THE J. PAUL GETTY MUSEUM LIBRARY Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 with funding from Getty Research Institute https://archive.org/details/loebcollectionofOOchas THE LOEB COLLECTION OF ARRETINE POTTERY COPYEIGHT, 1908, BY JAMES LOEB, NEW YORK TKE J. PAUL GUTTY MUSEUM LIBRARY PREFACE It has long been a matter of regret among students of classical antiquity that so little of the pottery of Arretium, which represents unquestionably the highest achievement of the Roman ceramists, has as yet been published. The writings of Fabroni, Gamurrini, Pasqui, Dragendorff, and others have indeed done much to place the Arre- tine wares in their proper relation to earlier and later fabrics and to show their great importance for the history of Roman art. But the treasures of the Museo Pubblico at Arezzo are still almost unknown except to the fortunate few who have enjoyed the privilege of a con- siderable stay in Arezzo itself, and the smaller collections of Arretine ware in other museums are almost wholly unpublished. Under these circumstances, the present catalogue of a fairly representative collec- tion of moulds and fragments may not be without its justification. In the Introduction, I have tried to give a summary of the principal results of modern discussions ; in the Catalogue proper, to describe as accurately as possible all the pieces of the Collection ; and in the plates to reproduce all the more important specimens. I hope the result will prove useful to scholars and interesting to amateurs ; and above all that it may help a little in calling attention to a class of monuments which, in this country at least, has up to the present time been too much neglected. The Collection is in the Fogg Museum of Art, Harvard Uni- versity. George H. Chase. Harvard Uniyersity. January, 1908. CONTENTS PAGE Preface v Contents vi Abbreviations viii Introduction 1 Note 36 Catalogue 37 Class I. a. Birth of Dionysus (No. 1) 39 b. Dancing maenads (Nos. 2-13) 45 c. Dancing and drinking satyrs (Nos. 14-16) 49 d. Satyrs gathering grapes and treading them out (Nos. 17-52) . 50 e. Kalathiskos dancers (Nos. 53-61) 55 /. Winged genii (Nos. 62-70) 60 g. Nike (Nos. 71-75) 63 h. Symposia (Nos. 76-84) 64 i. Miscellaneous subjects (Nos. 85-124) 70 Class II. a. Dancers (Nos. 125-135) 81 h. Hunting scenes (Nos. 136-142) 86 c. Chariot scenes (Nos. 143-149) 89 d. Battle scenes (Nos. 150-156) 90 e. Centauromachy (No. 157) 92 /. Miscellaneous subjects (Nos. 158-206) 93 g. Animals (Nos. 207-216) 105 h. Statuettes (Nos. 217-222) 107 i. Masks, heads, bucrania, pairs of animals, etc. (Nos. 223-304) 111 j. Naturahstic plant forms (Nos. 305-336) 127 k. Conventionalized plant forms and other conventional patterns (Nos. 337-427) 135 l. Small fragments with inscriptions (Nos. 428-451) . . . 151 [ vi ] CONTENTS C ATALOGUE—C ontinued Class III. Plain vases and vases decorated only with separately modelled reliefs (Nos. 452-472) 155 Class IV. Handles, handle ornaments, and separately modelled reliefs (Nos. 473-507) 159 Class V. Miscellaneous pieces (Nos. 508-589) 166 [ vii ] ABBREVIATIONS The titles of books and periodicals to which frequent reference is made will be abbreviated as follows: Ann. Annali dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica. Rome, 1829-86. B. J. Bonner Jahrbucher: Jahrbiicher des Vereins von Altertumsfreunden im Rheinlande. Bonn, 184-2/f. Bull. Bulletino dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica. Rome, 1829-85. C. I.L. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum consilio et auctoritate Academiae Litte- rarum Regiae Borussicae editum. Berlin, 186Sff. Fabroni. Fabroni (-4.), Storia degli antichi vasi fittili aretini. Arezzo, 18^1. Gamurrini. Gamurrini {G. F.), Le iscrizioni degli antichi vasi fittili aretini. Rome, 1859. Gaz. Arch. Gazette Archeologique. Paris, 1875-89. Not. Scav. Notizie degli Scavi di antichita communicate alia Reale Accademia dei Lincei. Rome, 1876ff. Walters. Walters (H. B.), History of Ancient Pottery, Greek, Etruscan, and Roman. 2 vols., London, 1905. [ viii ] INTRODUCTION Arretine Pottery takes its name from the ancient city of Ar- retium, the modem Arezzo, situated in the upper vaEey of the Arno, in Tuscany, some fifty miles southeast of Florence. Originally one of the twelve cities of the Etrascan league, and later, after the ex- tension of the Roman power, a flourishing Roman town, Arretium was for many centimies one of the most important cities of central Italy. Of its history, as of the history of most of the Etruscan cities, we catch glimpses now and then in the writings of the Roman histo- rians, but their references are usually nothing more than brief no- tices of unsuccessful wars against the Romans during the period of independence and of equally unsuccessful revolts after the establish- ment of the Roman government. The earhest of these accounts goes back to the time of the kings. During the reign of Tarquinius Pris- cus, Arretium with four other Etmscan towns, Clusium, Volaterrae, Rusellae, and Vetulonia, is said to have joined the Latins and the Sabines in an attempt to check the growing power of the city on the Tiber.^ In 311 b.c., it is mentioned as the only Etmscan city that did not take part in an attack upon Sutrium, which at that time was in alliance with Rome.^ Later, however, the citizens seem to have been induced to change their attitude, for in the next year Dionysius of Hcdicamassus, Ant. Rom. 3, 51. [ 1 ] 2 Livy 9, 32. ARRETINE POTTERY (310 B.C.), we find ambassadors from Arretium, Perasia, and Cor- tona making peace with the Romans/ In 301, a local quarrel, brought on by an attempt to expel the Cilnii,^ the most powerful of the Arretine families, again involved the city in a struggle with the Romans. According to the account given by Eivy, a Roman army marched against Arretium, and during the absence of their commander, the dictator Valerius Maximus, suffered a defeat at the hands of the Arretines and other Etruscans who had joined them, but ultimately the allies were defeated and the Cilnii restored. Livy adds, however, that some authorities declared that there was no war upon the Arretines at this time, but that the insurrection was peaceably suppressed.® Again, in 294, we find Arretium engaged with other Etruscan cities in still another struggle with Rome, as a result of which they were forced to purchase a forty years’ truce for a large sum.^ During the Gallic invasion of 283, the city was be- sieged by the Senones, and a Roman army which was sent to its relief was defeated with great slaughter.® Just when Arretium became subject to Rome is imknown, but from the fact that no triumph over the Arretines is recorded, it is perhaps reasonable to think that the change was brought about by peaceful means. As a dependent city, it played some part in the Second Punic War, largely because of its situation on one of the two roads from Rome to northern Italy. In 217 b.c., Flaminius took up his position near its walls to await the invading host of Han- nibal ; ® in 209 and 208, Rome was disturbed by rumors of an up- * Livy 9, 37; c/. Diodorus 20, 35. * The Cilnii are interesting as the ancestors of Horace's 'patron, C. Cilnius Maecenas. * Livy 10, 3-5. * Livy 10, 37. * Polybius 2, 19. ^ Polybiiis 3, 77 and 80; Livy 22, 2 and 3. [ 2 ] ARRETINE POTTERY rising in Etruria, fomented by the Arretines, but the prompt and summary action of the consul designatus, M. Marcellus, and the propraetors of Etruria, C. Calpumius and C. Hostilius, and es- pecially the exaction of one hundred and twenty sons of Arretine senators as hostages “ pacified ” the region ; ^ and later, when Scipio was making preparations for the invasion of Africa, and each of the Etruscan cities was called upon to contribute to the equipment of his fieet, Arretium furnished “ 3,000 shields, an equal number of helmets, also javelins, pikes, and long spears to the number of 50,000, axes, spades, hooks, buckets, and mills, enough for forty galleys,” as well as wheat and a contribution of money for the decurions and the rowers.^ In the struggle between Marius and Sulla, the Arretines sided with the former, with the result that after the final triumph of Sulla, laws were passed which deprived them of their rights of citizenship and confiscated their lands. The statements of Cicero, from whom we derive this information, imply that in later times the former law was regarded as inoperative, and that a part, at least, of the Arretine territory was recovered by the owners.