were not much decayed. 
 
 The whole Barrow was about 10 yards in circumference, or 
 nearly 10 feet in diameter; and not much above 4 feet in height. 
 And upon opening it, in 1 7 92, there were found six bodies placed 
 on the ground, in Kistvaens, or a sort of stone coffins, made of slates 
 common in that country. The bottoms of each consisted of two or 
 three stones well joined ; and the sides had each from two to four 
 stones placed a little obliquely; over which were laid stones simi- 
 lar to those of the sides, whose edges projected about an inch every 
 way. Upon these six coffins, earth and stones had been thrown 
 about 6 inches higher : and then four more such coffins were placed 
 at the top, and covered with about 2 feet more of earth and stones. 
 There was no sort of cement used throughout: but around the 
 whole were placed, in a circle, a number of flat stones edgeways, 
 with their tops but just appearing above the ground.* 
 
 Two other such mounds are seen on the summit of the adjacent 
 hill ; and may very well be deemed to have contained the bodies of 
 other persons slain at the same time. 
 
 And as the contents thus distinguish Battle Barrows, so they are 
 sometimes pointed out by precise traditions, or names. 
 
 Thus we may be led to suspect some of the Barrows at least, 
 near Battle Hill Causeway, t in Hampshire, to have been Battle 
 Barrows. 
 
 And, with Dr. PJott, J may venture to allow that a Barrow in 
 
 • There is an account of this Barrow in Vol. LXIU. of the Gentleman's Magazine, 
 p. 116. 
 
 + Archaeologia, Vol Vlll, p. 9 i . 
 
 ? Plott's Staffordshire, p. 4 n In other respects, and with regard to other Barrows in 
 
 general, I have ventured to differ greatly from Doctor Plott's ideas, as to their origin ;— as 
 
 4 N 
 
322 
 
 South Low-field, Staffordshire, might be raised over persons slain 
 in the bloody battle fought between Edward the elder, and the 
 Danes, about 911; though so very few Barrows appear in reality, 
 on examination, to have been raised either by the Saxons, or the 
 Danes, any more than by the modern English ; who yet raised 
 those at Culloden. 
 
 It is improper to quit all mention of Barrows, without just add- 
 ing, that at Biggar, inTeifidale, in Scotland, there is one of a most 
 remarkable kind, different from all others, and of a very beautiful 
 external appearance ; being a square T umulus, measuring 4 86 feet at 
 the base, and 40 feet in sloping height.* This, however, is only 
 thus mentioned, on account of its great singularity. 
 
 Here, therefore, the investigation of the history of these curious 
 and most antient repositories of the dead may fairly be closed. 
 They are indeed the simplest works of art ; scarce deserving to be 
 named, as having any connection with the efforts of human genius, 
 in its labours to produce works of architecture. But they are so 
 interesting, both on account of their close connection with the 
 sad general lot of human nature ; and with the manners and cus- 
 toms of the primsval people, in all nations, even before the ex- 
 istence of the pyramids in Egypt, (to the formation of which, 
 such kind of rude Sepulchres probably gave the first idea,) that it 
 would most surely have been a total want of due attention to the 
 first causes of inventions of architecture, not to have considered 
 them maturely. 
 
 It is almost impossible to behold these laboured memorials of the 
 dead of antient days, without bringing present to the imagination 
 those multitudes of people, who contributed their efforts to raise 
 these magnificent high mounds :— in some instances lamenting, with 
 kind affection, their patron, protector, munificent benefactor, and 
 friend ; and wishing the accumulation of earth to be an everlasting 
 testimony of the accumulation of their gratitude, and good will, 
 and reverence :— in other instances, cursing in the bitterness of 
 their hearts, the dire servitude that imposed upon them so heavy a 
 
 will, appear to any one who peruses his observations in his History of Staffordshire, from 
 p. 402 tons; and in his History of Oxfordshire, from p. 3 22 to 3 8 7 . 
 * Cough's Camden, Vol. III. p. 299. 
 
323 
 
 task ; — and saying, with poignant anguish, what our Poet said in a 
 burlesque humour, on another occasion ; 
 
 Lay heavy on him earth, for he 
 Laid many an heavy load on thee. 
 
 The great tremendous day, which shall disclose the secrets of all 
 hearts, and bring every work and thought into judgment, accord- 
 ing to the light, and knowledge, and opportunities, which every 
 man had, will shew, who amongst these illustrious dead deserved 
 any lasting memorial ; and who amongst them had reason to wish, 
 that no memorial of their deeds should ever exist ; and that even 
 the labour of raising these nameless mounds had been spared.* 
 
 May the ashes of those, whose tombs we have thus been consider- 
 ing, as far as is now possible remain in peace. — Their identical 
 persons, we cannot but be persuaded, are out of the reach of being 
 affected by that violation of their graves, which has brought to 
 light the facts we have been recording : — but surely, though we 
 record those facts, we ought yet to say, that such violation can never 
 be heartily approved. — And indeed it must often have occurred 
 to the mind of every curious observer, that the knowledge obtained 
 thereby, is in truth, very little more than might have been investi- 
 gated, from other modes of information, without any such violation 
 at all. 
 
 * Whilst we are considering these kind of interments in cells, or chambers, under 
 Barrows, or Pyramids ; and under conical rude vaulted domes, it is somewhat interesting 
 to bear in mind the manner in which the Emperor Charlemagne, was buried ; as that was 
 plainly with some sort of reference to this kind of memorial and respect, long after the use 
 and custom of rearing rude Barrows had ceased. 
 
 The body of Charlemagne was deposited in a vault, directly under the middle of the 
 dome of the octagon Church at Aixla Chapelle, (a noble substitute, in ages of art and civi- 
 lization, to the rude Barrow, or to the but little more artificial pyramid.) It was placed, 
 in the imperial robes, in a chair, composed of pieces of white marble joined together; and 
 was covered with gold. It had a crown on its head, now kept at Nuremberg ; and the book 
 of the Gospel in his hand ; which is said to be still preserved in the sacristy of the church. 
 There was a cutlass, or sword, hung to his side ; on the scabbard of which are ornaments of 
 silver gilt ; and a drinking horn, formed of an elephant's tooth, is likewise understood to 
 have been hung about the body. But the bones are now removed, and interred under the 
 high altar. [| 
 
 1] Pococke's Travels, Vol. If. Part 2. p. 222. 
 
324 
 
 All the conclusions, therefore, formed in these pages, in conse- 
 quence of bringing the whole of the evidence arising from such 
 researches into one point of view, it is to be hoped may rather be- 
 come a means of inducing those who shall come after these times to 
 abstain from such fruitless curiosity ; than a means of exciting them 
 to such barbarous intrusion, so contrary to those ideas, respecting 
 the ashes of the dead, that have been held sacred through all a*es 
 
 I record all these facts as I find them related .—but it is with an 
 earnest wish to put a stop to such unprofitable disturbance of Se- 
 pulchres. 
 
 The reflection made by one of the inquisitive investigators of 
 these matters, who was more cautious than usual, deserves to be con- 
 sidered in a stronger light, than as a mere slight remark ;-« that 
 " a kind of respectful veneration seemed naturally to inspire even 
 " the ignorant rustic, during the operation of searching the contents 
 of a Barrow. 
 
 The persons whose remains have thus been explored, and dis- 
 turbed, were in their day (at least many of them), dear to many — 
 sometimes the objects of veneration ; and deeply lamented :-and 
 the very structures and heaps we have been examining, were raised 
 on purpose to prevent their ashes from being disturbed —and to 
 maintain respect, and honour to their memory .-So short-sighted is 
 man !— and of so little avails all his care ! 
 
 Yet let all, at least, reap this profit.-Let every one remember the 
 case of these departed inhabitants of the earth may be his own 
 And whatever mock importance any one may fancy himself to be 
 of now ; let him reflect that it will all be done away ; and no trace 
 be left behind :— no not so much as the traces of these unknown 
 British aboriginal possessors of this Island.— Let us therefore look 
 further ; and beyond this dismal scene ; where better science will 
 lead the way. 
 
 Of these, whoever they were, whose bodies are now mouldered 
 and gone ; as far as any of them were sincere and upright; we may 
 surely say, and hope, there is still much good for them in store ; 
 more than a recompence for the violation that has been committed 
 with regard to their ashes. 
 
 Of the rest ; the great plunderers, and savage oppressors of the 
 
325 
 
 ages in which they lived ; we may say, in the sublime language of 
 the Prophet Ezeiiel* concerning those lawless conquerors in the East, 
 many of whom had actually been interred just in the manner we 
 have been describing. 
 
 " They are gone down to the grave with their weapons of war; and 
 ' ' they have laid their swords under their heads ; but their iniquities shall 
 " be upon their bones, though they were the terror of the mighty in the 
 " land of the living." 
 
 * Ezekiel, chap, xxxii. ver. 2 7. 
 
 For the sake of shewing, vvitli the greater accuracy, the characteristic difference of 
 appearance between the Great Barrow, and the Hill Fortress; PI. -SI is here added; which 
 represents a view of Silluiy Hill, as seen on the east side, at a distance, on approachino it 
 from Marlborough. — And in the same view are seen on the right hand, as appearing in the 
 horizon, six of the smaller kind of Barrows, such as are so frequent in all the surrounding 
 neighbourhood of Ahiry, and Stone-Henge. — Two more, further distant, are seen at (i) ; and 
 one other, still further distant, at (r). 
 
 PI. also represents Silbury Hill seen near ; — on the south-west side ; — in which view 
 the church of Abu)} appears, on the left hand, at the distance of about a mile. And though 
 there have been .winding paths made to ascend the summit of this great Barrow, on account 
 of a sort of fair, which is now kept upon it annually ; and other cuts have been made upon 
 it; some of which are shewn in this view : yet its exceeding different appearance from that 
 of an Hill Fortress is most discernible. 
 
 The precise different forms of small Low Ba'rows, will also he better understood, by the 
 addition of PI. the outlines of the sketches in which are most cautiously exact. 
 
 Fig. 1. represents four of those kind of Barrows, as seen on the Downs, as you approach 
 Silbury, on die other side from the Devizes ; and which are between five and six miles from 
 
 the Devizes Their different forms (for they are all four different) , may help very much to 
 
 illustrate the appearance of those many others which are in the neighbourhood of Stone- 
 Henge; and even the appearance of some of those very small ones near Addington, in 
 Surrey. 
 
 Fig. 2. shews two more, that are a little beyond the turnpike ; about five miles from the 
 Devizes, going towards Silbury. 
 
 Fig. 3. three more; that are seen a little further on, upon the same road And, 
 
 Fig. 4. three more; that are still nearer to Silbury, and larger than those first described. 
 
 4 o 
 
.326 
 
 Fig. 5. represents the King's Down Barrows, as they now appear; which are about 
 seven miles from Bath, on the road to the Devizes. 
 
 Fig. 6 and 7. represent two different views of the three remarkable Barrows, on Time 
 Barrow Hill, in the parish of Farnbury, in Somersetshire, as seen from the road near Chit- 
 ton — The Barrow on the left being called Blackberry, and being that near Ouzel. 
 
8 
 
 ' ^ r \;gga S >- 
 
 
 <) 
 
 
 
 
 to 
 
 
 ^ tias 
 
 4 • 
 
326 
 
 For the sake of shewing the varieties of Barrows still more clearly. PI. is added ; 
 in which 
 
 Fig. s. represents the five Overlmi Barrows, near Silbury; as seen at a distance, on the 
 road leading from Marlborough towards Silbury Hill. 
 
 And fig. 9 . shews more exactly the form of that marked (4) , as seen quite near. It being 
 that which is nearest to the road, on the right hand ; and which measures about i 5 feet, on 
 the slope every way. 
 
 Fig. 10. represents, on a much smaller scale, the Long Barrow at Beckhamptm, which is 
 within sight of Silbury Hill : and which, on measuring, I found to be at least 1 9 o feet in 
 length ; and 9o feet in breadth ; though some part of it has been taken away, and it has been 
 much mangled. 
 
 Fig. l i . represents a Barrow, on the left hand of the road from Wells to Bath, near Rad- 
 stock ; about six or seven miles from Bath. And at the bottom is marked the place where 
 an attempt has been made to open it. 
 
 Fig. l a. represents a Barrow, on the right hand of the road from Bristol to Wells ; about 
 five or six miles from Wells, 
 
327 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 CONCERNING LOGAN, OR ROCKING STONES ; AND CONCERNING TOLMEN, 
 AND BASON STONES. 
 
 VV ith regard to the Logan, or Rocking Stones ; and concerning 
 the Tolmen ; and the Bason Stones ; it is almost impossible now to 
 add any satisfactory remarks, or to say any thing further than that 
 such remains do exist. 
 
 They were, in all probability, the instruments of superstition in 
 some shape or other ; the memorial whereof is well buried in ever- 
 lasting oblivion. 
 
 They appear obviously, however, to have been works of art. — 
 And because no one circumstance occurs that can induce us to sus- 
 pect that any of them were the works either of Saxons, or Danes, 
 or Romans, we must consider them as being solely the works of the 
 Britons : to which conclusion we are also led by their massy resem- 
 blance to other stupendous Druidical Remains ; and by their proxi- 
 mity to them in point of situation. 
 
 But whether the Rocking Stones were used for divination; as our 
 poet Mason has finely imagined ; and as Toland also thought ; — 
 or whether they were idols ; — or else fraudulent means of imposing 
 upon the vulgar, a pretended divine assent on certain occasions : — 
 and whether the Rock Basons were for preserving lustral water, or 
 the blood of victims ; or for containing libations ; or for any other 
 purpose: — and what was the precise design of those vast masses of 
 insulated Rocks, which have indeed some marks of the tool ; and of 
 those that are called Tolmen, must be left to mere conjecture ; as 
 we have no records, or clear facts to be compared together, that can 
 illustrate this matter. 
 
 All that can be done, by way of explaining this species of Bri- 
 tish art and contrivance, is merely to shew how, and where, they 
 exist ; and by what means they seem to have been formed. And in 
 
328 
 
 general to remark, that as they are masses of rock, on which tools cer- 
 tainly have been lifted up-, therefore they are unquestionably of the 
 later ages of Druidism ; when much corruption, and the grossest 
 species of abominable superstition, had been introduced ; and are 
 on that very account the more inexplicable, because there was 
 nothing in the primitive patriarchal times, with which they can 
 now be compared. 
 
 We are not, however, altogether without notices of something 
 similar in the East; because Pliny tells* us, that near Harpasa, a 
 town in Asia, is a most stupendous Rock, easily moved with one 
 linger , but which cannot be removed, or made to stir from its 
 place, if you thrust at it with your whole body. 
 
 And, in like manner, Ptolemy + speaks of a mass of Rock, called 
 the Gygonian Stone, near the ocean, which may be moved with the 
 stalk of an asphodel ; but cannot be removed by any force. 
 
 Many of those that existed in our own country, are still well 
 known. ^ And a very few descriptions, with one or two representa- 
 tions, will sufficiently convey the idea of their form. 
 
 Near Halifax, in Yorkshire, at a place called Golcar Hill, is a 
 stone about 10J feet long ; 9 feet 4 or 5 inches broad ; and 5 feet 3 
 inches thick ; J which is placed on so small a centre, that at one 
 particular point a man may cause it to rock without much trouble, 
 though it has been somewhat damaged in this respect, by some 
 ignorant masons, who endeavoured, of late years, to discover the 
 principle on which so large a weight was made formerly to move 
 so easily. 
 
 It is represented, PI. XIII. fig. i , from a drawing annexed to the 
 account of it in the Arcliaeoiogia ; where it is with much ingenuity 
 observed, that the very name of the place, from some affinity in 
 sound to a Saxon word, seems to indicate that this place was appro- 
 priated originally to the purpose of divination, or inchantment ;— 
 but on such kind of derivation, in consequence of the similarity of 
 the sound of words, no great stress is to be laid. 
 
 There is also another mass of rock, at Rish worth, in the same 
 county, consisting of vast fragments piled one above another to the 
 
 * PKnii Nat. Histor. lib. ii. sec. 98. + L;],, iii. c . 3. 
 
 * ArcliaeoIogia.Vol.il. p. 353,354. 
 
329 
 
 height of several yards, and standing on a small narrow base ; which 
 mass is still called the Rocking Stone, on account of a constant tra- 
 dition that it was formerly easily moved ; but it has lost that power 
 at present.* 
 
 Very similar to the Rocking Stone of Golcar, (at least sufficiently 
 so to prove the similarity of ideas and customs that prevailed in parts 
 of this Island very remote from each other,) is the remarkable Rock- 
 ing Stone in Cornwall, called the Great Qiwit, on Karn-le-ha.il, in the 
 parish of Tywidnek. Borlase was convinced, + it was raised and 
 placed in its situation by means of human force, and art. But 
 whether that fact was so or no ; certain it is that art, and the tool, 
 must have been used to bring it to its exact equilibrium. — It is as 
 well poised as if placed by the most skilful artist; and yet is 3 9 
 feet in girt, and 4 feet thick. 
 
 There is also another very large stone, in a very elevated situa- 
 tion, on an high promontory, called Castle Treryn, in the parish of 
 St. Levin, on the coast of Cornwall, % which is so evenly poised 
 that any hand may move it to and fro. 
 
 And there is a still more remarkable stone, on the island of St. 
 Agnes, in Scilly. It stands on an under rock, which is 10 feet 6 
 inches high, and 47 feet in circumference ; and which itself touches 
 the ground with no more than half of its base. And the Rocking 
 Stone itself rests thereupon, on one point only, so poised, that two 
 or three men, with a pole, can move it. It is 4 7 feet in girt, and S 
 feet 6 inches high ; and has on the top a large Rock Bason, near 4 
 feet in diameter, and 3 feet deep ; and the whole stone is of a very 
 globular form, appearing to have been rounded by art. § 
 
 Of a kind not very unlike the Golcar stone, in its construction, 
 and in the mode of its being poised, was the famous stone called 
 Men-amber, in the parish of Sithney, in Cornwall ; which was so 
 
 * There is a representation of it, in the Archaeologia, Vol. II. p. 3 60. PI. XXIII. 
 fig. 5. + See Borlase's Antiquities of Cornwall, p. ISO; and 
 
 PI. XI. fig. 3. * Ibid. p. ]80. 
 
 § It is described, and represented by Borlase, in his Antiquities, p.lsiandl73. PI. XI. 
 fig. 4 ; for which reason I do not represent it here ; although, to elucidate this account, I 
 am unavoidably obliged to copy some few of his, and of other persons' representations ; or at 
 least to represent the same things over again ; when it would be injustice not to mention and 
 acknowledge the authority of the accounts previously given. 
 
330 
 
 nicely poised, that a little child might move it ; but in the time of 
 Cromwell, was with immense labour and pains thrown down, in 
 order to put an end to the superstitious regard that was fancied to be 
 still paid to it. 
 
 It is represented, in its fallen state, PI. XIII. fig. 2.— The orio-i- 
 nally Rocking, or Top Stone, is 6 feet wide from C to D. But its 
 greater length was in the contrary direction, from east to west ; and 
 was 1 1 feet. And its thickness, from E to F, was 4 feet.— And 
 there are evident marks of the tool, upon the surface, whereby it 
 has been wrought into a wavy plane.— There was no Rock Bason 
 on this stone itself; but there is one near the edge of the stone B, 
 on which it was poised ; — and it may be observed, that a part of 
 this under stone was cut, and hewn away, in order to fling the upper 
 Rocking Stone down into its present position. 
 
 An artificial bank of Stones adjoining, seems to have been de- 
 signed as a causeway, or means of access to move the stone ; * and 
 the whole of the fabric has marks of an age later than the early 
 periods of Druidism. 
 
 On a mountain betwixt Knaresborough and Shipton, in York- 
 shire, zs a Stone, of irregular form, which may be computed to 
 weigh near twenty tons ; and which is so nicely poised, as to be 
 moved with ease by one hand. And near this,+ on the highest 
 parts of one of the adjacent rocks, is a smooth regular well wrought 
 Bason, formed out of the solid stone ; 2 feet in depth, and Sf feet 
 in diameter ; J having also, on each side, a smaller bason, formed 
 each on a prominent point of the rock. 
 
 Not far from Warton Crag, in Lancashire, which has been already 
 mentioned as a British fortress ; and also near a number of Barrows, 
 or Tumuli, which there is every reason to believe belonged to Bri- 
 tons ; are no less than three Rocking Stones, placed in a line at 
 equal distances, about 40 feet asunder.— The centre stone is the 
 
 * This drawing is borrowed from Borlase's Antiquities, p. 173. PI. XI. fig. 5.; and 
 see p. ! s 1 . 
 
 + See an account given in the. Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. LV. p. 3 60. 
 
 * 11 Is im P ossi bfc, when one sees these kind of Basons, not to harbour a suspicion that 
 they were exactly of the same age (though for a different purpose) with those found in the 
 great Barrow at New Grange, in Ireland. 
 
 I 
 
331 
 
 largest ; being at least 30 feet in circumference, and near S in 
 height. These stones have manifestly, by much art and contriv- 
 ance, been converted into Rocking Stones, by having their under 
 sides broken off and hewn away,* till they were brought to rest on 
 a very narrow basis. And, what is very remarkable, in this 
 instance, there are, a little lower down the hill, on another ridge of 
 rock, three other Rocking Stones in a line, but not at equal dis- 
 tances. Which seems to indicate that they formed such curious 
 moving bodies only in the spots where they could previously find 
 natural rocks nearly fit for the purpose. These last Rocking Stones 
 are smaller than the others : and there are several Rock Basons near 
 them. 
 
 At no great distance from these ; on Silverdale Common, was 
 another Rocking Stone, 37 feet in circumference, and 10 feet in 
 height, placed originally on the brow of a large hill : but this has 
 been thrown off its equipoise ; and moves no longer. + 
 
 A Rocking Stone is described also, by Major Rooke, as existing 
 on Hathersage Moor, in the Peak of Derbyshire ; J 29 feet in cir- 
 cumference : near which is not only one large stone, with a Rock 
 Bason ; and many Tumuli, with urns, beads, and rings in them, 
 which denote them to be British ; but, at the distance of about an 
 hundred yards, there is also another most remarkable Stone, 1 3± feet 
 in length ; which appears to have been placed, by art, supported 
 by two small stones ; and which hangs over a precipice ; having 
 on the top of it a large Rock Bason, A feet 3 inches in diameter ; and 
 close to this, on the south side, an hollow, cut like a chair, with a 
 step to rest the feet upon. — And that this was a scene of Druidical 
 gross superstition, may be very reasonably inferred from the antient 
 constant tradition of the country, calling it Cairs Chair. 
 
 Not far from this spot are also some Rocking Stones ; and of such 
 a kind as seems plainly to indicate to us, like those at Warton Crag, 
 that the first idea of forming Rocking Stones at all, was the appear- 
 ance of certain stupendous masses, left by natural causes in such a 
 singular situation, by the departure of the waters of the Deluge, as 
 
 * There is a representation of them in the Archaeologia, Vol. IX. p. 2 15. PI. XVI. 
 t Archaeologia, Vol. IX. p. 216. } Ibid. Vol. VII. p. 176; 
 
 where there are representations of the whole. 
 
332 
 
 to be even prepared, as it were, by the hand of nature, to exhibit 
 such a curious kind of equipoise. 
 
 Amongst the Bradley rocks, and not far from Rowter rocks, on 
 Stanton Moor, in Derbyshire, is a great Rocking Stone, 32 feet in 
 circumference, which moves with the greatest ease ; being placed, 
 either naturally, or by art, on two stones clear of the ground.* 
 And in the neighbourhood of it, at the distance of about a quarter 
 of a mile, are several Rock Basons. 
 
 Amongst the Brimham rocks, in Yorkshire, is a very curious 
 Rocking Stone, 1 S feet in length ; 4 feet in width ; and 6 feet 
 in height ; the bottom of which evidently appears to have been 
 cut away, to form two knobs, on which it rests, and moves with 
 ease. 
 
 For the sake of rendering this matter more intelligible, it is repre- 
 sented, PI. XIV. fig. l . from a drawing engraved in the Archaeo- 
 logia ; + and it helps in the clearest manner to explain, how several 
 of these stupendous works have been originally constructed. 
 
 Amongst these rocks also are other Rocking Stones, and a Tol- 
 men, (or vast mass of rock, supported by two smaller masses, with 
 a passage between them,) and some Rock Basons ; there are also, on 
 the stones, evident marks of the tool. 
 
 And in this remarkable spot, is particularly one Stone, which 
 appears to be about one hundred tons in weight, and has manifestly 
 been shaped by art, and the tool, to a small knob at the bottom, to 
 give it motion. This motion, however, can be communicated only 
 by touching it in one certain place, about the middle of one side ; 
 but soon becomes increased to so astonishing a degree, as to cause 
 much apprehension of its falling, as it is placed elevated on a sort 
 of pedestal. But on full examination it is found to be so nicely 
 balanced, that there is no sort of danger. J It looks somewhat like 
 an inverted cone. 
 
 The same sort of art is, perhaps, also not less obviously evident, 
 on a very remarkable double Rocking Stone, in the Peak of Derby- 
 
 * See Archaeologia, Vol. VI. p. ill. PJ. XIII. fig. 4. 
 + Ibid. Vol. VIII. p. ,n, PI. XVI. fig. 3. 
 
 t See a very curious account of it, by Major Rooke, in the Archaeologia, Vol. VIII. 
 p. III. and PI. XVI. fig. j. 
 
333 
 
 shire, called Robin Hood's Mark; standing on the edge of an hill, 
 on Ashover Common. For here are found two great upper stones, 
 a sort of parallelopipeds ; each about 26 feet in circumference; 
 placed horizontally one upon the other ; and resting upon two other 
 tall parallelopiped stones, standing upright side by side : they seem 
 to have been shaped by art, to fit each other : and also to fit exactly 
 with the tops of the two upright stones on which they rest ; and 
 are so poised, that the lower stone moves together with the upper 
 stone.* 
 
 There are Tumuli at no great distance from the Brimham rocks, 
 in Yorkshire, which concur in pointing out the British origin of all 
 the art that has been used amongst them, to convert these magnificent 
 works of nature, to superstitious purposes. 
 
 And this rude art is in no instance more manifest, than in a 
 stupendous pile of rock, or a sort of Rock Pillar, represented PI. 
 XV. fig. l.; 46 feet in circumference; and of a great height; 
 resting upon a small irregular pedestal, only 1 foot wide, by 2 feet 
 7 inches broad. + The whole has been detached from the adjacent 
 rock, probabby originally in a degree by some natural convulsion, 
 
 * See an exact description, and representation, of them in the Archaeologia, Vol. XII. 
 p. 41. PL V. 
 
 ■f This representation is also borrowed from Major Rooke's curious account of the 
 Brimham Rocks, Archaeologia, Vol. VIII. p. 212. PI. XVI. fig. r,. In this first part 
 of tiiese observations, relating to British Antiquities ; where the elucidation of truth de- 
 pends almost solely upon the comparing together a vast number of corresponding Remains 
 of ancient works ; it was unavoidably necessary both to make use of the labours and 
 researches of many other persons, and also (in justice to their previous investigations) to 
 copy the representations which they have given, where they are at all faithfully executed. 
 
 This, together with the impossibility of viewing with one's own eyes, every thing that is 
 curious in remote parts, is the reason why so many of the specimens, referred to in the 
 
 beginning of this work, are copied from the works of others In the subsequent pages, 
 
 however, when we come to consider the more refined works and improvements of art, the 
 case will be otherwise ; and we shall not stand in need of any such assistance. 
 
 Both to avoid increasing the hulk of these Volumes, and to avoid the increase of expence, 
 the engravings here given, by way of illustration, are not more than are unavoidably need- 
 ful : but, for the sake of science, 1 could even wish, if it were possible, to have been able 
 to bring into one point of view, copies of all the corresponding Representations of these 
 most interesting and curious Remains, that have, at any time, been given by any persons 
 whatever. — An intelligent mind will easily conceive what a wonderful effect such a collec- 
 tion, and accumulation of proof and demonstration, would produce. 
 
 4 Q 
 
 > 
 
334 
 
 but afterwards more entirely by art ; the marks of the tool being 
 still visible in many places, and particularly on the base of the pe- 
 destal, which has been shaped into a sort of irregular hexagon. 
 
 In the neighbourhood of this, but nearer still to the Tolmen, is 
 another Rocking Stone of a sort of orbicular, or spherical form, like 
 that described by Borlase at St. Agnes, in Scilly. 
 
 And amongst the same Brimham rocks, (which having offered so 
 great an opportunity to convert them to superstitious purposes, seem 
 to have been so carefully improved, or rather abused to that end, 
 by the corruptions of the later Druidical times in Britain ;) amongst 
 these is found, an apparent vestige of an intended Rocking Stone, 
 never finished. — It has been justly observed, that art seems to have 
 been aiding in the singularity of its position* 
 
 It is represented, PI. XIV. fig. 2. And a fragment of a Rock 
 Bason, either natural, or artificial, appears, on the right hand, at 
 the top. 
 
 Nor are we without other similar instances of obviously in- 
 tended Rocking Stones, left unfinished ; which, together with the 
 remaining appearance of the use of the tool on them, is a proof 
 that they belonged to the latest ages of Druidism ■ even so late, that 
 the whole superstition, by means of foreign invaders, and by the 
 just judgment of God, was put an end to, before these works were 
 finished. 
 
 Of this kind is most manifestly that stupendous work in Dorset- 
 shire, standing on the north-east extremity of the Isle of Purbeck, 
 in an heath ; and called Aggleston Stone Barrow, or the Devil's 
 Night Cap. 
 
 It is a prodigious Stone, resembling an inverted truncated cone, 
 36 feet in the longest diameter of its uplifted base one way ; 1 8 feet 
 in the transverse diameter of the same base, the contrary way ; and 
 18 feet in height. — Its real base, or inverted apex, is 18 feet, in 
 diameter, by 1 4. 
 
 That this vast mass was originally a natural rock no one can, 
 with any good reason, doubt. Neither can any one doubt that it has 
 been altered, and manufactured by art, who either views its form, or 
 
 * Archaeologia, Vol. VIII. p. a 15. 
 
335 
 
 considers the circle of Stones so artificially placed round its base. It 
 stands on a great mass of rock, like a Barrow ; and therefore, as it 
 is called a Barrow, (though surely very improperly,) and has such 
 a sort of resemblance, it is represented PI. XII. fig. 2. in the same 
 plate with a real Barrow ; which, though such, has also a more du- 
 bious appearance than is usual. 
 
 Aggleston Stone has, on its upper surface, three Rock Basons, so 
 large, that from. time to time ravens have bred in them. And the 
 surface of the whole Barrow, or rocky hill, on which this vast mass 
 stands, is overgrown with heath. Whilst its diameter, at the top, 
 is 60 feet ; and at the bottom, it occupies no less than half an acre, 
 and 1 4 poles of ground. The slope on the east side, where it is 
 steepest, is 300 feet, and its perpendicular height 90. It plainly 
 appears, therefore, that the drawing, for the sake of being brought 
 within compass, to represent the stone itself the more properly, takes 
 in only a part of the Barrow near the summit. — Even one of the 
 stones, that surround the base of this intended Rocking Stone, con- 
 tains, upon computation, about sixteen tons, and another about 
 nine* 
 
 Round about the basis of this stupendous Remain, on the heath, 
 are several antient real Barrows ; a proof of its having been an object 
 of veneration and attention in the days of the Britons ; whilst, at the 
 same time, its form, so far altered by the tool, seems plainly to indi- 
 cate that it was intended to be, at last, with much care and caution 
 converted into a Rocking Stone, + either on two points of rest, like 
 that PI. XIV. fig. 1 . ; or on one narrow basis, like that described, 
 p. 331; or like that which seems to have been designed to be so 
 finished, PI. XIV. fig. 2. 
 
 On one of the great Barrows adjoining, stood an upright Stone, 
 10 feet in height, now thrown down; but much resembling the 
 Stone on the Barrow in Ireland, represented in PI. XII. fig. 1 . And 
 
 * See a curious account of this Barrow in the Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. XXXVII. 
 p. 169. 
 
 + I cannot, however, forbear observing, that there is now a great cleft from the top of the 
 stone some way downwards ; which might perhaps intimidate those who were undertaking 
 the work from completing it, least on narrowing the base, it should fall in two. And this 
 might, perhaps, be one reason why it was thus left unfinished. 
 
336 
 
 therefore much resembling that on the antient Barrow of Has, King 
 of Troy. 
 
 As Aggleston Stone Barrow, together with the unfinished Rock- 
 ing Stone amongst the Brimham rocks, seems to have been fitted 
 by natural causes, before it was aided by art, to form the wonder- 
 ful appearance it now has ; so there are several other instances of a 
 similar kind : amongst which we ought not to forget that stupen- 
 dous mass at West Hoadley, in Sussex ; whether it ever was destined 
 to superstitious purposes or no. 
 
 It is well known by the name of Great upon Little; and is repre- 
 sented, PI. XV. fig. 2 . 
 
 It is most fully described in the Archaeologia : * where it is 
 justly observed, that whatever might be its destination, yet stand- 
 ing with its stupendous bulk, poised seemingly in a miraculous 
 manner, on a point, one cannot but be struck with amazement on 
 approaching the spot. 
 
 It is, in its external figure, nearly a sort of parallelopipedon, 
 whose height is about 20 feet ; and its four irregular sides are, in 
 their respective dimensions, about 1 4 feet ; IS feet; 12 feet; and 
 21 feet: but its base, instead of being flat like the' sides, projects 
 towards a protuberant sort of point in the middle, on which the 
 whole rests, placed on a similar rising point of the rock underneath. 
 
 The operation of natural causes seems to have been aiding in 
 clearing away the earth, or sand and soil, between these two rocks, 
 and in first exposing this wonderful position ; but when one con- 
 siders how nicely the small base finally left is formed ; and how 
 completely the whole is poised ; it is very difficult not to be in- 
 duced to believe, that art has also been used .-—and such art as might, 
 if persevered in with caution, have converted the whole into a Rock- 
 ing Stone, similar to those which are to be met with in such different 
 and remote parts of this Island. 
 
 A celebrated Rocking Stone was well known in Wales, where so 
 many British antiquities of various kinds are extant. It stood in a ' 
 very bold situation, on a cliff hanging over the sea, about half a mile 
 from St. David's, in Pembrokeshire. It was mounted as it were, 
 
 * Archaeologia, Vol. VI. p.j,.; where is also a representation of it, PI. VI. 
 
337 
 
 upon ofher subjacent strata of stones, about S feet high ; and so 
 placed, that a man might, with one finger, cause its tremendous 
 swing, from side to side : but the Parliament soldiers in the civil 
 wars, (just as Cromwell's soldiers had done in Cornwall,) consider- 
 ing this stone as an encouragement of superstition, destroyed its 
 equipoise, and rendered it immoveable for ever, as it now remains.* 
 Yet it is perhaps even on that very account the more deserving to 
 have the curious record concerning it preserved ; though we do, 
 still more heartily than its destroyers, abhor all impositions of su- 
 perstition, and every abomination. 
 
 There is another in Scotland, which, as far as appears to the eye, 
 seems to have been originally a mere natural production ; if it ever 
 was applied to superstitious purposes at all. — It stands near the 
 summit of an high ridge of mountains, called the Kell's Rins, in 
 Galloway. It is above 22 feet in circumference ; 8 feet 9 inches 
 in length ; and above 5 feet high, t 
 
 And to return to our own country, another most surprising frag- 
 ment of this kind, prepared nearly by the hand of nature, exists 
 near Newland, in Gloucestershire. It is, in figure, very nearly an 
 irregular square inverted pyramid, J poised on its point, or apex ; 
 which, where it touches the pedestal, is not above 2 feet square, 
 and is said to be moveable. Its height is about 10 feet ; its south- 
 east side measures 1 9 feet 5 inches ; its north side 1 7 feet ; its south- 
 west side 8 feet ; and its south side 12 feet. — -The rock pedestal, on 
 which it stands, is an irregular square : on the south-east 12 feet ; 
 on the north 1 4 feet 9 inches ; on the west 2 1 feet 5 inches ; and 
 on the south 1 4 feet. And at a small distance to the east, is a rock 
 scooped into a kind of bason, with a channel seemingly intended to 
 let out the water, after it is filled to a certain height. Whether this 
 was a work of art, or nature, may be doubtful ; but the whole seems 
 to indicate a Druidical superstitious designation. 
 
 Very little more needs to be added, to cast all the light possible on 
 the antiquities of the Britons, as far as relates to their exertions, of 
 
 * Owen's MS. History in Gibson. — Cough's Camden, Vol. II. p. 520. — Description 
 of England, Vol. VII. p. 280. 
 
 -f See a representation of it in Grose's Antiquities of Scotland, Vol. II. p. 190. 
 J See its representation in the Antiquarian Repertory, Vol. I . p. 112. 
 
 4 R 
 
338 
 
 such a kind as may be deemed to have any affinity to works of 
 architecture, or to the dawnings of that art. 
 
 And we should take great heed of problematical conclusions, con- 
 cerning such appearances of natural rocks as may be fancied to have 
 had a connection with their superstitions. 
 
 Of such appearances they most undoubtedly sometimes took ad- 
 vantage ; but not always. 
 
 Some few more, however, of the most singular of these ought to 
 be mentioned. 
 
 One amongst the Brimham Rocks in Yorkshire has already been 
 described. 
 
 That remarkable one in Cornwall, called the Wringcheese,* 
 mentioned by Borlase, is well known. 
 
 And another very remarkable one exists in Yorkshire ; on a 
 common, called Saltonstall Moor, in the township of Warley, not 
 far from Halifax. 
 
 It is a sort of inverted pyramid, in height about 9 or 10 feet; 
 having its inverted apex placed on a pedestal of Rock, broad at the 
 bottom, but narrow in the middle at top : round which pedestal, 
 and between it and the upper, and adjacent masses of Rock, is a 
 passage which seems to have been the elFect of design. This great 
 mass does not rock, but leans and rests with one end, or point, of 
 the upper part of its elevated surface on some vast adjacent stones, 
 piled up one upon another ; + between two of which is a pebble of 
 a different grit, so placed that it could not possibly be now taken 
 out without breaking, or removing all the Rocks. This might 
 possibly have been effected by the mighty operation of what are 
 called natural causes, at the time of the deluge ; but looks more 
 like a work of art ; and the idea of its being so is the rather confirmed, 
 by there being some cavities or basons, cut on the top of the great 
 and impending mass. 
 
 There is further, in Rish worth township, a remarkable mass, some- 
 what of the same kind ; % but more nearly resembling that amongst 
 the Brimham Rocks, of which a figure has been given. 
 
 * Antiquities of Cornwall, PI. XII. fig. I. p. iys. + See an account in 
 
 theArchaeologia.Vol.il. p. 36 l; with a View of the Rock, PI. XXIII. fig. 3 and 4. 
 j; It is described and represented in the Archaeol. Vol. II. p. 3 5 6. PI. XXIII. fig 5 . 
 
339 
 
 And near Saltonstall Moor is still another Stone, called Robin 
 Hood's Pennystone, of several tons weight, laid upon a massy piece of 
 rock, with a large pebble of different grit between them, which is 
 now wedged quite fast. — This again looks like a work of art: and 
 induces a suspicion that the mass was once poised artificially on the 
 pebble, as a Rocking Stone. But the surer conclusion perhaps is ; 
 that the wondrous Remains of that dread and most astonishing con- 
 vulsion of nature, which produced the general deluge, gave occasion 
 to perverse and misguided minds, in the earliest ages of the present 
 race of mankind, to the forming objects of superstitious attention, fit 
 to impose upon the vulgar, by means of these so curiously poised 
 Rocks ; instead of leading them properly, to fear and tremble before 
 Him, who hath made all things ; in whose hands (as the royal 
 Psalmist expresses it), are all the corners of the earth. * Who, when it 
 pleased Him, hath, as it were, turned the earth upside down:+ and 
 Who taketh up the Isles as a very little thing. % 
 
 There was another species of monumental Remains of the general 
 great convulsion , that seems to have been occasioned at the time of the 
 deluge ; which is conceived, by the most able investigators of anti- 
 quity, to have been converted to the purposes of superstition in the 
 Druidical and British times, equally with the vast piled masses of 
 Rock ; and which, it is therefore proper just to mention, on this 
 occasion, before we bid adieu to the consideration of aboriginal 
 British antiquities. 
 
 These Remains are what Borlase calls Tolmen.— Immense masses 
 of Rock, placed aloft on two subjacent Rocks, (one on each side,) 
 with a free passage between them. 
 
 That immense Remain of this kind, in the parish of Constantine, 
 in Cornwall, is well known. { — It is one vast egg-like stone, 33 feet 
 in length ; 18 feet in width ; and 14£ feet in thickness ; and 97 
 feet in circumference : placed on the points of two natural Rocks, 
 so that a man may creep under it, and between its supporters. And 
 on the surface are several Rock Basons, which are so formed, that 
 most of them may discharge their contents into two principal ones, 
 which lie in the middle of the surface. 
 
 * Psalm xcv. ver 4 . 
 ver. 1 5 . 
 
 t Isaiah, chap. xxiv. ver. l. £ Ibid. chap. xl. 
 
 $ Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 17-1. PI. XIII. 
 
340 
 
 There is another of these, on St. Mary's, one of the Scilly Islands, 
 45 feet in girt, placed nearly in the same manner. 
 
 And still another 33 feet in girt, and 24 feet high, in the Island 
 of North wethel.* 
 
 And itmay further be remarked, that amongst the high Rocks, about 
 a mile and a half from Tunbridge Wells, there stands, insulated in 
 the plain, a most remarkable fragment of Rock, of an irregular form, 
 at least 1 8 feet long ; and 9 feet in depth or thickness ; and above 
 4 feet wide ; which is supported between two other masses of Rock, 
 and upon them, like a ship on the stocks ready to be launched ; and 
 under which a person may pass with ease. — It is in short fitted by 
 its natural position, to be classed with Druidical Tolmen: but as 
 there are no appearances of Druidical or British Remains adjacent, 
 to lead us to conclude that it was ever regarded in a superstitious 
 light, or attended to by them ; so it should be a warning to us, to 
 avoid being hasty in forming conclusions concerning such appear- 
 ances, where there are not concurrent circumstances, to ascertain a 
 truly British, or Druidical designation. 
 
 For it must be acknowledged, concerning these kind of insulated 
 Rocks, and Tolmen ; that antiquaries may have carried their con- 
 jectures too far ; and have loaded the Druids with the reproach of 
 still more superstition than they were really guilty of, even in the 
 most corrupted times. 
 
 Where there are indeed manifest marks of the tool ; or where 
 there has obviously been much artificial design, in the position of 
 any stones ; we may indeed fairly conclude there was some super- 
 stitious or ceremonial purpose ; consistently with what we read of 
 their many strange rites, and observances. 
 
 But where the Rocks seem entirely formed by natural causes ; it 
 is going too far, to conclude always, and uniformly, from their 
 figure alone, that they must have been appropriated to superstitious 
 uses. 
 
 There is, amongst those called Harrison's Rocks, about five miles 
 from Tunbridge Wells, a very curious Canopy-Rock, almost exactly 
 resembling that which Borlase calls a Druid Seat ; and even more 
 
 * Anliquities of Cornwall, PI. XII. fig. a and 3. 
 
341 
 
 boldly situated, on the top of a precipice, hanging over a wide ex- 
 tended fertile plain, which would contain a vast auditory : and yet 
 I should very much hesitate to conclude that this was ever thought 
 of, or used as a Druid Seat, or Tribunal. 
 
 I cannot but wish, therefore, to hasten to the conclusion of 
 remarks concerning such kind of uncertain Remains ; although a 
 due regard to the observations of so many Antiquaries, and the 
 marks of the tool apparent on some of these masses of Rock, ren- 
 dered it indispensably necessary to take some notice of them, be- 
 fore we quitted entirely the consideration of the first, and earliest 
 of the British works of art. 
 
 And injustice to the observations of those curious Antiquaries who 
 have at all taken notice of these masses of insulated Rock, it ought 
 to be added, that the artificial Rock Basons found on some of them, 
 so closely connected in form, and obvious designation, with those 
 existing at Kambre, in Cornwall (where British Celts,* and British 
 Coins have been dug up,+ and where British Circles of Stone, and 
 
 * Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 117. 173. 265. £73. 281. 
 
 + From an expression of Ciesar's, Ulunlur mil are, aul annulis Jerreis ad cerium pondus 
 examiuatis, pro nummo, (Lib. v. sec. 1 0. de Bello Gallico,) which lias manifestly been mis- 
 understood ; it has been sometimes concluded, % that the Britons had no coined money 
 before the invasion, or conquest of the Romans; and that from them only they learnt to 
 put rude figures of elephants, and griffons, on their stampt coins. But even to omit the 
 consideration, that such figures very rarely arc seen on die reverses of Roman coin, any 
 more than single horses ; and that therefore the imitation of them, by the Britons, could 
 scarcely be derived from that source; it is much more probable, that the ideas of these 
 figures to be impressed on coin, were acquired from intercourse with the Phoenicians, in the 
 earliest ages ; who from their neighbourhood to, and communication with the Persians, 
 could not but be well acquainted with the custom of adopting such figures as ornaments, and 
 badges ; figures that are found so often repeated on the walls of Persepolis, and remain there 
 to this hour. 
 
 It may further be observed, that the remarkable form of some of these British coins, thev 
 being convex on one side, and concave on the other, as I have myself seen them to be in more 
 instances than one; shews a most striking affinity, in this respect, between the customs of 
 the Britons, and that of the most latitat Eastern nations (as an affinity has already been re- 
 marked, also, in their strongholds, and altars ; ) and therefore indicates these coins to have been 
 prior to the time of the Romans. — It is well known dial some of the coins of Pactum, were 
 thus convex on one side, and concave on the other ; } and so also were some of the most antient 
 of the Grecian coins. 
 
 X Moreton's Northamptonshire, p. 500. § See Ruins of Piestum, p. 3 1. 
 
 4 S 
 
.342 
 
 other unquestionably British Remains are also met with), do lead us, 
 by a chain of very fair and plain reasoning, to conclude, that these 
 masses of Rock, so connected with such Rock Basons, must have 
 been connected with British usages and superstitions. 
 
 There remains nothing more to be taken notice of, with regard to 
 British works, and the efforts of labour and ingenuity in those early 
 ages, than merely to remark, that some of those surprising banks 
 and ditches of vast extent, traversing the country, in different parts 
 of this Island, and which are too generally deemed to have been 
 either Danish, or Saxon, may justly be rather deemed to have been, 
 in reality, works of the time of the Britons ; if not absolutely Bri- 
 tish works. 
 
 Some of these kinds of mounds and ditches, indeed, do certainly 
 seem to have been the boundary marks of districts, and of petty king- 
 doms, in the time of the Saxon Heptarchy ; and even in later ages. 
 But some of them, (as Dr. Stukeley has particularly remarked with 
 regard to Wansdyke, in Wiltshire,) were clearly formed before the 
 time of the Romans ; because Roman works adjacent, are found 
 either to have interfered with them ; or at least to have been made 
 to take an irregular direction on purpose to avoid them. 
 
 Thus the Roman way, the Via Badonica, is made to go along by the 
 side of Wansdyke, taking this great bank, in fact, for its direction. 
 
 And of those that were really the works of the Saxons, it may be 
 remarked; and with regard to Offa's Dike particularly ; that in some 
 
 These British pieces of money have not only been round at Kambre, and in other spots 
 of Cornwall, that were long unquestionably, places, above all others, of British residence, 
 
 and objects of British reverence ; but also in Wales, and in most parts of Britain Their 
 
 history has been very fully investigated by Dr. Borlase ; and the suspicion of their having 
 been either Phoenician, or Greek, or Roman, has been by him very satisfactorily removed ; || 
 and that from other considerations, as well as from their being found in no other country ex- 
 cept in Britain, whilst they have been dog up here in such numbers. — Those who wish to 
 see the delineation of these curious British coins, will find them very well represented iu 
 Borlase's Antiquities of Cornwall, PI. XXIII. p. 25 9 ; and in Cough's Camden, Vol. I. 
 
 PI. XV. p. lxv. See also Plot's Oxfordshire, p. J09. 3 28. PI. XV. fig. 19,, so. And the 
 
 engravings of the British Coins in Speed, p. 172, 17!, 174, 1 7 5, 17 6, 177, convey a true 
 idea of the devices, though not so carefully executed. 
 
 II Antiquities of Cornwall, p. 25 8. 265. 2 69. 27 3. 275. 2So Pennant's Tour in 
 
 Wales, Vol. 1. p. 66. 
 
343 
 
 instances there were remaining prior works of the descendants of 
 the Britons, even of a very similar kind, near adjoining. 
 
 For whilst Offas Dike formed the Saxon line ; Wat's Dike formed 
 the Welch, or British line ;* and may justly be suspected to have been 
 also a prior work. 
 
 To proceed to trace minutely these sort of works here, would be 
 not only tedious, and useless, but deviating from the purport of 
 these sheets ; — which is, chiefly to trace the modes of dwelling ; 
 habits of living ; the origin of civil, and religious structures ; man- 
 ners ; customs ; and improvements of art and science ; and the 
 strongest characteristic outlines, and most striking features of the 
 history of passing ages. 
 
 With regard to these great and extended boundary Munitions, 
 therefore, whilst we leave the ascertaining the precise extent of 
 them, (like the ascertaining, and tracing of Roman roads,) to the 
 more detailed labours of those curious persons who investigate these 
 subjects geographically, we may conclude with saying, that neither 
 these Dikes, nor Hill Fortresses, nor their dire Superstitious Rites, 
 could at last preserve the Britons from those Foreign Invaders, who 
 were to be both their scourge, and their deliverers, from the bands 
 of dark ignorance, and inveterate prejudice. 
 
 The Romans, in the course of those wondrous events, that are 
 solely under the direction of the Divine Providence, Which ruleth 
 in the Heavens over all, and setteth up one, and putteth down ano- 
 ther ; and, as was declared of old to Sennacherib, raiseth up mighty 
 powers, merely like the axe, or the hammer, to cut down, and to de- 
 stroy, at proper seasons : — the Romans, under the guidance of This 
 Almighty Power, came at last to destroy the dire prevalence of 
 Druidical superstition ; — to force the Britons from their torpid state 
 of adherence to barbarous customs, and usages ; — and to punish the 
 horrid perpetrators of those accursed rites, for the sake of the cele- 
 bration of which, were lighted those very sacrificial fires, into whose 
 flames Suetonius Paulinus flung the priests themselves, who stood 
 prepared to have officiated at their wonted human sacrifices. + 
 
 * Pennant' Tour in Wales, p. 261. 
 
 + This dreadful and horrible destruction of the Britons, and their Druids, by the Ro- 
 mans; related with such brief energy by Tacitus, (Annal. lib. xiv. sect. 30.) is one of 
 
344 
 
 the mm, fearful instanci of the Divine vengeance upon the corruptions and wickednesses 
 of idolatrous abominations—And the due consideration of it, ought to be rendered useful 
 amongst other arguments, to remove from the minds of prejudiced persons, that hack- 
 med, common-place objection, that has so often been made by scoffers against the his- 
 tory of Sacred Writ, because of the supposed cruelty exercised by the Israelites, in the 
 destruction ofthe Canaanites; who were indeed the very first introducers, and propagators 
 of the worst of all these abominations. 
 
 Such carpers against faithful history, and against Divine Ordinances, in this instance of 
 the destruction ofthe Canaanitish nation, where the will and judgment of God was executed 
 by the Israelites, m consequence of an express Divine Command, entirely forget, in the 
 Erst place, that it was not executed till after much long suffering, and forbearance ; during 
 winch they confnued utterly incorrigible :_for we read (Genesis, chap. xv. ver. , 6 ) 
 that this punishment was not brought upon them «-,-because their iniquities were no, 
 yet Jul/. n 
 
 They also forget, that this denunciation was made only with regard to those fc, who 
 were the sources of all the worst corruptions enumerated, (Deuteronomy, chap. xx. ver. 1 6 
 17, 18. and Leviticus, chap. xx. ver. | to „.) and that with regard to the res,, the 
 Israelites were expressly commanded „„* to exercise such severity upon them ; but, before 
 they fought, even to offer terms of peace; and if those terms were accepted, then not to de- 
 stroy them Deuteronomy, chap. xx. ver. 10, i i. 
 
 The scoffers against the account in the Holy Scripture, do also entirely forge. ; that when 
 the jews themselves had fallen into idolatry, contrary to the admonitions given them by 
 Moses (Deuteronomy, chap. viii. ver. , i, S „.), threatening that they should themselves, in 
 case of such d.sobedience, be subject to the very same destruction ;_and when they had 
 moreover added the last aggravated offence, as the holy Apostle Peter told them (Acs, 
 chap „. ver. 23. so. chap. iii. ver. 15.) of rejecting, and crucifying the Prince and Lord 
 ol Lile, in his days of humiliation ; even the Christ Jesus of Nazareth, Who is to an- 
 pear afterwards their Great Messiah, on His Throne of Glory ;-they themselves were 
 destroyed even by a more horrible destruction than they ever b, ought upon the Canaanites , 
 And that, even by the merciful Titus. 
 
 The horrible account, well worth reading, is given at large by Josephus, lib. v. chap. 
 IS. sect. — lib. vi. chap. J, s . s, and 9 ; and it ought not to be forgotten; that their 
 f 818 Were n °' 0nI X slain V ">«>' Altar, but that, before the final catastrophe, the Roman 
 soldiers, in their wrath, had nailed those Jews they caught to crosses, about the walls of 
 Jerusalem, by way of jest, till their multitude was so great, that room was wanted for the 
 crosses, and crosses were wanting for the bodies, (Lib. v. chap. It. sect, l.) 
 
 Scoffers at the account concerning the Canaanites, forget also, what is related concernino 
 the celebrated, and so frequently admired Alexander the GW_-That when he took the city 
 of Tyre, he put six or eight thousand Tyrians to the sword; caused two thousand more to 
 be crucified before the walls; and sold all the rest for slaves.-(Arrian, lib. ii.-Quintus 
 Curtius, lib. iv. chap. t .) fulfilling ,he dire denunciations ofthe Almighty; (Isaiah, 
 chap, xxui Ezekiel, chap. xxvi. xxvii. xxviii.) 
 
 In short; to do fair justice to what is related in Sacred Writ concerning the Canaanites 
 we ought ,o acknowledge, that the same supposed objection that lies against the punishment 
 of the Canaamush Nations, lies exactly, with as much fairness, against the punishment of 
 
345 
 
 any criminal whatever ; or however necessary that punishment may be for the good of 
 society. 
 
 The Invisible, and Eternal Lord God, present to every spirit, maketh whom it pleaseth 
 Him, wheresoever, and when He thinks fit, the tremendous instruments of His wrath ; — 
 although He does not always openly declare His purpose before hand, as was done in the 
 case of the Ccmaanites, and of the Tyriarts, and of the Jews. — He also (which is our oreat 
 consolation) bringeth forth good out of evil ; — and maketh even the workers of mischief, 
 unintentionally the preparers of dispensations for universal welfare, and blessing. 
 
 4 X 
 
INDEX THE FIRST. 
 
 OF 
 
 PASSAGES 
 
 IN 
 
 THE HOLY SCRIPTURES 
 
 REFERRED TO, OR ILLUSTRATED 
 
 IN 
 
 THIS WORK. 
 
 
 Page 
 
 
 Pace 
 
 , chap. i. ver. 14 
 
 141 
 
 Exodus, chap. xx. ver. 26 - 
 
 166 
 
 chap. iv. ver. 17 - 
 
 96 
 
 chap. xxi. ver. 14 - 
 
 178 
 
 chap. viii. ver. 20 - 
 
 178 
 
 chap. xxiv. ver, 4, 5, 
 
 
 chap. xii. ver. 7 - 
 
 178 
 
 6,7,8 - - - 1 
 
 
 chap. xiv. ver. 10 - 
 
 63 
 
 chap. xxiv. ver. 1 3 - 
 
 179 
 
 chap. xv. ver. 16 - 
 
 344- 
 
 chap. xxix. ver. 37. 
 
 
 chap. xxii. ver. 9 - 
 
 178 
 
 44 " " " - 
 
 178 
 
 chap, xxiii. ver. 2. 17 
 
 94 
 
 chap. xxx. ver. 27 - 
 
 178 
 
 chap, xxviii. ver. 11. 
 
 
 Leviticus, chap. vi. ver. 9 - 
 
 178 
 
 18 
 
 
 chap. xx. ver. 1. 23 
 
 344, 
 
 chap. xxxi. ver. 13. 
 
 
 chap. xxvi. ver. 1 - 
 
 257 
 
 44, 45, 46. 51, 52 
 
 113 
 
 chap. xxvi. ver. 30 
 
 304,205 
 
 chap xxxv. ver. 1. 3 
 
 178 
 
 Numbers, chap. vii. ver. 84 - 
 
 178 
 
 chap. xxxv. ver. 7. 
 
 
 chap. xiii. ver. 22 - 
 
 94 
 
 14, 15 - 
 
 ^3^73 
 
 chap, xviii. ver. 3 - 
 
 178 
 
 chap. xxxv. ver. 27 
 
 94 
 
 chap, xxiii. ver. 1 
 
 177 
 
 chap. xxxv. ver. 19, 
 
 
 chap, xxiii. ver. 2, 3, 
 
 
 20 - 
 
 136 
 
 4> 5- 6 - - - 
 
 178 
 
 chap, xxxvii. ver. 14 
 
 94 
 
 chap, xxiii. ver. 13, 
 
 
 chap. xlix. ver. 9, 10 
 
 185 
 
 14. 27, 28, 29, 30 
 
 181 
 
 chap. xlix. ver. 31 
 
 126 
 
 chap, xxiii. ver. 7, 8, 
 
 
 chap. i. ver. 11, 14 
 
 278 
 
 9, 10 - - - - 
 
 182 
 
 chap, v, ver. 7, 8. 1 1, 
 
 278 
 
 chap, xxiii. ver. 18, 
 
 
 12, 13. 18 - - 
 
 285 
 
 19, 20, 21, 22 - 
 
 183 
 
 chap. v. ver. 7 - - 
 
 285 
 
 chap, xxiii. ver. 23, 
 
 
 chap. xvii. ver. 15 - 
 
 178 
 
 24 - - - - 
 
 184 
 
 chap. xx. ver. 24 - 
 
 178 
 
 chap. xxiv. ver. 3, 4, 
 
 
 chap. xx. ver. 25 - 
 
 177 
 
 5,6 - - - 
 
 184 
 
INDEX. PASSAGES OF SCRIPTURE. 
 
 Numbers, chap. xxiv. ver. 7, 8, 
 
 9- 15. 16, 17. 18 
 chap. xxiv. ver. 19, 
 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 
 tS - - - - 
 chap, xxxiii. ver. 52 
 Deuteronomy, chap. ii. ver. 10, 
 12. 20, 21, 22, 
 
 23 - - ; - 
 
 chap, iii, ver. 4, 
 
 7. 19 - - 
 chap. vii. ver. 5 
 chap. viii. ver. 
 
 19. 20 - - 
 chap. ix. ver. 1 
 chap. xii. ver. 
 
 ». 3 - - 
 chap. xx. ver. 
 10, 11. 16,17 
 18 - - - 
 chap, xxvii. ver 
 
 «. 3. 4 - 
 Joshua, chap. iv. ver. 1, 2, 3 
 
 ^. 4,5 - - - - 
 chap. iv. ver. 9 - - 
 chap. iv. ver. 20. 24 - 
 chap. vii. ver. 24, 25, 
 
 26 - - - - _ 
 chap. viii. ver. 29 - 
 chap. viii. ver. 30 - 
 chap. x. ver. 1 - - 
 chap. x. ver. 16, 17, 18, 
 
 19. 22. 26, 27 - 
 chap. xi. ver. 13 - - 
 chap. xv. ver. 13 
 chap. xv. ver. 63 - 
 chap. xxii. ver. 10, 11. 
 
 16. 19. 27. 34 - - 
 chap. xxiv. ver. 26, 27 
 chap. xxix. ver. 26 - 
 Judges, chap. iv. ver. 12. 14 - 
 chap. iv. ver. 31 - 
 chap. vi. ver. 2 - - 
 chap. vi. ver. 25. 31 - 
 chap. ix. ver. 5. 18 - 
 chap. ix. ver. 6 
 chap. ix. ver. 51 
 
 185 
 
 205 
 
 1 79 
 
 344 
 % 
 
 172 
 
 344 
 118,135 
 
 133 
 '35 
 134. 1 73 
 
 284 
 283 
 118 
 
 93 
 
 62,283 
 95 
 94 
 9 1 
 
 179 
 118,148 
 148 
 
 % 
 109 
 62 
 178,238 
 258 
 148 
 96 
 
 Judges, chap. xv. ver. 8. 11 . 
 chap. xx. ver. 45. 47 
 chap. xxi. ver. 13 - 
 1 Samuel, chap. ii. ver. 10 - 
 chap. ii. ver. 33 - 
 chap. vi. ver. 15. 18 
 chap. vii. ver. 9 - 
 chap. vii. ver. 12 - 
 chap. vii. ver. 14, 15. 
 
 18,19 - - - 
 chap. xi. ver. 14, 15 
 chap. xiii. ver. 6 - 
 chap. xiii. ver. 9 - 
 chap. xiii. ver. 4, 22 
 chap. xiv. ver. 11- 
 chap. xiv. ver. 14 - 
 chap. xv. ver. 12.31 
 chap, xxiii. ver. 13, 
 H- '9- 25, 26 - 
 chap. xxvi. ver. 1 - 
 2 Samuel, chap. ii. ver. 1 - 
 chap. v. ver. 6. 8 
 chap. xv. ver. 10 - 
 chap, xviii. ver. 17 
 chap. xxiv. ver. 18 
 
 1 Kings, chap. i. ver. 9 - 
 
 chap. iii. ver. 2, 3, 4 
 chap. vii. ver. 9, 10 
 chap. vii. ver. 11, 12 
 chap. viii. ver. 64 - 
 chap. xii. ver. 31, 32 
 chap. xv. ver. 14 - 
 chap. xvi. ver. 33 - 
 chap, xviii. ver. 13 
 chap, xviii. ver. 30 - 
 chap. xxii. ver. 43 - 
 
 2 Kings, chap. viii. ver. 64 - 
 
 chap. xi. ver. 14. 17 
 chap. xii. ver. 3 
 chap. xiv. ver. 4 - 
 chap. xv. ver. 4. 35 
 chap. xvi. ver. 4 - 
 chap. xvii. ver. g. 11 
 chap, xviii. ver. 4. 22 
 chap, xviii. ver. 22 - 
 chap. xxi. ver. 3 - 
 chap, xxiii. ver. 3 - 
 
 Pace 
 64 
 65 
 
 IT 
 
 70 
 119 
 '73 
 119.173 
 
 258 
 148 
 62 
 173 
 149 
 62 
 70 
 173 
 
 75>7 6 
 76 
 
 94 
 9i 
 
 94 
 284 
 
 178 
 149 
 206 
 263 
 
 33 
 207 
 
 205 
 205 
 
 238 
 62 
 
 179 
 
 205 
 207 
 
 149 
 205 
 205 
 205 
 204 
 206,238 
 205 
 178 
 
 206 
 150 
 
INDEX 
 
 PASSAGES OF SCRIPTURE. 
 
 
 Pace 
 
 
 Pack 
 
 2 Kings, chap, xxiii. ver. 6 - 
 
 Sg8 
 
 Jeremiah, chap. xvi. ver. 16 - 
 
 64 
 
 chap, xxiii. ver. 8, 19 
 
 206 
 
 chap. xl. ver. 13, 16 
 
 189 
 
 1 Chronicles, chap. xi. ver. 6 
 
 91 
 
 chap. xli. ver. 8, 9 
 
 45 
 
 2 Chronicles, chap. xi. ver. 10 
 
 94 
 
 chap. xli. ver. 1.3- 
 
 189 
 
 chap. xi. ver. 15 
 
 205 
 
 chap. xli. ver. 8, 9 - 
 
 45 
 
 chap. xiv. ver. 3 
 
 205 
 
 chap. xlix. ver. 16 - 
 
 63 
 
 chap. xv. ver. 17 
 
 205 
 
 Lamentations, chap. ii. ver. 7 
 
 *79 
 
 chap. xvii. ver. 6 
 
 205 
 
 Ezekiel, chap. vi. ver. 3 - - 
 
 204 
 
 chap. xx. ver. 33 
 
 205 
 
 chap. viii. ver. 16 - 
 
 1 79 
 
 chap. xxi. ver. 1 1 
 
 205 
 
 chap. xvi. ver. 31. 39 
 
 204 
 
 chap, xxviii. ver. 
 
 
 chap, xxxii. ver. 27 - 
 
 3 2 5 
 
 4,. 25 - - - 
 
 204,205 
 
 chap, xxxiii. ver. 27 
 
 64 
 
 chap. xxxi. ver. 1 
 
 205 
 
 Joel, chap. i. ver. 13 
 
 *79 
 
 chap, xxxiii. ver. 
 
 
 chap. ii. ver. 17 - - 
 
 J 79 
 
 3 - -; - - 
 
 238 
 
 Amos, chap. i. ver. 7. 14, 15 - 
 
 33 
 
 chap, xxxiii. ver. 
 
 
 chap. ii. ver. 8 - - 
 
 J 79 
 
 19 - - - - 
 
 238 
 
 Obadiah, ver. 3 - - - - 
 
 63 
 
 chap, xx xiv. ver. 
 
 
 Malachy, chap. i. ver. 7. 10 - 
 
 '79 
 
 8 - - - - 
 
 205 
 
 chap. ii. ver. 13 - 
 
 1 79 
 
 Ezra, chap. vi. ver. 4 
 
 33 
 
 Judith, chap. iv. ver. 6 
 
 66 
 
 Psalm xxvi. ver. 6 - - - 
 
 179 
 
 chap. v. ver. 1 - - 
 
 66 
 
 xxxi. ver. 2. 4 - - 
 
 89 
 
 chap. vi. ver. 6. 12, 13, 
 
 
 xliii. ver. 4 - - - 
 
 "79 
 
 14 - - - - - 
 
 66 
 
 lxi. ver. 3 - 
 
 89 
 
 Matthew, chap. v. ver. 23 - 
 
 1 79 
 
 lxxi. ver. 2 
 
 89 
 
 chap, xxiii. ver. 18. 
 
 
 Ixxv. ver. 5, 6. 12 - 
 
 183 
 
 35 - - - - 
 
 179 
 
 lxxvi. ver. 4 - - - 
 
 89 
 
 Mark, chap. xiii. ver. 1 
 
 263 
 
 xcii. ver. to, 1 1 - - 
 
 183 
 
 Luke, chap. xi. ver. 51 - 
 
 *79 
 
 cvi. ver. 36, 37 - - 
 
 258 
 
 John, chap. iii. ver. 16, 18 - 
 
 183 
 
 cxxxii. ver. 18 - - 
 
 183 
 
 Acts, chap. xvii. ver. 23 
 
 180 
 
 Isaiah, chap. ii. ver. 6*. 9 - 
 
 258 
 
 1 Corinthians, chap. ix. ver. 13 
 
 179 
 
 chap. ii. ver. 19 - - 
 
 62 
 
 chap. x. ver. 18 
 
 i79 
 
 chap. xix. ver. 19 - 
 
 179 
 
 Hebrews, chap. vii. ver. 13 - 
 
 '79 
 
 chap. xxiv. ver. 1 - 
 
 339 
 
 chap. xiii. ver. 10 - 
 
 179 
 
 chap. xl. ver. 15 
 
 339 
 
 Revelations, chap. v. ver. 5 - 
 
 185 
 
 chap. Ii. ver. 5. 9 - 
 
 183 
 
 chap. vi. ver. 9 - 
 
 179 
 
 chap. liii. ver. 1 - - 
 
 183 
 
 chap. viii. ver. 3 
 
 179 
 
 chap. lvi. ver. 7 - - 
 
 m 
 
 chap. ix. ver. 13 
 
 *79 
 
 chap. Ixii. ver. 8 - - 
 
 183 
 
 chap. xi. ver. 15 
 
 128 
 
 Jeremiah, chap. iii. ver. 23 - 
 
 89 
 
 
 
INDEX THE SECOND, 
 
 OF SOME FEW 
 
 INCIDENTAL CIRCUMSTANCES, 
 
 NOT MENTIONED IN THE TABLE OF CONTENTS ; 
 
 AND OF SOME 
 
 PECULIAR PASSAGES, 
 
 IN 
 
 ANTIENT CLASSIC AUTHORS, 
 
 REFERRED TO, OR ILLUSTRATED, IN THIS VOLUME. 
 
 Agrippa's account of the Bri- 
 tons ■ *■ - 
 
 Alexander's attack of a Sogdian 
 Hill Fortress 
 
 Armorial Distinctions, more an- 
 tient than has been usually 
 imagined - - - 
 
 Astronomy, the Druids ac- 
 quainted with that Science; 
 — and some account of their 
 Instruments for Observa- 
 tions - - - 
 
 Athens, originally a mere Hill 
 Fortress - - - 
 B 
 
 Balaam's Prophecy, standing 
 
 by high Altars, on an high 
 
 Place - 
 Balaam's hearing words from 
 
 the mouth of his ass, a mere 
 
 vision, or dream 
 Bede's account of the Britons 
 
 being finally driven from 
 
 their hill fortresses by the 
 
 Picts and Saxons - 
 
 3 
 69 
 
 90 
 
 Bods, British, account of them : 
 and of the places where re- 
 mains of them are to be met 
 with - 
 
 Bricks still extant, like those 
 made in Egypt by the Chil- 
 dren of Israel, and probably 
 of the same age 
 
 British dresses, armour, and 
 manners - - - 
 
 British Fortresses, sometimes 
 mistaken for Danish 
 
 sometimes 
 
 mistaken for Roman 
 
 many have had 
 
 either their names chang- 
 ed, or buildings of stone 
 erected upon them, in latter 
 ages - 
 
 British mode of dressing and 
 preparing corn expeditiously 
 C 
 
 Canoes, mode of construct- 
 ing them, by savage nations; 
 and appearances of just such 
 amongst the Britons 
 
INDEX. INCIDENTAL CIRCUMSTANCES. 
 
 Canoes; some made of osiers by 
 
 the Britons - 
 Cars of the Britons - 
 Ca;sar, his account of British 
 towns - 
 
 also of British manners, 
 
 and of their garb, &c. 
 ■ and of their courts of ju- 
 dicature - 
 
 his account of the hu- 
 
 man sacrifices of the Bri 
 tons - 
 
 his account of the inter- 
 ments of the Britons 
 
 Corn, curious manner of dress- 
 ing it by the antient Britons 
 D 
 
 Diodorus, his account of British 
 dwellings - 
 
 ■ his mention of the 
 
 hiding pits of the Britons 
 some further ac- 
 counts of his concerning the 
 Britons - 
 his account of hu- 
 man sacrifices being usual 
 amongst the Britons - - 
 his account of the 
 
 Barrow of Ninus - 
 
 ■ his account of the 
 
 Cairns in Minorca - 
 
 -his account of cram- 
 
 mingdead bodiesintoawood 
 en inclosure, or coffin ; and 
 then covering them with 
 stones, in a sort of Kistvaen, 
 or Stone Closet 
 
 Distinctions between Barrows, 
 Hill Fortresses, and Norman 
 Mounts - 
 
 Dresses of the Britons - - 
 E 
 
 Egyptian causeways, for the 
 conveyance of great stones 
 
 Egyptian pyramids, a magni- 
 ficent improvement of Bar- 
 rows - 
 
 3° 
 106 
 
 9^97 
 149 
 
 219 
 
 292 
 
 9 6 . 97 
 
 283 
 
 286 
 
 298 
 
 26*1 
 
 276 
 
 Form of delivering a rod ; ca- 
 duceus; pipe; or stick; to 
 senators, and public officers ; 
 sitting in a circle - 
 G 
 
 Garlands placed ; and oil pour- 
 ed ; upon a stone Pillar, on a 
 Barrow, by Alexander - 
 
 Greatness, and vast ponderosi- 
 ty of stones, raised to great 
 heights, in many instances, in 
 the earliest ages of the world 
 
 Groves, mentioned in the Holy 
 Scriptures; oftentimes, not 
 groves of trees 
 H 
 
 Hebron, an Hill Fortress - 
 Herodotus, incredulous as to the 
 existence of Britain - - 
 
 — his account of the first 
 
 origin of armorial bearings 
 
 his account of the first 
 
 invention of the helmet - 
 his account of cause- 
 ways for conveying the stones 
 of the pyramids 
 his account of the Bar- 
 row of Alyattes 
 — his account of the 
 
 manner of making bricks, in 
 Egypt, for pyramids 
 
 - his account of the Bar- 
 
 rows of the Scythian king, 
 
 Herodian, his account of the 
 puncturing of the Britons - 
 
 Hirtius, his account of hiding 
 pits in Africa, on the Barbary 
 coast - 
 
 Helmets of the Britons; de- 
 signed to disfigure 
 
 Helmets of the Egyptians ; the 
 cause of those strange figures 
 on their bas-reliefs, with 
 heads of dogs, &c. - - 
 
 Hiding Pits, mentioned by Ta- 
 citus - 
 
 151 
 271 
 
 262 
 
 238 
 94 
 7 
 
 103 
 106 
 
 261 
 
 2 73 
 
 277 
 279.281 
 96 
 
 44 
 105,106 
 
 106 
 44 
 
INDEX. INCIDENTAL CIRCUMSTANCES. 
 
 Hiding Pits, mentioned by Dio- 
 
 dorus Siculus 
 mentioned by Hir- 
 
 tius - 
 mentioned byJose- 
 
 phus - 
 
 High Places; or altars for offer- 
 ings ; clearly distinguished 
 from altars for burning of 
 victims - 
 
 Hillocks used for kitchens - 
 
 Homer; substance of his account 
 of the Grecian, and Trojan 
 cars - 
 
 — his fair account of the 
 
 rude Pillar, on the Barrow 
 of Ilus - - - 
 
 also on that of Hector ; 
 
 and on that of Elpenor - 
 his account of the rais- 
 ing of the Barrow of Patro- 
 
 clus - - - 
 
 his account of the an- 
 
 tient manner of holding 
 Courts, in stone circles - 
 his account of basons, 
 
 formed on the ground, to re- 
 ceive the blood of victims - 
 
 his account of high 
 
 altars, or high places 
 
 his account of the Bar- 
 
 row of Tydeus 
 
 - of the Bar- 
 
 row of /Epytus 
 I 
 
 Indian Customs ; some simi-^ 
 lar to those of the antient ■ 
 Britons, and of other abo- : 
 riginal nations - - J 
 
 Jonathan's attack of an Hill 
 Fortress - 
 
 Josephus, his account of the 
 speech of Agrippa 
 
 his account of burning 
 
 the wall of Masada - - 
 
 his account of being 
 
 4,8 
 44 
 5°\ 58 
 
 179 
 78 
 
 127 
 128 
 
 127 
 
 151, 152 
 
 175 
 207 
 
 275 
 28s 
 
 68,116, 
 
 167,174, 
 264 
 
 70 
 3 
 
 S3 
 
 taken prisoner, in an hiding 
 pit - 
 
 Josephus's account of the use 
 made of antient hiding pits, 
 by the seditious leaders of the 
 Jews, John and Simon - 
 
 his account of the 
 
 Caves of the Idumean rob- 
 bers, attacked by Herod - 
 
 his account of Mount 
 
 Sion, the city of David - 
 his account of the 
 
 subterranean cavern there ; 
 
 and of Simon's endeavour to 
 
 escape by means of it 
 his account of im- 
 
 mense stones, in the struc- 
 ture of the Temple, and else- 
 where ; - 
 Justin, his account of the Bar 
 row of Hephestion - 
 K 
 
 Kings; their inaugurations on 
 stones; and their standing 
 by pillars - 
 L 
 
 Ladders ; used to ascend Altars 
 
 Lead ; its use in engraving on 
 granite rocks 
 
 Learning of the Druids; derived 
 from the immediate descen- 
 dants of Seth 
 
 London-stone ; no mere mi- 
 liary stone - - - 
 
 M 
 
 Maundrell's manifest descrip- 
 tion of a Cromlech, in Syria 
 
 Mercury ; observations on the 
 wings on his heels - 
 
 Mining; well known to the 
 Jews; and much made use of 
 in antient days 
 
 Money of the Britons; concave, 
 and convex, like that of Pses- 
 tum - 
 
 4 x 
 
INDEX. 
 
 INCIDENTAL CIRCUMSTANCES. 
 
 Mote Hills, or Court Hills ; be- 
 came such originally, merely 
 because they had been the 
 residence of Chieftains - 
 
 Mount Sion at Jerusalem; origi- 
 nally a rude Hill Fortress - 
 N 
 
 Nodules of a pyritical kind, 
 found mixed with lime in a 
 stone sarcophagus, probably 
 the decomposition of iron 
 weapons 
 
 O 
 
 Obelisks of Egypt; their en- 
 gravings probably wrought 
 by means of lead 
 
 Offerings on altars; a very diffe- 
 rent thing from the burning 
 of victims on altars - - 
 P 
 
 Pedila ; marks of distinction 
 
 Pillars of Hercules 
 
 Pillars of Bacchus - 
 
 Pits to receive the blood of vic- 
 tims - - 
 
 Pliny ; his account of Rocking 
 Stones - 
 
 Plutarch; his account of the 
 stone set up by Theseus - 
 
 his account of the 
 
 stone, or rude pillar, on the 
 Barrow of Achilles - 
 
 Q 
 
 Ouintus Curtius ; his account of 
 Alexander's attack of an Hill 
 Fortress, in Sogdiana 
 
 his account of 
 
 the stones of memorial set up 
 by Bacchus - 
 
 his account of 
 
 the Barrow of Hephestion, 
 raised by Alexander - - 
 R 
 
 Rome; at first a mere Hill For- 
 tress - - 
 S 
 
 Serpent; its figure connected 
 
 P«GI 
 
 with Druidical, and with Ca- 
 
 
 
 naanitish, and with Mexican 
 
 
 
 superstitions 
 
 249 
 
 88 
 
 Simon's endeavour to escape by 
 
 
 a subterraneous passage, and 
 
 
 91 
 
 by mining, from Mount Sion 
 
 92 
 
 
 Stones in circles, to mark sta- 
 
 
 tions ; not to sit upon 
 
 137 
 
 
 Strabo's account of the British 
 
 
 
 dwellings - - - 
 
 14 
 
 
 the substance of his 
 
 
 301 
 
 account of British manners, 
 
 
 
 dresses, and armour - - 
 
 97> 98 
 
 
 - his account of the Bri- 
 
 
 
 tish human sacrifices 
 
 219 
 
 124 
 
 T 
 
 
 
 Tacitus, his account of British 
 
 
 
 fortresses - 
 
 19 
 
 167, 179 
 
 his account of the hid- 
 
 
 
 ing pits of the Germans, &c. 
 
 44 
 
 1*3 
 
 many circumstances 
 
 
 124 
 
 concerning British manners 
 
 
 124 
 
 and dress, &c. collected from 
 
 
 
 his accounts, compared with 
 
 
 iss 
 
 those of others 
 
 97,98 
 
 
 his account of human 
 
 
 3*7 
 
 sacrifices - 
 
 229,230, 
 
 
 his account of the Bar- 
 
 2 37 
 
 
 row raised by Caesar Ger- 
 
 
 
 manicus, in Germany 
 
 268 
 
 
 Tartarian mines of gold and 
 
 
 128 
 
 silver - - 
 
 282 
 
 
 Temples ; the Druids in reality 
 
 
 
 had none - 
 
 "3 
 
 
 Trenches ; on the tops of some 
 
 
 69 
 
 Barrows - 
 
 299 
 
 
 Tool ; none to be lifted up on 
 
 
 
 the most antient patriarchal 
 
 
 126 
 
 altars - 
 
 135 
 
 
 v 
 
 
 
 Vitrified walls : possible, plain, 
 
 
 
 and easy solution of the cause 
 
 
 
 of them - 
 
 32 
 
 
 W 
 
 
 9° 
 
 Water; many places in the 
 
 
 
 early ages supplied only with 
 
 
 
 rain-water - . - 
 
 83 
 
INDEX OF PASSAGES 
 
 IN 
 
 THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, 
 
 REFERRED TO, OR ILLUSTRATED 
 
 IN 
 
 THIS WORK. 
 
 Exodus, chap. xxxi. ver. 2, 
 
 Page. 
 
 
 Page. 
 
 
 John, chap. i. ver. 29, 36. 
 
 95 
 
 3. 4> 5» 6. 
 
 3 9 
 
 chap. v. ver. 26. 
 
 95 
 
 chap. xxvi. ver. 1, 
 
 
 chap. x. ver. 16. 
 
 43 
 
 
 77 
 
 chap. xi. ver. 52. 
 
 46 
 
 1 Kings, chap. vi. ver. 27, 28, 
 
 
 chap. xiii. ver. 34, 35. 
 
 4.3 
 
 29. 32- 
 
 77 
 
 chap. xvii. ver. 2. 
 
 95 
 
 Job, chap. iii. ver. 17. 
 
 H3 
 
 2 Corinthians, chap. v. ver. 11. 
 
 4a 
 
 Jeremiah, chap, xxxviii. ver. 
 
 
 Galatians, chap. iv. ver. 10. 
 
 5 1 
 
 6, 9,10, 11, 12,13. 
 
 156 
 
 Ephesians, chap. i. ver. 10. 
 
 46 
 
 Ezekiel, chap. xi. ver. 16. 
 
 8 
 
 Colossians, chap. ii. ver. 8. 
 
 42 
 
 chap. xl. ver. 16. 
 
 26 
 
 chap. ii. ver. io\ 
 
 51 
 
 Matthew, chap. vi. ver. 5, 6. 
 
 45 
 
 chap. iii. ver. 4. 
 
 46 
 
 chap. x. ver. 34, 35. 
 
 43 
 
 1 Timothy, chap. vi. ver. 5. 
 
 39 
 
 chap. vi. ver. 16, 17, 
 
 
 Revelations, chap. v. ver. 5. 
 
 95 
 
 18. 
 
 JS 
 
 chap. v. ver. 6. 
 
 95 
 
 chap. xvi. ver. 16. 
 
 88 
 
 chap. ix. ver. 31. 
 
 5* 
 
 
 
 chap, xviii. ver. 23. 
 
 5* 
 
DIRECTIONS TO THE BOOKBINDER 
 
 FOR PLACING THE PLATES. 
 
 All the 29 Plates (except the Frontispiece, and the four large folding Plates, and 
 such as are obviously to be placed upright,) are to be bound with the tops inward; 
 (or next to the binding.) 
 
 But the Frontispiece is to be placed with the top outwards ; and with the bottom, 
 and Inscription inwards, next to the binding of the back of the book. 
 
 The Frontispiece — A North East View of the Herefordshire Beacon j 
 
 to face the Title- 
 page. 
 
 Plate 
 
 I. Fig. 1. Plan of the Herefordshire Beacon ; T °plg C nt 
 Fig. 2. Plan of the White Catter-thun - - - - 20 
 
 II. Fig. 1. View of the Herefordshire Beacon, at a distance, as seen in the 
 vale beneath ; 
 
 Fig. 2. View of the White Catter-thun in Scotland - - 28 
 
 III. Fig. 1. View of Old Sarum ; - 
 
 Fig. 2. Plan of Old Sarum 84 
 
 Fig. 1. Plan of Badbury Rings in Dorsetshire; 
 
 Fig. 2. View of Badbury Rings - 8fi 
 
 -j— Arms, and habits, of the antient Britons - - - - 100 
 
 — . Druidical hook, or rod - - - - - -100 
 
 IV. Fig. 1. Stone of Memorial in Cornwall ; and 
 
 Fig. 2. Stones of Memorial at Trelech, Monmouthshire - - 120 
 
 V. Fig. 1. Plan of Druidical Circle, on Fidess Hill, in Scotland ; 
 
 Fig. 2. Plan of Druidical Circle at Boscawen-un, in Cornwall - 146 
 
 VI. Plans of Stone Henge - - - - - -172 
 
 VII. Particular Views of Stone Henge - 172 
 
 View of Stone Henge, as it was in 1790 ; seen from the western side of 
 the leaning stone ... _ jgg 
 
 View of Stone Henge, in 1 798, after the fall of the great western Tri- 
 lothon ; seen from the western side of the leaning stone - 188 
 
 View of Stone Henge, in 1790, seen from the southern side of the lean- 
 ing" stone ------- 188 
 
 VIII. Plan, elevation, and measures, of Kitt's Cotty-House - - 216 
 
DIRECTIONS TO THE BOOKBINDER. 
 
 Plate 
 
 IX. Fig. i. View of Kitt's Cotty-House ; T ° p lg B nt 
 Fig. 2. Altar Stone, in Scilly - - - - 222 
 
 — . The Syrian Altar, according to the real measures given by Maundrell 226 
 
 X. Fig. 1. Double Cromlech at Plas-Newydd, in Anglesey ; 
 
 Fig. 2. Cromlech at Lanyon, in Cornwall - 2 g 2 
 
 Double Cromlech at Plas-Newydd, seen on the contrary side from the 
 
 formerview - - - - ' * - 334, 
 
 . Form, and dimensions of the Stones of the double Cromlech, at Plas- 
 Newydd ; and of the upper Stones of that near Trevor, in Anglesey 234, 
 
 XI. Double Cromlech near Trevor, in Anglesey - 2 gf> 
 
 XII. Fig. 1. Barrow near Tullagh, in Caterlogh, Ireland ; 
 
 Fig. 2. Aggleston, Stone Barrow, in the Isle of Purbeck - - 270 
 
 Silbury Hill, seen on the East side - g 2 6 
 
 Silbury Hill, seen on the South west side - 326 
 
 Low Barrows - - _ o 2 g 
 
 Variety of Barrows - - - - - g 2 6 
 
 XIII. Fig. 1. Rocking Stone, on Golcar Hill, near Halifax, in Yorkshire ; 
 
 Fig. 2. Rocking Stone, called Men-amber, in Cornwall - - 330 
 
 XIV. Fig. 1. Rocking Stone at Brimham Rocks, Yorkshire; 
 
 Fig. 2. Unfinished Rocking Stone - - - 334, 
 
 XV. Fig. 1. Insulated Rock, aided by art, in Yorkshire; 
 
 Fig. 2. Insulated Rock, aided by art, in Sussex - - - 336 
 
Certain mistakes that have arisen, may perhaps render the following List, of some other 
 Works of the same Author, satisfactory to such persons as may peruse this Volume. 
 
 1. An Essay on the English Constitution and Government, in octavo; the first 
 edition printed in 1767; and the second edition printed in 1770. 
 
 2. Observations on Antient Castles. Printed in the Archaeologia, Vol. IV. and 
 VI. ; and of which a few copies, merely given to friends, were printed together in 
 one volume quarto, in 1782. 
 
 3. Hymns to The Supreme Being. The first edition printed in 1780, large 
 octavo : and the second authentic edition, printed in 1798, small octavo. 
 
 4. Proposals for establishing, at Sea, a Marine School ; or Seminary for Seamen. 
 Printed in octavo, 1785. 
 
 5. Morsels of Criticism. Printed in quarto, and published January 18th, 1788. 
 
 6. An Imitation of the Prayer of Abel. Printed in quarto, 1791. 
 
 7. Considerations on the Utility of the National Debt. Printed in octavo, 1793. 
 
 8. Vestiges of Oxford Castle. Printed in folio, 1796. 
 
 9. Remarks concerning Stones said to have fallen from the Clouds. Printed in 
 quarto, 1796. 
 
 10. Remarks on the Signs of the Times. Printed in quarto, 179S: and the 
 second edition printed also in 1798. 
 
 Appendix to the Remarks on the Signs of the Times;— with additional Remarks. 
 Printed in quarto, 1 799. 
 
 All such of these, as are not out of Print, may be had of Mr. White, Bookseller, 
 in Fleet-street. 
 
 t V 
 
MUNIMENTA ANTIQUA; 
 
 O R, 
 
 OBSERVATIONS ON 
 
 ANTIENT CASTLES. 
 
 INCLUDING 
 
 REMARKS ON THE 
 
 WHOLE PROGRESS OF ARCHITECTURE, 
 
 ECCLESIASTICAL, AS WELL AS MILITARY, 
 
 IN GREAT BRITAIN: 
 
 AND ON 
 
 THE CORRESPONDING CHANGES, IN 
 
 MANNERS, LAWS, AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 TENDING BOTH TO ILLUSTRATE 
 
 MODERN HISTORY: 
 
 AND TO ELUCIDATE MANY INTERESTING PASSAGES IN VARIOUS 
 
 ANTIENT CLASSIC AUTHORS. 
 
 BY 
 
 EDWARD KING, ESQ. F.R.S. AND A.S. 
 
 Modo me Tfaebis, modo ponit Athenis. Hor. Ep. 
 
 vol. II. 
 LONDON : 
 
 PRINTED BY W. BULMER AND CO. 
 CLEVELAND-ROW, ST.JAMEs's; 
 
 I'OR G. AND VV. NICOL, BOOKSELLERS TO HIS MAJESTY, PALL-MALL. 
 
 NOVEMBER, 
 
 MDCCCI. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 OBSERVATIONS ON THE WORKS OF THE ROMANS IN THIS ISLAND J 
 AND PARTICULARLY ON THOSE OF A MILITARY KIND. 
 
 Page 
 
 And first; the distinctions pointed out, of such Fortresses as were peculiarly 
 Roman - 1 
 
 {Q 
 in 
 
 {22 
 119 
 
 Some similar ones in foreign Countries described 
 
 At JVicopolis, in Egypt - - - - . T35 
 
 Castle Kieman, in Egypt - - - - \ 36 
 
 Other great Roman Castra in Britain described. 
 
 Pevensey Castle, hi Sussex - 37 
 
 {49 
 146 
 
 Station, at Taesborough, in Norfolk, just referred to - - 51 
 
 And also one near Caerdijf, in Monmouthshire - - 52, 
 
 f 5 
 
 Burgh Castle, in Suffolk, described - - - - - \ \ 
 
 Chesterford, in Essex - .... I 
 
 li 
 
 5:! 
 
 Account of the exact order of the marching of Roman 'Troops 
 
 55 
 148 
 
 r 59 
 
 < 60 
 [37 7 
 
 Various Stations referred to; — where the situation of the Praelorium still 
 
 remains visible; — and some of which were mere Earth-works. 
 At Heppinglon, in Kent ----- 53 
 
 Al Saddleworlh, in Yorkshire - - - - 63 
 
 At Bollon, in South Wales - 63 
 
 Melandra Castle, in Derbyshire - 63 
 
 Little Clusters, in Cumberland - - - 64 
 
 Great Chester's, in Cumberland - - - -64 
 
 Chester, in Cheshire, just referred to 64 
 Station near Caernarvon, in Wales - - - - 65 
 
 VOL. II. a 
 
ii 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Some of their most considerable Earth-works considered. 
 
 At Dealgin Ross, near Comerie, in Slrathern; in Scotland - - 60 
 
 At Ardoch, in Slralhallan - . . . J 69 
 
 1 125 
 
 At Birr ens, in A/mandate - _ . . / 7 ' 
 
 1 ISO 
 
 At Chew Green: — on the Borders 73 
 
 73 
 76 
 94 
 10:; 
 
 76 
 80 
 
 Near Kirkhoddo, in Strathmore, Angus 
 
 Account of the several Orders, and oflhe Distinctions, of the Troops, of 
 ■which the Roman Armies consisted - 
 
 Account of the precise manner of their Encamping ■ - f 
 
 6 \ 97 
 
 Correction of an inadvertent Translation of Casaubon's, with regard to 1 
 
 the contents of the Area of a Roman Pratoriuni ; — which correction I S2 
 
 seems to remove many difficulties thai have hitherto occurred, with \ 9 1 
 
 regard to their encampments - - . . J 
 
 The Order of Encamping, according to this correction, found to agree r 
 
 exactly with the precise dimensions, of the several parts oflhe remains J 94 
 
 of many Caslra, and Camps, thai have already been mentioned [ I03 
 A Computation,from their precise dimensions, and from the exact position 
 of their remaining gales, of the number of Troops that might be con- 
 tamed, and of the order in which they might be arranged, in several 
 
 well known Stations, that have been already described - - 109 
 
 Also in some others which well deserve notice • . j 3 o 
 
 at Pickering Moor , Yorkshire - - . . jjg 
 
 al Line Kirk, in Tweedale, Scotland - . 133 
 
 at Hierna, on the River Em - J34 
 
 at Castle Dykes, near Carslairs - 135 
 
 at Fortingaul, in Glen Lyon - - . jgg 
 
 al Kaims Castle, near Ardoch - - - - 136 
 
 Small Post on the Rampart of the great Camp at Ardoch - isi 
 
 Stations near the Roman Wall, called Grimes Dyke - - isg 
 
 Duntocher Station j<jg 
 Castle Cary « v - - . Ire \\ u\ .u-.w*.V:yisHi$5 
 
 Kirkpatrick - - sVu\<Au\l v\ ,i\ha'*»\U' v.V.jj^g 
 
 Weslerwood Station - - - - _ . j gg 
 
 Castle Hill - - - - - _ . _ j^q 
 
 Kirkintilloch - - - - - 140 
 
 Achindavy - - * - , . . 149 
 
 Bar HUT - . _ j j 4 j 
 
 Account of the Hyginian mode of Encamping - - - 141 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 iii 
 
 Page 
 
 Sodbury in Gloucestershire, adapted to the Polybian mode - 148 
 
 Some Roman Castra of irregular forms - - - 150 
 
 Verolanium - - - - 150 
 
 Silchesler - - - - - - - 154 
 
 Bath - - ----- 156 
 
 Rae-dykes in the County of Merns, in Scotland - - 15 7 
 
 Re-dykes in the County oj Aberdeen, Scotland - - - 15 7 
 
 Burgh-head, on the Murray Frith, in the County oj Murray, Scotland 15 7 
 
 Dover ; and the peculiar construction oj Us Pharos - - 157 
 
 REMARKS ON OTHER WORKS OF THE ROMANS. 
 
 Few magnificent Remains oj the Romans, except oj a military kind, left in 
 
 this country ; (ij any superb structures oj theirs ever did exist here) 163 
 The number of fragile tessellated pavements, considerable portions oj ~j 
 which have been found remaining perfect, a proof of the slightness of 
 the superstructures , that originally belonged to them 
 
 Instances at Cotherstoke, or Cotlerstock Northamptonshire - 168 
 
 at f ltllow, Somersetshire - - - - 168 
 
 ■ — at IVi/ilerton, Lincolnshire - 168 
 
 at Roxby, Lincolnshire - - - - 169 
 
 at Stunsfield, Oxfordshire ■ - - 169 
 
 i at Hovingham, Yorkshire - 169 
 
 ■ near Warminster, iViltshire - - - 1 69 
 
 at Cirencester, Gloucestershire - - - 169 
 
 at Caerwent Monmouthshire - - - 1 70 
 
 ■ at Leicester - - - - - 1 70 
 
 others enumerated - - - - - 174 
 
 An Investigation oj the nature oj the Superstructures, originally reared 
 over these pavements, oj which any traces do remain ;— from dis- 
 coveries made - - - - - - J 74 
 
 At Cirencester, in Gloucestershire - - - - 174 
 
 At JVeldon, jYorlhamplonshire - - - - 175 
 
 At Mansfield Woadhoust, in Nottinghamshire - - { J g 
 
 At Cotesboum, Gloucestershire - - - - 179 
 
 At Woodchester in Gloucestershire - • - - 185 
 Illustration oj the nature of these remains; from the description of 
 
 Roman Buildings in Italy itself - 194 
 
 Some account oj Cicero's Villas - - - - 195 
 
 Account oj rtinifs Laurentine Villa - 204 
 
 of Pliny's Tuscan Villa - - - - 211 
 
 Few Remains of magnificent Roman Buildings in Britain - - 215 
 
iv 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Pace 
 
 Remains of Temple, al Leicester .... 215 
 
 Few Remains of Roman Arches in Britain - ■ - 217 
 
 Reasons adduced, for believing thai there in reality never were many con- P' 1 
 structed in this Island - - . . 
 
 |_221 
 
 This accounted for ; from considering the Arch as having been a recent 
 invention, just previous to the Romans Invasion of Britain, and their 
 
 power here - - - . . - 222 
 
 Micklegale Bar, York: — doubt as to its being Roman - - 218 
 
 Lincoln Gale: — doubt as to it also • - - - 218 
 
 Gate lately remaining at Chester, Roman - - - 21 8 
 
 Roman Arches, at Dover - - . - . 218 
 
 Roman Arches, at Canterbury - - . . 219 
 
 Arthurs Oven • 222 
 
 Inquiries as to the first Invention, and Introduction of the Arch - 223 
 
 None in the Temple of Solomon - 223 
 
 Fine proportions of the Temple - 224 
 
 JVb Arches in the houses of Solomon - 228 
 
 Apparent Flan of Solomons houses - 228 
 Observations, on the description of the Palace of Priam; shewing that it 
 
 had no Arches - - - - _ 229 
 JVo mention of an Auch in all Homer 's Poems - - 231 
 Full investigation of this fact; and of the errors of Pope's translation 232 
 A r o Arches in the City of Thebes, in Egypt - . . 234 
 JVbr in the Pyramids - - 235 
 Considerations resulting from all the descriptions of the Pyramids 236 
 JVo Arches in the Labyrinth of Egypt: — and an examination of the trans- 
 lation oj the passages relating to it ... 239 
 JVb Arches at Babylon - - - . - 245 
 JVo Arches in the anlienl Hindoo Buildings, in India - - 242 
 Their remarkable connection with Egyptian Buildings - - 243 
 JVo Arches at Persepolis, in Persia - - - - 254 
 
 Some account of Us curious Remains ; and of Us general plan - f' 56 
 
 J ° "■ [260 
 
 JVo Arches in the truly antienl Remains at Pa-stum; — none there before 
 
 the lime of Adrian, or Augustus - 262 
 
 JVo Arches al Athens, prior to the lime of Augustus - - 263 
 
 JVo Arches in the Temple of Diana, al Ephesus - - 264 
 
 JVo Arches in Rome itself, much prior to the time of Augustus - 268 
 
 77(e Arch invented probably by Archimedes, only a tittle before the 
 
 Augustan age - - 273 
 
 Short Account oj the Great Barrier Walls of the Romans - 274 
 
 Account of the Appearance, and Dress, of Roman Soldiers - - 27 7 
 
 General Reflections on the whole - - 281 
 
MUNIMENTA ANTIQUA. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 OBSERVATIONS ON THE WORKS OF THE ROMANS IN THIS ISLAND ; 
 AND PARTICULARLY ON THOSE OF A MILITARY KIND. 
 
 Before we proceed any further, in the investigation of those steps 
 by which the Britons became civilized ; and were led to adopt a 
 change both in their mode of life, and in their mode of building ; 
 — and before we enter into any inquiry with regard to Saxon 
 architecture; — our attention must unavoidably be drawn to the 
 consideration of the Works of the Romans, in this Island ; of which 
 both Britons, and Saxons, became, in some degree, imitators. 
 
 But what is to be noticed with regard to those works, will be com- 
 prized in the smaller compass ; — because the whole style of Roman 
 architecture, in general, has been so frequently, and so fully ex- 
 plained, by many of the ablest antiquaries ; and is now so perfectly 
 well understood ; — because there are very few remains of any 
 considerable structures of the Romans in this country ; except 
 those of their military walls and camps ; — and because the parti- 
 cular stations which they occupied ; — the roads they formed ; — 
 and their chain of military posts, from one part to another, (with 
 regard to that quarter of this Island where their prowess was best 
 known,) have, with so much skill, already been investigated and 
 described, in a most elaborate work, by the united labours of 
 General Mclvill, and General Roy. 
 
 VOL. II. B 
 
2 
 
 In pursuing our present observations, therefore, concerning the 
 successive changes in the style of architecture, and in the mode of 
 constructing military fortresses, in this country ;— the most material 
 consideration, as to the Roman works, will'be, to distinguish the 
 peculiarity of such, as were originally, and truly, entirely Roman; 
 from those many others, which are, indeed, considered to this 
 hour, as having been Roman; and which did indeed become Sta- 
 tions of the Romans, in process of time ; but yet were not of their 
 raising.— To distinguish their real works from such as have been 
 made use of by those invaders, only in consequence of having been 
 found by them, already strong, and well prepared places of defence, 
 formed beforehand by the Britons. 
 
 Such as these, the Romans had only to improve a very 
 
 little, in order to make them perfectly fit for their own use. 
 
 As, indeed, some of them have also again been made use of, in 
 still later ages, and have been converted into strong-holds of 
 Saxons, of Danes, and of Normans ; which has occasioned much 
 confusion. 
 
 To burden the present investigation, by describing particularly, 
 and individually, these latter Brito -Roman Fortresses, would be as 
 useless, as it would be tedious : and especially, as many of them 
 have, with more propriety, been mentioned, and referred to, in 
 the preceding Volume; where neither Maiden Castle,— Maiden 
 Bower, — Badbury Rings, — or Wood Castle, have been passed by 
 unnoticed. 
 
 Our business therefore now must be, only to examine with as 
 much precision as possible, such works as were, originally, entirely 
 Roman : and to explain, at large, the particularities of a few of the 
 most decided specimens that remain. 
 
 And here ; — the first which claims our attention is, a most Cele- 
 brated one indeed ; which, as it continues still in a better state of 
 preservation than most others, so was also the very earliest in order 
 of time, as to the period of its construction. 
 
 Every antiquary will easily perceive, that the military structure 
 referred to, is Richborough, in Kent. 
 
 Not only its remaining walls, but its original foundations have 
 been examined ; and accurately traced, by the indefatigable pains 
 
s 
 
 of the truly ingenious, inquisitive, and respectable occupier of the 
 land, Mr. Boys, of Sandwich. 
 
 From him I received, many years ago, the favour of exact plans 
 of the whole : and from them, even still more than from the 
 observations which I made myself upon the spot, am enabled 
 to refer decidedly to these remains, as illustrating, in the most 
 complete manner, the nature, and the whole general construction 
 of original Roman Fortresses in this Island. 
 
 There is every reason to believe, from the concurrent testimony 
 of medals, and of coins dug up, and of fragments of history, that 
 this magnificent Castrnm was first formed, in the time of the Emperor 
 Claudius; — near the spot where the Romans most usually landed ; 
 — yvhere Julius Caesar is with good reason believed to have arrived 
 after he sailed from the heights near Dover ; — and where St. Paul 
 is supposed to have landed, when he afforded to this country, in 
 the earliest age of Christianity, the first light of the Gospel ;* — 
 causing those who were last in point of civilization, to be numbered 
 amongst the first, in the advantages of Divine Instruction. 
 
 Here, in the time of Claudius, Vespasian was in command ; t — 
 who was, indeed, the. very first Roman general that truly subdued 
 Britain ; after having fought thirty-two battles, and taken more 
 than twenty towns ; and after having subdued the Isle of Wight. 
 And here Agricola first arrived in the time of Domilian. 
 
 The situation was such, as to have commanded, formerly, in the 
 completest manner, one of the mouths of the once great cestuary : 
 — -Reculver having been a similar fortress, in those days, at the other 
 entrance. And the tract between (where now is only the little 
 rivulet, the Sarr, or Stour, with its bordering meadows), having 
 been the great harbour, where floated the Roman navy ; riding in 
 safety, between the British shore, and the then real island, still 
 called the Isle of Tkanet. % 
 
 * There are very many reasons adduced, and placed very ingeniously, in a strong point 
 of view, by Dr. Henry, to elucidate this fact. See his History of Great Britain, Vol. I. 
 p. 196. kc. kc. t Scutonius, in Vita Vespasiani, c. iv. 
 
 % On digging a very few years ago, at the foot of Richborough hill, the workmen, after 
 removing what was clearly the accretion of the muddy hanks of the Sarr, as that river dimi- 
 nished more and more during many ages, came at last to a regular sandy sea shore, with 
 
 « 
 
4 
 
 The importance of this port easily accounts for its having been 
 from the very first beginning of the Roman invasion, so much 
 attended to. 
 
