CYCLOPIAN WALLS, 
 
 AND 
 
 ROMAN ANTIQUITIES. 
 
From the Monte Mario, 
 
GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 IN 
 
 ITALY, 
 
 A DESCRIPTION OF CYCLOPIAN WALLS, 
 
 AND OF 
 
 ROMAN ANTIQUITIES. 
 
 WITH 
 
 TOPOGRAPHICAL AND PICTURESQUE VIEWS 
 
 OP 
 
 ANCIENT LATIUM. 
 
 BY J. J. MIDDLETON. 
 
 1\v pip ovv vtMioiv in kx\\» Ithtfx xxi juyzkoxqexrl, kou xoXXok ofSkifiov oi notx^an 
 olfuu Saifftiv Xoyav, romyt Sr] F't xwrizatow dxefyoi; lyovat njc >ton'r}i; kxoaieu;. 
 
 AION. AAIKAPN. PflM. APXAIOAOr. B;/3)u». «. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR EDWARD ORME, 
 
 PRINTSELLER TO HIS MAJESTY, BOND-STREET; 
 
 BY W. BULMER AND CO. CLEVELAND-ROW, ST. JAMES'S. 
 1812. 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 1 he evidences of history are only to be found in the countries inhabited by 
 the nations of which it treats. Among nations, the Romans are acknow- 
 ledged to have left behind them the longest track of glory: and it has been 
 for centuries the business of the antiquary to describe the stupendous monu- 
 ments which lie in the wake of their history. It is intended, in the 
 following pages, to give an idea of those which are of a date anterior to 
 their greatness. 
 
 The traveller who visits a country which thousands have visited before 
 him, — who writes upon a subject which thousands have treated before him, 
 does not therefore always incur the risk of being hackneyed. Madame de 
 Sevigne says, " toutes les choses de ce monde ont plusieurs faces;" and it 
 would seem as if every tourist saw a different side. The faculty of observa- 
 tion progresses with the general state of the learning of the age in which we 
 live; and, by shewing our cotemporaries an old subject in a new light, we 
 only prove that the spirit of the times has fitted both us and themselves to 
 see more than our forefathers. 
 
 Publications on the actual state of any country must be more or less 
 ephemeral, and often fail in their object, but more particularly so in an age 
 of revolution like the present: in my case this observation was fully illus- 
 trated. While I resided in the Pope's dominions, during the years of eighteen 
 hundred and eight and eighteen hundred and nine, I gathered together a 
 great number of statistical and other notes; but alas! my attempts were as 
 fruitless as those of a painter would be, who wished to take the likeness of 
 an expiring person. The features of the original changed while I copied; 
 
 B 
 
2 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 and unfortunately this comparison is just in more points than one. I premise 
 this as an excuse for a peculiarity which may be observed in the following 
 pages, which contain very few remarks on the manners and customs of the 
 inhabitants of the country through which I passed. I profess only to treat 
 of the topography of Latium, and to describe those antiquities which fell 
 under my observation. 
 
 It is a subject of regret, that the notices upon these remains are very 
 scanty. Italy requires a Pausanias; but it is now many centuries too late for 
 him to spring up ; and the antiquary, after visiting the remains of that; 
 country with all the notes which a laborious research in ancient authors has 
 afforded him, is often obliged to own, that the local evidence is in contradic- 
 tion with the testimony of the historian ; and he is involved by degrees in the 
 mazes of conjecture. 
 
 In a tour of this kind, the artist is perhaps of more real use than the 
 scholar ; and after toiling through the obscure pages of an historian, I found 
 that my sketch told me more than my notes. I for this reason adopted the 
 plan of making a collection of very accurate drawings. 
 
 Segnius irritant aminos demissa per aurem, 
 Quam quae sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus. — ■ 
 
 The views therefore which are now offered to the public are not meant 
 merely to accompany the text ; they are the principal object of this publica- 
 tion. I write, because I have drawn. 
 