® It seems probable, however, that a colony of the veterans of Sulla was established in the territory of Arretium at this time,^ and that it was from them that the coloni Arretini whom Cicero ® mentions among the followers of Catiline were recruited. In the war between Caesar and Pompey, Arretium was one of ^ lAvy 27, 21, 22, and 24. * Livy 28, 45. • Cic. pro Caecina 97; pro Murena 49; ad Att. 1, 19, 4. * Cf. Bull, 1879, pp. 166-168; Mommsen, Rom. Geschichte, Vol. II*, p. 343 {in the latest English translation, published in 1903, Vol. IV, p. 108). * Cic. pro Murena 49. [ 3 ] ARRETINE POTTERY the first places that Caesar occupied after crossing the Rubicon.^ In the time of Caesar or Augustus, it received a Roman colony.^ Pliny speaks of Arretini Veteres, Arretini Fidentes, and Arretini Juli- enses,® implying the existence in the territory of Arretium of three settlements, Arretium Vetus, Arretium Fidens, and Arretium Ju- lium. Of these, Arretium Vetus would naturally be the old Etras- can city, Arretium JuJium the colony founded by Julius Caesar or Augustus. Arretium Fidens has someti m es been thought to be the colony sent by SuUa, but it may have been established at some other time. It must be admitted, also, that the existence of three distinct settlements is not certain. Strabo makes no reference to separate towns, but speaks simply of Arretium, which, he says, was the most inland city of Etruria.^ It is possible, therefore, that the terms Arretini Veteres, Arretini Fidentes, and Arretini Julienses refer only to distinct bodies of settlers who for some reason had re- ceived a separate municipal organization. Such is the history of Arretium, so far as we can piece it together from the scattered notices of Greek and Latin writers, a history not very diff erent from that of the other cities of Etruria, except per- haps in the fact that owing to its remoteness from Rome, the city suffered less from its struggles with the Romans than the settle- ments farther south. The prosperity of the city depended largely on the fertility of the surrounding territory. Its vines and its wheat are praised by Pliny,® and even to-day the region produces a wine whose excellence is sung by the poets of the modem town. Manu- * Caesar, B. C. 1, 11; Cic. ad. Farn. 16, 12. * Frontinus, De Cdoniis ; cf. Liber Coloniarum, p. 215; C. I.L. XI, p. 336. » Plin. N. H. 3, 52. * Strab. V, p. 226. ‘ N. H. 14, 36 and 18, 87. [ 4 ] ARRETINE POTTERY facturing, also, must have played a prominent part in the life of the ancient Arretines, for among all the Etruscan towns, it is note- worthy that only Arretium was called upon to furnish shields and spears and other equipment for Scipio’s fleet.^ For an extensive production of vases we have no evidence from the earlier period of the city. The Etruscan tombs of the ancient necropolis have yielded specimens of the ordinary Etruscan black ware (bucchero), as well as imported Greek vases, but these do not differ essentially from the vases found on other Etruscan sites.^ The fact that early bronze coins found at Arezzo have a vase as the type on the reverse has sometimes been urged as a proof of the early importance of the vase- maker’s art, but the argument is of very doubtful value.^ The vases to which the name Arretine is given, at all events, belong distinctly to the Roman period.* They are mentioned several times by Roman writers of the first century a . d . and later in such a way as to imply that they formed a well-recognized class among Roman ceramic products and were largely exported, and although it is probable that the name “ Arretine ” was gradually extended to include similar vases made elsewhere, such a use of terms could not have arisen un- less the vases of Arretium had come to be well known and univer- sally recognized. The most important passages in regard to them occur in the Naturalis Historia of Pliny and the Etymologiae of Isidorus of Seville, an encyclopedic work of the seventh century, based upon the statements of earlier writers. Pliny’s statement is * Cf. supra, p. 3. * Cf. Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, ID, pp. 384-389. * Cf. Gamurrini, p. 9; Marchi and Tessieri, L’Aes grave del Museo Kircheriano, Classe III, pi. 5 and 6. * Cf. pp. Z9ff. for a discussion of the date of the Arretine ware. [ 5 ] AKRETINE POTTERY as follows; “ The majority of mankind use earthenware vessels. Samian ware is well spoken of even at the present day for dinner services. This reputation is kept up also by Arretium in Italy, and for drinking cups only by Surrentum, Hasta, PoUentia, Saguntum in Spam, and Pergamum in Asia. Tralles is also a centre for pot- tery, and Mutina in Italy.” ^ Isidorus informs us that “ Arretme vases are so called from Arretium, a town in Italy, where they are made; for they are red. It is these of which Sedulius speaks when he says: ‘ The red pot serves the greens that are set before us.’ ” ' Even more interesting are two passages in Martial, in which we see reflected the Roman taste of the first century a . d . In one, the poet mocks at the plagiarist Fidentinus, in whose book of epigrams, he says, there is only one original page, but that so bad that it is clearly stamped as the author’s own. “ Just so a Gallic cloak, among the purple robes of the city, stains them with grease and filth; so the clay vases of Arretium spoil the effect of crystal cups; so the black crow when he chances to stray on the banks of the Cayster, is laughed to scorn among the swans of Leda ; so when the > Plin. N. H. 35 , 160 /.; Maior pars honiinum terrenis utitur vasis. Sarnia etiamnunc in et- culentis laudantur. Retinent kanc nobilitatem et Arretium in Italia, et calicum tantum Surrentum, Hasta, PoUentia, in Hispania Saguntum, in Asia Pergamum. Habent et TraUis ibi opera sua et in Italia Mutina. • Isidorus, Etym. 20 , 4 , 5 : Aretina vasa, ex Aretio municipio Italiae dicuntur, vhi fiunt; sunt enim rubra. De quibus Sedulius: Ruhra quod appositum testa ministrat olus. The poet Caelius Sedidius wrote about 494 a.d. It may be doubted whether Isidorus is right in referring the “rubra testa ” of Sedulius specifically to Arretine ware, and his present tenses are doubt- less taken from the author he was excdrpting {perhaps Pliny himself). They cannot be taken to mean that the potters of Arretium were active as late as the seventh century. [ 6 ] ARRETINE POTTERY sacred grove resounds with the varied notes of the tuneful nightin- gale, the wretched magpie mars her Attic plaints.” ^ Modern ad- mirers of the products of the Arretine potters have tried to extract a compliment from these lines, but with little success. To the wealthy Romans of the first century, accustomed to luxury as few others have ever been, the clay vases of Arretium could hardly be expected to appeal. Nevertheless, in another epigram, the poet warns his contemporaries against too low an estimate of these hum- ble vessels : “ We warn you not to look with too much contempt on the Arretine vases. Porsena was fine with his Etruscan earthen- ware. ^ Another interesting epigram, which is sometimes attributed to Virgil, though it undoubtedly was written by a later poet, takes the form of an address to an Arretine cup that had been used for taking medicine. It runs : “ Arretine cup, once the glory of my father’s table, how sound you were before the doctor’s hand.” ^ From all this, it is clear that the red ware of Arretium, although it was considered inferior to the vessels of gold and silver and * Martial, Ep. 1 , 53 . * Martial, Ep. 14 , 98 ; Arretina nimis ne spemas vasa monemus; Lautus erat Tuscis Porsena fktilibus. * Baehrens, Poetae Latini Minores, IV, No. 158 : Arretine calix, mensis decus ante patemis. Ante manus medici quam bene sanus eras. Two other passages which have sometimes been brought into connection vhth the vases of Arretium are Persius I, 127-130 and Macrobius, Saturnalia 2 , 4 , 12 . In the former passage, the poet describes several classes of persons whom he does not wish to be among his readers. “I don't want the low fellow who loves to crack a joke on the slippers of the Greeks, and is equal to calling a one-eyed man Old One- Eye, thinking he is somebody because once, as aedile, filled loith the pride of provincial office, he broke short half -pint measures at Arretium {fregerileminas Arreti aedilis iniquas)." It is clearly stretching [ 7 ] ARRETINE POTTERY precious stones in which the Romans of the Empire delighted, en- joyed a considerable vogue and more than a local fame. And this inference is confirmed by the discoveries of modem times. It is hardly too much to say that Arretine vases and fragments have been found in every part of the Roman empire, in most cases, doubtless, imported and sold by Roman merchants, in others, perhaps, carried by the legionaries in their campaigns or by traveUers. As the Arre- tine potters were accustomed to sign their vases (though this is not an invariable custom), the products of the Arretine kilns can be recognized wherever they are found, and the Hst of such finding places is one of the best proofs of the popularity of the Arretine wares. It includes not only Arezzo, Rome, Rimini, Modena, and other places in Italy, but numerous sites in Gallia Narbonensis, in Spain, and in Africa; and sporadic finds have been made in the Greek islands and even in Asia Minor. In the northern provinces of the Empire, the number of finding places is smaller, owing largely to the fact that in these districts, soon after their con- quest by the Romans, an important local industry was developed by which the local demand was supplied. Nevertheless, even a point to find here any reference to Arretine wares as a class. Yet this was done by an ancient com- mentator, who informs us that the half -pint pots referred to are “ small vessels from the town of Arre- tium, where ‘Arretine ’ vases are made ” {minora vasa ex Aretio, ubi fiunt Aretina vasa). The passage in Macrobius contains a story to the effect that Augustus was wont to mock at the lax and effeminate style of Maecenas, and once in concluding a letter, addressed him with all the en- dearing terms that were usually reserved for women, calling him “silphium of Arretium, pearl of the T iber, emerald of the Cilnii, jasper of the potters, beryl of Porsena," and so on {lasar Arretinum, Tiber- inum magaritum, Cilniorum smaragde, iaspi figulorum, berutle Porsenae). The editors of Macrobius usually adopt a conjecture of John's and read Iguvinorum for the figulorum of the mss. In any case the passage is of no great value, since the importance of the potters of Arretium is sufficiently proved without it. [ 8 ] ARRETINE POTTERY here, in Germany and Northern Gaul, and even in Britain, a very considerable number of vases and fragments has been discov- ered which are shown by the signatures they bear to be the work of Arretine potters. But the great finding place, naturally enough, is Arezzo itself. Here, both inside the modern city and in the outlying districts, many remains of ancient potteries have been found, containing not only fragments of vases and of the moulds from which they were made, but also in some cases the vats in which the clay was purified, the wheels on which the vases and the moulds were thrown, the stamps with which the figmes were produced, and other implements of the potter’s trade. Tombs also have occasionally yielded fragments of vases. The earliest record of such discoveries goes back to the thir- teenth century. In a manuscript entitled Libro della Compositione del Mondo, written by a certain Ser Ristoro d’ Arezzo and dated 1282, the author records the discovery in and near Arezzo of frag- ments of vases colored black and red, but generally red, on which were represented “ all sorts of plants and leaves and flowers, and all sorts of animals,” as well as “ figures in relief — some thin and some fat, some laughing and some crying, living and dead, old and young, armed and unarmed,” and so on for nearly a page of an- titheses. “ When any of these fragments come into the hands of sculptors or artists or other connoisseurs,” writes Ser Ristoro, “ they consider them like sacred relics, marvelling that human nature could rise to such a height in the subtlety, in the workmanship, and the form of those vases, and in their colors and their figures in relief; and they say that the makers were divine or the vases fell from [ 9 ] ARRETINE POTTERY heaven.” ^ The entire passage is interesting as an example of the enthusiastic admiration for the relics of ancient art which even as early as the thirteenth century was beginning to make itself felt throughout Italy. Making every allowance for local patriotism, we cannot doubt that these earliest discovered relics of Arretine pottery produced a profound impression on the contemporaries of Ser Ristoro. That fragments of vases continued to be found during the cen- tury that succeeded the writing of Ser Ristoro’s Lihro is shown by a brief notice in the Cronaca Fiorentina of Giovanni Villani, who died in the great plague at Florence in 1348. This writer, in speak- ing of Arezzo, mentions the red vases with reliefs which “ it seems impossible to believe were made by human hands,” and concludes his brief account with the statement “ they are still found.” ^ Of discoveries made in the second half of the fifteenth century, we have two interesting accounts, one in a manuscript written by Marco At- tilio Alessi, now in the Bibliotheca Riccardiana in Florence, the other in Vasari’s famous Lives of the Painters. The latter account refers to a somewhat earlier date and so may be considered first. In the life of his great-grandfather Lazzaro, the biographer relates that his grandfather, Giorgio Vasari, who died in 1484 at the age of sixty-eight, maintained until the end of his life the antiquity of the Arretine vases; that in a field near the Ponte delle Carciarelle (a ■ The passage is quoted in full by Fabroni, pp. 12jf. Cf. also Pignotti, Storia della Toscana {Pisa, 1813), I, pp. 144^.; Gori, Difesa dell' Alfabeto Etrusco, Preface, p. 207; Monad, CresUmazia Italiana dd Primi Secdi, pp. 366ff. * The passage occurs in Book I, Chapter 47 {in the edition published at Milan in 1802, Vol. I, p. 72). Cf. Pignotti, I, p. 146; Fabroni, p. 16. [ 10 ] ARRETINE POTTERY bridge over the Castro, distant about a mile from Ai’ezzo) , he found at a depth of three cubits three vaults of an ancient kiln, four com- plete vases, many fragments, and near them some of the clay that was used in making the ware ; that he gave the vases to Lorenzo de’ Medici (II Magnifico) during a visit which the Florentine made to Arezzo, and that it was this gift that procured for the family of Vasari the favor of the Medici. Further, Vasari relates that his grandfather made successful experiments in reproducing the an- cient ware, some specimens of his work lasting to the time of the biographer.^ Alessi’s account also refers to discoveries near the Ponte delle Carciarelle. He speaks of a great quantity of frag- ments with inscriptions — the first known record of the inscriptions that occur so frequently — and mentions especially one great find made in 1492 in the presence of Giovanni de’ Medici, who later became Pope Leo X.^ From the inscriptions it appeared that the proprietor of the most important pottery near the Ponte deUe Car- ciarelle was named Calidius Strigo, a fact which has been confirmed by recent excavations.® A smaller number of fragments bore the name of Domitius. From the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries, we have no record of further discoveries. About the middle of the eighteenth century, however, two new potteries belonging to P. Cornelius and 1 Vasari, Vite dei Pittori, II, pp. 557ff. (jin the edition published at Florence in 1878 - 85 ). In the translation of Mrs. Foster, published at London in 1895 - 1901 , the passage is on pp.\53f. of Vol. II. Cf. Fabroni, pp. 18 /. 2 Alessi’s account was first published by Gori in his Inscriptiones antiquae Graecae et Romanae in Etruriae Urbibus Exstantes (Florence, 1734 ), II, p. 320 . Cf. Pignotti, I, pp. 146 ^.; Fabroni, pp. 16 - 18 . 3 Cf. U.^Pasqui, Not. Scav. 1894 , pp. 12lff. [ 11 ] ARRETINE POTTERY C. Cispius were discovered by the Arretine Francesco Rossi at Cin- celli, some five miles from the city; and later, in 1779, excavation in this region brought to fight remains of a potter’s wheel, of kilns, vats, and utensils, as well as fragments of vases and moulds. These passed from the collection of Signor Rossi into the Bacci Collection, and ultimately into the Museo Pubbfico at Arezzo. During this same century, the writings of Gori, who published the accounts of Ser Ristoro and Alessi, together with some additional inscriptions from the manuscript record of Giacomo Burafi, made the earlier discoveries known to a wide circle of readers.