 Its walls, we have reason to believe, were begun about the year 
 43,-The present structure, however, as well as the remains at 
 Recuher appears to have been, in part, built, or at least to have 
 been added to, and completed, by the Emperor Severn*,* about 
 the year 205. 
 
 broken shells; on which was found a small shoe, or sandal, with a meta, fibula. See 
 -Hoys s History of Sandwich, p. 8 65 . 
 
 ' Those who wish eo see, more at large, the reasons that have been assigned by the 
 learuedinvestigators of this subject, for all these several concisions; (the detail of which is 
 avoided here or fear of embarrassing the more immediate object of these observations,) may 
 consult BatteljsAnt.a.Rutupim, p . „. 6 . M _ , 3 _ ?j> Har ^ ^ ^ jll 
 TO. p. 13 s ; and a curious paper of Mr. Lewis's, in the Archaeologia, Vol. I p 7 9 
 
 Probably AuUs Plains, theP rat or, who was sent into Britain by the Emperor Claidius, 
 as the very first Governor, of the province in this .sland, was the commander who laid the 
 first stone here; about the year „ :_,hat very Aulus Planus, whose celebrated wife, Pom- 
 poma Gnrana was one of the very first persons in Rome accused of having traced Chris, 
 torn*,; and who, having been tried, according to the Roman laws, for so embracing a 
 strange foreign superstition, was pronounced, honourably, to be innocent of any thing ininvral. 
 See laciti Annales, lib. xiii. c. 52. 
 
 On this occasion it may be added ; that another of the first and most distinguished 
 amongst the early Christian converts, was also a British lady. For Claudia, the wife of 
 Pudeus, mentioned by St. Paul in his second epistle to Timothy (c. iv. v. , , ), is with good 
 reason thought ,0 be the same identical CW,, who was so much celebrated by the poe, 
 
 I'p'l VirtUC 1 Wl '° ^ Mm ' deScl ibcd ' - b «°S both the wife 
 
 of Pudeus, and a Unto, See Martial, lib. iv. epigram , , ; and lib. xi. epigiam , , 
 
 And perhaps I ought also still further to add ; that, weighing and duly considering all 
 circumstances, we may very fairly conclude, Helena, the mother of Constantino, the first 
 Christian Emfieror, to have been, in like manner, a native of this country 
 
 Here in Britain, Tertnllian affirms, (contra Judaos, c. v.i.) the Gospel was very soon 
 embraced, even in parts to which the Roman arms had not obtained access. Here it had 
 been planted, even so early as the middle of the first century. 
 
 And it ought not .0 be forgotten ; that here also, the true dawn of reformation, and of 
 
 Widhff; long before Luther, and the other true reformers, came forth in the world 
 
 Here, also, this glorious light, purchased and secured unto us, by the energy, faithful 
 exertions, sufferings, and cruel painful deaths oSfiidly, Latkner, and numerous other excel- 
 lent, sincere and pious Christians, has shone for a long season, with increasing strength . 
 notwithstanding all the clouds, and interruptions, arising from malevolence, ignorance' 
 presumption, or error. 
 
 41 
 
5 
 
 It stands on the extreme point of an hill, or sort of promontory, 
 close to a steep precipice eastward ; at the foot of which was the 
 haven ; — but where now runs the river Stour, or Sarr ; — and there 
 is the greatest reason to think, that the spot on which this fortress 
 is situated, was also originally, in itself a little distinct Island ; 
 whilst the Isle of Thanet was such on a much larger scale: — for a 
 narrow slip of marsh near adjoining, between this spot and 
 Gursom is, even to this very day, sometimes quite overflowed in 
 wet seasons. * 
 
 There are, in this distinguished fortress, still plainly to be traced, 
 all the principal parts of one of the very greatest, and most perfect 
 of the stationary Roman camps. 
 
 The upper division, for the general, and chief officers ; — and 
 the lower division for the legions. And, in the former, the Pra- 
 torium, with its parade ; (sometimes called the principia ;) + contain- 
 ing the Augurale, or place for sacrifices, and for consulting the 
 entrails of victims ; and the sacellum, or small temple, for depositing 
 the chief ensigns ; and especially the eagles ; which it is well known 
 were made objects of superstitious worship by the Romans ; and 
 which are therefore so justly described, in the Holy Scriptures, by 
 the appellation of being the Abomination of Desolation. J A circum- 
 stance, that, on this occasion, deserves the more particularly to be 
 remembered ; because it is highly probable, that some of the same 
 kind of Roman eagles were once placed in this identical building at 
 Rickborougk, by Vespasian, that were afterwards carried by him, 
 against Jerusalem, together with the rest of those very standards that 
 
 These facts demand our heartfelt thanks; whilst any love of our country remains in 
 our breasts ; and they therefore may, surely, without impropriety, be remembered with 
 some sort of exultation, on the present occasion ; whilst we are contemplating the history of 
 a celebrated spot, where the first light is said to have dawned : — but they ought perhaps, at 
 the same time, for the sake of our best interests, to induce us to pause a moment; — and to 
 consider, whether such advantages have been rightly improved? and whether, in this 
 Island, we remember ourselves rightly? 
 
 * Hasted's History of Kent, Vol. III. p. 6S6. 
 
 t This appears from several passages in JLivy ; particularly from lib. vii. cap. l z. 
 
 t Matthew, chap. xxiv. ver. 15 Mark, chap. xiii. ver. M Luke, chap. xxi. ver. 
 
 10 ; which explains the former. 
 
 VOL. II. C 
 
are alluded to, in the tremendous prophecy, concerning the destruc- 
 tion of the Holy City. 
 
 In the walls of this castrum also, we have the traces of the four 
 great gates. 
 
 The Decuman gate; or largest gate of all , which took its very 
 name, from being wide enough to permit ten men at least to march 
 through it abreast ;— and which always conveyed such an idea of 
 magnificent dimensions ; that the very word decumanus was classi- 
 cally used by the Romans, to signify any thing that was both huge, 
 m&fair; — beautiful, and of vast size. 
 
 The Postern gate ; or first principal gate; (so called because it 
 was near the quarters of the principal officers,) and which was 
 narrow ; and constructed of such a particular form, as to be most 
 easily defended. 
 
 The Pratorkn gate; or as it was in this instance, the Watergate. 
 
 And a fourth, on the side nearly opposite to the postern; which 
 was the second principal gate. 
 
 Adjoining to the same walls also, on the outside, have been 
 traced foundations of towers clearly Roman ; but which yet (as 
 plainly appears from some part of their construction,) must have 
 been added, after the walls of the castrum were built. A circum- 
 stance that shews the more strongly the very high antiquity of the 
 original structure. 
 
 The following plans and drawings will serve to illustrate, and 
 explain the whole more particularly. 
 
 PI. XVI. is a general plan of the Fortress. 
 
 It appears to have been as nearly of a square form, as the nature 
 of the ground would permit ; but yet somewhat deviating there- 
 from, (as we find was often the case in other instances,) to humour 
 the inequalities of the spot. 
 
 On approaching the ruins, the eye is struck with the magni- 
 ficent appearance of the north-eastern wall fa bj ■ commonly called 
 the North Wall ; which is, on the outside, in some parts, near 30 
 feet high, from the ground ; and, in many others, about 23:— and 
 is 5 60 feet, in length; and at least 5 feet, in depth, or breadth, 
 from the lower row of bricks down to the foundation.— Its thick- 
 ness, at bottom, is, in general, from I I to 1 2 feet j but it is in some 
 
PI .-XVI. 
 
7 
 
 parts even thirteen feet.* A manifest proof that they did not, in those 
 days, build by so regular, and exact a rule, as has been the custom 
 in modern times. Its contents also are a proof of the same fact. — - 
 For it is constructed indeed of regular facings of alternate rows, of 
 squared stone, and brick, on the two outside surfaces; — but within, 
 between these two uprights, it is composed merely of chalk, rubble, 
 and flints, flung in carelessly, with cement, or mortar spread over 
 them at proper distances, so as to sink into the whole mass ; — in 
 which respect it exactly resembles walls constructed by the Romans, 
 in many other places ; and particularly the celebrated wall, or 
 bulwark, of Seuerus, in the north ; called his great wall: — which 
 latter, in many parts, is not above eight feet thick ; — and is well 
 known to consist of two regular facings of stone ; one on each 
 side: — and to have had the internal space filled up merely by 
 layers, composed first of loose slaty rubbish, and then of mortar 
 poured over : — the process being alternately, and regularly repeated, 
 from the bottom to the top ; till the whole was finished ; and the 
 materials of the country, near at hand (which were loose slaty 
 rubbish,) being there made use of; just as at Richborough, we find 
 the ordinary materials which that neighbourhood best afforded, 
 (such as fragments of chalk, and of petrified masses full of the 
 shells of -pholas's, flints, and fragments of free stone, and grit), to 
 have been, in like manner, promiscuously thrown in. 
 
 The foundation, Mr. Boys says, was evidently thus laid.H — First 
 two rows of bolder stones lie on the natural soil, which is a solid 
 pitsand ; — then a thin stratum of chalk nodules; — next a single row 
 of holders ; and over them another thin layer of small chalk ; — all 
 these being without cement : — then holders again, mixed with mor- 
 tar ; — and so the masonry proceeds internally, with a confused mix- 
 ture of large holders, ochre stones, sand stone, and blocks of chalk, 
 with fossil pholades bedded therein, and also balani on their surfaces ; 
 — the whole cemented with a mortar formed of lime, grit, large and 
 small pebbles, sea shells, and fragments of baked bricks. A compo- 
 sition much too coarse and rude to have been ever very fluid. 
 
 * In most parts the wall, to a height of about six feet, is eleven feet three inches thick; 
 and afterwards only ten feet eight inches. 
 
 + See Mr. Boys's History of Sandwich, p. S65. 
 
8 
 
 The outside of this great north-east wall is very beautiful to the 
 eye ; as well as magnificent. It is composed (as far as now remains), 
 in general of seven great, and fair, distinct rows of stone ; each of 
 them very nearly four feet thick :— and each of them consisting, in 
 general, of seven courses of separate stones. 
 
 The measure of the great combined courses sometimes varies a 
 little (some being four feet three inches, whilst others are only three 
 feet three inches* in breadth, or rather in depth ;) which may there- 
 fore perhaps indicate an intention of forming them about Jour Roman 
 feet in breadth, or depth, upon an average. 
 
 These great courses of stone are separated from each other, by six 
 smaller courses of bricks, composed each merely of a double row of 
 bricks, that are about an inch and a half (or an inch and three 
 quarters in thickness) ; but are of very different breadths ; from 
 eight inches to a foot ; and of very different lengths ;— some being 
 fourteen ;— some sixteen inches long ;— and some seventeen and an 
 half ;— a variation of dimensions to be met with in some other Roman 
 structures.— For in the old wall of Verulam, was a brick, now worked 
 up in the wall of the abbey at St. Albans, which is very nearly two 
 feet in length : and there is one at Dover near three feet in length. 
 
 The composition of these bricks is also as various as their dimen- 
 sions.— Some of them are entirely red throughout their whole 
 substance; (like our modern bricks;) only of a deeper colour :— 
 some are red on the outsides ; but of a deep blue within ;— the 
 internal substance being formed of a different earth from the out- 
 side ; (perhaps for the sake of sparing the better and scarcer ma- 
 terial.) 
 
 And here again we find a great similarity to other Roman works; 
 for in the walls of Chesterford, Verulam, and Silchester, are exactly 
 the same varied appearances. 
 
 Some of the bricks also, here at Richborough, are of a yellow 
 colour ; having plainly been composed only of mud and clay 
 taken from the neighbouring shore. And some of these latter might 
 possibly have been merely dried by the sun ; but how the red 
 ones should become of that colour, without the aid of fire ;— or how 
 
 « See the account published by Mr. Boys himself, in bis eurious History of Sandwich, 
 p. 866. 
 
9 
 
 any (except the yellow ones) should have been dried in the sun ; 
 as has been hastily conjectured by some antiquaries, I cannot 
 comprehend. 
 
 Let them have been formed how they will ; the whole produces 
 still a very beautiful effect to the eye. 
 
 The structure is every where, uniformly, of this sort of style ; 
 
 except in some very few parts ; where reparations have plainly been 
 made in Saxon times; and with squared stones of a much smaller 
 size ; and with herring-bone work. 
 
 The external appearance, (as the ruins remained in the year 
 1 7 7 5,) is represented, PI. XVII. fig. 2. where the different dimen- 
 sions of every part of the structure are most exactly distinguished. 
 
 The very measures of every part, having been annexed in the 
 original drawing ; but being now left out in the engraving, to avoid 
 the disfiguring of the plate. 
 
 The several alternate rows, or courses of stone and brick, (here 
 described, as appearing in this wall,) were by the Greeks, who 
 lived in Roman times, called Qeit&ioi or QsuSkix ; and are the kind of 
 ornaments alluded to by St. John, as being so highly beautiful, ac- 
 cording to every one's apprehension, in his days ; when, in his 
 emblematical representation* of the walls of the Holy City, in the 
 Prophecy of the Revelations, he speaks of such, being formed of 
 precious stones. The word, Q^iha, is in our translation of the 
 passage, very improperly rendered, as far as relates to a consistency 
 with our modern ideas, foundations ; instead of courses: and this mis- 
 translation occasions much confusion in the minds of most persons, 
 who attempt to read the Prophet's sublime description. 
 
 Nevertheless the reason why these alternate rows either of brick, 
 or of smooth flat stones, were antiently, called Ot/dhx, or dsidhei, 
 foundations, (though the word seems now so uncouth, and inappli- 
 cable, in our ears,) is yet apparent enough. For whoever examines 
 Roman walls attentively, will find, that most usually the broader 
 alternate rows of rude stone, or flints, or rubble, and mortar, were 
 evidently constructed, merely by having the whole mass flung care- 
 lessly into a great caisson, or frame of wood, whose interior breadth 
 was that of the wall ; and whose depth was thatof the space between 
 * Chap. xxi. ver. 19. 
 
 VOL. II. n 
 
10 
 
 the alternate rows of bricks ; and whose length was sometimes 
 more, and sometimes less, just as suited convenience : and that the 
 parts thus reared, one at the end of another, on, and over each 
 row of bricks, were united together afterwards, merely by means 
 of very small loose stones, and mortar, thrown into the narrow 
 space left at the ends between them. — As therefore these caissons 
 were removed, up from one row of bricks or smooth stones to 
 another superior row, in constant repetition, according as the wall 
 advanced in height; and were placed successively upon every 
 row ; those substantial rows of bricks regularly placed, might very 
 well be called Qip&m, or Qeitskix, or foundations ; because, indeed 
 suck they really were, the whole way up, to those identical building 
 frames. 
 
 And, indeed, I have sometimes thought, that those numerous 
 small square holes, found in some of the Roman walls, and even at 
 Richborough, perforating their substance, at different heights, were 
 left by the very timbers made use of to support these caissons. 
 
 It is not, however, meant to be here asserted, that all Roman 
 walls were just so built ;— because, where the outsides of the alter- 
 nate courses were not to be left quite rough ; but were to be adorned 
 with a smooth facing of regular squared stones ; as many of them 
 now appear to be ; and were moreover of great thickness ; it is very 
 probable such facings, on each side of the wall, might be first 
 regularly raised, by masonary, in lieu of the sides of caissons; and 
 then the confused heap of stones, rubble, and mortar, might be 
 merely thrown in between those strong facings. 
 
 The entrance through this magnificent north-east wall at Rich- 
 borough, into the great castrum, is at (c,) through a side gate, called, 
 in the time of the Romans, one of the principal gates; (because 
 it was nearest to the quarters of the principal officers,) and in sub- 
 sequent times, the Postern gate. But, in consequence of the pecu- 
 liarity of its construction, it can hardly be distinguished from the 
 rest of the wall externally. 
 
 Its place is marked at [c] ; both in the general plan, PI. XVI.- 
 and in the elevation of the wall, PI. XVII. fig. % ; and its form is 
 explained, more at large, in PI. XVIII. fig. i, and 2: the former 
 of which is the plan ; and the latter the elevation of the entrance, 
 
Back of 
 Foldout 
 Not Imaged 
 
11 
 
 seen on the side (c z,) where you first enter, on approaching the 
 castrum. 
 
 The passage of entrance (c), at this external part, is only about 
 three feet ten inches wide ; or at most (taking away the set-off,) a 
 little more than four feet; but, on turning at (q), its width is in- 
 creased to about seven feet eight inches ; and continues such, in a 
 straight line, to the inside of the camp at (i). 
 
 The bottom of this entrance was formed of solid stone work, as 
 appears in the elevation, fig. 2 ; and contained a drain (i, q, c,) about 
 1 foot 8 inches wide, that was made to wind, according to the turn- 
 ing of the passage ; and was undoubtedly covered over with a 
 pavement of stone, nearly to the height of the first row of brick 
 that appears in the wall; which, like all the other rows of bricks, 
 may be observed here, to have been confined merely to the two 
 external surfaces. 
 
 The passage, as may be seen by the dimensions given in the 
 plan, was 10 feet \ inches long in one direction ; and 1 5 feet in the 
 other direction ; and the great wall was here 10 feet S inches thick, 
 and the lesser wall 6 feet 4 inches. 
 
 On passing through this entrance, the whole internal area of the 
 camp is seen at one view : which is now, indeed, a mere corn- 
 field ; having an hillock, covered with briars and thorns, in the 
 part where stood the Praetorium. But as the whole of the stone 
 work of the foundation of the Prastorium, was open to the eye some 
 years ago ; so it has been again searched, and examined, with the 
 utmost care ; and measured by Mr. Boys, very recently. 
 
 From the inward side of the gate (c), to a spectator standing at [i], 
 the appearance of the walls all around is still exceedingly grand ; 
 though, on account both of the natural and artificial elevation of the 
 adjacent soil, these walls are not so lofty, by many feet, witliin, as on 
 the outside: being in some parts only about 10 feet high. 
 
 This great north wall has, however, been much better preserved 
 on the north side, than on the south, as is, indeed, usually the case 
 with the remains of most very antient buildings. 
 
 How much higher all the walls, in every part once were, mani- 
 festly appears from their irregular broken tops. 
 
 In the north west wall, (usually called the west wall,) on the 
 
12 
 
 right hand, at (</), is seen the open space, where once was the great 
 Decuman gate.— And that this is no mere conjecture is most cer- 
 tain, not only from there being no fragments of any wall whatever 
 remaining in the open space ; but also from a discovery that has 
 been made by Mr. Boys, of a most complete pavement of stones, 
 laid in it, similar to the pavement of the Postern gate; and of a 
 peculiar breadth, which perfectly corresponds with a breadth 
 proper for a Decuman gale.— The construction of this pavement, 
 as it appeared when the whole was examined; together with 
 the remaining fragment of the upright wall, on one side, is repre- 
 sented, PI. XIX. fig. i. 
 
 It was 5 feet and an half in depth, or thickness ; which gave it 
 sufficient solidity:— was 24 feet II inches in length; by which 
 means it passed sufficiently beyond the great wall on both sides:— 
 and was 21 feet I inch in breadth ; which afforded exactly suf- 
 ficient space for ten men to march abreast; a circumstance from 
 whence this great and principal gate, in every Roman camp, had 
 originally its name. 
 
 ^ Both Ccesar, and Livy, describe the Decuman gate, as fitted for 
 violent and sudden sallies, and eruptions upon the enemy ;— and as 
 the easiest also to be stormed, by an enemy ; on account of its great 
 width and extent, which must occasion some degree of weakness ;— 
 and as therefore deriving its security chiefly from the guards; and 
 not from the mode of its construction. 
 Thus we read in Livy, * 
 
 " Interim in castris Furius Consul quum primo quietus obsi- 
 " dionem passus esset, in incautum hostem Decumana porta erupit: 
 " et quum persequi posset, metu substitit, ne qua ex parte altera in 
 " castra vis fieret." 
 
 Which passage most fully implies both circumstances:— the ease 
 with which a sudden sally was made through this gate; and the 
 danger of leaving it weakly guarded by too rash a pursuit, least the 
 enemy should in the mean while rush in. 
 
 And, in Cassar's Commentaries, we find an instance of an enemy, 
 in such manner, actually suddenly rushing into a camp; when 
 this gate was not sufficiently guarded: for he says,+ (speaking 
 
 * Lib. iii. } 5 . + De Bello Gallico, lib. iii. 6 25, 26. 
 
13 
 
 of the manner in which the Romans under Crassus, forced their 
 way into a camp that had been formed by the Aquitanians, just as 
 they had been originally taught by Sertorius). 
 
 " Equites, circuitis hostium castris, Crasso renuntiaverunt, non 
 " eadem esse diligentia ah Decumana porta castra munita, facilemque 
 " aditum habere." 
 
 And he then informs us, that the cavalry of Crassus did, in 
 consequence of this information, contrive, by surprise, to ride 
 impetuously in, through this very gate, and to make themselves 
 masters of the whole munition. 
 
 His words are, " longiore itinere circumductis, ne ex hostium 
 " castris conspici possent, omnium oculis mentibusque ad pugnam 
 " intends, celeriter ad eas, quas diximus, munitiones pervenerunt: 
 " atque his prorutis, prius in hostium castris constiterunt, quam 
 " plane ab his videri, aut quid rei gereretur cognosci posset." 
 
 But no such kind of sudden irruptions in, could well have been 
 made, through any gate that ever was atRichborough, at (e) ; though 
 every one may clearly perceive, how likely they were to take 
 place, in any Roman castrum, through such a sort of entrance as 
 the great one at (d). 
 
 The possibility of such events, perfectly accords with the 
 breadth of the pavement, and with the other apparent remains.* 
 
 Standing just within the Postern, or first principal gate (c), at 
 (?) ; — and turning our view, from the great north-west wall, and 
 
 * It has given me very great concern, to find myself, since the writing of these sheets, 
 under a necessity of pointing out a little error, in that very valuable and useful work of 
 General Roys, published by the Society of Antiquaries, most deservedly in such a splendid 
 manner. — But, at the same time, it is some little satisfaction to reflect, that it is no depre- 
 ciation to a work ol excellent merit, to endeavour to render it still more perfectly correct. 
 
 The error, is one that I myself formerly fell into ; — the mistaking the Pr.etorian gate 
 of the Roman camp, for the Decuman. And the error may be corrected even from those 
 very passages of Livy, and Polybius, which General Roy himself has cited; whilst, at the 
 same time, it appears clearly, from those very passages, in what manner both himself, and 
 others, have been led into such mistake. 
 
 He unavoidably hesitates, in the very beginning of what he says on the subject: and 
 even fairly confesses, {in p. -16,) that there is confusion, amongst commentators, concerning 
 the gates ; in consequence of Pohhius not having told us, xvhal the precise names of the 
 several gates were: some mistaking the rear of the camp, for the front. 
 
 In order 1 to set the matter light, as he apprehended, he cites two passages: but which 
 VOL. II. F. 
 
14 
 
 from the Decuman gate on the right, towards the left ; we there 
 indeed, at present, see no wall at all ; but look over a steep pre- 
 cipice, upon the marshes, which were once the sea. 
 
 Here, however, there is great reason to believe, besides the 
 defend which the precipice itself might afford, there was, at the 
 
 unfortunately, (when fairly considered in themselves, and especially when considered with 
 those others which have just been mentioned) prove directly against him. 
 
 One of them is (p. a) from Livy (lib. x, cap. xxxii xxxiii) : who tells us, " that the 
 " Sanmites, having in a fog attacked the camp of the Consul Atiliiu; entered it by the De- 
 " amwn gale, in the rear, and surprised and slew the Qusstor in his quarters. The Consul 
 " awaking, ordered the Lucanian, and Suasion auxiliary cohorts, to defend the Pratorium 
 "while he led some companies of the legion, through the great street of the camp, to succour the 
 " rjuarter attached. Thesehaving assembled in a hurry, before their arms were ready, retired 
 " at first, and thereby suffered t/ie enemy to penetrate to lite very centre of the camp. But the 
 " Consul having called to them, they advanced and drove the Samnites out again at the 
 " Decuman gate." 
 
 I have inserted the very words, just as they are translated by General Roy himself.— 
 And surely, even from them, nothing can be more manifest, than that the Decuman gate, in 
 the rear of the camp, was not that nearest to the Consul's tent; which must hive been in the 
 Pratorium ; but was indeed a gate at the very furthest end of the great street from thence ; as, 
 through nearly the whole of that great street, the Consul (who was at first so far from the 
 attack, that he was not awakened by it,) through nearly the whole of that street the Consul 
 passed, to succour the quarter attacked. 
 
 Besides this; from the quarter first attacked, we are told the enemy had penetrated even 
 to the very centre of the camp.— But had the Decuman gate, been really that nearest to the Pra- 
 torium, as General Roy supposes ; they could not have clone so, without first passing by the 
 Pralorium itself; and by the Consul's lent; even according to the very plan given by 
 General Roy, PI. IV. 
 
 We are, therefore, under a necessity of concluding, that he has fallen into the very mis- 
 take, which himself previously mentions : that of mistaking the front of the Roman camp 
 for the rear. And that in very truth; the head, or front of the camp, properly so called, 
 was where in common sense it ought to be; on the part nearest to the head quarters;— 
 nearest to the Pralorium; and to the Consul's tent; who was therefore (in the instance 
 alluded to,) not disturbed for some time, by this irruption; but continued asleep ;— though 
 the enemy had penetrated to the very centre of the camp. —And that the rear, and the Decu- 
 man gate mentioned, was indeed just where we might expect, in common sense it should be; 
 that is, beyond all the lowest orders of the army; and at the very further end of the great 
 street, going from the Pratorium, through the whole camp ; and through which street there- 
 fore the Consul actually marched, to attack the assailants who had broken in. 
 
 The other passage, shews plainly, how, and in what manner General Roy fell into this 
 mistake; which after all, does not materially affect the exceeding curiosity of his several 
 investigations, and descriptions. 
 
 It is that, wherein Polylius says, " that the tents of the Tribunes, were pitched so as to 
 
15 
 
 eastern corner of the camp, both a continuation, and return of the 
 wall [life), from the top of the precipice down to the shore ; lead- 
 ing, by means of a sloping fortified descent (III), to (e) ; where we 
 may rest persuaded was a third gate, properly called the Preetorian 
 gate : unless we will suppose (what may really have been the case) 
 that a great part of the precipitous bank here has been broken down 
 by time, and carried away ; and that the walls of the castrum were 
 once continued in straight lines all round, on a then existing level, 
 high above the present bank of the adjacent stream ; in which 
 case, the Preetorian gate may be understood to have existed in such 
 wall, directly opposite to the Decuman gate. 
 
 It is well known that the gate which obtained the name of Prte- 
 torian, in every Roman camp, was always placed, both nearest to 
 the Prstorium, and General's quarters; and also turned towards 
 the enemy:* or on the side most liable to be attacked. And there- 
 fore, in this celebrated station for the protection of the coast, it 
 
 " have the Pratorium behind.; and all the rest of the camp," that is to say, the whole body 
 of the army he/ore them. And from hence he too hastily concludes, that what was before them, 
 
 must be the front of the camp ; — but this conclusion does by no means fairly follow For 
 
 the description only intimates; that the Tribunes' tents being placed between the Pratorium, 
 (or the head quarters of the General), and the body of the camp; that therefore the fronts of 
 their tents were placed so, as to front the main body of the camp ; without any respect, in 
 that description, to which was the front of the whole camp itself; or which its rear. 
 
 I must add further; that a third passage, cited by General Roy himself (p. 47,) from 
 Livy (lib. xxxiv. cap. xlvi. xlvii.) plainly shews in reality, that, his error further arose, 
 from supposing the Prxlorian, and the Quieslorian gates, to mean the same thing; whereas 
 the Qwrstorian gate seems indeed to have been the Decuman gate : — ( as is most plainly said, 
 in the learned note to this very passage, in Crevier's Edition of Livy, Vol. v. p. S04,) 
 and the Quxster's quarters seem actually to have been in the rear of the camp, and bj the 
 great Decuman gale; whilst the Consul's, or the Prater's quarters, were at the Pratorium:— 
 and this circumstance also, well accounts for the Quiestor's being instantly killed in both 
 instances of storming the camp; — and for the Consuls, nevertheless having leisure, in both 
 instances, to rally the troops: one of the Consuls having in one instance, been actually for 
 some time remaining asleep before he knew of the assault. 
 
 Another passage cited by General Roy (p. u) from Livy (lib. xl. cap. xxvii, xxviii,) 
 shews further, that, on a general sally, the cavalry were to rush out of the Quaslorian gate; 
 which shews it must have been the great wide gate ; or in other words the Decuman gate;— 
 such as that above described at Richborough : and such as we shall hereafter find was also 
 at Pevensey ; and has there still magnificent remains existing. 
 
 * Vegeiius, lib. iii. sec. 8. 
 
16 
 
 was turned towards the sea, or rather astuary; — and was what 
 would have been called, in later ages, the sea gate. 
 
 The precipice itself now runs in the direction marked in the 
 plan [kkk). 
 
 And [rrr], shews the direction of the little river Stour ; the only- 
 remains of the once great port and aestuary.* 
 
 Looking straight forwards from the entrance [ci] ; there appears, 
 on the opposite side of the camp, a great breach in the wall at [g) : 
 only a very small fragment being left next the precipice. And 
 somewhere in a nart of this breach, (probably near {g),) was un- 
 questionably the fourth gate ; or as it would have been called, in 
 Roman times, the second principal gate; nearly opposite to the 
 other that is at (c) ; and, like it, near the quarters of the principal 
 officers. 
 
 The outside appearance of the ruins of the north west, or west 
 wall, is shewn, PI. XVII. fig. 1. — And that of the south west, or 
 south wall, fig. 3. — And here in these elevations, as well as in that 
 fig. 2. of the north-east wall, the same letters (g d c) denote the 
 places of the gates; as in the plan. 
 
 On examining the ground, round the outside of the walls, in 
 17 86, there were discovered, at the north, and west corners, the 
 foundations of two round towers [a] and (//). 
 
 They are represented on a larger plan, (PI. XVIII. fig. 3,) for 
 the sake of shewing the peculiarity of their construction. 
 
 * Mr. Boys, in a recent publication, t long since my last conversation with him, and 
 since his kind communication of his original drawings ; seems to have been induced to 
 believe, that the camp was once a complete regular parallelogram ; and that the part beyond 
 the precipice has only, in later ages, been washed away. — But with regard to that matter I 
 cannot help still entertaining some doubts ; though the fact might possibly be so : for it is 
 difficult to believe that the ground, beyond the precipice, could be washed away, after the 
 sea had entirely left the shore; — and when it had obviously been retiring by degrees, from 
 the time the fortress was built, till it left the Stour, or Sarr, only that poor little contemptible 
 stream it now is. — This is a far different case from what has happened at Readver castrum ; 
 the other mouth of the partus Rutupinus ; where the sea has indeed been continually beating, 
 and washing the cliff away, and still continues to do so. — But at Kichborouek, there is no 
 more reason to think the sea has washed any thing away, than at Burgh Castle; where the 
 same sort of inland cliff terminates the same sort of Roman castrum. 
 
 + Boys's History of Sandwich, p. 8 66. 
 
17 
 
 They were above 18 feet in diameter, and of solid masonry; 
 but had not their centres exactly in the corners or angles of the 
 wall ; but irregularly, somewhat within those angles : as is shewn 
 in the plan. The centre of the tower (a) being 1 6 inches within 
 the NE wall, and 6 inches within the NW wall : and the western 
 tower (/() being placed in a similar manner.* 
 
 Under the tower [ft] was found a large dark-coloured coarse jar, 
 containing about three quarts ; which stood just above the sandy 
 bottom: and under the tower [a), was found part of an human 
 skull. 
 
 There were discovered also the foundations of a square tower 
 (to), on the south-west side of the great entrance, or Decuman 
 gate (d) ; 
 
 And another square tower [x), between that gate and the north 
 corner of the wall. 
 
 There was also such another square tower at the east end of the 
 great north wall, at (i>). And there appeared to have been two 
 others ; at (v), and [y], opposite to each other. 
 
 But it is very remarkable in all these towers, that the QtfdXix, the 
 courses, or rows of brick, ranged differently in their construction, 
 from what they did in that of the original wall of the Castrum ; and 
 that they, therefore, were manifestly built after the erecting of the 
 original wall ; though they were as manifestly of Roman design; as 
 appears from these very alternate courses. They seem, in short, 
 to have been added about the time of the Emperor Severus, as an 
 addition to the walls built in that of the Emperor Claudius. 
 
 This matter may be better explained by (PI. XIX. fig. 2.) ; 
 which represents the junction of the tower [v), with the south-west 
 wall. 
 
 (o) Represents the wall ; and (/) the tower ; from an exact draw- 
 ing ; whence we may here perceive, not only that the tower was 
 added after the wall was completed ; but that the foundations of 
 the tower were not laid so deep as those of the great wall to which 
 it adjoined. 
 
 In like manner, on examining the foundations, and the part 
 
 * N. B. The figures in the plan 1 o feet 4 inches, and 1 o feet 2 inches, only denote how 
 far the corner of the angle of the walls projects into the plan of the tower. 
 VOL. II. F 
 
18 
 
 where the tower (b) joined the great north wall, at the eastern end ; 
 (of which part, as it appeared on the outside, a view is given, 
 PI. XIX. fig. S.) it was clearly discovered, that the tower there 
 situated could never have had any connection, at the bottom, with 
 the great wall itself, except a little under the figure (x) ; and above 
 the lowest double course of bricks in the wall ; in which case the 
 foundation of the tower must, there again, have been just so much 
 higher than the foundations of the great wall. 
 
 These towers, therefore, were not only subsequent additions ; 
 but were so cautiously added, without diminishing the strength of 
 the original inclosure, that in case any one of them had at any time 
 been taken by besiegers ; or even destroyed ; the Castrum itself 
 would still have remained as entire as before ; and without breach. 
 Let us now turn our attention to the area inclosed. 
 If we suppose a line [ts) to be drawn straight forward from the 
 gate [t], and to be carried on quite through the camp, it will divide 
 the whole space, very nearly in the manner in which the two 
 partitions of the upper and lower camp were originally formed. 
 And at the one extremity of this line at [ic], was one principal gate ; 
 and at the other end at (g), was the other principal gale. 
 
 On the right hand of this line Is; (L), was the lower camp; 
 where the tents, and huts of the common soldiers, were disposed 
 in streets. The Roman horse, [the Equites,) being placed in the 
 midst ; — next to them, on each side, the troops called Triarii, and 
 Principes; — and beyond them, on each side, the Hastati ; and the 
 mercenaries, or foreign troops. 
 
 And on the left hand of this line [ts], was the upper camp ; in 
 which were the tents of the principal officers ; the pavilion of 
 the general ; the Prtelorium, with the Augurale, and place for sacri- 
 fices ; and the tents of the young Patricians, and noble volunteers, 
 who were called Imperaloris Contubemales. 
 
 In this upper camp, we still find a most perfect and extraor- 
 dinary remain. For at [mnop], in the very spot where we may 
 be assured the Pratorium must have stood ; has been discovered, at 
 the depth of a few feet beneath the present soil and rubbish, a 
 solid regular platform, 144 feet, 6 inches in length, and 104 feet in 
 breadth ; being a most compact mass of masonry, composed of flint 
 
19 
 
 stones and strong coarse mortar, with a coat of the same mortar 
 spread over the whole 6 inches thick, to reduce the surface in every 
 part to a perfect level. This great platform is 5 feet thick in depth, 
 and as hard, and entire, in every part, as a solid rock. Mr. Boys 
 was at the expence and trouble of mining eleven feet underneath it: 
 and found it every where impenetrable by any instrument what- 
 ever. And, as to the upper surface, the coat of mortar was found 
 to extend regularly quite to the edge all around ; and to have had 
 no breaks, or indication of any building erected upon it, except 
 that which appears in the form of a cross in the midst. There 
 cannot remain a doubt, therefore, but that this was in truth the great 
 parade, or Augurale, belonging to the Praetorium ; — where was the 
 Sacellum for the eagles, and ensigns; — and where the sacrifices 
 were offered. 
 
 And indeed, on removing the earth around, to clear the surface, 
 there were found, boars' tusks; cinders; and wood coals; and 
 other indications of remains of sacrifices ; besides pieces of brass, 
 iron, and lead; and pieces of broken vessels: and flat pieces of 
 alabaster, with numeral letters on them. 
 
 The elevated part, in the form of a cross, in the midst of this 
 platform, has puzzled many antiquaries exceedingly ; — but is surely, 
 nevertheless, still very intelligible. It is a second compact mass of 
 masonry, placed upon the former; and made to rise almost 5 feet 
 above the first great platform: and its dimensions plainly denote its 
 original designation. — It is 46 feet 8 inches in length ; and 22 feet 
 in breadth, in that which forms the most conspicuous, and most 
 considerable part; — whilst the rest, (or the transverse of the cross), 
 consist of two aire, or wings; each 32 feet 6 inches in length, and 
 7 feet 6 inches in breadth: — so that the dimensions of these foun- 
 dations, could not, with any sort of propriety, have been those of 
 transverse or crossing walls in any larger building ; (and especially 
 as there are not the least traces of any adjoining walls, or of any 
 continuation of walls, on the great platform all around ;) neither do 
 they accord with any possible imaginary idea of a Catholic Cross, 
 here erected in latter ages (although this mass has gone by the name 
 of St. Austins Cross, in the days of superstition). — But the whole 
 appearance perfectly agrees with the idea of a Sacellum having 
 
■ 
 
 20 
 
 been built here; for the reception of the Roman eagles, and mili- 
 tary standards; close to the Pnetorium; and in the midst of the 
 Augurale, or platform devoted to sacred superstitious ceremonies. 
 
 This idea is strongly confirmed, by further observations. — For, 
 whilst the body and interior substance of this cross is composed of 
 the same materials with the great platform on which it stands ; the 
 outside, all round, is found to be covered nicely with squared 
 stones in the several facings ; — denoting these to have been the out- 
 sides of upright walls. 
 
 Now, supposing the upright walls of the building erected upon 
 this elevated foundation, to have been 1 foot and an half in thick- 
 ness, which was quite sufficient for the purpose ; there would then 
 be formed a sort of room, or saccllum, 43 feet 8 inches in length; 
 and I 9 feet in breadth ; composing the body of the building ; — 
 and fit for the reception of the principal eagles of the several legions 
 to be placed at the upper end ; — whilst the two wings, would be 
 each 31 feet in length, and 4 feet and an half, in width ; — of pro- 
 portions unfit indeed for any other purpose; but admirably well 
 adapted to receive, as mere cells, the numerous military standards 
 of the subordinate divisions, to be placed leaning against the walls ; 
 from whence they might at any time be speedily taken out, in 
 regular successive order, on the issuing of the command from the 
 Pratorium. 
 
 PI. XX. fig. 1. shews the plan of this building, or sacellum, as 
 it seems to have existed originally. 
 
 And fig. 2. shews the elevation of the foundations of this build- 
 ing in a transverse direction, from SE to NW, above the great 
 platform of the Pnetorium, and augurale ; and also the elevation of 
 that platform itself. 
 
 That a Christian chapel was afterwards here constructed ; and 
 that even by the direction of Augustin himself, as soon as he had 
 influence sufficient in this country to undertake such an attempt, is 
 very probable: because in the early ages, it was the uniform prac- 
 tice of the first Christians, in many countries, to convert places 
 that had been dedicated to Pagan superstition, into places of 
 assembly for Christian worship : — of which fact we find many 
 instances in the Lives of the Fathers. — And hence, therefore, the 
 
21 
 
 building here erected, which had first been the Sacellum of the 
 Roman Praetorium, might easily, in after ages, be better known by 
 the name of St. Austin's Cross, — it having, by him, been converted 
 into a Christian chapel ; but of its original designation there can 
 be little doubt. 
 
 One further observation remains to be made. 
 As there was all this extraordinary care taken to form the foun- 
 dations of this building, and of the platform on which,it stands ; 
 insomuch that they now defy the devastations of time, and even 
 the edge of the tool, — so the very ground plot, of the whole Cas- 
 trum, had originally been smoothed, and prepared to a considerable 
 depth, to keep the whole firm and compact, over the natural soil, 
 which is here composed of sand mixed with clay. 
 
 In digging under all these foundations, to make these various 
 discoveries, was found, at the bottom of all ; (and therefore plainly 
 in a place where it must have been lost, and buried before the work 
 were first begun,) a little bronze figure of a Roman soldier, playing 
 upon a pair of bag-pipes. 
 
 This great curiosity was given to me by my friend Mr. Boys ; 
 and is now in my possession.— And as it most clearly ascertains, 
 from the place, and manner in which it was found, and the time 
 when it must have been lost, the use and existence of this instru- 
 ment amongst the Romans, on their very first arrival in this Island, 
 I could not neglect to give a very exact representation of it, PI. XX. 
 fig. 3. — both in front, and on each side. 
 
 It seems to have been part of the Ephippia, or horse trappings, of 
 some Roman knight ; and to have been designed to be suspended 
 before the breast of the horse ; hung on, by leathern thongs passing 
 through the two cavities behind the pipe ; and secured, at bottom, 
 by another thong passing through a similar cavity in the brass 
 work, beneath the feet, which part is now broken off. 
 
 The whole equipment of the figure is most curious ;— the precise 
 form of the bag, and pipes ;— and the manner of holding, and 
 managing them ; the helmet ; — the purse, or antient scrip, on one 
 
 side ; — and the short Roman sword, or dagger, on the other ; 
 
 and the coat, and belt. — And the whole is a proof, that the bag-pipe 
 was originally no Scotch, but a Roman instrument;— a fact that is 
 VOL. II. c 
 
22 
 
 also strongly corroborated by the bass-relievo at Rome, mentioned 
 by Dr.Bumey : where a Grecian sculptor has given, in like manner, 
 the representation of this instrument.* 
 
 It is not unlikely that the Scotch borrowed the modern bag-pipe, 
 from the old Roman double pipe ; — as they did the plaid, and the 
 mode of wearing it, from the Roman toga. 
 
 However this may be ; the discovery of such a bronze, in such 
 a place, is a fact that ought not to be left unnoticed, on this occa- 
 sion. — With the mention of this circumstance, therefore, we will 
 finish the description of this antient, and interesting fortress, only 
 just observing, at the same time, that a similar little bronze was 
 found on the outside of the walls ;+ and that other bronze figures, 
 have also been found here j particularly a figure of Mercury : — and 
 that a vast quantity of Roman coins, of such kinds as might be 
 expected in a camp, that is, of small ones, of little value, have 
 also been frequently dug up. J 
 
 The next Roman fortress that deserves to be selected, as an object 
 of our attention on the present occasion ; is that of Portchester, in 
 Hampshire ; — another great, and originally most antient port of 
 this Island ; where, therefore, we have certainly every reason to 
 expect the meeting with works of the highest antiquity. 
 
 * See also Pennant's Voyage to the Hebrides, p. 3 o s. And Tour in Scotland, Part II. 
 Additions, p. 33. ♦ See Mr. Boys's History of Sandwich, p. 8 6 8. 
 
 + For the sake of comparing this fortress the more completely with other Roman castra 
 mentioned for the illustration of the present subject ; a plan of it, upon a much smaller 
 scale, is added again in PI. XXVIII. fig. 6. where letters are added, corresponding with 
 those in the other Plans.— And fdj shews the great Decuman gate. 
 
 eg, The side gates, called the Principal gates. 
 
 e, The place of the Prtelorian gate; and 
 
 P, The Pratorium itself; and 
 
 r r r, The remaining little channel of the river Sarr, or Stour ; and 
 k k t, The steep bank, which either secured the fortress on that side originally ; or else 
 has been formed by a part of the castrum being washed away. 
 
 It deserves also to be here remarked, that as this fortress was one of the first munitions 
 of the Romans in this Island; so, in the later period of their dominion here, it was one of 
 the most principal forts, that was appointed for the defence of the coasts against barbarians, 
 and was, as such, put under the command of the Comes Littoris Saxmici. \\ 
 II Horsley, Brit. Rom. p. 47 2. 
 
23 
 
 Here, tradition says, (as Stow reporteth,) was an old British 
 fortress, called Caer Peris; formed by Giirgunstus, a son of Beline, in 
 the year 37 5 A. C* — and here, afterwards, Vespasian is, by some 
 of our historians, said to have landed ; 4- though others suppose him, 
 on less good grounds, to have landed in Torbay.% 
 
 * Stow's Annals, p. 12. + Mag. Brit. I. 473. 
 
 % Vespasian certainly came into Britain, at the head of the second legion, surnamed 
 jiugusla, in the year A. D. 43 ;§ but concerning the actual place of his first landing there 
 are great differences of opinion : for some of the British historians speak positively of his 
 having been previously repulsed and driven from Richborough in Kent, and of his having 
 then landed at Tolness in Devonshire : and Holinsbed adopts this idea. (| All agree, how- 
 ever, in speaking of his great actions in this country ; which, with his being, on account of 
 the expedition into Britain, brought forward by Claudius, were unquestionably^ the foun- 
 dation of all his future success, and glory. Henry Huntindon gives us an account** of 
 his adding the Isle of Wight to the Roman dominion. And we are told he commanded 
 all the southern coast, and engaged the Britons in thirty several battles. + f Let the fact 
 then, as to his first landing, be how it will ; — yet since he could neither command the coast, 
 nor make himself master of the Island of Wight, without being in possession of Purtchester , 
 we may be assured that here he made his abode during a part of his stay in Britain : and 
 that at Portchester were unquestionably planted his tremendous standards. 
 
 To a contemplative mind, therefore, at any time occupied in meditation, on this classic 
 ground, it cannot but present an interesting and an awful scene for the imagination ; that, here 
 stood, in his first exercise of great command, Him who was afterwards the best of empeiors ; 
 ■ — Him who was destined to be the avenging instrument of the wrath of Heaven, on the land of 
 Judea; — Him whose conquering legions, after they had laid waste Galilee,^ with the most 
 horrid desolation ; — and caused the lake of Gennesareth to flow with blood ; afterwards stood 
 encamped on the Mount of Olives ; § § and planted those dire eagles, the desolation of abomina- 
 tion, on the very spot, as it should seem, where our Blessed Lord had sat,*** when he 
 foretold to his disciples the destruction of the Temple; and gave that well known intimation, 
 concerning the sign to come; — the remembrance of which, enabled the first Christians, on the 
 Roman armies encompassing the Holy City, to escape from Jerusalem : and to avoid all the 
 horrors of the siege. 
 
 It is a fact which ought never to be forgotten ; that not one Christian perished in the 
 § Tacit. Hist. lib. iii. cap. 44. Notitia, cap. 3S. 
 
 || Vol. I. book iv. p. 3 6. f Tacitus, Vita Agricolie, sec. 13. 
 
 ** Lib. i. p. 3 2. 3 03. See also Tacitus, Hist, 
 tt Suetonius, Vespasianus, cap.iv. — Eutropius, lib. vii. sec. 19. 
 %X Josephus de Bello Jud. lib. iii. cap. iv. sec. l. — Lib. iii. cap. vii. sec. 51. — Cap. 
 vii. sect. 36. — Lib. iii. cap. x. sec. 9. 
 §§ Ibid. lib. v. cap.ii. sec. j. 
 
 *** Matth.chap.xxiv. ver. 3. 15. — Mark,chap.xiii,ver.3. 14. — Luke, chap. xxi. ver. 20. 
 
24 
 
 Here also, to this very hour a Christian church is still supported, 
 on the very spot, where there is every reason to believe the Sacellum 
 of the Praetorium originally stood ; and where the eagles of the 
 
 city. — They so well understood the Divine Prophecy, and so carefully hearkened to its 
 admonition, that on the very first appearance of the Roman ensigns near its walls, under 
 the threatening Ceslius, they determined on endeavouring to escape ; — and soon had the most 
 marvellous opportunity of doing so, hy the sudden and unexpected retreat of Calais front 
 Jerusalem, without any accountable reason in the world. — They retired to Pellet, a small 
 town on the other side of Jordan; whither the war did not reach :t+t and they were in 
 safety : whilst the numerous Jews who had thronged to Jerusalem on account of the Feast of 
 the Passover, * were soon finally shut up by the armies of Titus ; and precluded from all 
 possibility of deliverance. — And, whilst thousands, and ten thousands, perished by famine: 
 and at last, so many Jews were crucified round the walls by the Romans, that there was 
 scarce room for the crosses. + 
 
 As in the continuation of the account of Portchester, we shall have occasion to mention 
 the Sacellum of a Roman Camp, as we did in the account of Richborough ; it cannot be an 
 improper digression to say here, that the Roman Eagles were surely very exactly charac- 
 terized, by the Divine Spirit of Prophecy; both by Danid,% and by our Lord, THE 
 MESSIAH, under the appellation of the Abomination of Desolation; because, at the same 
 time that their victorious progress was the cause of such dire desolation, they were themselves, 
 in the language of Scripture, very truly abominations ; being indeed idols; and objects of 
 the grossest idolatrous worship, in these very sacel/a, in camps. — Concerning which fact we 
 have the testimony of Josephus, who cannot be suspected of any intention, at the time he 
 wrote his fair account, of elucidating the history of the Gospel. 
 
 He says, $ that when the seditious Jews were driven from the Temple into the Citadel of 
 Mount Sion ; and the Holy House was burned, and all the buildings round about it ; the 
 Romans brought their ensigns to the Temple ; and set them over against its eastern gate ; 
 and there did oiler saciifices to them. 
 
 And Tertullian || informs us, that indeed the religion of the Romans, in their camps, 
 at all times, consisted almost entirely in worshipping the ensigjis ; and in swearing by them. 
 
 Titus, the son of Vespasian, and the more immediate instrument of the threatened deso- 
 lation ; who shewed so much inclination to mercy, and so unwillingly destroyed the 
 Temple;** — and who we find to have been so fully convinced t+ that the uncommon 
 
 +44 Josephus de Bellojud. lib.ii. cap.xix. sec. 7. 
 * Ibid. Hb. vi. cap.ix. sec. 3 . 
 
 t Eusebius Hist, Eccl. lib.iii. cap. v. — Ephiphanius Hsres, s.9.etseq. — Josephus de 
 Bellojud. lib. v. cap. xi. sec. I . — Lib. v. cap. xiii, sec. 7. 
 % Daniel, chap.xi. ver.3 1 . — Matth. chap.xxiv. ver. 15. 
 $ Josephus de Bellojud. lib. vi. cap. vi. sec. l. 
 
 || Tertullian in his Apologetic, cap. xvi. p. 162. ** Josephus de Bello Jud. 
 
 lib. v. cap. ix. sec. 2. and s. Sec. — Lib. vi. cap. ii. sec. l. — Lib. vi. cap. v. sec. 7. 
 tt Ibid, lib. vi. cap. ix. sec. i. — Lib. v. cap.xii. sec. 4. — Lib. v. cap. xiii. sec. 6. and 7. 
 
25 
 
 legions that attended Vespasian were first planted. — And here also 
 we find very much the same kind of outward inclosure, as at Rich- 
 borough: with towers at irregular, and unequal distances. 
 
 The space inclosed, (as the great flatness of the country in this 
 instance permitted it,) is nearly quite square. And the dimensions 
 of the fortress are somewhat larger than in the instance of Rich- 
 borough ; but have a very near resemblance to those of that 
 fortress. 
 
 In Mr. Grose s Antiquities, it is said that the area is 4 40 feet square 
 
 horrid sufferings of the Jews were beyond all example manifestly from divine appointment '; 
 appears to have fixed his own station first upon the Mount of Olives, in the very spot we 
 have spoken of; — and afterwards, when the city was all taken except the Temple and Mount 
 Sion ; * on the very Tower of Antonia, + where Paul was first imprisoned ; — and of which 
 Ave shall have occasion to give a particular account hereafter. 
 
 It is also a curious fact, that seems justly to claim attention, before we finish this note; 
 that not only Vespasian, the first instrument of Divine Power in the dreadful catastrophe of 
 the Holy City; but also his son Titas, the actual destroyertii it; — and even "Julius Seuerus, the 
 last instrument of the exercise of that heavy wrath against Judea, proceeded from this coun- 
 try. — Sevcrus having been sent from hence, in the reign of Adrian, to punish the Jews who 
 had revolted. % And there is sufficient reason to think, not only that he made some abode 
 here; but (from some circumstances in its structure) that a part of the wall of Portchester, 
 ■was built in his time. 
 
 Titus must have been, with his father, upon this very spot at Portchester. — And it is re- 
 lated of him, that when Vespasian was, on one occasion, entirely surrounded by barbarian 
 troops, and in extreme danger, Htus broke through the ring they formed, with incredible 
 boldness, and rescued him ; and putting the Britons to flight, slew many of them. § 
 
 Accidental circumstances, that connect together ideas of the different states and condi- 
 tions of the same spots on earth, in different ages of the world, and of their different relation 
 to all things around them, give occasion to some of die most interesting speculations that 
 occupy the human mind. 
 
 And when we stand by the old walls of Richborough, or Portchester, which existed in the 
 days of St. Paid, — and Vespasian, — and Sevcrus ; — or when we stand by the still strongly 
 vegetating trunk of the Salcey Oak ; which there is the greatest reason to believe was growing 
 before the Emperor Constantino was born ; we seem to be ourselves living, as it were, for 
 near two thousand years. — The interesting and the useful effect upon the imagination, may, 
 therefore, ever warrant this sort of digression. There is a very curious description, and 
 account, with two views of this venerable great oak, published by Major H. Rooke, in a 
 small octavo pamphlet, printed at Nottingham, in 1 7 97 . 
 
 * Josephus de Bello Jud. lib. vi. cap. vi. sect. 2. 
 
 + Ibid. lib. v. cap. xi. sec. e — Lib. vi. cap. i. sec. 8. — Lib. vi. cap. ii. sec. 4. and 
 5. — Cap. iv. sec. 4. 
 
 X Xiphilin, lib. 69- p. 7 3. § Dion Cassius, lib. h. p. gss. 
 VOL. II, H 
 
26 
 
 within.— But according to my measures, taken on the outside of 
 the walls, it is about 620 feet on the north, and south sides; and 
 about 610 on the east and west,* exclusive of the projecting parts 
 of the round corner towers.t 
 
 Having been constantly used as a fortress for so many succeeding 
 ages ; it has had vast, and extremely various additions made to it ; 
 both in the time of the Saxons ; — and in those of the Normans ; — 
 and particularly in the reign of Edward the Third, — and in suc- 
 ceeding reigns, down to that of Queen Elizabeth. — But it will be 
 proper, in the first instance, to confine our description to what was 
 truly Roman, detached from the rest. 
 
 The original Castrum, with its walls still in great part remaining, 
 even in the original form, is shewn PI. XXI. — where we may 
 observe there are still existing, round towers at three of the corners ; 
 placed much in the same manner as those were at Richborough. — 
 And undoubtedly there was originally a fourth, at (K) ; where now 
 stands, in its room, a great square Saxon keep. — The other towers 
 are semicircular ; some 1 9, and some 20 feet in diameter ; and pro- 
 ject in general about 1 8 feet and a half from the wall. 
 
 In these are still most visible regular rows of Roman brick ; or 
 Bciiihoi, dividing the rows of stone work: and most particularly 
 in the tower (x) are three rows ;— and in that at (z) ; and in the 
 wall itself at [y) ; — and indeed a curious observer may trace them 
 throughout. — But as these walls have had vast, and repeated, repairs 
 bestowed upon them, in different ages, and moreover certain altera- 
 tions made in them (although the general form of the original Castrum 
 has been preserved), the regular courses of the bricks has been in 
 many parts interrupted. 
 
 At D, unquestionably was the great Decuman gate : and from 
 the very irregular manner in which the great Norman gateway, 
 whose remains still exist, has been inserted, it appears to have been 
 much wider than the Norman gate, and to have been indeed nearly 
 23, or 2 4 feet in breadth ;— that is, a little more than in the former 
 instance, at Richborough. 
 
 * Many Roman coins and medals have at different times been dug up here. Some of 
 which are described, in Vol. XLVII. of the Gentleman's Magazine, p. 3 u. and 3 82. 
 t The exact measures of each part are added in the plan, PI. XXI. 
 
 f 
 
27 
 
 Directly opposite to this, as usual ; and next to the sea, as at 
 Richborough, was the Praetorian gate (R); where again are now 
 remains of a Norman tower of entrance. — But it is very remarkable, 
 that in this very tower, at (R), on the side next the castle area, there 
 is still a great circular arch of stone, about 8 feet wide, which has 
 very much the appearance of having been originally Roman, and 
 of having been even a remaining part of the identical Prtetorian 
 portal. 
 
 On the side of the Camp near this gate, just as at Richborough, 
 was the Sacelhim of the Pralorium at (s) ; where now stands the 
 parish church, with every mark of the highest antiquity about it ; 
 — the ornaments being most truly Saxon. A religious establishment 
 for Austin canons was founded here by Henry I. ; — but a church was 
 doubtless consecrated here, in the early Saxon times, on the very 
 spot where had stood the Roman Sacelhim; just as a chapel was 
 consecrated at Richborough, by Austin, which caused the remains of 
 the Prtetorian temple there, to be afterwards denominated St. Austins 
 Cross. 
 
 There were undoubtedly two other gates, to this Castrum ; one 
 to the north, and one to the south, in the time of the Romans : but in 
 Norman times they have been destroyed ; and their places supplied 
 by more secure sally ports, in other parts of the fortress. 
 
 It remains only as to the Roman vestiges of this fortress, to ob- 
 serve, that the walls here, are not so thick as those at Richborough ; 
 being more like those which were decidedly the walls of Severus in 
 the northern parts of this Island ; and not more than S feet thick ; 
 and indeed in some parts not more than 6 feet. 
 
 This castrum, like Richborough, in the later times of the Roman 
 dominion, was one of those important places, maintained in a more 
 particular manner than most others, for the defence of the coast 
 against pirates ; under the command of the great officer styled 
 Comes Litloris Saxonici* 
 
 And a plan of it, upon a small scale, is added fig. 13. PI. the 
 XXVIIIth ; amongst the comparative representations of Roman 
 castra; where Burgh Castle ; Richborough; and Doner; — castra that 
 
 * Horsley Brit. Rom. p. 471. 
 
2,8 
 
 were also amongst the important stations put under the command 
 of the same great officer ;" are in like manner inserted. 
 
 But as there are, in this fortress, even more than in others, such 
 very strong vestiges still existing of all the various alterations that 
 have been made in the different succeeding ages, it may not be 
 amiss now to bring them into one fair state of comparison: — and 
 this the rather ; — because the doing so will afford a sort of small 
 comprehensive sketch of the style of the different ages, that may 
 even be useful to be referred to, when we come to explain the 
 peculiar fortifications of each of those ages more particularly. 
 
 The first innovation, was plainly that of substituting a square 
 Sa,xon keep tower, at the north-west corner of the Caslrum, at [tt] 
 pj xxi . xxi . — xxi^ i . ; n i; ell f t l le antient Roman round tower, 
 which had stood there, as in other Roman Castra ; — and as a place 
 of residence lor the chieftain, or prince ; instead of the more 
 antient Roman Prelorium ; which had originally been, in the usual 
 situation, near the Pratorian gate, and adjoining to that sacellum for 
 the Roman idolatrous ensigns, at (s) ; — on whose foundations was 
 afterwards reared a Christian churcli. 
 
 This keep tower, though at first sight it may deceive an inad- 
 vertent observer, and be supposed Norman, and somewhat like Gun- 
 dulph's towers ; yet, on a scrutinizing examination, appears to be 
 truly Saxon, in every original part of its construction. 
 
 Much less than any of Gundulpk's Norman keeps; — and far 
 differing from them ; though larger than many others of the early 
 Saxon towers. 
 
 It is in its external dimensions ; — 5 7 feet on the north side, and 
 on the south, by 5 8 on the east and on the west. 
 
 Its walls are near 8 feet thick ; — and it may possibly have had 
 its original entrance by a steep flight of steps at (a) ; — before the 
 additional building, B q C, was reared. 
 
 It is very lofty, and contains two vaults, or dungeons, at bot- 
 tom ; — and apparently three double apartments, in so many several 
 stories above them. 
 
 * Several Roman coins have, from time to time been dug up at Portchester ; some of 
 which are mentioned, and one whereof is represented, in the Gentleman's Magazine for 
 17J7, Vol. XLVII. p. J 13. and 582. 
 
P] XXI 
 
29 
 
 But it has merely narrow loops, and no large windows in any of 
 them; no, not even in the upper state apartments ; as Gundulph's, 
 and the other Norman Keep towers, have. — Instead thereof it has, at 
 best, only much smaller windows, of the very plainest, and truest 
 Saxon style in the state apartments ; and those only on two sides, 
 in the third story; — and in no other, either above or below : — where- 
 as Gundulph's towers have great windows, in that story, all round. 
 — These small Saxon windows may be seen, PI. ™, where the 
 whole building of the Keep, appears towering over the more recent 
 Norman court. 
 
 It stands not, (like most British Keep towers ; — or like Gun- 
 dulph's Norman Keep towers,) in the clear open space of the 
 castle area ; — but (like most of the early Saxon Keeps,) adjoining 
 to, and even upon the very outward wall of the castle area 
 itself : — where, being at all times exposed to the attacks of an 
 enemy, it was probably, on that very account, so contrived as to 
 have not a single window on either of the two sides next the 
 country. 
 
 From Gundulph's, and other Norman towers, it also differs ; — 
 in that the entrance (though indeed it is through an additional build- 
 ing,) yet is in an additional building, in a manner totally different 
 from those in Norman Keeps. 
 
 There is some reason to suspect, (as has been already hinted,) that 
 an original entrance might have been by a steep flight of steps from 
 the ground, at (q), before the additional building was reared. 
 
 But whether that was so or no ; yet still it is even now, by a 
 portal, which has a fine circular Saxon arch at (q) ; where, to the 
 best of my remembrance, does not appear to have been any port- 
 cullis; though indeed there is something like the appearance of a 
 pointed arch on the inside : — a circumstance that we shall have 
 occasion to observe does sometimes occur in other Saxon, and even in 
 British, buildings, as at Chilham Castle, in Kent, and in some other 
 very antient buildings, long prior to the general use of the pointed 
 arch. 
 
 This tower has also another most remarkable appearance in it, 
 different from any seen in any of Gundidplis ; or in any Norman 
 towers ; — for high up, on the inner sides of the end walls, east and 
 
 VOL. II. I 
 
30 
 
 west, just a little over the third story, are most strange stone mould- 
 ings, pointing downwards, in the form of a (V), fixed against the 
 walls ; and, in a manner resembling a support for the ridges of a roof 
 to be let in. 
 
 The form of them is shewn in the slight dotted elevation, PI. — ; 
 fig. 2. — And whatever doubts I might entertain with regard to this 
 extraordinary appearance, when I first visited the castle ; as to the 
 existence of some hollow flues ;* it is impossible for me now not 
 to be convinced, from similar appearances in some other truly 
 Saxon towers ; as at Oxford ; — at Bridgenorth ; — and at Bamborough ; 
 ■ — and particularly in that at Castleton, in Derbyshire, (of a section 
 whereof a slight sketch is given fig. S. PI. S ;) that they were actually 
 formed for the purpose of better securing such a lower roof ; con- 
 structed within the tower, and deep beneath its crowning parapet. 
 
 The plan of the tower, with all its proper dimensions laid down, 
 and with the lower adjoining appendage of an adjacent building to 
 form an entrance, is shewn fig. I. PI. — . 
 
 The approach is by a very steep flight of steps at D ; and then 
 through a portal at F ; leading through a dark sort of vestibule to a 
 second portal at [q] ; but, to the best of my observation, without 
 any portcullis at all. 
 
 On the left hand, at (C), is an apartment that has served for a 
 chapel ; and was called St. Mary's chapel ; but has evidently had 
 the end wall (g), either rebuilt, or altered by forcing out the great 
 window at (g), in subsequent ages ; about the same period when 
 the whole quadrangle of the inner court, (which had been first built 
 in the time of Edward the First,) was altered and improved, with 
 the addition of its large pointed arches, about the time of Edward 
 the Third. — At (/), however, remains a truly old Saxon window, 
 with its transom stone, as if to support the arch above, which win- 
 dow evidently shews the original high antiquity of this adjacent 
 lower building ; — and that here there was, originally, some really 
 
 * These appearances are mentioned in my first account, inserted in the Archaeologia, 
 Vol. IV. p. 40 6 ; — where I remarked that they are wrought with such manifest labour, 
 instead of being mere rough projecting stones, as induced me to entertain a suspicion of 
 their containing flues of some kind or other. 
 
|*| XX I 
 
 3 
 
31 
 
 Saxon structure. — This window may be seen, over the remains of 
 the staircase, in PL— 1 . 
 
 Another similar apartment is found at (B) ; and here another 
 large window has been forced out, in still later ages, at (y): — pos- 
 sibly at the time when, as tradition says, this room was prepared, 
 and fitted up as a bedchamber, for the reception of Queen Eliza- 
 beth, on her progress : — for we can hardly believe that such a win- 
 dow would have been allowed, on the outside of the castle, in the 
 earlier ages. 
 
 On passing through the portal, at [q], we enter a guardchamber 
 A : and here we find, in the corner, on the left hand, the pipe of 
 a well in the wall ; which is continued upward, to the apartments 
 above ; but not quite to the top of the castle ; and is also continued 
 down to the ground, where it is now indeed filled up with earth 
 and rubbish ; but where it appears manifestly, by the stone work, 
 to have been continued down as a real well for drawing up water 
 from a spring. 
 
 At the other corner, at [k), is a newel staircase, that leads from 
 hence to the apartments above ; and to the top of the tower. — At 
 (m) is the entrance to the great chamber [t 2), and the rooms above 
 were similar in their disposition. — But there are no galleries in the 
 walls ; as in Gundulph's Norman towers. 
 
 Here, therefore, we have evidently, by every characteristick mark, 
 the perfect remains of a Regal Saxon tower of residence. — And the 
 only fair account that can be rendered of its origin is, that about the 
 year 501, Porta, the Saxon, with his two sons, Bieda and Megla, 
 landed at the place now called Portchester ; and brought such aid 
 to Cerdic, that by means thereof, in 519, he founded the kingdom 
 of the west Saxons. — At Portchester, therefore, he must have found, 
 and must have possessed himself of the prior Roman castrum, which 
 we have already described ; and the walls of which do still, in so 
 many parts, remain. — And as this tower is neither British ; nor 
 Roman; nor, when closely examined, furnished with the advantages 
 of truly Norman towers, either on Gundulph's plan, or of any later 
 design ; we must conclude it could only have been Saxon ; and 
 have been reared either by Porta, or Cerdic, or by some of their 
 Saxon successors. 
 
52 
 
 Besides the rearing of this great Keep, whatever else the Saxons 
 did, they clearly reared a Christian church, on the spot where had 
 stood the antient idolatrous Sacelhmi. — And the present remains of 
 the Church, as well as of the Keep tower, seem to indicate that both 
 were built in the later, and more civilized ages, of the Saxons. 
 
 A sketch of the western front of the Church, with its truly Saxon 
 door, — and with the arch of its window above, now bricked up, 
 is shewn PI. if!.* 
 
 We come now to the consideration of the Norman works. — And 
 here we find, first, at R, — PI. ™, the great Water gate ; where stood 
 the Roman Pratorian gate ; — At present, though much in ruins, a 
 a great Norman tower ; full as different from the original Prcctorian 
 gate, as the other western Norman tower of entrance, at (G), was 
 from the original Roman Decuman gate, within the space of which 
 it was inserted. 
 
 The plan of this water gate is shewn, PI. S, fig. 4 ; with all its 
 exact dimensions. — On the side next the sea, or harbour, it has 
 every appearance of a truly Norman gate ; and was secured, at that 
 entrance, by a portcullis at (p), as was ever usual in such Norman 
 structures. — It had also great gates, or folding doors, well barrica- 
 doed, at (g l), and at (g 2). — But the inner wall, and the great stone 
 arch at R, appear to have been of higher antiquity ; and may even 
 be suspected, from some circumstances, to have been Roman ; — 
 though if that were the case, the whole must have had some altera- 
 tions made when the rest of the gate tower was built. 
 
 Passing, according to what is shewn in PI. from this water 
 gate, at R, by the Saxon church, at S, through the great area of 
 the castrum ; which in Norman times was called the utter baillie, 
 or outer ballium ; we come to that which was the great Norman 
 work of all, the inner ballium ; a great inner court, at F, built ac- 
 cording to Norman usage, as a further protection to the Keep. 
 
 This great work, which there is the utmost reason to believe was 
 first reared here, about the time of Edward the First, consists of a 
 great oblong square court ; more minutely shewn in PL in 
 
 * Another view of this church, with the Saxon windows in the tower, corresponding 
 with those in the keep tower, may be seen in Mr. Grose's Supplement, Vol. V. 
 
33 
 
 which was manifestly a great Dining Hall, at H ; with its porch of 
 entrance, at («). — And the apartments (n 1 — n 1 — n 1 — n 1 — n 1.) 
 were, there is every reason to believe, the Buttery, and Butler's 
 offices ; — and perhaps part of them the Kitchens ; whilst (n2 — n2 — 
 nS, kc.) were other proper offices, and stables; with apartments 
 over them, for lodging of the garrison, and servants; — as there were 
 also apartments in the square Norman Towers, P and O, for such 
 purposes; and in the old Roman Tower at N. 
 
 The great Saxon Keep was unquestionably the residence of the 
 Chieftain, or Commander, in Norman times ; as it had been the 
 Palace in Saxon times; — and it was offered, as such, even for the 
 accommodation of Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 At, D, was the grand Staircase leading to this Palace Keep ; from 
 whence, at (m), was a passage to a covered way upon the wall, lead- 
 ing, by further steps, first to an apartment in the old Roman Tower, 
 still left standing (at N) ; and from thence, to the square Norman 
 Tower (at O). And at (L), is another Staircase for the common pas- 
 sage up and down of the garrison soldiers. At (P) is another Norman 
 square Tower, with rooms one above another, for lodgings. 
 
 The divisions of the apartments here shewn, are nearly such as 
 they were, when I was there, in 17 7 4 : — but they have been so fre- 
 quently altered, of very late years, for the accommodation of French 
 prisoners ; that I will not pretend to decide accurately that these 
 were just the original divisions. This only may be said ; — that 
 though this inner court appears to have been first constructed about 
 the time of Edward the First; yet its inner walls, and arches, seem 
 as evidently to have been improved, repaired, and added to very 
 much, in the time of Edward the Third ; and in some parts in the 
 time of Henry the Sixth, and Henry the Seventh ; and even so late 
 down as the time of Elizabeth. But its more characteristick style is 
 that of the reign of Edward the Third. 
 
 A view of the west end of this inner court, is given in PI. 
 
 where the great hall door appears on the left hand ; and the entrance 
 of the antient great staircase, leading up to the Keep Tower, appears 
 on the right ; — with the old Saxon window of the Chapel over it ; 
 — whilst the new wall, with its great new hanging window, and a 
 door way underneath, of the latter ages, are also shewn, as they 
 
 VOL. II. K 
 
34 
 
 appear in the court; — as are also the end of the Buttery ; and the 
 Kitchen buildings, as they were about the time of Edward the 
 Third ; and as they have still remained. 
 
 In this court, or Inner Ballium ; besides the Well in the Keep itself, 
 was a Draw Well, at W, for the common service of the garrison, 
 which still remains open.-i- 
 
 But the fortified entrance to this inner Norman Court of the 
 Castle, is its most curious part. This, which is seen, on the south 
 side of the court, in the plans, at E, seems to have been in part con- 
 structed so late as the reign of Henry the Sixth. And we shall 
 hereafter have occasion to compare it with another remarkable one 
 of that period. 
 
 A plan of it, on a larger scale, is given, PI. 2^, fig. 5. 
 
 At E was a noble Portal, having a fine pointed arch ;% — and in 
 this was a great strong Gate (' £ ) about 8 feet wide. — Further on, about 
 1 6i feet from this, at (J) was a Portcullis ; — and, beyond it, a second 
 great Gate (*). — Eighteen feet more inward still, was a second 
 
 * In the Antiquarian Repertory, vol. iv. p. 7 S, is a viewof the other part of the court, at 
 the contrary end ; in which are seen, on one side, the large windows of the hall. 
 
 t As a useful caution to those, whose eager curiosity in the interesting survey of the 
 vestiges of past ages may lead into a similar state of danger, it may not be improper just to 
 
 mention a narrow escape which I had, from sudden destruction, on this spot; an escape 
 
 which 1 must ever deem providential ; — and for which I can never be sufficiently thankful. 
 This Well, when I visited the Caslle, in 1 774, was left quite open, and uncovered; and 
 the top of its pipe smooth and level with the grass, without even a projecting row of brick, 
 or of any wood work to stop the toe of a shoe. I had taken with me an old, half drunken, 
 
 sailor for a guide; who had, at that time, the advantage of attending strangers at this place. 
 
 I was, with my paper and pencils in my hand, making sketches; — writing down observations ; 
 and continually advancing to obtain different points of view;— I had actually set one foot 
 on the brink of the well, and had lifted up the other to advance ; when one of those unac- 
 countable changes of thought occurred to my mind, which made me take off my eyes and 
 attention from the object I was surveying ; and in doing so, for quite another purpose, I 
 instantly saw my danger ; and started back.— Then ;— and then only, my old weather-beaten 
 
 guide, taking leisure to discharge his quid out of his mouth, — cried out, — a-luy, Sur; Ihe 
 
 Well ; — and my servant came running to know what the matter was. The remembrance of 
 this, has saved me from other dangers since ; — as also the remembrance of stones flung down, 
 both by the winds, and by birds of ill omen, from the lofty heights at'ioj manlled lowers. 
 
 X A very good view of the interior part of this great Portal, is given in Grose's Sup- 
 plement, Vol. V. 
 
i 
 
 35 
 
 Portcullis (J) ; — and about 1 1| feet beyond this was a third great 
 Gate Q. — Thus far the whole passage of entrance was only S feet 
 4 inches in width ; and at (s) was a side gate, or sort of sally port. 
 
 Nearer the court, the side walls are built still stronger ; being 
 near 6 feet thick: and here the passage of entrance, (which is 
 still continued for 43 feet more,) grows wider; being 1 8f feet in 
 breadth. And in this part was designed a place for barricadoes ;— 
 whilst the whole passage, of near 9 4 feet in length, was vaulted 
 over the whole way ; and had perforations, and machicolations, at 
 the top, for pouring down hot sand, melted lead, and boiling water, 
 on such as should attempt to force an entrance. And to these ma- 
 chicolations, and the battlements above, was a passage from the top 
 of the surrounding walls of the inner court. 
 
 At (G) Pl.^ii, has been erected a Norman Tower-gate of entrance, 
 about 3 4 feet and a half in width, and more than 30 feet in depth, 
 with a gate way about 10 feet wide, on the spot where was the great 
 original Roman Decuman gate ; — but none of these alterations, great 
 as they are, and in ruins as they all now are, have materially altered 
 the original appearance of the antient Roman Castrum. In such 
 legible characters are the records of those who lived in antient ages, 
 marked by their works ; — when not blotted out by the wanton 
 hands of worse than savage barbarians, who take delight, with 
 thoughtless stupidity in obliterating, by way of improvement, the 
 memory of those who deserved better than themselves to be re- 
 membered. 
 
 Roman fortresses, of a very similar construction in form, and in 
 the disposition of the materials, to those at Ricliborough, and at Port- 
 chester, are met with in very remote parts of the world. 
 
 In Egypt, — at Nicopolis, about four miles from Alexandria, 
 where Augustus gained his victory over Marcus Antonius, is one 
 that may very well be compared with this at Portchester.* 
 
 It is in the form of a square, of great dimensions ; having six 
 semicircular towers on every side, like those at Portchester ; but a 
 square one at every corner. It has four regular entrances: one near 
 the midst of each side. And its walls are at least 20 feet high ; 
 
 * See the plan and description of it in Pococke's Travels, Vol. I. PI. V. fig. E. p. 1 1. 
 
\ 
 
 36 
 
 built of small hewn stone, (as at Richborough and Colchester,) with 
 three rows (or Bi/dXiol) of brick, at the distance of every 4 feet and 
 an half. 
 
 In the same remote, most antient country of Egypt, are also 
 remains of another Roman Castrum, which well deserves attention, 
 on the present occasion ; though not exactly of the same form with 
 the preceding. It is called Casr-Kieman, or Castle- Kieman, and is 
 near Grand Cairo. Both this, and the Castrum of Nicopolis, are 
 represented on a small scale in PI. XXVIII: where fig. H, repre- 
 sents Nicopolis ; and fig. IS, Castle-Kieman. 
 
 The walls are, in the same manner as those of the former, built 
 of small hewn stone, having three layers of bricks, at the distance 
 of every four feet ; and it has round towers, like those at Port- 
 chester, at the four corners ; and semicircular towers in like manner, 
 on every side;* and four entrances. But, instead of being square, it 
 is in the form of a very long parallelogram. And as we find Saxon, 
 and Norman additions at Portchester ; so here we find Syrian, and 
 Saracenical additions, of later ages than the time of the Romans. 
 For at (tt) are two great round towers, of a construction very unlike 
 those of the Romans ;— one of which, though now used as a place 
 of habitation, and even made a sort of nunnery, has still an open 
 well, in the centre, going down quite from the third floor.t And 
 there seems also to have been the insertion of a more modem 
 Saracenical gate of entrance, in the space where was the Roman 
 Decuman gate. 
 
 Let us then, in the next instance, on this very account, the rather 
 turn our attention again homeward ; to a most interesting remain of 
 Roman architecture, in our own country ; where we shall find the 
 apparent remains of a Roman Decuman gate, still more entire, and 
 disincumbered ; with the two Roman towers between which if was 
 placed, still standing; and with dimensions that agree with every 
 classical description. 
 
 * See the plan in Pococke's Travels, Vol. I. PI. IX. fig. A. p. , t . and an elevation, 
 fig. B. shewing one of its gates; with the more modern insertions and alterations. 
 
 + In this Plate IX. of Pococke's also, at C, is a plan of the Tower, with the open Well ; 
 which well deserve to be considered, by the curious, both on this and on some other future 
 occasions that will be mentioned in these sheets. 
 
37 
 
 This is the well known, but as it has been thought by some 
 persons, the questionable Castle, at Pevensey, in Sussex. The real 
 asra of which has been brought into doubt, only because of subse- 
 quent, and additional alterations made there, as at Portchester. 
 
 This old Roman Castrum, being situated on a very remarkable, 
 but useful elevation of ground, whose surface was rather of an 
 irregular figure, is therefore made conformable to it ; — and is of an 
 irregular form: as we find, indeed, was sometimes the case, with 
 regard to other distinguished fortified places of the Romans. 
 
 Silchesfer in our own country; and Byzantium,'' which was 
 made the great seat of the Eastern Empire ; are both instances of 
 this kind. In both we find a form, far differing from a regular 
 square form. 
 
 * The Chronicle of Alexandria, -t- and the Greek writers, inform us, that Scvcrus himself 
 rebuilt, in great part, the city of Byzantium, which had first been reduced to be a Roman pro- 
 vince by Vespasian. And it is to this hour evident, that Severus complied, in its form, with 
 the peculiar figure and situation of the original spot of land on which it was situated. And 
 that both Comtanline, and Theodosms, did the same afterwards, when they added to its walls. 
 It is evident, however, that it had towers of a more original construction than theirs, — ■ 
 even with a manifestation of art, and contrivance, beyond the usual art of the Romans, before 
 the time of Severus. 
 
 Dion Cassius informsus, in a passage; that appears to have been hitherto not quite rightly 
 translated, that seven of the towers, before Severus besieged and destroyed the city, beginning 
 from the Thraciau gate, were so constructed, as to convey any sound from the first, in suc- 
 cession, to all the rest ; even to the last. In which instance we have the very earliest mention 
 known, of pipes in buildings for the conveyance of sound. But whether it was of Persian, 
 or of Greek invention does not appear. 
 
 The words of Dion Cassius are,? 
 
 E-TTTa fttv yap unto tuv Q^olkIuv ituXuv irCqyot fca&jjjfoi'TE? Tr^cg Try §a\ct(T<rav ytrav. Tovrav- 
 Hi [ttv Tig aXAw toj 7rpa(rip.ifev, vjtru%og \v a SI Jij tu n^toTm £V£$«j<r£ Tivn, ij ««) \&ov eve'ggtfyev, 
 
 CtUTQS TE 7}X £l Kai E^a^E*, KCCt TU ItVTifiht TO CtUTO TOUTO TTQlilV 7raf}£(it$QU' Koi Qv)h) Sin TTUVTUV 
 
 oftoiug e^;wf£<, ovSl ET7i\a,^nr\ov uXXviXovg, csXA* Iv ra .'jrnvjtg, ■na.^oi rov tt^o txvjov 'irtpog, 
 tqv t£ -rixyv xa.i ryt $uvr,v SteSsxovjo re x.ai TtupTrt'fVTrovTo. 
 Which we may thus most fairly translate : 
 
 There were seven Towers from the Thracian gales belonging to the part next the sea. And of 
 these, if any one addressed his voice to, (or struck against) any one of the rest, all was silent, (no 
 sound was transmitted) . But if he cried out towards the first, or flung a starts, against it ; both 
 it rendered a souud, and rendered the words, and delivered, (or transmitted) to the second to do the 
 same. And so the sound (or voice) went through all of them in like manner. JVeilher did they disturb 
 
 + Chron. Alexand. p. 62fl. Suid. p. 7 S4. 
 VOL. II. L 
 
 t Lib. lxxiv. p. 847. 
 
38 
 
 Here, at Pevensey, as at Portchester, were indeed many sub- 
 sequent alterations, and additions made in Saxon, and in Norman 
 times. And particularly, in the latter, was added a strong inner 
 court, as usual, with several towers, and buildings ; some of which 
 remained entire, even within my remembrance ; though they are 
 now destroyed. 
 
 But though these more modern structures are so far perished ; 
 yet here still remain, defying the devastation of ages, a very great 
 part of the old Roman walls of the Castrum ; and of the great 
 Decuman gate. 
 
 This Gate is represented, PI. XXII.* It is 29 feet in width ; 
 whilst the solid towers, on each side, are only 16 feet in diameter. 
 Here was, therefore, even a more magnificent grand entrance to the 
 
 (or hinder) one another. But all of them, in their turns, each from that before it, received, and 
 transmitted, both sound, and voice, to that beyond it. 
 
 There cannot be clearer words to describe those pipes for conveyance of sound, which we 
 shall find, in some other instances, were either imitated, or anew invented, in succeeding 
 ages.+ 
 
 Besides this curious invention, we are told by Dion, || the walls were built, on the outside, 
 with great squared stones, bound together with brazen plates (or graplings) ; and on the 
 
 inside strengthened by mounds, and building ; with a walk (or covered way) on the top : 
 
 whilst the Towers, placed not at regular equal distances, but at the precise turnings of the 
 wall, had loops so directed, as to intercept, if needful, any one passing alone on the circuit 
 round. 
 
 The walls also were furnished, in every part, with great machines ; — some of which threw 
 huge stones, and beams of timber ; — some flung showers of small stones, darts, and spears. 
 Some flung hooks, and harpoons, with which they caught hold of the enemies' ships, and 
 machines of war, and drew them to the city. And having (by means of divers in the sea) 
 cut the ropes of the anchors, and fixed other ropes to the ships, the Byzantines dragged even 
 the triremes of the enemy from their stations, to the shore. 
 
 When their ammunition of stones and darts failed, we are told the Byzantines, witli their 
 machines, flungeven the statues of their gods and heroes at their enemies ; and were reduced 
 at last only by famine ;— and that Sevens, astonished at the vast effect of those engines, 
 spared the Engineer Periscus ; though he destroyed all the walls, and towers, and put all the 
 magistrates and soldiers to the sword. 
 
 * I am indebted for the Drawing from whence this Engraving is taken, to the late Sir 
 William Burrell; who permitted me to copy that taken for him by Mr. Grim. And having 
 examined the spot myself, when I took my plan, I can bear testimony to its being now, 
 (with a very slight alteration, which 1 ventured to make in it) exceeding faithful and exact. 
 
 t Some such pipes have been mentioned in my former dissertations ; Archaeologia, 
 
 Vol. IV. p. 3 86. 1| Lib. lxxiv, p. 8J5. 
 
39 
 
 old Castrum, than at Richborough ; yet with a manifest attention to 
 the proportion necessary for the marching out of ten men abreast. 
 
 In Norman times, (just like the gate at Castle- Kieman, in Saracen 
 times) it seems to have been built up with a wall across it, leaving 
 only an arched gate way ; as is shewn in Buck's view ; but that 
 Norman wall being now almost entirely destroyed, we are enabled 
 to ascertain both the real novel insertion of that wall ; and the ori- 
 ginal state of the old Decuman gate. 
 
 In this Castrum, (it being unquestionably of later date than either 
 that at Richborough, or even that at Porlchester) the towers surround- 
 ing the whole area, do not seem (as at Richborough) to have been 
 
 built, at any subsequent period, after the erecting of the walls; 
 
 but seem plainly to have been, in general, of the very same age as 
 the walls themselves. 
 
 But that they were actually Roman buildings, is obvious ; from 
 the exceeding regular courses of the Roman bricks (or OeiisXwi,) at 
 such certain very regular intervals one above another : — distinctly 
 shewn in the view of the Towers as they now are, PI. XXII. 
 
 It may indeed be allowed to be true, consistently with a re- 
 mark made by Sir Henry Englefield ; * that the appearances of 
 Roman bricks ; or even of some one, or two regular courses of Roman 
 bricks, are no certain proofs of a building having been originally 
 Roman. 
 
 For this fact is evident, from what appears at Chepstow Castle, 
 and at Colchester Castle ; and from the instances also of St. Alban's 
 Abbey ; and of the Old Church at Canterbury ; and of many other 
 buildings. 
 
 Yet it is as undoubtedly true, that no instance can be produced, of 
 such very regular, continued, Qi/islioi, or alternate courses of brick, 
 and stone, as those which are discernible at Pevensey ; except in 
 truly Roman buildings. 
 
 These regular alternate courses, appear not only in the towers of 
 the great Decuman gate, but are very visible elsewhere. 
 
 As they appear, in the Decuman gate, they are justly represented 
 in the Drawing. But from its being taken, on one side of the gate, 
 
 * See Archaeologia, Vol. VI. p. 104, 105. 
 
40 
 
 in order to shew the continuance of the turn of the walls to the 
 Tower (e), and to bring that into view; the space between the 
 Towers appears rather less than it should do, in order to represent 
 fully the real magnificence of this great entrance. 
 
 And I must now add, also, that this Tower at (e), which was 
 standing when the drawing, PI. XXII. was made by Mr. Grim, 
 and when the bird's-eye view, PI. Sgg, was taken ; was fallen 
 down, and removed, when I visited the spot in I 7 S 7 , and took my 
 plan. 
 
 PI. XXIII. is a plan of the whole Fortress ; with the exact mea- 
 sures of every part annexed, as accurately as I was able to take 
 them. 
 
 It appears indeed at first sight, (as has been already observed) to 
 be of a more irregular form than most Roman fortresses : (which 
 has induced some Antiquaries to doubt of its Roman origin). — But 
 whoever examines the ground, and the adjacent country, will per- 
 ceive, at one glance, the reason for this deviation from the more 
 usual plan. 
 
 It was evidently made to correspond to the surface of the whole 
 remarkable eminence, in the midst of the country, on which the 
 whole stands. 
 
 And, after all, considering fairly, the usual plan of so many 
 Roman camps ; and that they were indeed most commonly not 
 exact parallelograms, (or long squares) with 'sharp corners; but so 
 formed as to have the corners almost always rounded off:" it really 
 bears a nearer, and a much greater affinity to them, than, from the 
 irregularity of the ground, could well be expected. 
 
 The situation also of the Decuman gale; and of the Pra-torian gate ; 
 which are here not in the middle of the opposite sides (though in- 
 
 * If any credit is to be given to the plan published by Moll, in 17 9, in his Map of the 
 United Provinces, from observations made by Ortellins, and others, when the foundations 
 had been examined at three different times, in 1552; 1502; and 1 5 88 ; there was a fortress 
 built, at the mouth of the Rhine, by Caligula ; called Aux Brilannua, or i'Hiy t Ic lirillat ; 
 which was about so paces, or 240 feet square; and had the corners so much rounded off, as 
 to give the plan of it a thoroughly curved appearance, something like Pevauey. And it had 
 also the Decuman gate situated nearly as at Pevensey ; and the Prafimum placed nearly as 
 at Richborough. 
 
FXXXJIL 
 
 IT 
 
 £7 <3 
 
41 
 
 deed directly opposite to each other ;) may in like manner be very 
 well accounted for, by a considerate observer, who surveys the ad- 
 jacent country. 
 
 Let us then examine the appearance of some other parts of the 
 walls, besides the Decuman gate ; which will shew us how truly 
 Roman this fortress appears to be ; notwithstanding the subsequent 
 Saxon, and Norman additions : — and how right Somner probably 
 was, in his conjectures, that this was the antient Andarida. 
 
 Plate XXIII. contains the plan which I took in 1 7 87, with all 
 the precise measures of every part: — and PI. is the Engraving 
 of a slight sketch, or sort of bird's-eye view, formed several years 
 before, when Mr. Grim made his drawings ; and formed only 
 slightly, merely to explain the relative situation of the parts repre- 
 sented by him in each of those designs. 
 
 In that sketch are some few parts of walls and towers shewn, 
 and particularly a Tower at (e), which were pulled down before 
 I had the opportunity of visiting the spot. And there appears also 
 some little deviation of figure between my plan, PI. XXIII. and 
 this bird's-eye view of Mr. Grim's. But, as on the one hand, I 
 was as careful as possible in making the former ; though it was 
 not indeed an actual mathematical survey : and as, on the other, 
 Mr. Grim's view was drawn merely from the best of his idea, on 
 looking around him from the spot where he had taken his station ; 
 so I have suffered them both to go without any alteration ; because 
 they will be sufficiently intelligible when compared together ; 
 and because it would now be unjust to Mr. Grim, to make any: — 
 and the fullest care has been taken, that the letters in both may 
 correspond. 
 
 The great Decuman gale appears at (D) ; on the west side ; in a 
 situation, considering the whole face of the adjacent country, the 
 properest for the marching out of an army in battle array. 
 
 And directly opposite, at (P), on the brow of a sort of cliff; and 
 on the side that was formerly nearest to the washing of the sea, (just 
 as at Portchester, and at Richborough) was the Pratorian gate; — 
 which is not left so near its pristine state as the Decuman, but has 
 undergone several repairs, and alterations ; — yet nevertheless retains 
 enough of its original form, to shew very nearly what it was. 
 
 VOL. H. || 
 
42 
 
 The representation of it is given, PI. XXIV. as it now appears 
 on the inside. 
 
 And the view of it, with the adjacent walls, on the outside, is 
 given, PI. XXV. ; where we may plainly perceive, that the whole 
 has received much reparation. And, though the regular courses of 
 brick remain, yet in many parts they are covered by new work. — 
 In the Tower (6), appears particularly the repair of a great breach ; 
 which, from the peculiarity of the herring-bone work, seems mani- 
 festly to have been made in Saxon times. 
 
 These towers do not contain apartments ; but are quite solid, as 
 far as now remains above ground. 
 
 When I took the plan, here given, in the year 1 7 87, there were 
 eight of them still remaining (abdcyfrq) ; besides the two on each 
 side the great Decuman gate (D) : — all of which were of the same 
 form, and of the same dimensions ; being very nearly I 6 feet in 
 diameter, (excepting that at (c), which is only 15); and all of them 
 projecting, with straight sides, somewhat more from the wall. But 
 there had been, in the memory of persons living, several more such 
 towers in the circuit ; besides that seen in the bird's-eye view at (e); 
 for the country people in the neighbourhood, having discovered of 
 late years, that by undermining the cliff (already so much worn 
 away by time, and the washing of rain), only a little further, they 
 might be made to fall down ; and that part of the stones and ma- 
 terials might, by that means, be obtained for their private use ; they 
 have actually thrown down several, within this century, with parts 
 of the adjoining walls ; some of whose ruins lie scattered in the 
 valley, just beneath the part marked (xzk). — Above these ruins, 
 modern straight walls are now built, further inward, in the area ; 
 marked (xs) and (sh), in the plan; and very different even from 
 those which stood there in Mr. Grims time, and which are seen' 
 in his sketch •* whilst, as to the old Roman wall ; it seems clearly 
 to have been carried on, originally, in the direction of the dotted 
 line (xzn). 
 
 Some others of the towers have begun to be undermined ; but, to 
 preserve this fine Remain of Antiquity, have been lately supported 
 with new work, as is seen particularly in that at (d), PI. XXVI. 
 
43 
 
 And part of an old Tower, that did not fall quite down with the 
 rest, remains at (X) in the plan. 
 
 As PI. XXV. represents the external appearance of the Wall that 
 is shewn in the plan ; from (a) to (b) :* — so PI. XXVI. represents 
 the continuance of the Wall, with its Towers, that is shewn in the 
 plan from (b) to (c).— Where we may again observe, still further 
 marks of Saxon reparation, with herring-bone work, at the top of 
 the Tower (b) ; as in the former Plate it was shewn on one side. 
 And the courses also of Roman brick appear remaining most per- 
 fectly, in the Tower (c), at the usual distances. These rows are 
 moreover seen remaining, in many parts of the intermediate walls, 
 (or curtins) that have not been repaired, or covered ; — and that, 
 both at the top, and in the lower parts. 
 
 On the top of the Tower (c), are the remains of a more modem 
 superstructure, which was probably a turret, containing apart- 
 ments. 
 
 There was still existing, when I viewed the spot, a continuation 
 of a similar Wall, and Towers, from (y to x) : — ■amongst which were 
 those of the great Decuman gate, (D), besides the three Towers 
 (y, f, r,). But, from w, to y, all had been thrown down when I was 
 there. And just in the same manner as from (x to h), two very 
 weak, modern, straight walls had been built more inward, at (wt), 
 and at (ty) ; — leaving us however to perceive from obvious frag- 
 ments, that the old Roman walls ran in the directions (woy), and 
 (x z n). 
 
 The walls are, in general, about 10 feet thick ; sometimes a little 
 more, and sometimes a little less : — and in many parts above 20 feet 
 high. And we can hardly doubt, but that, if we draw a line (»»), 
 to cross that which unites the Decuman and Praetorian gates at right 
 angles ; that somewhere near its two extremities, in the parts of the 
 wall fallen down, were originally those two other usual small Roman 
 gates, called Principales: and that somewhere about (e), was the 
 Prtetorium. 
 
 * I am indebted for the Drawings of Pevensey, that were taken by the ingenious Mr. 
 Grim, to die late Sir William Burrell; who permitted him to make exact copies of those in his 
 possession, for my use. 
 
44 
 
 It might perhaps be sufficient here, after describing these truly 
 Roman works, only to take notice, that there was an area, or inner 
 court, inclosed by walls and towers, partly Saxon, and partly Nor- 
 man, which are shewn by the dotted lines (higml): and that there 
 was a Saxon Keep on a mount at (t), (which, from the late existing 
 remains,* though so small, does rather appear to have been square) ; 
 and which was thrown down only a few years ago ; (persons being 
 still living who remember it). 
 
 That there was also a great Norman gateway between two towers, 
 at (i) ; of the same form with such as are usually met with in our 
 strongest Norman fortresses ; and that there was a little sally port 
 at (n) : whilst in none of these walls of this inner court, do there 
 appear any of the Roman work, or any of their regular courses of 
 brick. 
 
 But as, in the account of Portchester, the comparing of the sub- 
 sequent additional Saxon, and Norman works, might be useful ; so 
 here also, it may perhaps be better to endeavour to place the whole 
 of the labours of successive ages, on this fortified spot, in such a 
 light, as that they may be both fairly distinguished, and fairly com- 
 pared together. 
 
 Therefore let us, in the first instance, observe ; that here, as at 
 Portchester, there seems to have been (though of an earlier, and 
 therefore of a different construction, and smaller,) a Saxon Keep 
 Tower, reared on a mount at (t), in one corner of the great castle 
 area ; near the outward wall ; as a strong abode, for the residence 
 of a Saxon Chief tain ; an abode in the true Saxon style ; in lieu of 
 the more antient Roman Pr<ctorium, that there is every reason to be- 
 lieve was in the area of the Castrum, somewhere about (c). 
 
 A view of the last remaining Ruin of this Keep, with its Saxon 
 arch, is given in PI. XXVII. 
 
 And, from such slight remains, nothing further can be said about 
 it; than that probably the door way, in this view, appearing as on 
 the ground ; does appear so, only in consequence of the raising of 
 the ground, above the top of the original Saxon mount, by means 
 of the rubbish and ruins fallen down : — and that it might have 
 been originally at some height from the original top of the Saxon 
 * Grose's Antiquities, Vol. II. 
 
S,7f.<!rimnt ami 
 
45 
 
 mount; even though the steep ascent of the mount alone, (probably 
 ascended by very steep steps) was itself a sufficient protection. 
 
 Leaving therefore this Saxon Keep, with the Saxon repairs of 
 the Roman walls, as the only remains, now visible on this spot, of 
 Saxon times ; the great Norman works next demand our more se- 
 rious attention. 
 
 And here we find, as at Portchester, a great inner court, or Inner 
 Ballium inclosed ; — in the walls of which no real mark either of 
 Roman, or of Saxon workmanship, appears. 
 
 The Norman addition retained, doubtless, as at Portchester, the 
 prior Saxon Keep as a mansion of state residence ; but it had further 
 great additions. 
 
 The whole court may fairly be said to be about 200 feet wide, 
 every way, on an average ; notwithstanding its irregularity, and the 
 strange difference of its many unequal diameters. 
 
 It was protected by a broad, and deep ditch ; even on the west, 
 and north sides, next the outer court. — And at [i], PI. XXIII. and 
 PI. ^p-, was a great Norman Tower of entrance, over a draw-bridge, 
 which drew up against its front portal, between two projecting round 
 towers : and this entrance was also fortified by a Portcullis, and 
 double gates. 
 
 At (g), and at (m), were strong towers, with apartments, three or 
 four stories high, for the use of the garrison, (in addition to the 
 towers on each side the gate) ; and all these had only loop holes ex- 
 ternally ; for the annoyance of any enemy that should have broken 
 into the outer court. 
 
 At (h) was a Tower of the same kind : — at the bottom of which 
 was a sally port at (s) j seeming to indicate, that however the Roman 
 wall might have originally joined the rest at (n) ; that yet the out- 
 ward inclosure of the Utter Ballium, or outer court, in Norman times, 
 joined up merely to the side of the Tower (h). 
 
 At (n) was a sort of Postern gate ; — which, from what appears in 
 the bird's-eye view taken by Mr. Grim, may be suspected to have 
 formerly led to a sort of Barbican (or advanced tower). But there 
 was nothing sufficient remaining externally, when I visited the spot, 
 to enable me to form any decided opinion in this respect. 
 
 There was also a sort of sally port ; or small doorway leading 
 
 VOL. II. N 
 
46 
 
 to the ditch ; in the wall, on the north-east side of the Tower 
 
 w— 
 
 At (q) one of the old Roman towers was still preserved, as an ad- 
 ditional protection (together with the old Roman wall) to the whole 
 Norman inclosure. 
 
 For the better explanation of the whole, PI. £2™, shews the ap- 
 proach on the outside to this Norman Inner Ballium; exactly as it 
 was, in its ruined state, in 1 7 83. At (z') is seen the appearance of 
 the broken tower of the great gateway ; with a part of the adjoin- 
 ing ditch. And on one side, on the right, is seen the external ap- 
 pearance of Tower (h). And, at a distance on the left, is seen the 
 appearance of Tower (g). 
 
 In PI. £221, is shewn the interior appearance, within the Norman 
 area, of the same wall ; from near the Tower (g) to the Tower (h), 
 referring to the same letters in the plan. And in this view, at (i), 
 is seen the internal appearance of the ruins of the great Norman 
 gate of entrance. And at (h), the inside ruined appearance of 
 Tower (h). 
 
 PI. shews the outside of the Norman wall ; from I, to g, 
 referring also, by the same letters, to the plan, and bird's-eye 
 view ; where is seen, on the left hand side of Tower (m), the 
 little door, that has been mentioned, leading to the bank of the 
 ditch. 
 
 PI. mpi t shews the inside of this very Tower (m) ; — where, (be- 
 sides the passage to a loop) appears, on the left hand side beneath, 
 the arched passage of the doorway to the ditch. And in the upper 
 apartment is seen a chimney place. 
 
 PI. £ES, shews the inside appearance of the strong arch in the 
 Tower (h), leading to its sally port; — the external appearance of 
 which is slightly represented, and made rather too large, in the 
 bird's-eye view. 
 
 Such, even in its very lately existing remains, was Pevensey Castle: 
 — and there cannot be a doubt, but that in the later Norman times, 
 there was also a large hall, with its kitchen, and butteries, in the 
 inner court ; — whilst the towers of that court contained apartments 
 for residence ; — and whilst the outer court both served for the en- 
 campment of such troops as were occasionally used for the defence 
 
47 
 
 of this fortress ; and also served, as a place of refuge, for the inha- 
 bitants of the adjoining country, and for their effects, on danger of 
 any invasion. 
 
 And as we have so great manifest indications, in its still existing 
 ruins, of Pevensey Castle having been originally a great Roman 
 Foi'tress; so the very early mention which we find made of it, in 
 the records of history, prove unquestionably its existence prior to 
 the Norman times. 
 
 For we are told that Duke Bertold gave it to the Abbey of St. Denis> 
 in 952. And again; that Swane landed here in 1049 ; when he 
 carried off Beorn, and murdered him. Earl Godwin also, and his 
 son, took it in the time of Edward the Confessor ; and carried off 
 many ships lying by it. And, on another occasion, in the earlier 
 part of his life, the same great Earl had made use of it, as a shelter 
 and protection for himself, with a fleet under his command. 
 
 In the neighbourhood of this Castle William the Conqueror 
 landed : as is expressly marked in the Bayeux tapestry ; which 
 calls it Pevenesa* And afterwards, in the Norman times, it was 
 
 * It should seem, however, from the manner in which Gemeticensis , Holinshed,t and Stow,% 
 speak of his landing, that, for some cause or other, it was not just at the Castle ; but rather 
 somewhere in the adjacent country ; — where also he is said to have hastily fortified a piece 
 of ground, as he did again at Hastings. But in neither place does he seem to have occupied 
 the Castles. Whilst, on the one hand, the short time of his abode there, renders it impos- 
 sible for him to have been the builder of them ; and the whole style of the architecture of the 
 ■walls of Pevensey Castle, shews those to have had a prior existence ; as well as what is said of 
 Duke Bertold 's giving it to the Abbey of 57. Denis in 9 5 2. Perhaps its being, then, in the 
 hands of the Abbey, rendered this Castle, at the time of Duke Williams, landing, a peaceable 
 place ; void of molestation, or of being molested. 
 
 And what is here said, seems to receive considerable confirmation from what may be ob- 
 served on the Bajenx Tapestry : for there, after reading, just over the representation of the 
 transport vessels, these words, Transivit et venit ad Pevenesa. And then over the repre- 
 sentation of the landing of the horses, Hie exeunt caballi de navibus ; — and then, immediately 
 over the appearance of cavalry riding furiously, — et hie milites festtnaverunt Hastinga nt 
 cibum raperenlur; — we then read after the representation of the repast, and of Bishop Odo's 
 blessing the food ; — and just over the figures of men digging ; — Istejussit ut foderetur Castellum 
 at Hestenga; [i.e. literally, He ordered that a Castle should be dug at Hastings;) which 
 plainly implies that this Camp, or Castle, was a mere earthwork : for there is no representa- 
 tion of a Castle or building here, as in other parts of the tapestry ; whilst indeed the short 
 
 + Holinshed, Vol. I. p. 17 4. 
 