 It is not here the place to examine how far this plan would be proper to 
 be adopted by tourists in general, although I never recollect myself to have 
 been able to fix any precise local idea from the mere descriptive passages of 
 a journal. In works of imagination the case is different, and they conveyjust 
 sufficient to the mind, whilst the vague idea which they leave, adds perhaps 
 to the charm they afford. It suffices for me to know that it was the best 
 plan I could adopt in the present instance, in order to give the public an 
 accurate idea of objects so highly worthy of their notice ; and I have only to 
 hope that the originality and interest of these stupendous monuments of anti- 
 quity are so great, that they will speak for themselves. 
 
 As I have already professed that I do not intend writing a tour, but 
 
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 3 
 
 merely notes to accompany my drawings, the how, and when this tour was 
 made, becomes much less important to the reader; I shall therefore only say 
 that these sketches were executed during the years of eighteen hundred and 
 eight and eighteen hundred and nine; and it is more than is absolutely 
 necessary, to add, that the country they are intended to give an idea of was 
 visited in the company of two English gentlemen, then resident at Rome ; 
 but I am happy to seize every opportunity of assuring them how much I 
 value their friendship, and how pleasing it is to me to recollect the days I 
 passed with them. 
 
 To one of these gentlemen more particularly I owe this public acknow- 
 ledgement ; for, as our pursuits were the same, we often used our camera 
 obscuras at the same moment, and on the same spot; I sometimes went on 
 with a drawing where he left it off; and, when variety of matter called us to 
 different parts of the country during the day, we exchanged, when we met 
 in the evening, the result of our labour. When therefore I made the selec- 
 tion from my portfolio for the present publication, I found that several of 
 those of my sketehes which I had copied from his outlines were necessary to 
 the completion of my plan; for I had neglected drawing from nature the 
 monuments they illustrated, because his portfolio already contained them ; 
 and I knew I might command its contents, as he did likewise that of 
 mine. 
 
 I therefore acknowledge as his, the original outlines of the eighteenth, 
 nineteenth, twentieth, twenty-eighth, and thirty-fifth plates. I vouch, how- 
 ever, for their accuracy, from a knowledge of the manner in which they were 
 executed, which was by the mechanical process of the camera obscura. — The 
 greater part of my outlines, indeed I may say all the distances, and those 
 parts of the picture which required the accuracy of the antiquary more than 
 the grace of the artist, are done in the same manner. I afterwards retouched 
 them on the spot, and gave that grace of detail which it was impossible to 
 attain while the paper was under the lens. The fourth, seventh, eighth, 
 tenth, and twelfth plates are engraved from the original drawings of Mr. 
 Philip Giuntotardi, a very distinguished artist at Rome. I have to lament 
 that he did not accompany me further than the lake of Nemi ; but indepen- 
 dent of the five abovementioned drawings, (which were done under my 
 
4 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 immediate inspection), I owe him the original sketches of most of the 
 costume figures which are introduced. 
 
 It only now remains for me once more to warn the reader not to expect 
 any of the characteristic traits of modern tours in the following pages. I 
 thought it preferable not to throw any flowers, than to risk hiding with them 
 the rough, but precious serugo of the subject. 
 
SiHdem ruM'.&#/ & Sold Afp / ten 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 OF THE MODE OF CONSTRUCTION CALLED CYCLOPIAN. 
 
 1 here is a word in ray title page which will probably require explanation 
 to a great portion of my readers; nor ami afraid of affronting even the 
 learned part of them by giving this explanation, as I shall connect with it a 
 short detail of the progress of the discoveries made upon the Continent up to 
 this period, and relative to that branch of antiquity. 
 