^ Rossi himself planned to publish an account of the Arretine fabrics and especially of the results of his excavations, and although the promised monograph never appeared, it was discovered among his papers after his death, and used by several later writers. Of these the most important is Inghirami, whose elaborate Monumenti Etruschi o di Etrusco Nome contains tw'elve pages and a colored engraved plate devoted to Arretine ware.^ The plate especially is interesting as the first attempt at the reproduction of Arretine fragments. The great discoveries of vases and other antiquities at Vulci in 1829 and the years immediately after inspired all the Italian anti- quaries to renewed investigations. At the same time, the establish- ment of the Institute di Corrispondenza Archeologica at Rome gave them a more convenient medium for the publication of their discov- eries than they had before enjoyed. The numbers of the Annali and the Bulletino delV InstitutOj which began to be published in 1829 ‘ Cf. supra, p. 10 , note 1 and p. 11 , note 2 . • Inghirami, Monumenti Etruschi o di Etrusco Nome {Fiesole, 1824 ), Vol. V, pp. 1 - 12 ; pi. 1 . [ 12 ] ARRETINE POTTERY and ceased to exist in 1885, contain many brief notices of new finds at Arezzo. Since 1885, the most important accounts have appeared in the Italian Notizie degli Scavi, which even before that date had contained occasional notices. In recent years, the richest finds inside the city limits have been made in the neighborhood of the modern theatre and the church of Santa Maria in Gradi. The most impor- tant finding place outside the walls has been the neighborhood of Cincelli. The vases and fragments that have been discovered in these excavations have for the most part found a place in the Museo Pubblico at Arezzo, which now contains the finest collection of this class of vases in the world. Others have passed into private hands, and thence in some cases have been sold out of Italy, to become parts of collections in other countries. It was in this way that the Loeb Collection was acquired. The principal part of the Collection was bought in Rome in 1904; three of the complete moulds (Nos. 1, 76, 223) were bought later, in 1907. The methods used by the potters of Arretium, as they have been revealed by these excavations, do not differ from those used by pot- ters in other parts of the Roman world. Like their contemporaries in other regions, they produced no painted pottery, but confined themselves, so far as they decorated their vases at all, to decoration in relief. In this they followed the traditions of the later Greek ceramists, who even before the beginning of the second century b.c. had abandoned the painted decoration by which their predecessors had distinguished themselves. Technically considered, the vases of Arretium fall into three classes : 1. Plain vases, simply thrown on the wheel, glazed, and fired. [ 13 ] ARRETINE POTTERY Handles were sometimes added, and on the bottom of the vase, inside, was usually stamped the name of the owner of the factory, or that of the slave who made the vase, or both. 2. Vases with applied reliefs, a more elaborate type, in which the vase is decorated with simple rehefs, modelled sometimes by hand, but more commonly by the use of moulds, and applied to the vase as the handles were apphed, after it was taken from the wheel. Vases of this type, also, frequently have signatures stamped on the inside. 3. Mould-made vases (in modern times commonly called terra sigillata), by far the largest and most important category. Here the process of manufacture was much more complicated than in the case of the plain vases and the vases with applied reliefs. The potter first formed upon the wheel a hollow mould of clay, giving to the inside the form and the dimensions which he had in mind for the body of the completed vase. Next by means of small stamps with designs in rehef, he impressed in the inside of the mould, while it was still soft, the figures and patterns with which the completed vase was to be decorated. These, as they were made from designs in relief, have in the moulds the form of hollow impressions. From such a mould, after it had been baked hard by firing, any number of vases could be produced by simply pressing clay into the mould, removing this shell when it was still somewhat soft, glazing, and firing. In gen- eral the mould seems to have been placed upon the wheel to receive its lining of clay ; the inside of a moulded vase usually shows a series of shallow grooves at regular intervals, marks of the tool by which the interior was worked smooth after the clay had been pressed into [ 14 ] ARRETINE POTTERY the hollows of the mould. In some cases, the vase was glazed and fired precisely as it came from the mould. Usually, however, a sepa- rately modelled foot and a plain rim with simple mouldings at the top were attached to the shell. Handles, also, and plastic ornaments like those of the plain vases and the vases with separately modelled reliefs were frequently added, although one striking characteristic of the Arretine vases, and indeed of Roman pottery in general, is the comparative lack of handles, probably due to the fact that vases without handles could be packed for export with greater security. There is some evidence that in the case of the most carefully made vases, the potter went over the surface of the shell before it was fired with a pointed instrument, sharpening details that had been blurred in the process of moulding, adding bits of patterns, and in general “ retouching ” the whole. The process is one that is familiar in the work of the makers of terra-cotta figurines, to whose methods the methods of the Roman potters are closely similar. The stamps which were used by the Arretine potters were proba- bly of different materials, wood, metal, and clay. Those that have been found are all of clay, and some are very well preserved. One of the finest is published by Fabroni.^ The British Museum pos- sesses an admirable stamp with a figure of Spring upon it.^ A specimen in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts contains a stamp with a design for a crescent-shaped pattern which actually appears on one of the moulds of the Loeh Collection.® All these, and other Ro- man stamps from the provinces ^ show that the stamp was regularly provided with a handle by means of which it could be pressed into the • Plate 5 , No. 4 . ^ Cf. Walters, Vol. II, pi. 66 , fig. 2 . > No. 160 . * Cf. Walters, II, pp. 439 , 440 . [ IS ] ARRETINE POTTERY mould. The number of stamps necessary to produce the great variety which is apparent in the vases seems at first sight to be very large, but a closer study of any considerable collection of vases and moulds shows that the number was much smaller than it appears at first. Nothing, in fact, is more interesting than the way in which the potter, with a comparatively small number of stamps, succeeds by different combinations in producing very different effects. The best examples are found in vases with purely conventional decora- tion, such as Nos. 223 and 305ff. In No. 305, the entire festoon of fruits and flowers which forms the principal element in the decora- tion, was produced by a single small stamp. To form his festoon, the potter simply repeated the stamp twelve times, turning it over for each new impression, so that what appears as the upper portion in one section appears as the lower in the next. The spaces between the separate bits of this design were then fiUed with alternating sin- gle flowers and bees. Cupids, birds, bees, and lizards were added at intervals, and the result is a design of very considerable variety. This method of working with small stamps was even apphed to human figures, in which attributes and even parts of the drapery were sometimes produced by the use of small supplementary stamps.