 1 Stow's Annales, p. 99. 
 
48 
 
 given by Henry the First, to Gilbert de Aquila; whence, with the vast 
 possessions annexed, this distinguished portion of feudal property 
 obtained the name of The Honour of the Eagle ; and gave occasion to 
 many minute circumstances of history, of importance at the time ; 
 but which now only serve to afford a proof of the frivolity, and 
 insignificancy of all human greatness ; — no one being, at present, 
 in the least degree interested in them ; and few having patience to 
 read the detail of them/"' 
 
 The sea, which seems formerly to have come up pretty near to 
 the walls, on the side where the Pnetorian gate was placed, is now 
 at the distance of near two miles; — having receded from this castle, 
 as well as from so many other fortresses on our coasts. 
 
 It remains only to add, for the sake of comparing the irregular 
 form of this Castrum, with that of other irregular Roman fortresses 
 and cities ; — such us Dover, Verolam, and Silchester ; where the irre- 
 gularity of the most useful ground occasioned, in like manner, an 
 irregularity in the form of the construction of the walls; that there 
 is added, in PI. XXVIII. fig. 1 1 . a plan of Pevensey, reduced on a 
 small scale. 
 
 time that William staid here, does not render the rearing of any real Castle of stone possible. 
 The whole of the evidence of the Tapestry, § which is indeed a record of no small weight, 
 tends therefore to prove, that William only landed on some part of the coast near Pevensey, 
 and then marched directly, with all possible expedition, to Hastings ; where he formed a 
 fortified camp, for a short time; previous to his coming to an engagement with Harold; — 
 and that he never turned aside to approach the old fortresses at Pevensey, or Hastings, 
 at all. 
 
 We find, however, that when they afterwards, of course, fell into his hands, or when 
 Pevensey was seized by the Conqueror; — that it was given by him, in the first instance, to 
 Robert Earl of Morton, his half brother ; — by whom, possibly, the original towers and walls 
 of the inner court might be built ; but built in a style of architecture, that perfectly shews 
 their date to have been long subsequent to that of the great outer walls of the Fortress. — 
 There are particularities in their style of construction, however, that seem to indicate, that 
 some part of them at least might be built even so late as the reign of Henry the Fifth. But 
 this will perhaps be better understood, by what will be remarked in the further progress of 
 our observation. 
 
 * Many of these facts, with regard to the Honour of the Eagle, may be found abridged, 
 in the account added to Grose's Antiquities, Vol. II.; and also in Gough's Camden, 
 
 Vol. I. p. 202. 
 
 $ See the curious Representations of the Tapestry, in the Antiquitez de la Couronne de 
 France, Tom. I. tab. be. and lxi. ; and in the Anglo-Norman Antiquities, p. 17, 18. 2 s. 
 

 
-19 
 
 The examination of the plans, and mode of structure of these 
 three great fortresses, at Richborough, Portchester, and Pevensey, 
 is sufficient to explain the nature of the most perfect of the antient 
 Roman munitions, in this Island. And almost every other Remain, 
 that we can discover of their works, either perfect, or imperfect, 
 will help to confirm the idea which the examination of these three 
 conveys. 
 
 At Castor, in Norfolk, about three miles from the city of Norwich, 
 we find the vestiges of another of the oldest Roman Camps in 
 Britain ; — where have been dug up a prodigious quantity of Roman 
 coins, and medals ; and also bronzes, and antient Roman lamps. 
 
 And here was plainly visible, a few years ago,* on the west 
 side, the great Decuman gate, with one of its great round Towers 
 remaining pretty entire ; which latter had been built in the true 
 Roman manner, with regular courses of long thin bricks, at cer- 
 tain intervals : only the intermediate courses, instead of being 
 faced with hewn stone, which was not easily to be met with in this 
 part of the Island, were faced on the outside, with bricks in the 
 form of squares; whilst the long bricks, which composed the alter- 
 nate Qsulkioi, or courses, were about the usual size ; 1 7J^ inches, or 
 about a Roman foot and an half long ; and 1 1 and r 6 5 inches, or a 
 Roman foot broad ; — and only 1 inch and -fL thick. 
 
 Directly opposite to this gate was the Praetorian gate. And, what 
 is very remarkable, in the area of this camp, and not far from the 
 spot where the Prmtoriwn must have stood, a church has been built 
 in later ages ; — much in the same manner as we find such sacred 
 edifices were carefully placed, in lieu of the original Pretorian 
 Sacella, at Richborough, and at Portchester. 
 
 The Camp itself was in the form of a parallelogram ; about 4 40 
 yards, or 1320 feet in length, from west to east ; and 360 yards, or 
 1080 feet in breadth, from north to south. 
 
 It had a very strong wall surrounding it: — of which there were 
 considerable remains a few years ago ; — and there are still some 
 visible, in several parts. One of the round towers with which 
 
 * See an Account by Mr. Arderon, of the state of this Camp in 1749, in the Philoso- 
 phical Transactions, No. 193. And in Martyn's Abridgment, Vol. X. p. 1295. 
 VOL. II. O 
 
50 
 
 this wall was fortified, besides that adjoining to the Decuman gate, 
 had a considerable part left standing above ground, till very lately. 
 
 And as the remains of a great Decuman gate were visible on the 
 west side, next the river ; and those of a Prcetorian gale on the east 
 side, next the open country ; so there were also plainly to be traced, 
 some years ago, two narrower entrances, on the north and south 
 sides, opposite to each other ; which answered to the usual side 
 entrances in other Roman camps, called Principales. 
 
 In PI. XXVIII. which has been constructed on purpose to re- 
 present, in one comparative point of view, the different appearances 
 of the forms of different Roman Castra, this of Castor, reduced to a 
 very small scale, is placed first; as it was indeed one of the first and 
 most considerable in all respects. 
 
 In fig. I. therefore, the dotted line shews the outside of the great 
 ditch. 
 
 And the broad shaded line shews the vallum, and the great bank 
 which now covers the remains of the walls built thereon : the 
 foundations, and several parts of which, were open to the view a 
 few years ago, from (i) to (2), from (3) to [4), and from (4) to (5): 
 whilst considerable ruins of the walls, above ground, were also re- 
 maining in the intervals between these parts. 
 
 At (d), on the west side, was the great Decuman gate : one of the 
 round Towers of which remained, overgrown with ivy. 
 
 At p was the Pratorian gate, most obviously. 
 
 And at 00 were two openings ; which seemed manifestly to have 
 been the two side gates : or what were usually called the principal 
 gates. 
 
 At (t) were the remains of another round tower. 
 And in the very wall of the Castrum itself, at (w), was a well of 
 spring water. 
 
 At (c), is the Church of Castor ; built not very far from the site 
 of the Praetorium ; which was probably at (s). 
 
 At rr, is the course of the river Wentsum, or Wentsor. On the 
 side next which the Vallum was lower than on the other three sides 
 of the camp. And a little on the other side of this river, near 
 Dunston, seems to have been the burial ground, as urns have been 
 dug up on that spot. 
 
51 
 
 In this instance, therefore, (as we shall find to have been the case 
 with regard to most other Roman castra) the burial ground is found 
 to have been on the same side with the great Decuman gate. 
 
 It was so, in like manner, at Richborough ; where the remark- 
 able burial ground, near Ash, is on the western side of the Castrum, 
 as the great Decuman gate is in the western wall : — and the reason 
 seems obvious: because the martial funeral processions could better 
 pass through the Decuman gate, than through any of the others. — 
 And because, also, this side of the camp, was most remote from the 
 quarters of the Commander in Chief, and from the tents of the Con- 
 tubernales; and persons of the highest rank.* 
 
 This Castrum, which is understood to have been the Venta Ice- 
 norum, is justly imagined to have originally given occasion to the 
 building of the city of Norwich afterwards in its neighbourhood. 
 
 And having mentioned the Church, built in succeeding ages, not 
 far from the Prcetorian part of this great Castrum ; it would perhaps 
 be an omission, not to remark, that in another Castrum of a square 
 form, at no great distance ; called Taesburg, or Taesborough, a modern 
 JVbrman church is found, in like manner, to have been built within 
 the fortress ;+ near the site of the antient Pratorium . 
 
 So in an antient Roman camp, of an oblong square form, about 
 
 * In an account given of Castor, by Mr. Wilkins, which has been published in the 
 Archaeologia, Vol. XII. p. 1 3 6. long since the observations above were written, the measures 
 inserted are somewhat different : the eastern side being said to be 1120 feet; and the northern 
 and southern 13 4 9 ; and the contents of the area being estimated at about 3 5 acres : — but 
 this difference seems to have arisen merely from the measures, in the one instance, beina 
 taken on the inside of the vallum , and in the other on the outside. 
 
 In the same account, also, the corners are said to be rounded off: but the round is indeed 
 so small, and inconsiderable, that in a plan on such a small scale, as that here given, it 
 can hardly be well represented otherwise than as square. The rounding off, of the corners, 
 in other Roman camps, is often much more considerable. 
 
 There seems to have been also some little mistake, either in the printing of the Archaeo- 
 logia ; or in Mr. Wilkins's account of the Tower remaining at the Decuman gate; for he 
 says i: it is 3 3 feet in circumference ; which mathematically will allow no more than 1 1 feet 
 for the whole diameter . and if the walls had been only t feet thick, no more Uran 3 feet for 
 the internal space ; — a space not sufficient, even for a staircase. 
 
 + See Cough's Camden, Vol. II, p. 105. 
 
 i Page 137. 
 
52 
 
 two miles from Caerdif, in Monmoutlishire ; on the side next Cow- 
 bridge, (containing 10 or 12 acres,) there appears the opening which 
 formed the great Decuman gate, on the west side ; and opposite to 
 it a steep narrow entrance which formed the Praetorian gate ; and, 
 within the inclosure, near what must have been the site of the 
 Sacellum of the antient Pnetorium, the Parish Church.* 
 
 Burgh Castle, in Suffolk ; near Yarmouth, in Norfolk ; one of 
 the great forts that was appointed for the defence of the coasts, under 
 the command of the Comes Littoris Saxonici,+ is a still more complete 
 Remain ; and still more nearly bears a resemblance to Richborough ; 
 being walled only on three sides ; whilst two rivers, the Yare and 
 the Waveney, near whose conflux it stands ; and a great lake of water, 
 form its protection on the fourth. 
 
 This lake is now called Breydon Water; being what is, in the 
 common language of the country, called a Broad. 
 
 It is only a few miles inland from the mouth of the river Yare; 
 and it is indeed very extraordinary, (considering the recess of the 
 waters from so many other antient Castles,) that this has not long 
 since, like the borders of the Sarr, in Kent, being turned entirely 
 into marsh land. 
 
 Mr. Ives, who has given a very accurate and ingenious account 
 of this Castrum, concludes very justly, that it was built in the time 
 of the Emperor Claudius ; which we have also had reason to be 
 persuaded was the aara of the construction of that at Richborough. 
 And it is very remarkable, therefore, that here, as at Richborough, 
 the towers seem to have been added some time after the walls were 
 completed. 
 
 The whole Castrum is seated on an eminence, also similar to 
 Richborough ; and is nearly in the form of a parallelogram ; only 
 having the corners rounded off ; as is the case in so many other 
 Roman fortresses. 
 
 It is about 2 I 4 yards, or 6 42 feet in length ; and about half the 
 breadth, or 321 feet; being nearly of the same dimensions with 
 Richborough. And even, like Pevensey, it is made to correspond 
 somewhat to the dimensions of the eminence on which it stands. 
 
 * See Archaeologia, Vol. II. p. n. + Horafejr', Brit. Rom. p. 47i. 
 
53 
 
 For Mr. Ives observed, that although the north wall formed a right 
 angle with that on the east side ; yet the south wall made an obtuse 
 angle with it, of about 9-1 degrees. 
 
 On the fourth, or west side, (as at Richborough,) is a steep bank 
 towards the river. And on this side unquestionably stood the Pr<e- 
 torium; — although, as to that circular mount, at the south-west 
 corner, (which Mr. Ives took for the Preetorium) it may be suspected, 
 from its form, and situation, to have been rather an additional work 
 in Saxon or Norman times ; raised in imitation of those circular 
 mounts, which we meet with in so many Saxon, and Norman for- 
 tresses : and similar to the mount on which the old Saxon Keep 
 stood, within the Norman inclosure at the south-eastern corner of 
 the Castrum at Pevensey. 
 
 The walls, on the east, north, and south sides, are constructed of 
 flints, the abundant produce of the adjacent country ; with regular 
 alternate courses of brick, (as in most other truly Roman buildings). 
 
 These bricks also are of the usual size ; as they are at Castor ; 
 being about 1 8 inches long by 1 2 broad ; and agreeing very nearly 
 with the dimensions given by Vitruvius, and Pliny. 
 
 The height of the walls, at present, is about 1 4 feet ; and their 
 breadth nine : which is very nearly the same as in many parts at 
 Pevensey. 
 
 And, as at Richborough, the number of the towers was small ; so 
 here also, in a fortress of equal antiquity, and of nearly the same 
 size, there appear to have been only six: — four, annexed to the east 
 wall ; one about the middle of the south wall ; and one about the 
 middle of the north wall. 
 
 We may remark, that the number of towers also appears to have 
 been small at Castor in Norfolk ; — though at Portchester, and at 
 Pevensey, as at Nicopolis in Egypt, (all of which were built some- 
 what later,) the number of surrounding towers was considerable. 
 
 Here, however, at Burgh Castle, exactly as at Pevensey, the towers are 
 found to be all solid from the bottom to the top ; only on the summit 
 of each is an hollow cavity, about 2 feet in diameter, and 2 feet deep, 
 as if merely for fixing some small wooden structure for a centinel. 
 
 These towers are uniformly constructed with alternate courses of 
 stone, and rows of brick ; as well as the walls ; but were plainly 
 VOL. II. p 
 
54 
 
 built afterwards; and are not conformed to the walls in the exact 
 situation of their Qifiskm, or courses of brick, any more than those 
 of the towers at Richborough. 
 
 On the east side, here ; as on the west at Richborough, (that is 
 uniformly towards the open country,) was the Decuman gale; almost 
 in the middle of the wall ; and between two towers :* — and on the 
 opposite side must have been the Pratorian gate; with a way de- 
 scending from the steep bank ; as at Richborough. 
 
 Unless we will suppose this Castrum also to have been originally 
 of a square form ; and a great part of it to have been washed away. 
 
 The towers of the Decuman gate are very nearly of the same size 
 as those at Pevensey ; being about 14 feet in diameter. 
 
 And in the middle of the north wall appears an opening ; that 
 seems to have formed one of the side gates ; usually called Princi- 
 pals : whilst the traces of another such may be observed, about the 
 middle of the south wall. 
 
 The tower on the south side, and that on the north side, have 
 both given way, and have sunk from their original upright position ; 
 but the others stand firm. 
 
 It is almost needless to mention, that in this Castrum, and its 
 environs, have been dug up vast quantities of Roman coin ; both 
 silver and copper: — and fragments of brass ; as rings, keys, buckles, 
 fibula; : — and amongst other things ; a spoon of silver, answering, 
 (like that described by Batteley, found at Reculver,) to the Poet's 
 description ; — 
 
 Sum cochleis kahilis, sed nec minus utilis ovis.i- 
 being pointed at the one end of a long handle, and having the bowl 
 at the other; fit therefore both for picking fish out of the shell, and 
 for eating eggs. 
 
 On the east side of the camp appears the burying ground ; where 
 vast numbers of Roman urns have been found ; but no appearance 
 of any barrow. 
 
 As in the former instances, so here, it may be useful to add a 
 comparative representation on a small scale. 
 
 * See Mr. Ives's account. And also a View and Plan in Grose's Antiquities, Vol. III. 
 and a good View by Buck. t Martialis Epigramma, xiv. 1 20, I 2 1. And 
 
 see Batteley's Antiquitates Rutupins, p. in. 
 
55 
 
 Fig. 2. PI. XXVIII. therefore, is a plan of the Castrum called 
 Burgh Castle. 
 
 The dotted line shews a rude sketch (for it cannot now be nicely 
 ascertained) of the outside of the great Fosse. 
 
 The shaded line shews the foundations of the walls. 
 
 At d was the great Decuman gate, having two round towers, 3 
 and 4 ; at some distance, one on each side. 
 
 I, 2, 5, 6, are four other round towers. 
 
 And at oo, are the two side, or principal gates. 
 
 [bb] is a steep bank ; — nearly as at Richborough. 
 
 And at [k] is a mount, which has been called the Pnctoriam ; but 
 was manifestly added in Saxon, or in Norman times ; according to 
 the mode of fortification then introduced. 
 
 At [rr] is the course of the river Waveney. 
 
 And on the eastern side, opposite to the Decuman gate, in a field, 
 appears, from many unquestionable remains, to have been the burial 
 ground; as at Chesterford: only there it was to the soutli ; and here, 
 to the east.* 
 
 At Chesterford, in Essex, are the traces of another great Roman 
 Castrum; now almost levelled with the ground. On digging, how- 
 ever, into the bank, or apparent vallum, still existing, there appear, 
 in numbers of places, the manifest foundations of the original great 
 wall. It surrounded the whole of this great Castrum, which was, 
 like that at Richborough, nearly in the figure of a square ; but had 
 the corners rounded off, more than those at Castor. 
 
 The wall itself was here again constructed of flints ; with a vast, 
 and even uncommon, quantity of cementing mortar inserted be- 
 tween them ; and with rows of Roman bricks placed at proper inter- 
 vals ; but the bricks appear to have been in general rather thinner, 
 and to have been placed rather further asunder, than in some other 
 works of this kind ; and are of rather more different dimensions : 
 many of them being 1 Sx inches, by 1 1 ; and H thick ; whilst others 
 are longer, and others shorter. Some also are of a very pale red ; but 
 others of a deep red colour, with an inward substance of a deep 
 
 * It is obviously apparent, in all the plans, that in the situation of the Decuman gate, in 
 Reman Caslra, no regard was had to the point of the compass ; but merely to that which wa» 
 thought the safest, and least dangerous side. 
 
5G 
 
 blueish colour ; plainly bearing the marks, to this hour, of the 
 streakiness, and rude working up of the clay. 
 
 In this wall, the place of the great Decuman gate may plainly be 
 traced ; and in a manner also that confirms all that has been observed 
 with regard to Richborough ; for there appears to have been a broad 
 raised paved way, constructed of flints and mortar, passing directly 
 through the gate ; and carried out quite across the ditch surrounding 
 the castrum, and even beyond it. 
 
 This gate is here situated on the southern side of the camp, nearest 
 to the river. And on the western side were easily to be traced, a 
 few years ago, the foundations of a way passing, in like manner, 
 through one of the two principal, or side gates: but they were re- 
 moving and carrying away the stones of the pavement as fast as they 
 could, when I saw it in the year 17 7 1. 
 
 This Castrum had also the advantage of a small rivulet; that was 
 made to pass quite through it, in a channel, the remains of which 
 are still to be discerned. 
 
 The present road, from London to Norfolk, runs quite through 
 the camp ; and, for many years, a considerable part of the old wall 
 was remaining, fair, open, and exposed to view, near the turnpike 
 gate, on the right hand. 
 
 The burial ground, which was on the south-east, or rather south 
 side of this camp, not far from the Decuman gate, and near the river, 
 has already been mentioned. And besides the stone coffins,* and 
 urns found therein, and coins of the Emperor Claudius, and of many 
 succeeding Emperors, there have been dug up, a bronze bust, and 
 several instruments and utensils of brass, and of gold: and, what is 
 most remarkable, a little urn of red earth, containing several written 
 scrolls of parchment ; — but it is greatly to be lamented, that they 
 were dispersed, and destroyed, before any proper examination of 
 their contents had been made.+ 
 
 Fig. 3. PI. XXVIII., in the comparative Plate, shews the plan of 
 this camp at Chesterford, with the other of the comparative views. 
 
 The surrounding dotted line marks the outward ditch : — the 
 shaded line shews the bank, covering the foundations of the walls. 
 
 * See the account of them in the preceding pages of this work, Vol. 1. p. 300. 
 i Gough's Camden, Vol. II. p. 62. 
 
r >7 
 
 At (<rZ) was the great Decuman gate, with its paved way. 
 And at (o) were the visible remains of one of the side, or prin- 
 cipal, gates. 
 
 At (rr) is the course of the river Granta. 
 
 And at [a] is the present mill ; — near which was the burial 
 ground ; where the stone coffins and urns, formerly mentioned,* 
 were dug up. 
 
 At [b) is the modern inn. 
 
 And just at (/), stands the present turnpike gate, near which, on 
 the right hand, so great a part of the wall was left standing, in the 
 fairest condition, only a few years ago. 
 
 JJ shews the remains of a watercourse, which seems to have been 
 originally carried through the camp very deep, that it might pass 
 uninterrupted under the great fosse. And there is still another 
 at hh. 
 
 Whatever towers there were here, if there ever were any of 
 stone, are utterly destroyed above ground ; and their foundations 
 have not hitherto been traced in later ages. 
 
 Perhaps the towers constructed on the wall of this great fortress, 
 might be merely of timber: for we are assured, by the best authority 
 possible; that ofJosr.PHUS; who was one of the most inquisitive, 
 and one of the nicest observers of all the works of the Romans, that 
 it was very usually their practice to erect only such : and that for 
 the purpose of doing so, they had a numerous train of carpenters 
 attending every camp. 
 
 To him, every thing the Romans did, was an object of most 
 interesting curiosity : — and therefore his account of the Roman en- 
 campments, and Castra, (too seldom read, or at least too little attended 
 to,) is one of the most informing we have: and it well deserves, on 
 this occasion, not only to be referred to; — but to be inserted as a 
 part of the best information that can be given. 
 
 His description indeed more immediately relates to their mere 
 temporary camps, formed on their marches ; but it contains so much 
 elucidation of all their usual operations, that it may, on many ac- 
 counts, be more useful to refer to it here, than when we come to 
 take notice merely of those occasional camps : and especially as it 
 
 * Vol. I. p. 300. 
 VOL. II. O 
 
58 
 
 contains a full explanation of the mode of beginning all the works 
 of Paulinus, and of Asrieola. 
 
 o 
 
 " As soon as they have marched into an enemy's land, he says,* 
 " they do not begin to fight, till they have walled their camp about; 
 " nor is the fence they raise rashly made, or uneven. Nor do they 
 " all abide in it: nor do those that are in it take their places at 
 " random. If it happens that the ground is uneven, it is first 
 "levelled. Their camp is square by measure; and carpenters 
 " xliiM) are ready, in great numbers, with their tools, to erect 
 
 " their buildings for them. 
 
 " As for what is within the camp, it is set apart for tents ; but 
 " the outward circumference hath the resemblance to a wall ; and 
 ' is adorned zvitk towers at equal distances ; whilst, between the 
 ' towers, stand the engines for throwing arrows, and darts, and for 
 ' slinging stones ; and there they lay all other engines that can 
 ' annoy the enemy, all ready for their several operations. 
 
 " They also erect four gates, one at every side of the circum- 
 1 ference ; and those large enough for the entrance of beasts, and 
 ' wide enough for making excursions, if occasion should require. 
 ' They divide the camp within into streets, very conveniently ; 
 ' and place the tents of the commanders in the middle : but in 
 ' the midst of all is the General's own tent, in the nature of a 
 ' temple. 
 
 In short, " the whole appears to be a city, built on a sudden ; 
 ' with its market place, and place for handicraft trades ; and 
 ' with seats (or stations) for the officers, superior, and inferior: 
 where, if any differences arise, their causes are heard and de- 
 termined. 
 
 " The camp, and all that is in it, is encompassed with a wall ; 
 and that sooner than one would imagine ; — by the multitude and 
 the skill of the labourers. And a trench is drawn round the 
 whole, whose depth is four cubits, [i. e. six feet,) and its breadth 
 equal. 
 
 " They live together in the camp by companies. And each 
 company hath its wood, and corn, and water, brought to it as is 
 
 * Josephus de Bello Jud. lib. iii. cap. 5. sec. 1, a, j, 4, and 5. 
 
59 
 
 " needful. And they neither sup nor dine as they please them- 
 " selves singly ; but all together. 
 
 " When they are to go out of their camp, the trumpet gives a 
 " sound: and instantly they take down their tents, and all is made 
 " ready for their march. When the trumpet sounds again, they 
 " lay their baggage suddenly upon their mules, and other beasts of 
 " burden, and stand as at a place of starting, ready to march. At the 
 " same time setting fire to their camp. — And when the trumpet 
 " sounds a third time, a crier, standing at the General's right hand, 
 " asks them thrice, whether they be ready. On which thev, all lift- 
 " ing up their right hands, answer, we are ready; and march forth 
 " directly, without noise, and keeping their ranks. 
 
 " The foot are armed with breast-plates, and helmets j and have 
 " swords on each side: but the sword which is on their left side, 
 " is much longer than the other; that on the right side being not 
 " longer than a span. The foot, chosen from the rest, to be about 
 " the General himself, have a lance and a buckler ; the rest of the 
 " foot soldiers have a spear, and a long buckler; besides a saw, and 
 " a basket, a pix ax, and an ax ; a thong of leather, and an hook ; 
 " with provisions for three days. 
 
 " The horsemen have a long sword on their right sides, and a 
 " long pole in their hand. A shield also lies by them obliquely, on 
 " one side of their horses ; with three or more darts in a quiver, 
 " having broad points. They are armed also with helmets, and 
 " breast-plates, like the foot soldiers." 
 
 Having inserted this curious and animating account, from jfosephus, 
 for the sake of shewing the Roman practice of erecting oftentimes 
 mere wooden towers, to defend the walls of their camps ; (which 
 probably might be the only towers ever existing at Chesterford) ; 
 and for the sake of explaining, on this occasion, both their mode 
 of living therein ; and of their decamping ; nothing can be more 
 interesting to us, than to attend to his minute description of the 
 order of their marching; which that most intelligent Historian seems 
 to have beheld with the utmost admiration. 
 
 And this description the rather deserves our notice in this place ; 
 because it really carries us back, in imagination, to the very scenes 
 that presented themselves, when either Suetonius Paulinus, oxAs-ricola, 
 
60 
 
 or even Vespasian himself, and Titus, marched, in this Island, from 
 any one of these very Caslra we are describing, or from any one of 
 their inferior camps, and stations, to another. 
 
 Whilst the circumstance mentioned in the preceding account, 
 (so usually unheeded,) of the number of carpenters, and builders, that 
 regularly attended a Roman camp, fully explains the rapidity with 
 which their wooden towers were so often reared, on the walls, or 
 mounds of their camps : and also points out to us the reason why, 
 even in their stationary residences, the apartments of all the Roman 
 officers, and generals, and even those in their villas when settled, 
 were so usually built merely of wood, and timber; in consequence 
 of which circumstance alone it is, that so few traces of them remain, 
 although so many of their beautiful mosaic pavements, that were 
 covered by such apartments, are often discovered.* 
 
 The march of Vespasian from Ptolemais.t to fall upon Galilee, 
 where such dreadful devastation was made in the beginning of the 
 war, is thus described. J 
 
 " Those auxiliaries which were lightly armed, and the archers, 
 " marched first ; that they might prevent any sudden insults from 
 " the enemy ; and might search the woods that looked suspiciously, 
 " and were capable of ambuscades. — Next to these followed that 
 " part of the Romans, which was most completely armed; both 
 "horse and foot; (usually called the heavy armed.) — Next to 
 " these followed ten out of every hundred, carrying together with their 
 
 * 01 the rapid works of their carpenters, besides building towers of timber, on the walls 
 ol the Roman camps, and besides erecting tents and barracks in their camps, we have a 
 curious instance, in the account of the siege of Jerusalem :|| where we find, three Towers of 
 attack, each 5 o cubits, or 7 5 feet, in height, were very soon erected ; which were so heavy, 
 they could not be overturned by the enemy ; — though one of them, for want probably of a 
 sufficiently solid bank of earth to stand upon, fell down from its own weight. Josephus 
 adds, they were so covered with plates of iron, that the Jews could not set them on lire. 
 
 t The present Acre. 
 
 % Those who recollect that these had, above other regions of Judsea, the advantage of our 
 Lord s presence and discourses ; and are curious to learn what this devastation was ; may 
 do well to consult Josephus de Bella Jud. lib. iii. cap. A . sec. I . Cap. 7 . sec. 3 1 . Cap. T 
 sec. s 'l . Cap. to. sec. 9 . where they will find the very lake of Gennasereth was stained 
 with blood. 
 
 [I Josephus de Bello Jud. lib. v. cap. 7. sec. 2. 
 
CI 
 
 " arms what was necessary to measure out [i.e. to form) a camp. — 
 " After them came such as were to make the road even, and 
 " straight ; and if it were any where rough, and hard to be passed 
 " over, to plain it ; and to cut down the. woods that hindered their 
 " march ; that the army might not be in distress, or tired with their 
 " marching. Behind these came such carriages of the army as 
 " belonged to (Vespasian) himself, and to the other commanders ; 
 " with a considerable number of horsemen for their security. And 
 " then THE EMPEROR marched himself, having with him a 
 " select body of foot, and horse, and pikemen. After these came the 
 " peculiar cavalry of his own legion : for there were an hundred and 
 " twenty horsemen that peculiarly belonged to every legion. Next 
 " to these came the mules, that carried the engines for sieges, and 
 " other warlike machines of that nature. And after these came 
 " the commanders of the cohorts, and the tribunes ; having about 
 " them soldiers chosen out of the rest. Then came the ensigns, 
 " encompassing the Eagle, (which is at the head of every Roman 
 " legion ;) the king, and the strongest of all birds ; which seems to 
 " them a signal of dominion, and an omen that they shall conquer 
 " all against whom they march. These sacred ensigns are followed 
 " by the trumpeters. And then came the main army, in their squa- 
 " drons, and battalions, six men in rank [tic & Axravxaoi] each 
 " [division) followed at last by a centurion ; who according to 
 " custom inspected their order. As for the servants of every legion ; 
 " they all followed on foot, leading the mules, and other beasts of 
 " burden, bearing the baggage of the soldiers. And behind all 
 " came the whole multitude of the mercenaries, who brought up the 
 " rear, for the security of the whole army ; being in full armour ; 
 " and having horse {to support themj." 
 
 The same venerable Author describes the march of Titus, to 
 besiege Jerusalem; in a manner that clearly shews the same order 
 exactly to have been preserved. 
 
 And as, on that occasion, he nevertheless expressly says,* that 
 Titus, according to the Roman usage, went in the front of the army, or 
 went before the army, [z^oayav t{i> &WfUc) we may hence, and from 
 the foregoing description, the more fully understand with precision, 
 
 * De Bello Jud. lib. v. cap. 2. sec. 1 . 
 VOL. II. R 
 
62 
 
 •what alone was usually mea nt by the Roman Historians, when they 
 tell us, that any Consul, or Emperor, marched at the head of his 
 troops ; and may perceive, that it was not, as has sometimes been 
 supposed, a rash or inadvertent situation. 
 
 Josephus was so great an admirer of the Roman discipline, and 
 order ; and it was to him so great a novelty ; that he plainly attri- 
 butes to it, under the guidance of Djvine Providence, all their won- 
 derous successes. Though at the same time it is a most remarkable 
 fact; that this celebrated chieftain of thejews, who fought so stoutly 
 in their cause, yet expresses, from first to last, a firm conviction, 
 that the whole dire catastrophe which, at last, befel his nation, was 
 decidedly of Divine Appointment.* A tacit testimony to the truth of 
 the predictions of Our Blessed Lord in the Gospel: even stronger 
 than could have been borne by any Christian + 
 
 The engines of war, that were conveyed with a Roman army, on 
 its march, in the manner described by Josephus ; and which were 
 planted on the walls, or mounds, of such camps as this at Chester- 
 ford, and together with battering rams, used in besieging towns, 
 were, as the accurate Observer informs us, J such as threw many 
 lances, at once, with a great noise ;— such as threw fire, and a 
 multitude of arrows, without any noise ; — and such as threw stones, 
 even of a talent (or 1 13 lb.) weight prepared for the purpose. 
 
 Thus, by this intelligent Author, we are brought, almost to stand 
 in imagination, on the original walls of Chesterford. The referring 
 
 * De Bello Jud. lib. iii. cap. 5. sec. 1 Lib. ii. cap. 19. sec. 5.; cap. 2S. sec. l 
 
 Lib. iii. cap. 7 . sec. 3 1. 
 
 + At the same time that this venerable Jewish Author, both Priest, and Genera!, bears this 
 remarkable testimony ; it is well deserving consideration ; that so far from being a Christian, 
 or inclined to embrace the knowledge of the Gospel ; he did, for want of apprehending the 
 spiritual sense of the predictions concerning THE MESSIAH, make such a representation 
 of all the promises concerning The Messiah's coming, in his celebrated Book of Antiquities, 
 as can only atTord an opportunity for blasphemers to blaspheme. 
 
 However he most fairly, and honestly, related the truth in his own days ; it cannot be 
 presumption to say, he did not understand the Divine Prophecies ; or even the usages and cus- 
 toms of high antiquity. He relates both, in his Jewish Antiquities, in such a manner, as 
 only tends to increase uncandid objections : whilst yet he was really wishing to recommend 
 
 the Holy Scriptures, as Jewish annals, to the notice of Vapasitm, and theRomans St. Paul 
 
 took a surer, and a better way. 
 
 } De Bello Jud. lib. iii. cap. 7. sec. 9. 
 
 4 
 
65 
 
 to his words, therefore, cannot be a digression ; whilst we have 
 every degree of probability to lead us to conclude, that in this camp, 
 at Chesterford, Vespasian himself abode ; — and from this very camp 
 marched, exactly in such order asjosephus has described. 
 
 We have not indeed in the great Castrum at Chesterford, that has 
 been the subject of the preceding observations, any vestiges of the 
 Prtetorium remaining : for the greatness of the place probably oc- 
 casioned the more effectual destruction of all the buildings it 
 contained. 
 
 But in a smaller Camp in Kent, about two miles from Canterbury, 
 and as much from Heppington ; which seems to have been not a 
 great castrum, but a mere summer camp; consisting merely of earth 
 works double trenched, and containing about eight acres, the site of 
 the Prastorium still remains entire ; rising, like that at Richboroueh, 
 only a small height, of three or four feet above the rest.* 
 
 On the tract of the great Roman Way, also, from York to Man- 
 chester, in the township of Saddleworth, at a place called Castles/taw; 
 were remains, in the year 1 7 66, of another Roman camp of earth 
 work, in which the site of the Prtetorium, was to be distinguished ; 
 and on which account it is called, in the first volume of the 
 Archaeologia, a doable Camp.+ 
 
 Here appeared the place of the Decuman gate at (</) ; see 
 PI. XXVIII. fig. 4. ; and remains of the enclosure of the Prtetorium 
 at {[>) : beyond which there was doubtless a Prtctorian gate. 
 
 We are informed also, J that in a camp at Bolton, in South Wales, 
 the remains of a Prtetorium (or rather of the Sacellnm of a Prtetorium 
 cum alis,) were to be very fairly discerned. 
 
 And still more evidently are the remains of a Prtetorium to be 
 discerned, in a camp called now Melandra Castle, in Derbyshire.! 
 
 A slight sketch of it is added, PI. XXVIII. fig. 5. 
 
 The ramparts (aa) — (bb), which have still considerable quantities 
 of hewn stone remaining in them, were defended by ditches ; but 
 those (cc), ( ff ), were secured in part by great declivities, and a sort 
 
 * See also Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. 2-H. 
 
 t Archaeologia, Vol. l.p. 815. i Ibid. Vol. III. p. 116. 
 
 II See a description of it in the Archaeologia, Vol. III. p. S3 6. PI. XII. 
 
64 
 
 of precipices ; as we have seen was the case on one side ot each 
 of the fortresses at Richhorough, and at Burgh Castle. 
 
 At P, are foundations of a work, about 25 yards square which 
 seems most obviously to have been the Preetorium. 
 
 At (d), therefore, seems to have been the Decuman gate, on the 
 north-east side ; and also towards the near adjoining river, the 
 Mersey, or Edron, (rrr) ; as at Castor, and Ckesterford. And about 
 (g), was found a stone, with a Roman inscription, which plainly 
 indicates that the burial ground was near this spot ; in a situation, 
 therefore, just beyond the Decuman gate; similar to that at Ckes- 
 terford. 
 
 There was also here a subterraneous stream of water : which one 
 cannot but compare with that made to pass through the camp at 
 Chesterford. But whatever towers there were here, have been de- 
 stroyed, as well as those of Chesterford. 
 
 In a small Roman station, or fort, in Cumberland, called Little 
 Chesters* or the Bowers, about half a mile from Hadrians vallum to 
 the south, the Preetorium may again be distinguished ; and there seem 
 to have been towers at the corners of that fortress ; and also in some 
 parts of the sides; the ruins of one of which are still very visible. 
 
 In the station or fort of Great Chesters also, (between three and 
 four miles from hence, along the Picts' wall,) the site of the parade of 
 the Pratlorium is still more manifest ; in dimensions about 50 yards 
 from east to west, and 40 from north to south ; to which is joined 
 another parallelogram, at the east end, of the same breadth with the 
 Prastorium, and 25 yards from east to west.t 
 
 And it ought not to be omitted ; that in the greatest of all the 
 Chesters remaining ; at Chester itself, in Cheshire, to this hour, the 
 situation of the Church of St. Peter's, seems to be, as far as can be 
 concluded from a variety of concurrent circumstances, very near 
 the spot,! (if not precisely upon it,) where the Prastorium, of that 
 great Castrum, or Roman city, stood. 
 
 Whilst here, throughout the city, (which still retains its original 
 square form ; and walls repaired almost precisely on the same spot 
 where were placed the original Roman walls,) may be discerned 
 
 • SeeGough's Camden, Vol, III. p. 244. + Ibid. p. 225. 
 
 + Pennant's Tour in Wales, Vol. I. p. 169. 156. 
 
63 
 
 the two great streets crossing each other, as was usual in every 
 Roman Castrum; and at their extremities, the exact situation of the 
 two side gates ; the principalis dextra, and principalis sinistra ; and 
 also that of the Pr<etorian, and of the Decuman gates. 
 
 And as, in this instance, we still have a modern city remaining 
 on the very spot, and within the very walls of an antient Roman 
 Castrum; it may not be amiss on this occasion to observe, that An- 
 tiquaries seem often to have taken a vast deal of unnecessary pains, 
 to discover where the old Roman Cities, belonging properly to cele- 
 brated Castra, were precisely situated; — not duly considering, how 
 small, in general, Roman Cities were; — and that very frequently, 
 there were indeed none others than the identical respective Castra 
 themselves. 
 
 Thus at Silchester, and at Verolam also, there were instances of 
 Roman Castra being converted into Cities ; or being indeed origi- 
 nally the very Cities. And even in Italy itself, what was originally 
 a Camp, at Puteoli, became a City.* 
 
 A few other circumstances, concerning these celebrated for- 
 tresses, deserve yet to be attended to. 
 
 In Wales, at a small distance from the Castle of Caernawon, near 
 the steep bank of the river Seiont, in a situation, naturally, and of 
 itself most important, and commanding ; are curious remains of a 
 small Roman Castrum ; the walls of which are pretty entire+ on two 
 sides. But it is only about 14S feet in length, and 12S in breadth; 
 and therefore unquestionably was merely a sort of fort; though the 
 height of the remaining walls is still 10 feet S inches ; and their 
 thickness 6 feet. The peculiarity of the Roman masonry appears 
 in them ; and there seems also to have been an external facing on 
 the outside. And here is moreover a remarkable circumstance wor- 
 thy to be attended to ; somewhat similar to that which has already 
 been taken notice of at Richborough, and has also been mentioned 
 with regard to some of the walls of Severus: for, along the walls, are 
 three parallel lines of holes, not 3 inches in diameter, nicely plas- 
 tered within, which pass through the whole thickness ; whilst there 
 are also similar holes discovered, in the end of the wall, seeming 
 to run through it lengthwise. 
 
 * Livy. Lib.xxxii. cap. 7. + Pennant's Tourin Wales, Vol.11, p. tin. 
 VOL. II. s 
 
 4 
 
66 
 
 These holes, therefore, too small for ordinary loops ; too nume- 
 rous for pipes for conveyance of sound ; can, as far as appears to 
 me, be considered in no other light, than as having been indeed the 
 mere cavities left by the small timbers which braced the sides of 
 the temporary wooden caissons together, when the walls were con- 
 structed ; and which therefore were drawn out as those frames or 
 caissons, for containing the stones and mortar poured in, were re- 
 moved upwards, from stage to stage. The mortar with which they 
 appear to be plastered, on the insides, was probably only such as 
 had made its way through, on being poured in amongst the stones ; 
 and was smoothed, like plastering, simply by the very operation of 
 drawing out the small bars of wood. We can indeed scarcely con- 
 ceive how any regular operation, for the purpose, could be per- 
 formed in so small a cavity as three inches square, of the length of 
 9 or 1 o feet, or more ; — and it is therefore most likely these cavities 
 were left open, only because no danger was to be apprehended from 
 them, on account of their smallness ; — and because they might be 
 of use to hasten the drying of the wall. 
 
 Near the corner of one of the walls here, was also discovered, on 
 digging a few years ago, the foundations of a round Tower; which 
 circumstance, in this instance ascertained in so small a Castrum, 
 and compared with other discoveries of a similar kind, in other 
 remains of larger Roman Castra, may justly be allowed to convince 
 us ; that almost all the Castra, in Roman times, were indeed fortified 
 by the addition of such towers ; wherever they were not merely 
 hasty transitory encampments, fortified with mere earthworks. And 
 even then, we may be assured they had temporary wooden towers, 
 placed sometimes on the mounds, or valla, by those numerous 
 carpenters, who Josephus informs us constantly attended their 
 camps. 
 
 Those kind of Roman earthworks, which, as well as the walled 
 Castra, formed some of their stations, do now, therefore, demand our 
 attention : — and especially as there are remains of such of them in 
 this country, as were undoubtedly the works of Agricola ; one 
 of the greatest and most skilful commanders the Romans ever had, 
 either in this Island, or in anyplace whither their arms were 
 carried. 
 
67 
 
 A retnarkable specimen of one, is described by Mr. Pennant* as 
 situated at Comerie, at no great distance from Perth, in Scotland. 
 And has again been still more fully described by General Roy :+ — 
 but nevertheless, on account of some circumstances relating to it, 
 deserves to be mentioned again on this occasion. For though what 
 was really the Roman station, is sufficiently to be distinguished ; 
 yet a little perplexity, in the apprehensions that have been formed 
 concerning it, has been occasioned by an adjoining work of a dif- 
 ferent kind. 
 
 In PI. XXVIII. which contains the comparative view of Roman 
 Castra, I have added, at fig. 7. a sketch of it, on a small scale ;— 
 which is copied from Mr. Pennant's ; because his drawing was taken 
 at a time when the area, that seemed to have been designed for the 
 Pratorium of the station, appeared better defined, than when General 
 Roy viewed it ; at which latter period the area of the Castrum had 
 been ploughed up. 
 
 The works found at Comerie, taken all together, evidently consist 
 of two camps. The largest of which at (a) Mr. Pennant was informed, 
 on the spot, had commonly been deemed by the neighbouring in- 
 habitants, the Roman camp. And a Roman camp, we have indeed 
 reason -to believe it originally was ; though not used at the same 
 time with the other, which appears to have been the real Roman 
 station; situated on the brow of the high bank (bbb). And though 
 the four entrances are found to be so irregularly placed, and so 
 oddly fortified, J — in a manner so very different from the usual 
 Roman mode, as bespeaks a work, that either was not originally 
 Roman, or else has been since used by different people, and become 
 so changed, that it does not retain precisely, its original charac- 
 teristick marks. 
 
 General Roy says, it is 1020 feet long; and 950 broad; — and 
 takes it to have been decidedly an original temporary camp of 
 Agricola's ; formed for the encamping of his whole army, for a 
 few nights only, on his first expedition ; some time before the 
 
 * Pennant's Tour in Scotland, Part II. p. 96. PI. IX. 
 + In his Military Antiquities, p. 63. PI. XI. 
 
 t See a very exact representation of this odd mode of fortification, on a large scale, in 
 General Roy s Military Antiquities, PI. XI. 
 
68 
 
 forming of the other regular Castrum, as a station, for a smaller 
 
 force. 
 
 But he acknowledges the gates are unlike those of Roman camps, 
 in general ; * which he found, almost uniformly, in all other in- 
 stances, to have been defended, by a mere traverse; for short bank, 
 and ditchj placed just before, and fronting the gateway, at a little 
 distance. + 
 
 He acknowledges also, that the two side gates, here, do not stand 
 directly opposite to each other, as in most Roman camps. 
 
 And, besides this, there appear to have been some high rude stone 
 pillars, erected within this camp ; quite contrary to any Roman 
 custom. 
 
 And, what is still more remarkable, the Camp itself evidently 
 intersects, or is intersected by, a Military Roman Way, leading di- 
 rectly to the other Castrum on the bank (bbb). 
 
 Although, therefore, this might indeed have been originally a 
 temporary Camp of Agricola's, for a night or two only, when march- 
 ing with his whole army yet here are indicia sufficient to shew, 
 that it must have been used also by other people ; and altered, in 
 after ages :— when its entrances were thus fortified, in a manner so 
 different from that of the Romans. Whilst the stone pillars, which, 
 (if they were pre-existing,) the Romans might not take the trouble 
 to remove, (being to rest for so short a time,) together with an adja- 
 cent barrow, do seem to prove, that this spot was at some time or 
 other, independant on the Romans, a distinguished place of atten- 
 tion to the rude original Caledonians. 
 
 The other fortress, on the bank (bbb), seems indeed most truly 
 to have been a regular Roman station; and has with good reason been 
 concluded to have been that called Victoria; founded by Agricola, 
 on his return from the battle whhGalgacus. (ww) shews the Roman 
 Way leading to it ; which intersects the Camp (a), in so strange a 
 manner, as proves that these two fortresses never could have had 
 any sort of connection, one with another, as coexisting for any pur- 
 
 * An exact representation, of these entrances, also, on a still larger scale, may be seen in 
 General Roy's Military Antiquities, PI. XI. 
 + See Military Antiquities, p. 66. 
 
G9 
 
 pose of mutual protection ; but that the Camp at (a), was either prior 
 to, or subsequent to the existence of that on the bank (bbb). And 
 in either case, of no sort of importance, during the period that the 
 latter was in use. ' 
 
 At (t) is marked the place of the barrow, or tumulus ; and at (y), 
 the place where the high stones stood. 
 
 The real Roman station, on the bank (bbb), deserves to be de- 
 scribed more particularly. 
 
 General Roy thinks a part of it, where the bank (bbb) is, has 
 been washed away by floods of the adjoining river. A cit< ^mstance 
 that seems probable enough ; as otherwise the Prastorium appears 
 to have been quite close to the steep bank. But, whether that has 
 been the case or no, there is the utmost reason to believe that there 
 has always been some steep bank on the side of the Camp next the 
 river:— on account of which advantage, the original situation of the 
 spot seems to have been chosen, and fixed upon ; just as in the 
 instance of the station at Richborough. 
 
 The bank (bbb) rises above the water of Ruchell (rrr), even in 
 a manner that indicates it must have done so originally ; though at 
 an early period it might have been nearer to the river. 
 
 The part of the Castrum marked (p), Mr. Pennant clearly 
 discerned to be distinguished from the rest of the area of the Camp, 
 and to have belonged to a Prietorium ; whilst he remarks particu- 
 larly, that he could find nothing like any remains of a spot so 
 designed for a Prstorium, in the other Camp (a). General Roy 
 even thought this Pratorian part was fortified with additional 
 strength. 
 
 At Ardoch, not far from Comerie, in the part of Scotland rendered 
 so interesting by the campaigns of Agricola, is a second Roman 
 station of this kind of mere earthwork ; having not merely one 
 other entrenchment; but even two or three other entrenchments 
 near adjoining. 
 
 These General Roy justly apprehends to have been, as well as 
 those at Comerie, prior in existence to the regular station itself ; and 
 to have been mere temporary Camps of Agricola's.* 
 
 * Military Antiquities, p. 6 2. 
 VOL. II. T 
 
70 
 
 And there is the utmost reason to coincide with him in opinion j 
 but they must have been in use at some very different periods of time. 
 For here, as at Gomerie, are works upon works ; and entrenchments 
 so intersecting each other ; and so interrupting the regular unifor- 
 mity of the parts of each other ; that they never could be considered 
 as having any proper connection one with another.* Considering 
 them, therefore, as having no sort of relative relation to, or proper 
 connection with, the real Roman station itself, whilst that was in use ; 
 it may be proper to neglect any further mention of them ; and to 
 proceed to a more minute description of the real station. 
 
 A sketch of it is added, amongst the comparative representations 
 of Roman Fortresses, in PL XXVIII. at fig. s.+ 
 
 It was, in truth, one of the most important of the fortresses con- 
 structed by Agrieola;— situated on an elevated spot, at the head of 
 extensive low grounds, and of two vallies ; the one leading to 
 Sterling; and the other to the open tract called Strathmore. 
 
 And it deserves our attention, both because it was without doubt 
 constructed by that celebrated Commander ; who is said to have 
 been always so judicious in the choice of his situation, that no camp 
 formed by him, was ever taken by storm, or obliged to surrender; J 
 and also, because more numerous outworks, and fosses, properly 
 belonging to it, remain entire here, than in most other Castra;— 
 and because we have here again a very remarkable instance of a 
 camp that bears, in its internal form, and disposition, a strong 
 affinity to the Castrum at Richborough. 
 
 We find it, like that fortress, seated on a steep bank (bbb); which 
 secures the west side. 
 
 Its dimensions are, according to Mr. Pennant, 450 feet, by 400, 
 in the internal area ;— but according to General Roy's plan, about 
 490 by 425 ;— which bear some resemblance to the contents of the 
 areas of Richborough, and Burgh Castles. 
 
 The four entrances, are nearly in the same sort of relative 
 
 ♦ They may be seen delineated, with great precision, in the Military Antiquities, PI. X. 
 In which work also, is an exact delineation, PI. XXX. of the real Castrum, on a large scale. 
 
 + A very curious account, and representation of it, may also be seen in Mr. Pennant'i 
 Tour in Scotland, Part II. p. 1 01. PI. X. 
 
 t Tacitus. Vita Agrieola;, Cap. 22, 23. 
 
71 
 
 situation as in those other fortresses; — and the Praetorium (P), here 
 as at Richborongh, is somewhat nearer to one of the side or princi- 
 pal gates [oo], than to the other : — and much nearer to the Pnelorian 
 gate (p), than to the Decuman gate (d). And from the Praetorian 
 gate (p) here, as there, was the descent, down from the steep bank 
 (bbb), to the river [rrr], the Kneck; or Knaig ; — which latter, like 
 the Sarr, is now become only a very small stream. 
 
 The three sides of the Camp, which have not the advantage of 
 any bank, had five (and, on one side, even six) fosses, of a great 
 depth ; with ramparts of correspondent heights between ; on which, 
 in Roman times, were unquestionably placed temporary wooden 
 towers. But, on the side next the steep descent, there is only one 
 fosse. 
 
 It has been curiously remarked by General Roy* that notwith- 
 standing this vast attention to the perfect munition of the place ; yet 
 that, either from hurry, or some other cause, the Praetorium seems 
 to have been marked off somewhat irregularly ; and not having its 
 sides truly parallel to those of the station. 
 
 This, however, may be to us the less surprising ; — -because we 
 have seen an instance of neglect of minute regularity at Richborough ; 
 in the varied thickness of the north-eastern wall ;+ and cannot but 
 remember, how far the north-western wall is from forming a straight 
 line.} 
 
 From an inscription upon a sepulchral stone, dug up at this place, 
 it is certain that, at some period or other, the first cohort of Spanish 
 auxiliaries lay here in garrison ; — and many parts of ephippia, and 
 of bridles ; — and of spears, and other armour; — and Roman coin; 
 and a Roman altar ; have been dug up here. 
 
 One other great earthwork of the Romans, it may be useful to 
 mention : — the representation of which, may most properly be bor- 
 rowed from the Military Antiquities of General Roy ; — both injustice 
 to the accuracy of that excellent work ; — and also, because this 
 Castrum, does in reality so clearly decide the fact, as to the real, and 
 true situation of the Decuman gate. 
 
 This earthwork, is that of the Roman station, at Birrens, near 
 
 • Military Antiquities, p. i !6. t See p. t>. J See PI. XVI. 
 
72 
 
 Middleby, in Annandale;* supposed to have been the antient Blatum 
 Bulgium;—md carefully to be distinguished from Birrensworth 
 Hill. 
 
 It is here represented, PI, SSSi, 
 
 And with regard to it, we may observe, in the first instance, that 
 it was defended, on two sides, by steep precipitous banks, against 
 the windings of the river Mean;— which banks seem to have been 
 so original, as that the other great protecting works, of fosses, and 
 mounds (one only excepted), appear to have been discontinued ori- 
 ginally, almost precisely where they now end, on account of that 
 advantage ;— and not to have been ever carried much further than 
 we now find them ; or to have had any considerable part of them 
 washed away. And, therefore, this appearance may lead us to con- 
 clude, with great fairness, that indeed the precipitous banks, both 
 at Burgh Castle, and at Richborough, and at Ardoch, were original 
 defences. 
 
 In the next place, we may observe, that the great gate, or entrance, 
 which, from the decided magnitude of its width appears to have 
 been the Decuman gate (d), was here, as at Richborough, next the most 
 open and plain part of the country ; and furthest from the river 
 Mean; (the part to be defended) : — whilst the Prailorian gate, must 
 have been next that supposed to have been the more dangerous part ; 
 that is next the river. 
 
 The antient Roman Way (rr), also, may be observed to have ran 
 by the side of one of the principal gates, down to a part of the river, 
 which seems, by the aid of a sand bank, and island, to have been 
 fordable in that part. 
 
 In this curious earthwork, also, remains clearly an interior bank, 
 or sort of covered way, next the great vallum, at ( y) ; which sort of 
 raised covered way, probably, did also exist at Richborough ;— and 
 was, perhaps, one of the causes of the internal area there, appearing 
 now so much higher than the external ground around the walls. 
 
 There are remains of foundations, near, and around the Pr<elorian 
 part of this fortress, at Birrens, which hardly seem to have be- 
 longed to Roman times ; but they are here given, as General Roy 
 has given them. 
 
 * See Military Antiquities, PI. XXIV. p.m. 
 
73 
 
 There is added further, from his delineation, a section, of the 
 works; as they would appear in the direction of a line [ab] ; where 
 the elevation of the covered way all round appears at (yy). 
 
 There seems also here, to have been somewhat of a pool, (of sort 
 of tank) within the works; — as we may remember there was a well, 
 in the outward wall, or great vallum, at Castor* 
 
 The Roman station at Chew Green, so accurately delineated by 
 General Roy,i- will also probably occur to the minds of the curious, 
 on this occasion ; as still further illustrating what has been here 
 remarked : — and the rather ; because, in this instance also, there 
 are other more extensive, but slighter temporary camps adjoining, 
 (such as General Roy supposes to have been the hasty larger camps 
 of Agricola, on his marches,) and so intersecting one another, as 
 plainly shews that they could never have been in use at one and 
 the same time. 
 
 It is a most curious fact, that so many of these slight temporary 
 entrenchments, near these Roman stations, should at all exist at this 
 day ; — and that they do so, can be accounted for perhaps only from 
 the part of Scotland where they are found having been so uncul- 
 tivated, so sequestered, and commonly so unmolested. 
 
 Some others of them, even in parts remote from regular stations, 
 afford us an opportunity, of examining more closely the whole 
 manner of the encamping of Roman armies, which ought not, on 
 this occasion, to be neglected. 
 
 There is, near Kirkboddo, a most curious and almost perfect work 
 of this kind ; which will serve to shew the great extent, and slight 
 construction of these temporary camps for a large army, in compa- 
 rison of those Roman Castra, that were designed as strong holds, to 
 contain a small body of troops in a station. 
 
 And they will also serve to shew how small a body of troops, in 
 comparison of an whole Roman army, even those magnificent Castra, 
 at Richborongh, Portchester, and Burgh Castle, could contain. 
 
 This camp near Kirkboddo, represented (from General Roy's 
 exact delineation of it, J) PI. is concluded, from a consistency 
 
 * Seep. 50. + In his Military Antiquities, PI. XXII. 
 
 % See Military Antiquities, PI. XIV. p. 67. 
 VOL. II. u 
 
with the accounts given us by Polybius, to have been adapted to the 
 containing of a single legion, with its allies ;— amounting in all to 
 9600; or about 10,000 men. 
 
 Aiid it is about 2280 feet in length, by 1080 feet in breadth. 
 Dimensions vastly beyond the Stations, or Castra, at Rkhborcugk, 
 and Portchester. 
 
 The Pratorian gate (according to the conclusions in the preceding 
 pages,) seems to have been at [p) ;— and the Decuman gate at (d) ;— 
 and the two principal gates at (oo). And beyond these were two 
 other side gates, at (qq), which seem to have existed in these larger 
 camps, at the end of another cross street, called sometimes Quinlana. 
 
 All these gates, or entrances, are protected by traverses, consist- 
 ing of a short bank (or vallum), and ditch, similar to the bank (or 
 vallum), and ditch, surrounding the whole camp. 
 
 And what is here again deserving attention ;— as there was a well 
 in the wall at Castor,— so here seems, at (»), to have been a pool 
 of water, purposely taken in, as a part of the munition. 
 
 To this curious remain of the Camp at Kirkboddo, we find, at (t), 
 a very remarkable appendage of a smaller, irregular, nearly square 
 encampment, of about 350 feet by 320, adjoining to the south- 
 east corner ; which General Roy supposes* might be designed as a 
 Procestrium ; and might be added, because of the great Camp being 
 made, by mistake, too small for the number of men then present ; 
 or else for some fresh accession, or detachment, that had joined the 
 army. 
 
 And however that were, I cannot but add, that the existence of 
 it may receive some sort of further illustration, from a passage or two 
 in Livy; by which we find that the Romans did really sometimes 
 incamp their forces in two different camps; a larger, and a smaller ; 
 in order to keep raw troops, newly arrived, distinct from a veteran 
 army. 
 
 Thus when Paulus jEmilius, and T erentius Varro, arrived at Ge- 
 ronium, with fresh supplies, for the army there encamped against 
 Hannibal, we read, that, 
 
 Ut in castra venerunt, permisto novo exercitu ac vetere, castris 
 bifanam facds, ut nova minora essent proprius Annibalem, in 
 * Page 67. 
 
H- SSTU . 
 3 
 
 Fig.l. 
 
 .Mct/e o/ Eft&tofyaz&Jtematt Troops atJ&Hcboddo. 
 
75 
 
 veteribus major pars, et omne robur virium esset ; turn Consulum 
 anni prioris M. Atilium, aetatem excusantem, Romam miserunt • 
 Geminum Serviliuin, in minoribus castris, legioni Romans, et so- 
 cium pedkum equitumque duobus millibus praficiunt*. 
 
 When they arrived, at the camp, the new army and. the old being united, 
 and two separate camps being formed, that the new and lesser might be 
 nearer to Hannibal, and that the greater part of the army, and all the 
 chief strength of their forces might be stationed in the old encampment ; 
 then, — of the Consuls of the former year, — M. Atilius they sent to Rome, 
 his age excusing him ; and Geminus Servilius they appointed to the com- 
 mand in the smaller camp, over a Roman legion, and two thousand allies 
 of horse and foot. 
 
 Which, we may perceive, was what was usually deemed a weak 
 legion, consisting of about 4500, or at most 4700 horse and foot; 
 with this 2000 only (not half the usual number) of allies, or 
 auxiliaries. 
 
 And again, when by the rashness of Terentius Varro they were 
 obliged to encamp in a very disadvantageous spot at Canna; — yet 
 we find the prudence of Paulus vEmilius making the same distinc- 
 tion of two Camps; placing the one, on one side of the river Aufidus, 
 and the other, on the other side. 
 
 Ubi in conspectu Pcenum habebant, bina castra communiunt, 
 eodem fere intervallo, quo ad Geronium, sicut ante, copiis divisis. 
 Aufidus amnis utrisque castris affluens, aditum aquatoribus ex sua 
 cujusque opportunitate haud sine certamine dabat. Ex minoribus 
 tamen castris, qua; posita trans Aufidum erant, liberius aquabantur 
 Romani, quia ripa ulterior nullum habebat hostium prasidium.+ 
 
 When they came in sight of the Carthaginian, they fortified two camps, 
 with nearly the same interval between them as at Geronium, their forces 
 being divided as before. The river Aufidus, flowing near to both camps, 
 afforded access to the waterers from each, according to their opportunity, 
 though not without some contest. But from the lesser camp, which was 
 placed beyond the Aufidus, the Romans watered the more freely, because 
 the further bank had no guard of the enemy. 
 
 We may fairly conclude, therefore, that for some reason or other, 
 
 * Livy. Lib.xxii. cap. 40. 
 
 + Lib.xxii. cap. 44. 
 
76 
 
 Agricola was induced, in a somewhat similar manner, to form a 
 small separate camp, for some fresh supplies, here at Kirkboddo* 
 
 And we ought perhaps also to observe, that here at Kirkboddo, 
 we have a curious proof, that though the scientific tactical plan of 
 a Roman camp was, according to Polybius, exactly regular in the 
 disposition of all its parts, yet, that in the actually forming of their 
 camps, they were not attentive to minute precision : — for no two 
 sides here are either exactly of equal length ; or straight ; or set 
 square. And it may be remembered, that one of the walls at Rich- 
 borough is not straight ; — and that at Burgh Castle, the walls do 
 not stand quite square. 
 
 Having given so plain an account of this Camp ; it may now be 
 proper, in order to render our ideas of the nature of Roman for- 
 tresses more perfect, to make some inquiry with regard to the mode 
 of their abiding in these Camps, and Castra. 
 
 A single legion, most usually consisted of 4200 foot, and of 300 
 horse ;— and was composed of the following different corps, (as we 
 should now call them) ; — - 
 
 1200 Velites, or light armed troops. 
 1200 Hastati, "1 
 
 1200 Principes, > all heavy armed. 
 600 Triarii, j 
 
 300 Equites ; or Roman knights ; — forming the cavalry. 
 
 4500 
 
 To all which there almost constantly was an addition of Auxiliaries, 
 or Socii, consisting of 4200 foot, 
 and 900 horse ; 
 
 5100 
 
 causing the amount of the whole regular force to be 9600 men. 
 
 The legionaries were always embodied by their tribunes; who 
 were six in number to every legion ; and whose peculiar business 
 it was to enrol ; — to administer the oath ; — to embody ; — and to 
 muster the soldiers : — and to punish their offences. 
 
 * We shall find, that it was capable of containing either one cohort, with its auxiliaries \ — 
 or two cohorts without auxiliaries. 
 
77 
 
 The Haslati, and in like manner, the Principes, were subdivided 
 into ten manipules, (or maniples) ; each consisting of 1 20 men, includ- 
 ing six officers to every maniple ; which officers were, a Centurion 
 commanding the whole band ; — a subordinate Centurion under 
 him; — two Ensigns, or Vexillarii; (to bear the Signa, or Eagles] ; — 
 and two Tergiductors, whom perhaps we should call Lieutenants. 
 
 The Tribunes appointed every first Centurion out of the soldiers 
 in each maniple ; — these so appointed, named the subordinate Cen- 
 turions; — and these together appointed the other officers. 
 
 The Triarii also, though so much fewer in number, were divided 
 into ten maniples; each consisting of 60 men, including the same 
 number, and distinction of officers. 
 
 And even the 300 Equites, or cavalry, were divided into ten 
 Turmce, or troops, consisting of 30 each ; including also six officers ; 
 namely, three Decurions, or [Captains) ; of whom one was chief ; — 
 and three Sub-decurions ; one of whom seems to have carried the 
 Vexillum, or standard. 
 
 But it is very remarkable that nothing is said, about any subdi- 
 vision of the Velites. They therefore seem to have been considered 
 as mere skirmishing, untrained troops ; attending upon the several 
 bands of the others ; and acting in subserviency to them. 
 
 A maniple of Triarii, with one of Principes, and one of Hasfati, 
 formed a cohort, consisting therefore of 300 men, to whom most pro- 
 bably were usually added an adequate number of Velites; or about 1 20. 
 
 From the Socii, or allies of every legion, the consul chose 840 
 foot, and 300 horse, who were called Extraordinarii ; and always 
 encamped near the Pratorium ; — and a part chosen again further, out 
 of these, and called Selecti, or Ablecti, formed a body guard. 
 
 In other respects, we may conclude the Socii were subdivided, 
 nearly in the same proportion as the body of the Legionaries ; being 
 indeed most frequently no otherwise a different body from them, 
 than that they were troops raised from the allied cities in Italy ; 
 whereas the legionaries were Roman citizens. 
 
 From the accounts given by Polybius, and the best informed con- 
 temporary historians, who (like Josephus) were eye witnesses of the 
 discipline and order of the Roman armies, we learn, that 
 
 The Velites, or light armed troops, who were designed merely 
 
 VOL. II. X 
 
78 
 
 for skirmishing, and are affirmed by Polybius to have consisted, 
 professedly, of those that were youngest, and of the lowest con- 
 dition, were armed with a leathern helmet ;— a round buckler of 
 wood, called parma, covered with leather, and about 3 feet in dia- 
 meter ;— together with a sword; a javelin ; and six small darts, 
 carried in the hollow part of the shield ; whose points were so fine,' 
 that if they did not pierce they bent, and could not be flung back 
 again. And oftentimes also a Velites had a sling ; or a bow and 
 
 arrows. 1 " 
 
 The Hastati, (who were the fresh, heavy armed, recruits) were 
 armed with an helmet, generally of brass , and with boots ; and 
 with a breast-plate of brass ;— and a long wooden buckler, or 
 scutum, of a somewhat semi-cylindrical figure, covered with a thin 
 plate of iron, and all round its edges by a band of iron ;— together 
 with two long spears, and a sword. 
 
 ^ The Principes, who were the thoroughly well trained troops ; were 
 distinguished on that account only and were armed just in the 
 same manner as the Hastati. 
 
 And so also were the Triarii ; (who were the picked, and chosen 
 veterans;) only these last had their spears much shorter, and much 
 thicker; which were on that account generally called pila— piles; 
 as these troops sometimes were called Pilani.\ 
 
 The Equites, or horse, were armed (after the Grecian manner) with 
 an helmet ; a breast-plate ; a round shield ; a lance ; and a sword, 
 
 * This circumstance is mentioned by Josephus, who frequently saw them; but it is 
 omitted by Polybius. 
 
 + See Varro, lib. iv. i 6. Vegetius, lib. i. so The files, or javelins of the Triarii, 
 
 Polybius expressly tells us, were not slender like darts, or common spears; but were very 
 heavy instruments : -a palm (or about 3 inches) in diameter, when round; or the same in 
 thickness, when square ; whilst they were only about 4, or 4 ± feet in length, and had a very 
 heavy head of iron. 
 
 From this shortness, and great thickness of the pile, or spear, (which was probably an 
 usage derived from more antient warlike nations, and is perhaps an argument that may 
 induce us to suspect the first Romans to have been descended, some how or other, from the 
 Philistines,) we may best understand the propriety of the expression in Holy Writ, con- 
 cerning Goliah the Philistine ;— that the staff of his sfear was like a weaver l s team. 1 Samuel, 
 chap. xvii. ver. 7 . An expression, which from our habit of referring, in our ideas of a spear, 
 to the long Norman spear, is apt to render the account, at first sight, too hyperbolical. 
 
79 
 
 which Josephus says was in some instances long ; — and he also 
 informs us, they were sometimes armed with two or three darts, 
 carried in the hollow of their shields. But in the first ages of the 
 Roman power, they trusted merely to a slight quivering lance ; and 
 a little round buckler, covered only with leather ; and had little 
 else of armour. 
 
 From the same curious eye witness, Josephus, we learn, that 
 amongst both horse and foot, there were, in the later ages of Roman 
 greatness, some persons who, after the example of the Grecians, had 
 other more complete armour covering them than the mere breast- 
 plate, and boots ; and somewhat nearer approaching to what we 
 should call a complete coat of mail. 
 
 And as a confirmation of this fact, we are told by Polybius, who 
 lived so many ages before Josephus, that all those who were rated 
 above 10000 drachmae, {i.e, at about £s 10. or £312. of our cur- 
 rency,*) even amongst the Hastati, as well as amongst the Triarii, 
 were armed with a complete coat of mail. 
 
 Some of them also, occasionally wore sharp pointed nails, at the 
 bottom of their boots, to enable them to tread, and stand the more 
 firmly.+ 
 
 We learn from Polybius, as to the Allies, or Auxiliaries; that they 
 were raised, and enrolled by their Prefects, from the allied cities in 
 Italy, exactly in the same manner as the Legionary troops them- 
 selves were by their Tribunes. And we may gather, from the whole 
 of his account, that they were armed nearly in the same manner: — 
 had javelins of 2 cubits, or about 3 feet in length, and of the thick- 
 ness of a finger, with the iron part about a span in length, and ex- 
 ceeding taper ; — a supply of which they carried in the hollow of 
 their shields ; — whilst the convex shield they bore, 4 feet long, and 
 
 * The Attic drachm was about of our currency ; and the Roman denarius, (which was 
 probably what Polybius alluded to) about yld. 
 
 + Josephus tells us an interesting little anecdote, of an heavy armed Itgimarf, a Centurion, 
 named Julian, at the siege of Jerusalem, who had adopled this custom : and was deemed one 
 of their firmest, and bravest soldiers. This man had put many Jews to flight; and in the 
 presence of Titus rushed into the outer Court of the Temple ; but coming upon the fine 
 marble pavement, he, from this very cause, first slipt about from side to side; and then fell 
 on his back, with a grievous fall, and was slain ; — though not without great difficulty, be- 
 cause of the closeness ofhis armour. De Bello Jud. lib. 6. cap. 1. sec. s. 
 
80 
 
 2i broad, was made of planks, covered first with glued linen, and 
 then with a shell of iron, and edged with iron. 
 
 The representations of each of these kinds of armour may be 
 seen very fairly delineated, amongst the representations of the 
 sculpture on Trajan's Pillar.* 
 
 For the accommodation of all these several bands, in the field, one 
 tent was usually allotted to 8 men ;+ on a space about 1 o Roman feet 
 
 square ; — to which was added a space of 5 feet by lo, for arms ; 
 
 and then one of 9 feet by 10, for bat horses. The whole including 
 an area of 10 feet by 24 ; having an additional space of 1 foot left 
 all round the tent, for the convenience of pitching it. 
 
 ^ ee Barloli's most curious Representation of the Sculptures ; PL IV. VIII. XI. XV. XX. 
 XXXIV. LXXVII. LXXIX. LXXXII. where the form of the helmets ;_the semi-cylin- 
 drical shield the mode of bracing on the breast-plate with leathern thongs ;— the short- 
 ness, and form of the sword, with its point and two edges, and the mode of carrying it on the 
 right side ;— the length of the spears ;— the figures of the standards, and the mode" of carry- 
 ing them ;— the distinction of the various common Signa of the Maniples, from one another, 
 and from the Vexilk ;— and from the Eagles of the Legion ; particularly in PI. XV. XX. 
 XXXVI. XLIII. may all be most plainly distinguished. As also the skins on the heads 
 of some of the legionaries ;— the short garments :— and the naked legs of the soldiers, with 
 the bandages at the bottom of their legs ;— and their mode of carrying the implements for 
 dressing their provisions, on the top of their spears, on their marches. 
 
 The armature also, of the Consul,— and Tribunes,— and Centurions,— under their 
 Togas, or mantles, are shewn :— together with the slight armour of the horse, which is re- 
 markable. And the inferior armature of the Allies may also be discerned ;— and especially in 
 
 PI. LXXXII And the Clarion of the horse, — the Litmis, winding round and round at 
 
 the extremity, like a ram's horn, is clearly distinguished, PL V. VIII. XIX. XXX. XLI. 
 LXXVIII. LXXXI. XCV. from the Tuba, the trumpet of the foot. Shewing how obvi- 
 ously those beautiful lines of Horace described a fierce engagement loth of horse and fool. 
 Jam nunc niinaci murmure cornuum 
 Perstringis aures : jam litui strepunt. 
 
 Carminum, lib. ii, ode 1. 
 — — et lituo tuba 
 Permistus sonitus. 
 
 Carminum, lib. i. ode l. 
 Whilst the lines of Ovid, described the exact forms of the two instruments. 
 
 tuba directi — Kris cornua flexi. 
 
 Ovid Metam. lib. i. as. 
 The same distinctions also appear in the figures on the Antonine Column. 
 
 + This fact we learn from the curious and scarce fragment of Hyginus, brought fully into 
 light by General Roy, p. 1 7 6. 1 s 0. Hyginus lived about the time of Trajan. 
 
81 
 
 And as to the mode and order of forming an Entire Camp ; — 
 we learn, from the substance of what has been said by Polybius, 
 concerning the forming a Consular camp for two legions, with their 
 allies ; and by what has been said by other authors ; when their 
 accounts, and intimations, are fairly compared together, and allowed 
 to illustrate each other ; 
 
 That first, — a Standard, or Eagle, was placed where, by the Con- 
 sul's appointment, the PrEetorium was to be fixed at (+s), PI XX J"' . 
 
 That then ; — the sides on which the Decuman, and Prrctorian gates 
 were to be placed being determined, a space was set off, in both 
 those directions, and in the transverse direction, of one hundred Roman 
 feet each way ; — with an area comprising about Jour Roman acres. 
 
 This General Roy, and other commentators, suppose to have 
 formed a square of 200 feet, for the whole area of the Praetorium ; 
 and that it was only 100 feet each way from the centre.* 
 
 But herein I must beg leave to differ ; and rather to conclude, 
 that the whole area formed for the Prretorium, was in reality of 400 
 feet square. 
 
 And that; — first, because as the measure was to begin from the 
 staff of the Standard, or Eagle; and from the precise spot wherein 
 that was fixed ; it would have been much more natural and easy, 
 to have mentioned, at once, a distance, or measurement, that would 
 have in reality, comprised about four acres; — unless there had been 
 some particular reason, for deviating from such a plain mode of 
 description. 
 
 In the next place, because a square of two hundred feet would not, 
 one would think, be large enough, conveniently to contain a 
 Consul's tent ; — the Sacellum, or Augurale, which we are repeatedly 
 informed stood near it ; — and a Parade, or Court for the assembling 
 of the Centurions, and other officers, of a great Consular army. 
 
 And in the last place ; because we find at Richborough, that what 
 evidently was the Prretorium there, was actually in due proportion, 
 considering the smaller dimensions of that station, to a Consular 
 Prastorium oifour hundred feet square,^- in a Consular camp. 
 
 * See the Military Antiquities, p. 42. 
 ■f See in the preceding sheets, p. 1 8 . PI. XX. fig. l . 
 VOL. II. Y 
 
82 
 
 I must, therefore, venture to differ from that very curious, and 
 most intelligent writer, General Roy, in this little point ; and take 
 the space for the Pratorium (rrrr) to have been 400 Roman feet 
 square ;— set off by a line of 200 feet, measured each way from the 
 foot of the pitched standard [s);— after a space of only 200 feet 
 square had been first determined, in the midst of it, as shewn by 
 the dotted line. 
 
 The words of Polybius are,* 
 
 Toy miiifroQ hi ro.tov xooq Sf&roxsSdkp, 
 
 Tehbrii Si rfc mutate;, bu /isU.om xigy&w tmtp, ixoii.no/iriu xb£ rife 
 
 mwMcK mffyoitt rixoc, oozi x&ok r& xXr^ bmfo «xfyw xo&k i% 
 
 OiUtate;, to & sa^dbf y'mtsixi nrshXdoov. 
 
 And they are thus translated by Casaubon ; 
 
 Vexillo autem eo loci posilo, ubi Prcelorium sunt fixuri, 
 
 Spatium quadratum circa ipsum vcxillum sic metiunhcr , ut ab eo latera 
 omnia centum distent pedes, acjugerum quatuor fiat area. 
 And are thus translated by Hampton; 
 
 In this place [i.e. in the place marked out for the Consular tent) an 
 ensign is planted in the ground, and round it is measured a quadrangular 
 figure, every side oj which is distant from the ensign an hundred fed; so 
 that the whole contents of it are equal to the space of four acres. 
 
 And the general conclusion has therefore been, that the whole 
 area of the Prastorium was only 200 feet square.— But whoever will 
 take the trouble to examine this account mathematically, will find 
 that to be impossible. For, 
 
 A Roman jugerum, or acre, or IlXihov, is well known to have 
 been, as much as one yoke of oxen would ear in a day; and to have 
 contained, in length, 240 Roman feet, and in breadth 1 20.+ — and 
 in square superficies, 28800 square feet. And therefore four acres, 
 or four times 28800 square feet, must have contained 11 5200 square 
 feet. 1 
 
 But an area 200 feet square is so far from containing four acres, 
 that it contains only 40000 feet that is not near two acres. 
 
 How then can this inconsistency be accounted for? — A little 
 more accurate, and more cautious translation, — may perhaps render 
 the whole account consistent. To effect which, 
 
 * Lib. vi. sec. as. + Plin. xv iii. 3. Columella v. 1. 
 
S3 
 
 In the first place, it must be observed, that the most plain mean- 
 ing of the word to IjiSccSop ; is not, the area; — but rather, the walk 
 round. — For stfidbv, taken adverbially, is pedestri itinere* 
 
 And in the next place, — that then the inference may fairly be, 
 that the description of Polybius implies, — that a measure of 1 00 feet 
 being first taken, from the foot of the standard each way, forming 
 a square of 200 feet , — a walk round was then set off, containing in 
 itself alone four acres. 
 
 And this will very nearly mathematically agree, both with the 
 reduced proportions which we find at Richborough ; — and with 
 the idea of a parade, or court, belonging to a Consular Praetorium, of 
 400 feet square; or of about six acres in all. 
 
 For 400 Roman feet square, is equal to 160000 square feet: — 
 and if from this we deduct the contents of an interior square area of 
 200 feet ; — that is 40000 square feet ; — there will be left, for the 
 contents of the walk round, 120000 square feet; — which is no great 
 matter more than 1 15 200 square feet, or four Roman acres, exceed- 
 ing only by one-sixth part of an acre. 
 
 We may, therefore, now perhaps venture, rather to translate the 
 passage, still more literally ; and in this manner. 
 
 The place always beingjirst fixed upon for the Praetorium ; and 
 
 the standard being pitched where they were about to set up that ; — there 
 Was then measured round the standard a square space ; — so that all its 
 sides were an hundred feet distant from the standard ; — and so that the 
 walk round (this) was of four acres. 
 
 This space, then, (according to the conclusion, of its being 400 
 feet square,) being marked out, in the forming a Consular camp 
 of two legions, and auxiliares ; — a line (a a) was drawn before the 
 Praetorium and parallel to it, at the distance of 50 feet, running 
 quite across the camp, — and within this boundary, on each side 
 the Praetorium, were placed the tents of the twelve Tribunes, at 
 equal distances ;■ — six on the right, and six on the left ; the spaces 
 between serving for their horses, and attendants: — and beyond 
 
 * It is indeed true, that 'EpCaJoi', is sometimes used to signify the contents of an area : — 1 
 but the more proper Greek word for that purpose, and to express spatium geometries Jivura, 
 is xufiV See H. Stephens, Tom. IV. p. 668. 
 
84 
 
 them, nearer to the two extremities, the tents of the twelve Prefects 
 of the Allies, six on the right, and six on the left, were placed in 
 the same manner ; — having the whole of the soldiers' tents in their 
 front. 
 
 Beyond this line, another (o o) was marked parallel to it, at the 
 distance of 1 00 feet : and this latter interval formed the Principia, 
 or the principal street, in the front of these officers' tents : — at the 
 extremities of which street were the two principal, or side gates (gg). 
 
 This street was always kept clear of all incumbrances, by a con- 
 stant guard ; — was made quite level ; — always kept smooth, and 
 clean ; — and served for mustering the whole army, previous to a 
 march.* 
 
 There was then marked out, directly in the middle of the front 
 of the Pratorium, and leading directly from it straight through the 
 camp, a street, or way (vv), 50 feet broad. 
 
 And on each side this street were placed the Equites; the Roman 
 cavalry (eeeee), fronting the street; — to each troop of whom (e) was 
 allotted a space extending 100 feet along the way; and 100 feet also 
 in breadth. 
 
 And close on each side of these were encamped the Triarii 
 (ttttt) ; with their backs to the cavalry ; and fronting the two side 
 streets (v2, v2). And to each troop, or maniple, of these, was 
 allotted a space 1 00 feet in length ; but, on account of the smallness 
 of their number, only of 50 in breadth. 
 
 The lateral streets, like the way running through the middle of 
 the camp, seem to have been 50 feet wide. 
 
 On the sides of these streets that were opposite to the T riarii, 
 and fronting them, were placed the Principes (ppppp); — to each 
 troop or maniple of whom, on account of the superiority of their 
 number to that of the Triarii, was allotted a space of 100 feet along 
 the street, and of 100 feet broad. 
 
 On the right and left, outward from these, were placed the 
 Hastaii (hhhhh) ; — whose number being the same as that of the 
 Principes, they had a space of 100 feet square in like manner 
 
 * Allowing four square feet to a man, it would hold 5 6250 men ; which is vastly more 
 than a Consular army of 19300 men; and therefore would allow room for them in ex- 
 tended ranks; with more than eight square feet allowed to each man. 
 
85 
 
 allotted for each of their maniples ; — and fronted towards two other, 
 more outward streets (n n) ; which completed the five streets pro- 
 perly belonging to the Roman legion. 
 
 On the opposite side of each of these two last streets, were placed 
 the cavalry of the Allies (se.se.se.se.se), who seem to have been 
 usually encamped in double maniples; and therefore at the same 
 time that each of their divisions had, like the Equites, 100 feet along 
 the way, each double maniple had 200 feet in depth. 
 
 Their number indeed was 900 to a legion ; — but as 300 were 
 drafted off for Extraordinaries , (who were placed in another situ- 
 ation in the camp,) it is plain that the remaining 600 would be 
 placed, only 300 on each side the legionary troops ; — and require 
 only just twice the space on each side which the Roman Equites 
 had ;— and which we thus find to be exactly assigned to them. 
 
 In like manner, therefore, the infantry of the Allies, or allied foot 
 of each legion, though 4200 in number, having one-fifth part, or 
 840, drafted from them for Extraordinaries, who were stationed in 
 another part of the camp, would have only 1680 men to be situ- 
 ated on each side the legion respectively. Dividing these then like 
 the horse, into five double maniples, there will be just 336 men for 
 each double maniple, which is in the proportion of 168 for a single 
 maniple." A proportion exactly like that of the Principes, or Hastali, 
 of the legionaries. For each of their maniples consisted of 120 men; 
 and if to them we add their proportion of Velites, as attendants, it 
 will make each of their maniples^- to amount to 168 men exactly. 
 
 These douple maniples of the allied foot (sp.sp sr.sp.sp.) were en- 
 camped fronting the vallum, or rampart. 
 
 And hence ; — and because Polybius informs us there were Jive 
 streets belonging to the legion, it has been concluded, that their double 
 
 * 42OO Allied Foot. 
 
 84,0 Extraordinaries. 
 2)3360 Remain. 
 
 5)1680 for each side of the Camp. 
 3)336 for each double Maniple. 
 168 for a single Maniple. 
 
 + There were in all 1500 Velites. If then we divide these into three equal parts, for 
 attendants upon the Triarii, Principes, and Haslciti; each respective body will have 400 be- 
 longing to them ; and each of the maniples -JO. But if", instead of alloting so many to the 
 VOL. II. Z 
 
86 
 
 maniples were placed immediately at the back of the double maniples 
 of allied horse, without any street between them: — and General Roy 
 has adopted that idea. But here again I find myself compelled to 
 form a different conclusion. 
 
 First, — because, in that case, the soldiers of the double maniples 
 must have found a very inconvenient access to the further and more 
 interior part of each maniple. 
 
 In the next place, — because, as we find the distribution of the allies 
 in the number contained in their double maniples, so exactly agreed 
 with the numbers of the legionaries in their distribution, we may 
 rather conclude they agreed with them in the precise mode of their 
 encampment, in all other respects. 
 
 And lastly, — because the words of Polybius really do not imply 
 that there were only Jive streets, in a camp. For they are, 
 
 AxonlteStteav & reiv ixotiov r.ivrz oiooSi 1 * 
 
 which Casaubon indeed translates, in a sort of circuitous manner, 
 ubi jam sunt absohdce intercurrentes vite (qidnquc omnino ha sunt) — as 
 if there were only five : — but the more plain translation surely is, 
 simply, — all the five ways being finished; — which only implies, all 
 the five ways, belonging properly to the legion itself, being finished ; — and 
 this even rather leads us to conclude that there were also other zvays, 
 or streets belonging to the allied troops; — or at least leaves us at 
 liberty to do so. 
 
 We may therefore, (to render the similarity of their encampment 
 to that of the legion, in like manner as that of their precise number 
 in each double maniple the more complete,) venture to conclude, 
 that in exact imitation of the legionary encampment, there was a 
 
 Triaru, we divide the VeBles in proportion to the number in each of the legionary bodies ; 
 then the Triarii will have 1 4 o belonging to them ; and the Primipa and Hastati 4 8 o belong- 
 ing to them : and of course each of their maniples 48; — which number added to lao.will 
 make 168. 
 
 5)1200 Velites. 
 
 240 the portion belonging to the Triarii. 
 
 2 
 
 10)480 the portion belonging to either Principes or Hastati. 
 48 the portion belonging to a Maniple. 
 * Lib. vi. sec. a. 
 
S7 
 
 way of 50 feet in breadth between the allied horse and the allied 
 foot, both on the right hand and on the left of the legionary camp, 
 at (n) and (n). 
 
 Between the double maniples of the allied foot, and the vallum, or 
 rampart, was left a space of 200 feet : — -both for the advantage of 
 protecting them from the missile weapons of an enemy ; which in 
 those days could hardly, with any great effect, fly so far ; — and 
 also for obtaining the advantage of a space, for the easy marching 
 of troops, to the ramparts ; — and also for the stowage of cattle, and 
 forage. 
 
 It has been carefully remarked, by General Roy, that neither 
 Polybius, nor other writers, give us any account how, or where, the 
 1200 Velites, or light armed troops, were disposed of in the camp. 
 We cannot but therefore fairly conclude, that they were indeed never 
 considered as any properly distinct body ; — but only as attendant 
 upon, and as incorporated with the rest. Their armature, and every 
 circumstance that we are made acquainted with, as belonging to 
 them, seems to bespeak it. They appear indeed to have been some- 
 what like what, in long subsequent Norman times, would have been 
 called Esquires attending upon Knights. They therefore attended 
 around the more regular troops of the Triarii, Principes, and Hastati, 
 in battle ; in due proportionate numbers ; — and in the same due 
 proportionate numbers seem to have attended them in camp ; — and 
 hence the silence of Polybius, and of other authors, as to any part of 
 the camp allotted to them. 
 
 And when we come to examine the precise contents of the space 
 allotted to each maniple, we shall find, that there was indeed so much 
 more than room for these attendant Velites, that there was even room 
 for Carpenters who might be employed to set up the tents ; and for 
 other servants; — exactly in conformity to the idea given us of such 
 assistants by Josephus. 
 
 Beyond this encampment of the first legion, and of its allies, a 
 street of 50 feet in breadth (bb) was drawn quite across the whole, 
 which was called Quintana ; either on account of its traversing the 
 stations of the five legionary bodies, the Equites ; Triarii; Principes; 
 Hastati ; and Velites ; — or else because it traversed the five encamped 
 bodies of Equites; Triarii; Principes; Hastati; and Socii. 
 
Beyond this street, the second legion, and its allies were en- 
 camped, exactly in the same manner as the first. 
 
 And at the extremity, and on the two sides of the whole, a space 
 
 was left 200 Roman feet broad, between the tents and the vallum; 
 
 for the same purposes that have been already mentioned, with regard 
 to the other part of the camp ; — and also for the holding of cattle, 
 and forage, taken from the enemy, and other plunder. 
 
 Let us now return to the Pratorium; and to the parts behind it, 
 towards the Praetorian gate. 
 
 And here, in the first place, we are given by Polybius to under- 
 stand, — that, close behind the Praetorium, (considering its front to 
 be that opposite to the Decuman gate, as the fronts of the Tribune's 
 tents were opposite to it) there was a great street (mm) 100 feet broad, 
 running quite across the whole camp. And that opposite to the 
 middle of the Pratorium, another street (xx) SO feet broad, was car- 
 ried, in a direct line, straight from thence to that which we have 
 considered as the Pratorian gate (P) :— but of the length of that street, 
 we have no other information, than what may be deduced from our 
 being told that the camp, when completed, was of a square form, and 
 equilateral.* 
 
 We may then gather from a careful consideration of the substance 
 of the rest of the account given us by Polybius ; that two spaces, 
 which were situated on each side the Prcetorium, behind the tents of 
 the Tribunes, were destined, the one (F) for a Forum;-~or place 
 where all public business was to be transacted, and justice to be ad- 
 ministered , — (not a place, according to the vulgar word market, for 
 mere shambles) :— and the other, (T), on the other side of the Prce- 
 torium, for the place where the financial part of the Quastor's business 
 was to be transacted ; — -and where was the Tapm, or T msion ; which 
 we should perhaps, in these modern days, call the T reasury, and the 
 Pay-office. 
 
 As therefore the Qitcestors office consisted not merely in receiv- 
 ing the money for the payment of the army ; and in paying the 
 soldiers ; — but also in taking care of the stores ; and even in the 
 
 * The precise words of Polybius are, lirm Sc Sms i&rm, ri j& trip**, <r^« 
 yumu t5j <rrp «r«e Scuts TCTfxymw irartetipm. Lib. vi. sec. s 9 . 
 
89 
 
 distribution of wheat to the men, and barley to the horses; — and 
 in receiving, and distributing, the forage, and the cattle — and in 
 receiving the booty taken from the enemy, and in selling it; — 
 all which articles we may be assured never would be brought the 
 whole way through the streets of the camp, to this place near the 
 Praetorium; we are led plainly to conclude, that he must also have 
 had some other usual station for the execution of his office, besides 
 this ; — in which other, he might transact this latter part of his bu- 
 siness : — and for such purpose, no place surely could be so proper, 
 as somewhere in the void space, near to the Decuman gate ; which 
 on that account, probably, as well as because of the cattle, and 
 these bulky articles properly under the Quaestor's care, being brought 
 in at this great and wide gate, might sometimes be called the Quces- 
 torian gate. — And this conclusion is consistent with what we find 
 in the passages that have already been cited from Urn * 
 
 The words of Polybius seem evidently to confine the use of the 
 space allotted to the Queestor, near the Praslorium, merely to the execu- 
 tion of his office as Paymaster, and Treasurer. For, in describing 
 the use of it, they are 
 
 To, n rxn'ix, km txIq &f& roura %o%riyizic. 
 
 for the Qiitestor, and such things as appertain to the discharge of his 
 oJficeA 
 
 On the side of the great street (mm) running behind the Prato- 
 rium, and behind these two spaces; and on each side the street (xx) 
 that led from the Praetorium to the gate ; and fronting the Prtetorium, 
 the Forum, and the (hitcstorium ; were encamped that part of the 
 cavalry of the Allies (ex. ex. ex. ex. ex. ex.) that had been drafted 
 as Extraordinaries. Whose number we are told was 300 from each 
 body of the Allies belonging to the two legions. 
 
 But a part of these 300 was again still further drafted, to form the 
 Ablecti, or select horse, for the Consul's guard ; and these latter were 
 encamped differently ; — those from the one 300, (ab.ab.ab.ab.) being 
 
 * Page 15. 
 
 i In another passage, speaking of the situation of the Extraordinaries, opposite to this 
 station of the Ojrastor's office, the words of Polybius are, 
 
 /3X£7TOyT£? Oi fllV STti T«f TCt^iiU TT^ttOXWaq. Lib. XXVK Sec. * 1 . 
 
 VOL. If. sA 
 
90 
 
 placed on the side of the Forum (F), and fronting towards it;— 
 and those from the other 300, (ab.ab.ab.ab.) being placed on the 
 side of the Qiireslorium (T), and fronting it. 
 
 We are not told what the precise number of the Ablecti were ;— 
 but if we take them to have been 1 20 from each body of the Ex- 
 Iraordinaries ; (which is likely enough, because that is just four 
 maniples, or troops of horse ; and is equal to the number of Legion- 
 aries in one whole maniple or troop of Legionary foot, either 
 Principes, or Haslati.) then the encampment of the Ablecti horse will 
 be found, in a manner remarkably coincident with all other cir- 
 cumstances, to have been just four maniples on each side ;— that is 
 exactly the breadth of the. Pr<etorium, allowing them precisely the same 
 measures of space for their encampment, that all the cavalry uni- 
 formly had in every other part; and allowing precisely the same 
 number of horse, that is 30, for each maniple. And the encamp- 
 ment of the residue of the Extraordinary horse, in the same manner, 
 along the great street (mm) behind the Pratorium, will be that of 
 just six maniples (or 180 horse) on each side; reaching only just far 
 enough to leave two spaces at the corners of the camp, precisely 
 such as are spoken of by Polybius, as destined for the reception of 
 strangers. 
 
 Beyond the Ablecti, on each side, and nearer the ramparts, 
 were placed the Evocati (ev.ev.ev.ev.), or volunteer horse ;— for 
 whom, we may very fairly conclude, a space equal to that of the 
 Ablecti, and disposed of in the same manner, would be fully 
 sufficient. 
 
 Beyond these, and still nearer to the ramparts on each side, we 
 are told were placed the Evocati, volunteer foot (e.e.e.e.). 
 
 And still beyond these, with their front towards the rampart, 
 were encamped the Selecti (f.f.f.f), or that part of the Extraordinary 
 foot, who formed the Consul's guard. 
 
 We are not told precisely what their number was, any more than 
 what the number of the Ablecti, or guard of horse was. But as we 
 are informed, that the whole number of Extraordinary Foot chosen 
 from the two Legions, was one-fifth part, or I G SO men ; (that is S40 
 from each Legion ;) we may here very fairly conclude, that their 
 number was 33G on each side ; bearing just the same proportion to 
 
9) 
 
 the whole number of Extraordinary foot ; as the number of the Ablecti 
 drafted did to that of the Extraordinary horse. And if we conceive 
 them to be encamped, (like the Triarii and their Velites, in four 
 half maniples of S4 men each ; their encampment again, like that 
 of the Ablecti, will reach just 400 feet: — that is the exact breadth 
 of the Prietorium : — and the residue of the Extraordinary foot, 
 (the remaining 504 of each Legion) will form six half maniples; 
 reaching exactly to the same extent as the Extraordinary horse; be- 
 hind whom we are told they were placed, with their front to the 
 rampart. 
 
 As the number of Contubernales, and of volunteers or Evocati, at- 
 tending a Consular camp, must ever have been uncertain; depend- 
 ing merely on the Consul's permission ; — it may be seen, that by 
 placing the Se/ec/i foot (ffff) as they are placed in this plan ; or else 
 by making their line to range exactly with that of (sp.sp.sp.sp.sp.), 
 the Allied foot ; the space allotted for such volunteers, or Evocati, 
 might be contracted, or enlarged at pleasure. 
 
 As to the Legates; who were very few indeed, and who at first 
 seem to have been persons deputed by the Senate to negotiate with 
 foreign powers, with whom the Romans were at war, or to adjust 
 differences between foreign stales ; — and afterwards were senatorial 
 persons, intrusted by the Consul to command great detachments of 
 the army ; — they very probably might be placed, as General Roy 
 supposes, in the Forum, near the Piastorium ; — or even have tents 
 on the Prietorium itself. With regard to this there is some uncer- 
 tainty ; — but for every thing else, we have the plain intimations, 
 and guidance, of Polybius himself, who was an eye witness of the 
 whole exact order of Scipios camp. 
 
 Between the Selecti, or Extraordinary foot, and the rampart, we 
 are informed there was again a void space left of 200 feet ; for the 
 same kind of purposes as in the other parts all around the camp. 
 
 And now surely we have another obvious proof of the propriety 
 of venturing to depart from General Roy's plan ; and of making the 
 space for the Prastorium four hundred feet square. — For by doing 
 thus, we not only still find the whole camp completely square; but 
 we find every part of it completely, and fully occupied, exactly in 
 consistency with the measures, and description given by Polybius: 
 
92 
 
 whereas, when we attentively consider General Roy's plan, we 
 cannot but perceive, that there was too much space by far assigned 
 therein both for the Selecli, or foot guards ; and also for the Extra- 
 ordinary foot, upon any computation whatever, in proportion to the 
 accommodation of the rest of the army ;— and too little space for 
 the Abledi, and for the Extraordinary horse; (divide them how you 
 will, and place them how you will) . And that there was far too little 
 space for any Forum.— Bat by making the Prxlorium four hundred feet 
 square, all comes out in due and just proportion. And the Pralorium 
 stands, (as we find that actually did at Richborough,) much nearer 
 to the Pratorian gate than to the Decuman. 
 
 The length of the street (xx) leading from the Prcctorinm to the 
 Pratorian gate, is left by Polybius unascertained ;— and so also is 
 the extent of the rampart (or vallum) of the camp.— General Roy 
 supposed the length of the street to be 250 feet;* but did so, (as 
 he confesses) merely for the sake of making the camp exactly square ; 
 which Polybius certainly says it was.— And he therefore supposes 
 the whole side of the camp to be 2 1 50 Roman feet, or 207 7f English 
 feet, in extent. But if we take the length of this street to have been 
 only 150 feet long ; (answering exactly to the breadth of the space 
 required for the Extraordinaries , both horse and foot ;) then we 
 shall still have the whole camp exactly square, according to the 
 ideas here adopted ; only the extent of any one of its sides will 
 be 2250 Roman feet, or about 2173 English feet:— and we shall 
 have two additional streets (nn) for the convenience of the Allies, 
 exactly similar to those five which were for the convenience of the 
 Legions. 
 
 The perfectly exact squareness of a Roman camp, according to 
 this interpretation of the words of Polybius, will be obvious, even 
 from the slightest detail of the particular measures of the several 
 parts. 
 
 For the breadth of the camp, along the Principia, or principal 
 street, from one side gate to the other, will consist of 
 
 * Military Antiquities, p. n. 
 
93 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 Feet. 
 
 The breadth of the space left next the Vallum - 
 
 200 
 
 Two maniples of Allied foot - 
 
 200 
 
 A street ------- 
 
 50 
 
 Two maniples of Allied horse - 
 
 200 
 
 A street - ' - - * ».«* 
 
 50 
 
 A maniple of Hastati, and a maniple of Principes 
 
 200 
 
 A street - -•- - - 
 
 50 
 
 A maniple or I nam, and a maniple ot Equites - 
 
 150 
 
 The great Decuman street, in the midst 
 
 50 
 
 A maniple of Equites, and a maniple of Triarii 
 
 150 
 
 A street ------- 
 
 50 
 
 A maniple of Principes, and a maniple of Hastati 
 
 200 
 
 A street ------- 
 
 50 
 
 Two maniples of Allied horse - 
 
 200 
 
 A street ------- 
 
 50 
 
 Two maniples of Allied foot - - - - 
 
 200 
 
 The breadth of the space left next the Vallum 
 
 200 
 
 
 2250 
 
 and the length of the Camp, from the Decuman, to the Pratorian 
 
 will consist of, 
 
 
 Feet. 
 
 The breadth of the space left next the 
 
 Vallum 
 
 200 
 
 Five maniples of Roman Equites 
 
 
 500 
 
 The street Quintana - 
 
 
 50 
 
 Five maniples of Roman Equites 
 
 
 500 
 
 The Principia, or principal street 
 
 
 100 
 
 The Tribunes' allotment 
 
 
 50 
 
 The Pratorium - 
 
 
 400 
 
 The great street behind the Pratorium 
 
 
 100 
 
 A maniple of Extraordinary horse, an 
 
 d half a ma- 
 
 
 niple of Extraordinary foot 
 
 
 1 50 
 
 The breadth of the space left next the 
 
 vallum 
 
 200 
 
 2250 
 
 And it is most remarkable, and no small confirmation of the pro- 
 priety of adopting all these ideas precisely ; that these dimensions 
 for the sides of a Consular camp, agree better with the curious 
 
 VOL. II. 2 B 
 
94 
 
 Remain of the camp at Kirkboddo, that has been already mentioned 
 (and which General Roy so justly concludes to have been designed 
 to hold a single Legion, with its -Allies,) than his own dimensions 
 assigned for a Consular camp :— for it was 22 80 feet in length and 
 1080 feet in breadth.* 
 
 It may now well deserve our attention, how a single maniple 
 could have its tents placed ? 
 
 . We are P ositivel 7 WW; that the space allotted to one maniple 
 either of the Hastati, or Principes, was 100 feet square ;— and that 
 each tent containing 8 men, was in all 24 or 25 feet, by 1 2 ; consist- 
 ing of a tent 1 feet square, with an allowance of 1 foot for pitching 
 it, and with 5 feet for arms, and 10 feet for bat horses. 
 
 As then the maniple consisted of 120 Legionaries; 1 5 tents would 
 contain them all, as common men. But six of them were officers ; 
 and of those six, two were Centurions, and deemed officers of such 
 considerable rank, that the first chosen of the two, even had a seat 
 m the council of war ; and their tents (as we are expressly told by 
 Polybius,+) stood always, by way of distinction, on each side, in 
 the front of the whole band. 
 
 The whole maniple, therefore, (allowing a separate tent to each 
 Centurion ; and one tent, for the sole use of the four subaltern 
 officers,) may be concluded to have contained 18 tents for the Le- 
 
 1 he square area of a Roman camp, according to General Roy's dimensions of its sides 
 which he computed to be 21 50 Roman feet, or about 2 07 7 i English feet, will be 4 6 2 .50o 
 Roman feet, or very nearly 41 1 4 Ml square English feet :— and the half, therefore, 2 3 l ■ , 5 „ 
 Roman square feet, or « .571 10 ± English square feet. But, according to the conclusions 
 formed in these pages, its sides will be each just 225 o Roman feet, or about s 173 English 
 feet; and its square area 5»r, 25 oo Roman square feet, or about mim English square 
 feet :— and the half thereof, 2 5 3 1 s 5 o Roman, or 2 3 6 o o 6 4 i English square feet. 
 
 Now the camp at KiModie is, according to General Roy's measures, 2 j , o feet, by i o s o . 
 Its area, therefore, is plainly 2 3 6 2 4 „ „ square English feet. And this unquestionably agrees 
 better with 2 3 6 o 9 6 4*. the half of a Consular camp of 2 , 7 3 feet Square J than with J 1 5 1 „ „i 
 square feet, the half of 2077-1 feet square. 
 
 Or, if we take the measures in Roman feet, according to which the sides of the camp at 
 Kirkboddo will be very nearly 23 60, by ins. Then its area, 2 63 S o Roman square feet, 
 agrees better with 253 1250, the half of a Consular camp of 2250 Roman feet square, than 
 with 23U 250, the half of !. so Roman feet square. 
 
 + Lib. vi. sec. 2 8. 
 
Fig.l. 
 
95 
 
 gionaries ; even with spare room, for 6 carpenters, or servants, in 
 one of them. 
 
 And if the proportion ofVelites to each maniple was, as we have 
 had reason to conclude, 4 8 men ; — then 6 tents more would contain 
 them also: — and 24 tents would hold the whole completely. And 
 2 4 such tents, we shall find, might be nicely adapted, in a very plain 
 manner,* to occupy a space 100 feet square: — and to leave also 
 some space for slaves, and attendants, of whom Polybius tells us 
 there were several ; — and to whom an oath was always administered, 
 by the Tribunes, not to steal. 
 