 The Cyclopians are rescued by Strabo from the pages of fable, and placed 
 in those of history. He gives them, in common with the Lestrygons, the 
 regions of Mount iEtna in Sicily. The walls of Tirynthus in Greece were 
 built of Cyclopian work. ( Strabo, lib. viiij Pausanias describes these walls 
 as equally worthy of admiration with the pyramids of Egypt. All barbarous 
 and uncultivated nations gave magnificence to their buildings from their great 
 solidity : we find it in the works of the Druids, and in the Peruvian walls at 
 the town of Cusco. Homer gives them the epithet of Tetyjoisozv, " well sur- 
 rounded with walls." Casaubon finds in Apollodorus (lib. iij, that the 
 Cyclopians inhabited Lycia, and says they lived in Greece under the reign of 
 Jobas. Jobas was cotemporary of Bellerophon, who lived in the third gene- 
 ration before the Trojan war. (See note to Strabo, lib. viii.J 
 
 Proetus, for whom the Cyclopians built these walls, was turned out of 
 Argos by Acrisius, and went into Lybia, where he formed an alliance with 
 Jobas, and was by him restored to his country. On his return he occupied 
 Tirynthus ; and when he had fortified this city by the means of the Cyclo- 
 pians he agreed with Acrisius that he should reign there. 
 
 The Cyclo pians, whom Proetus is supposed to have brought from Lycia, 
 for the purpose of building these walls, were seven in number, and called 
 
6 
 
 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 yxarepo^cipxc, because they earned their food by the work of their hands. fStrabo, 
 lib. viii. and note to Statins Si/l. lib. v.) 
 
 There are therefore three species of Cyclopians distinguished by ancient 
 Grammarians. Those who built the walls of Mycenae; those whom Homer 
 mentions ; and those spoken of by Hesiod in his Theogonia ( Note of Casaubon 
 to Strabo ). 
 
 The description which Homer gives of the Cyclopians is, that they inha- 
 bited the mountains in hollow caves; that the fertility of their country was 
 such, that it produced all the fruits of the earth spontaneously ; and that each 
 individual administered laws to his particular family (Odyss. B. ix ). 
 
 Statius (Thebaid, lib. i. 630.J mentions the 
 
 celsa Cyclopum 
 
 Tecta 
 
 Upon which Lactantius observes, that the ancients call Cyclopian, all such 
 edifices as were well constructed. 
 
 Pausanias was the first who gave the generic term of Cyclopian to walls 
 of the nature of those we treat of ; but I believe no regular system was built 
 upon the observation of their singularity, until about twelve years ago, when 
 Mr. Petit Radel, a Member of the National Institute in Paris, published a 
 memoir on the subject ; in this tract, he terms them " Constructions 
 polygones, irregulieres," and endeavours to prove, first, that they have no 
 connexion witli the " Opus incertum" of Vitruvius; and, secondly, that they 
 are the remains of monuments built by the Pelasgians. 
 
 The first part is very easily established, and is evident to any person who 
 has seen the two modes of construction ; as the " Opus incertum" is only the 
 embryo of the " Opus reticulatum," and differs from the Cyclopian in being 
 composed of small bricks, which are joined by mortar; whereas the Cyclo- 
 pian walls are built of immense stones, five, ten, fifteen, and occasionally 
 twenty feet long, without any cement, but joined by the nicety of the 
 squaring, and kept together by their own weight. Alberti has mentioned 
 these walls in his Roman Antiquities (_B. i. c. 3) ; and Piranesi, when he 
 speaks of them, calls them erroneously " Opus incertum." 
 
 His second theory is scarcely less established, according to my opinion, by 
 
IN ITALY. 7 
 
 the circumstantial evidence of the similarity between these walls, and those of 
 many towns in Greece. There is scarcely any doubt of their being of 
 Grecian origin, on account of this similarity, and because those walls are not to 
 be found in any part of the Roman territory, except in that tract of country 
 which Dionysius of Halicarnassus tells us was peopled by Pelasgian colonies. 
 