^ The process is one, again, which recalls the methods of the makers of terra-cotta figurines. The moulds are made of a fine yellow clay, which sometimes has a pink color in fractures. They range in size from moulds for very small cups to moulds for bowls measuring six inches and more in diameter. They are usually provided with a low foot to make them C/. the descriptions of Nos. 2, 3, 17, 174. [ 16 ] ARRETINE POTTERY stand firmly on the wheel, and with a slight rim at the top for con- venience in handling. In impressing the stamps in the mould, the potter seems regularly to have first divided the surface horizontally by means of mouldings and patterns running entirely around the inside of the mould; the commonest forms are simple grooves (which come out as convex mouldings in the vase), rows of bosses and rosettes, bands of egg and dart, and similar patterns. The usual scheme consists of a simple moulding near the bottom of the mould, a row of bosses or rosettes or a simple moulding higher up, which sets off a small field for decoration around the bottom, and then near the top, several patterns and mouldings close together, one of which is usually an egg and dart. It has often been thought that all these patterns were produced with a small wheel or disc, which the potter pressed against the mould as he turned it on the wheel, and in the case of the simple mouldings, the lines are so exact that this seems the natural explanation. In the case of the patterns, however, the frequent irregularities in alignment and spacing make it clear that the patterns were usually produced by repeating a small stamp con- taining only a small bit of pattern (a single boss, a rosette, or a single egg and dart) . The numerous cases in which a row of bosses appears in the completed vase as if ranged upon a convex moulding show that a slight groove was often impressed in the mould first, to aid the potter in aligning his patterns correctly. After the fields for decoration had been marked off in this way, the next task was to fill them with figures or decorative designs. This was usually accomplished by dividing the smface to be decorated into a definite number of parts (usually four), by pillars, staffs, tripods, trees, [ 17 ] ARRETINE POTTERY floral patterns, or conventional designs. Then between these the flgures or patterns that formed the principal motives were placed, and thus a symmetrical arrangement was assured. That this was the method employed, that the decorative patterns and divisional designs were impressed first in the mould, is shown by the fact that wher- ever patterns and figures overlap, it is the figures which are on top. The modelling of the stamps and the arrangement of the deco- ration in the mould were clearly the most important parts of the process of making the vase. The other processes, moulding the shell, attaching handles, rim, and feet, glazing, and firing, were purely mechanical. A word, however, should be said about the brilliant red glaze of the finished vases, which has justly excited admiration since the time of the earliest discoveries, and to which the brilliant, coralline effect of the Arretine wares is due. The effect appears to have been produced by the use of a sort of varnish, the composi- tion of which, in spite of modern experiments, remains obscure. The latest investigator, Dragendorff, comes to the conclusion that the red color is due primarily to the iron oxide which is inherent in the composition of the clay, and that the substance added in the varnish to produce the brilliant coralline effect was of an alkaloid nature. In a series of experiments with glazed and unglazed fragments, the alkaloid constituents showed a marked increase in the glazed frag- ments, while the proportion of iron oxide and other elements re- mained constant.^ The most remarkable feature of the glaze is its > Cf. B. J. 96 (1895), pp. I9ff. For earlier analyses, cf. Brongniart, TraitS des arts ceramiques, I >, p. 421; Blumner, Techndogie und Termindogie der Gewerbe und Kunst bei Griechen und Romern, II, pp. 9lff. The resiUts which they report are similar to those reported by Dragendorff, but less definite. [ 18 ] ARRETINE POTTERY thinness. It is so fine and so skilfully applied that it does not in the least obscure the outline and the details of the modelling, but rather enhances them. In respect to the decoration, the mould-made vases fall into two classes.^ In the first, which includes especially vases from the work- shop of M. Perennius, the principal decoration regularly consists of a frieze of single figures or groups of figures, several of which are frequently produced from the same stamp. The figures are always of the same height, so that the heads are all on the same level, and this isocephalism is one of the most marked characteristics of the class. The ground under the feet of the figures is rarely indi- cated, and filling ornaments are rare. The frieze is frequently di- vided by means of columns, hermae, thyrsuses, or pillars into small fields, in which the single figures and groups are placed, and these columns are sometimes connected by garlands or festoons which pass behind the figures. But the garlands and festoons are usually of a very conventional sort, and in general the decorative patterns are few in number and simple in character. The favorite subjects are: Dionysiac scenes, such as dancing maenads, satyrs dancing, drinking, gathering grapes and treading them out, and a remark- able type which is probably to be interpreted as a representation of the birth of Dionysus ; ^ dancing priestesses with a peculiar head- dress, the so-called “ kalathiskos ” dancers ; winged genii ; the Sea- sons; Nike, sometimes sacrificing a bull; the Muses; Nereids with the weapons of Achilles; and banquet scenes, usually of an erotic character. ' Cj. Dragendorff, loc. cit, pp. 55ff. [ 19 ] 2 Cf. the note on No. 1 . ARRETINE POTTERY The second class of mould-made vases is distinguished from the fii'st principally by a much greater use of ornament. In these vases, as a rule, the field is filled with floral and vegetable patterns, some- times conventionalized, like the patterns of Class I, but usually treated with great naturalness. Frequently a wreath of leaves, naturalistically modelled, forms the principal decoration. Other favorite motives are masks and bucrania connected by festoons of fruit and flowers, with birds and insects hovering about them. Human figures, when they appear, are often subordinated to the decoration, frequently appearing as small statuettes ; and when they are combined to form definite scenes, the treatment is very different from that of the figures in the first class. The isocephalic principle is given up, the ground is usually indicated, and by the introduc- tion of naturalistic trees and plants, the artist tries to suggest the setting of the scene. The subjects which are represented in this class are more varied than those of Class I, and therefore less easy to classify. Among the commonest are dancing figures and hunt- ing, chariot, and battle scenes, which only rarely reproduce a com- mon type. This division of the mould-made vases into two classes, accord- ing to the nature of their decoration, has been made the basis of the catalogue which follows. Class I and Class II of the catalogue correspond to the two types that have been described in the preced- ing paragraphs. Within each of these larger divisions, the classi- fication is by subjects and principal decorative motives. Besides these two most important classes, the collection contains a number of specimens of vases and fragments not made in moulds. These [ 20 ] ARRETINE POTTERY have been grouped together as Class III, plain vases and vases decorated with separately modelled reliefs. Class IV consists of handles, handle ornaments, and single separately modelled reliefs (which might have been attached to moulded or unmoulded vases). A few fragments of moulds and vases, too small to lend themselves to any system of classification, have been grouped together under the rubric Class V, miscellaneous fragments. A tabular view of the five classes and the subdivisions of Class I and Class II is given in the Table of Contents. Next to the decoration, the inscriptions form the most interest- ing feature of the Arretine vases. In a few instances, these have reference to the characters represented on the vase, following the custom which is so common in the work of the Greek vase painters.^ But such cases are rare. In general, the inscriptions on the Arre- tine vases are in the nature of signatures; they record the name of the proprietor of the pottery where the vase was made, or that of the slave who made it, or both. They were produced by means of stamps, impressed directly upon the vase in the case of the plain wares and the vases with separately modelled reliefs, impressed on the mould in mould-made vases, so that the signatures become, in a way, a part of the decoration. The forms which the stamps assume are very varied. The commonest types are rectangular stamps with an inscription in one or two lines and stamps in the form of the sole of a foot with the inscription upon it. Others have the form of crosses, crescents, stars, branches, wreaths, and other objects.