 Three rows of such tents, of eight in each row, (even if their 
 depth was 2 5 feet instead of 2 4,) would, in an area 100 feet square, 
 leave two walks, or passages, 12 feet broad, between each row of 
 tents ; — and 8 tents in a row, each of 12 feet in breadth, taking up 
 only 96 feet, would leave a passage between the two middle tents 
 of 4 feet. Which walks, and passages, appear to have been quite 
 sufficient for necessary convenience ; and even for little offices to 
 be performed by the slaves ; some of whom might probably sleep 
 occasionally in the divisions allotted to the arms, and bat horses, of 
 each tent. 
 
 A plan, fig. 2. PI.iHHi, will better explain the whole idea:— 
 where the two Centurions tents are marked on each side, at (cc) ; 
 and the three divisions of each tent ; — one for the tent itself, — and 
 one for a place for arms, — and another for bat horses, — are marked 
 by lines in exact proportion, as shewn by the letters (t.a.b.). 
 
 To complete the account of the Roman order of encamping, it 
 should perhaps be added ; that the tent of each Tribune was, for 
 state, constantly attended by a guard of four soldiers ; — placed two 
 
 * I have here again ventured, in the ideas 1 have formed, to depart from those given, 
 from Schdlius, and from his own apprehensions, in General Rofs curious plates; $ because, 
 according to those, it does not to me appear quite satisfactorily, how each tent could possibly 
 be constructed, of the dimensions, and with the annexed spaces, which General Roy himself 
 has described, || from the fragment of Hyginus, of 1 feet square for the tent ; with 1 foot on the 
 sides for pitching ;— of 5 feet added for arms, and accoutrements : and then of 9 feet added 
 for bat horses. How to find room for those additional spaces, to each tent, in those plans, I 
 cannot perceive, computing on the same scale with the 1 00 feet square assigned for the whole. 
 
 } PI. XLV. fig. s and A. || Military Antiquities, p. 194. 
 
96" 
 
 before his tent, and two behind it;* — and by two or three others to 
 pitch it, and to make the ground level round it ; and to fence in 
 his baggage ; — all of whom were taken in turn from the maniples 
 of Principes, and Hastati. 
 
 And that, in like manner, from the same two bodies of troops, 
 were taken in turn, certain soldiers to level, and cleanse the prin- 
 cipal street, and to keep it clear of all annoyances, as a sort of Parade. 
 And that one maniple of the Triarii, constantly attended, in regular 
 turn, round the Consul's tent. 
 
 That the entrenchments, on each side the camp, were thrown 
 up by the Allies: — and those in the front, and rear, by the Le- 
 gionaries. 
 
 And that the Prefects had just the same attendance from, — and 
 performed the same offices, amongst the Allies, — as the T ribunes did 
 amongst the Legionaries. 
 
 For orders ; the Centurions attended each morning at the tents of 
 the Tribunes; — and the Tribunes themselves, at the Pratorium. 
 
 The entrenchments were constantly watched, and guarded, by 
 the Velites ; — ten of whom were also placed at every gate ; — and the 
 care of going the rounds, was entrusted to the Equites, or cavalry ; — 
 four of whom, chosen by turns, performed that office ; one at every 
 watch; on the sounding of a trumpet at the tent of the first Centurion 
 of the Triarii. And each man going the round, took some of his 
 friends with him, to bear testimony to the truth of his report made 
 next morning to the Tribunes. 
 
 The order of marching, and of setting out on a march, has already 
 been described, as given by Josephus :i — and Polybius tells us, that 
 
 * This was the regular kind of Roman guard. And thus we find Herod, in imitation 
 of Roman customs, delivering Peter to four quaternions of soldiers, to keep him ; (that is, to 
 guard him in turn ;) — and between two of these soldiers, we find he slept; whilst the other 
 two, we may understand, were to guard the door. Acts, chap. xii. ver. 4 . 6. 
 
 t We find Josephus expressing uncommon admiration at the order and arrangement of 
 the Roman annus (lib. iii. cap. 5.); which may perhaps, from him, appear the more extra- 
 ordinary ; because he was so perfectly well acquainted, with the description of the exquisite 
 arrangement of the camp of Israel, and of the order of the marching of the hosts of the 
 Twelve Tribes, as described in the book of Numbers (chap, s, 3, <. 10.) : a truly sublime 
 pattern of regular discipline. 
 
 But it ought to be considered, that such observance of military order, amongst the Jews, 
 
97 
 
 some time before the army could arrive at the spot intended for its 
 encampment, the centre, of the space designed for the Pratorium, 
 was distinguished by a White Standard ; — whilst the front of that 
 
 had become totally disused in his time ; — as appears both from the book of Maccabees; and 
 from his own History ; — and was also unknown to the Greeks, and to all the neighbouring 
 nations. 
 
 Polybius expressly tells us, at the end of his account of the Roman mode of encamping, 
 that the Greeks had no regular method ; — but when they encamped, considered merely the 
 natural strength of the place chosen ; — and accommodated their disposition of themselves 
 to it ;— and did this, in so confused a manner, that no soldier ever knew, with certainty, 
 eidier his own place in the camp, or that of the body to which he belonged. 
 
 It is curious, to reflect on second causes, upon this occasion : and in considering the pro- 
 gress of the various Great Powers that have been on earth, to discern, — -that the improvement, 
 of the construction of rapid armed Chariots of Iron, seems to have produced the first Assyrian 
 Kingdom; — the improvement, of the mode of Fortification, by means of stronger stone walls, 
 and towers ; and of the mode of Attack, by means of blockading Cities, with vast hosts ; seems 
 to have produced the Babylonian Empire: — the improvement, of forming bodies of Cavalry ; 
 seems to have produced the Persian ; — the improvement, of forming a Phalanx, of heavy 
 armed troops, seems to have produced the Macedonian. This invention otGastramelation, 
 and strict Discipline, the Roman*, — Raging zeal, and the Sabre, — the Saracen; — and the 
 invention of Cannon, and Gunpowder, the Turkish Empire. 
 
 They were all instruments in the hands of the Most High, — And that, which we are 
 ever too ready to consider as mere invention ; — awakened, as it appeared to the common eye, 
 only in the minds of one or two obscure men, whose names we are hardly acquainted with; 
 seems to have been, indeed, the main hidden spring, that did put in motion all these so 
 vast Powers, that have terribly produced, from generation to generation, such tremendous, 
 and such different events, in successive periods, on the face of the whole earth. 
 
 Was not then that invention a sort of real Inspiration ? — And are we not led to conclude 
 certainly that it was so ; — even from what is expressly said in Holy Writ, concerning the 
 exquisite skill of Bezaletl* and Aholigb} 
 
 Considering the dignified sublimity, and accuracy of the description, in the Holy 
 Scriptures, of that first mode of encampment, which really was according to a Divine Com- 
 mand; it is astonishing how hastily and lightly Josephus abridges,! and passes the whole 
 over in his Antiquities; though he adds some interesting circumstances. — And it surely 
 does, therefore, the rather deserve now that we should bestow some further attention, in 
 order to compare the account conveyed to us, in this interesting piece of Sacred History, 
 with that of a Roman camp, so greatly admired by Josephus : — And that we should reflect a 
 little, how the whole would appear, when merely put in words somewhat similar to such 
 plain ones, as probably would have been used by Polybius. 
 
 In the midst, was placed the Tent, or Tabernacle, of THE GREAT GOD OF ISRAEL, 
 — THE LORD OF HOSTS, — consisting of two apartments of the most perfect, and 
 * Exodus, chap. xxxi. ver. 2 to 1 . 
 + In his Jewish Antiquities, lib. iii. cap. J2. sec. 5. 
 
 VOL. II. 2 C 
 
98 
 
 space, — the line for the Tribunes, — and the line bounding the prin- 
 cipal street, — were distinguished by three purple standards ; — one 
 
 beautiful proportions ; — the one a cube ; the other a double cube ;+|| — the measure of whose 
 
 height, and breadth, was 10 cubits, — or 15 feet All the boards whereof this Tabernacle 
 
 was composed, were overlaid with pure gold ;* — and the hangings were richly embroidered 
 with blue, and purple, 4- and scarlet. 
 
 Around it a space, or court, was measured out, of 1 o cubits, by 5 o ; or of 1 5 o feet, 
 
 by 7 5 ;f — surrounded with pillars of brass, having silver fillets, and hooks; and rich em- 
 broidered curtains hung between them. 
 
 Beyond this a certain space was left, out of reverential awe ; — and then were pitched the 
 tents of MOSES, their leader; and of AARON, their High Priest; and those of the 
 Priests his sons: all towards the East; and before the door of the Tabernacle.} 
 
 Behind the Tabernacle, about the same distance, to the West, were pitched the tents of 
 7S00 of the Levites, called from their ancestor, Gm/wniles ■ — who were the persons ap- 
 pointed to take care of, and to carry its Coverings, and Hangings. || 
 
 On the North side, in like manner, were the tents of 6 2 o o of the Levites called Merariles, 
 who were, onjournies, to carry the Boards of the Tabernacle, and the Pillars of the Court;? 
 and to set them up at the appointed place. 
 
 On the South side ; were the tents of 8 6 o Levites, called Kohdlhiles ; who were to carry 
 the Sacred Vessels; — and the Ark of the Covenant.** 
 
 Again; at a due reverential distance, beyond these, were pitched the tents of all the 
 twelve tribes. 
 
 On the East side ; — in three separate divisions, — the tribe of Judak as chief, with the 
 tribes of hsachar, — and ZehutimM 
 
 On the West ; — in like manner, the tribe of Epliraim as chief; — with tire tribes of Ma- 
 nasse/i ; — and Benjamin.^ 
 
 On the North ;— the tribe of Dan, as chief; with the tribes of Asher ;— and Xaphuli.^ 
 
 And on the South ; — deemed the more honourable side of the two -, — the tribe of Reuben, 
 as chief ;— with the tribes of Simeon;— and Gad. |I|| 
 
 In the four corners of the camp, therefore, we may perceive were left great square spaces; 
 —for the stowage of their cattle ; — for markets ; — and for places of exercise. 
 
 +|| Exodus, chap. xxvi. ver. 16, is, 22, 2 3. The length, or height, of each board was 
 
 I o cubits, or 1 5 feet And twenty boards of li cubit, or 2 feet 3 inches in breadth, would 
 
 reach just 45 feet in length ; — while six boards at the end, with the two coupling boards set 
 aslant on the outside at the corners, would extend just about 15 feet in breadth, between side 
 and side. So that on the whole, there would be exactly a double cube of 15 feet, for the 
 Holy Place ; — and a cube of 15, for the Hcly of Holies, where the /frttwas placed. 
 
 * Exodus, chap. xxvi. ver. 2 0. + Ibid. ver. 1. 
 
 t Ibid. chap, xxvii. ver. 9, lo, 16, 17, 18. { Numbers, chap. iii. ver. 38. 
 
 II Numbers, chap. iii. ver. 22, 23,25,26. I Ibid. ver. 34, 35, 36, 37. 
 
 ** Ibid. ver. 28, 29, 31. ++ Ibid. chap. ii. ver. 3, 5, 7. 
 
 I* Ibid. ver. 18, 20, 22. jj Ibid. ver. 25 . 27. 29. |||| Ibid. ver. 10, 12, 14. 
 
99 
 
 set up in the middle part of each line ; — and that the boundaries 
 of every intended street were distinguished clearly, by pikes stuck 
 upright in the ground : — insomuch that no single maniple could 
 hesitate a moment where to go. 
 
 Josephus tells us; ffl that roads, or streets, were formed through the midst of all the 
 tents, in the several divisions : — so that each was like a well appointed forum (or bazar) ; 
 with all sorts of artifiers in their shops, and every thing ready for sale; — and that the 
 whole camp resembled a city ; sometimes moveable ; and sometimes fixed. 
 
 He adds, that the Priests had trumpets, made of silver; a cubit, or ly foot in length;— 
 composed of a narrow tube, with a wide mouth ; — which were made use of to give the signals 
 for marching. 
 
 When the first signal was sounded, — by the blowing of one trumpet, — Aaron, and the 
 Priests went and covered up the Ark, and the Holy Vessels, and Altars : — and the Princes 
 assembled.* And preparations were made. 
 
 And when an alarm was sounded by the two trumpets;+ — the tribes that had been en- 
 camped on the East side set forwards ; — the Standard of the camp ofjudafi marching first ; J 
 and the tribes of Issachur, and tehtlun, following. 
 
 Then the Tabernacle was taken down; — and the Genhonitcs marched; bearing the 
 Curtains, and coverings of die Tabernacle: — and the Merariles; bearing the Boards, and 
 Pillars :§ — both having waggons for the purpose. 
 
 When the alarm was sounded the second time — the tribes encamped on the South side, 
 began their journey : the Standard of the tribe of Reubtn going first;— and the tribes of 
 Simeon, and Gad, following. |[ 
 
 And then the Kohalkitcs followed; — hearing, on their shoulders, the Altars; and Holy 
 Vessels; all covered up in fine blue cloths ;f and in purplecloths.** 
 
 Then marched the tribes encamped on the West side; — die Standard of the tribe of 
 Epkraim leading ; — and the tribes of Manasseh, and Benjamin, fbllowing.-ff 
 
 And last of all came those encamped on the North side; — the Standard of the tribe of 
 Dan preceding the rest; — and the tribes of Asher, and of Napthali, foiiowiog.$$ 
 
 And it is most obvious from the whole tenor of their history, that they all had wag- 
 gons:^ — and oxen; — and beasts ofburden: — and much cattle. || jj 
 
 Such was the arrangement, and order of the Camp of Israel, — which the Prophet 
 Balaam beheld from the summits VI of the mountains Pisgak and Peor\ — and which drew 
 from him, *** with admiration, justly superior to that expressed by Josephus, the sublime 
 exclamation, 
 
 How goodly are thy Tents, O Jacob ! and thy Tabernacles, O Israel ! 
 Some faint idea of the whole is endeavoured to be represented, in a plan, upon a very 
 
 I§1 In his Jewish Antiquities, lib. iii. cap. i 2. sec. 5. 
 
 * Numbers, chap. x. ver. 4, + lbid.ver.5. $ Ibid, veru. 
 
 $ Ibid. ver. 17. j| Ibid. ver. is. f Ibid. ver. SI. Chap, i v. ver. 7, 9, 11. 
 
 •* Ibid. chap. iv. ver. 13 +f Ibid. chap. x. ver. 2a. fct Ibid. ver. 25. 
 
 $$ Ibid. chap. vii. ver. 3. Ibid. chap. xx. ver. 4. 
 
 V$ Ibid, chap, xxiii. ver. 9, H. *** Ibid. chap. xxiv. ver. 5. 
 
100 
 
 We are further informed, by Polybius ; that when two Consular 
 armies, — or four legions, with their allied troops, (or Socii), were 
 encamped together, there were two methods of doing it ; according 
 to the nature of the ground. — The one ; that of placing two such 
 Camps, as have been described, close together, within one en- 
 trenchment ;— and joining in that part where the Extraordinaries 
 are placed; as is shewn in a slight sketch, on a small scale, fig. J. 
 PI. HIiL 1 ; — the other, that of placing the two Camps separate ; in 
 different entrenchments ; — and then placing a Prtetorium, a Forum, 
 
 and a Quastorium, in the middle space between both camps ; in a 
 
 manner that, as it appears to me, may be explained by PL * xna j 
 fig- 2. 
 
 In the first case ; — it may easily be perceived that the area of the 
 Camp was just the double of that of a Consular camp ; — and the sur- 
 rounding rampart was more extensive by one half than that of a 
 Consular camp.* 
 
 In the latter case ; — each Camp was in all respects the same as 
 before ; — but there was an additional construction of common 
 public offices, (besides their separate ones,)for mutual convenience, 
 placed between them. 
 
 The account of this mode of encampment, given by Polybius, is 
 not so full and clear as some other parts of his descriptions are ; — 
 but due attention will render it satisfactorily intelligible. The 
 words are, 
 
 small scale, at fig. 3. PI. ?E£! ;— where the Tribes, and the three orders of the Levitts, are 
 marked by their initial letters, placed in each central void space ;— where Struts are left, such 
 asjosephus describes ;— and where each little square (like those in a Roman camp) is sup- 
 posed to contain some certain number of tents :— whilst it is very obvious, that by simply 
 enlarging the proportions of each square uniformly throughout, the plan might be adapted 
 to any increasing number of the host whatever. 
 
 * The words of Polybius (lib. vi. sec. 3 0.) are, to SI X uq!w Sm\wm ti viiaSev, rijv 
 
 SI mflpsTpw ijftio'A.oi/ Which may be translated literally, — and the area was double the 
 
 former, but the perimeter by one half of the wliol ■ larger. 
 
 And it ought not to be passed by unnoticed; that here Polybius uses the word to x u i'"< ta 
 express the area, with the utmost propriety ; and not the word ri i^CaSiv, which he had used 
 before, in speaking of the extent of the Prtetorium ;— and that this is a strong confirm- 
 ation of the truth of what has been concluded, in p. s 3 , concerning his meaning ; — and that, 
 by the word to" sftEoefoV, he intended to describe, not/4s whole area, but merely the parade: — 
 the surrounding platform ;— or walk round the two hundred feet square of the Pralorium. 
 
101 
 
 "Otxv Si %gsJc, — x xXXx ftw mdxuTai;, — r\v S xyooxv, xxi to Txtuchv, xxi 
 to ohxTrQ/iop yioov Ti6zxsi tov Svoii>. 
 
 And when they encamp apart, all other things are just as they 
 
 were ;- -but the Forum formarketj, — theChiiestorium, or Treasury, — ■ 
 
 and the Prietorium, — they place, in the midst, between both Camps. 
 
 And on these words we may remark, that, if indeed all other 
 things were placed just as they zvere before in a Consular camp ; then 
 the Ablecti, and Selecti; (the Consular guard of horse and foot;) and 
 also the Extraordinary horse , and foot; would of course be placed in 
 each camp just as at other times ; — and consequently there must 
 have been, in each camp, spaces actually left between these, for a 
 Forum; a Qiittstorium ; and a Prietorium ; where each Consul might, 
 if he pleased, dwell : — from whence it follows, that the Forum, 
 Qiitestorium, and Prietorium, spoken of as placed between the Camps, 
 could only be such as were to be used merely occasionally. 
 
 Such must be the conclusion of plain common sense,— and this 
 conclusion is further strengthened, by the consideration, that if the 
 Consuls had been to reside in this common Prietorium, between the 
 Camps, whilst the tents of the Ablecti, Selecti, and Extraordinaries, 
 were as usual placed within the separate Camps ; — then they must 
 in truth have resided most dangerously ; — slightly guarded ; — and 
 without their usual attendants. 
 
 The fact, therefore, seems to have been ; that the Common Prie- 
 torium, Qjiiestorium, and Forum, spoken of as placed between the 
 Camps, were only for occasional purposes, of transacting joint 
 business ; — and for exercising the two Consuls' Joint Command ; in 
 such matters only, wherein it was necessary for them to appear 
 together. 
 
 This appendage of Common offices to the two Camps, could not 
 well be placed so as to interfere with the easy access needful to the 
 two Decuman gates ; — neither could it, with propriety, be placed so 
 as to interfere with the usual rule of placing the Prtctorian gates, 
 towards that part of the country, where was the greatest danger. — 
 We may therefore conclude, that it was placed between the side 
 gates of each Camp, that led from the Principia : — and this the rather, 
 because the great street before the Common Prietorium, would, by 
 that very means, in reality, become only an extension of the two 
 vol. n. 2 D 
 
 • 
 
102 
 
 great principal streets, or Principia, running in the front of the 
 
 Pretoria of the two separate Camps. 
 
 There cannot be a doubt but that the space occupied by these 
 
 tommon offices, would be secured by ramparts ; and therefore the 
 
 plan, fig. 2. PI. may perhaps serve to convey some adequate 
 
 idea of the whole. 
 
 In each of these modes of encamping, there must have been at 
 
 least six outward gates. In the first instance, two great Decuman 
 gates, (d d) one at each end : and four principal gates (o o o o) ; two 
 on each side. — And in the latter instance (when two of the prin- 
 cipal gates would be as it were annihilated by the junction of the 
 camps,) two principal gates (oo) ; one at each end: and two Decuman 
 gates (d d) on one side : and two Pratorian gates (p p) on the other 
 side. Whilst however there is reason to conclude, that sometimes 
 there were gates at the end of the street Quintana (qq) ; which would, 
 in such camps as these, make the complete number of gates to be 
 eight, or ten. 
 
 In the first instance, the whole encampment would be about 
 4500 Roman feet, or 4346 English feet long ; and 2250 Roman, or 
 217 3 English feet broad. And in the latter instance, the two Camps, 
 with the space between them, seems to have extended in length 
 at the utmost 67 50 Roman, or 65 19 English feet. 
 
 Other camps, it is nevertheless true, had sometimes six gates, as 
 well as the double Consular camps : — as we find is evident, from 
 those curious remains traced out, by General Roy, of some of 
 Agricola's camps. 
 
 These seem to have been mostly camps, where a single Legion, 
 with its Allies, were entrenched ; in such manner, as to have the 
 two divisions of the whole placed as wings to the Pratorium, and to 
 its immediately attendant troops ; instead of having the Allies placed 
 as wings to the Legionaries, as was always the case in a Consular 
 camp. 
 
 At Kirkboddo, we have a most curious example of the whole of 
 this sort of arrangement. — And Kirkboddo may the rather here be 
 mentioned; because the dimensions, of that camp, as given by 
 General Roy himself, will actually agree more exactly with the 
 measures and proportions which have now been concluded to be 
 
103 
 
 the right ones, in the preceding pages, according to the true mean- 
 ing of the original words of Polybius ; than those mentioned by- 
 General Roy, fromHampton's translation :— and because, on making 
 trial, it will be found, that the space defined by the remaining 
 entrenchments, and by the precise position of the remaining prin- 
 cipal gates, could not indeed be at all filled up, by the encampment 
 of a Legion, in any other manner ; so as to have either proper room, 
 or streets, corresponding with those gates. 
 
 It has already been mentioned, that the contents of the whole 
 area at Kirkboddo, 2362400 English square feet, are nearer to the 
 half of a Consular camp of 2250 feet, such as my measures make 
 it, that is 2360964-t square English feet, than to the half of a 
 Consular camp of only 2150 Roman, or of 207 1\ English feet; 
 which is only 2157310a square English feet. 
 
 And if we take the Prastorium also, in this case, to have been (in 
 due proportion,) half the dimensions of a Consular Pr/etorium ; that 
 is 400 Roman feet by 200 ; we shall find it will precisely occupy 
 the space between the two side gates, at Kirkboddo, (which is about 
 430 feet on one irregular side, and 470 on the other,) so as to leave 
 just the proper room before it, for the Tribune's space: — and, in like 
 manner, for the Principia, running exactly corresponding with one 
 gate on each side ; and for the usual street behind the Preelorium, 
 running exactly corresponding with the other gates on each side ; — 
 and, at the same time, so as to leave also just the proper room for a 
 Forum, and a Quxstorium, and for the encampment of the Ablecti, 
 and Selecti guards, as wings, on each side. All which dimensions 
 would not so agree by any means, if the Praetorium were either 400 
 feet square, as in a Consular camp ; or only 200 feet square. 
 
 Besides this, we shall find ; that in this way of placing the 
 whole, as is shewn in Pl.^E?, fig. 2, there is, as nearly as may 
 be, the proper room for one half of the Legion, and its Auxiliaries, 
 towards the Decuman gate, and to the S.E. And as nearly the 
 proper room for the Exlraordinaries, and a regular great street 
 beyond them ; and for the other half of the Legion, with its Auxi- 
 liaries, towards the Prretorian gate, and the N.W. And it may be 
 added, that whoever tries the experiment, of endeavouring to place 
 all the maniples of a Legion, and its Auxiliaries, within thecircum- 
 
104 
 
 scribed space ztKirkboddo, with its positively defined position of its 
 gates, in any other manner whatsoever, will find himself baffled 
 
 A little short detail will shew how completely the space may be 
 filled in this way. 
 
 If we take the camp to be in its length ; at a medium, (allowing 
 for the irregularity of its perimeter,) 2280 English feet, or 2360 
 Roman ;— and to be in breadth 1080 English, or Ills Roman we 
 shall find there was exact room for the disposition of a Legion, 'and 
 its allies, in the following manner. 
 
 In the whole Length from the Decuman gate on 
 
 the S.E. to the Praetorium gate N. W. 
 A space next the Rampart 
 Five maniples of Legionaries 
 The Principia - 
 The space for the Tribunes [a a) 
 The Pratorium {rrrr) in length 
 The street behind the Pratorium 
 The Extraordinaries 
 A great street - 
 Five maniples of Leaionaries 
 A space next the Rampart - • • 
 
 200 -f- 
 
 500 
 too 
 
 50 
 400 
 100 
 150 
 1 00 
 500 
 200 -(- 
 
 2300 
 2360 
 
 In Breadth from S. W. to N. E. 
 
 Space next the Rampart . i o o -f. 
 
 Two maniples of Allied foot (sp) 200 
 
 A street 50 
 
 Two maniples of Allied horse (s e) 200 
 
 The main street - - - 5 
 A maniple of Eqidtes, and one of 
 
 Triarii - _ . 1 5 a 
 
 A street . ' , 1 i0 
 A maniple ofPrmdpes, and one of 
 
 Haslati - - . - joo 
 
 Space next Rampart - - 100 -f- 
 
 and it is evident, that the irregularities in the outline of the encamp- 
 ment, so carefully marked in General Roy's plan, will quite suf- 
 ficiently account for the little difference, of about 30 feet at each 
 end, and of 9 feet on each side, more than answer to the exact geome- 
 trical delineation of such an encampment.— To say nothing of its 
 being possible, that a part of the difference might arise, from various 
 little irregularities of measuring in other parts,— as such irregu- 
 larities certainly do appear, in the intervals, between the two 
 principal gates, that remain on each side. 
 
 For in this instance, as indeed in most others, it appears, that 
 though the tactical design of a Roman camp was always, as Polybius 
 informs us, upon the most mathematical exact principle; yet, in 
 general, the real hasty construction of any one individual camp, 
 (after the appointed standards of guidance, leading from the Pra- 
 torium, were once pitched,) was only in fact, generally effected by 
 
105 
 
 adhering to the appearance, from the eye, and by slight pacing, or 
 rude measuring, just as time and circumstances would admit 
 
 The manner in which the parts, about the Prcetorium, mi^ht be 
 conveniently disposed, with respect to their proportional measures, 
 and situation, seems obviously to be this ; — that the Pratorium 
 {rrrr) (which would with propriety be the half of a Pratorium in 
 a Consular camp, and therefore only 200 feet in breadth, though 
 400 feet long,) being placed in the midst, and taking up 200 
 Roman feet. 
 
 There would be left, on each side of it, two great spaces, 
 as usual : — 
 
 The one for a Forum, (f), about ... 200 
 The other for the use of the Quaxtor, (t), also about 200 
 And then, on each of the outsides of these, there would 
 
 be room for the due* proportional numbers of Ablecti, and 
 
 Seledi; — namely, on one side, for two maniples of horse; 
 
 (ab) — and for two half maniples of foot (f) - - 150 
 And the same on the other side - - - - 150 
 And a space might be left, next the ramparts, on each 
 
 side, of somewhat more than 100 feet - - 100 + 
 By which means the whole space occupied, between 
 
 the gates, would be about - 1100 
 
 or 1118 
 
 Hence therefore it may plainly be discerned, that a great part 
 of the irregularity of the outline of the Camp, at Kirkboddo, and of 
 the spaces left, near the surrounding rampart, or Vallum, seems to 
 have been really occasioned, from the two principal streets, or Prin- 
 cipia, not having been drawn originally quite parallel ; but, instead 
 of that, from their having been allowed, in the haste of encamping, 
 to have the direction of each determined merely in consequence 
 of the first placing of the standards about the Prattorium, as suf- 
 ficient marks to the eye, for measuring from thence : — and, from 
 the measuring of each part having been obviously performed, in a 
 hasty manner, just such only as might be sufficient for present con- 
 venience, by the officers of each maniple. 
 
 Fig. 1. P1.522" , represents the present state of the Camp, with 
 
 * See p. 90, 91. 
 
106 
 
 the roads that intersect it, as traced by General Roy ; and with the 
 exact position of its gates as they remain. 
 
 And in Fig. 2, is shewn the manner in which an encampment 
 of a Legion and its allies, in the manner above described, might be, 
 with the allowances here mentioned, adjusted to it. 
 
 Let us now consider its small appendage, of a little additional 
 Camp at one corner; and we shall find that there was just about 
 space, within this, for one additional cohort, and its Allies, or 
 Auxiliaries. 
 
 It was about 350 feet in length ; and about 320 in breadth ; — 
 that is about 362± Roman feet by 331 Roman feet. 
 
 And there would consequently be room, considering the present 
 precise situation of the remaining gate, for placing two maniples ; 
 on the right hand side of a street of about twenty feet wide, running 
 near the middle leading from the gate ; — and two maniples and an 
 half, in depth, — as shewn in the plan: — and for one maniple, on 
 the left hand of this street, with two and an half in depth as on the 
 other side, in which case, the four Legionary bodies might be placed 
 as is shewn by the letters (e. t.p. h.) and the two maniples of Allied 
 horse as at (se. se.) : and the two maniples of Allied foot as at 
 [sp.sp.sp.) dividing one of them into two half maniples; — and 
 there would be left about 20 feet on each side next the ramparts. 
 
 And as this encampment was a mere accession, of a small body of 
 fresh troops, placed so near the Great Camp ; there seems to have 
 been no other provision of room left for. the Chief Officer, (or Cen- 
 turion of the Triarii) than his detached tent, in his proper maniple ; 
 — there being no need of any particular Prastorinm, Forum, or 
 Queestorium distinctly, to this now merely adhering party, 
 
 A Cohort, it has been remarked, was a tenth part of a Legion ; — 
 and consisted properly of a maniple of T riarii ; — a maniple of 
 Principes; — and a maniple of Haslati ; — with the usual accompany- 
 ment of a maniple of Equites; and with the usual number olVelites, 
 amounting to that of another maniple : — but these two latter bodies 
 seem not to have been a necessary part of a Cohort. It consisted 
 therefore of 30 horse, according to the estimate given us by Polybius, 
 and of 420 foot soldiers, when it had its full Legionary complement. 
 And as a Legion, which consisted of ten Cohorts, was sometimes 
 
107 
 
 attended by the full number of Allies, or Auxiliaries; — and some- 
 limes (as we find from several passages both in Livy, and Polybius,} 
 by a smaller number ; — so a Cohort had sometimes its full comple- 
 ment of Allies; and sometimes only a portion of them ; — and some- 
 times only Allied foot, without even its own Equites ; and without 
 any Auxiliary horse : — but, in all instances, was deemed a perfect 
 Cohort, provided the maniples of legionary, Triarii, Principes, and 
 Hastati, were but complete. 
 
 When a Cohort had the full number of Auxiliaries, they consisted 
 of two maniples of horse, of 30 each ; and of two maniples of foot, 
 which (as we have seen in the preceding investigation,) were of 1 68 
 men each: and contained, therefore, 60 horse; and 336 foot. And 
 the whole force consisted of 90 horse ; and 7 56 foot;* — and was 
 commanded by the Jirst Centurion oi the Triarii, who was then the 
 Chiif Captain. — And if two Cohorts were united in the station, or 
 service, they were then commanded by the first Centurion of the 
 Triarii of the elder Cohort ; who was then also deemed the Chief 
 Captain.-Y Sometimes a Tribune attended one or two Cohorts ; but 
 not always. — And when he did attend, — -it appears to have been to 
 
 * The numbers of a full Cohort may be computed in either of these ways; 
 
 Triarii • - - . 6 Or, Triarii, with their Veliles - li 
 
 Principes - - - - 120 Principes, with their Velites - 165 
 
 Hastati - - - - - 120 Hastati, with their Vetxtes - - i 6 s 
 
 3 00 Legionary Cohort alone - 420 
 
 Velites - - - - 120 Allied foot, two Maniples of 1 6 8 each 336 
 
 Legionary Cohort alone 4 20 7 5 6 
 
 Equites ... 30 Equites so 
 
 ■ Allied horse . - - 60 
 
 Legionary Cohort - - 4 5 
 
 Allied foot two Maniples - - 3 3 6 Full Cohort - - - 8 4 6 
 Allied horse - - - 60 
 
 Full Cohort - - - 84 6 
 
 + Hence we may come to understand very nearly, the precise station, and dignity of the 
 Chief Captain, who commanded in the Castle of Anttmia, in Jerusalem, and who rescued St. 
 Paul — as also of the Centurion who was warned to send for St, Peter ;|| — and of that honest, 
 and excellent Centurion, who besought Our Lord to heal his servant,!! — and from hence we 
 
 j Acts, chap. xxi. ver. s l , 3 2 . || Ibid. chap, to. ver. I. 
 
 ^ Mathew, chap. 8. ver. s, i. 
 
108 
 
 administer justice only; and not to command as Chief Captain in 
 the field ;— unless very specially appointed to that purpose. 
 
 may better apprehend the historical particular circumstance, relating to them all; who were 
 indeed every one of them in considerable command, though in different stations, and 
 degrees. 
 
 In the plain and unaffected narration given of the tumults that arose in the Temple 
 concerning St. Paul, we read ? that tiding, came unto the Chief Captain of the hand, that all 
 Jerusalem was ,n an uproar. Who immediately look Soldiers, and Centmions, and ran down 
 unto the,,, And when the Chief Captain had determined to save /Wfrom the way-layino- 
 of the jews, we further read, t that he called unto him two Czntuh.ons, sajmg, Jake ready 
 two hundred Soldiers to go to Casarea, and Horsemen threescore and ten, and Spearmen two 
 hundred, at the third hour of the night (that is at nine in the evening). 
 
 And from these little particular circumstances, so slightly mentioned, we seem to have 
 as plain an intimation as possible, that the Roman garrison, in the Tower of Antmu,, 
 consisted of me or two Cohorts, encamped within its court, or area, (which will hereafter be' 
 described i) and that this Chief Captain, was the first Centurion of the JfoWfof the elder 
 Cohort; and as Commander in Chief took up his residence in the Tower of Aulonia, that had 
 been built by the Jewish Kings of the Asmonean race, long before the time of Herod.j:_And, 
 from the preceding observations, we may understand, that this Chief Officer must have 
 had all the rest of the Centurions, (at least Eve to each Cohort, and lour to each body of 
 Alhes, with nine Decurions of horse, and thirty-two inferior officers) under his command. 
 So that, if there were two Cohorts, he was actually in command over nineteen Centurions; 
 and, what we should call sixty-four subaltern ofcers. 
 
 And we seem further to have an intimation, that when he called for just two Centurions to 
 form an escort for the Apostle ; that he called, in reality, for two maniples ;_which, if we 
 take them to have been, a maniple of Triarii of 6 men ; and a maniple of P, ineipes of i a o 
 men ; with ao attendant Veliles, would form just the aoo legionary soldiers first named. 
 Whilst, on this occasion, as horsemen were particularly necessary ;— we shall find, that 
 
 two maniples of horse {or 60 ) would be very near the number mentioned And, as it is 
 
 well known, that sometimes the proportionate number of Legionary horse was increased, 
 even to 3 3 o , or 4 00 ; } (in which case, the proportion in each maniple would be 3 3 or 4 ' 
 or somewhat between both these numbers,) it is more than probable, that the threescore and 
 ten sent with St. Paul, were exactly two maniples of Equites. 
 
 Further, as to the 200 Spearmen (as they are translated in our English version ;) the de- 
 scription of whom has so greatly perplexed Bern, and Hammond, and other Commentators • 
 we find they are called, by St. Luke, h&xdfc ; which word more peculiarly means cards'- 
 -and therefore as the Extracrdinaries, and the AUecli, and Selecti, (the real Consular plrds of 
 every Leg.on,) were always a part of the Socii, or Allies, there can scarce remain a doubt, but 
 that these two hundred, were in reality a o » Allied foot ; chosen on this occasion to attend diis 
 detachment. 
 
 * Acts, chap. xxi. ver. 5 i . 3!;. 
 
 * Acts, chap, xxiii. ver. 23. + Josephi Antiq. lib. xv. cap. xi. sec. 4. 
 $ See Livy, lib. xliii. cap. xii. and lib. xl. cap. i. 
 
109 
 
 And now we shall find, how admirably the proportions of some of 
 the most distinguished stationary Roman Castra, that still may be ac- 
 curately traced in this Island, agree, in the minutest circumstances, 
 with the principles of encamping laid down by Polybius, as here 
 explained ; — and shall be able to ascertain, very nearly, the precise 
 force which each Castrum, or Station, contained ; — and the very 
 
 And this whole idea is the rather confirmed, even consistently with our translation, where 
 we read, spearmen two hundred; — because the Alexandrian manuscript, instead of SslmxiQxs, 
 has tl re word Ss^iojSoXovg ; which properly means lance hearers, or pikcmen; agreeing exactly 
 with the description of the weapon most used by the Socii, * or Allies ; — and because in the 
 account given by Josephus,i of the body guard of Vespasian, (which being chosen out of the 
 Exlraordinaries, must have been chosen out of the Allied troops) they are by him described 
 as pikemen, or lance bearers, hoyx°9°pus. 
 
 Without therefore having recourse to Hammond's strained solution, of supposing them 
 to have been a sort of Lictors, or persons destined merely to take custody of prisoners; we 
 may perceive that the whole account, lite every other account in the perfectly true words 
 of Sacred Writ, was in every minute particular, conformable to the military customs and 
 usages of the times. 
 
 The pious proselyte Cornelius, who sent for St. Peter, is described} as residing in Cssarea ; 
 and being of lice band called the Italian band; but the Greek word is Ik cWjijj; which properly 
 means ofthe Cohort, called the Italian Cohort. He seems, therefore, to have been its Com- 
 mander, that is, the Chief Centurion of the TriarS of that Cohort, resident in the fortress 
 of Casarea; — and accordingly here we find,} in exact consistency with the whole of the 
 account given by Polybius, that he had not only slaves, and household servants, but a pecu- 
 liar guard of soldiers, out of the maniples, attending constantly upon his person ; for we 
 
 read, that he called two of his household servants, and a devout soldier of them that mailed upon 
 him continually. 
 
 That contemplative excellent Centurion also, at Capernaum, who besought Our Lord to 
 
 heal his trusty servant,]! must probably have been in much the same rank, and situation ; 
 
 as he was in such high esteem, that even Elders of the Jews carried his message:— and in 
 such a situation of life, that he had built them a synagogue. And we find him, when using 
 a similitude to express his faith, with great humility, describing himself as a man set under 
 authority, uVo 1%z<tI*v Tatrtropsuog ; that is, allotted, and chosen, to be placed in power; — which 
 words have even an obvious allusion, to the very manner in which the Centurions viae first 
 appointed out of the whole body of the soldiers in the maniple;^ — and leads us to conclude, 
 that the next words, t% m ^rc tpazvTov tfjootTiuTag, having soldiers unoer me, — refer not merely 
 
 to common legionary soldiers, but to those subordinate officers appointed under him : which 
 
 iders the expression of his faith both more animatedly nervous, and more humble. 
 
 rcii' 
 
 * See before, p. 7 9. t See before, p. 6 1 . ; and Josephus de Bello Jud. lib. iii. 
 
 cap. vi. sec. n. * Acts, chap. x. ver. 1 . $ Ibid. ver. ;. 
 
 t Luke, chap, vii. ver. J to 9. 1 See the account of this before, p. 77. 
 
 VOL. II. 2 F 
 
110 
 
 order of its encampment. — And may even discern, with increased 
 satisfaction, that the placing of the Pratorium, and of the Decuman 
 gate, at Richborough, and other Fortresses, in a manner that at first 
 sight has appeared irregular, and to have proceeded from accident, 
 was not done without an obvious, and most useful design. 
 
 The Fortress at Richborough (which has already been so fully 
 described*) was evidently intended to command one mouth of a 
 great port, the antient Estuary; and for such a purpose we may 
 conclude an extraordinary number of horse was not necessary. We 
 find, therefore, on comparing its dimensions with Polybius's rules 
 of encamping, that it would very well contain, even in its present 
 mutilated state, either one entire Cohort, with the whole number 
 of its allies;— and even with the addition of as many more allied 
 foot ;— or (supposing only a very little more of the precipitous bank 
 to have been originally standing) two Cohorts, with their whole 
 allied foot. 
 
 The external dimensions of its two most entire sides were ori- 
 ginally about 490 feet ;— and 5 60.— The one is still 490;— and of 
 the other there still remains about 460 feet to the edge of the steep 
 broken bank.— If therefore we deduct 12 feet, for the thickness of 
 the walls, there will remain an area of about 466 feet wide, by at 
 least 4 48 feet on one side, to the edge of the bank, within the walls ; 
 whilst we may very plainly perceive the bank to have been still 
 more broken down by time, on the other side. 
 
 These dimensions, fairly taken, upon the least allowance possible, 
 will be equivalent to 482i Roman feet by 46 3J. 
 
 The spaces* that obviously remain on each side the Decuman 
 gate (d), are about 197 J- English feet on the right hand, and about 
 247 j on the left ;— as nearly as possible equivalent to 20 ii Roman 
 feet on the right, and 25 6± Roman on the left ;— and the gate itself 
 is 21 feet 1 inch English, or as near as possible about a little more 
 than 2 If feet Roman in width. 
 
 The perfectly well defined Pratorium (rrrr), at the distance of 
 265 English, or 27 4J, or 275 Roman feet from the Decuman gate 
 (d), is of much smaller dimensions than a Consular Pratorium; being 
 
 From p. 5, to p. 22. + These dimensions, and all those now referred (o, 
 
 are marked in the Plan on a large scale, PI. XVI. p. 6. 
 
Ill 
 
 only 144i English, or very nearly about 149 Roman by 104 
 English, or very nearly 107| Roman feet: and we may therefore 
 very reasonably conclude, that the Principal Street also, or place for 
 mustering the whole force, would in like manner be of less breadth, 
 as well as the street behind the Pnetorium ; whilst there could not 
 be wanting any additional space, in this Castrum, to be allotted for 
 the tents of Tribunes ; — as in a Consular camp. 
 
 And as in these sort of castra, (which were constant regular 
 stations,) the walls, of enormous bulk, and strength, were so very 
 high, that no ordinary missile weapon of early days could fly far 
 over them, we may be well assured there was no occasion for any 
 great space, more than quite an ordinary road, to be left next the 
 ramparts ; (as indeed there could not, by any possibility, be 
 allowance for any unnecessary waste of the area). 
 
 With these data, therefore, as the precise situations of the Decuman 
 gate, and of one of the principal gates, and of the Prtetorium, are all 
 so perfectly well ascertained by the present remains ; we may 
 evidently perceive, that one Cohort, and its allies, might easily be 
 encamped here, even with an addition of as many more allied foot, 
 in the following manner : 
 
 Roman Feet. 
 
 Allowing the main street, leading from the Decuman 
 gate (d), to the Prastorium (rrrr) to be in width - 50 
 
 And measuring, to the right, along the principal street 
 in the front of the Praetorium. 
 
 A maniple of Triarii, as usual (t) - - - 50 
 
 A maniple of Principes, (p) ... . i no 
 A space next the rampart .... 40 
 
 And measuring to the left, along the principal street. 
 
 A maniple of Equites, as usual (e) - - - 100 
 A maniple of Hastati (h) - - - - - 1 00 
 A space next the rampart - - - - 40 
 
 This mode of encampment fills up exactly a space of 4 82 
 
 So that there is only y a foot between the actual measure of the 
 castrum and this allotment. 
 
 And the precise divisions, on each side, agree as exactly ; 
 
112 
 
 Roman Feet. 
 
 First, on the right, with 20 4a and the addition of the half 
 of the Decuman gate 10£ - - - - . 2l5 
 
 For 25, the half of the main street + 50 + 100 + 40 is 
 equal to - - - - . . . -215 
 And then, on the left, with 25 6* and the like addition 
 
 of 10 * 267 
 
 For 25, the other half of the main street + 100 + 100 
 + 40 is equal to 255 
 
 Which leaves only two feet to be somewhere or other accounted 
 for, from mistakes in the first measuring ;— an inaccuracy far less 
 than the actual deviation of the north-west wall from a right line. 
 
 Measuring along the main street, from the Decuman gate, to the 
 verge only of the present bank ;— (which however is 1 10 English, 
 or about 1 1 4 Roman feet, beyond the Pratorium, and projects about 
 SS feet further than the bank at the end of the north-east wall,) 
 there still appears to have been room, for 
 
 A space next the rampart - - . . - 35 
 A maniple of Allied horse, (s e) - - . j o 
 
 The maniple of Equites, (e) - - . , 00 
 
 The principal street - . . . . .40 
 
 Amounting to . 2 75 
 1 he fratorium (rrrr) - . 107J. 
 
 The street behind the Pratorium - - 40 
 An half maniple of Allied foot - - 50 
 And a space still left next the bank, even in its 
 
 present mutilated state - - - . 2 4 
 
 114 
 
 In all - - 496f 
 The precise station, therefore, of every band, or maniple, would 
 
 be, as is shewn in PL fig. s . w h er e, to render every thing the 
 
 more clear, the whole is laid down upon the same scale with the 
 
 great Consular camp. 
 
 And as there is in the Castrum about 1 8 9 English, or 1 95a Roman 
 
 feet, on the left side of the Pratorium; and about 133 English, or 
 
 1 37 1 Roman feet, on the right side of the Pratorium ;— these spaces 
 
 would contain, 
 
113 
 
 On the left side of the Prstorium. Roman Feet. 
 
 The space next the rampart ... .40 
 The second maniple of the Allied horse (se) - - 100 
 And a Forum (f) of an I07f feet in length, and in width 555 
 
 19 Si 
 
 And on the right side. 
 
 The space next the rampart - - - - 40 
 Half a maniple of Allied foot - - - - 50 
 And a space for a Pay office, (t) similar to the Qiicestorium 
 
 of a Consular camp, 107i feet in length, and in breadth 47? 
 
 lSli 
 
 When two entire Cohorts, with their whole Allied foot, might at 
 any time be encamped ; — it would only require one more half 
 maniple of Allied foot, to be added lengthways, on the left of 
 those, in the former instance, encamped behind the Prstorium; — 
 and on the right, the addition of two other half maniples : — one 
 to be placed so as to make the first half maniple, on the right, (by 
 its greater depth) an whole maniple ; and the other half maniple 
 to be placed against it, fronting the side rampart. So that, in the 
 first instance, the maniples would be according to the letters, cor- 
 responding with the distinct divisions, in the annexed scheme in 
 No. I.; and in the latter, according to those in No. 2. And in 
 both instances, it will only be requisite, to apprehend, that a very 
 small portion more of the precipitous bank might have been origi- 
 nally standing, than we now find. 
 
 No. I. No II. 
 
 S p . S E ^SP . Sp h . E t . p 
 
 h . e t . p h . e t . p 
 
 se . (f) Pr (t) .xsp sp . (f) Pr (t) Asp 
 
 Jsp isp JSP.JSP SP.fSP 
 
 v v 
 
 If we may be allowed to suppose, that before the falling of the 
 original bank, the Castrum was at first bounded by walls mea- 
 suring on the outsides 490, and 560 English feet ; and was indeed 
 nearly a regular parallelogram, then it would contain, with perfect 
 convenience, two Cohorts, and all their Allied foot ; with at least one 
 additional maniple of Allied horse, fas a guard for the Chief Captain), 
 
 VOL. II. 2 G 
 
114 
 
 which might be a proportion perhaps most properly adapted to a 
 Sea-port, where horse were almost useless. 
 
 And the Castrum would contain this force, by only making each 
 half maniple behind the Praetorium, an whole maniple, with the half 
 maniple, as in the former instance, on the right hand; and by 
 placing the Allied horse, on the left of the Pratorium, where, in 
 the second instance, were placed Allied foot. 
 
 These two latter sorts of encampment are shewn in fig. 4, PI. x * v '" ; 
 the dotted lines extending over the broken bank, marking the Ad- 
 ditions, necessary for the last mentioned mode of encamping. 
 
 And the respective divisions (in such last instance) would stand 
 thus, 
 
 h 
 h 
 
 SE 
 SP 
 
 £ 
 E 
 P 
 
 SP 
 
 Pr 
 
 t 
 t 
 
 T 
 SP 
 
 P 
 P 
 
 iSP 
 
 i-SP 
 
 The whole number of troops, therefore, encamped at Richborongh, 
 it appears might be, in the first instance, at least 1182;*— in the 
 second instance 15 72 ;+— and in the third instance, of supposing 
 the Camp a little more entire, though retaining nearly the same 
 boundary, 1 6 02. J 
 
 ' Triarn to.andPifiw 54 . . . ,., 
 Principes ISO, and Velites 4 8 - . . )6 s 
 Hastati 120, and Velites it ... 168 
 
 Cohort ..... 4!0 
 
 Equites - . . 30 
 
 Allied foot two maniples - - _ 33 g 
 
 Allied horse two maniples - - 60 
 
 Additional Allied foot . . . 336 
 
 + 1st Cohort 
 Equites 
 id Cohort 
 Equites 
 
 420 
 30 
 
 420 
 
 900 
 
 Allied foot two maniples 336 
 Allied foot two maniples 336 
 
 % 1st Cohort 
 Equites 
 2d Cohort 
 Equites 
 Allied foot 
 Allied foot 
 Allied horse 
 
 420 
 
 30 
 420 
 
115 
 
 Two Cohorts and their horse are exactly the -rsth part, in point 
 of Legionary command, of a Consular camp ; — but the proper space 
 they occupy therein, is only about Toth part of the whole Camp. — 
 And it is very remarkable, that, at Richborough, the still existing 
 well defined Pratorium, of 149 Roman feet, as nearly as possible, 
 by 107i, is just about one tenth of a Consular Pralorium of 400 feet 
 square:* — whilst the area of the Camp itself of 466 English, or 
 4S2t Roman feet, by 5 36 English, or 556 Roman, (allowing the 
 walls to have been every where about 12 English feet thick, + and 
 the whole camp to have been a regular parallelogram, without any 
 diminution from the bank or precipice at all,) is only about one 
 twentieth part of the area of a Roman Consular camp of 2250 Roman 
 feet square.}: 
 
 It is indeed 15145 square feet, or about -rath larger than the 
 ^oth of a Roman Consular camp : — but this difference is no more 
 than may easily be accounted for, either in consequence of some- 
 what a greater space, in proportion, having been deemed necessary 
 here, in the parts about the Forum, and Qjttestorium ; — or else from 
 the original boundary of the Camp, not having extended in every 
 part quite so far beyond the present bank, as has here been 
 allowed. 
 
 And now, surely, this whole consonancy of proportions may be 
 adduced, as a still stronger proof of all the conclusions in these 
 pages : — whilst it deserves to be particularly noticed, that every 
 one of the allotments of the particular stations of the several ma- 
 niples, of the several orders of Roman soldiers, agree most precisely 
 with the exact situation of the great Decuman gate ; — and do most 
 
 * For H9 x l07y = 64 070 square half feet = 1 68 17-§- square feet. 
 
 And 400 X 400 = 160000 
 
 And 1 6 ° ° ° ° = - - 16000, making a difference of only 
 
 17-^ square feet. 
 
 + 560 — 24 = 53 6. 
 
 Square Feet; 
 
 + For 2250 X 2250 = - 50625 00 
 
 And 4 8 2i x 55 6 = 1073080 Square half feet = - - - 268270 
 
 Whilst Te^th of 5 06 25 00 = - 253 1 25 
 
 And the difference is only - • - - - - * 1514S 
 
116 
 
 thoroughly, therefore, account for its being so very much on one 
 side, rather than being in the exact middle of the north west wall. 
 
 Pursuing these same principles of reasoning, and these ideas, we 
 may next observe, that Burgh Castle, in Suffolk,* would contain at 
 least one entire Cohort and an half, with their allies, even in its present 
 mutilated state, allowing (as it appears to me we must do) the mount 
 to have been, not any original Pratorium ; but a mere addition, 
 and an encroachment upon the original area of the Camp, made in 
 Saxon, or Norman times. 
 
 And indeed the precise situation of the remains of one of the prin- 
 cipal side gates, convince me, that this camp never could contain 
 much more force ;— though there might be a little space (by means 
 of a former extension of the original bank,) behind an original 
 Roman Pratorium, for a few extraordinary horse, or foot. 
 
 The extent of this noble remain, on the east side, is nearly 6 42 
 English, or about 664* Roman feet :— and on the north and south 
 sides, it is still about 321 English, or 332* Roman feet. 
 
 The Decuman gate, the obvious situation of which may still 
 clearly be distinguished, on the east side, between two projecting 
 round towers ;— is not in the middle of the east wall, but has about 
 301 English, or 31 li Roman feet on one side; and about 341 
 English, or 35 3 Roman feet on the other : and the principal gates 
 were so situated, in each side wall, as to have about 1 80* Roman 
 feet on the side towards the east wall ; and about 152 Roman feet 
 towards the broken bank. 
 
 Now then, with these data, we may perceive, that one Cohort, 
 and its Allies, might be encamped, in the manner represented in 
 PI. — H fig. 5, as follows: 
 
 Beginning from the northern extremity of the Gastrum, which 
 is here placed uppermost in the Plate, (both for the sake of uni- 
 formity with the placing of Richborough Camp ;— and also for 
 the sake of shewing, that no regard was ever paid, as to the point 
 of the compass, or quarter of the heavens, in placing the great 
 
 Decuman gate. Beginning from the northern extremity, we 
 
 have room for, 
 
 * Wliich has already been described in the preceding pages, from p. 5 s to S S . 
 
117 
 
 Roman Feet. 
 
 A space next the rampart - - - - -18 
 
 Two half maniples of Allied foot (sp) (sp) in width - 200 
 A street, which may very well be allowed to have been 
 of this narrow breadth ; because, in some instances, there 
 would have been, in this situation, no street at all ; two 
 maniples of Allied foot having been sometimes placed in 
 one inclosure, and not separated from the next adjoining 
 maniple by any street - - - - - - \q\ 
 
 A maniple of Legionary Equites, or horse, (who having 
 the main street, for their marching out, could have no use 
 for the narrow street of separation) - - - 1 00 
 
 The main street, leading from the Decuman gate (d) 50 
 A maniple of Triarii, as usual - - - - 50 
 
 A maniple of Principes, as usual - - - 100 
 A street for the use both of Principes, and Hastati ; and 
 therefore broader than the other side street - - is 
 A maniple of Hastati ... . jqo 
 
 A space next the rampart - - - - - 1 8 
 
 66 4i 
 
 In depth from the east wall, and Decuman gate, to a little further 
 than one of the principal side gates, — and ranging in a line, where 
 we may most justly conclude the front of the original Roman Pr<e- 
 torium to have been placed, there will be found 
 
 A space next the east wall - - - - 18 
 
 The breath of the half 'Cohort, and its Allies, placed towards 
 the eastern wall (as just described) - - - - 50 
 
 The breadth of an entire Cohort, placed fronting the 
 principal street - - - - - - -100 
 
 The breadth of the principal street, as at Richborough 40 
 
 The Prtetorium ; — which may be allowed to have been 
 as large as that at Richborough ; — (though most probably it 
 was somewhat smaller) might be in breadth - - 107J 
 
 And then there would be at least, beyond it towards the 
 present bank ... .. 17 
 
 And as to the disposition of the encampment on each side of the 
 Prtetorium, there might be, 
 
 VOL. II. a H 
 
118 
 
 On the left hand, next the original wall, 
 
 A space next the rampart , s 
 
 Two maniples of Allied horse for the whole Cohort (se) (se) 200 
 A space for the Qtieestor, and pay office (t) - - 604 
 The Pratorium (rrrr) ;— if as large as that at Richborougk - 1 49 
 A space for a Forum (or market j (f) - - . ng 
 Another maniple of Allied horse, for the half Cohort (se) - 100 
 And another space, next the other rampart - - is 
 
 It may be observed here, that the space assigned for the Forum, 
 is more than double of that at Richborougk ; — and that assigned for 
 the Quastors use, somewhat more also than that at Richborougk ; 
 whilst we have allowed the Pratorium to have been of the same size 
 as that at Richborougk ; although the camp (estimated from the ap- 
 pearance of the present bank) was so much less. 
 
 But if we venture to suppose the Pratorium to have been, in due 
 proportion, somewhat less; — and the precipitous bank to have ori- 
 ginally extended forwards only a little further towards the river ; — 
 then, reducing the Forum, and Qutestorium, to the same size as at 
 Rickborougk, there would have been room here for some little 
 additional band of Evocati, or volunteers ; who might be properly 
 added, if at any time a Tribune resided here. 
 
 And indeed if the bank may be apprehended to have extended 
 originally about 90 feet nearer towards the river ; there would even 
 have been room for two whole Cohorts, and all their Allied foot, with 
 at least half of their Allied horse, and the Prastorium might have been 
 
 exactly of the same dimensions as at Richborougk. 
 As the bank is, — the force would have been, only 
 
 An half Cohort - - - - . . 210 
 
 Its Jbquiles - T 11 ■ - - - - 15 
 
 Its Allied foot - - . . . 168 
 
 Its Allied horse ...... 30 
 
 A whole Cohort - 420 
 
 Its horse or Equilcs 30 
 
 Its Allied foot 536 
 
 Its Allied horse - - .... 60 
 
 Amounting in the whole to - - - - 1 _ b J 
 
119 
 
 And this being rather a more inland situation, and near the mouth 
 of two rivers ; may perhaps account very well for an allowance, such 
 as has been here assigned, of a greater proportion of horse. 
 
 Nor will the proportion of the allotment of space be much altered, 
 even if any one should deem it necessary to imagine (contrary to 
 the convictions in my mind, and which are mentioned in the pre- 
 ceding pages*) the present high mount to have been some earlier 
 British Mount, preserved by the Romans, and used by them as a 
 Pnctorium ; — because, even in that case, the taking away what I 
 have deemed to have been the original Prastorium (rrrr), will make 
 more than sufficient room for the maniple of Allied horse, supposed 
 by me to have been placed where the mount (which I conceive to 
 have been merely Saxon, or JVorman) now is. 
 
 The outlines of the mount now existing, and of its ditch, are 
 marked by dotted lines in the Plan, PI. xx ^"' , fig. 5, where the whole 
 of the allotment of space, is represented, (as Richborough was) on 
 the same scale with a Consular Camp. 
 
 And I must add, that the situation of the mount, with respect to 
 the remaining Roman walls, shews as strongly as its peculiar form, 
 and the other circumstances relating to it, that it never can have 
 been a Roman work. 
 
 At Portchester, again, we have another instance of a great Port 
 Castrum. — Its walls remain still nearly entire: — and its spacious 
 contents can therefore be still more accurately ascertained. 
 
 And here we find inclosed, to this hour, in a truly Roman manner, 
 excepting only the alteration that has been made at the north-west 
 corner, and at the antient Decuman gate, an oblong square of about 
 5 98 English, or 6 19^ Roman feet; by about 608 English, or 629J 
 Roman feett: — measuring about 610 English feet, by 620, on the 
 outside of the walls. 
 
 * Page 5 J . 
 
 + The nearly exact external dimensions, as taken by my measures on the outside, are 
 given in PI. XXI. — They amount, it will be found, to 629y feet, on the east, and on the 
 west sides, in which were the Decuman, and Prtelorian gates; — and to 6 4 4 on the north, and 
 643 on the south, in which two sides were the principal gates ; — and if we deduct 19^ feet, 
 on account of the projection of the corner towers, on the east and west sides ; and 2 3 feet 
 for the projections of the same corner towers, on the north and south sides (as appeared 
 to. me the most reasonable to do);— there will remain on the outside of the walls, 610, 
 
120 
 
 We find also the positively defined situation of the Prcttorian and 
 Decuman gates, determining the situation of the main street.— And 
 we find the situation of the present church ; ascertaining nearly 
 whereabouts the antient Prretorium, with its Sacellum, was. 
 
 With these data then, we may easily ascertain, the disposition of 
 the Roman troops, in this celebrated, and interesting Castrum;*— 
 and also, nearly exactly, what number it contained .-—and shall here 
 again perceive, why the Decuman, and Pratorian gates, were not 
 exactly in the middle of their respective sides. 
 
 If we trace the distances, on each side of the mid-way of thePra- 
 torian gate, (which is to this hour nicely ascertained) we shall find 
 there were nearly, on the right-hand side, (standing fronting it 
 within the Castrum) 2S7i English, or about 297* Roman feet:— 
 and on the left hand side, 31 Of English, or about 321* Roman 
 feet.+ 
 
 Allowing then the same computation for the distances on each 
 side of the mid-way of the original Decuman gate ; (which must 
 have been precisely opposite to the former ; we have room, in the 
 space of the 32 If Roman feet, extending on the right hand of a person 
 standing at the Pratorium, for an entire Cohort, as follows : 
 
 by 620 (or 62 1 ) feet; the little difference of one foot being probably occasioned, either by 
 some small mistake in my measuring, or by some trifling want of precise exactness in the 
 planning out the space originally. 
 
 The walls, it has been observed, are in general about 6 feet thick ; — and therefore if we 
 proceed still further, to deduct that thickness, we shall find 5 9 8 feet, by 60s, or 6 o 9, left 
 for the dimensions of area within. 
 
 It may perhaps be thought, that somewhat more than the 1 if or 9 A feet that I have 
 allowed, should be deducted for the projection of each corner tower ; but that at most can make 
 very little difference :— and it should be here mentioned, that the measuring the whole space, 
 on the outside, was preferred ; because the distances between the projecting towers, could not be 
 ascertained by any measuring whatever within the castle walls. 
 
 * See the full account of it, under all its various alterations, in the preceding pao^es, 
 
 from 22, to 35. 
 
 + In all these computations the fractions of the proportional Roman feet might be more 
 exactly ascertained;— but on such an occasion as the distribution of the maniples, in the 
 order of encampment, it is not only needless, but would even be impertinent. 
 
 The many doubts which there have been about the exact proportion of the Roman foot, 
 are well known to the learned. 
 
 In general it has been supposed, that the Roman foot was 1 1,6 inches of the English;— 
 
121 
 
 Roman Feet* 
 
 Half the main street, supposing it to have been 50 feet 
 
 broad - - - ... . -25 
 
 Amanipleof triarii (t) - - - - - 50 
 
 A maniple of Principes (p) - - - - 100 
 
 A street - - - - - - - -24 
 
 A maniple of Hastali (h) - - - - 100 
 
 A space next the rampart ----- 22i 
 
 S2li 
 
 And on the right hand side of the entrance, (or on the left of a 
 person standing at the PretoriiimJ we have room, in the space of 
 
 297x Roman feet, for 
 
 The other half of the main street - - - 25 
 
 A maniple of Equites (e) ... - . ioo 
 A maniple and an half of Allied foot (sp) - - 150 
 And a space next the rampart - - - - 22f 
 
 297i 
 
 or 1 1,604. The inquiry was entered into with the minutest exactness by the celebrated 
 Greaves, and his conclusions were first published in 1647 ; and afterwards in the same 
 volume with his Pyramidographia, p. 1 8 i . 
 
 After his nicest investigations, he found the foot of Villalpandus ', as deduced from the 
 Congius of Vespasian, to be 986 parts of an English foot, taken from the iron standard at 
 Guildhall m London, and supposed to contain iooo such parts. 
 
 But he found the Roman foot, on the monument of StatiUus, to contain only 97 2 of 
 those parts. 
 
 And he found the Roman foot, on the monument n$ Gossulius , {usually called the pes 
 Colotianus, because it was placed in hortis Colotianis) to be only 9 67 of such parts. 
 
 Mr. Greaves has not told us, at what time of the year he examined the iron standard at 
 Guildhall ; — and we now well know, (because it is iron, ) that its measure will not be exactly 
 the same in winter, as in summer; when examined with the minuteness that these sort of 
 inquiries demand, for mathematical computation. 
 
 I leave therefore the minute nicety of most exact mathematical computation, out of the 
 question. And as it appears, from General Roy's computations in general, that he has (as 
 some others also have done) taken the Roman foot to have been even rather under this pro- 
 portion, I have, in order to accommodate my conclusions, in the fairest manner, to all his 
 plans, taken my computations from a supposition, that, according to his conclusions, in 
 his Plates IV. and V. in round even numbers, ioso Roman feet, were about equal to iom 
 English;— and 2i5oRoman, about equal to 2077|English; — though anyone, on minute 
 
 VOL. II. 2 I 
 
122 
 
 Nor can there be any objection to the conclusion that, in this 
 Castrum, a maniple and an half of Allied foot, were placed together 
 in one common inclosure, in this manner ; because sometimes even 
 two whole maniples of Allied horse, or two whole maniples of Allied 
 foot, were actually so placed in one common inclosure : — and General 
 Roy concluded that they were always placed so, even in a great 
 Consular camp:* and leaves us to conclude, that it might be a sort 
 of distinction, indicating the inferiority of the Allied troops to the 
 Legionaries. 
 
 Supposing then, three entire Cohorts, with all their Allied foot, 
 and half their Allied horse, to have been stationed within this 
 Castrum) ; — (which proportion of cavalry might be a very fit one, 
 because of its being a sea-port) ; — we shall find there would be the 
 best adjusted room possible to contain them. — And that there would 
 be the following divisions of space, from west, to east ; between 
 the Decuman, and Prtctorian gates. 
 
 computation, will find that neither here, nor in other parts, do all his calculations exactly, 
 and with arithmetical precision agree. 
 
 I am however perfectly satisfied, that this mode of computation is sufficient, both in his 
 calculations, and in my thus following him, in order to adopt my conclusions to his plans :— 
 because, most certainly, mathematical minutenesses of admeasurement, and computation, were 
 
 never apprehended, or attended to, by the Romans themselves, on these occasions: and 
 
 (even if they had been ever attended to by them,) were most certainly never regarded, in 
 the measuring out of their Camps, or of their Castra stativa ; where we may be assured only 
 rude common measures were their guide. 
 
 And indeed, after all, the difference arising from nice computation, would not be 
 such as to effect materially any of the conclusions in these pages. — They could at 
 most only make a street or two, or a space or two next a rampart, a very small part of an 
 inch narrower, or a very small part of an inch broader; which could never be of any 
 consequence. 
 
 It appears indeed to me that 1050 Roman feet are not exactly equal to ion English ; 
 
 though I have, in compliance with General Roy's publication, PI. V. so adapted my com- 
 putation ; but that they are rather more equal to 1 1 or even to 1015; yet supposing 
 that to be the case, what difference can that half, or that one foot make, in the construction 
 of a Roman Station, or Camp, either in the minuter subdivisions of a station into maniples 
 and streets? — or in those of the whole 1 on, or a 07 71 feet of a Great Camp? 
 
 * See his Plan, PI. IV. — And his account of the Roman camp, p, 44; and my only 
 reasons for differing from him, in this respect, even widr regard to a Consular camp, may 
 be seen in this Volume, p. 86, 87. 
 
123 
 
 A space next the Rampart - - - - 22i 
 Three maniples of Triarii, belonging to the three Cohorts 
 
 (t)(t)(t) - - - - - - - 300 
 
 The principal street, in due proportions, for a Castrum 
 
 of these dimensions - — - - - 50 
 
 A Prtetorium (rrrr) here larger than at Richborough I34x 
 
 A street behind the Praetorium - - - - 50 
 
 An half maniple of Allied horse (se) - - - 50 
 
 And a space next the rampart - 22t 
 
 629£ 
 
 Three Cohorts are a little more that one seventh part of the Le- 
 gionaries of a Consular army: — and if we allow the Prcetorium at 
 Portchester to have been, therefore, in due proportion, as that at 
 Richborough was ; and to have been a little more than one seventh 
 of a Consular Prmtorium ; its length would have been about 170 
 
 feet," whilst its breadth was about 134i or 135. 
 
 2 
 
 And being of these dimensions, we shall find th 
 
 ere was room on 
 
 e north side, for 
 
 
 A space next the rampart ... 
 
 22i 
 
 An half maniple of Allied foot (sp) 
 
 50 
 
 A maniple of Allied horse (se) - 
 
 100 
 
 A space for a pay office (t) - - - 
 
 64 
 
 Half the Praetorium .... 
 
 85 
 
 
 32Ii 
 
 And on the south side, for 
 
 
 Half the Prtetorium - 
 
 85 
 
 A space for a Forum - 
 
 90 
 
 A maniple of Allied horse ... 
 
 100 
 
 A space next the rampart ... 
 
 22X 
 
 
 297f 
 
 And between the Prtetorium, and the Pratorian s 
 
 ate, there would 
 
 be room on each side the usual great street of 50 feet broad, for 
 an half maniple of Allied horse (se), and an half maniple of Allied 
 
 * For 170 x 135 =22950 square feet. 
 
 And one seventh of a Consular Pratorium _ = = 2S 85 7i. 
 
 7 7 
 
124 
 
 foot (sp), with space left at the two ends, or corners of the Castrum, 
 as in a Consular camp, for the reception of strangers* 
 
 The whole disposition, according to this idea, is shewn PI. X * V1 " 
 fig. 6. And it is surely not a little remarkable, that here again, *the 
 adjustment of a possible exact position for the legionary troops, pre- 
 cisely accounts for the very situation in which we find the remains of 
 the Pr<etorian gate, next the sea, to this hour. 
 
 The space of the great and wide Decuman gate has been filled 
 up, and a Norman tower of entrance has been built nearly, but not 
 exactly, on the spot : — whilst however we may be assured, that the 
 original entrance here, was exactly opposite to the Pratorian gate. 
 
 The whole force then contained in this Castrum, would be about 
 1 7 64 foot ; and 180 horse ; — in all 1 944 men. 
 
 And with Evocati, or volunteers (who might be placed with the 
 troops near the Pralorium), it might amount to 2000. 
 
 Namely, three Legionary Cohorts, of 420 men'each 1260 
 
 And three full bodies of Allied foot, of 168 each - 504 
 
 1764 
 
 And three maniples of Legionary equites, of 30 each 9o 
 With three single maniples of Allied horse of 30 each, 
 being half the proportion for each Cohort - - g 
 
 180 
 
 These stations, or Stationary Castra, were enclosed within massy, 
 and strongly fortified walls ;— but one of those, enclosed within 
 mere earthworks, near Ardoch in Scotland, and which has already 
 been described+in these pages, deserves to be particularly noticed, 
 on this occasion ; — because it is very obvious, upon inspecting it 
 narrowly, that in order to save the waste of space within j and to 
 allow the maniples here, as in the former instances, to be placed as 
 near as possible to the rampart; and so as only to leave room for a 
 proper passage ; the deficiency of high walls to keep off" weapons, is 
 supplied by no less than six deep fosses, and high ramparts,* one 
 beyond another ; extending outwards to the breadth of 200, and 
 in some places to nearly that of 300 feet, beyond the inward area. 
 
 * Seepage!)!). + Seep. 69; and PI. XXVIII. fig. s. 
 
 t See before p. 71 — And Roy's Military Anitquities p. lie. 
 
125 
 
 Mr. Pennant, surveying this Camp only hastily, and in a general 
 manner, concluded it to be about 450 feet by 400: — but by the Plan 
 of General Roy,* who is apprehended to have obtained more exact 
 measure, it appears to have been about 4 90, by 425, on the inside 
 of the works. 
 
 These measures, reduced to Roman feet, will make the whole 
 inclosed area to have been in length, from north to south, or from 
 one principal gate to the other, about 507J, — and the breadth, from 
 the Decuman gate (d), on the east, to the Pnetorian gate, next to the 
 antient ford of the river, and to Ardoch bridge, about 4 40 Roman 
 feet ; — whilst the spaces on each side the Decuman gate, will be 
 170 English, or 17 6| Roman, on the southern side from the gate, 
 and 300 English, or 31 Ox Roman feet on the north side of the 
 gate ; — the gate itself being still about 20 English, or 20i Roman 
 feet wide. 
 
 The principal gates are 220 English, or 228 Roman feet, from 
 the inside of the eastern rampart; and being now each, by means 
 of the way cut through them, about 20 English, or 20i Roman feet 
 wide, they bring us to a level, in a right line, with the front of the 
 supposed Pralorium, at the distance of about 240 English, or 248i 
 Roman feet, from the Decuman gate. 
 
 Attending then to these measures,* we may instantly perceive, 
 that this station, justly concluded to be the Lindum, (like Ricliborough 
 in its more enlarged state of perfection, to which Castrum it bears 
 a very strong analogy) might contain, in the manner represented, 
 PI. !EZlLi, fig. 7 . two Cohorts, and all their Allied foot, with one ad- 
 ditional maniple of Allied horse, as a guard for the Chief Captain, or 
 first Centurion of the Triarii of the eldest Cohort ; — who would of course 
 reside in the Prastorium, attended, in due proportion, by a regular 
 detached guard from each maniple of the two Cohorts, consistently 
 
 * Military Antiquities PI. XXX. t 1 apprehend, ant! as it appears to me with good 
 reason, from the most close examination of General Roy's two plans, and of his scale an- 
 nexed to PI. X. of the Military Antiquities, that these measures may be depended upon : — but 
 it gives me much concern to be obliged to say, that on endeavouring to verify the whole, by 
 his large Plan, PI. XXX. I found the very scale itself, in that Plate, to be most incorrect; 
 which any one will discover, who takes the trouble to measure it with a pair of compasses. 
 — This, however, might be an accident, at the Engravers: — but that one scale, it is a duty 
 to say, is not to be depended upon. 
 
 VOL. II. 2 K 
 
126 
 
 with what has already been mentioned concerning a Praetorian 
 guard, from Polybius.* 
 
 The manner in which such a force might be disposed of, in this 
 Castrum, is very obvious, from the measures that , have been just 
 given.— But before we allow that manner to become a fixed idea 
 in our minds, it ought to be recollected, that what unquestionably 
 appears to have been a part belonging to the Pretorium, has been 
 observed to stand here, in its present state, in a very unexpected 
 position ; not parallel to the sides of the Castrum ;— and obviously 
 placed very irregularly in General Roy's Plans, with regard to all 
 itsgates.-This, at first sight, might be imagined to have been occa- 
 sioned by hasty encampment ; and indeed, even when I printed 
 the foregoing pages,+ I was induced to concur in allowing that con- 
 clusion :— but on more close inspection, and on deep consideration, 
 I must conclude the present supposed (and rightly supposed) remain 
 of a Pratorium, to have been not actually the whole of the original 
 Prttonum, but only a part of the actual spot ;-the rest having 
 been, in these later ages, pruned away. 
 
 Its dimensions are now only 7 5 English, or 7 7± Roman feet — 
 and these dimensions are so far inferior to those of the decidedly 
 remaining Prcetorium, in the castrum at Richborough ; which castrum 
 is so very nearly of the same dimensions with this, that I cannot 
 have the least doubt to apprehend, that this Prcetorian space at 
 Ardoch, has most unquestionably been much reduced from its ori- 
 ginal extent, and no less altered in its external form. 
 
 Let us then see what will come out from the exact proportional 
 distances, of the several gates of the camp, that may obviously be 
 depended upon, as leading guides in our inquiry. 
 
 According to these, we may determine the situation of the maniples 
 of the troops contained in this station, as follows. 
 
 Sianding at the Prcetorium, fronting the Decuman gate, on the 
 right hand side of a way, 50 feet wide, there would be one beneath 
 the other ;-two maniples of Triarii, (t) (t) and two maniples of 
 Pnncipes (p) (p) ; _ an d a space next the rampart of 20 feet wide. 
 And on the left, equally placed one beneath the other, would be two 
 maniples oiEquites (e) (e), and two maniples olHastati (h) (h) ; then 
 * See before p. 96. + Seep. 71. 
 
127 
 
 a street 17i feet wide; and then, two half maniples of Allied foot, (sp) 
 (sp) one beneath the other ; — and a space next the rampart, 20. 
 
 In other words, beginning at the north end 
 
 of the castrum: 
 
 
 Roman Feet. 
 
 A space next the rampart 
 
 20 
 
 An half maniple of Allied foot (sp) 
 
 SO 
 
 A street - 
 
 17* 
 
 A maniple of Hastati (h) - 
 
 100 
 
 A maniple of Equites (e) - - 
 
 100 
 
 The main street - 
 
 so 
 
 A maniple of Triarii (t) - - - 
 
 50 
 
 A maniple of Principes (p) - - 
 
 100 
 
 A space next the rampart - 
 
 20 
 
 
 507f 
 
 And in depth, we shall have from the east side, where was the 
 Decuman gate ; 
 
 A space next the rampart - - - 18 
 
 The depth of the two ranges of the maniples of 
 the two Cohorts ..... jqo 
 
 And a. principal street, of a little less breadth than 
 at Richborough - - ... 30 
 
 248 248 
 
 Which will bring us exactly to the front of the present remains 
 of the Prittorium; and just to the west side of the principal gates. 
 
 And if we allow for a street close to the Western ram- 
 part, the same as that close to the Eastern rampart, of the 
 breadth of - - - - - - ] g 
 
 And a space, for four half maniples of Alliedjoot (sp . sp . 
 sp . sp) placed, as in the plan, on each side the main street, 
 and taking up in breadth - - - - 50 
 
 And then a street behind the Pra'torium, as usual, of the 
 same breadth as that before it 30 
 
 It will leave exactly, for the breadth of the original Pra- 
 torium - .. 94 
 
 440 
 
128 
 
 Further ; — with regard to the two sides of the Pnetorium ; 
 If we allow, on one side, for the breadth of the street next 
 
 the Northern rampart, as before next the Southern, a space of 20 
 
 And for an half maniple of Allied foot (sp) - - 50 
 
 And then for the maniple of Allied horse (se) - 100 
 
 And for a Forum, nearly the same as at Richborough - 5"SJ 
 
 225| 
 
 And on the other side ; 
 
 The same space, for the continuation of the street close 
 to the Southern rampart, of - - 20 
 
 And for half a maniple of Allied foot (sp) - - 50 
 
 And a space for a Quastorium, and Pay-office, (t), of nearly 
 the same dimensions as at Richborough - - - 47A 
 
 It will leave exactly, for the length of the original Prce- 
 torium - - - - - . . _ . K . 
 
 507i 
 
 And it is most remarkable, and no small evidence of the pro- 
 priety, and truth, of all these conclusions, that a Pnetorium of such 
 dimensions as we find a space here left for, will very nearly accord, 
 as that at Richborough did, with the rkh of a Consular Praetorium :* 
 whilst, making the Forum, and Qiuestorium, in this camp, of only 
 somewhat less dimensions than at Richborough, might make this 
 Pratorium even exactly accord with the -rath. 
 
 It has been observed that, most evidently, in order to allow the 
 streets, close to the Ramparts, to be as narrow as possible, and that as 
 many troops as could be, might encamp within these earthworks; 
 where there was not the advantage of high and strong walls, as at 
 Richborough, Burgh Castle, and Portchester, that, in order to keep the 
 enemy at such a distance as should hinder their missile weapons 
 from doing much injury, there were no less than six deep fosses, 
 and high ramparts, one behind another. 
 
 These extended no less than 300 English feet, on the north side ; 
 — 250 on the east ; — and about 1 90 on the south ; — whilst the river 
 
 For 164 x 91 = 15416 square feet. And the ^th of a Consular Praetorium ij 
 lco 00 square feet. 
 
129 
 
 Knaig, even in its present state, would keep the enemy at the 
 distance of near 300 English feet on the west. 
 
 Thus protected, therefore, there was no occasion for such ex- 
 tensively void spaces, next the ramparts, as in a Consular camp ; — 
 and the breadth, of 1 S, or 20 feet, was even more than sufficient for 
 a passage way in this part; since we find, in truth, that in some of 
 their considerable towns, and cities, in Italy itself, the breadth of 1 0\ 
 feet was thought quite enough for a carriage way. — This appears 
 evidently, in the curious remains of the long buried Pompeii f— 
 where the carriage way remaining, still obviously worn by the 
 tracks of wheels, was only about 10 feet 8 inches wide, in the prin- 
 cipal street of entrance ; — and the elevated foot way, on each side, 
 only about 3 feet wide; making, in all, the width of the street to 
 have been 1 6i feet. 
 
 In all these instances we have found, from the precise situation 
 of the remaining gates, so obviously placed at unequal distances 
 from the two ends of each side, (for the purpose of corresponding 
 with the peculiar manner of placing the half maniple of Triarii in 
 each Cohort, and for the purpose of making the principal street cor- 
 respond with the middle of the front of a regular Prstorium), that 
 Legionary troops were originally encamped here ; — and so encamped, 
 as to have their arrangement consistent with the very manner 
 described by Polybius: although it may be true, that the peculiar 
 distinction, by maniples, of Triarii, Principes, and Hastati, might 
 have been very much laid aside, in the days of Trajan ; and have 
 even ceased in the later ages of the Roman empire; — and although 
 it may be true, that in those later ages, a more lax mode of encamp- 
 ing, after what has been called the Hyginian metlwd, might be 
 adopted at these very Stations. 
 
 If, however, that was at any time the case, yet that mode is not, 
 in these instances, worthy of our investigation ; — as it was, accord- 
 ing to General Roy's just observation concerning it, complicated, 
 confused, uncertain, and variable; — -and indeed the very best that 
 could be said of such new mode was, that by the adopting of it 
 sometimes, these stations might be made to hold a greater number 
 of men. — The real matter of curiosity is, to perceive how exactly 
 
 * See Sir William Hamilton's very curious account. Archasologia, Vol. IV. p. 168. 
 VOL. II. :I 
 
130 
 
 the original plans of these great works, still appear to have corre- 
 sponded with the very best plans made use of by the Romans, 
 even under the Scipios; — and how peculiarly they were adapted 
 for the reception of Legionary Cohorts. 
 
 There were however instances, in which the Allied troops be- 
 longing to one or two Cohorts, were unquestionably sometimes 
 encamped by themselves ;— in which case there would be no want of 
 a regular Pratorium ; and at most, only occasion for some allotment 
 of space for a Forum, or market; at best, somewhat resembling the 
 long narrow Prastorium, in an Hyginian camp. 
 
 One remarkable instance of this sort occurs amongst the Castra 
 that have already been described. 
 
 It is that at Birrcns, in Scotland,* — which having been pro- 
 bably one belonging to the army of Agricola, deserves on this 
 occasion to be the more peculiarly referred to. 
 
 And if any one chooses to conclude, that even regular Legionary 
 troops may have been encamped here, in the Hygynian method, it 
 may be reasonably allowed ; — but, without having recourse to that 
 supposition, Allied troops alone may clearly have been encamped 
 here, consistently with all that has been concluded from the ac- 
 counts given by Polybius. 
 
 We find an area inclosed, (as represented in PI. x ""'), after the 
 same manner as at Ardoch, of about 44 5 English, or 460f Roman feet 
 in length ; by 320 English, or 35)f Roman feet in breadth .-—and 
 we find this area still further lessened, by means of a raised bank, 
 or terrace, next the rampart, of about 40 English feet, or 4 li Roman 
 in breadth on the two sides ; and of about 60 English, or 62 Roman 
 feet in breadth at the upper, or north end, still remaining so as to 
 be clearly distinguished ; and with an appearance that renders it 
 probable, that it was continued on the fourth side ; — or at least that 
 some sort of way, of the same breadth, was originally levelled on 
 the fourth side, next the river. 
 
 This second reduction of the area, leaves a space inclosed qf only 
 585 English, or 3984 Roman feet, from the north end of theCastrum, 
 to the line drawn, for his section of the whole, by General Roy; 
 and only 240 English, or about 248i Roman feet for the breadth of 
 the Castrum. 
 
 * See page 71. 
 
131 
 
 And it is further very remarkable here, that what I should call 
 the Decuman gate, fd), is by no means placed nearer towards one 
 side (as in the former instances), but is exactly in the middle of 
 the north end of the camp ; whilst the side, or principal gates, 
 are at the distance of 310 English, or 321 Roman feet, (measuring 
 close along the inside of the rampart) ; or at the distance of 250 
 English, or 259-J Roman feet, (measuring within the bank, or raised 
 way) from the end where the Decuman gate (d) was situated ; — and 
 at the distance of 1 1 5 English, or 1 1 9 Roman from General Roy's 
 line (ab). 
 
 Thus we have a clear space, in the front of the way that ran 
 between the two side gates, extending 259i Roman feet from the 
 Decuman gate, for the placing of maniples. 
 
 And as on each side of that gate was 110 English, or 113-J 
 Roman feet, there will be a space of 1 1 Roman feet in breadth, 
 and of 2 5 91 Roman feet in depth, on each side, to be exactly ac- 
 counted for. 
 
 Let any one then, according to all the principles hitherto ad- 
 mitted, from the accounts given us by Polybius, see, — how these 
 two spaces could be filled up? — remembering that, besides all these 
 measures, every gate, now still remaining, appears to be about 20 
 English, or 20i Roman feet wide. 
 
 The method is obvious : — two maniples, either of Allied horse, 
 or of Allied foot, on each side, might most conveniently have been 
 placed here. 
 
 Whilst two other such maniples, might also have been placed, 
 one on each side the main street, between this principal street of the 
 principal gates, and what I call General Roy's line (ab) ; — leaving a 
 breadth, to this street, of about 80 Roman feet, for any use, either 
 as a parade, or a market; — and permitting the main street, running 
 through the camp, from what answered to a Decuman gate, to be 
 about 4 8 or near 50 Roman feet wide: — but here, it is obvious, 
 would nevertheless be no room possible for any regular Pranorium ; 
 hardly even upon the Hyginian plan. 
 
 Of the same kind with this Castrum, and destined, in like manner, 
 only for auxiliary, or Allied troops, seem to have been some others 
 of those that have been delineated by General Roy, even of very 
 
132 
 
 different magnitudes, though he himself, indeed, has not adverted 
 to this particular destination of them. 
 
 To continue the tedious comparison, between the English and 
 Roman feet, in any further detail, would be impertinent : — taking 
 therefore the admeasurements, as nearly as possible, from General 
 Roy's measures, of such Castra as he has described ; either by re- 
 ducing, in some instances, his given measures in English feet, to 
 Roman ; or by taking his measures, by his scales of Roman' feet, 
 (where he has given any such,) we have the following curious facts 
 to reason upon, from the data afforded us in his many curious plates : 
 whilst, for the better elucidation of the subject, I have collected 
 together, in one plate, PI. S^M, and still upon the samescale with a Con- 
 sular camp, all the representations of the proportions of the internal 
 areas, of the Castra mentioned by General Roy, to which I mean to 
 refer, upon the present occasion ; — and have only to observe, that in 
 this plate I take the clear mean square measures, each way, and do 
 not pay any attentive regard to the rounding off of the corners of 
 the Castra, both because such rounding off would be too minute, 
 on these scales, to be of any consequence ; and also, because all the 
 reasoning upon these measures, is only more strongly confirmed, 
 by allowing that such little further diminutions of the internal area, 
 as the rounding of the corners would occasion, did exist. 
 
 The Station, near the camp at Pickering Moor, in Yorkshire, is per- 
 haps one of the first that deserves to be named, as confirming the 
 idea of Auxiliary troops being encamped, or stationed, distinct from 
 Legionary troops, and by themselves. 
 
 It is, in its interior area, computed from General Roy's plan,* 
 and represented PI. £Sp£i fig. 1, about 400 Roman feet, by 350; 
 and is divided, equally, by what seems to have been the main 
 street, from a Decuman to a Praetorian gate, into two parts, each 
 of the breadth of 165 Roman feet; with a gate 20, or20|feet wide 
 in the midst. 
 
 The other way it is divided, by what seem to have been principal 
 gates, (now cut open to about 30 feet wide,) into two spaces, of 220 
 Roman feet one way, and of 156 Roman feet the other. 
 
 Now what could be done with such spaces ? — On the side where 
 
 * See Military Antiquities, PI. XI. 
 
13:3 
 
 are 220 feet, might indeed be a space near the rampart of 20 feet, 
 and then two maniples: — but in the space of 150 feet, on the other 
 side, could not be room for a maniple and an half maniple ; (because 
 the placing of them, in that situation would leave no space at all 
 next the rampart). — If however we conclude only one other ma- 
 niple of 100 feet to have been placed on that side, then there might 
 indeed be a way, as on the other side next the rampart, of 20 feet 
 a maniple of 100 ; — and SO feet to spare, to be added, to make the 
 principal street, with the addition of the present gate, even 60 feet 
 broad ; but yet there would be no room, this way, for any Pratorium. 
 Whilst if we take the measures in the other direction, there are 
 
 indeed 165 Roman feet, on each side a way 20 feet wide ; and 
 
 therefore, possibly, a maniple and an half, taking up 150 feet, might 
 be encamped on each side, with a space of 1 5 feet left next the 
 rampart: — but this would leave still less room for a Pratorium, than 
 we found, on account of the disposition of the maniples, in the other 
 direction ; and the main street would be only of the width of 20 feet. 
 
 Thus however the camp might hold nine complete maniples of 
 Auxiliaries, either horse or foot ; or a due proportion of each, with 
 their officers residing as usual in their respective maniples. 
 
 And if we allow only six maniples to have been encamped 
 here, and by that means the main street, in the midst, to have 
 been widened, as well as the two spaces next the ramparts, by 
 leaving out the half maniples ; there might be a space next each 
 rampart of 20 feet, and the main street would be even 110 feet 
 wide ; making sufficient room in the centre, and in the two great 
 cross streets, for any purpose of parade, or markets, that allied 
 troops could possibly require; — (not only with full as much, but 
 even with more convenience, than Legionary troops enjoyed) ; — 
 but still with no adequate space either for placing a maniple of 
 Triarii, or a regular Pratorium. 
 
 At Line Kirk, in Tweedale, just by the river Line, there is a 
 Castrum, nearly of the same dimensions with those at Richborough, 
 and at Ardoch, and having outworks to supply the want of high 
 walls, much in the same manner as at Ardoch ;* — and indeed a 
 Pratorium might also possibly have been placed here, much in the 
 
 " See Military Antiquities, PI. XXVIII. 
 VOL. U. 3 M 
 
134 
 
 same proportion, and with the same sort of arrangements round it, as 
 at either of those places ; — but two of the gates being exactly in the 
 middle of two of the sides, it will, I believe, be found next to impos- 
 sible, to have placed Legionary troopshere, after the Polybian manner, 
 or so as to have a proper situation for the Triarii, and proper streets. 
 
 This castrum is 5 6 9i Roman feet, by 4 7 64;;— and its proportions, 
 as divided by its remaining gates, are shewn, PI. * x ^'" , fig. o. 
 
 All its four gates are now about 20i Roman feet wide ; and on 
 each side of those at the east, and west ends, are 2 2 7 1, or 2 2 8 Roman 
 feet ; — so that here might be spaces left next each rampart of 1 8 feet ; 
 and four entire maniples might be placed, from north to south, two 
 on each side a main street of more than 40 feet wide. 
 
 And the other way, where are 2C9 Roman feet on one side of 
 the principal gates, and 279ion the other; might be placed, in 
 depth from the east end, one such row of half maniples, and two 
 such rows of whole maniples, before a principal street 82 feet wide; 
 and two such rows of whole maniples might be placed behind it, 
 with spaces next the ramparts both ways of 1 8} feet. 
 
 Eighteen entire maniples, therefore, of Allied troops, might be en- 
 camped here, even after the manner of Polybius ; with these great 
 streets dividing the whole, and affording spacious room, especially 
 where they crossed each other in the midst, for a market, or forum ; 
 and for a parade ; and for every necessary purpose. 
 
 And indeed, there would still be nearly the same kind of pro- 
 vision for these purposes, even if more space were allowed every 
 where next the ramparts. — But for a regular arrangement of Legio- 
 nary troops, I believe it will be found impossible to adapt either 
 proper streets of division, or a Pratorium. 
 
 At Hierna, on the river Em* the gates are all found exactly in 
 the middle of their respective sides; one now about 50 feet wide ; 
 and the other about 30 ; — both therefore somewhat widened or 
 mutilated, though their situation is unquestionable. 
 
 The dimensions of the whole, in Roman feet, are given, PI. iiXHi. 
 There were 1911 Roman feet, on each side of one gate, and 207 
 feet on each side of the other gate ; — strange proportions of space ) 
 and which can scarcely be made to accord with any disposition of 
 * See Military Antiquities, PI. XXXII. 
 
135 
 
 maniples, according to the antient mode recorded by Polybius, except 
 by concluding that, in this instance, as at Birrens, there was a more 
 than usual large space, of about 40 or 50 feet, next the rampart ; and, 
 on that supposition, here might be the extent of a maniple and an half 
 on each side of each gate ; with the two cross streets in the midst, 
 one of about 3 4 feet in breadth ; and the other of about 88 feet ; — 
 or (if the spaces at two of the ends here, next the ramparts, were like 
 one of those at Birrens, of 50 feet) then of about 65 feet in breadth. 
 
 Upon the whole, however, I should rather conclude, that the 
 encampment here might rather have been even of Legionary troops, 
 but only after the Hyginian method ; — which a few words will 
 explain, when we have finished the examination of the dimensions 
 of a few more of General Roy's interesting plans. 
 
 At Castle Dykes, near Carstairs, upon the river Clyde, we have 
 again a large Castrum, where one of the gates, (now 40 feet wide,) 
 being placed exactly in the middle of one side, at the distance of 
 250 feet from each end, seems to indicate, that this also might be a 
 station only for Allied, or Auxiliary troops.* 
 
 Its dimensions are about 5 90 Roman feet ; by 5 40. And two of 
 the gates are indeed so situated (as may be seen, fig. 4. PI. XX J"' ), 
 at the distance of 335 feet from one side, and of 2 30 from the other, 
 that supposing one of them to have been a Decuman gate, and the 
 street between them to have been the main street, and not the prin- 
 cipal street, two Cohorts, with all their Allied foot, and half their 
 Allied horse, might have been encamped here, in the Polybian 
 manner ; having a space of 30 feet wide left every where next the 
 ramparts; and a Prcetorium just about nth of a Consular Praeto- 
 rium ; and a Forum, and Qiixstorium, of the same magnitude as at 
 Richborough, and Ar dock; to which Castra the dimensions of this 
 bear a great similarity. 
 
 And in that case the maniples might have been placed thus, 
 
 
 V 
 
 V 
 
 
 SP . 
 
 . e : t 
 
 • P • 
 
 h 
 
 SP 
 
 . e : t 
 
 • P • 
 
 h 
 
 SE . 
 
 t . Prae 
 
 . F . 
 
 SE 
 
 iSP 
 
 . isp 
 
 i. S P . 
 i 
 
 3 SP 
 
 V 
 
 * See Military Antiquities, PI. XXVII. 
 
136 
 
 But, unfortunately, the street between these gates, appears to have 
 been the regular continuation of a Roman military way ; which might 
 indeed have been admitted to run, as a principal street, through a 
 Castrum, and to pass in the front of a Prztorium ; but cannot well 
 be admitted to have run as a main street, and to have passed quite 
 through the middle of the Pratorium : and whoever tries the experi- 
 ment, of endeavouring to place a Polybian encampment the contrary 
 way, will find, as it appears to me, that by means of the situation 
 of the gates, it cannot be done, except in a very aukward manner ; 
 and by leaving a great deal too much of void space next the ram- 
 parts ; and without the possibility of finding sufficient space, either 
 for a Preetorium, or Forum. 
 
 The fairest conclusion, therefore, seems to be, that here, as in the 
 preceding instance, either troops were encamped after the Hyginian 
 manner; or else, that only Allied troops were encamped here;— 
 in which latter case, this Castrum, like the former, would hold 
 18 maniples; leaving a space every where next the ramparts of 
 35 feet; and two great cross streets each 70 feet broad; affording 
 spacious room for a Forum, or market, and parade. 
 
 At Fortingaul, in Glen Lyon, we have obviously the curious 
 instance, even of the encampment of one single maniple, or of I 68 
 
 men. 
 
 It is, within the ramparts, 1 40 Roman feet square. There was 
 therefore a way, all round, of 20 feet :— and one of the gates (a), 
 was just about the end of that way on One side;— and the other 
 gate (b), very nearly so on the other. 
 
 The whole proportion is shewn, PI. xx ™' , fig. 5. 
 
 At Kaims Castle* was a still smaller post, that would contain 
 only about a quarter of a maniple, or about 40 or 50 men. It was 
 manifestly an out-post belonging to Ardoch; and the contents of its 
 area being about 7 7f Roman feet, by 6 8i, six tents, for eight men 
 each, of 25 feet by 12, might conveniently be placed, (two in a 
 row) leaving a walk all round of isi feet; and a passage, between 
 the double and the single range, of about 4 or 5 feet, just as in the 
 
 * Military Antiquities, PI. XIX. I mention these particular adjustments of these 
 stations, because they have not been noticed by General Roy himself, 
 t Military Antiquities, PI. XXXI. 
 
137 
 
 case of the whole maniple.* — It is represented on the same scale 
 with a Consular camp, PI. SSpj, fig. 6. 
 
 A still more minute post, and on that account of exceeding great 
 curiosity, and well defended by considerable surrounding outworks, 
 is found on the east rampart of the very great Camp at Ardoch,+ 
 where it seems to have answered the double purpose, of having been 
 a place for giving signals, to form a communication between the 
 troops encamped at such a very remote distance, fas the furthest 
 extreme part of that vast camp must have been ; and also, of having 
 been used afterwards as an out post to the Castrum, or Station, that 
 has been described as the antient Lindum. 
 
 Whatever was its destination, it is a most curious circumstance, 
 that its dimensions, within the ramparts, of about 36i Roman feet 
 by 26 Roman feet, would, if clear, admit of just two tents, according 
 to the measures assigned, — for the eight men in each tent, — for their 
 arms ; — and for their bat horses; — with a narrow passage round, 
 besides the room of one foot always left for pitching them:} — and 
 if, instead of allowing tzuo tents, we take in the consideration of an 
 apparent inclosure, or foundation of some building (probably of 
 a square tower) at one corner; we shall find its square contents are 
 about 1 feet, or a little more ; — exactly the contents of a tent, for 
 holding eight men. 
 
 In every light, therefore, in which this most curious minute re- 
 main of Roman fortification can be considered, it appears most 
 evidently to have contained just 1 6, or (allowing for a watch) about 
 20 men. 
 
 The clear area is represented, PI. fig- 1, on the same scale 
 
 with a Consular camp ; — -and with the little inclosure at one corner, 
 on a larger scale, fig. ~. 
 
 * See page 94, 95. + See Military Antiquities, PI. X. and PI. XXXI. 
 
 $ This camp was 2 8 00 feet in length : — and we learn from Hyginus, that when a camp 
 was longer than 2300, or 2400 feet, the ordinary signal, given by the buccinumat the front 
 of the Praetorium, could with difficulty be heard at the Decuman gate ; — and therefore a 
 general charge was sounded, with all the martial instruments : — but even with that increase 
 of sound, we may conceive the aid of such an intermediate post for signals to have been 
 exceedingly useful. It is worth while, in the Military Antiquities, to compare p. 62, 
 with p. 17 8. $ See before, p. 9 4, 95. 
 
 VOL. II. 2 N 
 
138 
 
 These nice particularities may possibly appear a needless im- 
 pertinent detail to some,— but surely, to the truly curious, it cannot 
 be uninteresting, to consider, how exactly the dimensions of all 
 these Roman remains, when thus examined, appear to agree with 
 the ideas we are taught to entertain, from the accounts given us by 
 Polybius ; and from the attending to a precise translation of all his 
 words. 
 
 It remains only to consider, shortly (and they surely of all others 
 deserve to be somewhat considered,) the Stations, near the celebrated 
 wall of Antoninus, now so commonly called Grime's Dyke. 
 
 Antient altars, and stones with Roman inscriptions of the most 
 curious kinds, that have been dug up near these Castra, all concur 
 to assure us, that these were truly Roman Stations ;— and a military 
 way, unquestionably still running either through them, or by them 
 all, on the inner side of the great wall, attests the same fact. 
 
 Duntocher Station, was about 460 Roman feet, by 300. Its great 
 
 gate, now SO feet wide, divided it on the south side into two equal 
 parts, of 215 feet each, as is shewn in PI. fig. 8 :— nothing 
 
 therefore is more obvious, if we can suppose it possible that 10 or 
 1 5 feet should be sufficient for the breadth of a way round by the 
 ramparts, than that ten maniples, or 1 680 men, might be encamped 
 here, with two cross streets, running transversly through the midst, 
 of 30 feet in breadth : — or if such a narrow space next the ramparts 
 is not to be admitted, — that six maniples, (or rather four maniples, 
 and two half maniples) might be encamped here, with a space next 
 the ramparts every where of 50 feet broad; and a main street, 
 directly from the gate, of 50 feet broad; but without any cross 
 street. — And indeed this latter disposition may, to some persons, 
 seem most likely to have been the actual one ; both because of its 
 greater convenience, and also because, in truth, no remains of any 
 side gates do appear.* 
 
 And this Station might thus contain either 1000 Auxiliaries of 
 
 * See Military Antiquities, PI. XXXV.; where all th ese Stations, near the great wall 
 of Antoninus, are exactly delineated. — Stations, near the wall of that Antoninus, who was 
 so remaikable for maintaining, according to what was prophesied concerning his reign, 
 (Revelations, chap. 6. ver. 5,6.) peace and equity in all the Roman empire; and did so 
 here; — and who put a stop to persecution against the Christians. 
 
139 
 
 foot ; — or else a complete cohort, with its Allied foot, and some 
 horse ; — in which latter case, the number stationed here would be 
 only about 800. 
 
 At the distance of about 85 Roman feet from the wall or Grimes 
 Dyke, and at the distance of 7 5 feet from the western rampart, 
 within this Station, are the remains of the foundations of a build- 
 ing, about 7 5 feet by 5 5 ; and whose walls seem to have been about 
 5 or 6 feet in thickness. — It does not decidedly appear whether it 
 was Roman, or of later ages ; — but it ought not to be passed by un- 
 noticed, that its southern end would come exactly level with the 
 north side of that which would have answered to a principal street, 
 in case of ten maniples having been encamped here. — It by no 
 means seems to have been a regular situation for an antient Prae- 
 torium ; but it might have been a tower in the later ages, for the 
 chief Centurion of the whole band. 
 
 At Castle Gary, where the remains of a military way, about 20 
 feet wide, still runs through the whole ; and where the great, or 
 Decuman gate, was exactly in the middle of its proper side; and 
 whose dimensions are given, PI. fig. 9 ; if we pursue the same 
 
 train of ideas, we may perceive eight maniples, or 134 4 men, might 
 be stationed; having a way, next the ramparts, of 17, or 20 feet ; 
 and two great cross streets of 30 feet each. The dimensions within 
 the ramparts are about 464 Roman feet, by 270. — 217 on each side 
 of what appears to have been a sort oi Decuman gate: and on the sides 
 of the military way, and principal gates, 80 feet next the old wall 
 of Antoninus; and 170 next the open country, and Decuman gate. 
 
 At Kirltpatrick, where a military way, now about 25 Roman feet 
 wide, traverses the whole ; ten maniples again, or 1680 men, might 
 upon these principles have been encamped ; — with a space left of 
 25 feet, next the ramparts, in every part; and with two great cross 
 streets, each of 35 feet in breadth. 
 
 The dimensions are given, PI. iillii, fig. io ; — 485 Roman feet 
 by 335 within the ramparts. — And, on the two sides of the Roman 
 way and Principal street, 125 next the wall of Antoninus, and 185 
 next the open country ; towards which however no gate, at present, 
 appears here. 
 
 Wcsterwood, PI. fig. 1 1 , is a different sort of entrenchment ; 
 
140 
 
 oblong the contrary way. It is about 300 Roman feet wide, having 
 about 1 40 feet on each side the great Decuman gate ; — and is about 
 390 in length from the wall of Antoninus ; — having on each side 
 of a military way that ran through its two principal gates, about 
 
 150 feet next the wall, and 220 next the great Decuman gate. It 
 
 would therefore conveniently contain six maniples, or 1008 men ; 
 — with a space every where next the ramparts of 20 Roman feet; 
 and two cross streets; one, the principal street, 50 feet wide; and 
 the other, the main street, 60 feet wide. 
 