 It is curious that the Romans were very near adopting a similar mode of 
 building ; and we might almost imagine that they had taken from them the 
 idea which they acted upon to construct their roads ; we have fine specimens 
 of these ancient roads in various parts of the Via Appia, and in the Triumphal 
 Road to the Mons Albanus. The irregular polygonal shape of the stones 
 which form the Cyclopian wall, prevents anv perpendicular motion of the 
 great masses, and acts, although perhaps in a less degree, in the Roman roads, 
 by preventing their being moved horizontally out of their proper place : 
 stones of the common parallelogramic form would be much more easily 
 deranged. The force of the shock, and the action of the stones on one 
 another, while any heavy vehicle passes over them, is diminished by the 
 number of angles which act in different directions; and these polygonal 
 stones are still more firmly kept together by large blocks, which are placed 
 edgewise on each side, and extend throughout the whole length of the 
 roads. 
 
 An ancient author has observed this, and says, although they have been 
 worn during so many centuries, by carriages and horses, they are not in the 
 least disturbed from the order in which they were placed ; they are not at all 
 broken, nor have they lost their original smoothness. 
 
 Herodotus informs us that the Greeks learnt to represent Priapi on their 
 walls, not from the Egyptians, but from the Pelasgians. Mr. Petit Radel 
 draws the following inference from this passage ; that the towns of Alatri, 
 Arpino, Terracina, and all others where similar basso relievos are found, 
 derive their origin from the Pelasgians. 
 
 That this custom, or this mode of building, should have been borrowed 
 from the Egyptians, is very improbable, as such monuments have never been 
 observed in their country. And, indeed, the date of the influence of Egyptian 
 art over the monuments of Greece, seems to have been the period at which 
 this mode of building was abandoned. 
 
8 
 
 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 The reign of Perseus, for whom the Cyclopians built the walls of Mycenas, 
 has been fixed at about the year 1458 B. C. In Italy, Cora was founded by 
 Dardanus. This brings us to the foundation of Troy, and coincides with the 
 year 1425 B. C. Thus we have a regular parallel advancement of the arts of 
 Greece and Italy in those remote ages. — As the stones of the walls of Mycenas 
 already approach the parallelogramic form, this mode of construction ceased 
 about the period of the Trojan war; and it is fair to suppose that it was dis- 
 continued about the same period in Italy. 
 
 A great circumstantial evidence of the high antiquity of these walls is, that 
 of all those hitherto discovered, none have been observed on a volcanic soil, 
 which would place their construction at an epoch prior to the extinction of 
 the volcanoes of Latium. Of the existence of these volcanoes there is no 
 mention in history ; for although Livy, who was born only 58 years B. C. and 
 died during the reign of Tiberius at an advanced age, mentions a rain of 
 stones, this phenomenon cannot be allied with the volcanoes of Latium ; since, 
 even as far back as the siege of Veii, the volcano of the Mons Albanus had 
 been so long extinct, as to have become a lake, and the physical changes of 
 the rest of Latium seemed to have been operated at the same periods. 
 
 Mr. Petit Radel places the military walls formed of irregular polygonal 
 blocks, or, as they are termed, Cyclopian, along the whole extent of the chain 
 of the Appenines, from Terracina to Rieti. At the time he published his 
 memoir, he counted the number of Cyclopian towns then known to him, at 
 one hundred and thirty, including those of Greece, Italy, and .Sicily. 
 
 We may trace, by the comparison of the different stages of the Cyclopian 
 construction, the regular advance of architecture, from the roughest and most 
 irregular manner, to the most perfect symmetry. The most ancient Cyclo- 
 pian walls that have been observed in Greece, are those of Lycosura and 
 Tirynth us, and they consist of rocks, perfectly rough, which are piled on one 
 another. The walls in Italy which correspond to that style, may be seen at 
 Segni, Ferentino, Palestrina and, as I am told, near Tivoli; on the contrary, 
 the walls of Norba, which I shall give, seem to be of a more recent con- 
 struction, and form the link in the chain that joins the irregular polygonal 
 mode of building, with that of the parallelogram. The masses, as will 
 be observed (Plate xxmj, are more regularly horizontal than those of Alatri 
 
IN ITALY. 9 
 
 (Plate xxxrnj although the upright sides of the stones still vary more or less 
 from the perpendicular. 
 