^ In * Cf. Not. Scav. 1884 , pi. 8 , No. 2 ; B. J. 96 , pp. lOff. and 102 , p. 116 . ’ Cf. C.I.L. XV, p. 703 . In the earliest vases, also, stamps with simple fabric marks, %oithout inscriptions, appear. [ 21 ] ARRETINE POTTERY the forms of the names, the greatest variety prevails. The name of the owner of the factory, which appears most frequently, is some- times written in full, with praenomen, nomen, and cognomen (the praenomen regularly only as an initial), sometimes one or another of these parts is omitted. All varieties are frequently abbreviated, or even reduced to simple initials. When the owner’s name is writ- ten out, it regularly appears in the genitive. Thus the name of L. Rasinius Pisanus appears in the forms: L. Rasini Pisani, L. Rasini Pisa, L. Rasin Pisani, L. Rasin Pisa, L. Rasin Pis, L. Ras Pi, L. R. Pis, L. R. P, L. Rasin, and possibly in the forms Rasini, Rasin, Rassi, Rasi, Rasn, Rass, and Ras, though the fact that an- other potter of the gens Rasinia is known, makes it impossible to tell with certainty whether these latter signatures are to be assigned to L. Rasinius.^ The slave’s name is sometimes written above or below the name of the proprietor of the pottery, sometimes it appears on another part of the vase. When it is written out, it regularly stands in the nominative, though the genitive occasionally occurs. So on vases of P. Cornelius, made by the slave Potus, we find no less than four combinations:^ This variety in the order of the names, combined with the many abbreviations, sometimes leads to confusion. In such a signature, for instance, as ^ , it is possible that only one name is in- > C/. especicdly CJ.L. XI, 6700, 519-551; also C.I.L. II, 4970, 419 and 421; VIII, 10479, 48; .Y, 8056, 299 and 8336, 3; XII, 5686, 738; XV, 5495 and 5496. » Cf. CJ.L. XI, 6700, 243. POTVS P. COR P. CORN POTI POTVS P. CORN P. CORN POTI [ 22 ] ARRETINE POTTERY tended, that of a slave who had been freed and become master of a pottery. Such cases are attested by a few inscriptions, such as C • MEMM C L- MAHE, C. Memm (i) C. I (iberti) Mahe{tis) It is to be noted, however, that if all the inscriptions in which the slave’s name follows the master’s are interpreted in this way, the number of freedmen becomes much larger than seems natural, so that it is probable that in most of these forms, as in the more com- mon formula, we are dealing with two names.^ In some cases, the addition of an S (~ servus) after the slave’s name makes the mat- ter absolutely clear.® Other interesting variations in the form of the signature are the occasional addition of figulus or figulus Arre- tinus or Arretinus * alone, and signatures of two or more potters or firms who evidently had formed a partnership.® The earliest attempt to treat the inscriptions on Arretine vases as a whole, to determine the location of the different potteries, and to draw up lists of the slaves employed in each was made by Gamur- rini in 1859.® Since that time the number of inscriptions has greatly increased and much new light has been thrown on the loca- tion of the different potteries and their relations to one another by ■ Cf. C.I.L. XI, 6700 , 386 . » Cf. CJ.L. XV, p. 702 ; B. J. 96 , p. 48 and 102 , p. 109 . ® Cf. C.I.L. XI, 6700 , 727 and 737 '; XV, 5676 {with Dressd’s note) and 5694. The addition of F fecit) after the slave’s name, which occurs on fragments found at Rome and elsewhere, is not surely attested for Arretium, although the unusual inscription “ Venicius fecit h{a)ec” occurs (cf. C.I.L. XI, 6700 , 752 ). On the question of the use of F ( — fecit), cf. C.I.L. XV, p. 703 and B. J. 102 , p. 126 . *Cf. C.I.L. II, 4970 , 519 ; IX, 6082 , 1 ; X, 8056 , 354 ; XI,] 6700 , 688 ; XV, 5649 a-l. The addition of OF ( = officina), which appears on a number of Roman vases, does not seem to be found on genuine Arretine vases. Cf. C.I.L. XV, p. 702 and B. J. 102 , p. 126 . ‘ Cf. C.I.L. XI, 6700 , 311 and 795 ; XV, 5748 . “ Cf. Oamurrini, Le iserizioni degli antichi vasi fittili aretini. Rome, 1859 . [ 23 ] ARRETINE POTTERY excavations. Most of the inscriptions are now recorded in the Cor- pus Inscriptionum Latinarum, those from Arezzo itself in Volume XI, others from Arretine vases found in other parts of the Roman world in other volumes. On the basis of these collections, Ihm^ has recently supplemented the work of Gamurrini, and in Volume XI of the Corpus is published an interesting map which shows the sites of the different potteries, so far as they can be determined.^ The following list includes the names of the potters and slaves whose signatures appear on the vases and moulds of the Loeh Col- lection. The slaves have been grouped, as far as possible, under the masters by whom they were employed, and a brief statement of the location of the pottery is added. M. Perennius. — The signature of Perennius, the most famous of the Arretine potters, appears at least fourteen times on the speci- mens of the Collection (Nos. 1, 17, 53, 62, 76, 121, 125, 138, 157, 177, 218, 382, 428, 503), and four very fragmentary inscriptions are also probably parts of the name Perennius (Nos. 39, 120, 124, 220). In three cases (Nos. 17, 125, 218), the name is associated with the forms Tigrani or Tigran, which also appear, in whole or in part, on several fragments (Nos. 78, 95, 139, 186, 429, 430). This at once raises the difficult question of the connection between the two forms, which, in spite of considerable discussion, still remains obscure. The facts in the case are as follows: With various forms of the signature of Perennius, there frequently appear the forms Tigran, Tigra, or Tigr, as well as Tigrani.® These are usually ' Cf. “Die arretinischen Topfereien," B. J. 102, pp. 106-126. \Cj. C.I.L. XI. p. 1082. » Cj. C.I.L. XI, 6700, 450. [ 24 ] ARRETINE POTTERY interpreted as a slave’s name, Tigranes, although the form Tigrani (which must be a genitive) is difficult to explain. Further, the form Tigrani or one of the shorter variants occurs in combination with several names of slaves which elsewhere are foimd in combination with different forms of the signature M. Perenni, and in one case we find Menophil(us) M. Peren(ni) Tigrani.^ These combina- tions are commonly taken to mean that the slave Tigranes was later hberated, set up a factory of his own, and employed some of the slaves of his former master. But it must be admitted that a much simpler explanation is afforded by the supposition that Pe- rennius and the supposed Tigranes were one and the same person, that is, that the master of the factory was called M. Perennius Tigranes (or better Tigranus or Tigranius),^ and that he signed his products now with one form, now with another. However this may he, the vases of Perennius are certainly the finest products of the Arretine factories, going back, in most cases, to excellent Greek models, and reproducing them with a great deal of taste. The principal workshop of Perennius was located near the modern church of Santa Maria in Gradi,^ and he also, apparently, pos- sessed a branch establishment at Cincelli.^ Aside from the doubt- ful Tigranes, the slaves of Perennius whose names are found on the pieces of the Collection are Cerdo (Nos. 1 and 53), Crescens or Crescent . . . (No. 177), and Nicephor(us) (No. 76). With them may perhaps be associated Bithynus, whose name is found 1 Cf. C.I.L. XI, 6700, 453. ’ Cf. B. J. 102, pp. 115/.; Rheinisches Museum, N. F. 59 (1904), p. 137. 3 Cf. Not. Scav. 1883, pp. 265^.; 1884, pp. S69ff.; 1894, p. 93; 1896, pp. 453^.; Bull. 1884, p. 9. « Cf. Not. Scav. 1883, p. 269; B. J. 102, p. 114. [ 25 ] ARRETINE POTTERY on two fragments (Nos. 135 and 451). He appears several times on vases found at Arezzo, as a slave of Bar gates, who himself was originally one of the slaves of Perennius, and who later (probably after manumission) set up an establishment of his own. P. Cornelius. — Next to Perennius the most famous of the Arretine potters is Publius Cornelius, whose signature occurs on no less than twenty-eight of the Loeb vases and fragments (Nos. 130, 169, 170, 274, 275, 277, 291, 327, 333, 335, 394, 418, 424, 431-440, 460-464). Fragments of his wares have been found in great numbers in the neighborhood of Cincelli,^ and near the so- called Ponte a Buriano not far from Cincelli.