 Castle Hill, PI. SS^ii, fig. 12 ;— 310 Roman feet, by 220 ; had a 
 military way, about 20 feet wide, running exactly through the 
 midst of it, with 100 feet on either side; but with no appear- 
 ance of any gate except the two principal ones. — Almost the only 
 conclusion therefore which we can form, is, that it might contain 
 six maniples, without any space left next the ramparts ; — or else 
 forces encamped after the Hyginian method, which seems rather 
 to have been the case. 
 
 Kirkintilloch fort, now called the Peel of Kirkintilloch, PI xxvl " 
 fig. 13, is of a different kind : — here was no military way passing 
 through it, and here remains only one gate: — on each side this one 
 gate of entrance, is 1 30 Roman feet clear ; and the length of the 
 whole area, from the gate, is about 3 1 0, or 3 1 5 feet. Two Legionary 
 cohorts, or four maniples and two half maniples, amounting to 
 8 40 men, might therefore be stationed here; having a street 
 of 30 feet in the midst ; and a space of 30 feet every where next 
 the ramparts. 
 
 In this fortress again, we have the remains of foundations of a 
 building of 70 feet by 37, which may have been a tower. — And it 
 is remarkable, that it stands exactly at the distance of 30 Roman 
 feet from the rampart ; and as exactly on the left hand of the gate ; 
 and therefore would be exactly fronting both the great street in the 
 midst, and fronting the street next the rampart : a situation well 
 adapted either for a chief captain of Triarii, or for any command- 
 ing Centurion, if the troops were encamped after the Hyginian 
 method. 
 
 Achindavy, PI. fig. 14; — 380 Roman feet by 335 ; with the 
 
 military way passing exactly through the midst of it, now about 25 
 
Fig. 4. 
 
 Fie-.l. 
 
 I'ir.t. 
 
 Fig. 5. 
 
 Fortmgaul . 
 
 Kg. J. 
 
 (76JK1- 
 
 Fie. 8. 
 
 75i ig <? 
 
 i — ! o 
 
 H g 
 
 Z15 215 j 
 
 30 
 
 40oR-r 
 
 Dnntochec. 
 
 rig-, io. 
 
 Fig.ll. 
 
 140 140 
 
 FifC 9. 
 
 464 R F 
 
 Castle Care 
 Fig.W. 
 
 70 1 C - 
 
 1 cx - ' 
 
 Castle Hill. 
 
 aoo-R-F 
 
 V»*ester\vood . 
 
 Kirkintillooli. 
 
 Fig, 14. 
 
 sBo-K-F 
 AclinnlaYV 
 
 Fig. 16. 
 
 Konirli Castle. 
 
 F%-1S. 
 
 345 R F 
 Bur Hill. 
 
 Ccmpimitwe DaurtMMU ofRottUZfl Sftitiotl.f. 
 
 ~fft * rli mra Ii.ih 1* ri» 
 
141 
 
 feet in breadth, has 175 feet on one side of this way, and 135 on 
 the other ; and what seems to have been its Decuman gate exactly in 
 
 the midst of its longest side, with 1 7 5 feet on each side this gate. 
 
 Achindavy might therefore contain seven maniples, or seven maniples 
 and an half, or about 1 1 76, or 1260 men, with a main street of 30, 
 and a principal street of 35 Roman feet in breadth ; and with a 
 space left every where, next the rampart, of 25 feet ; — but it seems 
 most probable, that the order of encampment was Hyginian. 
 
 Bar Hill, PI. Sfiii, fig. 1 5, was a square of 345 Roman feet, with 
 the military way running through, so as to have 190 feet on the 
 one side, and 1 30 feet on the other ; whilst what seems to have been 
 its Decuman gate, now 25 feet wide, was in the midst, so as to have 
 1 60 feet on each side of it. But it is so very difficult to place regular 
 maniples, with any degree of satisfaction, according to these divi- 
 sions, that we must be led to conclude the adjustment of the ar- 
 rangement of troops, in this station, to have been upon a different 
 principle from the Polybian. 
 
 And the same may still more strongly be said of Rough Castle ; 
 PI. XX J"' , fig. 16; — 2 30 Roman feet square ; — with the military way 
 running through it, having 115 Roman feet on one side, and J 00 
 on the other; — whilst there are 100 feet on each side of its appa- 
 rently Decuman gate. 
 
 It is needful then, after all these observations, just to add, as 
 far as is possible, a short and comprehensive idea of what was the 
 Hyginian mode. 
 
 Its characteristick difference from the Polybian, consisted in this ; 
 — that the troops, instead of being divided into Maniples, were 
 divided into what were called Centuries ; though consisting only of 
 80 men each : — and that a Cohort was then made to consist of six 
 Centuries, or of 480 men. 
 
 And that, with regard to the order of encampment, they were 
 placed, (allowing 8 men to a tent,) each Century in a row of ten 
 tents; extending 1 20 Roman feet in length, and 24 in breadth ; see 
 pj xxvii^ ] . — though usually, of the ten tents, only eight were 
 really pitched, (because of the regular number of soldiers who must 
 always be necessarily employed, on watch and duty,) by which 
 means more space was allowed near the tents of the officers. 
 
 VOL. II. 2 o 
 
142 
 
 That two of these rows, placed back to back, so as to have their 
 bat horses eat out of the same manger, or from off the same spot, 
 formed what was called a Striga, of 120 feet in length, and 48 feet 
 in breadth ; to which was allowed an additional space of 12 feet, 
 and no more, to separate it from the next Striga, as it had, on its 
 other front, the benefit of the street of a neighbouring Striga ; by 
 which means each complete single Striga was 120 feet long, and 
 60 broad. See PI. ££™ fig. 2 . 
 
 And as to these distinct Striga:; — that they were placed in very 
 different positions, in different camps, and stations, just as the 
 whole allotted space best admitted: — only in this mode of encamp- 
 ing, (contrary to the Polybian mode,) the Legionary troops were 
 generally placed next the rampart. 
 
 A further difference, in an Hyginian Camp was, with regard to the 
 Pratorium, Forum, and Qiiccstorium, — in that they were upon quite 
 a different plan from the Polybian : — the Pratorium, quite in the midst 
 of the camp, long and narrow ; with the Forum just below it; and 
 the Quastorium beyond the Forum; — and all three forming as it 
 were rather parts of one great street, than separate places ; whilst 
 the main street, and the principal street, were usually in other parts, 
 both of them of one and the same breadth. 
 
 A complete Imperial army , in the time of Hyginus, consisted of three 
 Legions; instead of consisting of only two Legions, as was the 
 case with a Consular army, in the time of Polybius ; — and, on this 
 account the great exemplar of an Hyginian camp, was divided into 
 three distinct parts, called the Pr<etentura, Latera Pnetorii, and the 
 Retentura ; — or as we might perhaps call them in modern times, a 
 van-guard, Praetorian wings, or body-guard, and a rear-guard ; and 
 an Hyginian camp, in the great pattern, and in the lesser imitations, 
 was usually one-third longer than it was broad. 
 
 Hyginus assigns 2 400 feet for the length, and 1600 feet for the 
 breadth of an Imperial camp ; — but gives a sort of plan, containing 
 the dimensions of one of 2310, by 16 20. 
 
 It is to be remarked also, as a further distinction, that in Imperial 
 armies, such as are described by Hyginus, larger bodies in proportion 
 of Allied troops, or mercenaries, were attached to the Legions: — and 
 that these mercenaries were usually placed, near the two extremes 
 
143 
 
 of the camp, immediately within that line of Legionary Strigee, 
 either double, or single, that (as has been mentioned) ran quite 
 round an Hygirdan camp, separated from the ramparts, by a broad 
 way, and from all the inclosed troops, by a continued narrow street, 
 called the Sagular street. * 
 
 And, on this occasion it ought not to be passed by unnoticed, 
 that Hyginus^ says expressly, that the Decuman gate was so called 
 from the tenth Cohort of the Legion being encamped near it; — and that 
 this assertion of his in reality confirms, still more strongly, all the 
 conclusions that have been formed concerning the real situation of 
 that great entrance, in the preceding pages ; J — though General Roy, 
 misled by the passage in Livy, in the manner that has been there 
 explained, ventures to suppose, that even Hyginus himself was 
 mistaken. \ 
 
 It would be very strange indeed, however, if the very writer 
 who undertakes todescribe this mode of Castrametation, living under 
 the Emperors Trajan, and Adrian, when it was actually in use, 
 should be so mistaken: — I shall therefore have no hesitation to 
 follow his own authority ; and to replace the Hyginian Decuman gate 
 where Hyginus himself placed it, in perfect conformity to the Po- 
 lybian Decuman gate. 
 
 The whole of what has been said may best be explained by a 
 Plan, P. fig. 3 • leaving out any precise mode of arranging the 
 
 Strigte, within the several great divisions ; — which might so easily 
 
 be varied at pleasure ; — and was indeed so often actually varied. 
 
 A circumstance wherein consisted, truly, the great advantage of this 
 mode of encamping ; — although it unavoidably occasioned some- 
 what of confusion in the order of the camps themselves, and much 
 more in the description of them. 
 
 But before we refer to the Plan, it ought to be mentioned further, 
 that in this mode of encamping, the Sacellum, Tribunal, and Augu- 
 ratory, seem always to have been placed in the front end of the 
 Fratorium ; — and that the crossing of the main street and principal 
 
 * These facts are all collected from the account of Hyginus, as explained by Schelius, in 
 as perfect conformity as possible with the account given by General Roy, from p. 17 6, to 
 p. l s 9, of the Military Antiquities. + See Military Antiquities, p. 179. 
 
 i Seep. 12, n. $ See Military Antiquities, p. 179. 
 
144 
 
 street just before these, was called Groma ;"— being that spot from 
 whence all the measures for marking out the camp were begun. 
 
 That the Prmtorium itself, was no less than 7 20 feet long; and at 
 least 180, and sometimes 220 feet broad. + 
 
 And that the manner of dividing an Hygima.fi camp, always varied 
 according to the proportion of the number of Legionaries to that of 
 the Auxiliaries ; — because, when the latter was small in proportion, 
 the Sagular street became removed more inward from the rampart, 
 and nearer to the Prcetorium. 
 
 In our Plan, Pl.SESj fig. 3, the whole camp is made 2 400 Roman 
 feet long, by 1 600 feet broad ; according to the measure first assigned 
 by Hyginus. 
 
 (aaaaaaaa) Marks the way, or space next the rampart, 60 feet 
 broad. 
 
 (bbbbbb) The Legionary Slriga ; double in an Imperial camp ; 
 and sometimes single in a smaller camp ; and sometimes in a much 
 broader row than double; when there were but few auxiliaries, 
 accompanying the force ; — but always so placed as to have con- 
 venient ways for marching out to the ramparts on one side, and to 
 the Sagular street on the other. 
 
 (s s s s s s s s) The Sagular street 30 feet broad. 
 
 D. The Decuman gate. 
 
 (d d) The main street, leading from the Decuman gate to the Prs- 
 torium; — 60 feet wide. 
 
 (p p) The two principal gates. 
 
 And (oooo) the principal street, 60 feet wide. 
 
 (rrrr) The Prcetorium ; 720 feet by 220. In the upper part of 
 which, fronting the Principal street, were the Great Offices, and the 
 
 * Groma, it is well linown, means a measuring instrument. 
 
 + It surely deserves notice, that these measures agree, in the square contents of the whole 
 area, very nearly with those of a Polybian Pratorium, of 4 oo feet square ; according to the 
 mode of translating the words ofPolybius in the preceding pages : 
 for 400 x 4oo = I60000 square feet; 
 and 7 20 x 2 20 = 15 8400 square leet; 
 
 and the difference is only 160 square feet ; 
 a difference of not quite two feet each way; which is a strong attestation to the truth of all 
 the conclusions that have been formed in these pages. See p. 81, 82, S3, loo, 1 15, 123. 
 
145 
 
 Tribunal; whilst the lower part of it seems, in this mode of en- 
 camping, to have been deemed sufficient for all the purposes of a 
 Forum; — in which respect, as in many others, the Hyginian Camp 
 had less spare room, and less convenient space, than the Polybian; 
 — though it was contrived to hold more troops. 
 
 And it ought to be observed, that, in smaller camps, there is every 
 reason to believe the extent of the Prtctorium was always nicely ad- 
 justed to the number of Cohorts, and force encamped, nearly in the 
 same proportions as in the case of the adjustment of a Polybian 
 Prstorium. 
 
 (qqqq) The Chdntan street ; — 30 feet broad; which sometimes 
 had gates at its ends; but most usually had none. 
 
 (tt) The Pay-office, or Qutestorium : — where, as in this kind of 
 camp there was less space for the Qiirsstors use near the Decuman 
 gate, there was more room here, near the Pratorium, than in a 
 Polybian camp. 
 
 (d2 . d2) The continuance of the main street to the Praatorium 
 
 gate (p). 
 
 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. Great divisions, for the encamping of the few 
 remaining Strigre of the Legionaries ; and for all the Auxiliaries or 
 Allied troops, with the Prcctorian guards, horse, and foot; and with 
 the Evocati, or volunteers, on each side of the Praetorium : — all 
 which Strigre of tents were, in different instances, disposed vari- 
 ously; whence again arises confusion, in the accounts of this kind 
 of castrametation. 
 
 (lill) Tents occasionally for Legates. 
 
 (tttt) Tents as usual for Tribunes. 
 
 Such was the Hyginian Camp ; — but after all, Hyginus, in com- 
 parison of Polybius, is a very confused writer, — however he might, 
 in his day, be a good Gromaticus, or measurer. And the confusion 
 of the mode of encamping in the later period of the Roman empire, 
 became every age so much worse and worse, that when Vegetius 
 wrote, in the fourth century, he complained, that the custom of 
 fortifying a camp regularly, was not only laid aside ; but the very 
 method of doing it was entirely lost: — which was one cause of the 
 fatal disgrace that then so often befel the Roman armies* 
 
 * Military Antiquities, p. 18 9. 
 VOL. II. S p 
 
146 
 
 It ought now, perhaps, before we entirely leave the consideration 
 of the adjustment of the particular bands of encamped troops, to the 
 precise measures of Roman Castra great and small which we are 
 acquainted with, to be shortly remarked, that the great Castrum at 
 Castor, in Norfolk, agrees in its dimensions even better with a truly 
 antient Polybian mode of encampment, than with the Hyginian 
 mode. 
 
 For if we take the dimensions, within the walls, to have been, as 
 mentioned in the preceding pages,* 10S0 English feet, by 1320;— 
 these reduced to Roman measure, will amount to about 1 1 1 si Roman 
 feet, by l S66f. And in this space, either an entire Legion, with at 
 least half of its Allies;— or half a Legion, with double the number 
 of its Allies; might be encamped in the most complete manner. 
 
 In the first instance ; — the front, next the Decuman gate, might 
 be arranged as follows ;— not requiring so great a space to be left 
 next the rampart, in this great Castrum, (which like Richborough 
 had high and great walls,) as in a camp where there were mere 
 earthworks. 
 
 ,34 + 100 + 100 + 50 + 50 + 100 + 50+ 100 + 50 + 50 +100 +100 + 134 =1118. 
 
 And, thus two complete Cohorts with all their Eqnites, might stand 
 in a line ; — and, in depth, five rows of these would contain an 
 whole Legion. 
 
 Roman Feet. 
 
 And allowing for a space next the rampart, the other way 133 
 And for the depth of these five rows of double Cohorts, 500 
 And for a principal street, - - - . 50 
 And for a Pratorium, of half the dimensions of a Con- 
 sular Pratorium ; t. e. of 400 feet by 200, - - 400 
 And for a street behind the Pratorium, - . 50 
 And for a row of eight maniples of Allies, - - 1 00 
 And for a space next the Praetorian rampart, or wall, 1 33 
 The whole will amount exactly to 136 6 
 ' Page 49. 
 
147 
 
 Whilst it is obvious, that on each side a Prtetorium of 200 Feet 
 in breadth, mightbe very good room for a Forum, of due proportion, 
 on one side; — for a Qutestorium, on the other; — and for four ma- 
 niples, and four half maniples, to be placed beyond the Forum, next 
 the wall; and the like number beyond the Qiitestorium ; — making, 
 with the former eight, the whole number exactly twenty maniples 
 in this part: — a number that would contain, most precisely, half 
 the number of Allied forces belonging to a Legion. 
 
 In the latter instance, of containing half a Legion, with double the 
 number of Allies; — the only difference would be, the ranging the 
 mere proper number of Allies of each Cohort, on the left hand of it, 
 and of the front of the Prtetorium, in their four maniples ;— which 
 if their maniples were made double, without an intervening street, 
 (as in General Roy's Consular camp) would require no alteration of 
 space whatever next the wall. 
 
 And even if a street were allowed in the midst of them, would 
 only require the way, by the wall, to be 25 feet narrower; or not 
 more than about 1 05 feet in breadth ; which would still be more 
 than quite sufficient. 
 
 If we take Mr. Wilkins's measures, of 1120, by 1349 English 
 feet, that have been referred to* as being those of the outside of the 
 Vallum, to have been rather those within, more accurately ascer- 
 tained than by the former measurement ;— these will amount to 
 about I 159x Roman feet, by 1 3961;— and the only difference this 
 will make is, that there might be 1 50, or 1 5 5 feet, for space to be left 
 next the wall:— whilst, either way, the adjustment of the order of 
 encampment here will be the same ; and obviously upon the Polybian 
 plan ; — and for the containing a force of about 6 480, or at least of 
 6210 men.t 
 
 * Page 5 i . 
 
 + In the time of the Scipios, a complete Legion, with its Equites, seems to 
 have contained - 4500 
 A full Legion, with all its Allies, horse and foot, contained - - 8460 
 A weak Legion, or one with half its Allies, contained - - - C4S0 
 A strong half Legion, with double its usual number of Allies, contained 6 210 
 See p. 107. — The first deviation from this proportion, in subsequent times, seems merely to 
 have been, the adding to each maniple, such a number of soldiers as might be supposed to 
 be constantly absent from the tents on watch, and ward : — and the inconvenience sometimes 
 
148 
 
 Chesterford, in Essex, which appeared to me as of a more square 
 Form than it has usually been taken to be, was considerably larger; 
 and seems intended to have contained an entire Legion, with all its 
 Allies; — and there also enough may be traced, to perceive, that the 
 encampment was consistent with Polybian rules. 
 
 And Sodbury, in Gloucestershire, of which Mr. Lysons has given 
 
 us a very curious representation in his most valuable work ;* 
 
 seems to have been incomparably well adapted to have contained 
 three Cohorts, with double the number of Allied foot, and half as 
 many more Allied horse, encamped exactly after the Polybian method. 
 
 According to Mr. Lysons' plan, it was about 300 yards in length, 
 from north to south; and 200 yards in breadth, from east to west: 
 — that is about 931J, or 932 Roman feet, by 621j, or 622 : — and 
 that which appears to have been the great Decuman gate, was not 
 exactly in the midst of the east side; but about 50 feet nearer to 
 the north, than to the south. 
 
 A full Cohort might therefore be arranged, in a line, fronting 
 the Decuman gate, exactly according to Polybian rules, in this 
 
 36+ 1 0° + ,00 H~ 30 + 50 + loo -|~ 50 + 100 + 100 *T" 30 + 100 + 100 + 36 — 932 feet. 
 
 And three Cohorts in depth from the gate, might be placed before 
 the PrKtorium. 
 
 Whilst eight half maniples of Allied foot might be placed behind it. 
 
 And two more maniples of Allied foot, with three maniples of 
 Allied horse, might be placed on the sides of the Prastorium ; leaving 
 room for a Forum, of 90 feet; — a (hitestorium, of 40 feet wide;— 
 and a Prtetorium of 230 Roman feet, by 100, just a little larger than 
 
 arising from this addition, by means of wounded men, or sickness, probably next intro- 
 duced the new and subsequent division of Cohorts into Centuries, such as ate described 
 by Hyginus. 
 
 * Lysons' Woodchester, PI. I. 
 
149 
 
 fth of a Consular Pratorium", which it ought precisely to be for three 
 Cohorts. 
 
 All these maniples disposed of about the Pratorium, would 
 amount to six maniples of Allied foot, and three of horse; that is, 
 to as many more Allied foot as properly belonged to the three 
 Cohorts, and to half as many more Allied horse; — a very adequate 
 addition to attend as Extraordinaries, and as a select guard, for the 
 Commander in Chief. 
 
 On each side the Praetorium, the disposition of the whole would 
 be thus, 
 
 I 
 
 a e i a 
 
 s; 
 
 4 «5. 
 
 •e i « 3 a 1 
 ^ ^ ^ s- <: ^ ^ ^ 
 
 36-)-100+100 + 90-(-S30-|-<l> + 10» + 100-f-l 00 + 36 = 932 feet. 
 
 And in depth, from the Decuman gate, the camp would be filled 
 up by R oman f eet . 
 
 A space next the rampart - ... s6 
 Three full Cohorts ...... 300 
 
 The Principal street - - - - - . jo 
 
 The Pratot turn - - .... ]qo 
 
 A street behind the Prastorium - - - - 50 
 
 Eight half maniples of Allied foot - - - 50 
 A space next the rampart ----- 36 
 
 622 
 
 Whilst the whole force, consisting of about S636 men, would be 
 arranged thus: 
 
 
 V 
 
 
 V 
 
 
 
 V 
 
 
 
 h . 
 
 P 
 
 t 
 
 . E 
 
 SE 
 
 
 SE 
 
 SP 
 
 . SP 
 
 h . 
 
 P 
 
 t 
 
 . E 
 
 SE 
 
 
 SE 
 
 SP 
 
 . SP 
 
 h . 
 
 P 
 
 t 
 
 . E 
 
 SE 
 
 
 SE 
 
 SP 
 
 . SP 
 
 sp 
 
 . SE 
 
 F 
 
 Praetorium 
 
 T 
 
 . SE . 
 
 SE 
 
 . SP 
 
 isp 
 
 .isp.x 
 
 sp 
 
 .f.p 
 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 sp . £sp 
 
 .Asp. 
 
 hp 
 
 ♦ For 230 x 100 = sjoo» : and the fth of a Consular Pratorium is ^222 — 2S 85 7 > 
 feet. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
150 
 
 and would consist of 
 
 Three/a// Cohorts, with their horse - - . ]5J0 
 
 Their Allied foot 10Qg 
 
 Their Allied horse 
 
 As many more Allied foot, encamped as a sort of Extraor 
 dmaries, about the PrEetorium - 
 
 180 
 
 1008 
 
 Half as many more Allied horse, as a select guard - go 
 
 3636 
 
 There cannot, however, remain a doubt but that, in the later ages, 
 even in all these camps, and Caslra, great and small, the Hyginian 
 method was sometimes used ;— or that, at last, those which had 
 walls even became a sort of mere towns ; with little or no method of 
 arrangement, either after the Polybian, or any other regular mode: 
 neither can there be a doubt, but that the Hyginian method was 
 commonly used, in all such Stations as had been originally British 
 posts ; _ or sucll as were (1;ke Pgvms ^ of irregular fom ._ because 
 
 this mode of castrametation might indeed be adapted to a fortified 
 inclosure of any figure in its outline whatever. 
 
 A variety of other instances, besides those already given, might 
 be produced, to shew the general uniform plan, and contrivance, 
 even of all those Roman Camps that were mere earthworks; as well 
 as of their regular Stations, and walled Castra; but a further enu- 
 meration would be tedious, as well as useless. 
 
 It now then only remains, to produce a few other instances, 
 besides that of Pevensey, wherein, on account of the uncommon 
 obvious advantage of the ground, the Romans sometimes, in their 
 mere Castra, and Stations, or in such as afterwards became Towns, 
 and Cities, departed from the more usual regularity of their square, 
 (or oblong squarish) form of castrametation. 
 
 And amongst these it is impossible to forget a place of so great 
 distinction, as the antient Verolanium, or Verulam. 
 
 First, a great Roman station; and then a distinguished Roman 
 town, or city. 
 
 A plan of it, upon a small reduced scale, for the sake of compar- 
 ing it the better with Pevensey, and Silchester, (which are added, in 
 like manner, on small scales,) is given in PI. XXVIII. fig. 9 , from 
 
• 151 
 
 the larger plan, published in the Vetusta Monumental as taken by 
 Dr. Stukeley. 
 
 This most remarkable, and most irregular antient station, is 
 situated on a sloping tract of ground, between the Watling-street road, 
 on the south-west, and the river Golne, or Ver, on the north-east, 
 (ccc); where there is much reason to think, there was from the 
 very first a great extent of marsh, or even of water ;+ and this may 
 indeed originally have been the very inducement for adopting the 
 strange peculiarity of its form here found. 
 
 Yet here we find the other important points of Roman Castra- 
 metation to have been attended to. 
 
 For, on the two sides, appear plainly to have been the two that 
 were called usually principal gates (oo); at (d) appears to have been 
 the Decuman gate; — at (p) the Praetorian gate; and at (P) the Pree- 
 torium itself: (as at Richborough, at Melandra, and at Ardoch.,) much 
 nearer to the Prectorian gate, than to the Decuman; so that the street, 
 from the one side Principal gate to the other, might pass before the 
 front of the Pratorium, and between it, and the Decuman gate. 
 
 This spot, like the Prcetorium in some other Stations, has also 
 throughout all succeeding ages, been rendered very remarkable, by 
 continued devotional attention. — For here, as at Richborough, Port- 
 chester, and Castor, a Christian church has been built, near the site 
 where there is every reason to believe stood the antient Sacellum of 
 the Pratorium :} the piety of early ages endeavouring to change 
 corrupt devotion into true religion ; though the attempt too often 
 
 * Vol. I. PI. VIII. f It seems from antient records, (for the combined 
 
 testimony of which, for brevity sake, I shall refer to Gough's Camden, where, from the 
 authority of Matlicm Paris, they are very well collected, in a summary manner, into one 
 point of view ;) dial there was really apiece of water, which antiently surrounded the greatest 
 /art of the city of Verulanium: and that the last remains ofit were, a great fish pool; so near, 
 and so hurtful to the church oi St. Allans, that Abbot Alfric, in the reign of Henry the 
 Third, bought the right to it, and drained off the water, in such a manner, that the 
 nuisance was effectually removed. See Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. J3S. Matthew Paris, 
 Vita? Abb. p. -10, 4]. 
 
 * It may perhaps with great propriety be brought to remembrance, on this occasion, that 
 the first cathedral of St. PauCs, in London, was also built nearly on the spot where must 
 have been the Reman Pretoria* ra»,/;_and that this has continued to be the situation of all 
 the there succeeding venerable metropolitan fabricks to this time. See the Parmtalia, p. s 7 1 . 
 
152 
 
 corrupted real religion itself. — And in this church, (which is called 
 that of St. Michael) have by a strange concurrence of circumstances 
 been deposited, in still more modern days, as if to mark the dignity 
 of the spot, the remains of the great Lord Bacon ; — -that truly illus- 
 trious ornament of the literary world ; and father of the restoration 
 of true philosophical science in this country.* 
 
 The walls of Verulam were defended, in some parts, by a double 
 fosse; but in others by a very deep single one; and, as to their 
 structure, bore a strict conformity to those of Richborough, and 
 Pevensey. 
 
 They were composed of alternate rows, (or Qifishac) of bricks, and 
 of flints ; varying a little in the dimensions and position, here, as 
 elsewhere in the other Roman works. — Four distinct layers were 
 discernible in some parts of the walls, as they remained in 1 7 68. 
 Of these, the lowest course of bricks had four rows ; the next three ; 
 and the two uppermost had each of them two; and the courses of 
 flints and mortar between them, were each about two feet and eight 
 inches in breadth.t 
 
 The bricks were an inch and an half, or an inch and a quarter 
 thick ; and had such a quantity of mortar between each row, as to 
 be nearly equal in thickness to that of the bricks themselves. — They 
 were also of different lengths : — some twelve ; some sixteen ; and 
 some eighteen inches. And there has already been mentioned, in 
 these pages, one brought from Verulam, (that was wrought up in the 
 walls of the abbey church at St. Alban's,) which was near two 
 feet; J in which irregularities they most perfectly agree with all 
 other truly Roman buildings. 
 
 * The tomb, or perhaps rather monument, of this Great Man, which is very simple 
 and plain, is yet one of the very finest pieces of sculpture in England, and too little 
 known. — It represents him resting his head upon his arm, in his elbow chair, in sad 
 composed sleep ; — the too just, and almost prophetick emblem, of that deadly sleep, with 
 which mankind, in general, have been too ready to forget, and to neglect, the best intima- 
 tions in his writings. 
 
 + See a representation of a part of the wall in the Archseologia, Vol. II. p. 18 4. 
 
 % See in this Volume, p. 8. We have a very curious account of what was found on 
 taking down, and removing many of the ruins of old Verulam, by the Abbots Ealdrcd, and 
 Eaimer, about A. D. 960, (written by Mallhem Paris, about A. D. 1250,) in which one 
 
153 
 
 A considerable fragment of the wall remains, near the side of 
 one principal gate, towards the north-west, at (s) ; — and from the 
 
 scarcely knows whether most to admire, the great curiosity of the articles said to be discovered 
 or the gross ignorance of the discoverers, and then resident monks. 
 
 Besides hicks and tiles of all dimensions, taken to be worked up in the new building of the church 
 of St. Albans, — and many fragments of stone columns, — they found about the middle of the 
 city, (and evidently about the spot where must first have been the antient Roman Prcelorium,) 
 the remains of a sort of palace .— and in a recess of the wall of this palace, forming a sort of 
 closet or cupboard, several books, some of which plainly appear, by the substance of the 
 account, to have been rolled up in scrolls, like the most antient books of Rome; and some 
 to have consisted of flat leaves, inclosed between oaken boards, and tied with bands of silt. 
 — Some of them were said to have been in unknown characters; which we may therefore very 
 fairly conclude to have been written in Greek ; — and others appear to have been in the British 
 language, for which at last they found a decypherer, an old decrepit priest, who made it out 
 to be a life of St. Alban in the British language. And on this occasion, surely, even with 
 regard to the supposed unknown character of these manuscripts, it may not be amiss to recall 
 to mind, that Caesar intimates (De Bello Gallico, lib. vi. sec. 13.) that the Britons actually 
 made use of Greek characters, in writing their own language.— Others of the manuscripts 
 were in Latin :— and the author speaks of their discovering invocations to Phcebus, in a manner 
 that leads one shrewdly to suspect, that these pious monks mistook some of the odes of 
 Horace, or the verses of some other Latin poet, for forms of devotion, or Pagan breviaries. 
 Matthew Paris, Vita Abbatum, fol. id, 41. 
 
 The account of the old arches, and caverns, in which thieves and banditti concealed them- 
 selves, is also curious: and no less so is that of the discovering the remains of tarred boards, 
 naval tackle, and anchors ; the remains of boats, which might have been brought to the great 
 pool near the wall but as to the discovery of such shells, as were supposed to indicate that 
 the sea ever approached those walls, that conclusion seems merely to have arisen from the 
 mistake they were led into, by the discovery of antediluvian fossil shells, which might un- 
 questionably be found on digging there, as such may still be found in so many other places ; 
 and have often led antiquaries, much better informed than they could be in Abbot Eadmer s 
 days, into the same sort of mistake a mistake which ought ever to be guarded against. 
 
 Of the fluctuating mutability of scenery on the face of the earth, there cannot be a stronger 
 proof than on this spot. 
 
 Here once stood for ages, in thick impenetrable woods, protected by a wild morass, a 
 British town. 
 
 Here stood, next, a Roman Gattrtm ;— and after that, from about A.D. 15 to 4i o, for 
 near three hundred years, a flourishing Roman town, or city, with the morass turned into a 
 fine lake for boats and vessels. 
 
 Here remained the wide extended rugged ruins of thai town, become mere objects ofanti- 
 quanan research (if there had been intelligent antiquaries in those days), with the lake 
 become a rude sedgey fishery ; and the vaults and passages, dens of thieves and robbers, for 
 above three hundred years more;— to the year 900. 
 
 Here, in its near neighbourhood, that reared its head, a proud glorious abbey ;_,vith the 
 VOL. II. 3 R 
 
154 
 
 examination of several parts, the walls appear to have been about 
 12 feet thick.* 
 
 Another remarkable instance, wherein the Romans departed from 
 their usual regularity of form, in the construction of their Castra, is 
 to be found in a place which became, at length, no less than Verulam, 
 a regular Town of great note, and importance ; and of the walls of 
 which there are still considerable remains. 
 
 This is Silchester, in Hampshire ; of which a plan, on a reduced 
 scale, is added in the comparative Plate of Roman fortresses, fig. 10, 
 PI. XXVIII. 
 
 The wall, more irregular than Pevensey, consists of no less than 
 nine unequal sides; — in some parts near 20 feet high ; and 12, or 
 even 14, or 15 feet thick. 
 
 It is constructed, as in other instances of Roman works, of alter- 
 nate courses (or Qtnihz) ; — but here, (the country affording a proper 
 material near at hand,) instead of bricks, the alternate rows, between 
 the courses of flints and rude pebble stones, are formed of broad 
 flag-stones, which answer precisely the same end. 
 
 In some parts have been found work in herring-bone fashion : — 
 but this may here, as well as at Pevensey, be justly suspected to 
 have been merely the consequence of British repairs, after the 
 departure of the Romans ; or else of very early Saxon repairs.-i- 
 
 It is agreed by almost all antiquaries,} that there was originally 
 a British town here, called Gaer Segont, or the city of the Segontiaci; 
 and the irregular form, and predetermined figure of this important 
 
 adjacent lake converted into a fertile mead. — An abbey which, for ages, continued one of the 
 most magnificent objects in this island. 
 
 All tins passed long before Humphry Duke of Gloucester was born.— And here now lie 
 entombed, in his deep dark vault, the mouldering remains of that good Prince, which can 
 scarcely be said to rest, but have for many years been exposed to the curiosity of strangers, 
 as a sad interesting memorial of nearly forgotten days, and times; — whilst the mouldering 
 abbey itself is scarcely preserved, by being converted into a parish church; and the spot 
 where Verulam stood, has been unremittingly ploughed up, as a field of corn. 
 
 * See many curious observations concerning them in Pennant's Journey from Chester, 
 P« 251. + Seep. 4a, 4 3 , in tins Volume. 
 
 t Camden, Vol. I. p. 121. Gough's edit. That this city was destroyed, and neglected 
 before the establishment of the Saxon monarchy, seems obvious; because, although such 
 numbers of Roman, and even some British coins, have been dug up here ; yet it appears, 
 from the account of the most intelligent persons near the spot, that no Saxon or Danish 
 coins have been ever found in this place. 
 
155 
 
 place, was probably the circumstance that induced the Romans to 
 forego their adherance to their more regular plan: — just as they 
 did at Byzantium, or Constantinople itself, which was made the seat 
 of empire, only a few years before the building of the walls of 
 Sil cluster* 
 
 In other respects, the Romans at Silckester, as at Verulam, observed 
 their usual rules. — There were clearly two side, or principal gates 
 (oo) ; designed in a distinguished manner to answer, like those in a 
 Castrum, to a principal street: and there was a Pratorium, at (p), 
 including a smaller space ; — sometimes supposed to have been a 
 Forum; but which we may more justly conclude, to have been 
 the Augurale;— wherein, (in conformity to this conclusion,) have 
 been discovered, foundations of a building of freestone ; the walls 
 of which were 3 feet thick ; and which appears to have been the 
 very Sacellum of the Pratorium ; as the foundation of an altar, 3 feet 
 by 4, and S feet high,+ has also been there discovered, surrounded 
 with wood ashes, and coals. 
 
 This Pratorium was, as usual, nearer to the Praetorian gate (p), 
 than to the Decuman gate (d) ; — and the smaller streets seem to have 
 run parallel to each other, and to its sides ; and crossing each other, 
 in the direction of the small dotted lines, — as far as it is now nos- 
 sible to trace them, by means of the quick decaying, and different 
 colour, of such part of the corn as grows over the foundations of 
 the buildings. J 
 
 * See p. 3 7, in this Volume. + Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. Hi. 
 
 % These streets appear indeed to have been at best very narrow ; — but that is only what 
 we might expect, consistently with the dimensions of all the old Roman streets that have 
 been discovered, so as ta have their dimensions ascertained. 
 
 The streets of Athens, — the most polite city of the early ages of antiquity, were, (according 
 to the very curious and accurate measures of Air. Reveley, which he permitted me to see 
 in MSS.) only ten, or at most twelve feet wide, — -just as the streets of Pompeii were. (See 
 Archseologia, Vol. IV. p. 16s.) 
 
 And even the streets of antient Rome itself, appear to have been notin the least degree of 
 width more commodious, if we are to form any idea of them (as we may surely most justly 
 do, ) from what remains of its ichwgraphy, engraved on the tragments of the antient pavement 
 discovered in the temple of Romulus which were first removed to the Faniese palace, and 
 then to the Capitol; and have been published by Pirauesi, in his first Vol. p. 6. 
 
 From these fragments, it not only appears that the streets were narrow; but that the 
 apartments, in many houses, were very small, and most strangely irregular. 
 
156 
 
 It was here that, in the reign of Honorius, A.D. 407, the usurper 
 Conslantine, just before the destruction of the Western Empire, was 
 advanced to the Purple, by the discontented soldiers, even, appa- 
 rently, (and, possibly in reality,) against his will. 
 
 And, as a further proof of the Roman magnificence and splendour 
 once exhibited at this place, (as far as any thing of that kind did 
 in this country at all exist), here have been dug up considerable 
 ostensible remains. 
 
 A curious Roman Eagle, wrought in steel, and very justly con- 
 cluded to have formed the most distinguished part of a Roman 
 military ensign, was dug up here about the year 1 7 87, or 1 7 88 :* 
 concerning which kind of military ensigns, ;it cannot but be re- 
 membered, that they formed, what was called, by OUR LORD, the 
 desolation of abomination, attending the Roman armies; — and which 
 were to attend them, when they were to encompass Jerusalem.i- 
 
 A curious ring of gold also, with an inscription, in truly Roman 
 letters ; and with a rudely engraved head, was found in this place, 
 about the year 1 7 86. J 
 
 The city of Bath in like manner, if the conclusions may be relied 
 upon § that have been formed, with regard to such traces as have 
 been discovered, appears to have been of the form of an irregular 
 Pentagon, about 1200 feet in length, and 1100 feet in breadth, in 
 the widest part ; — (that is indeed far less than a Consular camp;) — 
 having a strong wall surrounding it, 9 feet thick, and 20 in height, 
 with five circular towers, one at each angle ; — and having four gate 
 ways, which faced the cardinal points ; — whilst the greatfosse road 
 ran through it, (that is through its principal street) from north to 
 south. — And here, as in so many other instances, we find a church 
 now standing where once had been the Prietorium, and which is 
 even Metropolitan, and has been an abbey. 
 
 Further, it ought now to be added, that we have a remarkable 
 instance of a camp, even of Agricola's, where, on account of the 
 
 * Archseologia, Vol. IX. p. 3 7 0. 
 
 + Matthew, chap. xxiv. ver. 15. Mark, chap. xiii. ver, i -i . Luke, chap. xxi. vert 20. 
 t Archa;ologia, Vol. VIII. p. 4-19- 
 
 § See Mr. Warner's ingenious illustration of Roman antiquities descovered at Bath, — 
 Introduction, p. 1 2. — And also Collinson's History of Somersetshire, Vol. I. p. 8. 
 
157 
 
 peculiar nature, and inequality of the ground, the proper form of 
 a Roman encampment was departed from, even more effectually 
 than either at Pevensey, or at Silchester. 
 
 It is that now called Rae-dykes, near Ury, about 3 miles from 
 Stoneheaven in Scotland ; and is described by General Roy.* — It 
 was of great extent; and therefore its outline is represented only on 
 a very small scale, PI. S22S fig. 4. 
 
 But it is the more deserving of our attention, because another, 
 and a most exceeding large camp of Agricola's, in the same tract 
 of country, and nearly of the same name, at the distance of about 
 25 or 30 miles, — Re-dykes near Glenmalen, on the south bank of the 
 river Ythan, was exactly on the Polybian plan ; and quite regular 
 in its form ;+ though a little more inclining to a lozenge, than to a 
 parallelogram. 
 
 There is a curious instance also of Roman departure from their 
 regular rules of castrametation, at Burgh-head, on the Murray Frith, 
 the antient Alata Castra of Ptolemy .J 
 
 After describing all these places, for the sake of obtaining a fair 
 comparative view of the forms of Roman Cities, and Stations ; we 
 must not forget to mention, one of the very first Castra in point of 
 time, and one that was by no means of the least importance ; though 
 its original form is now so much obliterated ; — and especially as 
 it retained, standing in it till very lately, distinguished remains of 
 a perfect Roman structure; — and as it was, in its form, even more 
 inclining to a circular, or oval inclosure, than Pevensey. 
 
 The fortress I mean, is that which has since been deemed even 
 the ley of England; Dover; and in the comparative view of Roman 
 fortresses, PI. XXVIII, fig. 12 ; as also in the subsequent large entire 
 plan of Dover, that will be found in this Work, the same letters are 
 put to mark the same parts. 
 
 (aaaa) Shews what manifestly appears to have been the outlines 
 of the original Roman camp ; || somewhat indeed in the form of a 
 
 * Military Antiquities, PI. L. 
 
 t See Military Antiquities, PI. LI.; and also PI. I. and PI. XX.; where the relative 
 situation of these two Camfs is shewn. % Military Antiquities, PI. XXXIII. 
 
 || A part of the remain of this outline, as it continued visible in dre year 1 7 s » , may be 
 seen in Mr. Grose's plan, in his Antiquities, Vol. V. 
 
 VOL. II. „ s 
 
158 
 
 parellelogram, with the corners rounded off ; (as was frequently the 
 case in other Roman camps, and particularly at Chesterford, and 
 ComerieJ ; but here with the corners so much rounded off, as to form 
 nearly an oval ;— the whole figure being indeed the more irregular, 
 because it was in this instance, not only, like that at Pevensey, made to 
 conform to the irregularity of the ground ; but was very obviously 
 constructed on the very spot, and nearly within the same precise 
 boundaries, as seem to have contained an aboriginal British hill 
 fortress. 
 
 The real existence of such a prior stronghold, may not only be 
 concluded from its situation on the summit of a cliff, so very proper 
 for the purpose; more than 300 feet in height; — and from the 
 peculiar form of part of the outlines still remaining ;— but may also 
 very fairly be inferred, from the old tradition, which says, that 
 here Arviragus, the British chief, fortified himself, when he refused 
 to pay the tribute imposed hy Julius Gemr /—and that here, after- 
 wards, King Arthur also held his residence.* 
 
 The irregularities, therefore, of this prior British hill fortress, 
 did somewhat occasion the same sort of irregularity in the Roman 
 works, and in the oval form of the Roman Castrum, formed on this 
 strong spot. 
 
 The dotted lines shew where that part of the Roman fortification 
 was in all probability continued, which is now destroyed. 
 
 Here Julius Casar, during his very short stay, and his ineffectual 
 endeavours to make an approach on this coast, was so molested by 
 the Britons strongly making resistance from these heights; (and pro- 
 bably in a more especial manner from this very fortress,) that he 
 thought fit to sail to another part, near Richborough. 
 
 And here, afterwards, in the time of Claudius, (when the Romans 
 may be supposed to have obtained possession of it,) this British hill 
 stronghold seems to have been only just a little more fortified, so 
 as to render it the more conveniently a Roman camp. 
 
 Julius Caesar, if he ever landed here at all, had certainly no time 
 either to gain the fortress, or to erect any structure. 
 
 The idea therefore of his having built the present Great Keep, or 
 
 * See Darell's History of Dover Castle, p. 8 | and the old record in Dugdale's 
 Monasticon. 
 
159 
 
 Master Tower, quite on the outside of the circuit of this original 
 inclosure, which tower from the current fable of dark ages has 
 been called Julius Cesar's Tower, can only be founded in vague 
 tradition, and childish ignorance. 
 
 Here, however, though Julius Casar erected no great work, suc- 
 ceeding Roman commanders reared edifices ; and a watch tower, or 
 Pharos, which till very lately* remained at (b). Whilst this fortress, 
 as being unquestionably one of the greatest importance, was in 
 the latter ages of the Roman dominion in this country, one of those 
 put under the care of the Comes Littoris Saxonici.i- 
 
 Of the Pharos just mentioned, the component parts, by a strange 
 coincidence of circumstances, 'plainly shew its age; for it is (as 
 almost all truly Roman buildings usually are,) composed indeed 
 partly of long thin irrregular bricks ; but in the intermediate 
 courses, as no quarries of stone were conveniently at hand, both 
 the facing and a great part of the interior substance of the wall was 
 filled up, not as might have been expected with flints, and chalk 
 rubbish from the neighbouring country; — but with an harder, and 
 more effectually lasting substance than chalk, though lighter and 
 fitter for carriage. For it is filled up, in a most unusual manner, 
 with masses of hard stalactitical incrustations, cut into blocks of 
 various dimensions, that could not well have been met with nearer 
 than the more northern coasts on the east side of this island; where 
 they abound in great numbers ;% and which therefore could not 
 have been obtained by any Roman commander, prior to the time of 
 Agricola, who surrounded the whole island by a regular navigation 
 for the first time ; and who might therefore most easily, in his ships, 
 convey, from the north to the south, these curious and durable 
 materials, for the purpose of rearing this structure. 
 
 * It grieves me to be forced to add, that long since the writing of these sheets, this noble 
 Remain has been (as 1 am informed,) pulled down. — An indifferent view of it, with the 
 adjoining British Roman church, that was built afterwards, may be seen, in Grose's 
 Antiquities, Vol. II. + See Horseley, Brit. Rom. p. 472. 
 
 1 There is a curious account of Dover Castle, published by the Rev. Mr. Lion, for the use 
 of travellers: — who was so obliging as to give me, previous to that publication, a specimen 
 of the remarkable substance here mentioned, from the walls of the tower. And on that occasion 
 I was very fortunately enabled to elucidate to him, the fact of its being a real stalactitical 
 incrustation, having seen vast numbers of a similar kind, in the more northern parts of this 
 country. 
 
160 
 
 By Agricola therefore, I will venture to conclude, without 
 hesitation, was this Pharos built ; rather than by PuUiuS Ostorius 
 Scapula, the commander under Claudius ; who, if he established 
 any station or fort here at all, most probably merely made use of the 
 old British camp, with a few alterations, as the Romans did in so 
 many other places. 
 
 And we may the rather adhere to such a conclusion, because the 
 successors of Agricola had not so free a navigation round the island 
 as he had ; — and because his predecessors had never ventured upon 
 any such navigation at all. 
 
 This Pharos, or Roman watch tower, was of an octagon form, on 
 the outside, but square within ; — the sides of the internal square, 
 and each side of the external octagon, being about 1 4 of our feet, or 
 about 1 4i Roman feet in dimensions ; the thickness of the wall in 
 the lower part was about ten feet ; and the whole height was un- 
 doubtedly more than what remained, when I saw it, although that 
 was about 40 feet. 
 
 The foundations were laid in a bed of clay ; notwithstanding it 
 is built on a chalk rock ; a circumstance that has been taken notice 
 of, with regard to some other Roman buildings. 
 
 It has an arched door way, about 6 feet wide, on the east side ; 
 and on the other three sides of the internal square were Roman 
 arches, and narrow spaces for windows, about 13 feet and an half 
 high, and near 4 feet wide, which were afterwards, in later ages, 
 much altered, to convert them into Norman loop holes. 
 
 The old arches, at the top of these recesses, were turned with 
 Roman tiles, and with pieces of the stalactitical concretion above- 
 mentioned, cut wedge-shaped, about four times the thickness of the 
 tiles, and placed alternately with them. 
 
 But what is most remarkable in this antient building, is, the form 
 of the tiles themselves. — They are, indeed, as at Richborough, and 
 in other Roman structures, of different dimensions in length, one 
 being (as I found on measuring it) no less than 2 feet 10 inches, 
 whilst they are all nearly of the same breadth, and of the usual 
 narrow thickness, of about 1| inch; but some of them appear to 
 have been cast in a mould, and of a form seldom, if ever, met with 
 elsewhere : — for the tiles, in the lower part of the building, (and on 
 
161 
 
 the eastern front especially,) are on one side adorned with winding 
 grooves, and with four very odd protuberant hemispherical knobs, 
 nearly equidistant from each corner ; and at one end of each tile, 
 near each corner, is a projecting part of about li inch in length, 
 and ii inch wide ; whilst at the opposite end, near each angle, a 
 void space is left of the same dimensions, so that by reversing the 
 tiles, when laid in the wall, the projecting parts might drop into the 
 void spaces like a sort of dove-tail work, and render it impossible 
 for them to give way and slip from each other, in consequence of 
 any internal pressure.* 
 
 With alternate courses (or Qstdkiot], formed of these and other 
 Roman tiles, and then of small blocks of the stalactitical incrusta- 
 tions, was this edifice constructed, from the bottom to the top : — 
 each course of tiles consisting of two rows ; and each course of 
 stalactites, of seven rows of blocks, generally about seven inches 
 deep, and about one foot in length. 
 
 Five of these alternate courses, in one part, like so many stages, 
 or stories, were discernible a few years ago very clearly, notwith- 
 standing the external casing, of the last century, had indeed in other 
 parts, obstructed the seeing of them. 
 
 Such was this exceeding curious Tower; — the rather worthy to 
 be described, because it pointed out so decidedly, in every part of 
 its structure, the difference between original Roman works, and 
 those of the Saxons, or Normans. 
 
 It was repaired in the time of Henry Fifth, by Erpinglmni, Lord 
 Warden of the Castle ; whose arms were then placed on a stone in 
 the north front, (being two bars, and a canton). 
 
 It was afterwards made to contain bells ; which being removed 
 to Portsmouth, the lead covering was taken from the top, and the 
 whole was, for years, grievously left to fall into ruin. 
 
 At (d), in this antient Roman camp, was a deep well for water, 
 now arched over. 
 
 And at (e), was built in the very first Christian ages a church, of 
 which there were, till within a very few years, considerable parts 
 
 * This remarkable workmanship, it may be observed, seems also to indicate a degree of 
 attention, and skill, which can hardly, with propiiety, be deemed peculiar to any age, so 
 properly, as to that of Agriccla. 
 
 VOL. II. 2 T 
 
162 
 
 of the walls left standing, on the very spot, where we have every 
 reason to believe, from the whole form of the camp, originally stood 
 the Sacellum of the Prcetorium. 
 
 At Pevensey, most probably, the Hyginian mode of encamping was 
 made use of ;— it might be so in like manner at Dover;— and most 
 certainly was had recourse to, in most of those stations, which had 
 been originally British posts ; and where the antient outworks, and 
 original British form was still preserved by the Romans;— & circum- 
 stance, that has often occasioned much confusion, in the writings, 
 and descriptions of antiquaries. 
 
 Besides these great Military Remains of Roman grandeur; to which 
 may be added the wall of Sevens ; and their admirable roads ; there 
 are very few, of any other kind, now visible in this country. 
 
 A few fragments of public baths;— Taxi a few traces of villas .—a 
 few mutilated figures, and statues ;— some tessellated pavements ;— 
 small votive altars ;— and funeral inscriptions ;— are all the mark's of 
 their once fancied greatness, and splendour.— And surely, had there 
 ever been any other kind of existing specimens of magnificence;— 
 had there ever been superb buildings, either of stone, or brick; 
 some other distinguished fragments of such must have remained! 
 as well as those few that have, from time to time, actually been dis- 
 covered, at Bath ; or preserved at Dover ; or at Leicester ;— or in the 
 walls of the castra, at Richborough, Portchester, and Pevensey ;— 
 or near the great wall of Severus. 
 
 To take it for granted that such did exist, but were destroyed by 
 the Saxons, and Normans, is surely hardly allowable :— for where 
 any considerable parts of Roman structures, have really ever been 
 removed, and taken away, either by the Saxons, or the Normans, 
 there seldom fails to be evidence of such facts, from the appearance 
 of the Roman bricks used in the succeeding Saxon, and Norman 
 works ;— as at Colchester castle; and at the abbey of St. Albans. 
 
 If even the most trifling parts of their structures, such as tessellated 
 
163 
 
 pavements, and the very flues of their stoves, have remained, in the 
 perfect state we now find so many of them ; surely it may with 
 good reason be asked, how it came to pass, that the greater and more 
 substantial parts, (if any such there ever were) should have left no 
 traces ? — and the plain conclusion must be, that in general the super- 
 structures were at best slight, — and often of wood ; — and not like 
 those very few more stately edifices, whose remains have really 
 been found so long preserved any where; — either at Bath; — or at 
 Leicester ; — or at Canterbury ; — or at Dover. 
 
 As, from the account given by contemporary authors of Roman 
 camps, we must conclude, that within the great walls of the inclosure 
 atRichborough, there were, except the Praetorium, only small tents; 
 soldiers' huts; and wooden hovels: — so indeed, we may conclude 
 fairly, that even upon the various tessellated pavements, that have 
 been discovered, there were, in general, no buildings of any very 
 extraordinary kind: but only such as were slightly built, and for 
 the most part only one story high ; and often constructed of timber. 
 And that their houses in general, in this country, except a nest of 
 small chambers, contained not much more than one good room, for 
 the accommodation either of a Centurion; or of a Tribune ; or of 
 any resident Roman. 
 
 Deep rooted prejudices, and the ignorance of antient manners 
 that attended the first returning dawn of literature, and that ever 
 attends that early period of life in which we all most usually read 
 the classic authors, have taught us to think very highly, (and 
 indeed much more highly than we ought to think,) of the magni- 
 ficence, and elegance of the Romans, in all respects. — But, in truth, 
 whoever considers how few remains, or records, are to be found, of 
 their ever having enjoyed the elegant conveniences, and comforts 
 of life in their domestic situations, notwithstanding the pomp and 
 magnificence of their public works, will be cautious not to be misled 
 in his ideas, by the fragments of antient baths, or of antient temples, 
 any more than by the idle tales, of the extravagant, and expensive, 
 filthy dishes, of the table of Heliogabalus . — And when the con- 
 templative mind considers, that it is only in a very few instances, 
 where any solid remains, bespeak the existence of any extraordinary 
 structures, even near the very fragile tessellated pavements that have 
 
164 
 
 nevertheless been so well preserved; it will be led unavoidably to 
 conclude, that really magnificent private mansions, did not in this 
 country commonly exist. — And that, in most instances, a Roman 
 Qtiastor, or Tribune, sitting here in his Toga, on his moveable Sella, 
 — or wallowing on his Triclinium, (with ideas well illustrated by the 
 tessellated pavement described by Pliny,)* on one of these dull, dark, 
 
 * This curious mosaic pavement, was the work of a celebrated artist, Sosus, at Pergamus, 
 and represented, in the design, such relics of a supper as were usually left on a floor, to be 
 swept away ; — affording us no very high idea of the cleanliness of antient manners : though 
 the pavement is said to have contained also some most beautiful kinds of representations; 
 — amongst which was, what Pliny calls, that wondrous dove drinking, and darkening the water 
 with the shadow of its head. (Plinii Nat. His. lib. xxxvi. cap. 25. sec. 9. Paris edit.) 
 
 His Gucisjn, in the expression of asaroton aeon, da-apcSJovaiKov, theunswept mansion, is a very 
 remarkable one; — and no less remarkable, and as fully indicating uncleaniiness , are the words 
 purgamenta emia. — They lead us to call to mind the fourth, fifth, and eleventh Satires of 
 Juvenal; and amongst the rest those words. Sat. v. I. 25. 
 
 de conviva Corybanta videbis, 
 
 Jurgia proludunt; sed mox et pocula torques 
 Saucius, et rubra deterges vulnera mappa ; 
 Inter vos quoties, libertorumque cohortem 
 Pugna Saguntina fervet commissa lagena: 
 Ipse capillato diffusum consule potat, 
 Calcatamque tenet bellis socialibus uvam, 
 Cardiaco numquam cyathum missurus amico. 
 
 The translation that Dryden has given us, is not a very close one, nor sufficiently ex- 
 pressive of the energy of the original ; but it will sufficiently explain the sense, to those 
 who do not wish to have the trouble of examining critically the more nervous pointed 
 language of Juvenal himself. 
 
 Then raving like a Corybas possest, 
 
 Thou and the freedmen first begin to jarr ; 
 
 From mutual jeers, the prelude to the war, 
 
 Thou and thy fellow-parasites engage, 
 
 And battle with a troop of servants wage; 
 
 Then glasses, and Savuntine pitchers fly, 
 
 And broken pates, discolour'd napkins dye. 
 
 While, happy he, stretch'd on his couch, supine, 
 
 Looks on with scorn, and drinks old gen'rous wine, 
 
 Prest from the grape, when warlike Rome was free, 
 
 But kindly never sends one glass to thee. 
 Of the whole of these three Satires of Juvenal, all together, a good Divine might make 
 great use, as an highly finished illustration of the first chapter of St. Paul's Epistle to the 
 
165 
 
 and at best, ill looking works of mosaic, did not, after all, appear 
 with much more real splendour, as to any advantages from the refine- 
 
 Romans, — and of the general Epistle oFSt. Peter, to die dispersed Christians. — l Romans 
 chap. i. — i Peter, chap.iv. ver. 2, 3, 4.) 
 
 And perhaps it ought to be added, that these accounts may very well be illustrated, by 
 the gross manners of still more antient days; — and that Roman revellings, on tessellated 
 pavements, may be deemed even a sort of refinements upon old Grecian revellings, so finely 
 reproved by him, who may almost be called a Pagan Divine Prophet; the venerable Homer. 
 
 In that well known description, given us by him, of the Suitors' feasts ; — after having 
 described these illustrious Nobles, as having slain their swine, sheep, and oxen, even with 
 their own hands — and as having sat upon their piled skins for pleasure, whilst they played at 
 games of chance; — he describes the Princely Antinow;, as insulting the apparently poor men- 
 dicant Ulysses, by taking up his foot stool, and throwing it at his head. And another 
 
 Suitor, Ctesippus, as flinging a pastern-bone at him, and greasing the wall. 
 
 The lines as translated by Pope, are curious, — 
 
 Swift to the hall they haste ; aside they lay 
 Their garments, and succinct, the victims slay. 
 Then sheep and goats and bristly porkers bled, 
 And the proud steer was o'er the marble spread. 
 
 Again, From council strait th' assenting peerage ceased, 
 And in the dome prepar'd the genial feast. — 
 Disrob'd, their vests apart in order lay, 
 Then all with speed succinct the victims slay : 
 With sheep and shaggy goats the porkers bled, 
 And the proud steer was on the marble spread. 
 
 Book xx. 1. 3io, Sec. 
 
 On hides of Beeves, before the palace gate, 
 (Sad spoils of luxury,) the Suitors sate: 
 With rival art, and ardour in their mein, 
 At chess they vie, to captivate theT^tieen. 
 
 Booki. I, uo, See. 
 
 To the poor apparent mendicant (the disguised Ulysses), who had been begging for morsels 
 round the hall ; in the latter part of the Odyssey, (Antinous cries with insolent disdain), 
 
 Portions like mine if every Suitor gave, 
 
 Our walls this twelvemonth should not see the slave. 
 
 He spoke, and lifting high above the board 
 
 His pond'rous footstool, shook it at his lord. 
 
 The rest with equal hand conferr'd the bread, 
 
 He fill'd his scrip, and to the threshold sped. 
 
 Book xvii. 1. 4S9, Sec. 
 
 :xvii. 1, loo, Sec. 
 
166 
 
 ments of civilized life, than an old Scotch Laird, in the Highlands, 
 sitting in his plaid, on a joint stool* or on a chair of not much better 
 
 And when the poor apparent mendicant had humbly from the threshold replied to repeated 
 insults, and mockery ; Homer adds of Antinous, 
 
 The haughty Suitor with resentment burns, 
 And sow'rly smiling, this reply returns. 
 Take that, ere yet thou quit this princely throng: 
 And dumb for ever be thy sland'rous tongue ; 
 He said, and high the whirling tripod flung. 
 
 Bookxvii. 1. 5 4 3, fee. 
 After which the rich, and jesting Saurian Peer, Glesippus, on another occasion, cries out, 
 
 The sentence I propose, ye Peers, attend: 
 
 Since due regard must wait the Prince's friend, 
 
 Let each a token of esteem bestow; 
 
 This gift acquits the dear respect I owe; — 
 
 He said; — and of the steer before him plac'd 
 
 That sinewy fragment at Ulysses cast, 
 
 Where to the pastern-bone by nerves combin'd, 
 
 The well-horn'd foot indissolubly join'd ; 
 
 Which whizzing high, the wall unseemly sign'd. 
 
 Book XX. 1. 3 5 9, Sec. 
 
 The dirt and filthiness of the hall, after these sort of feasts, is also as curiously described. 
 
 What marks of luxury the marble stain! 
 Its wonted lustre let the floor regain; 
 The seats with purple cloathe in order due; 
 And let th' abstersive sponge the board renew. 
 
 Book xx. 1. i so, Sec. 
 
 The words of the original in all these passages are still stronger, as to the uncleanliness, 
 than Popes translation ; — and with regard to Popes expression, concerning the Dome, it 
 ought to be remarked, that there is no word to warrant such an expression, in Homer, 
 
 For the corresponding passage, in the original, is merely; lib. xx. 1. 248. 
 
 Coming to the mansion of the divine Ulysses. 
 All the passages also, with regard to the slaying of the victims with their own hands, are even 
 
 * A curious little piece of antient sculpture, in ivory, mentioned by Mr. Pennant, and 
 found in Dwistaffage Castle, conveys to the mind some sort of adequate idea (even though 
 bordering too much upon burlesque) of the rude magnificence of early days. See Voyage to 
 the Hebrides, p. 3 b A . PI. XLIV. 
 
167 
 
 construction, in the corner of his rough, rude Castle Tower; or of his 
 as rude summer tent ; where he was attended by his bagpiper; who 
 had derived his art, (as we have seen in the instance of the bronze 
 bagpiper dug up at Richborough,) from the very music practised in 
 the Roman armies, and before Roman officers. 
 
 These observations may perhaps appear a little too harsh ; but 
 they are really somewhat needful, to counterbalance the unrea- 
 sonable prejudices that have been too often formed ; — and for eluci- 
 dating the truth, as founded on facts that are unquestionable. 
 
 Let us now then refer to a few particular descriptions, and repre- 
 sentations, of some of these tessellated pavements ; that have been so 
 well preserved, through many ages, whilst the superstructures have 
 perished.— Let us see what fragile things, in their own nature, they 
 were; and how impossible it was that they should have endured 
 the violence that destroyed the latter ; if their superstructures had 
 been at all built in any very solid manner ; or had been in any 
 degree of the commonly supposed magnificence. 
 
 moreplain and decisive than die words of Pope ;— adding (lib. xx. 1. 25 2.) that, roasting the 
 entrails, they distributed, for handed] than about. 
 
 Y.n'kayxjju. Se ao oir\r,trctv\te evtopuv. 
 And, when the Suitors are described as sitting on the raw hides, the words are more 
 express, lib. i. 1. 108. 
 
 HflEVOt El/ piVOlTl f3(iO)V, fct; EKTCCVOV XUTOl. 
 
 Sitting on skins of Oxen, which they themselves had slain. 
 Whilst, to the account of Ctesippus slimming the pastern-bone, is added, lib. xx.I.299,3oo, 
 (instead of mentioning any dish) that he took the ox foot out of the canistre, or basket, where 
 it was tying. 
 
 e^iil/s I3oog ttcSol %sipl Tra^Et'ij, 
 
 K.EipJ.EVCV t ETC KXVEOiO J\aCcvV. 
 
 Nothing surely can afford us a more effectual clue to develop the real state of rough un- 
 cleanly antient manners, than these passages. — We may allow the Romans to have become 
 somewhat more refined than those Grecians, from whom they at first derived such refine- 
 ments as they had;— but after all, the delineation of human manners, unrestrained and 
 unguided by spiritual light, and religion, is a most unpleasant one: — and whilst we may 
 venture to consider Homer as a reprover of them, and as being almost a divine prophetical 
 teacher of better manners, and of better principles; we may perhaps also add, that, in the 
 accounts he gives, both in the Iliad, and Odyssey, of the heathen deities, he in reality seems to 
 have intended to expose, and to reprove (like Socrates in succeeding days), the corrupt 
 abominations, and folly, of Pagan worship; and of the then prevailing, foolishly wicked, 
 and superstitious ideas with regard to religion. 
 
168 
 
 In the year 1 7 36, a very beautiful work of this kind, wrought in 
 a very artificial manner, was discovered near Cotterstock, in North- 
 amptonshire ; which has been engraved in the Vestusta Monumenta* 
 It was about 20 feet square. Its appearance is unquestionably dull 
 and heavy, as that of all these compositions must have been ; but 
 yet is such, as shews great design, and masterly execution : such as 
 (from the delicacy of the materials,) it was very difficult to preserve, 
 when once it had been discovered ; — and such as could, therefore, 
 never have been preserved amidst the shock and destruction of any 
 very strong surrounding walls. 
 
 Another of a most irregular pattern, and less elegant design ; but 
 even of a more delicate composition, was discovered in 1 7 37, at 
 Wellow, near Bath, in Somersetshire :+ this was 32 feet in length, 
 and 22 in breadth; proportions that indicated undoubtedly the 
 existence of at least one good room in some structure here situated. 
 
 A second, of a better composition, 20 feet in len<nh, and 15 in 
 breadth, was discovered at the same place. 
 
 And also a third, 1 8 feet long, and 5 broad, with which seems to 
 have ended the distinguished apartments that existed on that spot. 
 
 All these were at no great distance from each other, and might 
 have belonged to one and the same villa. — But what sort of buildings 
 could have stood over these pavements, to have left them so entire, at 
 the time when those buildings were either demolished or removed? 
 
 Three more were discovered, at Winterton, in Lincolnshire, in 
 1 7 47 , two of which were pretty perfect. 
 
 One of these about 30 feet by 20, (the same sort of proportion as 
 the former) had, in 'the middle, a representation of Orpheus, playing 
 on his lyre, surrounded by beasts ; but so represented, that he seems 
 quite as rude an animal, as those he is charming.J 
 
 Another of these pavements is about 40 feet long, and only 13 
 wide. 
 
 And the third was mutilated. 
 * Vol. I. PI. XLVIII. 
 
 + These also have been engraved in the Vetusta Monumenta, Vol. I. PI. L. LI. LII. 
 They are mentioned by Mr. Gough in his 2d. Vol. of British Antiquities; and some fur- 
 ther particulars relating to them may be found in the Gentleman's Magazine for 17 «7, 
 Vol. LVII.p. 961. I SeeanengravingintheVetustaMonumenta.Vol.II.Pl.IX. 
 
169 
 
 A mutilated pavement, of an elegant pattern, was also discovered 
 at Roxby. 
 
 A well known beautiful pavement* also, (much resembling one 
 found at Morviedro in Spain, the antient Sagunlum,+) was discovered 
 at Stunsfield, near Woodstock, in Oxfordshire, in 17 12. — It was 35 
 feet by 20; and was entire when first uncovered; as were the 
 mosaic pavements of three other rooms near adjoining, of 1 9 feet 10 
 inches, by 19 feet II inches; of 12i feet square; and of 12 feet 
 square ; — but from the delicacy of their texture, and other causes, 
 (though not at all hurt by the pulling down of the original super- 
 structures) they are now all gone, and destroyed. 
 
 A fragment of a Roman pavement belonging to a bath, and 
 sudatory, was again discovered at Hovingham, in Yorkshire. J 
 
 Two fragments of Roman pavements were also discovered in 
 Pit-mead, near Warminster, in Wiltshire, in 1 7 86 ;$ which have 
 somewhat of elegance in design ; but are of very rude execution. 
 And near these pavements, a smooth floor of artificial work in stone 
 was discovered ; which probably belonged to the same building, 
 and shewed that the whole extent of it was not ascertained : — but 
 yet, neither near the mosaic pavements, nor near the plain one, 
 were there found any large stones, or any such as appeared to have 
 been used for any durable structure ; though indeed the foundations 
 of some buildings were found at about 40 yards distance ; — and 
 still further off, an heap of the coarser sort of large tessera;. [| 
 
 As rude nearly as the foregoing, was a pavement found at 
 Cirencester. 
 
 A pavement, supposed to have been that of some Mausoleum, 
 from urns, and fragments of bones found on the spot; having in the 
 centre, the figure of a man on horseback, and around this, ornaments, 
 
 • It was engraved by Virtue. And an account of it by Hearn, may be seen In Leland's 
 Itinerary, Vol. VIII.; Gougli's Camden, Vol. I. p. 296. Archieologia, Vol. XI. p. 37. 
 t Caylus, Vol. II. PI. CVII. p. 5 65 . 
 
 % Both the one and the other were also engraved by Verlne; with a description by 
 Mi. Drake. 
 
 § They are engraved in Plate XLIII. of the Vetusta Monumenta, Vol. II And also 
 
 in the Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. LVII. p. 221. 
 
 || These are mentioned in the Gentleman's Magazine for 17 »7, p. 222. 
 VOL. II. 2 v 
 
170 
 
 and borders of wreathed work, was discovered in Wanstei Park, 
 about the year 17 15: and near it were some remains of the foun- 
 dation of a wall, constructed with Roman bricks.* 
 
 At Caerwent, in Monmouthshire, is a Roman pavement ; which I 
 examined myself, with much attention, in the year I 7 88. — It is about 
 2li feet in length, and 1 si in width, and was very perfect a short 
 time before I saw it ; but was then obviously and quickly going to 
 ruin, by means of having had several of the tesserae picked out of 
 it, and water continually poured over it to make the figures appear 
 brighter, which, in consequence of the cavities left where the dies 
 had been picked out, caused a swelling up, and dislocation of the 
 adjacent parts. — And the same was the case with another pavement, 
 which I examined at Leicester, some years before ; on which was 
 represented the figure of a naked female, leaning on the neck of a 
 stag ; whilst a Cupid seemed to aim an arrow at her. — A group, 
 intended perhaps to describe Diana, at the instant of her transform- 
 ing Actaeon into a stag, for his presumptuous intrusion. 
 
 Neither of these pavements appeared to me at all pleasing 
 ornaments for any apartment ; though the work was undoubtedly 
 curiously artificial : — the latter was even black, and dismal, notwith- 
 standing the glaring colours of some parts; and that at Caerwent 
 was excessively dull, and faint; notwithstanding the advantage 
 given to its appearance, by pouring of water upon it. The curious 
 wreathed border was, however, certainly of nice workmanship ;t 
 as was that on a former pavement discovered near this place some 
 years ago. And whatever was the real age of these works, (whether 
 in the time of Agricola, or later) ; a copper coin of Carausius, which 
 I brought away with me, and that had just been dug up near the 
 pavement I so carefully examined myself, indicated plainly, that 
 this pavement had been continued in use, so lately as about the 
 year 293. 
 
 The tesserae, or dies, whereof this pavement was composed, are 
 nearly cubes, of about half an inch square ; and they are of three 
 several colours ; — a dusky blue ; — a faint light red ; — and a yel- 
 lowish white. 
 
 * See Archsologia, Vol. I. p. 73, 74. 
 
 + See also in the Archasologia, Vol. V. p. 58. PI. I.,- and Vol. VII. p. 410, 41 1. 
 
171 
 
 Those which I saw at Leicester, as nearly as I can remember, were 
 of a black colour ; — of a deep-red ; — of a deep-yellow ; — and of a 
 finer white than the former. 
 
 Those of the pavement before described at Pit-mead, near War- 
 minster, were of reds of different shades; — and of a black colour; 
 — of a brown colour ; — of a pale-yellow colour ; — and of a white 
 colour; — and were somewhat smaller than the others just men- 
 tioned; and some of the black ones were very minute indeed, so 
 as to serve for forming a sort of outlines to the figures. Most of the 
 tesserae, or dies, used in Britain, were of these kind of dimensions ; 
 and were in general formed merely of stones dug up in the very 
 neighbourhood of the spots where the pavements were ; with the 
 addition only of little cubical dies of brick for a strong shade of red, 
 and now and then of an hard calcareous stone, something like 
 Palombino marble, for a bright white. — Nevertheless it is true, that 
 for forming the finer kind of pavements, the Romans carried about 
 with them bags of prepared dies, to all their colonies ; — and some 
 they had that were of a still more beautiful kind than any that have 
 been discovered with us, being even vitrified ; a few of which are 
 in my possession, that were cast up by the sea, at Pozzuoli, in the 
 Gulf of Naples ; and seem to have belonged to some antient build- 
 ings, at the celebrated Baiic, from whence they had been washed. 
 They shew what the utmost perfection of this kind of work was 
 amongst the Romans ; and account for the distinction made by 
 Vitruvius, between the Sectilia, and Tessera, better than most other 
 specimens. 
 
 They are all vitrified like glass, with surfaces that evidently were 
 once finely polished : — they are not more than i of an inch square ; 
 and some of them of irregular figures. — They are some of a bright 
 green ; — some of a bright blue ; — some of a fine red ; — and some of 
 a clear yellow colour. 
 
 The Romans had also, for the coarser work of more ordinary floors, 
 larger and ruder dies of mere brick. I have several of above an inch 
 square : and one of these ruder floors was discovered, in a garden at 
 Colchester, in Essex, in 177 1, that shews exactly what this coarser 
 kind of work was. 
 
 A fragment of it in my possession, i? H inches long, and 3j inches 
 
172 
 
 broad ; and consists of tesserae or dies, that are not only made merely 
 of brick, and about an inch square, but very irregular ; being some 
 a little more, and some a little less, in dimension ; and they are all 
 roughly bedded in coarse mortar. 
 
 Just such another pavement I saw, at Leicester, near what is called 
 the Temple of Janus ; a good contrast to the finer pavement which 
 has already been mentioned, as being at that place. 
 
 Pliny is very full in his description of all these kind of pave- 
 ments ; and he may be observed to speak of them as being indeed 
 no ways common, but matters of elegance and curiosity, even in his 
 days. We may be assured, therefore, that they were never lavishly 
 placed ; or unnecessarily bestowed, where there were not such edi- 
 fices as were deemed quite proper to receive them. 
 
 And hence the conclusion must be, since so many such pave- 
 ments have been discovered in this country, without any remains 
 of great and substantial foundations of walls, that even what were 
 deemed quite proper superstructures, for the reception of such orna- 
 mental works, were yet themselves but slight edifices ; generally 
 only one story high ; and often built merely of timber ; and by 
 those carpenters, who, according to the very curious account given 
 us byjosephus,* usually followed a Roman camp. 
 
 Pliny tell us,+ that these tessellated pavements succeeded to the old 
 painted pavements ; which had their origin in Greece. And he 
 describes such as were made of rude tessera of brick ; — those made 
 of smaller dies, or tessera, of different colours ; — those made either 
 of bits of shells, or tiles, (or testula, as he calls them) ; — and those 
 made of glazed tessera ; — or tesserae of glass : just such as have been 
 mentioned in the preceding page from Pozzuoli, and Baia. — And he 
 adds an account also, both of the manner in which they were inlaid, 
 and of the composition in which they were bedded ; — and more 
 especially of the manner in which those were to be secured, and 
 fixed, that were to be exposed to the open air ; either on the roofs 
 of houses ; or on elevated terraces ; or in open porticoes. 
 
 And of this latter kind we may conclude that was, which had 
 
 * Josephus de Bello Jud. lib. iii. cap. 5 . sec. l , 2 ; and see before p. 5 s , in this Vol. 
 \ Lib. xxxvi. cap. xxv. sec. 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, of the Paris edition. See also Vitruvius, 
 lib. vii. cap. i. p. 127, 12s. 
 
173 
 
 been introduced into Palastine, and which is mentioned in St.John's 
 Gospel,* on so tremendous an occasion ; even when " Pilate (says 
 " the beloved Apostle) sat down in the judgment seat, in a place that 
 " is called the pavement, Aiioq^alov, but in the Hebrew, Gabbatha." 
 
 Virtruvius calls the forming of the strata for these pavements, 
 Ruderatio. — But that there was no one precise rule observed (at 
 least by the Romans in Britain,) for performing the operation, 
 appears manifestly from the remains of the layers under such pave- 
 ments as have been examined. 
 
 Mr. Lysons, in his most valuable work, which I shall have oc- 
 casion to refer to more particularly on another occasion, has, by his 
 late discoveries, placed this fact in the strongest light. 
 
 Under a tessellated pavement, discovered at East Bourne, in 1 7 16, 
 the layers were,+ 
 
 1 . Fine sharp sand and ashes, or rather a composition of stamped 
 brick and potsherds. 
 
 2. Coarse mortar 9 inches thick. 
 
 3. Clay 2 feet thick ; the surface of which was pitched with small 
 flints, and stones pointed at their lower ends. 
 
 4. A firm foundation of brick as a support for the whole. 
 
 But under a pavement which was discovered in 1 7 88 at Wroxeter" 
 were, J 
 
 1 . A bed of mortar 1 foot thick. 
 
 2. Then only rubble stones to a considerable depth. 
 
 And under the great pavement which Mr. Lysons so minutely 
 examined himself,§ at Woodchester, was found, 
 
 1 . A bed of cement, 8 inches thick, composed of fine grave], 
 pounded brick, and lime. 
 
 2. And then one of gravel 3 feet thick ; mixed with loose tesserae. 
 
 3. And beneath this a third stratum, that had been prepared of 
 sand, clay, and loose pieces of brick, 1 foot thick. 
 
 Besides these pavements already described, others are said to have 
 
 * Chap. xix. ver. 13. 
 
 + This pavement is particularly described, by Dr. Tabor, in the Philosophical Trans- 
 actions, Vol. XXX. p. 549. And in Jones's Abr. Vol. V. Part II. p. 63. 
 J See Mr. Lysons' account of Roman Antiquities at W oodchester, p. 5. 
 $ Antiquities of Woodchester, p. 4, and 5. 
 VOL. II. 2 Y 
 
174 
 
 been found at Warminster f — at Old Castle near Brecknock ;+ and 
 
 again another in 1 7 83, in a cherry orchard, at Leicester, \ different 
 
 from that which I saw. — Such also have been found near Bath ;\ 
 
 at Nether Hayford;— and at Castor, in Northamptonshire ;\\ — and in 
 many places which it would be tedious to enumerate. — It is suffi- 
 cient, by the instances that have now been mentioned, to shew in 
 what an extraordinary manner they have been preserved entire, or 
 nearly entire, for so many ages, whilst the structures to which they 
 belonged are perished : — and to shew what small proportions they 
 were sometimes of; — and how slight the buildings in general must 
 have been that covered them. 
 
 And indeed, in most instances, where there has been at all an 
 opportunity of tracing the foundations themselves of such build- 
 ings, they uniformly give us the same information. 
 
 In a villa discovered near Cirencester, in Gloucestershire, in 
 1 7S7 ;f the rooms had, both tessellated pavements, and pavements 
 of stucco, and remains of stuccoed walls : — and here were found 
 six rooms in a row, adjoining side to side; yet were they every 
 one of them so small, as to be only about 12 feet square. — There 
 were, however, two rooms considerably larger at one end of their 
 range ; and an hypocaust of considerable dimensions at the other 
 end. — And as a proof that this was a place of no small considera- 
 tion, here were found even some remains of glass ; and upon an 
 adjacent tessellated pavement, that had plainly belonged to a sort 
 of Crypto-porticus, 5 4 feet long, and 14 wide, were found several 
 slates of a rhomboidal form, that had covered the pent, or roof, 
 and had the very nails sticking in them, whereby they had been 
 fastened. 
 
 Again near Weldon, in a corn field of Lord Hatton's, in 1 7 38, 
 was found a Roman pavement of a Crypto-porticus, 96 feet long, and 
 only lobroad; having remains of a sort of gallery 100 feet long in 
 
 * See the Gentleman's Magazine for 1 7 8 7 , p. 221. 
 
 + Arch apologia, Vol. VI. p. 13. 
 
 % I' 'S neatly represented in the Gentleman's Magazine for 17 s 6, p. 885, 
 
 § Antiq. Blitan. Vol. III. p. 15,1. tab. 6. 
 
 || Morton's Northamptonshire. 
 
 5 ArcliKologia, Vol. IX. p. 3 si. 
 
175 
 
 front: whilst the whole building, as far as could be traced, seemed 
 to have been in the form of an half H, 100 feet the longest way, 
 and the sides SO ; having rooms on each side, and the centre left 
 clear. It was supposed some of the rooms on each side* were 30 
 feet square; but that appears manifestly to be inconsistent, with 
 the dimensions of the whole, given by the person who made the 
 supposition ; and who yet says that it was sided '(to use the expression 
 of Mr. Gough) by several rooms. — There were foundations of a stone 
 wall ; but the superstructure appeared to have been timber, and to 
 have been burnt down ; as the pavement appeared burnt in several 
 places, and there were tiles lying upon it. 
 
 With these remains were found a great number of coins of the 
 Lower Empire, and several of Constantine, and Constans. 
 
 A further and most interesting Remain of this sort, is accurately 
 described, and illustrated, by Mr. Rooke, in the Archsologia, where a 
 plan is given of the whole, + of which a slight proportional outline, 
 upon a smaller scale, is here added, PI. HSU, fig. I . just for the 
 further illustration of these present remarks. 
 
 It was discovered in the year 178=6, near Mansfield Woadlwuse, in 
 Nottinghamshire. 
 
 And it seems, from its many ornaments, and from its situation, so 
 cautiously chosen, (in a spot where there does not appear to have 
 ever existed any Roman, or British Town) ; as also from its traces 
 and remains having continued so long, when those of so many other 
 edifices are entirely perished ; to have been a villa rather than a 
 public bath ; — and a villa of great distinction. 
 
 Yet we may fairly conclude, both from the nature of the founda- 
 tion walls; and from the situation and dimensions of the several 
 apartments ; that it could not be, in point either of elegance, or 
 convenience, much superior to those habitations discovered at the 
 anticnt Pompeii, in Italy ;% where we are led to wonder, at the same 
 time, both at the profusion of painted walls ; and also at the extreme 
 
 * Gough's Camden, Vol. II. p. is 1. See also British Top. Vol. II. p. 8 1 ; and Gale's 
 Letters, p. 4bo. 
 
 + Arclraeologia, Vol. VIII. p. 364. PI. XXII. 
 
 } See the representations of them in the Arclraologia, Vol. IV. p. 16!, 169, no. 
 PI. XII, XIII, XIV, XV. 
 
176 
 
 uncomfortableness, and unpleasantness of the dwellings, on which 
 they were bestowed.* 
 
 As to this antient villa, in Nottinghamshire ; it appears to have 
 consisted merely of seven small rooms, and a very narrow passage ; 
 with one other very small room, and a sort of kitchen adjoining ; 
 and there is cause to be fully persuaded, that there were no upper 
 apartments over any of these: — for besides the other circumstances 
 to be taken into consideration, there is not the least appearance of 
 the fragments of any staircase either within or without. 
 
 The entrance was apparently in the middle of the narrow passage 
 (c) ; which may be dignified (according to the descriptions of antient 
 authors) with the name of a Grypto-porticus ; but was, though 5 4 
 feet in length, yet only 8 feet wide: and could therefore merely be 
 a sort of open colonnade ; — or else must resemble the long narrow 
 galleries of some of our old public inns. — It had however painted 
 walls ; the paint laid on a stucco composed of lime and sand ; and 
 it had a tessellated pavement, containing compartments about a foot 
 square, formed of small tesserae, nearly three-eights of an inch square; 
 and surrounded by a border of larger tesserae, each whereof were 
 about a cubical inch in dimensions, and of a light stone colour.+ 
 
 Almost exactly in the middle of one side of this Grypto-porticus, 
 
 * There seems very great reason to be convinced, that most of the greatest, and most 
 elegant improvements of Roman architecture, either in private mansions, or even in public 
 buildings, were introduced so late as the time of the Antonines; and subsequent to the 
 age in which Pompeii was destroyed, and overwhelmed by the shower of ashes, described 
 by Pliny. 
 
 Ainan was the first Emperor who began to display, by sumptuous public buildings, in 
 all the various regions of the world, the elegance and magnificence of Roman architecture, 
 improved by adopting the Grecian style ; and following his example, with still more finished 
 designs, the fine remains at Bailee, and Palmyra, and also in Italy itself, display sufficiently 
 the high taste and grandeur of Antoninus, and Marcus Aurelius, and even of succeeding 
 Emperors, down to the time of Aurelian .— but as to all those advantages of convenience, and 
 ornament, which now adorn modern palaces, and even private dwellings; and render them both 
 dignified, and comfortable ; it is well known, that such improvements, were principally 
 
 introduced, even so late, as by Michael Angela, and Palladia Yet the world has been, 
 
 (from the mistaken ideas of early education,) too prone to carry back, and to refer the ideas 
 properly belonging lo these latter imjirovements alone, to tire earliest ages, when such improve- 
 ments did not any where exist. 
 
 + See Mr. Rook's very curious account in the Archa:ologia, Vol. VIII. p. 3 65. 
 
177 
 
 or narrow passage, was found, that which must have been the prin- 
 cipal apartment, 20 feet 5 inches in length, and I 9 feet in widtli • 
 — having a very elegant mosaic pavement,* and having the bottom 
 part of the walls, (of which there are still some remains,) painted on 
 stucco, in stripes of purple, red, yellow, green, and other colours. 
 
 To the right of this chief apartment, was one (t); 19 feet by 14; 
 and then still another (*), beyond it, of exactly the same dimensions. 
 — And to the left of this chief apartment were two others; the first 
 (.$), 1 9 by 9 ; the second (£), 1 9 by is. 
 
 At each end of the Crypto-porticus, or long gallery, and project- 
 ing a little before the front, like a wing, was also a small room : — 
 that, at the end to the right, (|), 1 6 feet 8 inches, by 12 ; and that at 
 theend to theleft, (g), of the same dimensions ; — only this latter was 
 also manifestly an hypocausl, or stove, having under it flues at (e), 
 I foot wide, and I 4 inches deep ; at the end of which was placed 
 upright at (x), a large moveable tile, for the obvious purpose either 
 of excluding, or of letting in the heat, by means of an arch through 
 the wall from the out side, where a quantity of ashes were actually 
 found. 
 
 Beyond this hypocausl, and still further to the left, were two 
 out-buildings; — the first (h), only 1 1 feet by 9 ; but the second (f), 
 adjoining to it, 2 4 feet square. — This, upon its floor, which was of 
 stucco, had visible marks of fire, in two or three places ; from whence 
 perhaps it may be concluded to have been a place for dressing pro- 
 visions; — or a sort of kitchen : — whilst from thence also we may 
 fairly be led to conclude, that there could be no apartment over it, 
 as the smoke was necessarily to make its way out somewhere, either 
 through, or near the roof. 
 
 It is remarkable also, that even in the other apartments, in most 
 of which there appeared to have been painted walls ; yet there were 
 no remains of fire-places within them with chimneys ; and that 
 they must have been warmed, when needful, either merely by hot 
 air from the adjoining hypocaust ; or by fire, placed in pans, in the 
 middle of the rooms; 4- which latter method seemed, from some 
 
 * There is a very good engraving of it in the Archamlogia, Vol. VIII. PI. XXIII. p. 3 6 4. 
 
 t This was the usual way of making fires, derived from the earliest ages Thus we 
 
 read concerning the indignant burning of the roll of Jeremiah's Book of Prophecy by 
 VOL. U. aZ 
 
178 
 
 other marks, and from ashes left on the floors, to have been indeed 
 made use of. 
 
 The outer walls in general were about 2| feet thick, except in 
 one part, where they seem to have been strengthened by a sort of 
 buttresses ; — and the partition walls were about if foot. — And it 
 ought not to pass unnoticed, that, in the principal apartment, the 
 tessellated pavement did not reach so near towards the wall on the 
 west side, as on the east ; which seems to have been designed, pur- 
 posely, to leave space for the Triclinia, or couches ; such as were 
 usually deemed proper for a Triclinium. 
 
 The front of this dwelling, and of its crypto-porticus, was a little 
 to the southward of the east. 
 
 And the dimensions of this Crypto-porticus, obviously bring to 
 mind those of one of the pavements that have been mentioned, as 
 being found at Winterton, in Lincolnshire ; which was 40 feet in 
 length, and only ] 3 in breadth ; and may therefore fairly be deemed 
 to have belonged to just such another entrance ; and the rather, as 
 the tessellated pavement of a room, concluded to have been a Tri- 
 clinium, or entertaining room, was found near adjoining ; in which 
 latter was the very pavement adorned with the strange ill formed 
 figure of Orpheus. 
 
 It should be remembered also, that another pavement, already 
 described, as found at Welloui, in Somersetshire, shews how much 
 the narrow gallery, or Crypto-porticus, was in use in all these kinds 
 of edifices. It was there only 17 feet long, and 5 feet wide; 
 
 Jehoialim King of Judah ; that the King sat in the winter-house, in the ninth month ; and there 
 was a fire on the hearth burning before him. And it came to pass, that when Jehudi had read three 
 err four leaves, he out it with the pen-knife, and cast it into the fire that was on the hearth, until all 
 the roll was consumed in the fire that was on the hearth. Jeremiah, chap, xxxvi. ver. 22, 23. 
 
 So when Our Blessed Lord had been betrayed, and delivered into the hands of his 
 malicious enemies; and was brought into the High Priest's house, the servants, and officers, 
 kindled a fire, in the midst of the hall, because it was cold. Luke, chap. xxii. ver. 55. 
 John, chap, xviii. ver. 18. 
 
 The method of warming rooms by flues, and hypocausts, was first introduced, only about 
 the time of the Emperor Nero, as we are informed by Seneca.§ 
 
 $ Seneca?, Epis. 90. 
 * See Vetusta Monumenta, Vol. II. PI. IX. 
 
179 
 
 but it also had two rooms, with fine tessellated pavements, near 
 adjoining ; one of which appears here, as before, to have been a 
 Triclinium* 
 
 A third pavement also, 5 6 feet in length, and 1 4 in breadth ; dis- 
 covered in 1 7 7 9,+ at Colesbourn, in Gloucestershire, with the tessel- 
 lated pavement of a room close adjoining to it, intimates to us just 
 the same thing. And especially, as near to it was discovered a range 
 of six small apartments, each about 12 feet square, with two larger 
 rooms at one end, and an hypocaust at the other. 
 
 Near the Roman villa in Nottinghamshire, which we have just 
 been describing, were discovered the foundations and remains of 
 another ; which Mr. Rooke wishes to consider as being the Villa 
 Rustica; whilst the former, just described, was the Villa Urbana; — 
 pursuing the ideas of Columella; who says a Villa consisted of three 
 parts; Urbana; Rustica; and Fructuaria ; — the first for the master's 
 use ; — the second for the servants, and cattle ; — and the third for 
 repositories of corn, and wine, and oil. 
 
 But from the disposition of the apartments, and from its painted 
 walls, one cannot but be inclined to suspect that this second dis- 
 covery, must indeed have been of the foundations of a distinct villa ; 
 — and the rather, because its relative situation, is so extremely 
 irregular in respect of the other. — To which we may add, that 
 there are also a distinct set of smaller apartments, at the end of the 
 area inclosing the whole of this second villa, which seem much 
 rather to have been its own proper pars Rustica, than to have be- 
 longed, in any manner, to the other villa. 
 
 The longest side of the wall forming the inclosure of this second 
 villa, which is only about 30 feet distant from the former, and 
 which surrounds an area in the shape of a parallelogram, or, as it is 
 vulgarly called, of a long square, is 142 feet; and the end walls are 
 about 4 6 feet in length. 
 
 At the west end of this area, PI. xxv 8 "' , fig. 2, nearest to the former 
 villa, were eight apartments, forming one compact building ; whose 
 
 * Vetusta Monumenta, Vol. I. PI. LII. 
 
 t A part of it is represented in the Archasologia, Vol. IX. p. 3 1 9 ; and as several slates 
 were found fallen upon it of a rhomboidal form, with the very nails in them with which 
 they had been fastened, it should seem as if the roof had been a mere pent. 
 
180 
 
 tessellated floors, and painted walls, seem plainly to indicate that 
 they did as effectually form that part of the mansion called Urbana, 
 or which was designed for the master's use, as any of those in the 
 former villa. 
 
 At the entrance of this building, that stood at the west end of the 
 court, near the middle of its front was found a room (m), I S feet by 
 17, with painted walls, having the colours remarkably bright; and 
 with a smooth stucco floor. On one side of this, was again a room 
 (n), 17 feet by II ; which had also, painted walls, and a stucco 
 floor; — and, on the other side, a room [<L], 17 by 8, with a stucco 
 floor ; but without painted walls : — beyond these, and more to the 
 west, oddly separated by a party wall thicker than the outward wall, 
 were three other rooms, with plain walls, and stucco floors ; — the 
 middle one (1), I I by 17; and those at each end (i |), 1 l feet square. 
 —On each side the entrance first mentioned, in the front, are two 
 little projecting wings, as in the former villa, containing each a 
 small room [*), and (".), of 11 by 8 ; and on one side of this range 
 of building, as in the former instance, was found a small adjoining 
 outbuilding (t»)j l l feet 6 inches, by Gi feet. 
 
 At the other, the east end of the court, which contained the whole 
 inclosure ; and in the middle of a distinct range of building that 
 stood there ; was a room (o), 1 3 feet square, with painted walls, and 
 a stucco floor. — On one side of which was a second (p), 13 by 12; 
 and on the other, a corresponding apartment (q), of much the same 
 dimensions, that was an hypocaust . This building, at the east end of 
 the court, had also two narrow wings, on each side of its entrance, 
 longer than those of the building at the west end : the one (i ), con- 
 taining a second long narrow hypocaust, adjoining to the room (p), 
 with its stove (s) ; whilst to the room (p), there also belonged a little 
 projecting building (u), 8 feet 6 inches, by 3 feet 2 inches; contain- 
 ing a cold bath, 5 feet by 3, with a leaden pipe for carrying off the 
 water, into a sort of trough in the wall (y), 7 feet by 2, from whence 
 it ran off, through fissures in the rock : — and the other narrow wing, 
 contained three very small rooms ; — 8 feet by 9 ; — 8 feet by 4 ; — 
 and 8 feet by 4 : the first of which (|), seems to have been a stoveioi 
 the hypocaust (q). 
 
 Such were these two Roman villa ; or, (if any person still chooses 
 
1S1 
 
 rather to consider the whole in that light,) the different parts of 
 this one considerable villa ; — -and how few good, or even tolerable 
 apartments were there! — not more than six, out of twenty eight 
 rooms; — and one of those obviously a sort of kitchen: — to say 
 nothing of the small proportions of 19 feet by 14 feet, of some of 
 those which must be allowed to have passed for the best rooms. 
 
 The foundations of the ruinous building, discovered in the south- 
 east angle of Castle Gary, that are described by General Roy* shew 
 nothing better ; (though that building must have been reared in the 
 very latest ages of Roman residence in those parts, and after all 
 regular mode of encamping there had been laid aside. 
 
 The rooms, except one of 31 (including its two bows), by 13, or 
 at most I 4 feet, are of the smallest proportions ; — 1 S by 10, — I S by 
 I 1, — 18 by 12, — and IS by 16; — and the circular bath adjoining, 
 is only of 1 2 feet in diameter ; whilst there are little circular cavities 
 in the foundation walls, of 3 or 4 feet diameter, of which it is dif- 
 ficult to conceive the use, unless they were wells ; as they could 
 never have served for staircases. 
 
 The whole is delineated, on the same scale with the former, in 
 FLHJSi, at fig. 3. 
 
 Nor can any thing better be said, from what has been hitherto 
 discovered, concerning the remains of a building, and hypocausts, 
 at Netherby on the river Esk ;+ of which a sketch is given on the same 
 scale with the former, PI. SEE; fig. 4. 
 
 The room (a), was 17 by 14;— (|), 14 by 8; — and (f) I si feet 
 square ; — whilst (e) was 21 by 14 ; — which latter seems to have 
 been a sort of Pagan Sacellum, having an altar found in it with an 
 inscription ; — and (f ) was 21 by II ; — and seems to have been a 
 bath. 
 
 The rooms, a, b, and £, were all hypocausts, with flues under 
 them, constructed in the usual well known manner ; and at (i), and 
 (k), were the places for the fires to heat them. 
 
 This very probably was, as general Roy conjectures, only about 
 one half of the entire building; but even suppose the other half, 
 on the north side, to have corresponded with this on the south ; — 
 
 * Military Anliquities, p. 161, 200. PI. XXXIX. + Ibid. p. 197. PI. XLVI. 
 VOL. II. g A 
 
182 
 
 and to have contained four, or even five rooms more, similar to 
 these; — yet such dimensions fall far short of that idea of grandeur, 
 which we have been so very ready, through early prejudices, to 
 annex to Roman edifices. — And in short, every thing we observe 
 seems to confirm the just doubts of Mr. Essex* concerning the sup- 
 posed magnificence of Roman buildings in Britain. 
 
 What just conclusion can we then form, either with regard to 
 the words of Tacitus, when he tells us that the Romans, under the 
 direction of Agricola, built Porticos, and Baths in Britain ;+ — or from 
 the words alGiraldus Cambrensis,% — when he speaks, in such high 
 terms, of immense, and magnificent buildings of the Romans, at 
 Caerleon'? — what conclusion can we form? — but that, although those 
 were indeed wonderful edifices both for ornament, and for comfort, 
 in the eyes of the rude unpolished Britons ; yet that, in general, 
 they were at best no ways superior to such mansions, as those that 
 have been traced out at Mansfield Woadhouse, or at Metherby ;— which 
 were, nevertheless, in all probability, to be classed with the most 
 distinguished of any in the whole island. 
 
 Whilst as to what Giraldus (who wrote about the reign of Henry 
 the Second,) says of the Turrim Giganteum, at Caerleon, it will easily 
 be perceived, by any one who has been upon the spot, that this 
 Gigantic Tower must have meant, not any building properly of a 
 Roman construction; — but some great round Keep, built upon the 
 summit of the high mount, that even still remains.— Some struc- 
 ture, that might possibly have been even first, in Phoenician British 
 ages, upon a design somewhat like that at Launceston, in Cornwall; 
 erected upon an hill partly natural, and partly artificial ; and after- 
 wards a greatly extended circular Norman Keep. 
 
 And now, with regard to the remains of those that really were 
 Roman buildings, it ought to be remarked, that it has been too com- 
 monly a mistake of antiquaries, when hypocausts, (or floors of apart- 
 
 * Archamlogia, Vol. IV. p. 79. + Vila Agricola, cap. JI. 
 
 * k*' *■ ca P- 5 - P- 83 6 - Videas hie multa pristina: nobilitatis adhuc Vestigia; 
 Palatia immensa aureis olim tectorum fastigiis, Romanos fustus imitantia, eo quod a Romania 
 prmciprbus primo constructa, et adificiis egregiis illustrata fuissent : Turrim giganteum: 
 Thermas insignes : Templorum reliquias ; et loca Theatralia muris egregiis partim adhuc 
 extantibus, omnia clausa. 
 
l'l.xmii 
 
 8 
 
 Fig. L 
 
 N 
 
 Plant n/' Jtf/naiir.f gfjfoman limlilmgs in Britain*. 
 
183 
 
 ments with flues under them for the conveyance of heat)* have been 
 discovered, to conclude them always to have been Roman baths ; and 
 
 * These hypocausls, with their flues for the conveyance of heat, it is well known were of 
 two kinds: — sometimes they were constructed of small pillars, either square or round, a 
 little more than 2 feet high, and placed sometimes about I foot asunder, and sometimes 
 nearer, supporting the tiles or stones on which was laid the cement for forming the tessellated 
 floor of the apartment; — and sometimes they were constructed of flat stones, or of tiles, 
 laid one upon another, each projecting a little further than that under it, and by that means 
 farming something like an arch, so as to have the space of each flue between them much 
 narrower at the top than at the bottom, leaving indeed not more than 6 inches at the top, 
 on which either a tile, or flat stone was laid across, as the first foundation, either for a stucco, 
 or tessellated pavement. 
 
 When the pillars were of brick, those that were square, were composed of flat bricks 
 (about s or 9 inches square) laid one upon another, with mortar between ; — and those that 
 were round, were composed sometimes of flat round tiles laid just in the same manner, and 
 sometimes of semicircular tiles placed two in each row, with their flat edges put together, 
 only so as to have the joining of the two tiles in one row placed alternately at right angles 
 with the joining of those immediately beneath them. 
 
 A delineation of a most curious Remain of the former kind, discovered at Lincoln, with 
 brick pillars, fully elucidating the whole nature of the construction of these hypocausls, 
 may be seen in the Vetusta Monumenta (Vol. I. PI. LV1I;) and also in the Philosophical 
 Transactions, No. 46 1. p. S5 5, and in Martyn's Abridgment, Vol. IX. p. 45 5. 
 
 It consisted of small pillars, some square, and some round ; placed about one foot asunder 
 in four rows. The former, which stood in the two middle rows, being s inches square ; 
 the latter, which stood in the two side rows, about I 1 inches in diameter; and the shafts 
 of each being about 2 feet high, with a projecting brick 11 inches square as a base, and 
 another projecting square brick as a capital, making the whole of each pillar 2 G inches high ; 
 on which rested the larger bricks (2 inches thick, and from 17 to 19 inches square), serving 
 as a foundation for the tessellated pavement above. 
 
 The square pillars were composed of thirteen courses of square bricks; and the round 
 ones often courses; the latter consisting each of two semicircular bricks, having their 
 joining in each alternate course, the one placed at right angles with that in course beneath, 
 whilst the mortar that cemented the parts of every pillar was clumsily, and rudely spread; 
 and much blackened by the smoke, that had issued from a furnace, placed on the outside, at 
 one end ; and had passed out through two flues for the conveying of it away, under another 
 adjoining apartment. 
 
 An account also of an hypocaust, the round brick pillars of which were composed of entire 
 round bricks, may be seen in the Archaeologia, Vol. VI. p. 11. It was discovered at 
 Caerleon, in 1755 ; — and the bricks forming the pillars, were about A inches thick, and 1 4 
 in diameter, and piled one on the other like cheeses. See also Vol. II. p. 0. 
 
 The instances where the pillars, instead of being ofbrick, had been formed of hewn stone, 
 are also by no means uncommon. — Delineations, and descriptions, elucidating this fact, 
 may be seen in the Military Antiquities, p. 197. PI. XLVI ; — and also in Gcugh's Camden, 
 
184 
 
 to call such remains constantly by that name ; — not recollecting that 
 from the time of JVero, as Seneca informs us, the custom of warming 
 
 other rooms in this manner was brought into general use ;* and 
 
 that Pliny the younger, in the description of his Laurentine villa, and 
 of his own apartment that he most delighted in, describes his chamber 
 as being so warmed; with the advantage of a little narrow aperture, 
 which could be opened or shut at pleasure, to increase or diminish 
 the heat.t 
 
 If however Pliny, in the mild climate of Italy, was glad to avail 
 himself of this advantage, for his own private apartment ; how 
 much more is it likely that Roman officers, in this chilly island, 
 should do the same? 
 
 Without hesitation, therefore, we may rather conclude, that of 
 
 Vol. III. p. 245, 310 : and in the Archaologia , Vol. IX. p. 3 37 . PI. XXI, XXII; 
 where, in an hypocaust discovered at Wroxeter, in 1 7 8 s , they were found made of fragments 
 of columns of granite, and of red stone, about 1 4 inches in diameter, which had before been 
 used for some other purpose, and were of such irregular lengths, that in some the deficiency 
 was supplied by tiles placed one upon another on the top of them ; and in this hypocaust 
 also, there was much irregularity both in the distances, and in the placing of the pillars. 
 
 In some instances, hollow brick pipes have been found, all round the side walls of the 
 hypocamt, with openings on their sides, for admitting the heat;— and with other openings 
 at the top, for conveying it, sometimes through double walls of an apartment above ;— and 
 sometimes, under other adjoining apartments; of which a specimen may be seen in the 
 Philosophical Transactions, No. 3 00. p. 2226 ; and in Jones's Abridgment, Vol. V. Part 
 II. p. 61. 
 
 As to the latter kind of hypocausls ; those where the fines were constructed not by means 
 of little pillars, but as a sort of little low galleries, with the side walls approaching nearer 
 at the top than at the bottom ; some of these conveyances of heat were built of stone, and 
 plaistered within, and were even 4 feet high, and l foot 1 1 inches wide at bottom, though 
 only 6 inches wide at the top; and the nature of them may best of all be understood, by 
 consulting the very curious Plates of Mr. Lysons, in his antiquities of Woodchcsler, 
 PI. XXIII, XXV, XXVII, and p. 5, 7, and 1 3 , where it will further be seen, that these 
 flues had at the ends of some of them (just as in one of the former instances) upright funnels, 
 for the conveying of heat up by the side walls, and thereby increasing the warmth of the 
 apartment over the hypccaust, and also for the conveying of the smoke up to the top of the 
 building. 
 
 In some instances also it appears that small funnels, or brick pipes, were placed hori- 
 zontally under the floors. 
 
 * Seneca, Ep. go. t Plin. Ep. lib. ii. Ep. 17. Applicitum est cubiculo hypo- 
 
 caustum perexiguum, quod angusta fenestra suppositum calorem, ut ratio exigit, aut effundit, 
 aut rctinet. 
 
1S5 
 
 the hypocausts, so undistinguishably taken for Roman Baths, some 
 were neither more nor less than private dwelling apartments. 
 
 And to this conclusion we may venture to add, that the fact, in 
 reality, seems to have been ; — that sometimes to mansions, which 
 were in the first instance designed for the particular residence of 
 Public Officers, were added the appendages, of public places of resort ; 
 — as Public Balks; — Public Halls ; — and Porticos ; — all of them as 
 instances of designed Public benefit. For this will best elucidate, in 
 the fullest manner, both the words before cited from Tacitus, con- 
 cerning the benefits bestowed on the Britons by Agricola ; and will 
 
 also best agree with the information we obtain from an inscription 
 dug up at Langchester, in the Bishoprick of Durham ; that mentions, 
 — Balneum cum Basilica* a Bath zuith a public Hall, erected by Cneius 
 Lucilianus, the Proprietor of Gordian the Third. 
 
 Nor is there any thing even in the very complete, and curious 
 discovery, of Roman grandeur made by Mr. Lysons, at Woodchester, 
 that can lead us justly to any better apprehension of Roman magni- 
 ficence : — though it is impossible not to be struck, at first sight, with 
 the apparent stateliness, and extent of those Remains. 
 
 There were doubtless in the very interesting building, at Wood- 
 chester, which he has so admirably described, larger apartments, 
 and more in number, than in those Villas that had before been dis- 
 covered. — But then it should be taken into consideration at the same 
 time, that this Remain at Woodchester, is without exception acknow- 
 ledged, to have been the only Roman mansion of so great magnificence, 
 that has by any means been traced out in this Island ; — and that 
 Mr. Lysons himself, after the whole of his investigation, has with the 
 soundest judgment, deemed it to have been a Public Building of the 
 highest distinction ; and designed for the residence of a Governor of 
 a province;— or perhaps more probably, for that of a Profirator,— 
 or even of the Emperor himself :f — and from many parts of the archi- 
 tecture, he seems very rightly to have concluded it to have been 
 built by the order of Adrian,% who unquestionably was in Britain. 
 
 If then, this was the case, the fair and final conclusion must be, 
 that this one structure had hardly any rival was the noblest of 
 
 • See Phil. Trans Vol. XXX. No. 3 i 7 . p. 8 23. Jonu's Ab. Vol. V. p. is. 
 t Lysons' Antiquitiesat Woodchester, p. 17. * Ibid.p.io. 
 
186 
 
 the kind, existing in this country ; — and such, as that from it no 
 inference, as to number, or dimensions of apartments, can fairly 
 be drawn, with regard to any other Roman dwellings in Britain. 
 
 Yet, after all, and with all this real superiority, we find here not 
 more than eleven, or twelve rooms, in the principal part of the 
 building, that could in these present days be on any account called 
 good ones: — and there is no reason, from any remaining traces, of 
 any sort or kind, to suppose that there was ever a staircase in any 
 part ; or so much as one single room above the ground floor. 
 
 For the sake of explaining the whole a little more fully, an out- 
 line upon the same scale with the preceding plans, is added in due 
 proportion, PI. f this antient Roman Palace, at Woodchester, 
 
 from Mr. Lysons's accurate survey ; — and, at the same time, it cannot 
 but be wished, that every one who peruses these pages, would 
 consult the Plates of that excellent Work itself; as the doing so, 
 will only the more strongly confirm all these observations. 
 
 For the more faithful and close explanation of the whole, the same 
 references, by numbers, are preserved, which Mr Lysons has given 
 us ; and all the letters of reference, that he had added : — but for the 
 further necessary elucidation of the observations now made, a dif- 
 ferent order of description is observed. — And as Mr. Lysons has 
 justly avoided placing gates of entrance, or door ways, in any parts 
 of his plan ; where the low buried foundations run on in so con- 
 tinued a manner, as to leave no positive traces of any such ; and has 
 only named what appeared to him to have been obviously the 
 great entrances of the two great courts ; — the same rule is now ob- 
 served ; leaving it to common sense to suggest, on which side of 
 any apartment such door-way may have been, as must have existed 
 on some one side or other. 
 
 But first, in order to verify the fact, concerning the smallness, 
 and strange disproportion of the rooms in Roman houses, it may be 
 proper to give a regular table of the dimensions of all the apartments, 
 corresponding with the numbers marked in the plan.— Those di- 
 mensions are as follows : — 
 
187 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tea. 
 
 Inch*. 
 
 Tea. 
 
 
 1 
 
 4 S 
 
 i o by 
 
 4 8 
 
 1 0* 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 by 3 8 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 1 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 8 
 
 " 
 
 
 62 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 * 
 
 T 
 
 62 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 s 
 
 1 9 
 
 3 
 
 1 J 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 A 
 
 1 9 
 
 
 1 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 5 
 
 20 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 7 * 
 
 6 
 
 I 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 SI 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 • 
 
 1 1 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 1 2 
 
 7 
 
 10 - 
 
 20 
 
 to 
 
 20 
 
 10* 
 
 36 - 
 
 2 I 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 6* 
 
 1 1 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 37 - 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 12 - 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 s 
 
 31 - 
 
 13 
 
 7 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 13 - 
 
 9 
 
 I 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 
 39 - 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 14 - 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 10 ' 
 
 40 - 
 
 1 I 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 15 - 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 4 1 - 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 0* 
 
 16 - 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 1 6 
 
 s * 
 
 42 - 
 
 42 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 17 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 2 * 
 
 43 - 
 
 65 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 4 
 
 18 - 
 
 17 
 
 2 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 44 - 
 
 10 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 19 - 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 45 - 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 9 
 
 20 - 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 46 - 
 
 48 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 21 - 
 
 2-1 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 47 - 
 
 19 
 
 8 
 
 17 
 
 7 
 
 22 - 
 
 24 
 
 4 
 
 20 
 
 0* 
 
 48 - 
 
 19 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 23 - 
 
 13 
 
 10 
 
 1 1 
 
 
 
 49 - 
 
 19 
 
 S 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 24 - 11 9 7 
 
 These three, 47 , 4 8, 49, seem to have been foundations of a great gate of entrance with 
 three arches, the side ones having been each about 4 feet wide. 
 
 By some little mistake in the plan, there is No. 49, twice over; therefore on the west, 
 or rather north-west wing, is again - - 49 - 78 0-13 
 
 Out of which last seems to have been taken another and small apartment, at the north- 
 
 end, 
 
 without 
 
 any 
 
 number. 
 
 
 
 1 3 
 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 9 
 
 50 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 * 
 
 58 
 
 34 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 5 1 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 1 I 
 
 § 
 
 59 
 
 - 105 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 9* 
 
 52 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 9 
 
 60 
 
 39 
 
 4 
 
 20 
 
 6* St. 
 
 53 
 
 32 
 
 10 
 
 1 1 
 
 9 
 
 61 
 
 35 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 54 
 
 21 
 
 5 
 
 1 1 
 
 9 
 
 62 
 
 35 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 
 55 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 2 1 
 
 5* 
 
 63 
 
 35 
 
 C 
 
 3 I 
 
 t* St. 
 
 56 
 
 63 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 64 
 
 45 
 
 
 
 35 
 
 6* St. 
 
 57 
 
 63 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 And here we may perceive, that of all these apartments, at least 
 sixty-five in number, there are but nineteen, (which are those marked 
 with asterisks,) that can be deemed of any tolerable proportions; — 
 
188 
 
 and of those nineteen, three, namely, No. 60, 63, 64, seem obviously 
 to have been stables ;— and No. 5 9, seems to have been a place of 
 exercise for the domestic servants, and slaves; — whilst No. 25, 26 
 27, seem to have been rather public apartments, a Sacellum, Hall, 
 
 and Basilica, than any private ones belonging to the house ; and 
 
 No. 5 6, seems rather to have been a small open court, or Atriolum, 
 answering to that in the other wing, (c) than any apartment at all : 
 — in consequence of which circumstances, there will remain only 
 twelve, that could be deemed handsome private apartments, in this 
 great Palace j — in this, the most magnificent Roman building that 
 has ever been discovered in this Island ; — and which has so justly 
 been deemed even the residence of an Emperor, — and indeed of the 
 most magnificent, and most voluptuous Emperor, that had ever 
 been then known in the world. 
 
 The entrance, to this palace, seems obviously to have been by a 
 great gate-way, at (e), consisting of one great arch in the middle, 
 and of two lesser arches, one on each side, (standing over the foun- 
 dations No. 48, 49).— And the great arch of entrance may be con- 
 cluded to have been at least about 1 2 feet wide ; — whilst those on 
 each side seem, by the void space at the foundation, to have been 
 about 4 feet wide. 
 
 This entrance led into a great outer court, (B) or Atrium Majus, 
 (sometimes called Peristylium) of 158 feet, by 141, which seems to 
 have been laid with a coarse sort of terrace, that may remind us of 
 the terrace used on the Praetorium at Richborough. 
 
 On the right hand side of this court, towards the north-east, seems 
 to have been a wing, containing Baths ; — consisting of a gallery at 
 the entrance (No. 4 3,) of 6 5 feet 8 inches, by 10 feet 4 inches ;— 
 of an apartment from it, (No. 41,) of 2 4 feet, by 14, (in which was 
 found a curious stone weight) ;* — of another sort of gallery (No. 42,) 
 of 42 feet 9 inches, by 9 feet 4 inches, (in which was found the leg 
 of a statue of white marble) ;+ and under which are remains of walls 
 (marked by dotted lines) that seem to have supported a floor, whilst 
 possibly it was warmed somewhat from the adjoining hypocaust. — 
 And then followed an Apodyterium, or dressing room, (No. 38,) 13 
 feet 7 inches, by 9 feet 4 inches, with an adjacent Laconicum, or 
 * Antiquities at Woodchester, p. 16. t Ibid. p. 12. 
 
189 
 
 sweating room, (No. 39,) 9 feet 10 inches, by 8 feet 10 inches ; and a 
 long narrow passage only 4 feet 5 inches wide, leading to the Bath, 
 (No. 40,) 1 I feet 6 inches, by 8 feet ] inch ; whilst the Prafurnium, 
 or stove for fire, was placed between the sweating room and bath. 
 
 In the centre of this wing seems to have been an Atriolum, or 
 little open court (c) ; — and at the south-east end of this open court 
 were apartments, one of which, at (g), (if it was not a very odd 
 angle of the court, as Mr. Lysons appears to have deemed it) seems 
 to have formed a room of somewhat more than 20 feet, by 10 feet 
 9 inches, wherein, at (g), remain six large ashler stones, forming 
 what seems to have been a sort of large pedestal, about 5 feet high, 
 probably for a statue. From this room were three other apartments ; 
 —(No. 4 6,) a gallery, 4 8 feet, by 7 feet 5 inches ;— and from thence 
 one apartment, (No. 44,) 1 feet 9 inches, by 1 feet 4 inches, which 
 may have been a cold bath; — and another (No. 45,) 12 feet 6 inches, 
 by 10 feet 9 inches. 
 
 On the other, the left, or south-west side of the great court (B), 
 was a wing that seems to have been destined to contain the apart- 
 ments for the menial servants, and slaves:— and the rather, because 
 no remains whatever of mosaic pavements, were found here.* 
 
 It seems to have consisted of a porch of entrance, at(h), l i feet 
 9 inches, by 10 feet 9 inches;— of an Atriolum, or little court, 
 (No. 56.) 65 feet by 23 ;— of a great servants' hall, or place of exercise 
 for domestics, (No. 59,) 105 feet, by 20 feet 9 inches:— and of a 
 sort of dormitories, or apartments for their sleeping, (No. 49, 50, 
 5 1 , 52, 53, 5 4, 55,) and perhaps, as a necessary addition, on ac- 
 count of their numbers, (No. 60.) 
 
 From the great Atrium Majus, or Outer Court, was an approach 
 to the Atrium (a), (the Inner Court of this Palace, similar to the 
 
 only court of a common Roman house, only much larger) ; and its 
 
 entrance seems to have been by means of a portal at (f) j and a 
 Vestibule 9 feet wide, and 38 in length. 
 
 Ranging round three sides of this court, was a Crypto-porticus, 
 or open walk, whose roof had probably been supported by pillars 
 like a Piazza; and which had a tessellated pavement.— This on 
 the north side, was 1 1 4 feet in length, and about 10 feet in breadth, 
 
 * Antiquities of Woodchester, p. 1 1 . 
 VOL. II. 3 c 
 
190 
 
 (only narrowed to 9 feet, where the wall of the principal apartment 
 projects into it) : — on the west side it was 62 feet 5 inches, by 9 feet 
 2 inches; — and, on the east side, 62 feet 5 inches, by 8 feet 5 
 inches. — Under this were some flues ; — and remains of fire places, 
 that seemed to have served for heating them, were found both at (m), 
 and(l). 
 
 On the north part of this magnificent Crypto-porticus, and front- 
 ing the gate of entrance, was the principal apartment; the state 
 Triclinium (or dining-room), — which perhaps Vitruvius would 
 have called the Caveedium Tttmstylon* — (No. I,) 48 feet 10 inches 
 square. — It had manifestly four pillars to support its roof, or dome, 
 that most probably was constructed by means of diagonal vaultings, 
 resting on the four columns. — -It had large flues under the floor, for 
 warming it ;+ crossing each other at right angles ; — and its pavement 
 was tessellated, and of the richest kind ; — composed of squares within 
 squares, on the outside of the pillars, J and of circles within circles, 
 on the inside, inclosing an octagon compartment, that had been 
 adorned (like two of die circular spaces) with figures of animals, whilst 
 they were bordered by the Vitruvian scroll, the braided Guilloche, and 
 the Labyrinth jrel\\ — and in a distinguished space intersecting the 
 inner compartments, and fronting the great court, was a figure of 
 Orpheus (as it has been deemed,) playing on his lyre; but which 
 I am rather inclined to consider as having been rather designed to 
 represent that of Apollo.\\ 
 
 ' Antiquities at Woodchester, p. 17. t Ibid. p. 5. J Ibid. PI. X. 
 
 j There is every reason to believe this, which is one of the most elegant, to have been 
 also one of the most antient ornaments in the world; as it may be traced up to ages before 
 the records of history ; and is found common to different nations who could hardly, by any 
 possibility, have had any intercourse with each other since the first dispersion, till the nautical 
 
 discoveries of these latter ages of the world have made us acquainted with them It is 
 
 found upon the well known Tuscan Vases, fabricated long before the foundation of Rome ; 
 —it is found upon the del/is of the Soulh-sea Islanders, separated from all intercourse with 
 mankind till this last century ;— it is found upon the Vasts of the native Mosquito Indians 
 of America; (of which a specimen may be seen in the Archawlogia, Vol. V. p. 319. 
 
 PI. XXVI. fig. 3.) — It is found common amongst the Chinese; — and also in Japan 
 
 These facts go very near to the tracing it up, at least to days of Noah;— and I could almost 
 be inclined to call it Eve's pattern, 
 
 || My reason for this conclusion is, because it is well known that the Apullo was some- 
 times the distinguished name of a principal and best Triclinium, or dining apartment; of 
 
191 
 
 The bases of the pillars were nicely placed, within the inmost 
 corners of the squares, so as not to interrupt the continuation of the 
 ornaments ;* and near every one of them, in each of the void angular 
 spaces between the two sets of square and circular borders, were two 
 cumbent female figures. 
 
 The tessera, of which this elegant floor was composed; appeared 
 manifestly to have been laid down rough,+ and then rubbed smooth; 
 and were in general cubes of | an inch ; — the colours, blueish gray, 
 — red, — white, — and brown, — in several shades. 
 
 And it ought not to be passed by unnoticed, that near the north- 
 east corner, the pavement appears to have been discoloured by fire, 
 in a manner that may lead us to suspect that the superstructure 
 was really principally of wood. 
 
 On each side of this, the most magnificent room in the whole 
 mansion were two small galleries: — the one (No. S,) 28 feet 4 inches, 
 
 which we have a remarkable instance given us by Plutarch, in his Life of Lucullus, (Florence 
 G eek Edition, Col. 63, 2). — Tliere had been some little difference between Pompey, and 
 Liaullus; — " but Pompiy and Cicero meeting Lucullus one day by accident in the Forum, 
 " Cicero, after he had saluted him, asked him, if he would receive a visit from them? — and 
 " upon his saying, with the greatest pleasure; and entreating them, when it might he') — This 
 " very day, said Cicero, provided you will give us for supper only what is prepared of 
 " course. — Lucullus would have evaded it, and wished them to change the day ; but they 
 " decluied they would neither change it, nor suffer him to give any orders to his servants 
 " to have any thing further added to what he was to have himself; — and, upon his earnest 
 " entreaties, only just allowed him to speak to one of his servants in their presence ; when 
 " his words were, on trvj^spov tv tw uttoWmvi SznrvvitrBi, to day supper in the Apollo. — This 
 " was the name of one of the best rooms in the house, and by this means lie outwitted them ; 
 " — for to each dining apartment was fixed the stated expence of the supper therein, and its 
 " own supply of provisions, and its own mode of preparation, and adornment. — When 
 " once therefore the servants heard where he would sup, they knew what expence, and what 
 ' 4 setting out the supper should have ; ItuSei $e hrKv&w cIkqXXuvi, vwnt fiupiaduv ; and he 
 " was accustomed to sup in the Apollo for five ten thousands, (for fifty thousand sesterces, some- 
 " what more than £. 4 00 , reckoning the sestertius at \d.3q.^)\ and so much was expended 
 " in that entertainment. — Pompey, (Plutarch adds, ) was astonished at the greatness of the 
 " banquet, and the quickness ofits preparation." 
 
 * Nothing can exceed the accuracy, and beauty of Mr. Lysons's representations of this 
 pavement, in PI. VII, VIII, IX, X. — The beds of cement on which it was laid, have 
 been particularly mentioned (p. 173) ; and it was observed, that die cement, between the 
 tessera:, was more difficult to break than even the tesseia? themselves. 
 
 t Antiquities of Woodchester, p. 4. 
 
192 
 
 by 7 feet 6 inches; the other (No. 5,) 20 feet 4 inches, by 7 feet 
 6 inches ; — both of which had mosaic pavements. 
 
 The former, (No. 8,) on the south-west side, seems to have led 
 to the winter apartments: — for at the end of it we find, (No 10,) a 
 room 20 feet 10 inches square, which not only had flues under its 
 tessellated pavement, for the conveyance of heat ; but also double 
 walls on one side, at the distance of 6 inches from each other, both 
 for preservation from damp, and for still further increase of heat. 
 — The ornaments of its floor consisted not only of figures in com- 
 partments,* but had an inscription in two of the divisions, at the 
 two opposite corners, which from what remains, seems to have been, 
 eonum eventum bene OOLITE ; and is remarkable for a Grecism, not 
 very uncommon, that of using the letter (h) for an (e).— Its walls 
 also, which were found remaining near 3 feet high, had been obvi- 
 ously covered with stucco, and painted in fresco.t 
 
 This therefore was most manifestly a Triclinium Hybernum, or 
 winter dining room ; — whilst No. 6, 7,9, II, 12, 13, 15, 18, seem 
 to have been Cubicula, or bed chambers, and closets, such as are 
 mentioned both by Pliny, and Cicero ; — and to have had both tes- 
 sellated pavements, and flues under them ; — and are still more re- 
 markable for the remains of the stoves, or fire places, on the outside 
 of the walls, at (o), (n), and (k), whereby they were heated. 
 
 At No. 22, consistently with what may be remarked concerning 
 the number, and different situations of the Triclinia in Pliny's 
 villas, seems to have been another Triclinium, or dining parlour, 
 24 feet 4 inches, by 20 feet. 
 
 The rest of the apartments on this side, seem to have been Cubi- 
 cula, and need no further mention, except that there appear, from 
 a fragment of a wall, to have been still a few more of them towards 
 the north-west. 
 
 The other little gallery that has been mentioned (No. 5,) seems 
 to have led to the summer apartments, on the north-east side of the 
 court, though even amongst these was one with an hypocaust 
 (No. 31) ; — but the rest seem not to have had any such advantage, 
 and yet several of them appear to have had mosaic pavements ; and 
 
 * Antiquities of Woodchester, p. 7. PI. XIX, XX. 
 t See Mr. Lysons' PI. XXXI. fig. i, s, j. 
 
193 
 
 there were manifestly again more of these towards the north-east 
 than could be exactly traced. — They seem to have consisted, like 
 those on the other side, of two or three Triclinia, and of several 
 Cubicula. 
 
 But what most demand our attention, are the apartments on each 
 side the gate of entrance, on the north part of the court, or Atrium ; 
 — for here seem to have been such as were rather for public than 
 private use. (No. 25,) the largest apartment in the whole building, 
 51 feet, by 38 feet, (which had its floor apparently for strength 
 sustained by long walls, as marked by the dots, with flat stones 
 upon them), seems to have been a sort of Basilica, or public hall ; 
 — and (No. 26,) 46 feet, by 38 feet, seems to have served as a Vesti- 
 bule, or sort of porch ; — whilst (No. 2 7,) 3 8 feet square, on the other 
 side of the great entrance into the court, seems also to have served 
 as a magnificent porch, or public entertaining room; — both of the 
 latter reminding us unavoidably of those, where the numerous 
 clients* of Cicero are said to have waited for him, before his going 
 to the Senate-house. — And there is great probability that these 
 apartments, like Cicero's, had a Portico in the front of them. 
 
 All these ideas are much confirmed, by the finding of so many 
 marks of extraordinary adornment here; — such as slices of marblef 
 for incrusting of parts of the walls ; — with other remains of parts of 
 walls painted in fresco, even with incriptions ;■ — a Doric capital 
 of a pillar, and a shaft of another column ; and part of a pedestal ; 
 remains and fragments also of small statues ; some of Parian marble ; 
 — two large coins of brass, one of Adrian, and one of Lucilla ; and a 
 considerable number of small brass coins of the Lower Empire. 
 
 On the outside of this Palace, at some distance, were the foun- 
 dations of four other structures; (No. 6 1, 62, 63, 64,) which seem 
 to have served as stables ; and the rather, because it is very remark- 
 able, that the breadths of two of them, (61), and (62), which were 
 5 feet 4 inches, and 10 feet 5 inches, answer very nearly to the 
 
 * It is well known that these numerous clients of the Roman Senators and Orators, were 
 sometimes called Air lenses, on account of this very attendance in the Atria of such great men. 
 
 t Antiquities of Woodchester, p. 9, 10, II, 15. Mr. Lysons, p. 17, mentions these 
 rooms, as being what Vitruvius called Exedra, and furnished with seats for conversation. 
 Vitruvius, lib. v. cap. 1 1 . 
 
 VOL. II. 3 I) 
 
194 
 
 breadths of the spaces assigned, even in a camp, for the arms, and 
 for the bat horses. 
 
 The other two larger parts of this out-building were, the one 
 (No. 64), 45 feet, by 35 feet 6 inches; the other, 35 feet C inches, 
 by 31 feet 2 inches. 
 
 Such was this great Palace ;— but, in the whole extent of it, there 
 has not been any thing traced, that could afford the least appre- 
 hension of there having ever existed any such thing as a staircase, 
 in any part of it whatever.— And therefore, as the villas of the 
 Romans, even in Italy itself, appear both from the intimation given 
 us by Pliny, and from many other circumstances, to have been 
 generally on one floor, we may justly conclude that this Palace was 
 so too. 
 
 Seneca, speaking of the villas of the Roman Senators, says, that 
 they had the appearance of a camp, rather than that of a villa ; 
 which accords exactly with this idea. 
 
 And indeed from the great number of villas possessed by Cicero ;* 
 — his Tusculum ;—Antium; — Astura i—Arfinum ;—Formian ;— 
 Cuman;— Pnteolan;—^ Pomfeian ; — and others, to the number 
 even of eighteen, according to some writers ;— and from the ease, 
 and rapidity with which three of them were rebuilt that had been 
 demolished in his exile:— we must conclude that most of his villas 
 could only have had such kind of apartments, all upon one floor.— 
 
 ♦ The number of his villa, may be collected from a great variety of passages, in his 
 Fanuhar Ep.stles, and in his Epislhs to Aiticus.-to his brother 0,cintus,- m A to Brutus; 
 —and from the mention made of some of his villas even in his Philosophical works—See also 
 Middleton's Life of Cicero, Vol.1, p. 450, quarto f-and Vol. II. p.509,511. 
 
 And a little anecdote related by Plutarch of Lucullus, both illustrates the fact of the 
 numerous villas possessed by others r the Roman Senators ; and also of the tigUm, of those 
 edifices; and of their wanting sometimes necessary warmth, and protection from the little 
 inclemency even of an Italian winter. 
 
 " Pompr, paying Lucullus a visit, in one of his villas, blamed him for making his house 
 " so delightful in summer, and yet, «„'*„,-„„ J, x s,^„, uninhabitable in the winter: to 
 
 which Lucullus replied; Think Jou I am less provident than cranes and storks, ami that 1 
 "bmamt, as they do, how to change mji habitation with the season}" Florence Gr. Edit. fol. 63. 
 Dryden's Edit. Eng. Vol. IV. p. to,. 
 
 Plinythe Younger also had at least, his Tuscum ;— his Tusculum;— his Tyber;— and his 
 JWjfc.—Plinii Ep. lib. v. Ep. 6 . Habes causas, cur ego Tuscos meos, Tusculanis, Tikatims, 
 Prenestinistpie meis praponam . 
 
PL.xxym 
 
 9 
 
 F 
 
 /faw of Soman VtHa at Wbodcbetter. 
 
 //*>/// ti>e Pla/t.o/t ii targrr scale, fit/ MfJ^/.eo/hr.rt'itii bis prr/ti i/iicr/ . 
 
195 
 
 The rapidity also with which his Tusculan Villa, his most favourite 
 residence, was rebuilt, after he had changed a determination he 
 once had to part with it, intimates the same thing: — and so indeed 
 does even the circumstance, that his Puteolan house was built after 
 the plan of the Academy at Athens, and adorned with a portico, and 
 grove. 
 
 His very interesting account also of his repairs, and alterations, 
 at one of them, in his letter to his brother Quintus,* leads us to the 
 same conclusion. — And the curiosity of that short description, ren- 
 ders it useful to be even transcribed at large on the present occasion ; 
 — especially as he so particularly mentions therein the Alriolum, 
 (or little side court), as distinct from the usual Atrium, or proper 
 court of the house, that was surrounded by the pent covering, and 
 tessellated pavement, so evidently forming a Gryplo-porticus. 
 
 " Villa mihi valde placuit, propterea quod summam dignitatem 
 " pavimentata portions habebat : quod mihi nunc denique apparuit, 
 " posteaquam et ipsa tota patet, et columnar politae sunt. Totum in 
 " eo est (quod mihi erit curae) tectorium ut concinnum sit. Pavimenta 
 " recte fieri videbantur. — Cameras quasdam non probavi mutarique 
 " jussi. — Quo loco in porticu te scribere aiunt ut atriohim fiat, mihi, 
 " ut est, magis placebat. Neque enim satis loci esse videbatur atriolo : 
 " neque fere solet, nisi in his asdificiis fieri, in quibus est atrium 
 " majus: nec habere poterat adjuncta cubicula et ejusmodi membra. 
 " Nunc hoc vel honestate testudinis, vel valde boni cestivum locum 
 "obtinebit; tu tamen si aliter sentis rescribe quam primum. In 
 " balneariis assa in alterum apodyterii angulum promovi, propterea 
 " quod ita erant posita, ut eorum vaporarium, ex quo ignis erumpit, 
 " esset subjectum cubiculis. Subgrande cubiculum autem, et hiber- 
 " num altum valde probavi, quod et ampla erant, et Ioca posita 
 " ambulations uno latere, eo, quod est proximum balneariis. Co- 
 " lumnas neque rectas, neque e regione Diphilus collocarat, eas 
 " scilice demolietur. Aliquando perpendiculo et linea discet uti. 
 " Omnino spero paucis mensibus opus Diphili perfectum fore." 
 
 the villa pleased me much, because the paved mosaic portico had the 
 utmost dignity ; luhich lias now at last appeared to me, after that both the 
 whole of it is become ostensible, and the columns are polished. All the 
 
 * Epist, ad Quintum Fratrem, lib. iii. Ep. l. sec. 1. 
 
196 
 
 plaster (which will be of consequence to me) is in such a state as to be quite 
 compact ; the pavements for stucco floors) seemed, to have been made level; 
 some of the apartments I did not approve of, and ordered to be altered; 
 in the part of the portico in which they say you write that there should be 
 a lesser atrium (a little court), it pleased me better as it is; for 
 there neither seemed to be room sufficient for a lesser atrium (a litte 
 court), nor indeed is it usual that there should be such, except in those 
 kind of buildings where there is the greater atrium (of all) : nor could 
 it have the adjoining bed-chambers, and such kind of appurtenances. — 
 Mow (in its present stale), this court, whether with regard to the hand- 
 someness of the pent covering, or of the very good kind of thing it is, 
 will obtain the advantage of being a summer place ; but yet if you think 
 otherwise, write back as soon as possible. — In the baths, I have removed 
 the sweating seats into another angle of the dressing-room, because they 
 were so placed that their stove, from whence the fire proceeds, was under 
 the bed-chambers ; — but the great bed-chamber of all, and the winter 
 lofty bed-chamber, I have very much been pleased with, because they were 
 both spacious, and have places designed for walking situated on one side, 
 and that on the side which is next the baths. — the columns Diphilus 
 had placed neither upright, nor in the right place: — those, at least, he 
 will demolish: — some time or other he will learn to attend to a perpen- 
 dicular, and to a right line- — Surely do I hope, that in a few months the 
 work of Diphilus will become quite perfected. 
 
 It is remarkable, that the Cubicula, (the bed-chambers,) as well as 
 the Cameras, (the smaller rooms,) seem evidently to have been here 
 all on the same floor with the rest of the rooms, and with the Baths, 
 and with the Portico. — And that a most particular attention seems 
 to have been paid to the plastering of the rooms; which we may 
 therefore conclude was here, as at Woodchester, the general adorn- 
 ment of the walls. — The manner also in which the former irregu- 
 larity of the pillars of the handsome pent," the Crypto-porticus, is 
 spoken of, under which was the tessellated pavement, plainly shews, 
 after all, that it was but a slight kind of building. 
 
 * One can scarce forbear to wonder at the incredible manner in which Gravius, and 
 Grmmiius, and other learned commentators, have hesitated about this passage ; merely from 
 not apprehending what the real plan of Roman houses, and the true nature of their hypo- 
 causts, was ;— whilst nothing can well be more plain, than that the tesludo Cicero speaks of, 
 
197 
 
 What is intimated, in like manner, concerning the improvement 
 of his fathers' beautiful villa, at Arpinum, in another part of his 
 [Cicero's) writings, leads us to the same kind of conclusion concern- 
 ing the real slightness of these structures. 
 
 This was originally small, like an antient Sabine farm ;" till his 
 father, who spent the latter part of his days there, enlarged it. — 
 And even then, it seems to have been of no great extent, as we find 
 his friend Alliens, when admiring the beauty of the place, preferring 
 it to magnificent villas, with marble pavements, and carved ceilings.r 
 
 There is another short passage also, in Cicero's Epistles, which 
 will fling some further light upon the history of the small kind of 
 apartments which we find in the remains of Roman villas now dis- 
 covered in this country. 
 
 Speaking of some additions to his Tusculan villa; — he says, J 
 " Exhedria quaedam mihi nova sunt instituta in porticula Tusculani. 
 " Ea volebam tabellis ornare. Etenim si quid generis istiusmodi me 
 " delectat, pictura dilectat." There are some new little entertaining 
 rooms formed for me, in the Utile portico of my tusculum. I wish to 
 adorn them with pictures ;§ for if any thing of that kind delights me, 
 painting does. In which passage, it has been accurately noticed by 
 Greevius, with what obvious marked design Cicero makes use of ex- 
 pressions of diminuliveness, in the words Exhedria, || and Porticula, 
 to distinguish these apartments from large Exhedra, or great rooms 
 for the reception of guests, and from splendid porticos. 
 
 On this occasion, therefore, it may be curious to add his short 
 
 was the pent covering, resting upon the pillars of the Crjpto-porlicus, surrounding the court ; 
 though it be true, that the tiled covering of the flue of cm lypocansl under the floor of an apart- 
 ment, was sometimes denominated by the same word testudo: — but to apply the word testvdo 
 here, either to the covering of the flue, or to the mosaic pavement itself, would surely be 
 making Cicero guilty of a most gross repetition, after what he bad said before, of pavimen- 
 lata poilicus, and pavimmta, the tessellated portico, and lite pavements, 
 * Antique more pania essel Villa, ut ilia Curitma in Salinis. 
 
 + Saltan non queo: maguipcasque Villas, et pavimenta mannorea el laqueala tecta contemno. 
 De Legibus, lib. ii. sec. I, a, 3. 
 X Epist. lib. vii. xxiii. 
 
 $ What kind of pictures, and paintings these were, we may best learn from the curious 
 accounts of those dug up at Hercnluneum. 
 
 |] Sunt autem Exhedria, diminuta a voce Exhedra. Verburgii Edit. Vol. IX. p. sy-u 
 VOL. II. 3 E 
 
198 
 
 Grecised account, of his, and his illustrious neighbour's, entertain- 
 ment of Julius Casar;— in order to shew, in what manner all these 
 kind of apartments were sometimes filled :— and indeed to compare 
 that account with what may actually have passed in this very villa, 
 at Woodchesler, if the Emperor Adrian, (as there is good reason to 
 believe) once took up his abode there. 
 
 " O Hospitem mihi tam gravem! iiisrxuskrirop ; fuit enim perju- 
 '• cunde. — Sed cum secundis Saturnalibus ad Philippum vesperi 
 "venisset, villa ita completa militibus est, ut vix Triclinium, ubi 
 " casnaturus ipse Cassar esset, vacaret: quippe hominum CID CI3. 
 " — Sane sum commotus, quid futurum esset postridie : ac mihi 
 " Barba Cassius subvenit : custodes dedit. Castra in agro : villa 
 " defensa est. — Ille tertiis Saturnalibus apud Philippum ad horam 
 " VII. nec quenquam admisit ; — rationes opinor cum Balbo. — Inde 
 " ambulavit in litore. Post horam VIII. in balneum : turn audivit 
 
 " de Mamurra: vultum non mutavit: — unctus est; — accubuit; ■ 
 
 " fytirixiti' agebat. Itaque et edit et bibit iSeck et jucunde: opipare 
 ' ' sane et apparate : nec id solum, sed bene cocto et condito sermone 
 " bono, et si quaeris, libentur. — Praterea tribus tricliniis accepti 
 " Si zip atirop valde copiose. Libertis minus lautis servisque nihil 
 " defuit. Nam lautiores eleganter accepti. — Quidmulta? — homines 
 " visi sumus. — Hospes tamen non is, cui diceres, amabo te, eodem 
 " ad me cum revertere. — Semel satis est ; — mouStwv iolbv in sermone : 
 " (pilbXoyst. multa; — quid quaeris? — delectatus est et libenter fuit * 
 
 Oh this guest of such anxiety to me. ! '—yet not to be repented of;— for 
 he was very pleasant. — But when he had first come to Philip's, on the 
 evening of the second of the Saturnalia, the villa was so filled with soldiers, 
 that there was hardly a triclinium (a dining room), unoccupied, where 
 Cmsar himself might sup ; as th ere were indeed two thousand men with 
 him. — I truly was much disturbed how the matter might be the next day : 
 but Barba Cassius came to me: set guards; appointed a camp in the 
 adjoining field ; and the villa was prohibited to them. — He (Caesar) on 
 the third of the Saturnalia staid with Philip till the seventh hour (one in 
 the afternoon), and admitted no one. I suppose he had business to settle 
 -with Balbus: — after that he walked on the shore :— after the eighth hour 
 
 * Ad Atticum, lib. xiii. Ep. 5 2. The letter reminds one of the easy manner in which a 
 modem man of fashion, and elegance, sometimes writes, ina stile halfFrench, half English. 
 
199 
 
 (two o'clock), went into the bath: — then he&rd of 'MaoMlrfa, and did not 
 at all change countenance : — was anointed; — took his nap (or siesto) ; — 
 took an emetic ; — and by that means ate and drank delightfully, and 
 pleasantly : — plentifully enough, and bravely : — nor so only, but with well 
 digested, and well framed discourse ; — and [if you ask me), freely. — 
 As to the rest, those about him, received in three triclinia (dining apart- 
 ments), ate very abundantly: — to the less distinguished f reed-men, and 
 to the slaves, nothing was wanting: — whilst as to the more distinguished 
 (freed men), they were elegantly entertained: — why should I add more: 
 — we have seen the men: — but this is not a guest to whom you would say, 
 I shall be vastly delighted with you, when will you return to me in the same 
 manner. — Once is enough. — There was nothing studied in his discourse ; 
 — and many things learned. — If you ask more; — he was delighted; — 
 and all was with ease. 
 
 Perhaps, after the account of this entertainment, it may be a little 
 anecdote which deserves not to be be omitted, that Cicero was deemed 
 remarkable for the elegance of his furniture : — and that a cedar table 
 of his, was preserved to the days of Pliny, about one hundred and 
 fifty years after, who speaks of it,* as a most remarkable circum- 
 stance, that Cicero should have given for this table, even in that 
 early age, so great a price as ten sestertia (about £80. 1 is. id. of our 
 money.) 
 
 The Triclinia therefore we find were constantly used as dining 
 rooms ; — some of the larger apartments as Exhedra, or entertaining 
 rooms, for conversation ; — some of the smaller as Exhedria, or lesser 
 entertaining rooms, — a sort of parlours ;— and the other as Camera:, 
 and Cabicula, as cabinets for study, and for holding the rolls of their 
 books; and for bed-chambers : — whilst some of the larger apartments, 
 (as probably some of those, at Woodchester, both on the side where 
 were the baths, and on that where the servants dwelt), must have 
 been used as kitchens, and offices ; — a circumstance that seems 
 
 * Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. xiii. cap. 15 ; his words are, — Exlat holie M. Ciieronis in ilia, 
 paupertale, el quod magis minim est, illo avo empta H S. X. — And at the same time he gives 
 other instances of great prices being given for such; — and calls it mensamm msama, a 
 table ra°e. 
 
 + Antiquities at Woodchester, p. 1 1 . The Amphoras (or great jars), were used for pre- 
 serving their wine; and as they could neither have the advantage of corks, nor close them 
 
200 
 
 confirmed, by the finding two fragments of an Amphora in (No. 45), 
 and part of a large dish of coarse earthenware ; + besides fragments 
 of glazed pottery in other parts ; and indeed seems also to be con- 
 firmed, by the stile of the apartmenls at the east end of the second 
 villa, at Mansfield Woadhouse, PI. xx ™' , £g, 2 . 
 
 The principal, or State Triclinium* which from its central situa- 
 tion communicated with many suits of rooms, was sometimes, on that 
 account, denominated a Cavadium ; to distinguish it from the other 
 Triclinia, and it would perhaps in modern times be called a Saloon. 
 
 And not only was this made use of as a distinguished place of 
 entertainment, on great occasions; but also the Atrium, or open 
 court itself; which latter has, for that very reason, sometimes been 
 confounded with the Cavadium. 
 
 This use of the Atrium, and indeed the very introduction of it, 
 seems to have been derived to the Romans, with many of their other 
 elegances, from the Greeks, who perhaps had it from the Persians 
 and Syrians. 
 
 We find the plan of most, even of the private houses at Pompeii,* 
 was an Atrium, (or square court), with a fountain in the middle, and 
 small rooms all round ; few of whose windows were towards the 
 street ; — and in these courts we have the utmost reason to believe 
 they passed some of their most refreshing hours. — Whilst in great 
 mansions, like this at Woodchester, it served for the splendid re- 
 ception of a great assembly of people, on state occasions.J 
 
 well in the manner casks are secured, they used another, and perhaps a better method, that 
 of keeping the surface of the wine continually covered by oil ;— by which means it held 
 
 good till the Amphora was entirely drained to the dregs In a villa discovered, buried 
 
 under the ashes of Vesuvius, near Pompeii, in some of the rooms were found several such 
 
 great Amphora:, ranged against the wall Archsologia, Vol. IV. p. 172. 
 
 * No. 1, in PI. 
 
 9 
 
 + Archteologia, Vol. IV. p. 1 64. 
 
 t It was probably into just such a kind of Atrium, or court, that OUR BLESSED LORD 
 was brought,— to appear before the Judgment seat of Pilate; who seems to have sat down 
 on the tessellated pavement of the Crypto-porticus, called in Hebrew Gabbalha;^— whilst the 
 horrible multitude of Jews, the hired mcb,\\ to whom Pilate addressed himself, stood in the 
 Atrium, (or Judgment Hall), of what was the Prztorium (or Pilates Palace), and cried out, 
 r John, chap, xviii. ver. as, S3, chap. xix. ver. 9, 13. 
 II Matthew, chap, xxvii. ver. so, 12. Mark, chap. 16. ver. 1 1, u. 
 
201 
 
 Yet that the pillars supporting the surrounding Crypto-porticus 
 were even in these more stately mansions, generally slight, and 
 mostly of wood, however carved, and adorned, may be inferred t not 
 
 Crucify him, — Crucify him ; — and whilst their numbers shew that it must have been a very- 
 spacious area. 
 
 And in a mere private house of such construction, it seems to have been, that OUR LORD 
 cured the man sick of the palsy, brought unto him, whilst he was teaching in a small 
 Atrium, or square court of a similar kind, and when those who bore their sick friend not 
 being able, for the crowd, to carry him in through the inner door, conveyed him up to the 
 flat roof of the house, and removing the awning (which oftentimes was spread over a part 
 of these courts to fence against the noon-tide rays of the sun,) let him down, by ropes, 
 over the parapet wall, built as usual with tiles; and placed him at OUR BLESSED 
 SAVIOUR'S feet. (Mark, chap. ii. ver. 4.) 
 
 This incident has been admirably well illustrated, by Doctor Shaw, (in his Travels, 
 p. 273, 277, fol. edit, (for the purpose of obviating the childish blasphemies of BoUngbroke, 
 and of such rash and hasty writers. — And his account plainly shews, how tiiis custom of 
 building each house round a square open court, and of using suck a court as a place for 
 receiving numerous guests, existed in Syria, and in Arabia, as well as in Greece, Whilst it 
 may be added, that an anecdote of Marcus Crassus, related by Plutarch, leads us even to ap- 
 prehend at what precise period this style of building was probably first introduced at Rome. 
 
 From the time that the city had been burnt by the Gauls, its streets were exceedingly 
 narrow and crooked; — and the houses had been built up hastily, and mostly of limber ; — 
 and Plutarch tells us, 11 that Crassus, observing how subject the city was to fire, and the 
 " falling down of houses, by reason of their height, and of their standing so near together, 
 " bought slaves that were builders, and architects, and when he had gotten to the number of 
 "Jive hundred, he bought houses that were on fire; and those in the neighbourhood, which, 
 " by reason of the present danger and uncertainty, the old proprietors were willing to part 
 ' ' with for little or nothing : so that the greatest part of Rome, at one time or other, came 
 " into his hands; — but he never built any thing except his own house for himself, and only 
 " hired out his slaves to those who had a mind to build ; selling them as much ground as 
 " they had need of, and saying to his friends, — those that are addicted to building, will undo 
 " themselves soon enough without (he help of other enemies." (See the first paeres of Plutarch's 
 Life of Marcus Crasssus.) 
 
 Even Cicero himself was one of those who bought of Marcus Crassus : — for of him he 
 purchased his house at Rome on the Palatine Hill; adjoining to that portico of Catulus, that 
 had been built out of the Cimbrian spoils. See Middleton's Life of Cicero, Vol. L p. 2 49, 
 25 1, quarto. And it is a fact which claims some attention, that all the most elegant im- 
 provements of Rome, seem to have begun about the time of Cicero, and to have been at their 
 highest state of perfection about the time of the Antonines. 
 
 It is very probable that Cicero even hired of Marcus Crassus some of his building slaves, 
 and architects ; — some of those very workmen whom he employed in repairing and altering 
 his villas; — and that the blundering Diphilus, mentioned so jocosely in his letter to Ins 
 brother Ouintus, was actually one of these stipendiary builders. 
 
 1 he Royal Exchange of London (only that it is upon a much greater scale, and more 
 
 VOL. II. 3 F 
 
202 
 
 only from Cicero's account already mentioned, of the pillars so irre- 
 gularly and blunderingly first placed by Diphilus; but also from 
 those remarkable lines of Horace ;— where, speaking even of the 
 most splendid mansions, he so carefully uses, in his description of 
 the Atrium, the word postis, instead of columna. 
 
 " Cur invidendis postibus, et novo 
 " Sublime ritu moliar Atrium?" 
 
 Carminum, lib. iii. Ode 1. 1. 45. 
 
 Why construct a magnificent atrium, with pillars to be objects of envy? 
 
 The large outer court, from the time of Vitruvius, was sometimes 
 called Peristylium, and was often surrounded by a Colonnade, much 
 resembling the Crypto-porticus— .Here, persons of all ranks, at all 
 times had easy access ;— and here probably were such baths as were 
 public— But into the Atrium, and much more into the Triclinia, 
 Camera, and Cubicula, none had access, but on appointed occasions, 
 and as guests, and friends of the master of the domain. 
 
 I have been thus minute in describing all these Villas, for the 
 purpose of shewing the very small dimensions of the rooms in general ; 
 —and in order to render it the more evident, how greatly, after all 
 that can be discovered concerning the habitations of the Romans 
 in this island, they fell short of that high magnificence for which 
 they have had credit ;— and indeed of any of that real comfort and 
 convenience that has been introduced in the buildings of these 
 later ages. 
 
 In their own country the houses at Pompeii, which were dis- 
 covered in so perfect a state, buried under the ashes of Vesuvius, 
 were observed to have been uniformly built round little square 
 courts, whilst the rooms themselves were in general exceedingly small; 
 —being only from 10 to 12 feet square ; or at most, and in a few 
 
 lofty) may perhaps help to convey somewhat of the idea of an Eastern house.— It was rebuilt 
 after the fire of London, and finished in 10 69 ;— and, as is apprehended, was rebuilt some- 
 what alter die original plan of the old one; which had been reared by Sir Thomas Gresham, 
 in 1567. 
 
 As, therefore, Sir Thomas was greatly connected with foreign countries, it is more than 
 probable that the original hint of the whole was taken from the idea of Eastern Bazars, 
 and iui conjointly :_for the walks above, with the shops, were almost true Bazars ; whilst 
 the court below, almost resembles that of some great house at Smyrna, or Aleppo. 
 
203 
 
 instances only, about 1 4 or 1 8 ; (though indeed one was found* of 30 
 feet by 15,) — and it was also remarked, that they had windows only 
 towards the square court, or garden, and hardly any towards the 
 street ; — and that the inner rooms were only lighted through such 
 as were next the court, or else not at all. — And yet, that these were 
 considered as apartments of consequence by the inhabitants, ap- 
 peared from almost all of them having their walls and ceilings 
 painted ; and from their being adorned with tessellated pavements. 
 
 One of them, where an iron bedstead remained placed, was even 
 so exceedingly small, that there was only a space of about 6 feet 
 square ; — and yet this also was elegantly painted, + and had a tes- 
 sellated floor. 
 
 To all which it may be added, that indeed the idea given us even 
 by Pliny himself, of what he deemed Villas of great elegance, in the 
 neighbourhood of Rome, (though Mr. Castell,J as well as Scamozzi, 
 and Felibien, have endeavoured to make the most of it), does by no 
 means authorize us to suppose that the Romans had it at all in their 
 power to import into this country any much higher specimens of 
 domestic convenience, and comfort, than those of which we have the 
 remaining appearances, just referred to. 
 
 This assertion may appear incredible, to those who consider the 
 beauty and magnificence of Trajan's Pillar; and of others of the 
 public works of grandeur, of the age in which Pliny lived ; or who 
 reflect upon the private splendour that surrounded him ; — the many 
 country seats he possessed, on the borders of the Larian ldke\ and 
 elsewhere ; — and the truly refined and elegant manner in which, 
 we are informed, he passed his time, at his two most favourite 
 villas ;|| — but yet, notwithstanding the prejudices we are apt to 
 imbibe for classic days, in our earliest years * and for Pliny's taste 
 in particular; it seems to be undoubtedly true. 
 
 * Page 17 0. 
 
 + Arcbseologia, Vol. IV. p. 164, 165, 170. — The preservation of the paintings on these 
 walls at Pompeii, as well as the fragments remaining on the lower parts of the walls at 
 Wtcddmftr, prove the truth of the assertion oiVilruvim, (lib. xvii. cap. 3 ), that colours laid 
 with due attention, {or diligently) on wet plaster, do not fade, and are perpetually lastino, whilst 
 that observation of his explains to us the very manner in which these works were executed. 
 
 % See Castell's Villas of the Antients. J Plinii Epist. lib. ix. Ep. 7. 
 
 |! Ibid. lib. ix. Ep. 36, Ep. 39. 
 
204 
 
 For even in that eloquent writer's description of his favourite 
 and celebrated Laurentine villa ; although he does indeed tell us of 
 its three or four courts,* surrounded with porticos ;— one of which 
 courts was, he says, in the shape of the letter (O);— yet we may 
 plainly discover, from a variety of circumstances, that none of 
 these courts could be large, and that most of them must have been 
 very small ;— and that the porticos themselves were indeed little 
 better than mere Penis ; covering just such kind of long narrow 
 pavements, as those which we have been describing. 
 
 And though indeed he mentions a very great number of rooms ; 
 amongst which it is strange to find there were so many different 
 Triclinia, each of which he calls Cmatio, a supper room: yet we 
 plainly are led to understand, that the whole range of building, in 
 general, was only one story high; or in other words merely a con- 
 tinued range on the ground floor both because he speaks of two 
 towers, as being extraordinary parts of the villa; which nevertheless 
 themselves were not so high as an ordinary modern house, (having 
 only three stories each) ;— and also because, in his description, he 
 never once mentions any staircase in the rest of the house, although 
 he so particularly mentions [scale] staircases in his other description 
 of his Tuscan villa,]- where there really was a range of rooms over 
 those upon the ground floor. 
 
 From a variety of circumstances also that he mentions, we are 
 left to conclude, that the apartments were, for the most part, exceed- 
 ing small.— And even with regard to those which we have been 
 accustomed to consider as a sort of state rooms ;— the Triclinia, (or 
 dining apartments, as they would be called in these days), his own 
 description of folding doors, or folding windows as large as doors, 
 on every side of one of the best of them, gives us no very high idea 
 of the style of their architecture ;— any more than the contrivance, 
 (mentioned by him as so very ingenious) of an angle formed between 
 this room, and an adjoining Cubiculum, (or sort of bed-chamber) for 
 the sake of collecting the rays of the sun, and augmenting the heat 
 of both apartments. 
 
 Such, surely, was but an odd mode of procuring warmth :— 
 to say nothing of the unpleasantness, of this warm angle so close to 
 * Plinii Ep. lib. xi. Ep. 17. t Lib. v. Ep. s. 
 
205 
 
 to this entertaining room, being at the same time chosen, on account 
 of such its warmth, as a place of exercise for the servants and slaves 
 in winter. 
 
 We find indeed, that there were stoves, and flues for the baths; 
 and for the use of one or two other apartments ; and the contrivance 
 for warming his own bed-chamber has already been mentioned. 
 But it is manifest, from the pleasure he takes in repeating the ac- 
 count of the great caution that was used to admit the sunshine as 
 muck as possible, and as long as possible, into all those which he 
 deemed the principal rooms, that there were hardly any means for 
 affording warmth, except by open pans of hot embers, in the greater 
 part of the numerous apartments even of this Great Man's Villa; — 
 who yet made warmth so much an object. 
 
 The Triclinia, (the supper rooms,) or best apartments; — are also 
 found oddly dispersed, in a most irregular, and strange manner ; — 
 one at the bottom, of one of the towers, under the granary, and store- 
 room for fruits ; — another, at the top of the other tower ; — one close 
 to the place where the servants and slaves exercised themselves ; — 
 another close to that where was the place for exercise in the garden. 
 — Some on one side of a court, and others on the opposite. — And 
 even his Library was adjoining to the angle where was the place 
 of exercise for the slaves ; and remarkable for its elliptic form, and 
 for the number of windows to let in the sunshine, rather than for any 
 other circumstance. 
 
 Here was surely building enough ; — and magnificence more than 
 enough ; — but of convenience, and real comfort, (which Pliny him- 
 self acknowledges he could find only in his little retired bed-chamber 
 in the summer-house, at the end of his terrace) ; of convenience and 
 real comfort, as little as might be, after so much cost: — whilst the 
 transparent lights, either of transparent stone from Spain, — or of 
 oyster shells, — or of oiled paper, — every one of which were in those 
 days deemed advantages of great magnificence, and as such, are 
 highly spoken of by Pliny, — were but a poor substitute for glass ; 
 and whilst even this advantage was confined to a very few windows. 
 
 The plan, as we have it from Pliny himself, if we adhere closely 
 to the very words of his description, leaving out every digressing 
 passage, appears to have been as follows. 
 
 VOL. II. 3 G 
 
206 
 
 There was first of all, 
 
 1. Atrium. 
 
 2. Deiiule Porticus in (0) lit era similitu- 
 dincm circumacta. 
 
 3. Quibus parvula area includitur, — Egre' 
 gium ha adversum tempeslates receptaculum : 
 nam speadaribus ac multo magis imminentibus 
 tectis muniiinlur. 
 
 4. Est contra medias, Cavadium. 
 
 5. Max Triclinium, quod in Uttus excurril: 
 undique valvas, ant fenestras non minores valvis 
 habet : atque ita a lateribus et a fronte quasi tria 
 maria prospectal. 
 
 A tergo Cavadium. 
 
 6. Porticum. 
 
 7. Aream. 
 
 8. Porticum rursus, mox atrium, silvas et 
 longinquos respicit monies. 
 
 1. An open court;— (or such as Cicero 
 speaks of in his letter as an Atrium Majus).— 
 
 2. Then a Cryptoporticus, in the form of 
 an oval, which plainly had a pent covering; 
 
 3 . And which surrounded a smaller court, 
 (or Atrium), whilst both together formed an 
 excellent retreat from bad weather ; because 
 protected both by transparent windows, and 
 projecting coverings.* 
 
 A. Opposite to the middle of this was (at 
 the further end) a sort of large SaIoon,t or 
 principal Triclinium. 
 
 5 . And, just by it, a Triclinium, or best 
 dining room, (or rather a supper room) ; 
 projecting, and looking towards the sea, 
 having doors, or windows not less than doors, 
 on all sides ; and so having three views of the 
 sea, as seen from the front, and from both 
 the sides. 
 
 Behind the Cavadium was, 
 
 6. Another portico, with 
 
 7. A small court. 
 
 8. And a portico again (that was, as it 
 should seem, on the furthest side the court), I 
 and then a porch, or Atrium of entrance, 
 that looked towards woods, and distant 
 mountains. 
 
 * These words plainly describe windows on the sides of some apartments adjoining to the 
 portico, (either of glass, or of transparent stone, or of thin oyster shells, or of oiled paper, 
 all of which were in use in Pliny's time), and also the projecting pent supported by pillars 
 over-head.— Pliny indeed here uses the single word Porticus; but so also does Cicero, more 
 
 than once, in a similar manner And it is very evident, that the Romans often so called 
 
 those very kind of piazzas of houses, which in the days of the Antoninus, were more exactly 
 distinguished from the magnificent structures connected with public buildings and temples', 
 by the name oiCrypto-porticus; — whilst the word Crypto-porticus in the time of Pliny was not 
 so often used, except where there was a long inclosed gallery (or sort of crypt) running all 
 the way by the side of the narrow walk that was open with pillars. 
 
 + There is an apparent mistake in Lord Orrery's translation, who conceived the Cavadium 
 to have been a court ; which flings the whole description into confusion , The same error 
 occurs also, with the same consequences, in Mr. Melmolh' s elegant version. 
 
 t It deserves to be remarked, that in this description of Pliny's, as well as in some 
 of Cicero's descriptions, the words Atrium, Porticus, and Ctypte-portiats, are evidently 
 
207 
 
 Hujusa lava ret radius paulo. 
 
 9. Cubiculum amplum* 
 
 10. Deinde alhtd minus. 
 
 1 1 . Adnectitur angulo Cubiculum in apsida 
 curvatum, quod ambilum solis fenestris omnibus 
 sequitur. 
 
 1 2 . Adharet dormitorium membrwn, transitu 
 interjacente, 
 
 13. Reliqua pars lateris hujus, servorum 
 liber torum que usibus detinetur, plerisque tarn 
 mundis ut accipere hospites possint. 
 
 Ex alio latere, 
 
 1 A . Cubiculum politissimum. 
 
 15. Delude Cubiculum grande, vel modica 
 Canada. 
 
 16, 17. Post hanc cubiculum, cum procoetone, 
 altitudiue astwum, munimentis hybernum. 
 
 1 8 . Hide cubiculo aliud. 
 
 19. Etprocoeton communi pariele junguntur. 
 
 20. hide balinei cella frigidaria spatiosa et 
 ejfusa, cujus in contrariis parietibus duo baptis- 
 teria velut ejecta sinuantur, ahunde capacia si 
 innare in proximo cogiles, adjacet unctuarium 
 hpocauiton adjacet propnigeon balinei. 
 
 On the left of the Cavadium, a little more 
 remote from the sea, than the Triclinium, or 
 dining room , ( zvere apparently the winter apart- 
 ments, consisting of ,) 
 
 9. A large bed-chamber, 
 
 10. Then another less. 
 
 1 1 . And to the angle formed by the two 
 rooms, (or by the Triclinium, and bed- 
 chamber) , was * added an elliptical Cubiculum, 
 used as a sort of library], admitting the sun 
 by its wiudows through the whole of its 
 course. 
 
 12. A sleeping room adjoins, as an ap- 
 pendage to it, with an intervening passage. 
 
 1 3. The remaining part of this wing was 
 appropriated to be apartments of slaves, and 
 freedmen; — but they were mostly so neat 
 that they might be used for guests. 
 
 On the other side of the Cavadium, (or in 
 the other wing) were, apparently, the summer 
 apartments, consisting of , 
 
 H. An highly finished chamber. 
 
 i s . And then, of what would serve either 
 for a large bed-chamber, or small supper 
 room. 
 
 16, 17. After this, ^summer bed-chamber, 
 from its height ; but a winter one from the 
 protection of its walls; with a closet. 
 
 IS. To this, another bed-chamber, 
 
 19. And an adjoining closet for a servant, 
 connected by one common wall. 
 
 20, no, 20, 20, 20. After this, the baths, 
 — with a spacious cooling room; projecting 
 from whose opposite walls were two cold 
 baths, large enough to swim in, if you 
 pleased ; and adjoining an anointing room, 
 an hypocaust ; adjoining also was the furnace 
 of the bath. 
 
 sometimes used as if they were synonymous; which is too apt to create doubt and con- 
 fusion of ideas. — The accurate distinction was seldom observed, because they all indeed 
 connectively related to a great court, and its entrance. 
 
 • For the sake of preserving a connexion with the preceding descriptions, I have ven- 
 tured in this translation to express in the preterhnperfect tense, what Pliny speaks of in the 
 present tense. 
 
208 
 
 21. Mox du<s Cella elegantes. 
 
 22. Coharel calida piscina mirifice, ex qua 
 nalantes mare aspiciunt. 
 
 33. JVec procul Spharisterium. 
 
 2<f. Hide Tunis erigitur,sub qua Diala 
 dua, — totidem in ipsa: — praterea Catnatio, qua 
 Idtissimum mare ; longissimum litus, amomissi- 
 mas vi/las prospicit. 
 
 2 5 . Est el alia Tunis : — in hoc Cubiculum, 
 in quo sot nascitur conditurque ; lata post apo- 
 theca et horreum. Sub hoc Triclinium, quod 
 turbati maris non nisifragarem et sonum patilur. 
 — Horlum et geslationem videt. 
 
 26. Gomatio remota a mari. 
 27 , 28. Cingitur diatis duabus a (ergo, 
 quorum jenestris subjacet vestibulum villa. 
 
 29, 3 0. Hinc Cry pto-port tens prope publici 
 operis instar extenditur. — Utrinque fenestra, a 
 mariplures, ab korlo singula. 
 
 21. Next were two elegant little bath 
 closets. 
 
 22. And then was closely connected, an 
 admirable warm bath, or reservoir, from 
 whence those who were swimming might be- 
 hold the sea. 
 
 23. And near this a circular building for 
 exercise at ball.* 
 
 2 -1 . 2 4 . Connected with this latter (and as 
 it s/iould seem, by a colonnade* in the front of 
 the house) was aTowcr, with two open summer 
 rooms at bottom; — and two more in it;— 
 besides a supper-room, [at top), which looked 
 upon a wide sea, a long shore, and most 
 beautiful villas. 
 
 25. And there was also connected another 
 Tower ; containing a bed-chamber, with the 
 advantage both of the rising and setting sun; 
 — beneath this a store room for fruit, and a 
 granary:? — and underneath a Triclinium (or 
 entertaining room), which even in a storm, 
 admitted only the sound of the dashino- of the 
 waves; — it looked upon the garden (gggg); 
 and place of exercise (eeee). 
 Evidently beyond this runs, 
 2 6. A supper room removed from the sea. 
 2 7, 2S. Which was inclosed behind by 
 two summer rooms, whose windows com- 
 manded a view of the entrance of the villa. 
 
 29, 3o. From hence extended a Crypto- 
 porticus, (manifestly with an inclosed gallery 
 behind it), nearly as distinguished as a public 
 work, — with windows on both sides, — many 
 
 next the sea, — few towards the garden. 
 
 * It plainly appears that this Spharisterium, or circular place for exercise at ball, was 
 not an open area ; but must have been a room, and indeed not a very large one ; because we 
 find, in Pliny's description of his Tuscan Villa, that it was above stairs. — His words (Lib. v. 
 Ep. 6.) are, " Apodyterio superpositum est spharisterium, quod plura genera exercitationis, 
 " P lm 'esque circulos capit." Over the undressing room is the circular place for exercise at ball, 
 which contains the accommodations for several sorts of exercise, and many circles. 
 
 + Xt appears most evidently, from Pliny's words, that both towers were connected, some 
 how or other, with the Spharisterium. 
 
 % It is almost imposible to read the description of this tower, with a granary and store 
 room, in the midst of it, and between such kind of apartments, without bringing to mind the 
 
209 
 
 3 1 . Ante Cryplo-porlicum xystus viotis odo- 
 ralus. 
 
 In capile xysti deinceps crypto-porticus, — 
 horti diata, est, amores met; — in hac, 
 
 3 2 . Heliocaminus quidem, alia xystecm, alia 
 mare, utraque sokm, cubiculum autem vatvis, 
 crypto~poi licum fenestra piospicit. 
 
 3 3 . Qua mare contra pariet em medium diata 
 perquam eleganter recedit : qua spccularibus et 
 vehs obductis reductisfjue mode adjicitur cubiculo, 
 mode aufertui . Ledum et duas catfiedras capit : 
 —apedibus mare, a tergo villa, a capite silva : 
 lot fades locorum totidem fenestris, et destinguit 
 et miscet. 
 
 3 4 . Junclum est cubiculum noclis et somni. 
 Jfon illud voces servulorum, non maris murmur, 
 non lempestatum motus, non fulgurum lumen, ac 
 
 31. And before the Crypto-porticus, a 
 terrace perfumed with violets. 
 
 At the end of the terrace, and of the Crypto- 
 porticus, (says Pliny) is the summer-house 
 of the garden, my delight ; containing, 
 
 3 2. A truly sunny apartment, which 
 looks one way towards the terrace, another 
 way towards the sea, and on both sides has 
 the advantage of the sun; — by its folding 
 door, it looks into the adjoining chamber; 
 and by a window into the Crypto-porticus. 
 
 3 3. On the part where it looks towards 
 the sea, in the midst of the wall ( fronting the 
 sea), is an elegant summer recess, receding 
 from the room ; — which by transparencies 
 (in doors) with curtains, either drawn or 
 undrawn, is sometimes added to the apart- 
 ment, and sometimes separated From it. It 
 holds a bed [or couch), and two chairs: the 
 feet of the bed are towards the sea ; its back 
 towards the villas ; its head towards the 
 woods: and these different views are both 
 diversified, and blended, by means of as 
 many different windows. 
 
 3 4. Adjoining is the bed-chamber for 
 the night, and sleep. This is neither annoyed 
 by the voices of young servants, the murmur 
 of the sea, the rumbling of tempests, or the 
 flashes of lightning; and indeed even day- 
 
 history of still more antient, and of ruder times;— when we read, in the Holy Scriptures, 
 (a Samual, chap, iv.) with regard to the assassination of Ishbosheth, the son of Saul, in what 
 was both an earlier, and a ruder kind of structure: that, 
 
 Ver. 5 . " The sons of R'tmmon the Beerolhiie, Rechab and Baanah, went and came about the 
 " heal of the day to the house of Ishbosheth, who lay on a bed at noon. 
 
 Ver. 6. " And they came thither into the midst of the house, as though they would 
 «< have fetched wheat ; and they smote him under (he fifth rib ; and Rechab and Baanah his 
 " brother escaped. 
 
 Ver . 7 . " For when they came into the house, he lay on his bed in his bed-chamber, and they smote 
 ' ' him and slew him, and beheaded him, and took his head, and gal them away through the plain 
 " all ttigftt.** 
 
 If Pliny, in his elegant villa, sleeping at the noon tide hour, even in the days of Trajan, 
 might yet be sleeping in an apartment so near a granary how much more possibly, in a 
 Syrian tower in Palestine, might Ishbosheth be sleeping near such a repository of corn.— So 
 
 ich more needful to be well protected in Ishbosheth' s days, than in 
 VOL. II. o H 
 
 Ptin 
 
210 
 
 ne dim qiiidem smlit, nisi fmtslris aperlis. light is not perceived, except the windows 
 
 7am alii abililique secreti ilia ratio, quod inter- are open The cause of such profound and 
 
 jacens andron parietem cuUaili hortique distill- retired privacy is, that a void space (between 
 guit, alqne ita omntm soman media inanitate the walls)* separates the wall of the chamber 
 emsmmt. and of the garden; and so, by the interven- 
 
 ing cavity, prevents the passage of sound. 
 3 5. Applicitnm est cuhiculo Ijpocauslum 35. Annexed to the bed-chamber is a very 
 perexiguum, quod augusta fenestra supposition small lrypocaust, which by a narrow aperture 
 calorem, ul ratio exigit, ant efundit, ant relinel. either lets out or retains the heat underneath 
 
 just as is required. 
 
 3 6, J7. Procoetm hide el cubicnlum porri- }C, 37. There is then a lobby (for a 
 gitur m solem quern orienlem statim exceplnm servant) and a chamber so situated, that it re- 
 utlra meridiem, obliquum quidem, sed tamen ceives the rays of the risinc- sun, and retains 
 serval. them (though obliquely indeed) till past 
 
 noon day. 
 
 The annexed plan, PI. H^I, in which all the figures are made to 
 correspond with the numbers prefixed to the several parts of the 
 preceding description, will explain ray idea of the whole. — As no 
 certain foundations however have been traced, I will not be so pre- 
 sumptuous now, at the end of more than seventeen hundred years, 
 as to affirm that this idea is precisely right. — But I am persuaded, 
 that it is very near the truth : and I cannot forbear adding an earnest 
 wish, that those who are curious, would peruse every word of Pliny s 
 Utter, (even those long digressions which have here been omitted,) 
 in order to apprehend still more fully, how exactly this plan agrees 
 with every part of his account ; and how it reconciles those incon- 
 sistences that at first sight appear to a reader, and some of which 
 first induced me to depart, (as I have done so entirely), from Mr. 
 Castell's plans. The striking correspondency also, that there is, 
 between the whole of Pliny's description, and the appearance of the 
 remains discovered at Woodchester , will by such perusal become still 
 more obvious. 
 
 It scarce needs be added, that according to my ideas at (cccc) 
 was the garden; with (eeee) the walk or place of exercise; — at 
 (ssss) the servants, and slaves place of exercise; — at (llll) the 
 shore ; and at (mm mm) the sea ; — and that whoever examines the 
 map, with regard to the situation of Laurentum, (the present St. 
 Laurenzo) will find the trending of the shore, — the hind of views 
 
 * This is exactly similar to what was discovered with regard to the apartment, No. to, 
 at Woodchester. 
 
/ 
 
211 
 
 from each apartment, as described by Pliny, — and tbe points of the 
 compass, — to agree most minutely with this plan. 
 
 Such seems to have been this greatvilla of the favourite oiTrajan; 
 ■ — but if we wish to entertain apprehensions, at all adequate to the 
 thankfulness which ought to fill our hearts, for the gradual improve- 
 ment of advancing ages, even in the midst of all their counterba- 
 lancing derangements, we cannot but be aware, that this mansion 
 wanted many of those which we are now habituated to deem 
 essential comforts ; — to say nothing of the benefit of those warm fire 
 hearths, of which Pliny, as appears from so many passages in his 
 letters, would have been so glad. 
 
 His Tuscan Villa appears unquestionably to have had two stories ; 
 — but yet not to have been so elegant as this, though larger, and 
 preferable to those he had at Tusculnm, Tibnr, and Pranaste ,* 
 
 His description of his Tuscumi- is indeed so vague, that it will not 
 admit of any attempt to form, at present, any decided plan of the 
 disposition of the apartments ; but still it is such, and contains so 
 many particulars, that we may venture to be assured Mr. Castell's 
 representation of its magnificence is by no means a right one.J 
 
 Thus far, as it appears to me, an impartial attention to the most 
 minute circumstances of Pliny's description may fairly conduct us: 
 — we may venture to rest satisfied, that it consisted of a long ex- 
 tended front, towards the south, two stories high ; with a portico 
 before it; — and with two considerable rooms as wings; — one of 
 which was a Triclinium, or state entertaining room ; the other Am- 
 plissimum Cubiculum, a very large chamber. 
 
 That, behind this range in front, was a square court, or Atrium; 
 (his words are Atrium ex more veterum) ; — and that this court had 
 apartments two stories high around it: whilst beyond it, and just 
 opposite to the middle of the portico, [contra mediamfere porticum,) 
 extended still further a second little court, with buildings round it, 
 [ditela paulum recedit, cingit areolam,) in the midst whereof was a 
 bason of water, and four plane trees, at the four corners. — And that 
 
 * See his own words, lib. v. Ep. 6. t Ibid. 
 
 X Mr. Castell seems to have been misled, by an attempt to bring the whole to accord with 
 Lord Builington's ideas of more modern Italian architecture, and by mistaking the nature 
 of the Allium, and taking it for a room. 
 
212 
 
 there was another lesser portico terminating this little projecting 
 Court. 
 
 We may conclude also, that there was here, at Pliny's T uscum, at 
 a small distance in the garden, a retired summer building, contain- 
 ing summer apartments, just as at Laurentum. — And the garden 
 itself seems to have been even more extensive, and more formal, 
 with its regular horse course, regular clipped trees, and regular 
 places for exercise, than that at Laurentum ; — whilst undoubtedly 
 the idea of water conducted in pipes to water all the greens round 
 the horse course; and numerous marble seats for resting, conveys 
 an idea of expensive manificence.* 
 
 But surely the little square court, the so obviously favourite, and 
 inner court of the house, (as appears from Pliny's own words when 
 he talks of it with such rapture), that had the fountain in the 
 midst, and a plane tree at every corner, and a painting of birds 
 sitting upon trees, (ramos, insidentesque ramis aves imilata pictura, cui 
 subest Jmiticulus) conveys no very high idea of real beauty, and 
 elegance ; any more than the part of the garden he boasts of, with 
 his own name, and his gardener's name, and many other names, as 
 well as figures of beasts, cut in box ; and with trees cut in the form of 
 pyramids, and various other figures : — or than that which he deemed 
 so great an ornament of the separate summer building ; — a marble 
 Stibadium, or bed, covered with an arbour, formed by a vine, close to 
 which was a large marble bason, into which the water flowed, as if 
 pressed out from the sides of the marble, by those lyingon this couch, 
 (velut expressa cubantium ponder e) ; — and which was so contrived as 
 not to overflow; — whilst the smaller dishes, at any entertainment 
 given here, were made to float upon the water, and represented 
 birds, and little ships ; — and the larger were placed upon the margin. 
 
 This short combination of facts, with regard to the Villas of Cicero, 
 and Pliny, at the same time that it throws light upon the remains of 
 Roman Villas discovered in Britain, may also justly lead us to observe 
 caution in forming any very high and exalted ideas of the real 
 elegance, or magnificence, in point of architecture, introduced by 
 
 * Per totum hippodromum inductis fistulis strepmit rivi, et qua minus duxit sequuntur. 
 
 His nunc ilia viridia, nunc hasc, interdum simul omnia, juvantur, I have sometimes 
 
 suspected, that the first idea of the garden, and water-works at Versailles, was taken from this 
 description. 
 
213 
 
 the Romans into this country. — It cannot be supposed to have ex- 
 ceeded that which was displayed in the mansions of these two great 
 men ; where yet tessellated floors, — plastered walls,* — cold, damp 
 apartments, darkened to keep them a little warmer, and with very 
 few advantages of transparent windows; — narrow porticos, sup- 
 ported by wooden pillars ; — and a great extent of nests of little 
 rooms, most frequently all upon the ground floor ; — and here and 
 there an hypocaust; — were the admired objects of luxury. 
 
 Perhaps, as a still further means of accounting for the several 
 detached hyjiocausls found in different parts of Britain, we ought also 
 to bring to mind the incidental circumstance mentioned by Pliny 
 at the end of his letter concerning his Laurenium ; that the Romans 
 were accustomed to have common baths, to which was access at a 
 certain price, in almost all their towns. For whilst, on the one 
 hand, it is very probable that some of the spots where remains of 
 hypocausts are now met with, were actually such kind of public 
 buildings, this circumstance may, on the other hand, illustrate still 
 further, the very manner in which Agricola, as has been related from 
 the words of Tacitus, endeavoured to introduce beneficial advantages 
 of civilization amongst the inhabitants of this island. 
 
 Pliny, in the latter end of his epistle, enumerating the many 
 recommendations of the situation of his Laurentum; says, of the 
 adjoining village of Ostia, 
 
 * Even the very fresco painting on these walls, would not be deemed a really desirable 
 or elegant ornament in these days, in which mankind have been so long accustomed to 
 a better and more pleasant kind of decoration. — Whoever examines the very accurate 
 specimens in Mr. Lyson's Book, PI. XXXI. will be convinced of this. — The rudeness of 
 the design, in the remains of the figures, transcends what could well be believed ; — and the 
 parts of the walls adorned with mere stripes of colours, must have bad a still worse effect. 
 
 Perhaps it will not be much beside the purpose to add ; that as to their common furniture, 
 — the red earthen ware, of which specimens were found at Woodchester, (represented by Mr. 
 Lyson's, PI. XXXII.) do not afford us an high idea of elegance in this point, any more 
 than the numerous curious fragments dug up at Lombard-street, in London, and at Lincoln; 
 (represented in the Archaeologia Vol. VIII. p. 120, 3 7 s ,) or than those that have been 
 brought from the rock on which the Roman ship laden therewith was formerly wrecked, 
 near the coast of Sandwich, in Kent, (Archxologia, Vol. V. p. 2 8 2. Vol. VI. p. i a i.) 
 Their real inferiority, in point of appearance, and cleanliness, to such earthen ware, and 
 China ware, either foreign, or European, as has now lung been in common use, must be 
 obvious to every unprejudiced eye. 
 
 VOL. II. 3 I 
 
214 
 
 " In hoc balinea meritoria tria. Magna commoditas, si forte 
 " balineum domi vel subitus adventus, vel brevior mora calefacere 
 " dissuadeat. 
 
 * this ( viI] age) are three hired baths; a great convenience, if either 
 ones sudden arrival, or short stay, hinders the heating of the hath at 
 home* 
 
 The Roman camps ;— the Roman walled stations and these 
 Roman villas, even in their most fragile parts;— do all of them 
 afford us sufficient traces, and indications of what they once were: 
 —but it is not a little remarkable, at the same time, that of Temples, 
 or Amphitheatres, or Basilica?, or of arched walls, or of arched gates'; 
 —so very few should be met with in Britain, when unquestionably 
 they stood as good a chance of being preserved here, as in Italy, 
 
 * A complete Roman bath seems to have contained usually, a cold bath, a warm bath, 
 and an hot bath ; besides which there were three little cells, with seats for sweating, rfdif. 
 ferent degrees of heat, used only occasionally; and to these was added a small apartment for 
 anointing—Their custom seems to have been most usually, first to anoint themselves 
 then to use violent exercise in the Sfhmsterium ;— and then to bathe—This appears from 
 the accounts of Vitruvius; and also partly from Ihe atmmt of Pliny s own bathing, given us 
 in that admtrable letter, where after he has so interestingly described his rational mode of 
 passing his morning hours at his Tuscum, lib. ix. E p . 3 o. He says, Hmm amlulo,-un«or, 
 exerceor, lave. I then walk again,— I am anointed,— I use my exercise,— I bathe. 
 
 And it ought not to pass unnoticed, that from this very letter it seems to appear, that the 
 windows of his apartment had no other fence from the external air than shutters ;-as he 
 usually kept them fast closed long after he was up, both for the sale of meditating more 
 intently, and of being retired. 
 
 " Evi 8 il0 Pkromque circa horam primam : claus* fenestra; manent. Mire 
 
 " emm silentio et tenebris animus alitor. Ab iis qua; avocant abductus, et liber, et mihi 
 "relictus, non oculos animo, sed anirnum oculis sequor, qui eadem qua; mens, vident, 
 
 " quoties non vident alia Notarium voco, etdie admisso, qua: formaveram dicto;— 
 
 " abit, rursusque revocatur, rursusque remittitur." 
 
 I awake generally about the fust hour, (six o'clock) -.—the windows remain shut;— for 0, 
 mind is astonishingly aided by silence and darkness. Abstracted from those things which diver t 
 attain, at liberty, and left to myself, I fellow not my eyes with my mind, but my mind with 
 my eyes, which (internally) discern the same things as the mind does, so long as they see m others 
 (externally). I cell the amanuensis, and letting in daylight, dictate what I had composed;— he 
 goes his way, — again is recalled, — and again sent off. 
 
 The sweating seats, or assa, were mentioned in Cicero 's Letter, referred to in p. 1 9 s ; and 
 a custom of sleeping, or taking what is called the siesta, after bathing, is intimated in his 
 olher letter referred to, p. 199. 
 
215 
 
 Greece, Dalmatia, Asia Minor, Egypt, or any other Roman provinces 
 where they ever had been at all erected. 
 
 The remains of what is called the Temple of Jama, at Leicester; 
 — the remains of a temple found at Bath ;* — those of the Pharos, and 
 Old Church, at Dover Castle ;+ — the remains of Roman arches at 
 Chester ;J— and those that did exist a very few years ago at Can- 
 terbury ; J — with those which (so reproachfully for the persons 
 concerned in their destruction), did once exist in what was called 
 Arthur s Oven, \\ are almost all that are known. 
 
 We must therefore be led to conclude, that in truth the Romans 
 considered Britain as a remote inferior province, and on that account 
 reared very few, if any edifices of any distinguished magnitude 
 or splendour in this Island. f 
 
 The wall of the supposed Temple of Janus, at Leicester, or the 
 Old Jewry Wall, as it is sometimes called, I examined myself in the 
 year 1 7 70. But even this Remain, does by no means convey any 
 idea of such kind of Roman magnificence, as we are taught to 
 apprehend existed in numerous instances on the continent. 
 
 Two great arches of good proportions, turned entirely with tiles, 
 remained on the outside, where had been the entrance ; and four, 
 still larger, turned in like manner with tiles, appeared on the 
 inside;'" with some smaller arches, and niches, placed at different 
 heights, and constructed of tiles like the others; — but it is most 
 
 ' There is a very curious account of these Remains published by Governor Pownal; 
 
 and another by Mr. Warner; — and also an account of them in the Archieologia, Vol. X. 
 p. 325. 
 
 + A particular account of this will be found in the following pages. 
 
 } A view of the Old East Gate at Chester, with its two arches, may be seen in Pennant's 
 Tour in North Wales, p. no. 
 
 § And some meDtion of the old Roman arches, at Riding-gate ; Worth-gate ; and 
 Qnenin-gate ; is still preserved in Mr. Gostling's Walk round Canterbury, p. 6, 7, 11. 
 See also Stunner, p. 10, 11, 16. 
 
 |] Representations of Arthur sOorn, may be seen in Pennant's Tour in Scotland, p. US; 
 and in General Roy's Military Antiquities, PI. XXXVI. 
 
 1 Some have thought the Werrj Wall, at Lancaster; and the Old Works, at Worcester, 
 to have been Roman works, but they do not can y decided marks of having been such 
 with them. 
 
 »» Of these there is a well known representation amongst Buck's Views ; and another in 
 Mr. Gough's Camden, Vol. II. p. »os. PI. IV. fig. i. 
 
216 
 
 remarkable, that in the forming and turning of these arches, the 
 intervening mortar is found to be nearly as thick, in many places, 
 as the tiles themselves ; a plain proof that there must also have 
 been originally intervening pebbles, or other coarse materials, to 
 keep them so asunder notwithstanding the pressure: which surely 
 discovers a style and mode of building, of a most negligent and 
 rude kind ; and such as is not to be compared, with that of the 
 well known old gate at Canterbury, where no such imperfection 
 was seen.* — And it is still more remarkable, and a proof of still 
 more negligent building, that the outside, and inside arches, (even 
 where the entrances seem to have been,) do not correspond exactly 
 in point of situation with each other, but stand quite awry, as if 
 they had been built by some such blundering architect as Cicero's 
 Diphilus. 
 
 What remained of this wall was about 70 feet in length, and 
 between 20 and 30 feet in height, and about 5 feet in thickness ; — 
 and, from the bottom to the top, it was built of alternate courses of 
 rag-stone, and of brick, in the Roman manner. — Each course of 
 bricks consisting generally of three rows, though the upper one of 
 all has only two ; — and the several bricks being of unequal dimen- 
 sions ; yet in general a little more, or a little less than 1 8 inches long, 
 and about li inch thick, or sometimes a little more; and about 10 or 
 12, or sometimes 15 inches broad. — Whilst here again the mortar 
 placed between each row, was found to be nearly as thick as the 
 bricks themselves. — The courses of stone, had not the same regularity 
 with the courses of brick: for they consisted sometimes of three, 
 and sometimes of four, or even of five rows of rough forest-stone, 
 or rag-stone ; and in some places the stones were manifestly flung 
 carelessly and promiscuously into the mortar, in all sorts of di- 
 rections. There have been counted by some persons, nine of these 
 courses of stone, and eight of brick ; i.e. in all seventeen; but I 
 could not make out so many when I viewed the Remain; — the 
 interruption of the small arches and niches, or the pulling down 
 
 * It grieves one exceedingly to be forced to add, that this is now pulled down ; as 
 to the account of it, see Gostling's Walk, p. 3 65 . I examined it myself attentively 
 in 17 75. 
 
217 
 
 some part of the wall, may possibly have been the cause that 
 prevented me. 
 
 In all these works of the Romans, either military or others, that 
 we have been considering, except in the supposed temple of Janus, 
 at Leicester, and in those remains that were at Canterbury , Dover, 
 and Chester, it is astonishing how Jew arches appear. — And this cir- 
 cumstance may induce us to suspect, that the Arch was really con- 
 sidered, in those days, even as a work of novel, and extraordinary 
 magnificence, and therefore seldom introduced. 
 
 There is reason to belive that many of the antient Roman bridges 
 were without any arches. 
 
 That celebrated one of Julius Casar, over the Rhine, constructed 
 of timber, certainly had none.* — That still greater fabric of stone, 
 built by Trajan, to form a passage over the Danube, described by 
 Dion ;+ and whose still remaining piers, are particularly described 
 by Count Marsigli,% as being without springs for arches, also ap- 
 pears to have had none. The word i+i'c, as used by Dion, seeming, 
 rather to imply merely a connection of one pier with the next, 
 which might be by frames of timber. 
 
 And as there are good reasons for concluding, that some of the old 
 piers that remained, still forming a part of the bridge at Newcastle, 
 which was at last destroyed in 177 1 ;} were in reality, the very 
 piers of an old Roman bridge at that place, we may venture to affirm, 
 that that also had none : — for they seemed clearly, to the workmen 
 employed to pull them down, to have been originally formed with- 
 out any springs for arches at all; whilst in those very piers were 
 found several Roman coins; and one particularly of Faustina the 
 elder. 
 
 But however this matter may have been with regard to any 
 bridges built in Britain ; we may venture to affirm, since the arches 
 at Chester, — the gate at Lincoln, — the arches at Dover of the Pharos, 
 
 * Cesar's Commentaries, lib. iv. sec. lj. 
 
 + Dion Cassius Reiinari, p. i 1 2 r ( . See also Monlaucon Antiq. Vol. IV. Part. i. 
 p. lSj. Tab. 115. And Brown's Travels, p. 6. 
 t Topogr. Danub. Tom, II. p. 22. Tab. 10. 
 J Pennant's Tour in Scotland, Part II. p. 313. 
 VOL. II. 3 K 
 
218 
 
 and Old Church, — and those of the curious old gates at Canterbury* 
 remained entire so long; — that if there really had been many other 
 considerable arches constructed by the Romans in Britain, some of 
 those others must have remained also; at least long enough to have 
 been preserved on record. — There are, however, no such traces to 
 be met with: — for as to Micklegate Bar at York, it has justly been 
 suspected not to have been a Roman work ;* and, indeed, even tiiat 
 at Lincoln seems to have been only British imitation. 
 
 The double gate at Chester, stood facing the great Watling-street 
 road, and near a place where other military ways united. It was 
 composed of two equal adjoining great arches, separated by a pillar, 
 
 and similar to the Porta Esquilina, and Porte portese at Rome ; 
 
 similar also to one in Spain. — It had, in modern ages, the addition 
 of a Norman casing, on the outside ; but that being afterwards taken 
 down, the true Roman architecture appeared full to view, for some 
 time, till at last the whole was destroyed only a few years ago.+ 
 
 The supposed Roman gate at Lincoln, of which Mr. Essex, with 
 so much accuracy investigated the proportions, J is indeed a mag- 
 nificent work:} — but if, with all its gross irregularities, and imper- 
 fections in point of architecture, — without any regular key stone, — 
 and with such irregular and disproportioned stones in the sides, — it 
 has nevertheless stood firm so long ; surely arches constructed in 
 a more perfect manner, as they might have been by the Romans, 
 (like their arches on the continent) would have stood a chance of 
 remaining at least as long, if not longer. 
 
 The arches of the Pharos at Dover, were in a kind of building, 
 which though it stood firm for so many ages, and has been only 
 wilfully destroyed by force at last, yet was apparently not of such 
 peculiar strength, but that one would think it must have perished 
 much sooner, by the lapse of ages, if the truth indeed were, that any 
 
 * See observations by Sir Henry Englefield, in tbe ArchlEologia, Vol. VI. p. 105. 
 
 And also tbe remarks ottbat skilful architect Mr. Essex, Vol. IV. p. 8 1. 
 
 + 1 here is a very curious representation of the Roman masonry of this gate, in Pennant's 
 Tour in Wales, p. 110. PI. XIII. 
 
 t Arcbjeolqgia, Vol. IV. p. s». 
 
 } There is a tolerable representation of it in tbe Gentleman's Magazine tor 1 7 ; 1 , Vol. 
 XLI. p. 200. 
 
219 
 
 other Roman arches have so perished in this island, and especially 
 such as were greater and more magnificent. 
 
 The old Roman arches at Canterbury, again, so lately remaining 
 and which were even still more slight in their construction, surely 
 stood little chance of being visible so long, if greater works, could 
 not be preserved. 
 
 The first of these, the curious old arch, called Worth-gate, (which 
 has within a very few years been most unnecessarily pulled down, 
 after much pains had been taken by discerning persons to preserve 
 it,) was 12x feet wide, and about I 3i feet in height, on the outside 
 of the wall ; but yet the thickness of the arch was only 2 feet 4 
 inches ; and the whole was merely turned with thin Roman bricks 
 or tiles, such as have been already so often described in these pages. 
 
 The Riding-gate at Canterbury, was nearly of the same con- 
 struction, only it had two contiguous arches, which would have 
 remained to this day, had not part been cut away to give the ne- 
 cessary height to the present gate of later construction. 
 
 So also part of another arch of the same sort, was still to be dis- 
 covered, when Mr. Gostling made his survey, on the outside of the 
 wall, at Ouenning gate.* 
 
 All these were but slight structures ; and surely Canterbury was a 
 place, of all others, ia consequence of its being a city of pilgrimage, 
 trade, and continual resort, where such slight remains of Roman 
 grandeur were more likely to have stood in the way, and therefore 
 to have been destroyed, than any arches that can be supposed to 
 have existed elsewhere. 
 
 We read indeed of a Temple of Claudius, at Camalodunum, into 
 which the garrison retired to defend themselves, when that Colony 
 which was the first and most important one the Romans had, was 
 attacked by Boadicea and the revolting Britons ; but we find that 
 this Temple was soon taken by storm, and destroyed. And from the 
 expression of Tacitus, that the soldiers (tzvo hundred only in number,) 
 were crowded together in it; we may fairly conclude that it was not 
 an edifice of any extraordinary dimensions, or really great magni- 
 ficence, notwithstanding the nervous force of his words'. + 
 * See Goatling's walk round Canterbury, p. ;, 3oi, c, 1 1. 
 
 + The words of Tacitus arc :— Templura, Divo Claudio constitu'.um, quasi arx Menne 
 domination!, ad^icicbatur, kc. St* Sec— Templura, in quo se miles conglobaverat, biduo 
 
220 
 
 Camalodunum, with its supposed Magnificent Temple (which seems 
 to have been situated nearly where now stands Maiden in Essex,) 
 being thus utterly destroyed by Boadicea, and the Iceni ; — London, 
 York, Winchester, Bath, Lincoln, Chester, and Carlcon, were afterwards 
 the most considerable colonial cities of the Romans.. — Here therefore 
 we might have expected to find Roman arches in great numbers. 
 
 At Winchester (Venta Belgarum) we have every reason to believe 
 with Camden, from the fairest consideration of the words of the 
 Nolitia Imperii, there was even an Imperial manufacture of cloth for 
 the use of the Roman army;" but at Winchester we look for 
 Roman arches in vain. 
 
 Agriculture was so greatly improved under Roman auspices, 
 that the Emperor Julian loaded no less than eight hundred ships, 
 in one voyage, with corn from Britain ;+ and we are told this island 
 was indeed then even more plentiful and abundant, than it was 
 during a thousand years afterwards ; but where are the remains of 
 Roman arches at any ports? J 
 
 obsessum, expugnatumque. — Taciti Annalium, iib. xiv. sec. 3\, 3 2. Those who do not 
 habituate themselves to ideas of mensuration, and calculation, cannot readily conceive in how 
 small a compass a vast number of forces may be collected, allowing 4 square feet for every 
 man, which is very nearly as much as regular troops require when drawn up in pressing 
 circumstances, suchas those mentioned by Tacitus. — Two thousand five hundred men mio-ht 
 even act with effect, for defence, in a space of 200 fed, by 5 0, or of 100 feet square. — -What 
 then can we think of tins supposed magnificent temple, at Camalodunum, when even two 
 hundred men were crowded together in it? For tot) hundred mm would indeed have had space 
 more than sufficient to defend themselves effectually, in an area of 50 feet by 20. — Such 
 probably, and not more, was the utmost extent of the dimensions of this wonderful temple 
 of Claudius. — And indeed it could not well have been near so large, if in truth the garrison 
 when retired into it were croivded together ; who, we are expressly told, by Tacitus, consisted 
 of no more than (wo hundred men, indifferently armed ; (hand amplius quam duccnlos, sine justis 
 arims misit, lib. xiv. sec. 32.) — The area of the small Sacellum at Richborough, 43 feet 
 S inches, by 1 9 feet, so accurately measured by Mr. Boys, and described in the beginning 
 of these inquiries, would have admitted room for the same number to have acted with ad- 
 vantage. — And surely it cannot be forgotten, by any one acquainted with history, in what 
 manner Charles the Twelfth of Sweden, with about sixty solditrs, (if Voltaire is at all to be 
 depended upon) defended himself for a considerable time, in the mere hall of a small house 
 at Bender, against the whole Turkish army consisting of six thousand Turks, and two 
 thousand Tartars. Voltaire's History of 'Charles the Twelfth, p. 76, as* 
 • Gough's Camden, Vol. I. p. 117. 
 
 f See Zosimi Hist. lib. iii.; and Ammian. Marcellin. lib. xviii. cap. 2. 
 
 % See some very judicious observations in Henry's History of Great Britain, Vol. II. p. 93 . 
 
221 
 
 At Lincoln, York, Chester, and Carleon, were Seminaries of Learning, 
 and lor teaching the Roman language, and also Greek, in which the 
 British youth made such great proficiency, that Agricola, even in 
 the dawn of this introduction of learning, bestowed the highest 
 encomiums upon them.* 
 
 In these places therefore, if in any, we might expect to behold 
 the greatest and grandest remains of architecture, and arches in 
 abundance. 
 
 But unless we can suppose the greatest and grandest remains to 
 have perished, whilst, in the same places, slight and inferior works 
 were preserved, we must fairly acknowledge, notwithstanding any 
 early prejudices, that no such works, or even vestiges of any such, 
 (except the solitary British Roman Gate at Lincoln,) did ever on 
 these spots exist. 
 
 Neither the bronze head dug up at Bath (the antient Aqua; Solis,) 
 nor the Roman baths, no nor even the remains of the Temple there 
 discovered, are indications of the contrary, but just the reverse; — 
 for if such remains have been by any means preserved, surely more 
 important and magnificent remains, with their arches, might have 
 had continuance? 
 
 Agricola indeed persuaded the Britons, to build what were called 
 commodious houses, in lieu of their savage inconvenient circular 
 huts and bods ;+ — and to build Halls ; — Basilica; — Temples; — and 
 Forums: but, in consistency with common sense, and the appear- 
 ance of all the remains that have ever been dug up, or brought to 
 light, we may rest assured, that even the Halls and Temples, were 
 of no great dimensions ; and that the commodious houses, were in 
 general, one degree only above the circular huts, and bods ; though 
 perhaps we may allow them to have been as good as those wherein 
 the inferior classes of people dwelt in Rome itself. J 
 
 * Tacit. Vita Agric. cap. 2.; and see also ffitb regard to subsequent times, Cod. Theod. 
 Tom. III. lib. xiii. tit. 3. leg. II. p. «o. as to tbe study of Greek, 
 t Tacit. Vita Agric. cap. 2 I . 
 
 X Perhaps it should not he passed unnoticed, that though every vestige of any Roman 
 building is gone, yet that the appearance of the regular form of a little Roman town, is still 
 preserved at Ustc in Monmouthshire ; — where, by a strange concurrence of circumstances, 
 in this sequestered spot, buildings have been continued to he erected, from age to age, almost 
 exactly where the foundations of the original edifices stood. — And in consequence of this, 
 
222 
 
 According to the testimony of BoetMus* we had a specimen of 
 one of their Temples, built in the time of Vespasian, remaining in 
 that singular little structure called Arthurs Oven, not far from the 
 wall of Antoninus : — for he tells us, there was formerly, according 
 to the tradition of the country, an inscription on a stone, declaring 
 that the building was erected by Vespasian, in honour of the Emperor 
 Claudius, and of the Goddess Victory. This building, however, 
 surely did not tend to give us any magnificent idea of such sort of 
 temples. — It had indeed a tessellated pavement: — but it was only a 
 small circular structure, I9| feet in diameter within, arched towards 
 the top, with a round aperture, or opening (like that of the Pantheon 
 at Rome) in the midst of the dome, 1 1 feet 6 inches in diameter ; 
 and having the utmost height to the periphery, or edge of this aper- 
 ture, from the floor, only 22 feet. 
 
 At a little distance from the top, beneath the circular opening in 
 the midst of the dome, was a small square window, on one side ;— 
 and round the inside, resting on the floor, were stone seats ,— and 
 against the wall, on the south side, an altar;— the door of entrance, 
 which had a regular Roman arch, being placed under the square 
 window. + 
 
 We see therefore that arches, and domes, were indeed only in an 
 imperfect degree, and on a small scale, introduced by the Romans 
 into Britain. Nor is this at all suprising; if we are indeed to con- 
 clude, that the arch itself was, in those days, in reality only a recent 
 invention. 
 
 whoever looks clown from the rock on which the castle stands, upon this now pretty, little, 
 regular town, with its four square divisions containing its gardens, may see, (allowing only 
 for the difference of more modern structures,) thai which was perhaps one of the best 
 advantages introduced by Agricola, the regular arrangement of the streets, and parts of an 
 old Colonial Roman city. 
 * Lib. iii. p. 31. 
 
 t This interesting remain was pulled down, about the year lUi, merely for the sake 
 of using the stones in the construction of a mill-dam, by Sir Michael Bruce of Stone-house, 
 near Falkirk; whose conduct, on this occasion, was as unprofitable to himself, as it was 
 mischievous to the learned, and curious; for a violent flood of the river soon carried all 
 away.— An account of the illiberal treatment of the public in this business, is preserved 
 with due reproof, in the Antiquarian Repertory, Vol. HI. p. 7 3 . 
 
 See also Pennants' Tour in Scotland, Part I. p. lit, and Part II. p. j 28 ; and General 
 Roy's Military Antiquities, PI. XXXVI.; and Gordon's Itin. Septentr. p. u. Tab. IV. 
 
223 
 
 It may therefore now, be exceedingly well deserving our attention, 
 to consider a little, whether it be possible to discover, when? — -and 
 zuhere? — or at least, in what age, the arch could possibly have been 
 first brought into use? 
 
 From the time that mention is, in the very first instance, made of 
 the appearance of the splendid bow in theCloud being appointed, by 
 ALMIGHTY GOD HIMSELF, as the token of a Divine Covenant 
 with Noah ; (which pledge all generations have continually beheld 
 with so much heartfelt delight, and reverential awe,) we find no 
 mention of any human imitation to resemble it, or of any arch, 
 constructed of any sort of materials whatever, either in the Holy 
 Scriptures ; — or in Homer ; — or in Herodotus ; — nor indeed do the 
 Greeks seem to have had even a word in their language, whereby 
 properly'' to express the idea of any such thing, in architecture. 
 
 The Temple of Solomon certainly had no arches. We have so full 
 and particular an account of the whole structure of that glorious 
 Edifice, (which seems in truth to have been the first pattern of 
 regular and elegant architecture that ever existed in the world) that 
 there can remain no doubt of the fact. — And whoever peruses, with 
 due consideration, the minute descriptions, in the First Book of 
 Kings, and in the Second Book of Chronicles , will soon obtain entire 
 satisfaction as to this matter. 
 
 The whole plan of the temple, (which had been indeed, even by 
 divine inspiration, conceived in the mind of David) was delivered, 
 by Him, to his SonSolomon, with a strict injunction, to adhere closely 
 to it. — And we find therein, the beautiful proportions, of the Cube, 
 and Double Cube, introduced on a larger scale, as they had originally 
 (by a similar, and still more decided divine admonition,) been in- 
 troduced, on a smaller scale, in the Tabernacle reared by Moses. 
 
 We find also a fine proportion in the parts of the great pillars. + 
 
 * The word "Aj'tc which was used, in stmie instances, by Dion Cassius, and other writers, 
 after the time of Augustus, to convey the idea of an arch; is acknowledged by H. Stephens, 
 Tom. I. p. 495, not by any means necessarily, (and indeed even with difficulty, and most 
 imperfectly,) to convey any such idea. And the LXX. in their Version of the Holy 
 Scriptures, were obliged to have recourse even to the word to£ov, (a bow for shooting), to 
 describe the glorious Rainbow, where mention is made of its being appointed as the token of 
 the everlasting covenant of mercy with Noah. 
 
 + It will plainly appear, to any one who bestows due attention upon the words of Sacred 
 
224 
 
 But, although the shadowing wings of the high Cherubims, 
 meeting over The Ark of the Covenant in the Holy of Holies; and 
 the meeting of the branches of the palm trees, (with the figures of 
 which, carved, and covered with gold, the walls were adorned,) 
 
 Writ, that, in the Tabernacle, the Holy of Holies, where the Ark was placed, was a cube 
 of about 15 feet, (Exodus, chap. xxvi. ver. 22, 23, 25); and the Holy place, where the 
 Golden Lamps, and the Table of Shew bread stood, was a double cube of fifteen. (Exodus, 
 chap. xxvi. ver. I 6.) 
 
 This Tabernacle was by express Divine Injunction, constructed exactly according to the 
 pattern which was shewed to Moses, in a vision, in the Mount, (Exodus, chap. xxv. ver. 9.); 
 — and, in like manner, the Temple of Solomon was built exactly according to the plan which 
 was given by King David to his Son, with express injunctions to observe it ; and which, we 
 are positively told, was conceived in Ids mind, by Divine Inspiration, ( 1 Chron. chap, xxviii. 
 ver. 19.); and here again, the Holy of Holies was a cube, but of still larger dimensions, being 
 of 30 feet, and the Holy place, before it, was also a double cube of 3 feet, (1 Kings, chap. 
 
 2 Chron. chap. iii. ver. 8.) : so dial the first introduction of these very 
 
 ver. 20, 
 
 fine architectural proportions into the worid, seems even to have been a matter of positive 
 and express revelation ,— as indeed all true and fine inventions, even in subsequent ages, 
 ought perhaps ever to be considered as a species of inspiration from that Divine Being, Who 
 alone is the source of all wisdom, and knowledge. 
 
 The other proportions of this sacred building, the Temple, are found to be no less truly 
 admirable. 
 
 The whole structure, which was 00 feet long; was uf the height of 45 feet, (1 Kings, 
 chap. vi. ver. 2.) ; and the front, over the porch, for the sake of more beautiful appearance, 
 on the outside, seems to have been adorned with a towering edifice of some kind or other, 
 rising still higher, to the elevation of ISO feet, (s Chron. chap. iii. ver. a.) 
 
 The Brazen Pillars, or two great Columns standing before the gate of the Temple, were, in 
 lite manner, of fine proportions ;— for they seem to have been 6 feet in diameter, and 52 
 feel 111 height; that is, about eighteen modules, or nine diameters in height; the very finest 
 proportion which we are now acquainted with for the Ionic column; the most beautiful 
 perhaps of all the orders. This fact will appear evident, from comparing ( 1 Kings, chap, 
 vii. ver. 15.) with (2 Chron. chap. iii. ver. 15.) although there is, in the first passage, a 
 proportion mentioned as to height, that introduces some little degree of confusion. The 
 capitals also, with regard to which there is no confusion in the accounts, were, we may 
 perceive, of very fine dimensions, and construction ;— 6 feet in diameter, exclusive of the 
 projecting ornaments; and 7ifeet in height, (1 Kings, chap. vii. ver. 16, 17, 18, 19, 20. 
 2 Chron. chap. iii. ver. 15, 10.) 
 