^ He flourished at a later time than Perennius, whose factory at Cincelli he appar- ently acquired, — fragments bearing his name were found above those with the name of Perennius, — as weU as the factory of C. Telhus near the Ponte a Buriano, and perhaps that of C. Cispius at Cincelli.® Some forty names of slaves associated with him are known, of which the following appear on fragments in the Collec- tion; Antiocus (Nos. 209, 445) ; Faustus (Nos. 249, 447; cf. the note on 249) ; Heraclida (No. 446) ; Potus (No. 460) ; Primus (Nos. 261, 292, 391, 441-443); Rodo (Nos. 168, 207, 444). Rasinius. — With Rasinius more slaves’ names are associated than with any other Arretine potter except P. Cornelius. The name occurs most commonly without praenomen or cognomen and is often abbreviated, so that it is impossible to tell whether we are dealing with the well known L. Rasinius Pisanus, or with C. * Cf. supra, pp. Ilf. 2 Scav. 1893 , p. 140 . • Cf. Not. Scav. 1893 , pp. ISSff.; B. J. 96 , p. 50 and 102 , pp. llSff. [ 26 ] ARRETINE POTTERY Rasinius, whose name is attested for Arretium, or with a totally different member of the gens Rasinia.^ In general, the vases with Rasinius alone seem earlier than those with L. Rasinius Pisanus, which frequently imitate Gaulish wares.^ They have been found especially in the neighborhood of the church of Santa Maria in Gradi, and here the workshop of Rasinius was probably located.® In the Loeb Collection, the name appears seven times, always with- out praenomen or cognomen (Nos. 190, 223, 305, 306, 427, 470, 471). In one case (No. 223), it is associated with the slave’s name Certus, in another (No. 190) with the name Mahes, in two others (Nos. 305, 306) with the name Pantagatus. C. Memmius. — Closely connected with the name of Rasinius is that of C. Memmius, who appears to have acquired some of the slaves of Rasinius. This is proved by the fact that the slave Mahes, whose name, in connection with that of Rasinius, is noted above, later signs himself C. Memm(i) C. l(iberti) Mahe(tis) ; that the slaves’ names Pantagatus and Quartio occur combined not only with Rasini, but also with Rasini Memmi ; ^ and that at least one other slave’s name is followed by the same combination, Chrestus Rasini Memmi (No. 271).® There are cases also of the combina- tion of the two names Rasini Memmi on fragments where the ' A vase found at Arretium in 1897 has the signature Rufio Rasiniae, which still further com- plicates the problem. Cf. C.I.L. XI, 6700 , 520 note and 547 b. 2 Cf. DSchelette, Les vases ceramiques omes de la Gaule romaine (Paris, 1904 ), I, pp. llSff. > Cf. B. J. 102 , p. 119 . ‘ Cf. for Pantagatus Nos. 305 and 306 (Pantagatus Rasini) and C.l.L. X, 8056 , 248 and XV, 5514 (Pantagatus Rasini Memmi)-, for Quartio, C.l.L. XI, 6700 , 545 and 546 . ‘ The combinations Pantagatus Rasini and Chrestus RasinilMemmi, so far as I am aware, have not been noted before. [ 27 ] ARRETINE POTTERY slave’s name has been lost, as on Nos. 308 and 337- Besides the instances already noted, the name Memmius appears four and pos- sibly five times (Nos. 74?, 236, 467-469), in one case (No. 236) associated with the slave’s name Philero(s). Remains of Mem- mius’s workshop are reported to have been found in laying founda- tions on the Via Guido Monaco, near the church of San Francesco.^ Annius. — Of the three Annii, whose pottery also seems to have been situated near the church of San Francesco,^ the name of C. Annius appears on three fragments in the Collection (Nos. 237, 449, 466), and probably is to be supplied on a fourth (No. 235). Anni alone appears on one fragment (No. 269). In four of these instances, the signature occurs in connection with that of a slave who is found elsewhere in connection with C. Annius, namely, Chrestus (No. 235), Crescens (No. 449), Phileros (No. 269), and Rufio (No. 466). Tellius. — Of this potter, whose workshop near the Ponte a Buriano was later acquired by P. Cornelius,® the Collection con- tains two fragmentary signatures (Nos. 231, 366). C. Gavius, L. Gellius, C. Licinius Fuscus. — Each of these potters is represented by a single signature (Nos. 448, 455, and 456 — the last two inside the sole of a foot). The workshop of Gavius was at Cincelli,^ that of Licinius probably in the same region. The workshop of Gellius is placed by Gamurrini in the neighborhood of the Piazza S. Agostino, but perhaps without suf- ficient evidence.® ■ C/. Ann. 1872, p. 293; Not. Scav. 1892, p. 339; 1894, p. 119; B. J. 102, p. 120. * Gamurrini, p. 28; B. J. 102, p. 116. ’ Cf. supra, p. 26. *Cf. B. J. 102, p. 124. • Cf. Gamurrini, p. 34; B. J. 102, p. 123. [ 28 ] ARRETINE POTTERY C. Umbricius Philologus. — A single fragment with the sig- nature Philologi (No. 472) is probably to be assigned to C. Um- bricius Philologus, of whose pottery some remains were found in the Via Guido Monaco, not far from those of the workshop of C. Memmius.^ Calidius Strigo. — The name Sinistor, which appears in a fragmentary form on No. 206, is that one of the slaves of Calidius Strigo, whose pottery was discovered in 1492 near the Ponte delle Carciarelle.^ Finally, mention should be made of the three slaves Chrestus, Pantagatus, and Phileros, whose names occur on Nos. 450, 227, and 348 respectively. Each of these is a common name in more than one factory, so that in the absence of the potter’s name, it is impossible to assign them a place. The possibilities are discussed in the descriptions of the fragments.^ The date of the Arretine wares can be determined, at least approximately, from a number of bits of evidence. Thus the fact that the slaves’ names on the vases are largely Greek proves that the potteries cannot have flourished before the Roman conquest of Greece in 146 b.c. But this argument is of very little practical value, as it furnishes only a terminus post quern, and other evi- dence points to a considerably later date for the beginning of the manufacture. The forms of the letters of the inscriptions, also, are not especially helpful; they show only that the vases were made between 100 b.c. and 100 a.d. More definite inferences can some- > Cf. Ann. 1872, p. 293; Not. Scav. 1894, p. 118. • Cf. supra, p. 11. *For a few inscriptions, of which the reading or the meaning is uncertain, see the notes on Nos. 90, 4,92, and 457. [ 29 ] ARRETINE POTTERY times be drawn from the circumstances imder which vases and frag- ments have been found. Thus a vase from Cincelli, signed by the slave Rodo, has as a part of its decoration the imprint of a coin with the head of the young Octavius, and the inscription Augus- tus.^ At Mount Beuvray, near Autun, the site of the Aeduan town of Bibracte, fragments with the signatimes of several Arre- tine potters were found. From this fact Dragendorff argued that these vases must have been imported into Gaul before the destruc- tion of Bibracte by Caesar, and that the earlier Arretine fabrics therefore went back to the first half of the first century b.c.^ Excavations at Moimt Beuvray have shown, however, that a set- tlement existed on the hill until the last years of the first cen- tury B.C., when the town was transferred to the plain by the Emperor Augustus and received the name of Augustodunum, preserved in the modern Autun.® The fragments, therefore, prob- ably are rehcs of the later settlement, not of the town destroyed by Caesar.^ Finally, an even more definite date for the begin- ning of the manufacture has been proposed by Oxe, who bases his argument on the manner in which the names of slaves and masters are combined in the inscriptions. Arguing principally from datable inscriptions on stone, Oxe shows that none of the combinations that appear on Arretine vases is earlier than the last > Cf. Not. Scav. 1894, p. 49. » Cf. B. J. 96, p. 50. ’ Cf. BuUiot, Fouilles de Mont Beuvray (Autun, 1899) ; C.I.L. XIII, p. 402. From the coins found at Mount Beuvray, De BarthUemy argued (Rev. Arch., 1870-71, p. 27) that the settlement was not transferred to the plain until 5 or 6 B.C., and unth this dating the latest investigator, Decheletie, agrees. Cf. Decheletie, Les fouilles du Mont Beuvray de 1897 o 1901 (Paris, 1904), pp. 118^. ‘ Cf. Oxe, “Zur alieren Nomenklatur der rbmischen Sklaven,” Rheinisches Museum, N. F. 59 (1904), pp. 130/. [ 30 ] ARRETINE POTTERY years of the Roman Republic. The majority are similar to formulae in use during the earher years of the Empire. The beginning of the manufacture of the typical Arretine wares with brilliant red glaze, therefore, may be placed some time in the decade between 40 and 30 b.c.