 The porch, or portico of the temple itself, was in length 30 feet;— in depth, or width, 
 15 feet; — and in open height 45 feet, ( I Kings, chap. vi. ver. 5, 3.) 
 
 1 he Cherubims, standing on each side the ark, were 1 5 feet high ; and their wines, which 
 were extended to meet each other, were 7i feet, (1 Kings, chap. vi. ver.23,21, 25.); and 
 the dimensions of the Cherubims, and palm trees, on the wall, which were of carved work 
 covered with gold, seem to have been of just the same proportions. ( I Kings, chap. vi. 
 
225 
 
 might convey somewhat of the idea of a sort of Gothic Arch, to a 
 mind accustomed to the structures of these latter ages ; as indeed 
 the meeting of the branches of rows of natural trees has often 
 done ; yet no real arch of any kind whatever, appears to have been 
 at all introduced, in any part of the whole Building ; or in any 
 Building whatever, for a thousand years afterwards. 
 
 For even in the second Temple, built after the captivity, it 
 seems clearly, by the words of Esdras*, that there was no Arch, 
 either in the stately cloysters, or in the Holy House itself, on its 
 being first rebuilt ; whatever there might be when it was further 
 re-edified by Herod. 
 
 And, in truth, from all that can be made out concerning this 
 Sacred Structure, in the account given by Joseplms of its final 
 destruction, we may still further infer, that even Herod had con- 
 structed no arch, at least in the House itself, or in the Cloysters, 
 whatever he might have done in any of the gateways. 
 
 For we actually find the greatest part of the cloysters of the 
 Temple are affirmed to have been constructed of beams of wood, 
 laid across over head, upon massy pillars ; though indeed their 
 outward side wall was of stone, and twelve feet thick. 
 
 Having been first told, that the seditious, in order to prevent 
 the Romans from taking the Temple through the castle of Antonia, 
 had set the north-west cloyster on fire+; we are then informed, 
 
 v. 2 9, 3 1 , 3 2. ) — These might possibly, by the union either of the wings of the one, or 
 of the branches of the other, have conveyed some idea of an arch : but the imitation 
 thereof seems to have gone no further. 
 
 Sir Isaac Newton, in the curious detail which he has given us of his idea concerning 
 the plan of the Temple of Solomon, united with the plan of Ezekiels prophetical temple, 
 speaks, indeed, of arches ; but, from the manner in which he distinguishes his words 
 arched passages {See his Chronology, p. 2 4 3 , Bishop Hoi seley's edition], it is manifest, 
 that he was aware there xvas no authority for such an expression, either in the original 
 Hebrew, or Greek — And from the manner in which he so evidently describes rows of 
 cedar beams as supporting the building ; and as lying upon pillars of cedar in the upper stones; 
 and supported by the pillars of marble, on the ground beneath (p. 2 3 8 .), it should seem, 
 that what he merely inadvertently calls arched passages, were only covered passages, with 
 flat imposts lying on them, from pillar to pillar. 
 
 * 1 Esdras, cap. vi. v. 4, 9, 25. 
 
 + Josephus de Bellojud. lib. vi. cap. 2. sec. 9. 
 
 VOL. II. 3 M 
 
226 
 
 that after this, they filled that part of the western cloyster, which 
 was between the beams and the roof, * with dry materials, and with 
 bitumen and pitch ; and that setting the whole on fire, the flame 
 burst out on every side. And yet, at the same time, we may be 
 well assured, this roof was flat, according to the general usage of 
 building in Eastern countries ; not only because the Roman soldiers 
 were actually, at this very time, scaling the walls with ladders, 
 and getting upon it as an important post j but because we also 
 know, that before the war with the Romans broke out, this roof of 
 the cloysters^ was even the accustomed station of the Roman guard, 
 to preserve order, during the time of great public festivals. 
 
 Again we find, that the next day the Romans burnt down the 
 northern cloyster entirely. I — And when the Temple was finally 
 taken, many Jews perished by falling amongst the ruins of the 
 cloyster s, which we are told were still hot and smoaking.$ And 
 some of the priests, who were upon the roof of the Building, saved 
 their lives, for a time, merely by retiring to the top of the stone 
 wall, that was eight cubits (or at least twelve feet) broad. || 
 
 But had either the cloysters of the Temple, or the Holy House 
 itself, been supported by arches, we may surely reasonably think 
 the description of the burning, and of the ruins, would have 
 been far, very far, different. 
 
 And indeed, besides these circumstances attending the final de- 
 struction of the cloysters, there are some related previous to the 
 commencement of the last Jewish war, which fairly lead us to 
 draw the same inference. 
 
 For we find that the Seditious, in order to prevent Florus, the 
 Roman governor, from getting possession of the Temple through the 
 tower of Antonia, got upon the cloysters that joined the temple to 
 that Tower, and cut them down, f teo-izc; which effectually pre- 
 vented Florus ; and caused him to despair of his attempt. 
 
 We find also, even before this, an instance, although the cloys- 
 ters of the Temple were manifestly covered with a flat terrass, yet 
 of their being easily destroyed by fire. For when the soldiers of 
 
 * Josephus de Bello Jud. lib. vi, cap. 3. sec. I. 
 X Ibid. lib. vi. cap. 3. sec. 2. 
 || Ibid. lib. vi. cap. 5. sec. 1. 
 
 t Ibid. lib. ii. cap. la. sec. 1. 
 § Ibid. lib. vi. cap. 4. sec. 6. 
 U Ibid. lib. ii. cap. 15. sec. 6. 
 
227 
 
 Sabinus, the Roman general, in the time of Archelaus, just after the 
 death of Herod, at the Feast of the Passover, forced themselves into 
 the Temple, in order to quell a tumult ; the Jews got upon the top 
 of the cloysters, and throwing down darts, slew many of the 
 Romans, whereupon the Roman soldiers set fire to the cloysters ;* 
 and suddenly those above were encompassed with the flame, and many 
 of them perished. — Which shews how manifestly the whole was 
 supported with beams of timber, rather than with arches of stone, 
 
 This was the very event which seems first to have given occa- 
 sion to the custom of the Romans placing a guard of soldiers, at great 
 festivals, on the roof of the cloysters, all round the Temple, to pre- 
 vent disturbances. And this custom became at last, by means of 
 one of those unaccountable trifling incidents on which great events 
 often turn, most strangely, one of the principal causes of the 
 breaking out of the final fatal war. 
 
 The indecent gesture, and most vulgar mocking, of a disorderly 
 Roman soldier, stationed with the rest of his band on the roof of 
 the Cloysters, at the Feast of unleavened bread, produced at once, 
 in its immediate consequences, the most dire catastrophe that ever 
 took place on the face of the earth. t 
 
 Another short piece of curious history ought perhaps also to be 
 mentioned, before we pass from the consideration of this Sacred 
 Edifice ; because it does indeed seem to lead us to conclude, that in 
 Herod's, gate of the Temple, there might possibly be some niches, 
 and arches ; — which most probably were some of the very first that 
 ever appeared in the world. 
 
 When, by mistake, Herod was reported to be dead, Josephas 
 says, J certain zealous Jews, indignant at his having placed a 
 golden eagle over the great gate of the Temple, caused themselves to 
 be let down from the top with thick ropes, at mid day, and cut the 
 eagle in pieces with axes : for which, after Herod had a little reco- 
 vered, both they, and their advisers, were burnt alive ; — and suffered 
 as true martyrs to what they deemed the cause of righteousness. — 
 The tale is a sad and dismal one. — But, herein, we have a sort of 
 
 * De Bello Jud. lib. ii. cap. 3. sec. J. 
 X Ibid. lib. i. cap. 33. sec. 3 and 4. 
 
 r Ibid. lib. ii. cap. 12. sec. 1. 
 
228 
 
 tacit intimation (from the manner in which they were forced to be 
 let down by ropes to come at the figure) that the eagle, the object 
 of their abomination, was placed in some niche over the gateway, 
 which might possibly itself be an arched one, placed at the 
 bottom of an high tower, from whose battlements in front, these 
 zealous Jews were let down with cords, just far enough to reach the 
 niche, and so to perform their work. 
 
 As in other parts, even of Herod's Temple, there seems plainly 
 to have been no Arch, and as in Solomons Temple there seems 
 still more certainly to have been none ; so the same observation, 
 concerning the non-existence of the architectural arch, may be 
 made also decidedly, with regard to Solomon's house, in the Forest 
 of Lebanon ; which he built so very magnificently, together with 
 his house in Jerusalem, that it required no less than thirteen years 
 to complete them. 
 
 In these stately Palaces, although immensely great stones were 
 used, some fifteen feet, and others twelve feet, in length, for the 
 constructing of the walls;* yet we are expressly told, that the 
 covering above, was upon rows of cedar pillars, with cedar beams 
 ■upon the pillars,* whilst the stones seem to have been used only 
 for the walls, and principally in the outward walls. 
 
 The house of the Forest of Lebanon, seems evidently to have 
 surrounded a court, one hundred and fifty feet in length, and 
 seventy-five feet in breadth ; and to have had an open portico, or 
 gallery, on every side next the court, supported by cedar pillars ; 
 with small rooms over in three stories (or rows), carried up to 
 the height of forty-five feet. J In which respect, it very nearly 
 resembles the description that Homer has given us of the Palace 
 of Priam. — And Solomon's own house, where he dwelt in Jerusalem, 
 had, we find, an additional court ;} whilst there were open por- 
 ticos in the fronts of both these palaces: — And whilst, from the 
 account given of the steps ascending to his magnificent throne, j| 
 we may be convinced they were not deficient in having the ad- 
 vantage even in those early days, in Syria, of steps, and staircases 
 
 * i Kings, cap. vii. ver. 10. 
 
 X Ibid. cap. vii. ver. 2, 3, and 4. 
 
 |] s Chron. cap. ix. ver. is. 
 
 t Ibid. cap. vii. ver. 2, and 3. 
 $ Ibid. cap. vii. ver. is. 
 
229 
 
 regularly formed.— Express mention is made of a regular winding 
 staircase, ciXmrq iviCaaic, ascending to the chambers on the sides of 
 the House of the temple : but there is not the least intimation of any 
 arches ; and, indeed, from the particular description of the con- 
 struction of those chambers,* it appears that there could be none, 
 either in them, or in the Sacred House itself. 
 
 Throughout all the books of Homer, there is no mention of an 
 
 arch, either in the Iliad or Odyssey, from one end to the other : 
 
 no, not where we might most of all expect some description of such 
 stately ornament ; — not even in the account of the palace of Priam. 
 
 Pope, indeed, in his translation, more elegant than correct, tells 
 us of arches and domes, in that palace ; but we find no such things, 
 in reality, mentioned in the original. 
 
 Popes words are, Iliad, Book vi. 1. 304, 8cc. 
 
 And now to Priam's stately courts he came, 
 Rais'd on arch'd columns of stupendous frame ; 
 O'er these a range of marble structure runs, 
 The rich pavilions of his fifty sons, 
 In fifty chambers lodged : and rooms of state 
 Opposed to those, where Priam's daughters sate: 
 Twelve domes for them and their lov'd spouses shone, 
 Of equal beauty, and ofpolish'd stone. 
 
 But to say nothing of the inconsistency of the expression, arched 
 columns ; — nor of the almost bombast expression concerning the 
 pavilions ; — in Homer's words+ we find simply, that it was built 
 
 with porticos of hewn stone, 
 
 ataxia al6aia\at riTvyitevoy, 
 Which conveys exactly the idea of a building reared upon stone 
 pillars, supporting either beams of timber, or transom stones, like 
 those of Egypt, or of Persepolis. — And we find also, that there were 
 in it, not either fifty pavilions, or twelve domes; — but simply, that 
 there were fifty cells, or small chambers, for the sons ; and twelve 
 
 * 1 Kings, cliap. vi. vcr. 8. 
 + Iliad, lib. vi. ver. 2 43. 
 
 vol. ii; Sn 
 
230 
 
 others for the daughters, on the opposite sides of the court : the 
 words are, 
 
 IltvTtixQvf yearn JiXaitoi Ssaroio XiSoto 
 Itkt[Oki aXXty-ov idjandnor svQctSl Kti&c 
 KoiitSvh n^ii(Loio xstqcc ^vriarTiQ iXo^otar 
 Kav^ioi' 8 ireqoOep frwlfoi si>So8zi> izwXrjf* 
 JdSsx ioxv reycoi SiXzuot haxdio Xidoio 
 IlXriahi zXXiXar islymzm • h'SMs ya.tf.Qooi 
 Kotitario IJoiinow jrzj' scihinf iXiypiour 
 
 Iliad, lib. vi. I. 2 4 4, &c. 
 
 which we may perhaps venture to translate a little more closely, as 
 follows: 
 
 Of well wrought stone full fifty chambers were 
 Fast by each other plac'd , — within, the sons 
 Of Priam slept, close to their spotless dames. 
 Oppos'd to these, embosom'd in the court, 
 Twelve cover'd chambers more, as nicely form'd, 
 Contain'd the daughters, and their rightful lords, 
 Priam's adopted, in fast wedlock bound. 
 
 Whilst at the same time we cannot but perceive, that the words 
 HX\!i'm iXX-qXov SsSnmihoi twice repeated, and so cautiously used in 
 both parts of the description, convey most obviously the idea of 
 such sort of small chambers, as we read of in the Holy Scriptures to 
 have been constructed on each side of the temple of Solomon ; + — 
 
 * From the use of the word here, it is manifest, most decidedly, that by mmJc Homer 
 meant an open square court, or Atrium* 
 
 If all the chambers of Priam's sons were placed in one row, on one side of the court, 
 and in a building only one story high, it must have been about 5 00 feet square ; but if we 
 conclude, as seems most probable, that they took up three sides of the court, then it need 
 not have been more than 200 feet square. — And upon the still more probable supposition, 
 that there were two rows, one behind the portico on the ground, and one above, this court 
 need not have been of more extent than 1 00 feet square; — or Iilte Solomon's House in the 
 Forest of Lebanon, of 1 5 o feet by 7 5 . ( 1 King's, chap. vii. ver. a ) ; — which latter dimen- 
 sions would contain also sufficient room for additional apartments of state. 
 
 + I Kings, chap. vi. ver. 6. 
 
 - 
 
231 
 
 of 8 feet, 9 feet, and 10| feet wide; — or at best of such little apart- 
 ments, of 12 feet by 12, as were in common use even in Roman 
 times, rather than of any spacious vaulted rooms. 
 
 The real account of Priam's palace seems therefore to have 
 been, that it consisted of a square court, surrounded by a portico, 
 with pillars, and rude entablatures all around it, much like those so 
 lately found in the antient buildings of Egypt ; over which portico, 
 and behind it, were ranges of chambers, in general not more than 
 10 or 12 feet wide. 
 
 Other verses also in Pope's translation of the Iliad, in which he 
 mentions domes, have just as little support for the introduction of 
 such an idea in the original. 
 
 He says of Andromache, 
 
 Far in the close recesses of the dome, 
 
 Pensive she flyd the melancholy loom. Book xxii. 1. 566. 
 
 But the words in the original, pugS oopo-j d^Ioio* have no reference 
 to any such thing as a dome; for they only fairly give us the idea 
 of a little sequestered small cfiamber, in one of the towers^- of the palace. 
 
 * Lib. xxii. 1. 440* 
 
 + The same observation may be made with regard to another passage in the same book, 
 line 594, where what he calls dome, is found to be merely the house or palace; and where 
 again a principal lower, as a mast particular part of the building, is more expressly mentioned 
 in the original, line 402. 
 
 Again, where Pope tells us of the daughters of Priam, 
 
 Whose shrieks and clamours Jill the vaulted dome. Book xxiv. I. 204. 
 
 We read only plainly in the original lines 1 1 , 1 6 fi , that Priam sat in the midst of his sons 
 hlohv Aw, within the Atrium, or Court ;— and that his daughters, and their nurses, mourned 
 w» tiupttf, in every part of the house;— or throughout the whole house. 
 
 And the same sort of observations may be made with regard to all the several passages 
 throughout the whole of the Odyssey. 
 
 In Pope's translation we find as 
 follows : 
 
 B. i. I. 1 6fi, to the dome. - - - 
 S 9 S , dome. ... 
 
 53 6, their domes. 
 
 But in the corresponding verses in the original 
 we find, 
 
 Lib. i. I, i a 6 , Scfm vfyyXoTo, — lofty home. 
 
 232, 233, not one word of the 
 
 kind, hut simply the word cikoj, home or house. 
 "" ■ - - 42 4, o'lKovli Uu(TTog, — -each to his 
 house. 
 
232 
 
 And as Homer indeed describes ?io Arch, — so we may now, from 
 the observations also of the most accurate travellers rest assured, that 
 
 In Pope's translation again we find, 
 B. iv. 1.407, illumiri d dome. 
 
 vi. 364, from every dome. 
 vii. 57, domes. - - 
 
 viii. 51, to the dome. 
 
 viii. 4 95, Full where the dome its 
 shining valves expands* 
 
 dome. 
 
 i. 126, the royal dome, - - 
 252, on the threshold of the 
 s 9 9 , eccho'd from the dome. 
 
 xii. 17 9, swift to her Joins. 
 
 xiv. -45 3 , to their lowly dome. - 
 
 xvi. 41, they reached the dome, 
 the dome with marble shined. 
 
 360, issutngfrom the dome. 
 
 430, full where the dome its 
 shining valves expands. 
 
 xvii. 40 2, distant he saw, across 
 the shady dome. 
 
 xviii. 2 47, full where the dome its 
 shining valves expands. 
 
 xix. 2, in the dome. - - - 
 2 31, hospitable dome. - - 
 
 xx. 198, adorn the dome. - - 
 
 23 8, the dome re-echoed. 
 
 But in the corresponding verses in the original. 
 Lib. iv. I. 3 3, h wpoSopu Soptu, — in the 
 porch of the house. 
 
 ' • - vi. 3 2, Jojaoff, — house. 
 
 VU« 4 4, ayopag, not Telnet pcetxpa, 
 — Forums, and long high walls. 
 
 Viii. 5 6, eg pdya Rupee, — to the great 
 
 house. 
 
 - - - vm. 4 5 8 , irapa crcxQpov nyi©* innst 
 vroiiiToTo, — near a post of the skilfully constructed house 
 [or rather open building) , or portico. The word 
 rafyew can hardly be strained to mean even a 
 stone column. 
 
 " " " * Xt I", vfytpeysc Su, — the high and 
 lofty, or high covered mansion. 
 
 ' " * " 220, ew Supijcri Sex; xaXXtirXo' 
 
 xapoto, — at the gale of the fair-haired goddess. 
 
 25 4, not one word of the kind. 
 
 — It is merely said, \ly aethv, she sung sweetly, 
 for skilfully.] 
 
 • • xii. 14 3, not one word oFthe kind. 
 But dvd vrpov dit(<nyi, — went her way through the 
 island. 
 
 - - - xiv. 4 11, Kara ydex xoipifir i vut t -—in 
 their accustomed abodes for styes for rest.) 
 
 - xvi. 4 1 , VTrspCv; Xouvov iRo'j, — passed 
 over the stoney threshold ; there is not a word about 
 any dome. 
 
 • " " * " 3 43, E« vfkQori ptzyctpoio vretpex 
 fiiyct TEtxtov etuXyt;, — they went out from the build- 
 ing, beyond the great wall of the Atrium, or /court.) 
 
 "415, Xrtj pa -rrapa, CTaQptov Wye©* 
 %vku TrotqToio, — she stood by a post of the skilfully 
 constructed open building for portico.) 
 
 - • - xvii. 329, ih Tfikipoixoc 9eoe;^V if 
 Xopevov xara Supta o-vfiuryv, — the divine Tele- 
 viachus saw the swineherd coming along the building, 
 
 - - - xviii. 20 8, try pa irapa. <rra9pioi/ 
 rtys®* 7tvkk vrotyToTo, — she stood by a post of the 
 well constructed building. 
 
 - - - xix. l, h ptyapu, — in the house. 
 
 • - • - - 199, not one word of the kind. 
 
 xx. 15 9, Kara CupcecT eina'rapivug 
 iroveovjo, — laboured skilfully in the apartments. 
 
 18 9,U7r' ctl8v<rii spiRwra, — under 
 
 the resounding ( or tc-choing) portico. 
 
233 
 
 in the celebrated city of Thebes t in Egypt* even with all its hundred 
 gates, mentioned by him with such admiration, there yet was not 
 one arch. 
 
 B. xx. 1.189, Before thou quit the 
 dome. - - 
 
 311, in the dome. - - 
 
 3 5 0, this dome. 
 
 3 4 7, the rich banquet in the 
 
 dome prepared. - - 
 
 dome. 
 
 3 7 9, no more - - - • invade my 
 
 Lib, xx. I. 231, not one word of the land, 
 we read only,— H (nQev IvBaS" wvt&> htuasTUi 
 otKaS 'OiWirsus , — whilst thou yet remains there, shall 
 Ulysses return home. 
 
 " " " " 2 4 8, SupuT, into the house, or 
 rather, into the apartments. 
 
 ' - - 2 G 5 , oTxog o$' this house. 
 
 2 8 0, not one word of the land ; 
 
 we read merely,— SblIvvvt spatuSui SuTra, they 
 
 hanquetted on delicious food. 
 
 " 308 » Ta p) rU pot eLliKtlotq t i/l 
 oixa <J>«jv6>, — that no one should manifest insolence 
 before me in the house 
 
 ' " " " 36l > eKTrt^ua-Qe $vp K Q t 
 
 turn him out from the doors of the house. 
 
 - xxi. 77, T oSe Supa — 
 
 tviftXtiov fiioraio 
 
 this fair house, well stored with supports of life. 
 - - - XXI. 2 15, oUlot r syyus vj.s'.z rsrvy- 
 ftsva, — -your dwellings built near mine. 
 
 - xxii. 23, xotra iuftet 
 
 7Ta.vjoo-E TrctTrjoclvouTe; — 
 
 through the house for mansionj casting searching 
 looks every way. 
 
 XXlii. H6, TOITIV it fieycx, Sufiet m . 
 pto-rovxxlgsTo TToa-a-U, the great mansion resound- 
 ed to their footsteps. 
 
 We may perceive, therefore, that notwithstanding Mr. Pope's free use of poetical license 
 by which he has so adorned his translation of Homer, that yet there is not, in reality in 
 any one of these passages, in the original words of the antient poet, (whose mind was so 
 well stored with every idea that the days wherein he lived could possibly i mpart ] one ^ 
 expression, from whence we can infer that he ever had the conception either of an arch ° or 
 of a dome properly so called ;— whilst we may be assured, that had he ever entertained 
 such an idea, he would have communicated it to us; and would have described both the 
 arch, and the dome, with the most glowing energy; not merely by a simple epithet but in 
 descriptions, and similitudes, varied without end. 
 
 Perhaps it may not be entirely beside the purpose to add to these remarks, concern^ 
 there being no such thing as an arch ever mentioned by Homer, a curious remark of a 
 similar kind, which occured to Josephus, and is mentioned in his book against Apion —that 
 there is also no such term as the word law used in his writings.—- The very name of a 
 — 1 — ©»j £«r 
 
 4 3 5, swift from the dome con- 
 duct the slave away. - - 
 xxi. 7 8, this wealthy dome. 
 
 2 2 3, Fast by my palace shall 
 your domes ascend. 
 
 xxii. 2 9, o'er all the dome they 
 cast a haggard eye. - - 
 
 xxiii. 144, the vaulted roof rebounds. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 AiyVTrjlctc: 
 
 3 o 
 
 Iliados, lib. ix. 1. ssi, i>3. 
 
234 
 
 Fortherecan hardly rest a doubt in the mind of the curious, but that 
 these very gates mentioned by the venerable bard, as well as the other 
 great buildings of Thebes, must have been similar to those that remain 
 even to this day, as monuments of its first and greatest splendour. 
 And let but any one, with due attention, turn over the very instruc- 
 tive plates of JVbrden, and Pococlte, and of other of our inquisitive 
 travellers, and he will soon perceive, that no such thing as an arch 
 ever could exist, in any one of those massy structures. 
 
 On the contrary he will discover, that throughout all Upper 
 Egypt, the only idea either of giving strength to the internal parts 
 of buildings, or of forming any entrance through these gates, was 
 either that of placing immense imposts of stone upon solid bulky 
 pillars, or else that of framing the building itself in a pyramidal 
 form. 
 
 Each Gate, we find, was generally composed of two great towers 
 like truncated pyramids, with their bases widely extended in pro- 
 portion to their summits, standing at some little distance from each 
 other, side by side ; whilst, in the space between, the portal was 
 formed merely by means of a vast transom stone, or lintel ; placed 
 at a considerable height above the ground, from pyramid to pyra- 
 mid, and covering a passage of sufficient height and width to be 
 exceedingly magnificent. 
 
 And each of these pyramidal towers contained nests of several 
 small chambers, in each story, covered with flat stones ; and piled up 
 one upon another to the height oftentimes of six stories, or more, 
 with such firmness, as to have defied all the devastations of time, 
 notwithstanding their surprizing height.* 
 
 Some also of these pyramidal towers appear, externally, to have 
 been quite solid ; but the construction of the portal between them, 
 was always upon the same principal. 
 
 As to the Temples, and Palaces themselves, we find they were 
 
 ' ' law , (t5 vofw) says Josephus, was not so much as known'in old times, among the Grecians. 
 11 Homer is a witness to the truth of this observation, who never uses the term in all his poems". 
 (Josephus, Contra Apionem, lib. ii. sec 15.) 
 
 * Of this, there is a remarkable instance in the great gate at Etfou, described by Pococke 
 in his Travels, Vol. I. p. 1 12, PI. XLVI.; and as to other instances of gates thus con- 
 structed at Thebes, and elsewhere, see Vol. I. p. 92, PI. XXV11I. ; and Norden, Vol. II. 
 PI. CIII. Eg. ioo. PI. CV.; and CVI. fig. 2. PI. CXVIII. fig. (a) and (d). PI. 
 CXXXVI.; and Plates CXXXVII, CXXXV1II, CXL, CLIV, CLV. 
 
235 
 
 uniformly constructed of vast massy pillars, of granite, or marble, 
 on which rested great flat imposts ; which might very probably, 
 in some instances, have had small chambers, similar to those of the 
 Gate Towers, placed over them. 
 
 In several instances the great stone imposts served as a sort of 
 beams, upon which rested other great stones placed the contrary 
 way, as rafters are, side by side, forming a flooring for any apart- 
 ments that might have been constructed above, — and some of these 
 stones were even 40 feet in length, and at least 2 feet in thickness 
 and in breadth.* 
 
 As the Gales at Thebes are so particularly mentioned by Homer; 
 and the Pyramids of Memphis are not; we may venture to conclude, 
 that the Pyramids were built after his time.+ 
 
 Yet in the Pyramids themselves also, there are no arches, nor any 
 thing that could properly convey the least hint, or idea, of anarch. 
 — For though the magnificent high covering of the great gallery, in 
 the largest pyramid which has been opened, has by some travellers 
 been considered as having somewhat the appearance of an high 
 arched vaulting ; yet in reality nothing can be more unlike to the 
 structure of an arch of any kind. For this high covering, consists 
 merely of great stones placed one above another horizontally, on 
 each side, and projecting, as they advance in height, each stone a 
 little beyond that beneath it, % till they nearly meet at the top ; and 
 are then, at last, covered by a stone lying flat upon the others.} 
 
 * See Norden's Travels, Vol. U. p. 50. — On one of these sort of floorings, over a 
 temple at Tenljra, 200 feet long, and 14 5 broad, are now built even several huts for inha- 
 bitants, forming what has, by some travellers, been called a town. (Pococke's Travels, 
 Vol. I. p. so.) ; and the particular manner in winch the stones as imposts, like beams, 
 and those others answering the purpose of great rafters were placed, may be seen exactly in 
 Norden's representations, PI. CXII. CXV. and CXXVII. (bj And in Pococke's Travels, 
 Vol. I. p. 73. PI. XXIV. (D),_andp. 121, PI. L. (D),— and p. 217, PI. LXVII. 
 
 + Accordingly we find that Sir Isaac Newton, in his Chronology, from quite other 
 reasons, ventured to fix the building, of what is called the first Pyramid, about the year 
 8 3 s, A. C. whereas Homer wrote at least 890 A. C. that is about fifty years before. See Bp. 
 Hoisley's Newton. Vol. V. p, 22. 
 
 t See Poaches Travels, Vol. I. p. 11. TI. XVI. fig. F. Greaves s Pyramidcgraphia, 
 Vol. I. p. 123. Konkn PI. LI. fig. 6. 
 
 } Of the various galleries in die great Pyramid of Gitf, or Memphis, it is a circumstance 
 well deserving of attention, that few of them are in the regular and usual direction of the 
 passages of all other buildings ; that is, advancing on a level : but are some most strangely 
 
236 
 
 In short ; in all Egypt, there is no such thing as an arch or 
 dome, to be found ; except such as appear evidently to have been 
 
 descending steep down ; and others as strangely ascending steep up high ; till you come to 
 the very galleries leading immediately to those chamhers, in which were the Sepulchres : 
 and at the same time the dimensions of all the galleries, except the great one, are such as 
 made it a matter of much difficulty at any time to pass along; being in general only about 
 3 J feet, or at most i feet in width, and height, except the great gallery, in the first pyramid 
 of Gize. 
 
 All this seems to have been a most artificial contrivance, merely to prevent posterity 
 from ever getting access at all, to disturb the ashes of the dead; when once the pyramid 
 should have been closed : and seems to have been merely a subsequent improvement to the 
 mode of construction of the more southern pyramids of Sakkara, or Dagjour, and Meclunn; 
 (Norden, Vol. I. p. 8 1 ;) and therefore tends to prove, that the pyramids of Memphis, or 
 Gize, must have been of a much later date than those which were nearer Thebes. 
 
 One of those Southern Pyramids, is built of materials exactly similar to those which we 
 read, were used in Egypt, during the time of the bondage of the Israelites ; that is, of 
 bricks formed of clay and chopped straw, and dried in the sun. (Pococlte Vol. I. p. is) 
 from whence we may draw an inference, that this was constructed nearly about that age; 
 and of course may conclude that the others were reared between the time of the Israelitish 
 bondage, and the age of Herodotus. 
 
 The peculiar construction of one of the more antient Pyramids at Sakkara that has 
 been opened, deserves to be compared with that of Gize, to afford us more fight upon the 
 subject. There was here at the first entrance a narrow passage, very little more than 
 3 feet wide, and descending very steep downwards ;— at the end of which, was a chamber, 
 S2i feet long, and near 1 2 wide, (Norden Vol. I. PI. LXI. fig. 2.) and very high ; covered 
 above (as the great gallery in the Pyramid of Gize is) merely by the stones of the walls on 
 each side (all of which are laid horizontally) projecting each about five inches more than 
 the tier immediately below, till tliey very nearly meet at the top, where they are covered 
 by a flat stone. This room, however, appears not to have been actually the repository for 
 the dead ; for, on examining more closely, at a great height, in the flat end wall, and so 
 very near the top, as not to be approached except by a ladder ; was discovered a narrow 
 door, that leads, by a second confined passage, to another room of similar construction. — 
 On the right hand of the first entrance of the first room, is again a narrow passage, leading 
 to just such another room ; and in the end wall of that, in lite manner, at a great height near 
 the top, is also a similar doorway, leading to a more inward, and hidden chamber, in 
 that part also. 
 
 Plans and Sections shewing the manner of the setting in of the stones ; and how 
 remote the style of architecture really is from conveying the idea of an arch, may be seen 
 in Pococke's Travels, Vol. I. p. 52. PI. XIX. fig. E, D. 
 
 Such was the caution used, to conceal the innermost recesses of these earlier pyramids; — 
 and in the obviously subsequent, great pyramid, at Memphis, or Gize, we find still further, 
 a sort of contrivance yet more artificial. 
 
 For here was first, over the entrance of the galleries, a designed false portal, (but with- 
 out the least resemblance of an arch) intended manifestly to mislead, if ever the pyramid 
 should be uncased from its intended outward covering of stone, or oranite ; and even this 
 
237 
 
 constructed after the time of the Ptolemies ; as those arches plainly 
 were, which are now found in some parts of the bridges, or cause- 
 
 false pm ial itself, if the pyramid had ever actually been completely cased, would probably 
 hardly ever have been discovered, any more than that of the second, or of the third pyra- 
 mid, now is, at this present hour ; — and when it was discovered, would after all have been 
 found no real entrance. — It is represented by Norden, PI, XLIX. and PI. L. at a. b. and 
 instead of there being any passage through it, all is solid ; — only quite beneath it, (and 
 where few would ever think of looking for such entrance, when once it had been closed 
 with a proper stone,) is a narrow passage, or gallery, whose mouth is no more than three 
 feet square, and which is made descending with a slope 9 2-i feet in length, so steep down, 
 that if a person's foot once slips, it is impossible for him to recover bis steps : whilstat the 
 bottom of this first passage, or gallery, is asecond, about 5 feet wide and high, rising ao-ain 
 with an ascent, 1 1 o feet in length, and nearly as steep and dangerous, as was the descent ofthe 
 former. And it not oidy appears that these galleries were intended to be closed entirely by 
 blocks of stone, or marble, let to slip down in each, and to meet at the lower point ; but 
 indeed this second gallery, to which it was surely much more difficult to convey any stones 
 proper for the purpose, than into the first, actually has been, and does still remain so closed 
 at the bottom, by great blocks of granite, which one would therefoie think must have been 
 previously reserved loose, for this very end, in the third lofty gallery above. They still 
 so completely close the bottom of the second gallery, that there is no access, but by means 
 of a sort of mining breach, forced through the original solid mass of the pyramid, over the 
 top of these stones, 8 9 feet in length ; as may be seen imperfectly in Pococke's Represen- 
 tation, Vol. I. p. i 4 and more exactly in Norden's Representation, and Section of this 
 part, Vol. I. PI. L. c.d.e. 
 
 Beyond this second gallery, is found, in an horizontal level direction, a third gallery, 
 not much more than 3 feet wide and high ; but no feet long ; leading on a level directly 
 to the lower chamber ; which is about I 1± feet long, and near 1 6 broad ; and between 1 5 
 and 2 high : and is either covered at the top, nearly in the same manner as the rooms 
 in the Sakkara pyramid are, (by means of stones laid a little projecting each one over that 
 beneath, till they meet at the top), or else as Dr. Shaw suspects, p. 3 09, is hewn out of the 
 solid rock. Its vaulting, as it is improperly called, being allowed by all travellers who 
 describe it to be quite triangular; (Pococke, Vol. I. p. 237, i i. Norden, Vol.1, p. 71) and 
 such as could never serve to convey rightly the idea of an arch, or of a dome, or of the 
 principles on which the strength of the arch depends, either to those who constructed it, 
 or to those who afterwards viewed it. 
 
 A little above the entrance ofthe narrow gallery leading to this lower chamber ; is the 
 entrance to that stupendous work of antiquity, the great gallery of all in this pyramid ; 
 which rises with an exceeding steep ascent. Its length is about 154 feet, and its height is 26 
 feet, but its utmost width is only 6, (Pococke, Vol. I. p. <<,and Greaves, Vol. I. p. 122.) 
 The supposed vaulting of this, is what has just been referred to, as a proof of the 
 non-existence of any arch in the pyramid ; — and the manner in which it is formed, by 
 means of seven tiers of stone, on each side, that are placed horizontally one above 
 another; each row projecting three inches more than that immediately below, till tile two 
 
 VOL. II. 3 P 
 
238 
 
 ways, leading to the pyramids ; and on which are even Saracenical 
 inscriptions.* 
 
 sides approach within about 3 feet of each other at the top, and are then covered by other 
 stones, placed horizontally upon them, may be seen in Norden's Travels, Vol. I, PI. LI. 6 ■ 
 and in Greaves's Pyramidographia, Vol. I. p. 146; and Pococke, Vol. I. p. 44 ,] 
 
 From this lofty gallery, is again a low narrow entrance, to a sort of vestibule about 1 4 
 feet long, 3 wide, and 1 high , divided into two parts, by a slab of red marble suspended 5 
 feet above the pavement, in two grooves on the sides, like a sort of portcullis, or sluice, 
 (Greaves, p. 12 4,) and from hence another short, low, narrow entrance leads into the great 
 chamber of state, where is the Sarcophagus. — This room is 3 4 feet in length, 1 7 in breadth, 
 and 1 9 in height ; and here, therefore, an arched vaulting would surely much rather have 
 been introduced than any where else in the structure, if the nature of such vaulting had 
 indeed been at all understood, or attended to. — But here, just as in the first very low gal- 
 leries, the covering is flat, and formed only by means of nine immense stones laid from side 
 to side. 
 
 This long, and particular detail, has been thus given, for the sake of shewing the more 
 fully, that no arch, or even any thing that can lead us to conclude that the builders at all 
 understood the principles on which an arch is constructed, appears in this pyramid, any 
 more than in the other antient buildings of Egypt that were prior to the time of "Julius Casar's 
 attack on Alexandria. And before we quit the subject entirely, one other circumstance that has 
 not been hitherto generally adverted to, ought to be mentioned; and this is, that all the 
 parts of the walls of the galleries appearing to be framed quiteclose, and without any possible 
 communication with the external air, except by means of die small narrow mouth of the first 
 gallery of entrance, it is, upon philosophical principles, almost impossible to account for 
 
 the air in the great chamber not being quite stagnant, so as to destroy life ; and especially 
 
 when we consider how much, and how frequently, its vital principle must have been less- 
 ened, by the torches, and breath of visitors : — and therefore I cannot but conclude, that the 
 two small apertures discovered, one on each side the great chamber, (concerning which 
 Mallei formed such strange conjectures, see Pococke's Travels, Vol. I. p. 240, and which 
 are described by Norden, Vol. i.p. 75, PI. L. fig. (f.J and PI. LI. fig. (e.) — ) were for 
 the express purpose (by means of some winding ducts) of procuring an insensible circulation 
 of air, which is not even yet prevented. 
 
 The Pyramids of Gize, were most probably built nearly about the time of Isaiah ; 
 which is perhaps the reason that they are no more taken notice of by that divine Prophet, 
 than by Homer. 
 
 They are most justly deemed to have been constructed, about seven or eight hundred years 
 before our Lord's Incarnation ; and this is long enough before the time of Herodotus, (being 
 at least three or four hundred years,) for him to speak of them as antient, in the manner he 
 does; — and yet it is not too long for there being then still existing a tradition, concerning the 
 interior chambers, then closed up from view; though it was only preserved in that imperfect 
 manner, in which we find he has given it to us. (Herodotus, Lib. II. p. 1 a i : 13 6, Wess.) 
 
 * See Norden's Travels, PL XLIV. Vol. I. p. so. 
 
239 
 
 In the celebrated Labyrinth, whereof Herodotus speaks in such 
 hyperbolical terms ; — although his description (as being written at 
 a time when every one had access to it,)* is so very concise as not 
 to convey a full explanation of all its parts ; yet we may learn, even 
 from what a mere instant admiration alone led him to declare 
 concerning its general plan, that there was no such thing as an 
 arch, or dome, in the whole structure. 
 
 One of his translators, + indeed, inadvertently says, translating 
 according to our more modern European ideas ; that this building 
 contained twelve vaulted halls. — But, in the original Greek, there 
 is no such intimation ; — and this a more accurate translatorj of 
 
 We understand, from him, expressly, that the great Pyramid was continuing slilt closed in 
 
 his days And this alone is sufficient to remove all doubt of its having been really a tomh. 
 
 Whilst as to Dr. Shaw's objection, that mummies were always placed standing upright, and 
 not lying in Sarcophagi of stone, or marble, (See Shaw's Travels, p. 3 7 1,) that can have 
 no great weight ; since we find the sepulchres of the antient Kings of Thebes, were actually 
 such Sarcophagi, in many instances ; — (see Pococlce's Travels, Vol. I. p. 97. PI. XXX. 
 XXXI. XXXII.) on the lid of one of whichis still actually remaining the figure of a Mummy 
 
 cut in stone : — and whilst as to the imagination that this Pyramid was once a Temple; that 
 
 conjecture if indulged any further than to allow that tombs were often deemed sacred, must seem 
 most wild indeed. — For if this pyramid was a. Temple, then all the rest of the Pyramids 
 must also have been temples too ; — and it is impossible to conceive, either that so many 
 temples should be built so near to each other ; or that so many should be still so completely 
 arid inaccessibly closed, as to have prevented any possibility of entrance for so many a<res. 
 To say nothing of the strange inconsistency of supposing these to have been T imfles ; when 
 real Temples, of a far different construction, not only co-«eval with them, but prior to them, 
 do still remain in so many parts of Eg ypt, to assure us fully what the form, and the mode 
 of structure of edifices designed for such purpose really was. 
 
 The editor of Norden's Travels conceived that the Pyramids must have been prior to the 
 construction of the Temples at Thebes, because fossil shells were found on their summits ; 
 and because there are found in them, no carved hieroglyphic figures. But it should be 
 remembered that the appearance of the fossil shells is to be accounted for, much more satis- 
 factorily, from such having been embedded, before the flood, in the very stones themselves 
 of which the Pyramids were built. And the non appearance of hieroglyphics may be 
 accounted for, from their being deemed too sacred to be used on sepulchres, except merely 
 on the bandages of the sacred mummies. None are ever found on the exterior sycamore 
 coffins; neither have any been ever found, in any of the Catacombs. 
 
 « It was erected a very little more than two hundred years before Herodotus read his 
 work to the persons assembled at Athens, to celebrate the Olympick Games, in the year 
 hsA.G. 
 
 t Littlebtiry. Vol. I, p. 224. i Beloe, Vol. I. p. J 99. 
 
240 
 
 Herodotus plainly saw, and has therefore translated the words, more 
 cautiously ; — saying only, that there were twelve courts; all of which 
 were covered. — Whilst a close attention to the general style of antient 
 buildings, will shew us, that even this covering implied only, that 
 there were covered walk, or porticos, all round each court. 
 
 The words of Herodotus are iuXsci xxrzariyoi, * — and these very 
 words alone, might induce us to conceive, that he meant merely 
 to describe twelve open courts ;i — somewhat similar to the great 
 courtof the Palace of Priam, celebrated by Homer ; — or to the courts 
 of Solomons magnificent houses ; — -but which were covered indeed 
 around on every side, by means of being surrounded with porticos, 
 supported by pillars of white stone. — And this idea seems to be 
 confirmed, in the strongest manner, by what Herodotus says still 
 more clearly, towards the end of his description ; — for there he 
 expressly tells us, 
 
 AvXt\ os Zxzarti Ziqfart/Xoc, XiSo-j Xeuxou iymeykiHia nx/iiXiarx 
 
 That to each court was a Peristyle [or a space incomjmssed with a row 
 of pillar sj of white stone most exceedingly nicely adjusted. 
 
 So that, most evidently, the Labyrinth consisted of twelve great 
 areas, or courts, surrounded with open porticos, that were supported 
 by pillars of white stone, or marble ; which pillars, we may plainly 
 apprehend, were immediately covered at the top, first with single 
 square blocks of stone, — then with imposts, or transom stones, from 
 one pillar to another ; — and then with great stones laid the contrary 
 way from one transom to another ; exactly according to the usual 
 manner of antient Egyptian Building. 
 
 Behind these porticos, which stood on the ground ; and again 
 over these porticos above ; were constructed, in all, fifteen hundred 
 
 * KurdiTTEyos, seems most properly, according to the idea which H. Stephens lias given 
 us of the word, and of its elymelogy, to signify a mere eovered way, or open portico; somewhat 
 similar even to the open porticos of the Romans. See H. Stephens, Tom. III. 
 c. 9/4, A. 
 
 + Herodotus, Lib. II, Uj.p. 1 7 G Wcsselingii. They have sometimes heen considered 
 as twelve distinct Palaces : and each of them are said to have contained one hundred 
 and twenty-five rooms. But, after all, this is not more than about thenumber ofapartments 
 in one of our old noble seats, (such for instance as Haddon House, in Derbyshire,) where 
 also the rooms are much Jarger. 
 
241 
 
 apartments ; which, (even from their number alone,) we may be 
 assured must have been, for the greater part, of very small dimen- 
 sions; as we find they were all included, with their twelve courts, 
 within one complete wall of inclosure, so as to be considered merely 
 as one single building. 
 
 And as a further proof that there was no arch, we are told by 
 Herodotus, who saw them himself, whilst the whole structure was 
 entire, that the oqofti, the covering of every one of them, as well as the 
 walls, was of stone ; — from whence (considering the proper meaning 
 of the word ooo$r)*) we cannot but conclude, that it was merely a Jlat 
 covering, like that of the great chamber in the pyramid, consisting 
 of long flat stones resting on the side walls. 
 
 With this account of Herodotus, and like it confirming the total want 
 of arches in the Labyrinth, do very well agree, even the imperfect 
 remains, which Pococke saw of this building, after the devastation 
 of so many ages : — for from his slight representation of a part of its 
 outward wall, we further learn, that this was built somewhat sloping 
 inwards, like the side of a truncated pyramid ; — and also that one 
 of the larger and better rooms, which then remained, was still actually 
 covered with large stones, of such a length as to be laid from wall to 
 wall A 
 
 * Opoiprj signifies properly, — merely ctmtignalitr, — a framing of limher work ; — or rafter- 
 ing ; —and only indirectly a flooring. 
 
 i Pococke's Observations on Egypt, Vol. I. p. 63 ; see also p. 61, and PI. XXII. and 
 XXIII. 
 
 There cannot surely be a stronger prooF, that no palaces, constructed on any better plan, 
 existed in the time of Herodotus ; than the admiration with which that Father of History 
 speaks of tins most confused, inconvenient building ; — a structure that after all, appears to 
 have been only two stories high : — each containing a vast number ofrooms indeed ; but such 
 as were in general very small ; and were put together so irregularly, and so ill disposed, 
 that, in the lower story, they stood merely in each others way ; — (many of them incapable of 
 admitting light any more than mere dark Catacombs) ; — whilst those above, were more 
 remarkable for the celebrated confusion their numerous doors occasioned, than for any other 
 circumstance. 
 
 His description is such, — that the Incas Palaces of Peru, described by Ulloa, (Vol I. 
 p. 499, 501.) have nearly as great a claim to elegance and magnificence of design, as this 
 celebrated Labyrinth. 
 
 Since, therelbre, the magnificence even of such princely buildinos, was on so un- 
 improved a plan, in those very early days ; — it is no wonder that private mansions were of so 
 very slight a kind, as to deserve no particular mention at all. — They must have fallen very 
 
 VOL. II. 3 q 
 
242 
 
 us : 
 
 Perhaps our observations concerning the total want of arches in 
 themost antientbuildingsof Egypt should not now be closed, without 
 remarking, that the Pyramidal gates of Thebes, and in other parts 
 
 far short indeed of the convenience, and appearance, even of very indifferent habitations in 
 any modern city.— No arches therefore can be supposed to have existed in sucii private 
 buildings, either in Egypt, Thebes, or Babylon, 
 
 It appears plainly from the account Herodotus gives, (Lib. V. 1 1, p. 4j 8 Ed. Wes- 
 selingii,) of the city otSttrdis, the great seat of antient luxury, and the residence of Clots 
 that the bulk of the inhabitants of all the various classes, dwelt in houses not much betti 
 than small huts, and hovels : and indeed of such a kind, that a city, composed of mansions 
 of a like construction, might soon be built any where, almost as easily as a camp is formed. 
 
 *E<ra» in Tin ZifZur, mxioi, cu ph v\me s , xaxifwcu- S™ S' earem Kca riu&am area, 
 xctXctpx £i%cv tccs opoipus. 
 
 The houses o] the Sardians were for the most part constructed of reeds ;—and those of them that 
 were built of brick had yet reeds for their covering above. 
 
 The description is such, that one might almost imagine it was the description of the 
 houses of the Birmans, in Ava, and Pegue; with the accounts of which it deserves well to be 
 compared. And indeed it is a most interesting circumstance in the history of mankind, to 
 
 observe, how similar circumstances produce similar effects, almost every where ; . and how 
 
 several very antient customs, lost in the countries where they once prevailed, have been 
 adopted, and are preserved conspicuously, in remote regions. 
 
 The liirman houses are all made of mats, and sheadring hoards, supported on bamboos, 
 
 or posts, raised between three and four feet from the ground, and indifferently thatched : 
 
 whilst a bamboo palisade incloses a court sufficiently spacious. The habitations, built in 
 
 this manner, and provided for Colonel Symes, were found even comfortable and commodious ; 
 
 one of them consisted of three small rooms, and a hall ; and was completed by fifty or sixty 
 labourers, in a little more than four hours; — not a nail was used in the whole edifice, the 
 parts being all tied together by the ground rattan; and the floor formed of bamboo grating, 
 
 covered with mats, and carpets There are not even any brick buildings, in that country, 
 
 except such as belong to the King, or are destined to their religious superstitions :— and hence 
 it comes to pass with them , as it did in antient times in the east, that on a sudden conquest, or 
 change of dominion, a city soon becomes utterlydeserted, and thehouses.on the first order for 
 removing, are easily transported to a new city. (See Symes's Account of Embassy to Ava, 
 Vol. II. p. I!), r,o, 190, 27 1, 283.)— To this hour, in many other parts of the East, and 
 especially in India, thehousesof the common people consist of one flooronly. (See Rennell's 
 Remarks on Herodotus, p. 3(3, 341.) And we may there/ore very reasonably believe, 
 especially if we recollect the history ofTobit, and the remarkable words of the prophecy 
 ofEzckiel, (Tobit, chap.ii. ver. 9. Ezekiel, chap. xii. ver. 5, and 7.) that the greater part 
 of the houses both at Kineveh, and at Babylon, were very nearly such as those of Sardis, 
 and that when Herodotus says (Lib. i. no, p. 85, Ed Wesselingii.)— rS Si fa .M & 
 
 irhty it siWiw Tfiufttpm tc *«i TSTpapo'f™. ■that its principal pat I mas full of houses of three 
 
 and four stories Ml height;— or rather with three or four raftered coverings ;— he only intended 
 to convey a more exalted idea of that proud city, by intimating that it abounded with 
 
24.3 
 
 of Upper Egypt, have a most striking affinity to those remarkable 
 structures that are often found reared over the gates of some of the 
 most antient pagodas, and choultries, in India. — And those kind of 
 Egyptian gates most particularly have this sort of remote connexion, 
 which are constructed under one lofty pyramidal tower, * instead 
 of being placed between two pyramidal towers. 
 
 To which remark we may add, that whilst some of the Temples 
 and buildings in Egypt had, even in the external structure of their 
 walls, an approximation to the form of a truncated pyramids the 
 outline of some of the great Indian Pagodas, and particularly that of 
 Tanjore,% has no less remarkably an affinity to this form ; and that 
 even in so very great a degree, as almost, in the outlines of its struc- 
 ture, to resemble the Egyptian Pyramids themselves ; — whilst 
 neither in the one, nor in the other, are there any arches. 
 
 Palaces, and distinguished Public Buildings :— to say nothing r die possibility, that 
 this expression of Herodotus might merely refer to such sort of buildings as we know were 
 common m many parts of Asia; where by way of ornament, and sometimes as a badge of 
 dignity, double, or trifle roofs, were raised like penis, or umbrellas, one above another, but not 
 forming any distinct stories of rooms. 
 
 Such are still found in countries remaikable for unclumgcable manners; as particularly 
 amongst the G/dnese, and the neigbouring countries : — and here again the account of such 
 
 as are constructed amongst the Birmans, in Am, and Pegue, well deserve to be referred to ; 
 
 though that country cannot well be supposed ever to have had any immediate connection 
 with the Babylonians.— But they deserve to be referred to, as a further proof, that useful 
 illustrations of the earliest usages in the most distinguished regions of the world, may often 
 be obtained even from very remote parts of the globe, where want of intercourse with the 
 
 rest of mankind, has prevented such from being even yet obliterated These sort of roofs 
 
 are composed of distinct stages, one above another,— the highest in the centre, and are 
 
 never placed on any houses, except on those u r persons r high rank, (Symes's Embassy, 
 Vol. II. p. 28:, Vol. III. p. ,7. 
 
 • Instances of this kind may be seen in Norden's Travels, Vol. II. PI. CIX. PI. 
 CXXVII. (b) and in Pococke's Travels, Vol. I. p. ss, PI. XXVII. F. and p 9» 
 PI. XXVII. fig. z. "' 
 + Instances ofthis maybe seen in Norden's Travels. PI. CXV. CXLVII. fig. s.and Pi. 
 CXLVIII. CLI. and even in the remains of the Labyrinth, in Pococke's Travels Vol I 
 PI. XXII. 
 
 ; A most curious representation of this edifice was published by Mr. Dalrymple, in 
 
 l ; 7 c And this circumstance of its pyramidal form, has been accuiately attended to, and 
 
 compared with that of the Pyramids of Egypt, by Major Renneil, in his interesting Remarks 
 
 on the Geography of Herodotus, p. 5 60 Audit ought not to be forgotten (whoever the 
 
 Mexicans might be descended from) that the Great Temple at Mexico, as described by 
 
244 
 
 There is also another instance of conformity in the style of 
 the most antient Indian Hindoo buildings with those of Egypt, 
 which equally excludes all idea of the existence of an arch; and 
 that is, that in the Indian choultries, the massy roofs of stone are 
 quite flat, and supported upon vast pillars, very nearly in the same 
 manner, as those of the Thebaic temples; — and in some of the most 
 antient of the Hindoo Pagodas, the efforts towards forming a dome 
 are so far from having been ever connected with any idea of an 
 arch, that the construction is merely in a manner similar to the 
 construction of the roof of the great gallery in the pyramid of Gize ; — 
 that is, by means of the stones of the side wallsbeingsolaid, as to pro- 
 ject inwards, each upper row a little more than that beneath, till 
 only a small aperture is left at the top, covered by a single stone." 
 
 Joseph dc Aeosta (De Solis's Hist, of the Conquest ofMexico, Vol. I. p. 321.) was also of 
 a pyramidal form. 
 
 It is a matter of curiosity also, to trace the same attachment to the pyramidkal form, 
 in the structures of Pegue, and the kingdom of Ava, (which are situated between India, and 
 China,) and even in some of the Pagodas of China itself. The great Pagoda of Shoemadoo 
 in Pegue, is a pyramidical building, composed of brick and mortar, without excavation or 
 aperture; standing on two vast terraces of earth, placed one above the other, and reaching to 
 the height of 3 C i feet. See Symes's Embassy, Vol. II. p. 63 , 65, G8. — and it is amost remark- 
 able (act, that so great a veneration for the pyramidical form in their religious structures, seems 
 constantly to have been retained in India, that even one of their modern edifices, actually 
 constructed both with arches, and arched domes, yet has been so contrived, that outlines 
 drawn from the summits of the highest central dome, and touching the outsides of all the rest, 
 from the top to the bottom of the building, would nearly compose the figure of a pyramid. 
 Hodges' s Travels in India, p. 20. 
 
 The brick Pyramid of Medium, which the most nearly resembles one of the Pao-odas 
 just mentioned, is not only deemed one of the most antient, but is also the most southerly 
 of all the Pyramids of Egypt ; — for none are found in Upper Egypt, where chiefly are the 
 remains of the celebrated temples. — As therefore Dr. Shaw did adopt an idea that the Great 
 Pyramid wasa Temple, {see his Travels, p. 37 0, 4to.) and as Herodotus actually describes 
 two images to have been placed, one on each summit of those two pyramids, that once 
 stood inthelakc of Maris, (See Herodotus, Lib. ii. H9, p. 177) we may perhaps venture to 
 assent so far to his ideas, as to suspect that possibly the Pyramids of Egypt might indeed, 
 originally have been considered in a double light ; — as sepulchres within, and as a sort of 
 sacred temples, or (as the Indians would call them) pagodas externally, consecrated to the 
 honour of departed kings, buried in them ; — and built in conformity to a superstition intro- 
 duced into Egypt subsequent to the more antient superstition, that prevailed in the more 
 early ages when the temples of Thehes were reared. — 
 
 * Most interesting specimens of this sort of antient Hindoo architecture may be seen in 
 
245 
 
 As there appear to have been no arches in the antient buildings 
 in Egypt, so also we have reason to conclude, that in the magnifi- 
 cent structures at Babylon there were none. 
 
 Concerning its great bridge over the Euphrates, Herodotus expressly 
 tells us,* that it was built first of stones bound together with lead 
 and iron ; upon which were laid — Bloc Tcrqctyavz, — squared beams. — 
 It must therefore plainly have consisted merely of a certain number 
 of stone piers, with timbers placed from pier to pier. 
 
 And that there were no arches, in the gates of its walls, is most 
 decidedly apparent, from the particular words Herodotus makes use 
 of ; and from the precision of his account. 
 
 For he says,+ that in the compass of its walls, there were an 
 hundred gates, — all of brass, even their posts, and their upper lintels, 
 in like manner. 
 
 XAXkim liaur nti alxBuii n xxi dxfyOwix aaxura^. 
 
 where the peculiar word AxsoB'jqx, upper lintels, excludes utterly every 
 idea of an arch. 
 
 Neither can we conceive it possible, that there should have been 
 any arch, even in the little gates, mUSec, on each side next the river ; 
 both because we are expressly told the wall, on each side next the 
 river, was merely xi/ixaix, not rdyoq, which expression conveys pro- 
 perly the idea of a low wall ; or mere sort of rampart or breast-work : 
 and also, because the gates themselves are so particularly described 
 as being very small. 
 
 Diodorus,% indeed, besides the bridge, describes a subterraneous 
 covered passage under the Euphrates ; by means of which, the 
 Queen could pass from the old palace to the new palace : a distance 
 that, according to Strabo'stj account, cannot have been less than the 
 extent of a stadium : — and this passage has been supposed to have 
 been arched. 
 
 Mr. Daniel's curious engravings, and drawings. A specimen also may be seen fairly 
 copied in Mr. Maurice s Indian Antiquities, Vol. VI. PI. II. representing die Pagodas of 
 Deogur. See also Hodges's Travels in India, p. 94. 
 
 * Herodotus Wesselingii, lib. i. Go , p. 8 s. + Lib. i. 179, Ho, p. 84, 85. 
 
 X Diodorus, lib. ii. 09. p. 122. Wesselingii Ed. 
 
 $ Strabo, lib. xvi. 73 8. p. 1073. Casaubon's edition. 
 VOL. II. 3 R 
 
246 
 
 But when we come to examine the words of Diodorus, with more 
 minute precision, we may perceive, that although it might be 
 deemed (just as in common apprehension the great gallery in the 
 pyramid is,) to have been indeed vaulted; yet that no real arch was 
 introduced in the construction ;— and that the closing of the vault- 
 ing above, was merely by a gradual approximation of two straight 
 sides, sloping towards each other, by means of every incumbent 
 brick being made to project a little further than that immediately 
 beneath it, till they met so near, that the breadth of a brick* would 
 be sufficient to close and join them at the top. 
 
 The words are, 'Axmqtyxerz ron xotolhoh, mleOKt&aasp £x tan 
 
 ati t&i PxttXeioi' sk Aixeon $ufyvya . — & ox7ipt Si xliyJou cuvoixooofiiazaec xxq 
 KXtLzootq, & ixalsoov yfyaaq iofiXxo *&fygitii> A^wevn, pfypq oxou to xiyot; roi 
 X$Sl>a.hq bohfli xnx®" Teoatypv. — x\q Si Suknyoq vxi^of oiniv To'iyoi to xUbck 
 
 hi xXMooq Mom- — to Si u^oq, yp{K x\q xxjifSsioniq tyXiSoq, xoSSf SdSixx, 
 
 to Si xX&xoq, xoSwv Szmxivxt . 
 
 And a little close attention to the exact meaning of every ex- 
 pression in them, will remove all doubts.— A literal translation will 
 be as nearly as possible as follows : 
 
 Having turned the river, she formed, from the palaces on each side, a 
 great trench. — And building (xiq mpti^aq) covered ways of dried brick ; 
 on each part she placed melted bitumen,* till on each she made the thick- 
 ness of the layer Jour cubits. — The walls of the trench, on the sides, were 
 of the breadth of 20 feet (i. e. 20 feet thick) and the height, exclusive 
 (xzutpdsicrriq ^xXiSoq) of the inclined forceps part, (or of the sloping sides of 
 the vaidting) was I 2 feet, and the breadth (of the clear passage] fifteen 
 feet. 
 
 Here we find in the first place, all the difficulties removed, with 
 regard to the mention of two different breadths of 20 feet, and of l 5 
 feet, which have occasioned mistakes in the apprehensions of some 
 translators. 
 
 * It appears from the recent examinations of travellers, that the dimensions of the bricks 
 of which the palaces on each side the river were constructed, was ly foot square. See Major 
 Rennell's Observations, p. 375. 
 
 t From these words, I should conclude these layers of bitumen to have been spread not 
 on the tnsides of the walls, where they faced each other ; but on the culsides, next the solid 
 earth of the trench , to prevent the soaking in of the water. 
 
247 
 
 And in the next place, this plain translation clearly leads us to 
 apprehend, that here was no arch; — since there is not the least inti- 
 mation in the whole description (though so minute) of any such 
 thing ; but on the contrary, an actual intimation of sides gradually 
 sloping inwards, towards each other, in the upper part. 
 
 And further, by thus translating the words in the closest manner, 
 we may also perceive a striking similarity between the very mode 
 of construction of this vaulted covered passage under the Euphrates ; 
 — and that of the covered ways under the Hanging gardens ; — whilst 
 there is a near resemblance in both to the mode of covering the vaulted 
 gallery in the pyramid ; — and also to the mode of covering several 
 apparent vaults, and domes, in the most antient Hindoo buildings 
 in India:* — a mode that seems to have been universally the sub- 
 stitute for vaulting, for ages before the use of the arch was introduced. 
 
 And that such was really the kind of covering, or vaulting of 
 this passage, is greatly confirmed, by the account which modern 
 travellers give us of what still actually remains of another covered 
 passage on the very site of Babylon, near the Euphrates. 
 
 For in a fragment of a wall, deemed to have been about 60 feet 
 thick, that ran perpendicular to the bed of the river, was discovered 
 a subterranean canal, which instead of being arched over, was covered 
 toith pieces of sand stone, six or seven feet long, by three wide A 
 
 There appears, therefore, most plainly to have been no arch, 
 either in the bridge over the Euphrates, or in the subterraneous passage 
 underneath. — And in like manner, there is not any thing said that 
 conveys in reality the least idea of an arch in any one building, in 
 the whole city. 
 
 One of the translators J of Herodotus indeed tells us, in describing 
 the great tower, and temple of Jupiter Belus, that within the upper- 
 most tower of all, a spacious dome was built : — -but on consulting the 
 original words, we find no such intimation; — they are merely J 
 
 * It may be recollected, that the rude covering of the dome, and passages, in the great 
 Barrow, at New Grange, in Ireland, in the county of Meath, were rude imitations of this 
 sort of construction. See Vol. I. p. 288, 2 9 2. 
 
 + See Major Rennell's Account, in his Remarks upon Herodotus, p. 3 69. 
 
 X Littlebury, Vol. I. p. i is. 
 
 i Herodotus, Wesselingii. lib. i. m,p. 85. 
 
248 
 
 btmi nsyiK, — simply informing us, that in the uppermost, or 
 finishing tower, there was a great temple ; — in which it is added was 
 placed a great and splendid bed, and a golden table. 
 
 Instead of any intimation concerning an arch in the tower, it 
 appears, on the contrary, from the whole tenor of the description, 
 that the interior part of the structure, beneath this building on its 
 summit, was one solid mass, without any open space or cavity left 
 in it : — and that there was not hardly any room at all left for apart- 
 ments, in the lower part of the tower, even on its sides : — for we 
 are told, that the mode of going up, was by a regular winding ascent, 
 on the outside ; and that in the midst zvas — xuqyot; (rtstec, — a mere solid 
 tower ; — which seems plainly to intimate, that though there was 
 indeed the appearance of eight towers, one above another, yet that 
 all beneath the cell of the temple on the summit, was entirely one 
 solid mountainous pile of earth and brick-work ; — at least in all the 
 central part, * whatever apartments might be constructed on the sides 
 of the ascent; and that therefore there were no arches for support. 
 
 * It is a matter of interesting curiosity, to observe this mode of constructing the central 
 part of a bfy building quite solid, to have been continued amongst remote Eastern nations. 
 — The great Tartar temple Poo-la-la, at Zhe Hoi ; of which a plan and elevation is given 
 in Sir George Staunton's account of Lord Marcarlmy 's Embassy to China, Vol. II. p. as s, 
 PJ. XXVI. XXVII. ; is found to have been of this kind. 
 
 This vast temple (the original design of which, probably, was derived down to the Tartars, 
 from the very ideas remaining in the world of those first efforts of mankind in architectural 
 buildings that were manifested in the plains of Mesopotamia, and Chaldta ) is 2 feet square ; 
 and about as much in height, having eleven stories ; and appears to consist of a vast mass, 
 or tower of mere solid brick-work in the centre; — upon which, as on a rock, the golden chapel, 
 as it is called, stands above; — whilst the apartments of the priests, and the stairs of ascent, 
 surround this internal solid mass, like a shell on all sides. % 
 
 And it is very remarkable, that the very building, near Old Seleucia, in the plains of 
 Mesopotamia, called to this hour Nunrod's Tower ; and which has, by some modern travellers, 
 been mistaken for the antient tower of Babel, does at least exactly conform to this idea; for 
 it consists of one solid mass of brick-work, containing not less than 1 0,000 cubic feet ; and 
 seems to have been exactly what formed the central solid part of just such a kind of tower as 
 that in Tartary, atZ/ie Hoi; whilst the materials correspond exactly with the account of the 
 mode of building of the tower of Babel. 
 
 This ruin near Seleucia, is 126 feet in height; and now, only about 3 oo feet at bottom, 
 measuring all round, close to the part that remains above the rubbish ; — but seems to have 
 been in reality originally l o o feet square ; — there is only one appearance of any sort of 
 aperture, or opening in any part of it; and that is seen near the top; whilst the extent of 
 
249 
 
 Still more remarkable is it, that even in the celebrated structure 
 of the Hanging Gardens there does not appear to have been any arch. 
 
 Modern writers indeed, and even that celebrated one, Dean Pri- 
 deaux, mistaking the words of Diodorus, tell us,* that " the whole 
 " pile was sustained by vast arches, built upon arches one above 
 " another ; and strengthened by a wall surrounding it on every 
 
 ruin at the base, shews it had contiguous additional building on every side. The bricks 
 are all placed square, as for a square building ; — and are themselves, i a inches square, and 
 a\ thick. — The cement is of mud, or slime, mixed with broken reed, as we mix hair with 
 mortar; which slime, Joes says, might either have been had from the great rivers, or have 
 been taken out of the swamps in the plain, with which the country abounds ; — and betwixt 
 every seventh or eight brick in the tower, is a layer of reeds. A view of this extraordinary 
 remain, may be seen accompanying the description (in Ives's Journey from Persia, p. 2 os.) 
 
 And perhaps here it ought to be added, that bricks have lately been brought from the 
 ruins of Babylon, of i 2 and 1 3 inches square, and of 3 inches thick, which were evidently 
 dried in the sun, and not burnt; and have still inscriptions remaining impressed upon them, 
 in characters greatly resembling those on the remains of Persepolis : — and that some of 
 them also have the figure of a lion impressed; — and have retained marks both of the bitumen 
 placed between them, and of the reeds placed between them, and even of thematson which 
 they appear to have been sometimes originally dried. 
 
 Modern travellers inform us, that in the ruins of that which evidently appears to have 
 been the real Babylon, are also found sun-dried bricks about i£ fuot square ; — and that in 
 some of die ruins, the layers of reeds appear to have been between every course of bricks ; 
 — and in some only between every sixth or seventh course. — (Winch circumstances are 
 particularly remarked in Major Rennell's very curious Observations on Herodotus, p. 353, 
 
 3 64, 3 67, 37 1. 
 
 Perhaps it ought also here to be added, that the present remain of the celebrated Tower 
 of Babel, or Temple of Belus, appears to be a vast irregular mount of about G60 by 64o 
 feet, and 200 at least in height; — its base probably including ruins of some surrounding 
 buildings. 
 
 And I cannot conclude this note without observing, that most probably the very reason 
 why the same dicircicieTs appear in the ruins of Persepolis, that are found on the bricks 
 brought from the ruins of Babylon is, because the characters used by the most ancient Baby- 
 lonians continued actually in use, till the time of Darius Hystaspes, who, there is every 
 reason to believe, built Persepolis. 
 
 These characters have a strange affinity to the Chinese, inasmuch as each one seems to 
 signify an whole word. — They were probably, such as formed the most original kind of 
 writing in the world :— and consistently with the idea of each character denominating a 
 word, we may perhaps venture even to conclude, that hieroglyphics instead of being prior 
 to this kind of writing, antient as they are, were only a more refined improvement of it, for 
 the use of the learned; and for the purpose of declaring in a more solemn manner, the most 
 recondite mysteries. 
 
 * Prideaux's Connection, Vol.1, p. us, octavo. 
 
 VOL. II. 3 s 
 
250 
 
 " side, of 22 feet thickness;" — but when we come to examine 
 the words of the original, with due caution ; we find this was so far 
 from having been the case ; that it appears, from what is said of 
 the mode of rearing the structure, there could not possibly have been 
 any arch in it. 
 
 The manner of forming the— ric kpfk, — the roofs*— or tops of 
 the cavities in the mass, Diodorus says, was by their being first 
 covered with — Xidipmloxoi — beams of stone :+ — to /tin nrpoq jw thuq teiCo- 
 lack fywm toSay & mi Sexz, to Ss zkkoq msxoay — whose length with that 
 of the parts that rested on the side walls, — (for so surely we ought, from 
 the consideration of the nature of all the most antient eastern build- 
 ings, to render these words, — whose length, with that of the parts that 
 rested on the side walls, was 1 6 jeet ; and their breadth 4 feet ; — and the 
 structure resting upon these stones, was composed first of a layer of 
 reeds, mixed with much bitumen ; — then of a double layer of bricks, 
 cemented together by plaster ; — and thirdly, of a covering of thick 
 sheets of lead, that no moisture might penetrate ; — and over these 
 sheets of lead, was laid such a depth of earth, as should be sufficient 
 for the roots of the largest trees. 
 
 Nothing then can be clearer, from this whole description, than 
 that whatever concameralions, or vaults, there were in this mass, were 
 simply covered at the top with great imposts of stones, or with 
 transom stones ; — either lying directly on upright side walls, or on 
 side walls, somewhat inclining towards each other in the upper 
 parts; but such as could not, in either case, form any arches. 
 
 And what led Dean Prideaux, and other more modern writers, into 
 the mistake of apprehending that there were arches, seems plainly to 
 have been a preceding passage in Diodorus ; " that the approach, 
 " to the garden, was like the approach to a mountain, it having 
 " structures, and masses piled one upon another; — so that the ap- 
 " pearance was like the rising of the benches of a theatre; and that, 
 " under the several gradations of ascent were constructed, ovatylic, 
 " sustaining the whole mass of verdure ;" — which word cuoiyfic has 
 been translatedfornices, or arches. 
 
 Such translation, however, has surely been adopted, without the 
 
 * With regard to the word 'Opocpii some preceding remarks have been made, p. 2 4 1. 
 t Diodorus, lib. ii. 7 0. p. 12 4. Edit. Wesselingii. 
 
251 
 
 least authority ;* — for the word, if we duly consider its etymology, 
 seems merely to mean, — caverns ; — the author obviously only in- 
 tending to give us to understand, that the whole vast mass, the rather 
 resembled a small mountain, because there was even the resemblance 
 of a sort of caves in it, and sustaining it. 
 
 There is indeed a passage in Strabo,+ which might confirm the 
 learned Prideaux in his error. — But it is a very curious circum- 
 stance, that whilst the full and explanatory account given us by 
 Diodorus, guards us against the mistake arising from his own word 
 oivtyftc ; it will also lead us to apprehend the true meaning, in this 
 passage in Straho, of those difficult words that have in like manner 
 been subject to misinterpretation. 
 
 He says, speaking of the hanging gardens, — they are of a square 
 form, kc. ; — and adds 
 
 2wsyjTzi Si -f/xXiSanxoi xxuavmoic, Ixl xtrKjp ISmpsi/oic HuCoaSaf 
 Which words have been translated by Casaubon, 
 
 Fornicibus continentur fornicatis, silts super talos cubiforman habentes. 
 
 They are composed of for supported by) arched arches, placed for 
 resting) upon dies for great masses) of a cubical form. 
 
 But at the same time, that it is almost impossible to annex a plain 
 and clear idea to the words, fornicibus fornicatis, — arched arches, — 
 it is surely full as allowable, more close to the original, and more 
 rational, to translate the words, 
 
 They are constructed of camerated, forcep-shaped, open coverings, 
 placed upon cubical dies.X 
 
 * If we refer to the judicious H. Stephens, for the elucidation of the word — Su'ptyf — or 
 in the plural Z&fiyfos, (Tom. III. fol. 1137), expecting to find some authority for the 
 rendering of this word an arch, or arches; to our great astonishment, we find in more than 
 an whole half of one ofhis vast crowded pages of citations, (crowded so full even on purpose 
 to explain, if possible, this singular word, ) not one single extract to give the least authority 
 for rendring it an arch : — all that we find, is merely, that it signifies, — a sinus, — a fistula, — 
 an empty space, — or a cavern, 
 
 t Strabo, lib. xvi, 7 3 s . Par. Ed. p. 1073. Amst. 
 
 X H. Stephens in his explanation of the word ^jkxIc, Tom. IV. p. 697, plainly shews 
 that its true meaning is merely to describe the resemblance of a forceps, — or of the sides of a 
 pair of pincers, approaching each other towards the joint ; — and in his explanation of the 
 word — which he translates fornicatum opus, — the only instance he produces ofits 
 
 meaning any thing like an arch, is this very passage in Strabo. 
 
 From his explanation of the words — Kxpdpu, — Kxpapuo-i;, — and Ka^xpuro?, it also 
 
252 
 
 The description of Quintus Curtius will elucidate this matter still 
 further ; and shew how rightly he understood the accounts of those 
 who had gone before him : — for though, in his time the arch was 
 well known, and the word fornix had been long introduced to 
 describe it properly ;— yet no such word, from first to last, is at all 
 
 attempted to be used, in the whole of his description : and this 
 
 we cannot suppose would have been the case, had he (like Dean. 
 Prideaux) supposed that arches were really made use of in the struc- 
 ture : — his words are, 
 
 " Super arce vulgatum Gnecorum fabulis miraculum, pensiles 
 " horti sunt ; summam murorum altitudinem aequantes, multarum- 
 " que arborum umbra et proceritate amceni. Saxo pilje, qua? totum 
 1 1 onus sustinent, instructs; sunt : super pilas lapide quadrato solum 
 " stratum est, patiens terras, quam altam injiciunt ; et humoris, quo 
 " rigant terras: adeoque validas arbores sustinent moles, ut stipites 
 " earum vm cubitorum spatium crassitudine sequent, in l pedum 
 " altitudinem emineant, et frugiferae sint, ut si terra sua alerentur. 
 " Et quum vetustas non opera solum manu facta ; sed etiam ipsam 
 " naturam paullatim exedendo perimat: hasc moles, quae tot arbo- 
 " rum radicibus premitur, tantique nemoris pondere onerata est, 
 " inviolata durat. Ouippe xx lati parietes sustinent, undecim 
 " pedum intervallo distantes, ut procul visentibus silvae montibus 
 " suis imminere videantur.* 
 
 Still above the tower (oj Babylon), and commonly deemed, in Grecian 
 fabulous account, as a miraculous work, are the hanging gardens ; — 
 equaling in height the summit of the walls, and rendered delightful by the 
 
 seems to appear, that the original meaning simply was merely tesludo, and testitdinalio, — a 
 covering inclosing an hollow space;— and that its application to any thing arched, was only 
 in consequence of an arch, or any concavity, forming in reality an hollow covering. 
 
 * Quinti Curtii, lib. v. cap. i. p. 315. Snakenburgii Delph. ed. 
 
 It is almost impossible to avoid, on citing this passage from Quintus Curtius, the remark- 
 ing a strange error of translation Digby, in that which he has given us of this curious 
 
 book, Vol. I. p. 2 7-1, octavo, having very sensibly, though not with accurate closeness, tran- 
 slated — GracorumfabuUsvdracuhlm — by these words, — somuch celebrated by the Greek pools, — 
 strangely translates super arce, — on the top of the castle, — instead at above the castle ; — saying, 
 t/tat the hanging gardens were on the top oj the castle ;t — and not considering, that the 
 expression — super arce — much more obviously means, merely that they were formed higher 
 than the castle. 
 
253 
 
 shade and tallness of many trees. — The square pillars which support the 
 whole weight are built of stone : and upon these square pillars the floor- 
 ing is formed oj squared wrought stone, of strength sufficient to bear the 
 earth thrown deep upon it, and the moisture of the watering of the trees : 
 — and such vast trees do these massy supports sustain, that their roots de- 
 scending downwards occupy the thickness, for depth] oj no less than eight 
 cubits fl2 fleet) ; whilst the trees themselves are not less than 50 fleet 
 high ; and are as productive of their flruits as if they (grew and) were 
 nourished in their own proper soil (or natural situation) ; and whereas 
 age, by its duration, oppresses (and brings to decay) not merely works 
 flabricated by hand, but even, by little and little nature itself ; this massy 
 structure, which is pressed upon by the roots of so many trees, and is 
 loaded with so vast a grove, remains unhurt ; — -because twenty broad 
 walls support it, with intervals of I ] fleet, so that to those beholding it at 
 a distance, the woods seem to hang over the brows of their own proper 
 mountainous hills. 
 
 We cannot then but be convinced, that there were indeed no 
 arches supporting these wonderful Pensile Gardens :— neither can 
 we avoid perceiving, at the same time, that they were not by any 
 means of such stupendous magnificence, and excessive beauty, as 
 has been usually supposed ; — for if the account of Diodorus be 
 true, and his measures just, and if they took up only a space of four 
 Plelhra* (or of about 400 feet square, as Prideaux computes;) they 
 did not cover a space of ground so large as that of Lincoln's Inn 
 Fields within the rails ; nor by any means so large as that occupied 
 by the base of the great Pyramid of Egypt. 
 
 Whatever space they covered, it is surely most clear, from the 
 
 * If we conclude, as we may fairly do, from the whole of the preceding account, that the 
 square pillars of these walls, or the cubical dies, mentioned by Strabo, were about 10 feet 
 in thickness, and their intercolumnations 1 1 feet ; then twenty rows of such pillars, and 
 nineteen intervals, will amount to 409 feet, which (allowing for the difference of Roman 
 and English feet,) will very nearly agree with the conclusion of Dean Prideaux, Vol. I. 
 p. Hi, that the hanging garden of Babylon was about 4 feet square; — and if we 
 
 suppose the pillars 10 feet 3 inches square, will exactly agree with that conclusion. But 
 
 who, in the present days, and in a country of hill and dale, can possibly, notwithstanding 
 the astonishing expence of the work, hold in any great estimation, such a mere glance, 
 over the walls of a city into a flat marshy country? 
 
 VOL. II. 3 T 
 
254 
 
 facts adduced ; that neither in the fabric of these gardens, nor in the 
 temple of Belus, nor in the walls, nor in the bridge of Babylon, were 
 there any arches, 
 
 And as there were no arches at Babylon, so again in the magni- 
 ficent remains of Persepolis, in Persia, there is nothing in any part, 
 that can at all lead us either to believe, or even to suspect, that any 
 Arch did ever exist, in that vast pile. 
 
 These remains of Persepolis are about 30 miles distance from 
 Schiras in Persia ■* and whether either Chardin, or le Bruyn be right 
 in their conjectures, or whether these stupendous ruins did, or did 
 not once constitute a part of the magnificent palace of Darius, that 
 was destroyed by Alexander the Great, there cannot remain a doubt 
 of their having formed the most solid supports of an edifice, that 
 was constructed in the times of the earliest, and most powerful 
 Princes of the country. 
 
 The dresses of the figures sculptured on the walls, so perfectly cor- 
 responding with the descriptions of the old Median, and Persian robes, 
 that have been given to us by the first Greek writers ; — the inscrip- 
 tions in plain clear characters, but still in such as have been found, 
 unintelligible, not only to the modern Persians, but to the Persees 
 themselves, or those now skilled in what is at present deemed their 
 antient language ;— and the correspondence of these buildings with 
 those most antient ones at Thebes in Egypt, in the circumstance of 
 having such a vast number of figures cut upon the stones of the 
 walls ; — all these facts plainly demonstrate the high antiquity of 
 the structure, and its vast importance ; and that it had every degree 
 of ornament, and glory, that the times in which it was erected were 
 capable of yielding. 
 
 Yet the more we examine the curious engravings that have been 
 given to the world of these remains ; and all the full descriptions 
 of them ;+ the more we shall be convinced that there never was any 
 Arch seen here. 
 
 * Sir T. Herbet — Harris, Vol. I. p. 4 29. 
 
 + The first account of these remains, in modern times, seems to have been tiiat very short 
 one given by Geojtcy Ducket, a servant of the Russian company, about the year 157 4, on 
 his return from a voyage to Persia ; who merely spoke of two gates of the city as then ex- 
 isting, andofa few pinnacles in the mountains ; — by which latter expression were obviously 
 
255 
 
 The magnificent columns, and pillars, are all at distances mani- 
 festly designed for some of them to form large, and others small 
 porticos ; — and to support either imposts of stone in the Egyptian 
 manner ; or beams of timber, like those described to have been in 
 the Houses, and in the Temple of Solomon; and in the Palace of 
 Priam . 
 
 meant, what we now know to have been pillars of the antient palace. See Harris's Col- 
 lection of Voyages, Vol. I. p . j-*6 ; and Hakluyt's Voyages, Vol. I. p. 396. 
 
 The second account is that of Sir Thomas Herbert, about i 027 ; accompanied by a very 
 small and inaccurate drawing, in Harris's Collection, Vol. I. p. 489. PI. III. fig. 12; 
 from which, however, we not only learn that these pinnacles were really pillars; but also 
 have a very tolerable idea given us, of the vastness of the buildings; and of the courts; 
 some of winch however he took for i ingle rooms: — and we have besides a circumstance 
 mentioned by him, not sufficiently adverted to by others; which is, that some of the 
 sculptured figures on the walls, were also painted, (as we know, from Norden, those in Egypt 
 were) : and that the gilding, both on the cornishes of the structure, and on the verge of the 
 vests of the figures, remained quite fresh in his time: an observation very similar to that 
 made by Norden, in Egypt. 
 
 Heibert talks indeed of an arch; but in explaining himself fully, clearly shews that he 
 meant only an excavation hewn out of a rock. 
 
 The third account was that by Mandehloe, about 1 63 8, (see Harris's Collection, Vol. 
 II. p. U!.), which though indeed not full, nor clear, seems, as far as it goes, to be faithful 
 and true ; and mentions the former existence of many more pillars, than then remained. 
 
 The fourth was by Strips, in that narration of his voyages, which may most justly be 
 called, (as it has been), the Book of Lies: he says he visited Tzilminar, or Persepo lit, 
 in 1072 ; — gives a short account which seems in the principal part to have been copied 
 from Mandehloes\ — and annexes a plate, p. 3 3 3 , very neatly engraved, of a building 
 totally inconsistant with his own account; and which, on the first cast of the eye, any 
 one may perceive neither ever did, or could exist in any part of the world, any more than 
 the domes existed at Perscpolis, with which he has, in his plate, adorned its roof. 
 
 Afterwards came the very full and curious account given by Sir John Chardin, in conse- 
 quence of his visit in 1 67 4. See Tom. II. p. i 4 to 1 9 7 , in the edition of 17 3 5 ; and from 
 p. 9S, to 126, Tom. III. of the edition of 17 I 1 . 
 
 And fast of all, came that of Le Bruyn, in his voyages, Tom II. p. 285, to 344. 
 
 From these materials there were two large, but very indifferent plates, given as copies 
 from Le Bruyn, in the folio edition of the Universal History, Vol. Ill, p. 33, engraved 
 by Blundell. 
 
 And in 1739, a very good set was published by Harding, entitled Perscpolis Illustrated, 
 which were afterwards exactly imitated in a set annexed to the octavo edition of the Uni- 
 versal History, printed in 17 47 ,Vol. V. p. 96, 8cc. 
 
 There is a very imperfect, and incorrect account of these ruins, by Thevenol; and one 
 much more imperfect by Tavernier. 
 
256 
 
 And indeed one would rather believe the coverings, and super- 
 structures were here of timber ; both because the palace of Perse- 
 polis (if this really was that palace) is described as being principally 
 constructed of wood, and having particularly a great deal of cedar, 
 and as being so soon destroyed by fire j*— and also because the 
 distance, or inter-columnation of so many of the pillars, (they being 
 about 22 feet from each other) is so well adapted, to support such 
 a kind of edifice. 
 
 The whole appearance of the remains, seems to indicate a build- 
 ing that consisted originally of magnificent open porticos ; and of 
 square courts, one beyond another, surrounded with buildings, con- 
 taining very small apartmenls. 
 
 Chardin+ expressly tells us, most of the side rooms, or chambers, 
 were not more than 8 feet wide. 
 
 But the courts we find were entered by very lofty portals : 
 
 opposite to some one of which, in an Inner Court, was probably the 
 Regal Throne; J situated in a manner just similar to that on which 
 Ahasuerus is described as being sitting, in another great Persian 
 palace, at Shusham, or Susa, when Esther with so much timidity 
 approached the Royal Presence. 
 
 The exact account given us is, — that in the inner court, the king 
 
 * Diodorus Siculus, lib. xvii. cap. 71. Editio Wcsselingii, p. 600. Arrian Exped. 
 Alex. lib. iii. cap. 18. Quintus Curtius, lib. v. cap. 7. 
 + Voyage de Chardin, Tom. II. p.m. Edit. 1 7 5 5 . 
 
 % It deseives peculiar notice, that in the views ofPersepolis, there is actually within one 
 of the inner courts, the most remote from the outward gieat portal of entrance, the appear- 
 ance of on aitxmcti portal; standing before another portal, in the very inside of the court, 
 and placed at the furthest end, opposite to the entrance of that court, just as if it were 
 
 designed to mark some most distinguished, and dignified spot In this, probably was 
 
 such a throne for the Kino-. 
 
 See Chardin's representations, Tom. II, Tab. LIU. 
 
 Harding's, PI. II. 
 
 Univei sal History, edit. 1 7 47 ,. Vol. V. PI. II. 
 
 And I cannot help remaiking, on this occasion, that notwithstanding all the censures 
 passed by le Brum, ClmdbCs plates, (however ill drawn, or executed,) do yet convey much 
 more intelligible in'brmation than le Brtem's; and ideas that may be more easily compre- 
 hended. The efforts of le Bruyn to introduce finer shading, and more of the effect of 
 painting, has in many instances produced a very considerable degree of indistinctness, 
 and confusion. 
 
257 
 
 sat upon his royal throne, in the royal house, over against the gate of the 
 house ;\ — -and that Esther having passed through all the doors, for 
 portals] stood before the King, who sat upon his Royal Throne, and was 
 clothed with all his robes of majesty, all glittering with gold and precious 
 stones, and he was very dreadful. 
 
 And it deserves further to be remarked, that the various courts 
 still so plainly to be distinguished, at Persepolis, do also very 
 much correspond with the accountof those mentioned as existing 
 at Susa, when Ahasuerus is described as giving a royal feast, in 
 another of the courts of the house* upon a pavement of red, blue, and 
 while, and black marble ; where were white, green, and blue hangings, 
 fastened with cords of fine linen and purple, to silver rings, and pillars 
 of marble. 
 
 No where, amongst the ruins of Persepolis, can one discern the 
 
 { See Esther, chap. iv. ver. 1 1 . chap. v. ver. 1 . chap. xv. ver. 6. This whole account 
 of the palace at Sma, together with the whole appearance of the remains at Ptrstpotis, con- 
 firms the remark that has been already made (p. 20 0.) concerning themode of building round 
 square courts having been originally derived from Persia, and communicated afterwards, 
 by the Greets, to the Romans, about the time of Lucullus, and Julius Ciesar. 
 
 Ahasuerus is justly concluded by Dean Prideaux (in his Connection, Vol. I. p. J c i) to 
 
 have been Artaxerxes Lmgimam, the third son of Xerxes And with respect to the most 
 
 elegant, and highest improvements of their architecture, the age of Xerxes, and Arlaxerxes, 
 seems to have been to the Persians, much what the ajrg of Trajan, Adrian, and the Animates 
 was to the Romans;— ihe ana of its greatest perfection. — To which we may add, that the 
 bass-reliefs, on the walls, and pilasters of Persepolis, serve still to convey down to us, 
 the modes of dress, and of the armour, and appearance of the Persians, as precisely, and 
 effectually, as the bass-reliefs on the columns of Trajm, and Antoninus, do those of the 
 Romans. 
 
 The dress of the Persian monarch ;— his long golden sceplre, or staff: — (according to 
 Eastern ideas, his rod of command; — so particularly noticed in the Book of Esther, 
 chap, iv.ver. Ii.chap. v. ver. 2,)— appears over and over again in these bass-reliefs, and 
 cannot be mistaken, any more than the peculiar form of his throne. 
 
 The dresses, and the accoutrements of theSalrapes, and of the different troops of soldiers 
 under them, is also as clearly to be distinguished, by any discerning eye. 
 
 I have ventured in the former Volume to remark, that the wolves" heads, and the dogs' 
 heads, seen on the bodies of men in the Egyptian bass-reliefs, were merely terrific helmets 
 worn by the soldiers:— and indeed, from the bass-reliefs at Thebes, — at Persepolis,— 
 and on Trajan's Pillar,— the whole military appearance of Egyptians, Persians, and 
 Romans, may be brought to light;— the paucity of whose armour, after all, is hardly less 
 surprising, than the greatness of the mischief they effected with it. 
 
 * Esther, chap. i. ver. 5, G. 
 
 VOL. II. 3 u 
 
258 
 
 springing of an arch ;* — nor is there so much as an arched door way ; 
 - — or an arched portal ; — or an arched window in the whole structure ; 
 — nor even an arched niche ; which surely there would have been, 
 in some part or other, if there had ever been any arches in the 
 building at all ; as so many door-ways, — portals, — windows, — and 
 niches, — do actually still remain entire: — but they are all, whether 
 of large, or of inferior dimensions, covered flat at the top, by imposts, 
 and architraves, or transom stones: or else are only hewn out of 
 one single stone, and still either of a square, or of an oblong 
 form it 
 
 The only representation, in all the drawings brought into Europe, 
 that could lead to die idea of the existence of an arch at Persepolis ; 
 is that by le Bruyn,J of a part of the side of a window, Jilled with 
 
 * This is confirmed in express words by Chardin, Tom. II. p. 161. Ed. 17 3 5 . 
 •f See le Bruyn's representation, Tom. IV. p. 335. Tab. 4. 
 And Harding's, PJ. X. 
 
 And the Universal History, Vol. V. Ed. MM. PI. X. 
 
 It is in the representation of this part of the architecture more particularly, that the merit 
 of le Brum's representations seems to consist; — for in that of the carved bass-relief figures, 
 surely we may discern there is more naivete in those of Chardin, whether any drawing of his 
 were precisely ufac-similc or not. 
 
 X See Voyages de le Bruyn, qnarto^Tom. IV. p. 3 3 7 , Tab. 4. — It is also copied in the 
 Plates published by Harding, PI. IX.; and in those inserted in the octavo edition of tbe 
 Univeisal History, Vol- V. p. 97, PI. IX. 
 
 And on this occasion I cannot but again observe, with regard to the several views and 
 representations which have been published of Persepolis; that after all, those of Chardin, 
 which were the first, seern still to be really the most instructive, notwithstanding the censures 
 ot le Bntyn. — They certainly do also, more than any others, serve to convey the clearest idea 
 of the exact manner in which those colossal figures called the sphinxes, consistency with 
 all the accounts, are carvtd upon the pilasters of the portico. For those figures seem mani- 
 festly to have been (like several Egyptian sculptures) only in very low relievo, scarcely more 
 than engraving; the sides of the bodies of the animals being represente J flatly on the side 
 walls, and the frjnts of the heads represented almost as flatly on the end walls, as if all the 
 rest of the bodies of the animals were entirely buried within the substance of the walls; 
 and supporting them : — and therefore, most obviously, however Chardin s drawings may be 
 remote from giving very exuLtporliatts of these obscure figures, (die flatness of whose strange 
 fronts in such low relief, perhaps renders it almost impossible for them to have Leen pour* 
 tvd\ ed with any true resemblance of nature at all.) nothing we may be assured can be more 
 unlike the truth, than those figures of le Bruyn s t which appear both projecting imp] operly 
 in much more than allo-relicvo; and also as having the appearance, most ludicrously, ui ^ 
 
259 
 
 characters. — But this, on a careful examination of the account, ap- 
 pears to be so far from being intended to exhibit any representation 
 of an arch ; that indeed it was manifestly designed, merely to re- 
 present a solid block of stone, with its corners at the top rounded, 
 or broken off: — and was so represented, solely for the sake of shew- 
 ing, as it was thought the more plainly, that it was merely a block 
 of stone, and only a piece of the side of z window ; and not a represen- 
 tation of the window itself. 
 
 As there appears no arch in the remains of the Palace ; so 
 neither in the Tombs, in the mountain near adjoining, nor in 
 those, at a little further distance, at the place called Naxi Rustan, 
 is there any such appearance. For they have all, without excep- 
 tion, their grand false portals formed square at the top, with flat 
 lintels ; — and the pillars in front of the whole, (though merely 
 hewn out of the face of the solid rock,) are purposely made to 
 have the representation of supporting great projecting imposts, 
 with a long architrave, and frieze above, adorned with sculptured 
 figures. 
 
 And as to wdiat, seems, at first sight, (in one of those views, 
 published with copies of Chardin's and le Bruyn's plates, * by 
 Harding) to have the resemblance of arches, in the inside of one of 
 the tombs ; they plainly appear to be mere excavations cut out of 
 the solid rock, whilst indeed we are expressly told by Chardin, who 
 examined the place, that they are such. i 
 
 Chardin s account of the inside of the other sepulchre, which he 
 also visited, + is, that two marble coffins, or tombs, stood on the floor 
 
 sort of full bottomed wigs, especially in the copies in the folio edition of the Universal 
 
 History, Vol. 111. p. 33. 
 
 See Chardin's Representations, Tom. II. Ed. 1 7 3 5 . Tab. 52, 53 , 5 6, 57 ; and 
 Le Brnyn's Representation's, Tom. IV. Tab. 4. p. 3 3 0, 3 3 1 ; and 
 Harding's Representations, PI. III. and PI. X. 
 
 And those in the Universal History, Vol. V. octavo. Ed. 17 47, p. 96. PI. I. III. IV. 
 
 * This representation of the vault with small side vaults, in fact seems to have no 
 
 sort of authority. It is not found in k Brupis quarto edition And indeed he there tells 
 
 us plainly, Tom. IV. p. 3 66, that he himself, never was in the inside of the tombs 
 at all. 
 
 + Voyages du Chardin, Tom II. p. 16 3. Ed 1 7 3 5 . But it ought further to be remarked, 
 that le Bruyn gives a representation (Tab. 4. Tom. IV. p. 3 62 ) of two little edifices, in 
 
260 
 
 of rock ; in a small cave hewn out of the substance oj the rock, at equal 
 distances from each other, and from the sides of the cave. 
 
 The principal front of the palace at Persepolis, seems to have 
 been towards the north ; and to have consisted of a grand open 
 portico > originally supported by four pillars ; — two of which still 
 remain nearly entire, whilst the two others are almost utterly de- 
 stroyed, except just at their foundations. At the two ends of this 
 portico, were the two open portals, one on each side; in which are so 
 oddly carved the figures of the Sphinxes :— and near the first of 
 these, the most remote from the mountain, and looking towards the 
 plain, was that grand staircase that faces the west. 
 
 From this superb portal, the whole building seems to have been 
 continued in length, towards the south ; and to have consisted of a 
 succession of square courts ; on the sides of which still remain the 
 stone door-ways, and facades of small apartments, that had been in 
 other respects chiefly constructed of timber. 
 
 A great part of the walls, we find, were covered with figures, in 
 a sort of bass-relief ; very nearly resembling the manner in which 
 Norden informs us the walls of the temples and great buildings at 
 Thebes in Egypt are covered. 
 
 The pillars, also, as was the case with several in Egypt, are 
 remarkable for the fantastic forms of the capitals ; and the covering 
 above, was plainly constructed, as in Egypt, of great imposts of 
 stones, supporting other flat transom stones, or a sort of regular 
 architraves, in some parts; and in others, obviously designed to 
 support only beams of timber. 
 
 All these circumstances, of concurrence with the ornaments, and 
 architecture in Egypt, serve greatly to confirm the idea, + that 
 Persepolis was built originally, soon after the time of Cambyses, out 
 of the spoils brought by him from Egypt, and even by the assistance 
 of artists transport, d from thence. 
 
 The same fact also seems to be confirmed by the mode of con- 
 
 the adjacent plain ; which really have an arch on each side of each structure These how- 
 
 ever are obviously mere recent Mahometan buildings; of a much later date, by very many 
 centuries, and erected even within these last five or six hundred years. 
 
 * See Chardin Tom. II. Tab D2, 5J. Le Bruyn, Tom. IV. Tab. 4. p. 32S, 3 3 . 
 Harding, PI. I. PI. II. Universal History, Vol. V. Ed. 1747. p. 96, PI. l, and 2. 
 
 + See Voyages de le Bruyn, Vol. IV. p. 403, quarto. 
 
261 
 
 strutting the tombs, for though indeed they are of a very different 
 form, from the Pyramids, yet we find here, at the entrance of every 
 one of them, (as there is at the entrance of the great Pyramid of 
 Gize) a false portal ; — most magnificent in its dimensions ; — but 
 with only a very small, low, forced entrance, at bottom, about 2i feet 
 high ; whilst all the rest is a mere facing to solid rock.* 
 
 If all these circumstances, and the testimony of Diodorus, amount 
 to proofs, that Persepolis was built by Egyptian artists, and soon 
 after the return of the army of Cambyses ; it must probably, though 
 finished by Artaxerxes, have been begun by Darius the son of 
 Hystaspes, much about the time of the rebuilding of the Second 
 Temple at Jerusalem ; — and, in that case, as the sepulchres of which 
 we have spoken, (notwithstanding the original burial-place of the 
 Medo-Persians having been at Ecbatana,) are allowed to have been 
 the most usual burial-places of the Persian monarchs, from the time 
 in which Persepolis was built, down to the time of its being burnt 
 by Alexander the Great ; in some one of these, most probably, was 
 interred the celebrated Queen Esther; whether she was the Queen 
 of Darius Hystaspes, or of Xerxes, as some have imagined ; or (as 
 Dean Prideaux .seems more justly to conclude) of Artaxerxes Longi- 
 manus: for in all those reigns this palace must have been in its utmost 
 splendour, and the most resorted to, of almost any. 
 
 Further; it may be added, that if Persepolis was indeed built by 
 Darius Hystaspes ; then we may the better understand the meaning 
 of the figures engraven on the rock at Naxi Rustan,+ (or Nachs- 
 Rustem) of two great personages sitting on horseback, and holding 
 
 firmly together, by a great ring in their hands ;— and may perhaps most 
 fairly conclude, that this bass-relief does rather represent that 
 remarkable circumstance mentioned by Herodotus,% of the two com- 
 petitors for the Crown, waiting to discover whose horse should neigh 
 
 first after the rising of the sun, (by means of which event, in his 
 
 * Chardiii, Tom. 111. p. 1 15. Ed. 1711. 
 
 + Voyages du Chardin, Tom. 111. p. , 22 . PI. LXXIV. Voyages de Ie Bruyn, 
 Tom. IV. p. 3 6!, quarto. Harding's Plates, PI. XI. Universal History, octavo, Vol. V. 
 Ed. 17 47, PI. XXIV. XXV. XXVI. 
 
 t Herodotus lib. iii. ss, 86, «7. p. 14 1, til. Ed. Wesselingii. 
 
 VOL. II. 3 x 
 
262 
 
 favour, Darius obtained the throne) than any combat, or supposed 
 contest merely of strength. 
 
 And if so, then one of the other compartments, on the same rock, 
 mayjustly be deemed to represent the acknowledgement of his dominion, 
 by the Persian nobles, after the event of the neighing of the horse 
 had taken place ; — and a third compartment, to represent the sub- 
 mission of the inferior chieftains . 
 
 If Persepolis was first begun to be built by Darius Hystaspes (as 
 we have the utmost reason to believe) then, also, we may, from 
 this circumstance, account for the pillars having bases ; as this was 
 in consequence of its being built in so much later times than the 
 structures in Egypt : only about five hundred years before the 
 Christian a;ra. 
 
 No sort of appearance of anarch is to be found in the remains of 
 the temples at Piestum, in Italy ; nor indeed could any such sort of 
 appearance be there reasonably expected ; as the total want of any 
 bases to the pillars plainly points out its earlier period of architecture. 
 
 In the surrounding walls indeed, of this antient city, there is 
 found a gate, with a regular arch, and a regular key-stone, adorned 
 with the figure of a syren carved upon it* But as it is well 
 known that Piestum was in full splendour, even so late as in the 
 Augustan age, (when Virgil, Ovid, Propertius, and Martial, all cele- 
 brated its fame, and its roses,) we have the utmost reason to believe, 
 that this fine arch, was only of that agei- and very long subsequent, 
 in the date of its erection, to the age in which the temples at Piestum 
 were built. 
 
 They were probably reared a little before the building of the 
 palace of Persepolis, and more than five hundred and twenty years} 
 before the Christian aera. And being therefore so far prior, in point 
 of time, to Persepolis, the pillars have no bases, but are, like the most 
 antient ones in Egypt, found to have the shafts themselves merely 
 standing upon, and as it were rising out of the floor. 
 
 * See Major's Ruins of Piestum, p. 17, 21. Tab. III. IV. V. 
 
 + This will also appear die more probable, if we consider, that there is at Bnmdusium, 
 a capital of a pillar, actually erected by Augustus; with ornaments representing Syrens 
 and Tritons. It has had a drawing made of it, by the ingenious Mr. Reveley the 
 architect. j Major's Faestum, p. 1 1. 
 
263 
 
 These pillars, it has also been observed, are strangely dispro- 
 portioned ; like many of the most antient pillars in Egypt ; being 
 not more than 4, or A\ diameters high ; whereas the proportion of 
 the Doric order properly, is now esteemed to be eight. 
 
 Their capitals also, though called Doric, are of a most singular 
 form; resembling a compressed bag, more than any thing else; — 
 instead of being like the true Tuscan, or Doric capital, rising to an 
 edge at the top.* — Their Jlutings also are remarkable, being quite to 
 an edge 
 
 And in all these really antient buildings, at Pastum, there is no 
 appearance of anarch, or of any the least provision for the spring- 
 ing of an arch. 
 
 Again ; — amongst the celebrated ruins of Athens ; — neither in the 
 remains of those buildings which were erected, in the Acropolis, in 
 the time of Pericles; — nor indeed in any of those that appear to 
 have been erected, in other parts of the city, at all prior to the time 
 of Augustus, is there to be found any indication of an arch. 
 
 Those arches seen in the external wall of the Theatre, may fairly 
 be concluded to have been of the time of the Emperor Adrian; as 
 he is known to have rebuilt it. + And the same may be observed 
 
 * All this is finely represented in some very curious drawings, by Mr. Reve/ey the 
 architect, on a very large scale; which it is to be hoped will be published sometime or other; 
 and therefore I do not think myself at liberty to give any representations of them; nor to add 
 any thing further than a description of the form of these capitals; with due mention of his 
 most curious, and accurate investigation : observing, at the same time, that the peculiarity 
 of their form has hardly been sufficiently attended to in Major s engravings in general ; 
 although some idea of it is conveyed in the representations in detail, in Tab. XXIII. of 
 that Work. 
 
 Capitals of the same sort of construction, are found on the pillars of an antient temple at 
 Corinth, (see Le Roy's Ruins of Greece, PI. XXV.) 
 
 And with regard to the disproportion of antient columns, it appears, that those of the 
 Temple oET/ieseus, built in the time of Pcrides, after the battle of Marathon, have, accord- 
 ing to Mr. Revetey's exact measures, not more than six diameters in height, and some have 
 even less. 
 
 t See le Roy's Ruines des Monuments de la Grece, p. 13, PI. VII . And the account of 
 Athens by Chandler, in his Travels in Greece. 
 
 Adrian's attachment to Athens is well known. On passing through the city with 'Trajan, 
 he was created Archon, or chief magistrate. After his return from Britain, when, as emperor 
 he visited all the provinces, he was again there. And afterwards he actually assumed the habit 
 
264 
 
 concerning the arches, in the wall, added to the Temple of Jupiter 
 01ympius.+ 
 
 The monument of Philopappus ; which has many regular arches ; 
 was decidely of the time of the emperor Trajan.X 
 
 And the fine arch of Theseus, was of the time of Adrian. $ 
 
 Whilst nearly all the buildings, in that city of arts, and of science, 
 except those whose dates can be positively ascertained to have been 
 of the Augustan age, or subsequent to it, are found, (like the most 
 antient ones in the Acropolis) totally devoid of arches, and to have 
 had ponderous architraves, and entablatures, supported by pillars 
 that are even of irregular proportions, according to those ideas which 
 prevailed in the best ages ; and are often without any bases; — as 
 particularly in the Temple of Minerva, and in that of Theseus. || 
 
 The celebrated temple of Diana at Ephesus, built after the days 
 of Alexander the Great, seems evidently to have had no arch, in 
 any part of the structure, any more than that which was reared 
 before, in the days of Croesus, and Solon.— For the exact account 
 given us by Pliny, of the mode of forming a sufficiently solid foun- 
 dation for it, in a marshy soil ; by means of laying beds of pounded 
 charcoal upon the marshy ground, with alternate layers of fleeces of 
 wool, to render the whole mass compact ; and the well-known fact, 
 that over this was placed a most solid basement for the whole build- 
 ing to rest upon, ascended by ten steps, precludes almost entirely the 
 idea of any arches, or vaultings of any kind underneath ; — whilst 
 the particular account of vast architraves, and of the immense stone 
 lintel placed over the great portal of entrance, most positively pre- 
 cludes the possibility of supposing that any arch ever existed in 
 that great gate of entrance, or any where in the upper part of the 
 building. 
 
 The words of Pliny are, 
 
 of Archon; — celebrated the festival of Bacchus, (to whom this very theatre was dedicated), 
 and embellished the city with so many stately structures, that he was called t/te Second. 
 Founder. See Noris Epist. Consul, p. 7 2 . Eusebii Chron. p. a 1 1. Dio,p. 7 95. Hier. 
 Chron. Wheler's Travels, p. 4 3 7 . 
 
 + LeRoy.p. is, PI. X. t Ibid. p. 33. PI. XX. j Ibid. p. 14. PL XXI. 
 
 || See Pococke's Travels, Vol. II. part jd. PI. LXVII. p. 162. PI. LXXIX. p. 169. 
 PI. LXXVII. p. les. Pl.LXVI. p. i6i. 
 
265 
 
 Magnificentiaa vera admiratio extat templum Ephesis Diana; 
 ducentis viginti annis factum a tota Asia. In solo id palustri fecere, 
 ne tens motus sentiret, ant hiatus timeret. Rursus ne in lubrico 
 atque instabili fundamenta tanta: molis locarentur, calcatis ea sub- 
 stravere carbonibus, deia velleribus Ians. Universo templo Ion- 
 gitudo est ccccxxv pedum, latitudo ducentorum viginti, columns 
 centum viginti, * septem a singulis regibus factae, lx pedum akitu- 
 dine: ex iis xxxvi cxhtx, una a Scopa. Opeii piajfuit Chersi- 
 phron arcliitectus. Summa miracula, epistylia tantae molis attolli 
 potuisse. Id consecutus est ille sronibus arena plenis, molli clivo 
 super capita columnarum exaggerato, paulatim exinaniens imos, ut 
 sensim opus in cubili sederet. Diflficillime hoc contigit in limine 
 ipso quod foribus imponebat. Etenim ea maxima moles f'uit: nee 
 sedit in cubili, anxio artifice, mortis destination "suprema. 7>a- 
 duntque in ea cogitatione fessum nocturno tempore in quiete vidisse 
 prassentem Deam, cui templum fiebat, hortantem ut viveret: se 
 composuisse lapidem, atque ita postero die a'ppafuit, et pondere ipso 
 correctus videbatur. Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. cap. 14. 
 
 Just is the admiration of the magnificence that the T emple of the 
 Ephesian Diana excites, — which zuas two hundred and twenty years in 
 building, at the expence of all Asia (Minor). —In a marshy soil they 
 placed it ; that it might not be affected by earthquakes, or subject to any 
 rendings (or cracks) —And further, that they might not lay the foun- 
 dations of such a vast pile upon a yielding, unstable bottom ; they formed 
 a stratum of pounded charcoal covered with fleeces of wool— The length 
 of the whole Temple was 425 feet, — the breadth 220 —the columns 120, 
 —seven made at the expence of individual Kings ;—the height of them 
 CO feet; — and 36 of them sculptured,— one by Scopas.i—Chersiphron 
 
 ' I have adopted Mr. Windham's excellent correction of the punctuation, by planing a 
 comma here;— a correction which surely flings great light upon the passage.— See Archs" 
 logia, Vol. VI. p. 8. 
 
 t Without presuming to decide whether Salmasiuss emendation of the woids— a, 
 Scopa— one by Scopus— by reading,—,,™ a &opa,—bf Scopas on!,,— be right or not, I 
 cannot but venture to conclude, that these thirty -sis columns were adorned with bass-reliefs, 
 and other spiral ornaments besides fluting; and aie therefore thus distinguished by Pliny. 
 The word detains implies engraving, or embossing, and something much more than mere 
 jluling .—and it is well known, that the pillars of Trajan, and of Antoninus, and the 
 historical column that Sandys (p. 3 5 ,) describes as being formerly at Constantinople, which 
 VOL. II. 3 y 
 
 :|]XO- 
 
 -tina a 
 
266 
 
 the architect presided over the work.— It was most miraculous, that 
 
 architraves of such immense bulk could be raised up to their places. 
 
 This he accomplished, by means of bags full of sand, filed up, forming 
 a gentle ascent rising higher than the capitals of the columns, and then 
 by gradually emptying the lower ones, in order that the work in hand, 
 the ponderous mass, might slowly, by little and little settleon its proper 
 support.— This was brought to pass with the utmost difficulty with regard 
 to the very lintel which he was placing upon the portal .—For its bulk was 
 the most prodigious :— and it did not settle proferly, on its support, or 
 bed; in consequence of which the architect, full of anxiety, was ready to 
 doom himself to death.— Tradition says that, wearying himself out with 
 such thoughts in the night, he saw in his sleep the goddess, whose temple 
 he was building, appearing to him, and exhorting him to live, for that 
 she had set the stone rigid ,—and so it appeared the next day, seeming to 
 have been brought to its correct position by its own weight. 
 
 Hence therefore it appears, that in this wondrous pile, even when 
 finished after the days of Alexander, and as remaining till Pliny's 
 time, there was no arch : — and we may rest well assured that in the 
 prior one, built in the days of Croesus, and Solon, above two-hun- 
 dred years before Alexander, there could be none. 
 
 Perhaps also it ought to be mentioned, that in the medals repre- 
 senting the shrine of Diana* no attempt is made, that I am aware of, 
 to represent any arch, in the Temple in which it stands. 
 
 were reared in subsequent ages, were adorned with embossed figures surrounding the whole 
 as on a spiral fillet, or band ;— whilst some of those even of earlier ages appear to have been 
 adorned with other ornaments besides fluting; as may be seen amongst the specimens 
 described both by Pococke, and Norden. 
 
 * The shrine, as it appears upon the medals, was a sort of Terminus ; — and historians 
 have described it as being of wood ; which some have supposed cidar, others Amy, and others 
 the vine-tree, overlaid with gold:— (Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xvi. cap. 4o,sec.79.) The image 
 is said by Pliny to have been never changed, though the temple was seven times rebuilt. 
 But, from a variety of facts, mentioned by antient writers of the greatest credit, 1 have 
 ventured, ina former wort, to conclude the image itself, that was the object of the Ephesians, 
 
 idolatry, to have been merely a pyramidal, pjritical stone And if we consider that a shrine 
 
 properly means a case inclosing somewhat ; we may perhaps most justly conclude, that such 
 pyramidal stone, said to have fallen from heaven, was really incased, or inshrincd, in that 
 lower part of the wooden image which resembled a term, or inverted quadrangular pyramid. 
 This conclusion may reconcile all the accounts ; and seems to receive additional con- 
 firmation, from the appearances of the shrine, on medals in the Pembroke Collection, 
 
267 
 
 Pococke* indeed, and Van Egraont, + speak of arches under what 
 they conceived to be remains of the temple : — but it appears clearly, 
 fromChandler'sJ more accurate observations, that they wereentirely 
 mistaken in what they took to have been its situation ; — and that the 
 very vestiges of this great object of heathen idolatry were so utterly 
 razed by the zeal of succeeding ages, that none are, at present, to 
 be found. 
 
 And as to those actual remains of buildings at Ephesus, where 
 arches do really still exist, it is obvious, from a variety of circum- 
 stances, that they were either of the age of Augustus, § or of T rajan, 
 or Adrian, or even of the time of the Greek Emperors; as has been 
 justly remarked by Pococke, || with regard to some of them. — Whilst 
 there are even inscriptions still legible on the arches of the acque- 
 duct, and elsewhere, specifying the reigns of Trajan, Adrian, and 
 Antoninus.1 
 
 represented irl Part II. Tab. 3, 7, 61. Part III. Tab. [6, 75, in. Whilst we ought not 
 to forget, that the — vota; dpyvoti: — the silver shrines made by Demetrius, mentioned in the Aits 
 chap. xix. ver. 2-1, are most justly concluded to have been silver medals, with similarrepre- 
 sentations of the shrine; — and that from some of these, most probably those on the Pembroke 
 medals were taken. — Neither perhaps ought we to forget, that there is a peculiarity in an ex- 
 pression in Jeremiah, chap. iii. ver. 9. — to |uAo» xui tov K&o>, fie slack and the stone which 
 may very well be thought to intimate, that, in other instauces also, the object of idolatrous 
 worship and abomination, was thus combined both of wood and stone. 
 
 The grounds for concluding the real image to have been merely a pyramidal stone, may 
 be seen in a little tract, entitled, Remarks concerning stones said to have fallen from the clouds, 
 (p. 15.) — And to what has been there said I cannot but now add, that even the Palladium 
 of Rome, seems to have been of the very same kind ; — since we find that it, in like manner, 
 was by tradition, reported to have fallen from heaven; and that its weight was not so o-reat, 
 but that the vestal virgins could catch it up, and carry it, when the Temple of Vesta was 
 
 on fire, in the time oiCommodus, from its secret cell, to the palace of the Emperor See 
 
 Herodian, lib, i. cap. 35, and 15. 
 
 The fact of such sort of stones really falling from the clouds, has been still more fully 
 confirmed, since my little tract was written, by well attested accounts within this year or 
 two, of others that have lately fallen in India, and particularly near Benares : some of which 
 have been brought over, and compared with those which fell in Italy, and elsewhere j and 
 have been found exactly of the same kind of substance. 
 
 * Pococke, Vol. II. Part ii. p. 5 1 . t Van Egmont's Travels Vol. I. p. 107. 
 
 * See Chandler's Travels in Asia Minor, p. 153, 13 9, 140, 141; and also Mr. Falconer's 
 very judicious Observations, in the Archzulogia, Vol. XI, p. is, 16. 
 
 { Chandler, p. 12 1. || Pococke, Vol. II. Part ii. p. 47. 
 
 1 Van Egmont, Vol. I. p. 1 15, 116. 
 
268 
 
 It ought not to be passed by unnoticed, that we have in the pre- 
 ceding account of Pliny's, a positive confirmation of the idea suggested 
 in the former Volume,* concerning the mode of raising immensely 
 ponderous stones to great heights, by means of artificial sloping mounts 
 of earth : — and have even information of a great improvement of 
 this mode, by using sand ; which might easily be removed gradually 
 from the bottom of the mount, to lower a little the ponderous weight 
 at the top, when once it had been rolled up the gradual slope ; and 
 by that means to fix it in its proper situation. — And perhaps it may 
 be added, that the invention of the arch, was the sole cause of this 
 simple and ingenious method being so much forgotten. 
 
 I may now then venture to add, that after the best research which 
 can well be made with respect to various parts of the world, and 
 after all the means of investigation, that are in our power, have 
 been tried ; there does not appear, as far as my inquiries have 
 enabled me to apprehend, in any country, (no not even in Italy, 
 or Rome itself) one arch to have existed, much prior to the time of 
 Augustus. 
 
 The first positive intimation we have concerning the building of 
 arches, seems to have been, by Livy,\- who tells us, that Scipio Afri- 
 canus, and L. Mummius, placed arches on piers, which M. Fulvius had 
 
 constructed to form a bridge over the Tyber, many years before; 
 
 and this work of Scipio 's, which appears to have been a sort of first 
 splendid introduction of a new invention, could not possibly have 
 been executed more than an hundred years, at most, before Augustus 
 Ccssar obtained the empire. 
 
 Cicero speaks of an arch erected by Verres, or in honour of him, at 
 Syracuse ;J and so early an existence of such a kind of structure there, 
 before we hear of one any where else, may perhaps even fairly 
 lead us to suspect, — that Sicily was the country, where this noble kind of 
 ornament in architecture first appeared, — and that indeed Archimedes 
 was the inventor of it. 
 
 * Vol. I. p. 260. 
 
 + Lib. xl. cap. 51. M. Fulvius plura et majoiis locavit usus. Portum, et pilas pontis 
 in Tibenm ; quibus pilis Cornices post aliquot annos P. Scipio Africarms, et L. Mummius 
 Censores locaverunt imponendos. 
 
 X In Verrem, lib. ii. sec. 63 Hujus fornix in foro Syracusis est, in quo nudus filius 
 
 stat: ipse autera ex equo nudatam ab se provinciam prospicit. 
 
269 
 
 Hirtius, tells us of arches at Alexandria ;" — and Livy speaks 
 of a street called the arched-way in Rome.+ — And Virgil has a 
 plain reference to arches, both in his ideal descriptions ;% and 
 in one of his similes. $ — But all the arches which gave occasion to 
 any of these expressions, made use of by these authors, may very 
 fairly be concluded to have been constructed after the time of 
 Archimedes. 
 
 And as to the celebrated Sewers of Rome, which have been so often 
 spoken of as being constructed by Tarqidnius Superbus: — from the 
 very account which Dionysius Halicarnassus, Strabo, and Pliny, give 
 of them, as it stands in their own words, [| we may reasonably 
 conclude, that the real work of Tarquin was, in some parts, mere 
 excavation of rock ; — and in others, (where any thing like vaulting 
 was needful,) formed of strong side walls, covered originally some- 
 what in the manner of the vaulting under the hanging gardens at 
 Babylon ; or else merely with timber : — and that the whole was, after 
 many ages, in the time of Augustus only, arched over by Agrippa — 
 
 We find indeed, on the most classic ground, the celebrated bridge 
 or aqueduct of Kami; spoken of by Addison, as one of the stateliest 
 ruins in Italy ; — and which consisted of three or four great arches of 
 marble, whose vast blocks were apparently without cement ; 1 whilst 
 one of the arches is said to be about 1 70 feet in diameter; — but this 
 aqueduct, or bridge, was built in the time,of Augustus Cesar. 
 
 * A. HirtudeBeUo Alexandrine), sec. i — Incendio fere lata est Alexandria; quod sine 
 contignatione ac materia sunt rfficia, et structu.is atque fornicibllj continenter; tectaque 
 sunt rudere am pavimentis. 
 
 + Lib. xxii. sec. 3 6. Et in via Fornicata, qua: ad Campum erat, aliquot homines de 
 cselo tacti cxanimatique fuerant. 
 
 J Mcenia conspicio, atque adverso fbrnice porta. jEneidos, lib. vi. I. bl l . 
 Otnnis et agricola, et tuta latet arce viator 
 
 Aut amnis ripis, aut alti fornice saxi. Ibid. lib. x. 1. sofi. 
 II "Hpfaro Ss«.m rou; ijnulfimc ipu T %iy, Dionys. Halic. lib. iii. p. 2 0. 
 O.' Si C™lpu, <ri, .fa \& a xarwK^a&rif zpiifa; x i f rm mpsrifc W«S ante- 
 "holrtoLtrt. Strabo, lib. v. 235, p. 3 go. 
 
 A. M. Agrippa in jfidilieate post Consulatum, per meatus corrivati septem amnes, 
 cursuque pra-cipiti torrentium modo rapere atque aulerre omnia coacti, iusuper mole im- 
 
 brium concitati, vada ac latera quatiunt Amplitudinem tarns earn fecisse proditur, 
 
 ut vehem fcni large onustam transmitteret PliniiNat. Hist. lib. xvxvi. cap. 15. 
 
 * Addiso "' s Remarks on Italy, p. i o 2.— See also Wright's Travels, p. I J 1. PI. VI.;— 
 and an account of it also by Keysler, Vol. HI. p. Hi; and by Misson, Vol. II. p. 365. 
 VOL. II. 3z 
 
270 
 
 We find alco the bridge of Rimini, to have been built by Augustus, 
 and Tiberius* 
 
 And that noble Dome, the Pantheon, to have been built by 
 Agrippa, the son-in-law of Augustus, + — and the first great patron 
 of arts, and of science. 
 
 Some persons indeed have conceived, that the portico only of the 
 Pantheon, was built by Agrippa ; — and that the dome itself was of a 
 prior date. — But for such conjecture, there is no other support than 
 mere fancy: whilst the perfect silence of all preceding ages, con- 
 cerning its existence, bears almost positive testimony to the contrary 
 — It is hardly possible to suppose, that so wonderful a structure 
 as this Dome should never have been mentioned, or taken the least 
 notice of, before the time of Augustus, if it had really been in existence; 
 when so much was said in the Augustan age, and has been said 
 ever since, concerning the wonderful boldness of the invention, and 
 the marvellous execution of the design. 
 
 And as there is no good reason for conceiving the Pantheon 
 to have existed before that age, so also, when all circumstances 
 are duly considered, we must, I am persuaded, form exactly the 
 same kind of conclusion, concerning the Arco-Jelice of brick, at 
 Cumce;% — and even concerning the aqueduct of Ancus-Marlius,\ 
 notwithstanding the name it bears. 
 
 In short they appear every one of them, to have arisen, in their 
 present arched state, nearly coaeval with the Pantheon ; — with the 
 Sepulchre of Augustus himself; — and with many arched, vaulted 
 temples, in the neighbourhood of Rome,\\ — all of which seem evi- 
 dently to have been deemed, in that age, as structures of a kind both 
 novel, and uncommon. 
 
 * See Misson's Travels, Vol. I. p. 3 2 3 . 
 
 t Wright's Travels, p. 212. Keysler's Travels, Vol.11, p. 310, IIS. 
 % Wright's Travels, p. IS2. $ Ibid. p. 3 5 7 . 
 
 |] Whoever examines Overbite's curious account of the Gales, Theatres, and Temples at 
 Rome; (in his Reliquia: Antiqua: Urbis Roma:. Ed. Amstehedami,) in which work, the 
 testimonies of the most antient authors, concerning as many of them as is possible, are 
 carefully collected; will find, that almost all those in which anj arches appear, have been 
 ascertained to have been either of the age ot Augustus, or re-edified by Adrian, or Antoninus, 
 or Scverus, or other Emperours, subsequent to the time of Augustus ; — or at least to have 
 been repaired by some of them. — And that even what is called the arch of Heratius Codes, 
 
271 
 
 Till any sufficient testimony, therefore, can be produced to the 
 
 and has been deemed the most antient of any, is clearly no structure built by any such 
 person ; but in very truth a structure, whose origin, is merely at present unknown. 
 
 The following little recapitulation, may perhaps be found interesting, to some of the 
 curious. 
 
 The most antient part of the existing walls of Rome, after all the pains t T iat have been 
 taken to investigate their history, appears to have been of the time of Auielian; — and the 
 greater part of the time at Justinian ; when they were the most thoroughly repaired. 
 
 The Porta Flumentana; cannot be traced up much higher than the time of Amdian. 
 
 The Porta Collatina; is in walls, either built, or repaired in the time of Justinian. 
 
 The Porta Colhna; appears, from several circumstances, to have been of the 
 same age. 
 
 And the rest of the arches of the Gates of Rome, whose history has not been accurately 
 ascertained, may justly lie deemed, to have been rather of the age of Justinian, (when the 
 thorough repair of the walls was made under Bclisarius,) than oi any other. 
 
 The very name of the Basilica of Antoninus, shews its age. 
 
 The arch ol Titus, 
 
 The arch of Septimus Scvcrus, 
 
 The arch of Gallienus, 
 
 The arch of Constantine, 
 all speak for themselves; — but no such kind of Triumphant Arches seem lo have existed, or 
 been heard of, before the time of Verres, and Cicero. 
 
 The arches in the walls of the area of the Barbcrini Palace, were appertaining to a Circus 
 of the days either of Heliogabalus, or Aurelian. 
 
 The arches of the temple of Faunas, or Claudius, could not have been prior to that reign. 
 
 The temple of Romulus, is allowed to have been rebuilt by Adrian. 
 
 The temple of Peace, standing on the remains of the palace of Nero, was begun by 
 Claudius, and finished by Titus. 
 
 The temple of Minerva, was built by Pompey the Great. 
 
 The temple of Saturn, (the Roman Bank, or treasury,) was indeed in existence in the 
 time of Poplicola ; — but, from its important use throughout ages, — and from the style of its 
 pediment at the top, it may justly be deemed to have been afterwards rebuilt. 
 
 The temple of Venus, was built in the time of Adrian. 
 
 The temple at Juno, as appears (by an inscription) was restored by Septimus Sevcrus* 
 
 The temple of Fortune, of really decided high antiquity, has no arch. 
 
 The temple of Vesta, seems to have had no arch ; no not even in its wiudows. 
 
 The temple of Hercules also, of really decided high antiquity, has no arch. 
 
 The temple of Jupiter Capitolinns, was rebuilt by Vespasian. 
 
 The temple of Concord, had no arch. 
 
 The temple of Jupiter Stalor, appears to have had no arch. 
 
 The very name of the temple of Antoninus, and Faustina, shews its age ; — if there had been 
 an arch in it. 
 
 The temple of Jupiter Tonans, was built by Augustus, upon the old plan. 
 
272 
 
 contrary, we are left unavoidably to conclude, that the arch was 
 
 Tlie Basilica of Nerva, also accounts by its very name, for any arches in any parts, added 
 to that which was of the original Grecian mode of architecture. 
 
 And the adjoining Forum Nerva, is known to have been begun by Domitian. 
 
 The temple of Pallas, in the same style, was of the time of Nerva, 
 
 The Basilica of Caius, and Lucius, the adopted of Augustus, must have been obviously 
 after the time of Augustus* 
 
 The Theatre of Marcellus, was built by Augustus. 
 
 The Amphithcatrum Castrense, was a little prior in its date. 
 
 The Colossaum is well known to have been built by Vespasian. 
 
 The arches of the baths of Agrippa ; 
 
 Of the baths of Antoninus ; 
 
 Of the baths of Nero ; 
 
 Of the baths of Titus; 
 
 Of those of Diocksian ; 
 are all clearly known to be of the ages the names import. 
 
 Whilst those of the baths of Philip, cannot be ascribed to any earlier period. 
 
 And those of the bath of Paulina, shew manifestly an elegance of design, subsequent to 
 the time of the Antonincs. 
 
 The aqueduct of Aqua Claudia; was of the age of Caligula. 
 
 That of Aqua Antoniana, of the time of Caracal/a. 
 
 That of Nero, speaks for itself. 
 
 And that of Aqua Virgo ; the earliest of any, seems to have had no arches; though it was 
 a work at the expence of Agrippa. 
 
 The arches of the Pons Horalii, or JEruilii Lepedi; must have been built after the age 
 oWtho; — because Tacitus affirms the bridge was destroyed in his reign. (Hist. lib. i. 
 cap, 8 6. 
 
 Those of Pens Senatorius ; are the very arches that have been previously mentioned 
 above, as placed by Scipio Africanus, only about one hundred years before the time of 
 Augustus. 
 
 The Pons Cesthis, was of the age of Tiberius. 
 
 The Pons Tarpeius, or Fabncius, was rebuilt in part by Pope Paul the Hid. 
 The Pons Janiculus, is understood to have been built by Aurelian. 
 
 Theantient Pons triitmphalis, whose piers remained very visible, in the Tiber, about the 
 beginning of this century, seems to have had no arches. 
 
 The bridge of St. Angela, or Pons Hadriani, was of the a<re of Adrian. 
 
 The arches of the supposed Granary of Anicetus, cannot well be ascribed to an earlier 
 age, than that oWalh, or of Domitian. 
 
 Those of the gardens otSatlust, cannot be older than the time of Julius Casar. 
 
 The arches on the Mens Calius; there is the utmost reason to believe were of buildings, 
 that could not, any of them, be older than the reign of Tiberius. 
 
 Those on the Palatine Hill, can be in several instances actually traced to the reigns of 
 Verus, and of Heliogabalus, and Domitian ; — and, as far as any information can be obtained, 
 none appear to have been more autient than the time of Tiberius, and Augustus, whose 
 palaces were here. 
 
273 
 
 invented no very long time before the age of Augustus ;* — that it was 
 brought into general use only by Adrian; — and that, with other 
 parts of architecture, it had its ornaments reduced to fine proportions, 
 and perfected, in the times of Trajan, and the Antonines. 
 
 And being of so recent a date, and considered as one of the most 
 superb parts of architecture ; this circumstance alone may account 
 for the arch not having been introduced in such hasty works, as 
 those of the walls, and towers, of the great Castra in Britain; or in 
 any common buildings; and may account also, for there being so 
 few vestiges of arches, remaining any where in this island.* 
 
 The Capital was so thoroughly rebuilt by Vespasian, and again by Donation, that what 
 remains of antient arches any where appear, in its structure, may justly be deemed rather 
 of those reigns, than of any other. 
 
 Perhaps it ought just to be added, that the Sepulchre of the Curia tit, (whenever it was 
 reared) had no arch. 
 
 Neither had even the sepulchre of Plant 'ins any arch. 
 
 The amphitheatre of Verona, is either of, or subsequent to the time of Augustus. See 
 Misson, Vol. I. p. ISO. Panvinii Antiquitatum Veronensium, lib. iii. cap, a. p. 90. 
 
 And the Triumphal Arches at Verona, — at Spolelo, — at Rimini, — at Fano, — at Sura, — 
 and Ancona ; — are all known to be of still later dates : — the ages of Adrian, Trajan, and the 
 Antonines, having afforded most ofthe finest specimens of this kind. Misson, Vol. I. 3 2 8 , 
 1 39, 3 23 , Vol. II. 174. Wright's Travels, p. lis. Misson, Vol. III. p. 152, 100, 153. 
 
 To these ages, therefore, we are in like manner to attribute the noble bridges at Merida, 
 and Alcantara in Spain ; in the latter of which are arches 1 I feet in diameter, and above 
 200 feet in height — These are described by Don Antonio Pom, in his Viage de Espana, and 
 Bernabe Moreno de Vargas, in his history of Merida; and some representations of them 
 may be seen, in the Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. LI. p. 173. 
 
 * If this be the real fact, it is a very remarkable concurrence of circumstances, and aras, 
 that the very first notice taken of Me form of an arch, and the very first mention of it upon 
 record, should have been when the glorious rain-bow in heaven was made the everlasting sign, 
 and token of Reconciliation and Mercy, and that the first realizing of the arch, and the first 
 instances of the bringing of it into actual use, as a part of architecture, should have been 
 precisely in the ara, in which the Promised Deliverer, The Lord of Peace, descended 
 upon earth, and took upon him to be born as a man, to seal the first and original ever- 
 lasting promise, and Covenant of Salvation. 
 
 t The exceeding curious account, given lately by Sir George Staunton, of the Great Wall 
 of China, in the relation of Lord Macartney's Embassy, may perhaps at first sight appear 
 to contradict the conclusions here formed, concerning the late invention oUhe arch; because, 
 in that stupendous fortification, of which the greatest part is allowed to have existed, in 
 some form or other, at least two thousand years, many arches do unquestionably appear ; — and 
 especially in the doors and windows of its numerous towers : as may be seen represented 
 in the plan and elevations, Vol. II. PI. XXIII. XXIV. 
 
 VOL. II. 4 A 
 
274 
 
 Little more remains to be observed concerning the works of the 
 Romans in Britain, than just to mention, their long extended walls 
 from sea to sea: — -that temporary effort, merely adapted to the 
 rudeness and inexperience of the times, to stop the irruptions of 
 Barbarians. 
 
 But a little fair consideration, and attention to all circumstances, will soon remove the 
 objection. 
 
 For, in the first place, even suppose what now exists to have been the original wait; 
 
 the very wall that was completed about two thousand years ago; yet even that period 
 
 will carry us up only to about two hundred years, or a very little more, before the period 
 which we have had reason, from the preceding observations, to assign for the first invention 
 of the arch; and would only lead us to suspect, that its first invention, like that of gunpowder, 
 might possibly have been in the more eastern parts of the world. 
 
 But, in reality, we find that the wall has undergone continual repairs ; — for the words of our 
 author are : 
 
 " Many of the inner and weaker appendages to this great rampart have indeed yielded to 
 11 the effects of time, and are mouldering to decay, and others have undergone repair* 
 
 And indeed the very substance of the arches, and of the towers in which they are con- 
 structed, appears to have been such ; that they could not have continued existing for any 
 thing like the time of two thousand years. 
 
 By the accurate survey, taken by Captain Parish, + it appears, that the thickness of each 
 parapet wall, at top, was only 1 foot 6 inches, and at bottom, only 5 feet; and that the thick- 
 ness of the arches, in general, was only l foot 3 inches. — Let any architect in the world 
 then judge, whether such arches, and such walls, could have stood as they were at first, and 
 without rebuilding, for two thousand years. 
 
 And, at the same time, let it be considered, that Captain Parish% observed, that the 
 smaller towers of the eld wall, were indeed most frequently solid masses ; with only a small 
 building discoverable at top, to contain its little garrison. 
 
 And near the very gate-way of the wall, where he describes an arch, we are told, £ 11 the 
 " pass had formerly been closed by walls extending from the tower (in which the gate is) 
 " up the hills, on each side to the east and west, but those are now in ruins. 
 
 We are told also || that " some of the kilns still subsist, near the great wall, where pro- 
 " bably the bricks, of which it is composed were burned." — Can such reasonably be sup- 
 posed to have subsisted for two thousand years? 
 
 As therefore Captain Parish found, that there were indeed now\ "considerable breaches in 
 ** the great wall itself, which afforded an easy opportunity of ascending, and examining it ;" 
 — and as the part they visited, and where they saw the arches in the towers, was near a great 
 and important pass;** where it must, above all other places, have been most frequently 
 attended to, and repaired, if ever it was repaired at all ; the fair conclusion is, that all the 
 arches m question were formed and built, during reparations, long subsequent to the first rearing of 
 
 * Embassy to China, Vol. II. p. is l . + Ibid. p. i 90, 1 92, 1 94, 1 95. 
 
 t Ibid. p. 180. § Ibid. p. 188. [| Ibid. p. igs. H Ibid. p. 189. 
 
 ** Ibid. p. 186. 
 
275 
 
 These walls have already been so well, and so fully described by 
 many antiquaries, that on this occasion, it is merely necessary just 
 to explain what they were, with the utmost brevity ; as a final 
 illustration of the nature of Roman works. 
 
 The effort towards forming such barriers, consisted at first only 
 of a chain of forts, or Roman Castra; — mere earthworks, constructed 
 by Agricola, at proper intervals, between the Friths of Forth, and 
 Clyde : and most probably without any connecting, or intervening 
 bulwark* whatever. 
 
 Next to this mode of protection, a great deep ditch, and Vallum, 
 was thrown up the whole way, from sea to sea, more to the south- 
 ward, by Adrian; with certain additional Castra, annexed to it, at 
 proper distances, to defend it.+ 
 
 Afterwards, in the reign of Antoninus Pius, was thrown up another 
 and better earthwork: — another ditch, and rampart, nearer to Agri- 
 cola's original Forts ;— but still it was merely a wall built of earth, 
 and turf ;J near 40 miles in length, with proper Castra and muni- 
 tions of earthwork, at proper distances. $ 
 
 And last of all, the Emperor Severing about the year 20 9, or 210, 
 
 the wall itself. And therefore since the Ira whic h we have had reason to conclude was tltal 
 of the first invention of thearch. 
 
 We may even venture to deem it then die fei rest conclusion of all ;— that the areh was not 
 introduced into China, and Tartar;, till some time after its first introduction in Europe; as 
 seems also to have been the casein India;— where previous to that introduction, the covering 
 and closing of doors, and windows at the top; and the substitute for arched roofs, was so ex" 
 ceedingly like what we find in the great fomrnid, and in die antient temples in higher Egypt. 
 A circumtance that is finely illustrated by many of Mr. Daniel's most curious" prints! and 
 drawings; wherein the contrast between the arched Mahometan buildings, and the old 
 Hindoo buildings, is finely, and accurately shewn. 
 
 « Tacitus, Vita Agric. Cap. 19, so. Roy's Military Antiquities, p. us.8cc.8cc. 
 t Script. Hist. Augusta:, p. 51. ♦ Script. Hist. Augusts p. l!2. 
 
 { Of this wall and its munitions, there is a most curious and exact plan, with represen- 
 tations of the fortresses ; in General Roy's Military Antiquities. PI. XXXV. 
 I! Ibid. p. 3 6) , Orosius lib. vii. c. 1 1 , Beds Hist. Ecc. lib. i. 
 
 From some measures taken before that publication, it also appears, that the dimensions 
 of the ditch, in some parts, where it appeared most perfect, near Hurlow hill, was 1 1 feet 
 wide at the top, and about 9 feet in depth. 
 
 The whole was a most stupendous work unquestionably ; but yet one that might be 
 
276 
 
 built a stone wall, nearly of the same construction, with the first 
 Roman work at Richborough ; — the height whereof, was 12 feet, 
 exclusive of the parapet; and the breadth, (as has been before men- 
 tioned) 8 feet ; the whole being built to the northward, * of the 
 original wall of Adrian, but very near to it. 
 
 Along this last wall were fortresses of three different kinds. 
 
 First ; Stations, or Castra, as head quarters ; — some square, and 
 some oblong; and of very nearly the same construction with the 
 other Roman castra that have been described. — And these Stations 
 were situated principally at the two ends ; and near the middle of 
 the wall. 
 
 Next it was secured, by Castles, about eighty one in number ; — 
 each of which was about 66 feet square, and in general of consi- 
 derable height. 
 
 And in the third place, there were numerous Towers; — about 
 I 2 feet square ; projecting inwards from the wall ; and, as appears 
 from the faint traces that remain of them, at the distance of about 
 300, yards, or 900 feet from each other. 
 
 And just within these walls, running all along by the side of 
 them, military ways were raised ; for the convenience of marching 
 troops from one Station to another ; and from one Castle, or Tower, 
 to another. 
 
 It is also to be remarked, that the whole wall, was constructed, 
 like those we have already mentioned, with regular layers, or 
 BipiRk ;+ — whilst its foundations, as well as those of its towers, are 
 
 finished with much greater ease, and in a shorter space of time, than is in general conceived. 
 For we find from Josephus, (de Bello Jud. lib. v. cap. 12. sec. 2.) that Titus, when he sur- 
 rounded the whole city of Jerusalem, with walls, and forts, in order to form a complete 
 blockade, finished the whole, in three days; — though it was 3 9 furlongs, (or near five of 
 our miles ) in length ; and had thirteen forts, or Caslra ; — which were most probably just 
 such as those near A&icalds wall in Britain. 
 
 * The whole almost of this wall of Severus, was remaining nearly quite entire, except 
 in the parts, where the Picts had made their breaches, and irruptions, in the time of Bede. 
 Bedae Hist. Eccles. lib. i. 
 
 + See before p. 3 9, l 1 . The antient walls of Turin also, and of Verona, had the same 
 sort of regular layers. Archafologia Vol. IV. p. 9 6. 
 
277 
 
 found to have been formed of mere rough stones, without any 
 cement ; buried in the primitive clay, where the nature of the soil 
 was such ;* or else merelv laid on the natural ground, and still with- 
 out cement. — Just as at Richborough the foundation of the walls was 
 laid merely on pilsand; having then a thin stratum of chalk nodules; 
 and then a row of loose bolder stones ; and over that another layer 
 of chalk nodules, before the least cement was used. 
 
 These prodigious, and strong barriers of Antoninus, and Severus, 
 though raised with so much care, were soon afterwards broken 
 through. — And with these last so magnificent, but so ineffectual 
 efforts of defence, ended all the splendour of Roman power, and 
 grandeur, in this country. 
 
 As in the former account of the first Britons, and of their rude 
 stupendous works, some further illustration was endeavoured to be 
 derived, as to their customs, and manners, by means of tracing 
 out the appearance of their accustomed dress, and armour, from the 
 best information afforded us ;+ — so in this account of the invading 
 Romans, it may be useful to give a little detail of their military garb 
 and appearance ; — and the rather, as we have a most unquestionable 
 means of ascertaining it, in the figures sculptured on Trajan's pillar, 
 and on the Anlonine pillar — exact representations of which have 
 been so finely preserved by Bartoli. 
 
 J n pi. ?SE£, therefore, is given the representation of the march- 
 ing of a pait of a Roman army, over a bridge of boats ; — which is 
 copied exactly from the representation of a part of Trajan's army 
 crossing the Isler, or Danube, in his first Dacian expedition : — when 
 we may be well assured the whole habiliment of his soldiers, was 
 very nearly just the same as that of the Romans in Britain. 
 
 The Prefect, or Tribune, at the head of the first Cohort, is re- 
 presented,! as just reaching the end of the bridge, and halting 
 to give some orders. — In his hand he holds the military roll, or 
 muster roll: — he has the belt of honour ; and the short sword worn 
 on his left side ; — is thoracatus, or armed with the breast plate ; — 
 and has upon him, over his armour, the paludamenlum laticlavum, 
 or fringed military vest of honour. 
 
 * See Mr. Essex's Observations in the Arch.-eolc.gia, Vol. IV. p. 7 6. 
 t Vol. I. p. 100, PI. -S-p. } From Bartoli's 4th and 5th Plates, 
 
 VOL. II. 4 B 
 
278 
 
 On his right hand marches the Standard-bearer of the Legion bare- 
 headed, carrying the Roman Eagle; the so well known abomination 
 of desolation.— It was generally of molten brass, and gilded ; and was 
 frequently adorned with the bulla aurea, hanging pendant at its neck- 
 which is well known to have been an hollow golden ball, contain- 
 ing some supposed amulet, or secret charm ; an ornament originally 
 first worn by generals, in their triumphal processions. 
 
 Behind these two, march the Vexillarii, or two ensigns, of the 
 first maniple, carrying standards, with exactly the same device on 
 the top of each, to point out the maniple ;-but with the ornaments 
 upon the staff of each, somewhat different, to distinguish them one 
 from the other.— These standard-bearers have helmets of uncouth 
 shapes, devised to strike terror into the enemy ; over which they 
 wear, as was most usually the case, shagged lions skins, with the 
 manes, and hair, waving and floating over their necks, and shoulders. 
 —And in some instances, instead of lions skins, they had bears 
 skins. 
 
 Just after these, comes a Vexillarius (or as we should call him, 
 Cornet of horse) belonging to the Equites of the Cohort;— and carry- 
 ing the Vexillum, which was always formed of a small banner of 
 cloth, whereon the name of the Emperour was usually embroidered 
 in letters of gold ;— but, like the Eagle-bearer, he wore neither 
 helmet, nor lion's skin. 
 
 A little to the left of the furthermost of the Vexillarii, is seen, a 
 person, probably one of the Tergiductors* bearing on a staff a 
 lantern, or vessel for holding flaming combustibles, to guide the 
 maniple in the night.+ 
 
 After these, come the Legionary soldiers, marching two and two ; 
 —each having his helmet hung upon his right breast ;— armed as 
 has been described in the preceding pages ;J— having the sword on 
 
 * See before, p. 7 7 . 
 
 + It is a matter of interesting curiosity to remark, that we have here the representation, 
 or one of those kind of UglUs, which are mentioned in St. John's Gospel, on the shocking 
 occasion of the betraying, and arresting otk blessed Lord, when Judas having received 
 a land of men, from the chief priests and Pharisees, came ^ri <p m ^ *„! ^rOw, with 
 lights and torches.— And that we have also, on Trajan s Pillar, the appearance of one other 
 kind of them burning, — as is shewn in PI. No. l , fig. 5. 
 
 t See before, p. 7 s. 
 
279 
 
 the right side ; — having the long semi-circular shield, containing 
 some darts, in its hollow part, and distinguished by some particular 
 device ; — and carrying, on the top of his pike, or spear, a square 
 bundle, containing a small bag of ammunition bread, or else of 
 parched corn ; — another of small bits of dried flesh, or of salt meat ; 
 — a little pitcher of wine, or vinegar: — -a small iron plate, pierced 
 full of holes, for baking or broiling ; — and a sort of small iron ladle, 
 or large spoon ; — the whole weight amounting sometimes to about 
 sixty pounds. 
 
 Just before the person who carries the lantern, or vessel for flaming 
 combustibles, is another Ensign; who bears a Standard with the 
 devise belonging to another maniple. This figure could not well 
 be left out, but it does not properly belong to this group. It belongs 
 rather to another party represented on Trajan's Column, as passing 
 over another part of the bridge, which by means of the want of 
 proper keeping in the design of the original bass-relief, is con- 
 founded with this, as plainly appears from the odd projecting end 
 of the boat. — And indeed, that this ensign, belongs to that other 
 party, and to another maniple, will be obvious to every one, who 
 examines the figures on the pillar, because just before him, in that 
 representation, is found his companion marching, and bearing the 
 other similar standard of the same maniple, with its proper marks of 
 distinction in its ornaments. 
 
 In the Frontispiece to this Volume, is represented* a Roman 
 General giving directions from the Prtctorium ; and standing on the 
 usual raised platform. — The whole is taken from the representation, 
 on Trajan s Pillar, of that Emperor haranguing the xin legion, called 
 the Dacian legion ; whom he left for the protection of that province, 
 after the first Dacian war. — And he is supposed to be here com- 
 mitting the province to their protection. 
 
 The Eagle, and the Ensigns of the Jirst maniple, appear at their 
 head ; — but the ensign-bearers are without their lions skins, and 
 helmets ; — and on this occasion the soldiers, are unarmed: — they 
 are holding up their hands, in the manner that was usual as a sign 
 of obeying orders ; — and on each side of the Emperor stand two 
 Tribunes. 
 
 * From Bal toll's S7th Plate. 
 
280 
 
 This group properly ends, on the pillar, just before the eagle: 
 —but (for the sake of shewing the appearance of Roman soldiers, at 
 the Tribunal, on other occasions,) there is added here, behind this 
 second great Eagle,* a band of soldiers armed, as they are made to 
 appear, in the bass-relief, standing and receiving an exhortation from 
 Trajan, on the beginning of the second Dacian war. 
 
 In PI. in order to illustrate the accounts in the preceding 
 
 pages a little further, is represented the usual manner of storing 
 forage, and provisions, fenced, and secured, on the banks of a river" 
 to be ready for the supply of distant troops. 
 
 And in PI. is represented the manner of placing the same, 
 
 on the inside of the Vallum of a camp ; in the space usually left 
 between the tents and the rampart ; which latter is here seen rising 
 high behind, above the wooden fence. 
 
 Of these representations, the Jirst, is taken from Trajan s pillar ;+ 
 —and the second, from the Anlonine pillar.f — They seem indeed to 
 have been designed, in those bass-reliefs, as representations of depots 
 of stores, for the use of a Roman army on the banks of the river 
 Dravus;— but we may be assured, such would be arranged in 
 Trajan's time, or in that of Antoninus, in any other country, exactly 
 in a manner similar to that in which they would have been arranged 
 an any camp in Britain, during those reigns: — and most likely 
 stood in this identical manner by the wall of Antoninus. 
 
 Fig. 1 , and 2, were granaries —Fig. 3, a pile of timber, and wood 
 for the various purposes of building huts, and little turrets, and for 
 fuel. Fig. 4, 4, stacks of hay, and straw.— And fig. 5, a watch 
 turret, with its beacon for signals. 
 
 In a Camp, — fig. 6, 6, 6, are again granaries. 
 Fig 7, 7, are stacks of hay, or straw. 
 
 Fig. S, shews another mode of constructing the piles of timber, 
 and wood. 
 
 Fig. 9, represents a turret, for watching, and mounting guard. 
 
 And fig. 10, shews the appearance of the Velites, or light armed 
 troops, with their light round shields;— who were the part of the 
 troops usually appointed for the guard of the ramparts. 
 
 * See ISartoli's 7 3th Plate. + Ibid. I st Plate of his Colenna Trajnua. 
 
 i Ibid, ah Plate of his Columna Anlaniima. 
 
s 
 
281 
 
 An intelligent mind will easily make allowance for the total 
 defect of what modern artists call keeping, in these most antient 
 representations. — Figures of men appear as high as buildings, or 
 higher, and sometimes as high as mountains: — but yet the whole 
 is perfectly intelligible: — nay perhaps even the more so: — for 
 figures of soldiers in just proportion to the buildings, could not 
 shew, as the Trajan, and Antonine Pillars still do, the precise form . 
 of their dress, and of its drapery. 
 
 And now after having been led to contemplate with admiration, 
 the vast exertions of the Romans in this country, for its subjugation, 
 civilization, and preservation ; the last ending almost of all their 
 proud dominion ; — it is time to turn the other end of the perspec- 
 tive, and to consider, with what limitations we ought really to 
 appreciate both the advance they had made in civilization, and 
 the circumstances that ought to form a counterbalance to too high 
 a veneration for them ; — as this consideration will shew the more 
 exactly, how very gradual has been the progression that has taken 
 place in improving the state of mankind. 
 
 It is usual with a sort of awful reverence, and astonishment, to 
 reflect upon the imagined magnificence of the Roman empire. 
 
 And it is possible, that the Vicar of Britain himself, in the time of 
 Julian, Valens andValenlinian, (if he had been allowed to have had a 
 vision of the ages that were to follow,) would, with his green bookot 
 instructions* under his arm, the well known badge of his office, 
 (though he was himself only a subordinate officer under the Prefect of 
 Gaul), not only have looked back with contempt upon the dominions 
 of Cassibelanus ; Caractacus ; and Cogedunus ; and of all the preceding 
 
 * Constantino divided die whole Roman empire into four governments, or Prefectures: — 
 that of the East; — that oF Il'.yricum; — that of Italy; — and that of Gaul, — This last com- 
 prehended Gatd, Spain, and Britain; and was ruled hy a great officer, called the Prefect; 
 who had under him, in each of these countries, a subordinate officer, called a Vicar. The 
 Vicar of Britain, resided chiefly at London ; and his authority extended over all the provinces 
 in this Island. His title was Sp'cctabilis Vicarius; and the ensign, or badge of his office, was 
 a beck of instructions, in a green coon', whercen was the representation of five castles, placed in the 
 triangular form of the Island ; to denote the five provinces under his jurisdiction, each of which 
 had also a particular sort of deputy governor, who resided within the province. 
 
 See Zosimus, lib. ii.; and Notitia Imperii, cap. -ft), and Heineccius Antiq. Rom, Tom. 
 
 IV. p. 25 S. 
 
 VOL. II. 4 c 
 
282 
 
 petty Princes of Britain ; (the whole of whose united dominions he 
 ruled over, under the instructions of his green book, and under the 
 superintendancy of the Prefect of Gaul) ; but would have looked 
 forward also, with equal contempt, on the succeeding dominions 
 of those, whom we are accustomed to call great Saxon, and Danish 
 princes; Egbert; Alfred; and Canute ,— and perhaps even upon 
 their great Norman Successors : considering, according to the train 
 of ideas to which he had been most accustomed, how limited, in 
 extent of territory, their dominions appeared, in comparison even 
 of his own power ;— and how much more so in comparison of that 
 of his great Prefect; who had all those regions which have since 
 formed the distinct Kingdoms of France, Spain, and Great Britain, 
 under his command. 
 
 Yet when things are duly weighed, in the true balance of faithful 
 historical estimation ; how insignificant does this Vicar of Britain, 
 this mere Superintendant, with his green book of instructions under his 
 arm, appear ?— or how little does even the magnificent Prefect of 
 Gaul himself appear ?— as officers merely governing Savages a little 
 civilized, and a few Roman settlers ? in a situation not much supe- 
 rior to that of a former American Governor of colonies? — and how 
 much less, in reality, does he appear in comparison of a King of 
 Great Britain, in these later ages of civilization, ruling over a great, 
 rich, and powerful people ;— sending fleets, and armies, to all the 
 regions of the world ; — and enjoying, by the unmerited blessing of 
 ALMIGHTY GOD, together with the Light of the Gospel, more 
 substantial conveniences, comforts, and advantages of life, and 
 more fruits of science, than the whole either of Constantines, or of 
 Julians empire possessed ? 
 
 And how ought this reflection to fill each British heart with un- 
 feigned thanksgiving, towards that ALMIGHTY BEING, Who 
 having caused this Island, so early, to receive the light of the Gospel ; 
 and also so soon to recover from the corruptions with which that 
 light had become for a time obscured ; has also permitted it, so long, 
 and so late, to enjoy all its concomitant blessings ! — How careful, 
 and how diligent also, ought every considerate mind to be, still to 
 preserve them ! 
 
 At the same time, however, we ought not to forbear doing justice 
 
to the efforts of those first ages, when this country began to emerge 
 from its aboriginal wretched state. 
 
 However barbarous, the Britons in general might be, (both the 
 first and latter settlers), on the first invasion of the Romans ; — and of 
 however little importance to the Roman empire, any dominion over 
 them was ; yet the Britons soon manifested considerable signs of 
 rapid improvement, both in the exercise of their mental faculties; 
 and in the industrious application of their manual operations. 
 
 Their artificers became gradually some of the best workmen : 
 — insomuch, that from the time of Agricola* (who first taught them 
 to build regular houses, and temples), to that of Constantine, they 
 had been so constantly employed, and were become so expert, that 
 when Constantius rebuilt the city of Autun in Gaul, in 296, he was 
 chiefly furnished, for the purpose, with workmen from Britain, 
 who were esteemed the best artificers ofaIl.+ 
 
 Their agriculture also was not only worthy of commendation ; — ■ 
 but became both useful to the empire in the highest degree, and 
 even necessary. — Julian employed no fewer than eight hundred 
 vessels to transport tiie corn from hence. J 
 
 Money also was coined here in great quantities ; — insomuch, that 
 Cunoheline made forty different coinages at least ;[| — and there were 
 so many others, that at last an edict of the Emperour's was issued, 
 that no money should be used in Britain, except such as was 
 stamped witli the effigies of Caesar .1 
 
 And the numbers of vessels, and small ships, constructed here, 
 became so numerous ; that Carausius found he had the advantage 
 of such a provincial fleet in the British harbours, as even tempted 
 him to aspire to the Purple: and when Constantius afterwards came 
 to oppose him, he not only thought it necessary to have a thou- 
 sand sail ; but in the end was indebted, in a great degree, to the 
 advantage of a thick haze for his success. 
 
 To which we may add, that True Religion was also eagerly 
 
 * Tacit. Vita Agric. cap. 2 1. t Eumenii Panegyr. s. 
 
 % Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. xviii. cap. z. $ Zosimi Hist. lib. iii. 
 
 [| See Speed, p. 174 ; and Mr. Pegge's very curious Essay on the coins of Cunobeline; 
 Lon. 1766; and Cough's Camden, Vol. I. p. lxv. 
 1 Sheringham, p. 591. Gilds Hist. Przf. 
 
284 
 
 embraced here, with uncommon ardour, and cultivated with the 
 most sincere intentions: — of which the religious establishment at 
 Bangor, was a well known proof.— An establishment, free from 
 all monastick restraints ; and consisting of entire families, formed by- 
 persons who, in those days of turbulence, gladly sought peace, 
 retirement, and study; not forgetting to maintain themselves 
 honestly by their own industry;* whilst they promoted true 
 science, as far as the circumstances of the age would admit. 
 
 There was, in process of time, besides this establishment at Bangor, 
 a Seminary at Llanolaff; — where one Dubricius taught ; — and there 
 was also another at Llantuit, in the same tract of country, near 
 Carleon in Glamorganshire; where the most noble of the British 
 youth were instructed, by one Iltutus. 
 
 When once, however, the flowing tide of these advantages, under 
 the- protection of the Romans, began to turn ; — it is but too true 
 that a most dire ebb, and rapid declining of prosperity, even hastened 
 by the peaceful calm which these advantages had obtained, directly 
 took place. 
 
 The Romans who had estates in Britain, sold them, + and departed; 
 giving up all further ideas of profit. — The country was found 
 drained of its best soldiers, and of all it most able workmen, to uphold 
 the tottering remains of the Western Empire. — And at once, all 
 the most inveterate vices of the untameable, corrupt, gross mass of 
 barbarous Britons, who had been far indeed from improving by the 
 advantages of any of the seminiaries, burst forth with unlimited con- 
 troul ; and contributed to eradicate every good energy remaining in 
 any mind. — The whole of this effect, is forcibly described by the 
 venerable Gildas,% whose description, though perhaps exaggerated 
 by the efforts of pious declamation, must be allowed (as he was an 
 eye witness) to have been substantially true: — in short, a state of 
 barbarity, and rudeness, in the end of this Roman-British period 
 took place, almost worse than that in the beginning of it. 
 
 The ferocious disposition of the British chiefs ; and their pro- 
 pensity to robbery, and plunder, wherever they had any oppor- 
 
 * Beda? Hist. Eccles. lib. ii. cap. 
 
 t Zosimus, lib. vi. 
 
 X Gilds Hist. cap. 16, 19, 21. 
 
285 
 
 tunity, revived. — Their detestable custom of drinking to the utmost 
 excess ; — and their horrible oppression of the inferior ranks, who 
 were, according to their laws, even legally actual slaves, revived 
 with tenfold depravity." 
 
 And as the practice of idolatry, according to its Celtic superstitions, 
 had still continued amongst several of the British Provinces ;+ whilst 
 a new, and even a more corrupt, though more refined species of 
 idolatry, had been encouraged by the Romans ; it led them easily 
 to assent further, to the gross Saxon idolatry of fresh Invaders ; by 
 whom at last, the poor band of Christians at Bangor, (originally so 
 sincere, and so excellent) were utterly massacred .J — And with them 
 every remnant of true piety became almost entirely extirpated, and 
 driven out of the land. 
 
 Soon after the departure of the Romans, the deepest and most 
 
 * These inveterate habits, and dispositions, of the antient Gauls, and Britons, are men- 
 tioned in the strongest terms, by the best informed writers; See Livii Hist. lib. v. c. 35. 
 Cffisar de Bella Gallico, lib. vi. c. 13, and c. 23. — Tacitus de Moribus German, c. 14. 
 Xiphilin ex Dione Niczeo in Sever. — Strabo, lib. iv. p. 199. See also Martin's Description 
 of the Western Islands, as to later times, p. 106. 
 
 + Gildce Hist. c. 2. 
 
 X From the tenor of venerable Bcdes history, we obtain a very sufficient idea even of 
 the precise mode, in which the knowledge of Religion, and of Science, made its way amongst 
 the Britons. 
 
 The substance of what may be inferred from his account, when analyzed, is this : 
 Plain uncorrupt Christianity, having been preached here, in the simplest manner, in the 
 very earliest ages after our Lord's ascension ; continued to produce the clear light of useful 
 truth, with the best effects, for a time. — But very soon, rash, needless dogmatizing, of 
 unable, well meaning, injudicious, violent men ; — and presumptuous cavillings, of crafty, 
 ingenious, subtle, conceited disputants; lighted up just such animosities, and just such a dire 
 flame of religious contention, here in the West, as had been so early lighted up in the East; 
 according to the very prediction of our Blessed Lord himself, (Matt. c. x. ver. 3d, 35, 3 6. 
 Luke xii. chap. A 9.) And in the end, these sort of contentions became the cause of those 
 dreadful corruptions of Christianity, which have done every thing, that the powers of hell 
 could well devise to be done, for many centuries, for the extinguishing of the Light of God's 
 Word. 
 
 From age to age, they have constantly produced contrary extremes, one after another. 
 — First therefore appeared here in Britain, about the year -tao, Pelagianism — and then, by 
 degrees, appeared Popery in full perfection. 
 
 Whilst the 'Truth (with the emblematical woman spoken of in the Divine prophecy of 
 the Revelations. — c. xii. v. 6.) was fled into the wilderness. 
 
 To heal, — or rather to oppose the mischief of Pelagianism, — Germamis, and Lupus came 
 
 VOL. II. 4 D 
 
286 
 
 dark ignorance took place in Britain, amongst all ranks :*— and 
 skilful workmen were hardly to be found for the most ordinary 
 purposes.t 
 
 Instead of affording a supply of corn to the Continent, as this 
 Island had for some time done ; its inhabitants became nearly starved ; 
 and once more reduced to hide themselves in forests, dens, and 
 caves, like their aboriginal ancestors :J— and to seek for subsistence, 
 like their Pictish neighbours, from plunder, when they could 
 get it. 
 
 Such is the sad reverse that soon appears upon the page of His- 
 tory.— Yor the mere political History of mankind, is indeed in itself, 
 for the greater part, only the History o{ violence, and blunders ;— of 
 wickedness, craft, and folly. 
 
 from the continent to Verulam ; and they at length succeeded, so far as to drive their adversaries 
 out of the field. 
 
 They then established schools, and seminaries of learning, as a means of maintaining 
 their own ground, by the assistance of teachers, under their own eye. 
 
 Dubricius taught in one of their seminaries at Llandaff; and Jl'utus had a great school 
 of education at Umtmt, in Glamorganshire ; and there was another Seminary of learning 
 also by one Daniel. Dubncius had a place of study on the River Wey, and another at 
 
 Moshross ; and is said to have instructed at least a thousand disciples He formed also 
 
 twelve associations of religious persons, which were afterwards called Menaces, and made 
 Bangor one ofd 1 em._And he honestly taught the persons, thus associated, still to earn their 
 subsistance with the labour of their hands.— He was afterwards himself appointed, from 
 Rome, first Archbishop of Caerleon ; and then of Llandatf. 
 
 In process of time, these Seminaries, in general, and especially those at Caerleon and 
 Bangor, became regular fraternities of British Clergy Teachers of Religion, and In- 
 structers, of Science, living thus together as the Druids had done ; and issuing forth, from 
 time to time, to all the neighbouring parts, to teach and instruct the people ;_which they 
 did with such constant zeal, and perseverance, that within one hundred and fifty years after 
 the subduing or the Island by the Romans, almost all the western part of Britain was become 
 Christian. 
 
 And most truly Christian it continued for many years But the irruption of the Saxons : 
 
 —their massacre of the Christian clergy of Bangor, (where all the most curious records 
 and best learning of the times perished;)— and then the darkness, which Saxon fierceness 
 and new kinds of paganism spread over the whole country, prepared the way, on the Saxons 
 conversion by Austin, for the introduction of the errors of Popish superstition, and of a most 
 dire corruption of Christianity itself; notwithstanding the sincere devotion , and excellent in- 
 tentions, of those amongst them, who in such days of bitter turbulence, and violence, founded 
 
 * Beds Hist. Eecl. lib. i. c. 14. t Ibid, lib.i. c. 12. 
 
 t lib. i. c. 14. G'Mx Hist. c. xxv. 
 
287 
 
 And from the long parading detail of its events, when uncon- 
 nected with apprehensions of the awful, over-ruling, appointments 
 of Divine Providence, little else is to be learned, on the first glance, 
 except the temporary success of low cunning ; and the sad ineffi- 
 cacy of the struggles and exertions of great, honest, enlightened, 
 and virtuous minds, to stem the torrent ; and to prevail against the 
 prejudices, obstinacy, and errors of the times wherein they lived 
 and to which, aided by the crafty malice of the envious, they have 
 most usuallv fallen a sacrifice. 
 
 But amidst the dire gloom of this melancholy scene, the contem- 
 plation of the hand of Divine Providence over-ruling the whole, 
 clears the prospect. — And we slowly learn to apprehend, that 
 Infinite Wisdom, whilst it permits the free agency of imperfect human 
 beings, is yet continuall y bringing forth good out of evil ; — causing the 
 perverse spirits of wicked men to be their own tormentors, and 
 the punishers of those who have been equally perverse; — and 
 raising up, from time to time, both instruments of vengeance, and 
 
 Religious Houses, as places of refuge for serious, peaceful, and ingenious minds, from the 
 storm and tempest, in which the country was then tossed; — and as nurseries for 
 science, and for arts : — where, in reality, we shall in pursuing our present inquiries, soon 
 find were alone preserved the vestiges of antient learning; — where the first dawnings, in this 
 country, of that mathematical and philosophical knowledge, which has since enriched the 
 world, began to appear; — and from whence proceeded those sublime and awful improve- 
 ments of architecture amongst us, the accounts of which will fill the pages of the ensuing 
 Volumes. — For as to the Brifiift establishments at Bangor, and elsewhere; there is no reason, 
 from any traces, or records whatever, to conclude that they had any magnificent buildings 
 at all belonging to them : — or that their institution consisted of any thing more, than a 
 mere assemblage of pious, intelligent, industrious families, choosing to live in one harmo- 
 nious society, apart from turbulence, for the sake of mutual benefit, and instruction ; and 
 dwelling merely in such, usual small habitations, as were common to all the middle ranks 
 of people, in those times ; and were easily constructed in each others vicinity. 
 
 It ought perhaps to be added, that from the very event which brought on the final 
 destruction of the Monks of Bangor, it obviously appears, that even their religion seems to 
 have degenerated, not a little, towards superstition. — For the one thousand two hundred 
 and fifty, who were slain by Ethelfycd, King of Northumbei land, in the year 61 3, had been 
 persuaded by Broemail King of Powis, near Chester, to accompany him to pray for his success; 
 with a presumptuous confidence in such kind of rile, not very unlike to that of the abori- 
 ginal Britons, when they assembled an host of Druids, in the Isle of Anglesey, to accom- 
 pany their army, and to prevail (as they expected) by their superstitious rites, and ceremo- 
 nies, against the Roman arms, See Beds Hist. Eccles. lib. ii. c. s. 
 
288 
 
 instruments of blessing, to bring to pass great changes, and events; 
 in such manner, as may best lead to the final accomplishment of all 
 good. — This wondrous plan is pointed out, by the awful indi- 
 cations of Holy Proj/hecy .-—And the consideration of This Over- 
 ruling Power, like a beam of pure and perfect light, bursting through 
 a cloud, irradiates the whole ;— and renders even the tedious nar- 
 ration, and the offensive picture of the combination of human 
 wickedness, and of human folly, in the highest degree interesting. 
 
 On more deep reflection, therefore, pondering in the mind each 
 page of History, we cannot but be led to contemplate, with the utmost 
 eagerness and attention, every circumstance, however in itself repre- 
 hensible, that tends at all to shew, how, and by what instruments, the 
 several great corruptions of mankind have been gradually clone 
 away ; in any parts of the world: — and how arts, and science, and 
 the knowledge of truth, have been made still to advance, in defiance 
 of obstinate prejudices, and inveterate errors. 
 
 Thus, in the present instance, although the Invasion of this 
 Island by the Romans, was utterly unjustifiable on their part ; and 
 was the effect only of proud ambition, — of avarice,— and of an 
 oppressive spirit of dominion : — was attended with many horrid 
 cruelties ; and most afflictive to the Britons: — yet we cannot but now 
 reflect, with admiration, how it became the means of putting an 
 entire end to the horrid abominations of Druidical superstition ; and 
 of punishing the maintainers of those infernal cruel rites, and 
 detestable observances, by which the primaeval Patriarchal Religion 
 of the world had been so grossly, and so soon corrupted : — and how 
 it became the means of civilizing this Island ; — and of introducing 
 arts, and science ; and at length even the Light of the Gospel, amongst 
 the Britons ; — to whom, (after they had first so severely felt the 
 scourge) this very Invasion became, in the end, one of the greatest 
 advantages; even notwithstanding the temporary relapse, on the 
 departure of the Romans. 
 
 We have, in the formerpart of these investigations, seen how rude 
 were the munitions, and how comfortless the habitations, both of 
 the aboriginal British inhabitants ; and of the additional British 
 settlers : — and how gross, and barbarous, though in some instances 
 so stupendous, all their works were. 
 
289 
 
 We have, now also, in the preceding pages of this Volume, seen 
 what sort of Fortresses, and what improved ideas of Civilization, and 
 Discipline, the Romans introduced amongst them; even whilst they 
 made them groan under an iron rod. 
 
 And the next step, in the progress of our enquiries, will be, to 
 consider what efforts of Imitation, were at any period made by the 
 Britons; — either copying Syrian, and Photnician Castles, from the 
 reports of their traders in tin ; — or constructing strong Mansions of 
 residence for their Princes, after they had become acquainted with 
 the style of Roman Architecture. — And it will still be found, that 
 even blundering efforts advance the state of mankind ; — that very 
 despair produces hope ;— and that crafty wiliness deprives itself of 
 natural advantages ; — defeats its own purposes ; — and procures its 
 own destruction. 
 
 4 E 
 
INDEX THE FIRST, 
 
 OF 
 
 PASSAGES 
 
 IN 
 
 THE HOLY SCRIPTURES 
 
 REFERRED TO, OR ILLUSTRATED 
 
 IN 
 
 THIS WORK. 
 
 Exodus, chap. xxv. ver. 9 - 
 chap. xxvi. ver. 16, 
 
 18, 22, 23, 25 
 chap. xxvi. ver. 29 
 chap, xxvii. ver. 9, 
 
 10, 16, 17, 18 - 
 chap. xxxi. ver. 2, 7 
 Numbers, chap. ii. ver. 2, 3, 
 4, 10 - - - 
 chap. ii. ver. 3, 5, 
 7, 10, 12, 14, 18, 
 20, 22, 25, 27, 29 
 chap. iii. from ver. 
 
 3, to ver. 38 - 
 chap. iv. ver. 7, 9, 
 
 11,13 " - 
 chap. vii. ver. 3 - 
 chap. x. ver. 4, 5, 
 14, 17, 18, ai, 
 22, 25 - - 
 chap. xx. ver. 4 - 
 chap, xxiii. ver. 9, 
 
 14 " ~ - - 
 chap. xxiv. ver. 5 
 
 1 Samuel, chap. xvii. ver. 7 - 
 
 2 Samuel, chap. iv. ver. 5, 6 
 
 7 - - - - 
 
 Pace 
 224 
 
 98,224 
 98 
 
 97 
 
 . 96 
 
 98 
 
 99 
 99 
 
 99 
 99 
 
 99 
 99 
 78 
 
 209 
 
 1 Kings, chap. vi. ver. 2, 3 
 
 chap. vi. ver. 17, 20 
 23' 24, 25 - - 
 chap. vi. ver. 29, 31 
 
 S3 - - - - 
 chap. vii. ver. 15 - 
 chap. vii. ver, 16, 17 
 
 18, 19, 20 - - 
 
 1 Chronicles, chap, xxviii. ver 
 
 19 - - - 
 
 2 Chronicles, chap. iii. ver. 4 
 
 chap. iii. ver. 8 
 15. & - - 
 Jeremiah, chap, xxxvi. ver. 22. 
 
 23 - - - - 
 Ezekiel, chap. xii. ver. 5, 7 
 Daniel, chap. xi. ver. 31 - 
 Tobit, chap. ii. ver. 9 
 Esther, chap. iv. ver. 11 
 chap. v. ver. 1, 2 
 chap. xv. ver. 6 
 Matthew, chap. viii. ver, 5, 8 
 chap. x. ver. 34, 35, 
 
 36 . - - 
 chap. xvii. ver. 20, 
 
 22 - - - _ 
 chap. xxiv. ver. 15 
 
INDEX. PASSAGES OF SCRIPTURE. 
 
 Mark, chap. ii. ver. 4, - 
 
 chap. xiii. ver. 14 - 
 chap. xvi. ver. u, 13 
 Luke, chap. vii. ver. 2, 9 - 
 chap. xii. ver. 49 - 
 chap. xxi. ver. 20 
 chap. xxii. ver. 55 - 
 John, chap, xviii. ver. 3 - 
 chap, xviii. ver. 18 - 
 chap, xviii. ver. 28, 23 
 chap. xix. ver. 13 - 
 
 John, chap. xix. ver. g, 13 - 
 Acts, chap. x. ver. 1, 7 - - 
 chap. 12, ver. 4, 6 
 chap. xxi. ver. 31, 32 - 
 chap, xxiii. ver. 23 - 
 Timothy, chap. iv. ver 21. - 
 1 Peter, chap. iv. ver. 2, 3, 4 
 Revelations, chap. vi. ver. 5. 
 
 6 - - - 
 chap, xii, ver. 6 
 chap. xxi. ver. 19 
 
 200 
 107,109 
 
 95 
 107 
 108 
 
 4 
 165 
 
 138 
 285 
 
 9 
 
INDEX THE SECOND 
 
 OF SOME FEW 
 
 INCIDENTAL CIRCUMSTANCES, 
 
 NOT MENTIONED IN THE TABLE OF CONTENTS ; 
 
 AND OF SOME 
 
 PECULIAR PASSAGES, 
 
 I N 
 
 ANTIENT CLASSIC AUTHORS, 
 
 REFERRED TO, OR ILLUSTRATED, IN THIS VOLUME. 
 
 Abomination of desolation, — 
 the Roman Eagle 
 
 — • such Eagles probably 
 
 even identically stood at Ricli 
 borough, and at Portchester 
 as afterwards stood at Jeru- 
 salem _____ 
 Adrian ; — the introducerof mag 
 nificent buildings in the pro- 
 vinces of the Roman empire 
 
 his wall _ - _ _ 
 
 Agricola ;— at Richborough 
 
 his wall - _ - 
 
 Antoninus; — the age of the An- 
 tonines, that of the greatest 
 and most finished improve- 
 ments in Roman architecture 
 
 his wall - - _ 
 
 Apollo;— afigureoften found on 
 tessellated pavements - 
 
 apparent instance of ; 
 
 Triclinium, or dining room 
 taking its name from it 
 Arch,— the Greeks originally 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 5,24 
 
 S.23. 2 - 
 
 176 
 
 = 73 
 3 
 
 275 
 
 176 
 
 275 
 
 191 
 
 had no word properly to ex- 
 press the idea of one 
 Arch; — itsfirstdistinguishedap- 
 
 pearance in the natural world ; 
 
 — and its first introduction in 
 
 architecture _ _ 
 Arches;— few remains of such 
 
 as were Roman, in Britain 
 Arches;— none in the Temple of 
 
 Solomon _____ 
 very few, if any, even 
 
 in Herod's Temple _ 
 — none in the houses built 
 
 by Solomon - - - 
 none in the palace of 
 
 Priam, as described by Homer 
 none mentioned by 
 
 Homer _____ 
 no arches, at Thebes, in 
 
 Egypt - - _ - _ 
 
 none in the Pyramids 
 
 none in very old Hin- 
 doo buildings, in India - 
 
 none in antient Babylon 
 
 none at Persepolis - 
 
 it 
 
INDEX. 
 
 INCIDENTAL CIRCUMSTANCES. 
 
 Arches; — none at Paestum, be. 
 
 fore the time of Augustus 
 none at Athens, before 
 
 the time of Augustus - 
 none in the Temple of 
 
 Diana, at Ephesus - - 
 —~ none at Rome, much 
 
 prior to the time of Augustus 
 Arches; — the first that are 
 mentioned - - - 
 
 enumeration of most of 
 
 the very antient ones at Rome 
 
 none in the original 
 
 wall of China - - - - 
 
 Archimedes, probably the in- 
 ventor of the arch - - 
 
 Army. —Account of the manner 
 of forming a Roman Consular 
 army ; and of the several or- 
 ders of troops of which it 
 consisted - - - - ■ 
 
 order of the marching of 
 
 a Roman army - - - 
 
 representation, and ac- 
 count of the marching of a 
 part of a Roman army 
 
 Athens; — its streets only ten 
 feet wide - - - - 
 
 Atrium; — or court; sometimes 
 a place of entertainment 
 
 derived to the Romans 
 
 from the Greeks, and origi- 
 nally from the Persians - 
 
 Atrienses ; whence so denomi- 
 nated ------ 
 
 Augurale, in camps - 
 B 
 
 Babylon ; — no arches in its gates 
 or walls ----- 
 
 none in its bridges, or 
 
 subterraneous passages - 
 
 none in thetempleof Be- 
 
 lus, the old Tower of Babel 
 
 inner part of the tower 
 
 of Belus, quite one solid mass 
 of brick work - - 
 
 Pace 
 202 
 s6$ 
 26*4 
 268 
 2(38 
 270 
 
 2 73 
 268 
 
 76* 
 59>6o 
 
 277 
 
 155 
 200 
 
 *93 
 
 5 
 
 245 
 245 
 
 Babylon ; — no arches in : 
 Hanging Gardens - ■ 
 — ■— - ' — characters discovered 
 
 there, similar to those on the 
 walls of Persepolis - - - 
 ■' ■ its houses, having 
 three or four raftered cover- 
 
 Bag-pipe; — ascertained to have 
 
 been a Roman instrument 
 Baths; — many Roman remains, 
 commonly supposed to have 
 been public baths, had no con- 
 nection with any such public 
 buildings - - - - - 
 Bathing ; — the manner in which 
 it was commonly used by the 
 Romans - - - - - 
 Bricks ; — different kinds of Ro- 
 man bricks - - - - 
 Bricks,Roman ; — theappearance 
 of such not always a proof 
 that walls are Roman 
 Bricks; — account of those of 
 
 Babylon - - - - _ 
 Britain; — had the earliest ad 
 vantage of the Light of the 
 Gospel - - _ - - 
 Britons ; — some of the first con 
 verts ; and also of the first 
 reformers 
 
 their improvements in 
 
 arts, and science, under the 
 Romans ----- 
 their horrible relapse 
 
 into barbarity - 
 Burgh Castle ; — its great mount, 
 subsequent to the Roman 
 times ------ 
 
 manner in which 
 
 Roman troops seem to have 
 been encamped within it - 
 C 
 
 Ccesar, passages in his Commen- 
 taries, ascertaining the nature 
 of the Decuman Gate - 
 
 H9 
 
 H9 
 
 243 
 

 
 
 
 Page 
 
 
 Pace 
 
 
 Camps ;— temporary camps 01 
 
 
 Castra, Koman ; — sometimes 
 
 
 
 the Romans described 
 
 73 
 
 themselves consideredas Cities 
 
 65 
 
 
 the manner in which 
 
 
 Century; — the nature of a divi- 
 
 
 
 smaller camps, for additional 
 
 
 sion in a camp, so called - 
 
 14,1 
 
 
 forces, were sometimes an- 
 
 
 Chimneys; — notusedby the Ro- 
 
 
 
 nexed to larger - 
 
 74 
 
 mans in their apartments 
 
 177 1 
 
 account of the precise 
 
 
 Christians ; — saved, so that none 
 
 
 manner in which the several 
 
 
 of them perished, at the de- 
 
 
 orders of troops were placed, 
 
 
 struction of Jerusalem 
 
 24, 1 
 
 in a Roman camp - 
 
 74.93 
 
 Christian Churches; — oftem 
 
 
 
 arrangement of the in- 
 
 built upon, or near the very 1 
 
 20,27 
 
 
 dividual tents, in each single 
 
 
 spots, where stood the Sa- j 
 
 32.49 
 
 
 
 95 
 
 cella of Roman Castra J 
 
 5', 151 j 
 
 
 
 Cicero's, account of his villas 
 
 1 95. 1 97 
 
 
 in their camps - 
 
 9 s 
 
 his account of his enter- 
 
 
 ■ 1 manner of marking out 
 
 
 taining Julius Caesar, at his villa 
 
 i 9 8 
 
 
 
 97 
 
 his curious account of 
 
 
 
 Camp; — mode of forming a 
 
 
 the blunders of Diphilus 
 
 196,201 
 
 
 double Consular camp - 
 
 lOO 
 
 his account of an arch 
 
 
 
 small post in a great 
 
 
 built by Verres, at Syracuse ; 
 
 
 
 camp, for the communication 
 
 
 one of the very first mentioned 
 
 268 
 
 
 
 J 37 
 
 n. conort ; — its numbers, and 
 
 
 
 Hyginian camp - - 
 
 141 
 
 how formed - - - 
 
 77.107 
 
 
 ■ — the Roman manner of 
 
 
 Columns ; — strange dispropor- 
 
 
 placing forage, and stores, 
 
 
 tions of the mostantient ones, 
 
 
 
 in their camps - - - 
 
 87,280 
 
 at Pactum, and at Athens 
 
 263 
 
 
 camp of the Israelites, 
 
 
 A Consular camp, adjusted in 
 
 
 compared with that of the 
 
 
 every part, and in perfect con- 
 
 
 
 
 98 
 
 sistency with every minute 
 
 
 
 Capitals ; — antient ones, like 
 
 
 circumstance as described by 
 
 
 
 compressed bags - - ■« 
 
 263 
 
 
 93 
 
 
 Carpenters, and builders ; — 
 
 
 A Consular army ; — its number 
 
 8l 
 
 
 numbers of them regularly 
 
 
 Courses of Brick; — regularly 
 
 
 
 attending a Roman army 
 
 58,60 
 
 placed alternately, — QepAioi 
 
 39.i6i 
 
 
 Causaubon ; — a correction of an 
 
 
 C rassus ; — theintroducer of the 
 
 
 
 inadvertent translation of his, 
 
 
 Atrium ; and of a more im- 
 
 
 
 of the words of Poly bi us ; 
 
 
 proved style of building in 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 which removes many diffi- 
 
 
 
 201 
 
 
 culties in the accounts of 
 
 
 Crypto-porticus ; — its general! 
 
 1/4.176 
 
 
 Roman camps - 
 
 82 
 
 use ; and the slight manner | 
 
 178,189 
 
 
 Castell; — seems to have been led 
 
 
 in which it was generally f 
 
 196,201 
 
 
 into an error, in his ideas of 
 
 
 constructed - - - _ 
 
 204 
 
 
 Roman villas - - - - 
 
 203,211 
 
 Cube; — the cube, and double 
 
 
 Castra, Roman; — why some- 
 
 
 cube, in architecture; first 
 
 
 
 times deviatingfrom the usual 
 
 
 found to have been introduced 
 
 
 
 square form - - - - 
 
 37 
 
 intheTabernacle.and Temple 
 
 223 
 
 
 
INDEX. INCIDENTAL CIRCUMSTANCES. 
 
 Decuman; — always implied 
 idea of vastness - - . 
 
 Decuman gate; — always placed 
 on the safest,andleast dange- 
 rous side - - - - - 
 
 Decumangate; — full account") 
 of it;— and an error with I 
 regard toits situation endea- 
 voured to be fully rectified 
 
 fine remains of 
 
 one at Pevensey - - - 
 
 ■ — — peculiar con- 
 
 9.12 
 
 struction of the pavement 
 under the passage through a 
 Decuman gate - - 
 Diodorus ; — his account of Baby ■ 
 Ion, and of its bridge, and of 
 its hanging gardens, examin 
 ed ----- , 
 
 E 
 
 Eagles, of the Romans ; —were 
 actually idols ; — and wor- 
 shipped as such - - - 
 Eagles, Roman ; —some of those 
 which were actually advanced 
 against the walls of Jerusalem, 
 were probably once in the 
 fortresses of this Island - 
 Eagle, of steel, dug up at Sil 
 
 Chester - 
 Eagle, on Roman Standards, 
 often adorned with the bull; 
 aurea ------ 
 
 Earth-works of Romans, — both 
 stations, or castra; and camps 
 in these, the de- 
 fect of not having high walls, 
 sometimes supplied by the 
 increased number of ram parts, 
 and ditches - - - - 
 
 Engines, of the Romans, that 
 threw stones of 113 pounds 
 weight - - 
 
 Exhedria ; — apartments to be 
 distinguished from Exhedra | 
 
 55 
 
 12,14 
 71.H3 
 
 88 
 
 245.2JO 
 
 24 
 
 23 
 
 157 
 
 278 
 
 66 
 
 71 
 
 197 
 
 Fire-places ;— none in Roman 
 villas— pans of hot embers, 
 and stoves, alone used - 
 Foot of the Romans .—compar- 
 ed with English measure 
 Forage, and stores ;— manner of 
 
 placing them in a camp - 
 Foundations; — explanation of 
 the words ® t ^\ lol and !fli '- 
 
 G 
 
 Gates of a Roman camp ; ex 
 
 planation of their different 
 kinds ------ 
 
 mistakes that have been 
 
 made with regard to the dis- 
 tinguishing of them, endea. 
 voured to be rectified - 
 
 — Decuman gates - - 
 
 — Principal gates - - . 
 
 Praetorian gates - - 
 
 Grossness of antient manners, 
 
 amongst the Romans ;— and 
 in the world at large - 
 
 H 
 
 Herodotus ;— his account of the 
 Labyrinth in Egypt, examin 
 ed, and considered - - 
 
 his account of the 
 
 houses at Sardis - - - 
 his account of Ba- 
 bylon examined - - - 
 
 his account of the 
 
 triple or fourfold roofs con 
 sidered, as not really mean- 
 ing different stories of rooms 
 Herring-bone workoftheSaxons 
 Houses of Sardis, and Nineveh, 
 compared with those of India 
 of the common inhabi- 
 tants of antient cities, easily 
 removeable - - - - 
 having three or four 
 
 87,280 
 
 12 
 
 14.50,54 
 10,50 
 3 6 .50 
 
 164 
 
 239 
 242 
 245 
 
 raftered coverings, does not at 
 
 242 
 9.42,43 
 
 242 
 
 242 
 
INDEX. 
 
 INCIDENTAL CIRCUMSTANCES. 
 
 all necessarily imply their 
 having so many different 
 stories - - 
 
 Hyginian mode of cncampin 
 explained - - - - - 
 
 Hypocausts; — their nature, and 
 mode of construction ex- 
 plained 
 
 not brought into ge- 
 neral use, till the time of Nero 
 I 
 
 Idolatry; — has been introduced 
 in various shapes, at diffe- 
 rent periods - - - - 
 Imperial army; — its numbers 
 Indian architecture; — its con 
 
 nection with the Egyptian 
 Josephus ; — his account of the 
 Romans offering sacrifices to 
 their Eagles - 
 .. — his very interesting 
 account of Roman camps; — 
 himself an eye witness 
 — his interesting ac 
 
 count of the Roman order of 
 marching, and of setting out 
 ■ — his account of towers 
 
 built on the ramparts of Ro 
 man camps - - - - 
 ■ — his account of the 
 
 great numbers of carpenters, 
 and builders, attending a Ro- 
 man army - - 
 his singular account 
 
 of a Centurion slipping on 
 the marble pavement of the 
 Temple ----- 
 his accounts shew 
 
 that there were no arches in 
 
 the cloysters of the temple 
 Irregularity, — in building, u 
 
 antient times - - - - 
 Irregularity sometimes in mark 
 
 ing out Roman camps 
 K 
 
 Kirkboddo; — an account of the 
 VOL. n . 
 
 243 
 141 
 
 183 
 184, 
 
 *8 5 
 142 
 
 243 
 24 
 
 57 
 
 79 
 
 225 
 7 
 76 
 
 precise manner, in which 
 troops seem to have been 
 placed in that camp; exactly 
 agreeing with the situation 
 of its remaining gates 
 L 
 
 Labyrinth fret; — the most an- 
 tient ornament in the world 
 
 A Legion; — its numbers 
 
 Livy; — passages in his history 
 elucidating the real situation 
 of the Decuman gate — 
 
 passages in his history. 
 
 illustrating the manner in 
 which smaller camps, for ad 
 ditional troops, were some 
 times annexed to larger - 
 
 his account of arches built 
 
 by Scipio ; — which seem to 
 have been the first that are 
 mentioned - - - - - 
 
 Lucullus, — his magnificence:— 
 and his Apollo apartment, ex 
 planatory of some in Britain 
 M. 
 
 Military, new inventions, and 
 improvements, a principal, 
 and immediate cause of the 
 founding of some of the great 
 empires - - - - 
 
 Mosaic pavements ; — theirgood 
 preservation ; and yet perish- 
 able nature - - 
 
 Mount of Olives — the spot on 
 which the tent of Titus was 
 placed, before Jerusalem - 
 N 
 
 Nails worn in their boots by 
 Roman soldiers - - 
 
 Norman additions to fortresses 
 that have been first Roman 
 and then Saxon 
 O 
 
 Orpheus; — reasons for believing 
 hissupposed figure, described 
 as found on some tessellated 
 4 G 
 
INDEX. INCIDENTAL CIRCUMSTANCES. 
 
 pavements, to have been 
 rather designed for that of 
 Apollo - - - - - 
 P 
 
 Paastum; — no arches there, be- 
 fore the time of Augustus 
 
 Palladium of Rome, — compared 
 with the shrine of Diana - 
 
 St. Paul, — probably once at 
 Richborough - - - - 
 
 Persepolis; — by whom first de- 
 scribed, in modern times - 
 
 its bass reliefs painted 
 
 — like those of Egypt 
 
 characters upon its 
 
 walls, — similar to those on 
 bricks lately found at Babylon 
 
 full illustration of 
 
 Persian armour, and dresses 
 
 in the bass-reliefs on its walls 
 built by Egyptian 
 
 artists - - - - - 
 Persepolis; — therepresentations 
 
 on the rock at Naxi Rustan 
 
 elucidated - 
 Pevensey ; —a Roma n fortress ; - 
 
 its irregular area - - - 
 
 ■ ■ its Roman towers - 
 
 ■ additions to it, in Saxon 
 
 tunes 
 
 additions to it, in Nor- 
 man times - - 
 
 not built by William 
 
 the Conqueror - - - 
 
 Pharos Tower, at Dover, — the 
 peculiar mode of its construe 
 tion ------ 
 
 Pipes, for the conveyance of 
 sound, in the towers, and 
 walls, of Byzantium - - 
 
 Plaster; — colours laid upon it 
 when wet, — extremely du- 
 rable 
 
 Pliny's account of his villas 
 
 account, of his manner 
 
 of employing his time - 
 
 too 
 
 26*2 
 267 
 
 3.25 
 2 55 
 255 
 
 2 49 
 
 257 
 261 
 
 261 
 
 37 
 41.43 
 
 44 
 
 45 
 
 47 
 
 >S9 
 
 203 
 204,211 
 
 214 
 
 Pliny;— his odd account of dishes, 
 floating on a greatmarble ba- 
 son of water, at an entertain- 
 ment ----- 
 
 his regular cut box 
 
 hedges, in his gardens - 
 Pliny's account of the build 
 ing of the Temple of Diana, 
 at Ephesus - - - 
 Polybius,_his account of the 
 encampments of the Romans 
 
 a correction of the 
 
 translation of a passage in his 
 account of Roman camps, 
 which seems to remove many 
 difficulties, and embarrass- 
 ments, in the explanation of 
 them - 
 Pompeii, — its narrow streets 
 
 its square small courts 
 
 or Atria - - - _ _ 
 Portchestcr;— a Roman Cas- 
 trum;— its original state; — 
 its Roman towers, &c. - 
 additions to it in Saxon 
 
 times 
 
 - additions to itin Norman 
 
 times ------ 
 
 manner in which Ro 
 
 man troops seem to have 
 been encamped in it - - 
 
 Porticus ;— often confounded, 
 by Roman writers, with the 
 Crypto-porticus - - - 
 
 Praetorian gate,— placed in 1 
 neral, both nearest to the 
 enemy, or side to be best 
 guarded ; — and nearest to the 
 Prastorium - 
 
 Praetorian gates - - - - 
 
 Prajtorium ; — the form, and di- 
 mensions of that at Rich- 
 borough, and of its Sacellum, 
 ascertained - - - - 
 
 Praetorium ; — the account given 
 of its dimensions, in a Con- 
 
 f 
 
INDEX. INCIDENTAL CIRCUMSTANCES. 
 
 sular camp, mistranslated, 
 and mistaken, by Casaubon, 
 and others - - - 
 The correction of this error 
 reduces the whole account of 
 a Consular Camp to perfect 
 consistency - - - - 
 And also accounts for the ex- 
 act dimensions of the smaller 
 pnetoria, in smaller camps 
 
 Principal gate; — the peculia 
 construction of one - - 
 
 Providence Divine;— an atten 
 tion to it, the only true key 
 to the right apprehension of 
 history ------ 
 
 Pyramids of Egypt: — descrip- 
 tion of them - - - - 
 
 Pyramids : — the analogy be 
 tween some of them, and In- 
 dian pagodas - - - 
 
 Q 
 
 Ouintus Curtius ; — his account 
 of the hanging gardens at 
 Babylon, considered - 
 R 
 
 Ramparts ; — sometimes nume- 
 rous, to supply the want of 
 high walls - - 
 
 Regularity ; — minute regula- 1 
 rity, not always observed ^ 
 in the outlines of Roman 
 camps, and castra - - 
 
 Richborough ; — originally built 
 in the reign of Claudius; and 
 towers added to its walls, in 
 that of Severus 
 
 manner in which 
 
 Roman troops seem to have 
 been encamped in it - 
 
 Rooms;— their small proportions 
 in general, in Roman houses 
 
 Roman baths ; — Remains so call- 
 ed, oftentimes did not proper- 
 ly belong to such 
 
 Roman Eagles; — some of them 
 
 9i 
 
 287 
 236 
 
 244 
 
 105 
 
 probably in our British fort 
 
 resses, which actually stood 
 
 afterwards before the walls of 
 
 Jerusalem - 
 Roman feet; — compared with 
 
 English - - - 
 Roman manners; — in some in 
 
 stances very gross 
 Roman houses ; — often built 
 
 merely of wood - - - 
 
 Roman magnificence ; — too 
 highly appreciated - - - 
 
 Roman buildings; — not many 
 of any great magnificence in 
 Britain ----- 
 
 Roy, General, — apprehended to 
 have been led into an error, 
 with regard to the Decuman 
 gate ■ 
 
 remarks on the 
 
 dimensions he assigns to a 
 Consular pnetorium 
 remarks on his ac- 
 
 count of the double maniples 
 of allied horse, and foot, in a 
 Roman Consular camp - 
 
 his difficulty, 
 
 to the filling up of a Roman 
 camp exactly, remedied — 
 
 some little diffe- 
 
 rences in other respects from 
 his conclusions - - 
 S 
 
 Sacellum;— the form of the Sacel 
 lum of the Roman PrEetorium 
 at Richborough, explained 
 
 that of a Roman Cas-~| 
 
 trum, often either converted j 
 into a Christian Church; — > 
 or else had a Christian \ 
 Church built near the spot J 
 
 Sardis ; — the mode of construc- 
 tion of its private houses - 
 
 Saxon innovations ; — manifest 
 in Roman Castra - - - 
 
 25 
 
 164, 
 
 60 
 
 182,194 
 203,281 
 
 51,91 
 
 86 
 
 95 
 
 19 
 
 :0,27,3s 
 49>5i 
 151 
 
 242 
 
 ?5E 
 
INDEX. 
 
 INCIDENTAL CIRCUMSTANCES. 
 
 Saxon residence, in Keep towers 
 
 Saxon roofs, of old towers;— 
 placed depressed far below 
 the battlements - - - 
 
 Severus, his wall ;— how con- 
 structed - - - - _ 
 
 Severus ; —towers added by him 
 to the walls at Richborough 
 
 Shrine, of Diana ; — a case — in- 
 closing the idolatrous ob- 
 ject ------ 
 
 Smallnessof apartments in ge- ] 
 neral, in Roman houses - J 
 
 Staircases, in the temple of So- 
 lomon ------ 
 
 Stones, falling from the clouds 
 
 Strabo; — his account of the 
 hanging gardens at Babylon 
 considered - - - - - 
 
 Strigse :— in an Hyginian camp 
 T 
 
 Tacitus; — his account of the 
 temple at Camalodunum, 
 shews that it could not have 
 been a large structure - - 
 
 Temple of Solomon ; — its fine 
 proportions - - 
 
 Temple of the Tartars, built 
 solid in the interior part, and 
 compared in this respect with 
 that formerly at Babylon - 
 
 Tessellated pavements ; — con- 
 clusions drawn from such con- 
 siderable parts of them having 
 been preserved, when the su- 
 perstructures have perished 
 
 the dif- 
 ferent kinds of tessera;, or dies , 
 used in them ;— and the modes 
 of constructing them - - 
 
 Testudo ; — mistakes, as to the 
 true meaning of this word 
 
 Thebes, in Egypt ; — no arches 
 in its gates or temples 
 
 Titus, afterwards Emperour; 
 
 must have been at Portchester 
 
 Pace 
 
 
 Pace 
 
 31 
 
 Towers ; — vestiges of Romar 
 
 
 
 towers at Richborough - 
 
 17 
 
 
 Roman Towers, at Port- 
 
 
 3° 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 Saxon Towersat Portches 
 
 
 7. 2 7S 
 
 ter ; — built there subsequent- 
 
 
 
 ly ; — and very different both 
 
 
 1/ 
 
 from the Roman, and from 
 
 
 
 the Norman towers; — and 
 
 
 
 this distinction pointed out 
 
 28,30 
 
 266 
 
 Towers Roman ; the lower 
 
 
 175.186 
 
 parts, oftentimes constructed 
 
 
 202 
 
 as one entirely solid mass - 
 
 3 8 .42,53 
 
 
 ■ the courses of 
 
 
 22 9 
 
 bricks in them, do not always 
 
 
 267 
 
 correspond with those in the 
 
 
 
 adjoining walls - - - 
 
 17.54 
 
 
 of wood, often con- 
 
 
 251 
 
 structed on the ramparts of 
 
 
 142 
 
 Roman Castra - 
 
 57 
 
 
 Towers,considered as very extra- 
 
 
 
 ordinary parts of a Roman villa 
 
 204 
 
 
 Solid Towers of brick work ; 
 
 
 formed the interior parts of 
 
 
 220 
 
 some antient buildings - 
 
 248 
 
 224, 
 
 V 
 
 Velites ; — not encamped sepa- 
 
 
 
 rately, in maniples, or bands, 
 
 
 
 by themselves, in Roman 
 
 
 
 camps ; — but parcelled out, 
 
 
 2 49 
 
 anddividedamongst the other 
 
 
 
 more regular bands of Le- 
 
 
 
 
 77,86 
 
 
 Versailles; — the idea of its gar- 
 
 
 dens perhaps in part taken 
 
 
 167 
 
 from Pliny's description of 
 
 
 
 his Tuscum - - - 
 
 212 
 
 
 Vespasian; — probably at Rich- 
 
 
 
 borough, and at Portchester 
 
 3.23 
 
 171 
 
 his distinguished com- 
 
 
 
 mand, and great actions in 
 
 
 19S 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 the curious order of 
 
 
 2 34 
 
 his mode of marching - - 
 
 60 
 
 
 Villa ; — Cicero's curious account 
 
 
 •4 1 
 
 of his alterations in one - 
 
 195 
 
INDEX. 
 
 INCIDENTAL CIRCUMSTANCES 
 
 Villas ; — description of Roman 
 villas ------ 
 
 Roman villas, in general 
 
 only one story high - - 
 
 the great number of them 
 
 possessed by individual Ro- 
 mans, shews how slight the 
 buildings must have been - 
 
 ■ the smallness of their 
 
 apartments in general - - 
 
 odd, remote, straggling 
 
 situation of their principal 
 apartments - - - - 
 
 — few stoves, and no fire 
 
 places in their apartments 
 except in pans, in the middle 
 of the room - - - 
 
 the paintings on their 
 
 walls very rude - - - 
 W 
 
 Walls of the Romans ;— mode 
 of constructing them 
 
 194? 
 
 204, 
 206 
 
 206 
 213 
 
 7>53'55 
 277 
 
 Walls of the Romans;— ex pla- 
 nation of what is meant by I 
 their foundations, or Gty/xioi J 
 parallel lines 
 
 of small square holes in some 
 Roman walls - 
 
 Walls ; — the want of high ones, 
 in castra, and camps, some- 
 times supplied by numerous 
 ramparts, (or Valla), and 
 ditches, one beyond another 
 
 Walls of the Romans, built to 
 prevent the Pictish irruptions 
 
 Water; — streams of water some- 
 times made to pass through 
 Roman Camps 
 
 Weapons of the Romans ; — their 
 peculiar form - - - 
 
 Well; — danger from one 
 Portchester Castle - 
 
 Wine; — anciently preserved by 
 being covered with oil 
 
 4 H 
 
DIRECTIONS TO THE BOOKBINDER 
 
 FOR PLACING THE PLATES. 
 
 All the 37 Plates, (except the Frontispiece, and the folding Plate, and such as are 
 obviously to be placed upright,) are to be bound with the tops inward- (or next 
 the landing) :-but the Frontispiece is to be placed with the top outwards and with 
 the bottom, and Inscription inwards, next to the binding. 
 
 The Frontispiece. -A Roman General giving directions, from the 
 
 Pnetorium. See the Explanation, p. s?g { '° ™" 
 
 ?h " To face 
 
 XVI. Plan of the great Roman Castrum, at Richborough, in Kent - T 
 XVII. External appearance of the walls of Richborough . . I0 
 
 XVIII. Fig. 1,-and 2. Plan, and elevation, of the Postern ;_in the north-east 
 wall, at Richborough ; which was one of the Principal Gates 
 Fig. g. Plans of the north and west round Towers, at Richborough 16 
 
 XIX. Fig. 1. Platformofstones;_atthewestentrance,orGREAT Decuman 
 
 Gate, of Richborough 
 
 Fig. 2 . Representation of the junction of a tower, with the south- 
 west wall, at Richborough 
 
 Fig. g. Representation of the junction of the tower of the north- 
 eastern wall, at Richborough ... ]g 
 
 XX. Fig. 1. Plan of the Sacellum, belonging to the Pnetorium, at Rich- 
 
 borough 
 
 Fig. 2. Section of the foundations of the Sacellum, and of the great 
 platform of the Augurale 
 
 Fig. 3. Bronze figure of a Roman bagpiper, dug up at Richborough 22 
 XXI. Plan of the Roman enclosure, of Portchester Castle a 6 
 SI. Plan of Portchester Castle, with the Norman additions - 2 8 
 
 S. Plan of the inner court of Portchester Castle; with its Saxon tower; 
 and Norman works 
 
 XXI 
 
 3° 
 
 Plans of different parts, both Saxon, and Norman, of the Castle at 
 Portchester._And Elevations of the inside of the end walls of 
 Portchester Keep Tower, and of that at Castleton, in Derbyshire 32 
 — . View of the Saxon Keep;— and of the Norman inner court, at Port- 
 Si 
 36 
 
 XXII. Great Decuman Gate ; of the original antient Castrum at Pevensey, 
 
 in Sussex _ 
 - - 38 
 
 XXIII. Plan of Pevensey Castle - . . - 40 
 
 Chester 
 
 ~. West front of the Saxon Church, in Portchester Castle 
 
DIRECTIONS TO THE BOOKBINDER. 
 
 ™. n t Bird's-eye view of Pevensey Castle - - 42 
 
 XXIV. Inside view of that which was the Praetorian Gate, at Pevensey - 44 
 
 XXV. Outside view of that which was the Praetorian Gate, at Pevensey 44 
 
 XXVI. External appearance of the walls and towers of Pevensey ; — from (b) 
 
 to (e) in the plan _____ 4^ 
 
 XXVII. Fragment of the wall of the Saxon Keep, that was added to the Roman 
 
 Castrum, at Pevensey - - - 44, 
 
 xxvu . Norman wall, of Pevensey, seen on the outside;— from (g) to(h)in plan 46 
 
 xxvii ^ Norman wall of Pevensey, seen on the inside of the court ; — from 
 
 near (g) to (h) - - - - - 46 
 xxvu Norman wall of Pevensey seen on the outside of the court, from (l)to(g) 46 
 
 xxvn . Inside view of the tower (m), at Pevensey - - 48 
 
 XXYII j Inside view of the Sally Port, in the tower (h), at Pevensey - 48 
 
 XXVIII. Comparative view of Roman Castra 70 
 xxvm _ Arrangement of Maniples, at the Roman Stations, of Castor, — 
 
 Birrens, — and Sodbury - 72 
 
 _____*!, Mode of encamping Roman troops, at Kirkboddo 74 
 xxvnr t Plans of Roman Castrametation - - - "94 
 
 xxvnr Further Plans of Roman Castrametation ; — and a Plan of the Camp 
 
 5 
 
 of Israel - - - - - - 100 
 
 xx ^ m t Comparative dimensions, of Roman Stations - - 140 
 
 XX ^ HI . Hyginian mode of encamping, &c. - 146 
 
 xx ^ m . Plans, of remains of Roman buildings, in Britain - - 182 
 
 xxvrn . Plan of Roman Villa, at Woodchester - - 194 
 
 xx ^ m . Pliny's Laurentine Villa - - - - 210 
 
 xxviii ^ Part of Roman Army, passing a bridge of boats - - 278 
 
 xxvm . Roman mode of placing their military stores, and forage - 280 
 
 xx ^ m . Roman mode of placing stores, and forage, in the space by the 
 
 ramparts ------ 282 
 
ERRATA IN VOLUME I. 
 
 Page Lino 
 
 7 ult. instead of Wcsselingei, read Wesselinsii. 
 
 27 3, from the bottom, after the words there cited, transverse diameter, add Cor later axis.) 
 
 51 4, instead of or, read nor. 
 135 7i instead of much most, read mucA more. 
 3 56 5, instead of call, read tvz/W. 
 
 137 5, after the words transverse diameter, add (or /ewtr a.m.) 
 165 31, after 13, and also after 9, instead of feet, read inckes. 
 184 3, from the bottom, instead of tftt, read avrS. 
 
 193 3, from the bottom, after the words, as it stood in Jersey, — add, by way of further explanation 
 —or (if we allow also for the gradual shifting, and receding of the equinoctial points, and 
 the precession of the equinoxes,) at least fronted what was, at the time of the first rearin" 
 of the structure, deemed then, in. correspondence with the rising of some certain Jixcd star, tu 
 be the east. 
 
 263 22, after the word saws, add of. 
 
 — — in the last leaf of all, in the twentieth line, instead of the word Appendix, read Supplement. 
 
 ERRATA IN VOLUME II. 
 
 Page Line 
 
 6 3, from the bottom, for 560, read 460. 
 132 3, from the bottom, for 156, read 150. 
 134 14, after 269, add \. 
 
 134 3, from the bottom, after PI. XX ^ r _, add Fig. 3. 
 1/7 2, after the words principal apartment, add (a). 
 206 12, after the words further end, add a Cavadium. 
 
 £78 6, from the bottom, to the words, St, John's Gospel, add Chap . xvtiiih. ver. 3. 
 
 i 
 
 Printed by W. Bulmci and Co. 
 Cleveland -row, Sc. James's.