^ As to the end of the manufacture, the finds at Pompeii afford some evidence. Most of the examples of Arretine vases that have been found there are distinctly late and degenerate in style, a proof that by the year 79 a . d . the Arretine ware was in full decadence. Roughly, therefore, the century between 40 b . c . and 60 a . d . may be regarded as the flourishing period of the Arre- tine potteries. The finest products are works of the Augustan Age. With these dates, the style of the Arretine vases agrees per- fectly. Even a little study of any considerable collection of Arre- tine ware is sufiicient to show the mixed character of the style. Individual figures not infrequently are distinctly reminiscent of Greek work of the fifth century b . c . ; ^ others recall types which did not become common imtil the fourth century; ^ and others still seem to be drawn from the art of the Hellenistic Age. Again, on the vases of Class I, as has frequently been pointed out, there is a whole series of figures which are exact replicas of figures that appear on the so-called Neo- Attic reliefs,^ and many others, though they cannot be exactly paralleled in ISTeo- Attic work, exhibit simi- lar tendencies. Almost all the figures of this sort are characterized by a stiff, archaistic treatment of the drapery and by graceful, but rather aff’ected, poses. The vases of the second class, with their * Cf. OxS, loc. cit., pp. 127 ^.; Dragendorff, B. J., 113 , p. 252 . * Cf. Nos. 77 , 80 , 81 , 82 . * Cf. No. 142 . * Cf. Hauser, Die neuattischen Reliefs (Stuttgart, 1889 ), pp. 110 /. [ 31 ] ARRETINE POTTERY marked fondness for naturalistic ornament and pictorial back- grounds, frequently recall the so-called Hellenistic reliefs/ The great use of scrolls of conventionalized foliage finds its closest analogy in Roman work of the early Empire. Such a combination of elements drawn from many sources is hardly possible before the last days of the Roman Republic and the early years of the Empire. The close parallelism between the decoration of the Arre- tine wares and that of the monuments of the Augustan Age, espe- cially the Ara Pads Augustae, has been pointed out by Hragen- dorfF.^ On the other hand, there is no trace in the Arretine vases of the “ illusionist ” style which came in after the Augustan Age,® — a proof that the types of the potters’ repertoire were fixed before the introduction of the illusionist style. That the Arretine potters themselves invented the mixed style which we find in their products is highly improbable. It is much more likely that they borrowed their stock of decorative types from the same source from which they took the forms of their vases, that is, from vessels of gold and silver and other metals. That the forms go back to metal originals has long been recognized. It is proved by the thin walls of the great majority of the vases, by the sharp and angular profiles of many shapes, particularly the flat plates, and by the forms of the handles, which are often exactly similar to handles of silver and bronze found in many parts of the Roman world.^ For the decorative motives and the whole scheme ' Cj. Schreiher, Die hdlenistischen Reliefbilder. Leipzig, 1894 . ^ Cj. B. J. 103 , pp. 87 - 109 . ’ Cf. Wickhoff, Roman Art {translated by Mrs. S. A. Strong, New York, 1900 ), pp. ISff. * Cf. the note on No. 473 . [ 32 ] ARRETINE POTTERY of the decoration, many analogies can be found among the silver vases from Bernay, from Hildesheim, and from Bosco Reale, ^ and the clearness and delicacy of the designs constantly suggest the work of the goldsmith and the silversmith. The analogy of the late Greek vases with decoration in relief, also, such as the “ Mega- rian ” bowls, and the “ Calenian phialae,” which were certainly copied from metal prototypes, points in the same direction.^ For all these reasons it seems practically certain that the Arretine vases were intended to serve as less expensive substitutes for vessels of gold and silver and bronze, and that they reproduce very closely the decoration of such vessels. It is not at all impossible that single figures, and perhaps even whole compositions were in some cases modelled directly from metal prototypes. Pliny, in his brief account of silver chasing, speaks of a certain Pytheas, who “ made small drinking cups in the form of cooks, called magiriscia, of which it was impossible to take a cast, so liable to injiuy was their delicate chasing,” — a passage which implies that the practice of making casts from silver vases for the purpose of reproducing them in less valuable materials was a common one. If this is true, these humble products of ceramic art gain immensely in value, for with their help we can do much to reconstruct the form and the decora- tion of that wealth of gold and silver vessels which evidently ex- ‘ Cf. the notes on Nos. 214 , 223 , 305 , 313 . 2 The earliest Arretine wares, like the “Megarian ” bowls and the “Calenian -phialae,” are covered -with black glaze, possibly with the intention of rendering the aprpearance of the vase still closer to that of its metallic prototype. But this soon gave way to the red glaze, which remained throughout the period of the Arretine potteries a fixed featwre of their produals. That the change was not an invention of the Arretine potters, but had been made before by their Greek predecessors, is shown by Dragendorff, B. J. 96 , pp. 23 - 40 . 3 Cf. Pliny, N. H. 33 , 157 . [ 33 ] ABRETINE POTTERY isted in Italy in the early days of the Roman Empire, and of which the finds at Bernay, at Hildesheim, and at Bosco Reale have given us hardly more than tantalizing suggestions. Better, perhaps, than any other sort of Roman work, the Arretine vases show how the great store of beautiful and graceful forms evolved through long centm’ies by the artists of Greece, even when, in the hands of the Romans, they had come to be used in an almost purely decorative fashion, still retained much of the grace and charm that were in- herent in all the products of Greek genius. On the other hand, it is hardly possible to study any consider- able collection of Arretine vases without being struck by the evi- dent similarities between the decorative motives, particularly the garlands of fruit and flowers, and those employed by many of the artists of the Renaissance. This is an aspect of the study of Roman pottery which can only be touched on here, but it suggests an interesting field of inquiry for students of Renaissance and later art. It is, of course, well known that the Renaissance painters and sculptors drew their inspiration very largely from the monuments of antiquity which they saw about them, especially from Roman sarcophagi and marble reliefs with their elaborate floral ornamenta- tion. In view of the enthusiasm with which Ser Ristoro speaks of the earliest finds of Arretine vases, one may well ask whether these less important relics of antiquity may not also have played a part in the development of Italian art. The resemblances between the garlands of the Arretine bowls and those used by artists like Ghirlandajo and the Robbias are certainly striking, and closer study would probably reveal many analogies that do not appear [ 34 ] ARRETINE POTTERY at first sight. If such a connection could be proved, the Arretine pottery would gain a new importance, as one of the channels by which the inheritance of antiquity was handed down to mod- ern times. [ 35 ] NOTE All measurements are stated in centimeters and tenths of centi- meters. For most of the numbers no measurements are given; the dimensions of the fragments can be calculated from the plates, where the reproductions are reduced to one half the size of the original. Moulds and fragments are described from casts, and all the plates have been made from photographs of casts. Plates I-VIII are devoted to complete or nearly complete moulds. Plates IX-XV to fragments of moulds, and Plates XVI-XXIII to fragments of vases. For a number of common patterns, conventional names have been adopted, as follows: VVVVV^ conventional laurel leaf pattern (cf. Plate X, No. 85). calyx ornament (cf. Plate XIV, No. 353). CT rr/ rrjx > pointed staff with spirals (cf. Plate XIII, No. 230).