 Architecture seems to have proceeded towards perfection in a manner 
 directly opposite to the other branches of art, where the stiff and regular 
 Egyptian statue changes by degress to the graceful contour of the Grecian 
 chisel. 
 
 In the comparison of these Grecian remains with those of the Roman 
 grandeur, every thing is in favour of the former, whether we consider them 
 by the impression they make upon the sense, or by the train of ideas they 
 raise in the mind. 
 
 There is something in the sight of Roman monuments of antiquity that 
 inspires the philosophic beholder with a sensation of regret, as well as of 
 admiration. We remember that they were raised at the expense of the 
 freedom of the rest of the world. With the exception of some of the monu- 
 ments of art constructed in the earlier days of the republic, they were all 
 erected by enslaved nations ; so that the means by which they were raised 
 must be more or less revolting to mankind in general, and some particular 
 monuments to particular nations; as, for example, the Colisseum to the 
 Jews. 
 
 For this reason I have always viewed the Cyclopian walls with a more 
 unmixed sensation of pleasure than any other remains of ancient strength 
 and grandeur. — We fancy a nation piling, as it were, rocks upon rocks, not 
 like the giants, in order to aspire to the usurpation of universal dominion, 
 but for the defence of their household gods; and how some of these nations 
 formerly did defend them, will be seen in the course of this work. 
 
 The mystery that envelopes this particular branch of the history of art, 
 adds very much to the interest it inspires. — All we can know of these walls 
 with any certainty is, that they are Grecian, by the comparison of them with 
 remains of a similar kind in that country ; and the Greeks themselves could 
 have known little more of them, since they attributed them to the hands 
 of giants. 
 
 The contemplation of these monuments of Grecian art in Italy, naturally 
 leads to the history of the colonization of the Peninsula, which shall be the 
 subject of the next chapter. 
 
10 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 OF THE SICULI, THE ABORIGINES, PELASGIANS, AND OTHER ORIGINAL 
 INHABITANTS OF LATIUM. 
 
 1 he source of all our information on this subject is the historian Dionysius 
 of Halicarnassus, in his Roman Antiquities: he drew his information, as he 
 himself tells us, from ancient Roman authors. 
 
 Latium must be considered in a double point of view, as Old and New 
 Latium. (See Pulpitis Veins Latium Prof, and Cluverius Int. Geog. lib. iii. 
 c. 27.) The first extended from the Tyber to the Circtean Promontory; but 
 after the other neighbouring nations, the jEqui, the Hernici, the Volsci, and 
 the Ausones, were included under the common appellation of Latins, Latium 
 extended to the river Liris, now the Garigliano. (Sac Plin. lib. iii. c. 5, and 
 Strabo, lib. v. ) 
 
 Latium is supposed to have been occupied from time immemorial by the 
 Siculi, and afterwards by the Aborigines, who dispossessed them of it. This 
 nation, as Dionysius informs us, was not so called because they inhabited Italy 
 originally, but because they inhabited the mountains, and led a savage life 
 until the arrival of the Pelasgians, when they conquered, by their aid, all the 
 territory from the Tyber to the Liris, from the Appenines to the sea, and 
 built many cities. (Dion. Hal. lib. \.) 
 
 They retained their ancient name of Aborigines, until the Trojan war, when 
 they were called Latins, from a king of that name, who at that time reigned 
 over them. 
 
 We have, however, the authority of Virgil and of Ovid, that Latium was 
 so called because Saturnus had taken refuge in that country during the reign 
 of Janus. 
 
 Primus ab arthereo venit Saturnus Olympo, 
 Arma Jovis fugiens, et regnis exul ademptis. 
 Is genus indocile ac dispersum montibus aids 
 
GRECIAN REMAINS. 
 
 11 
 
 Composuit, legesque dedit : Latiumque vocari 
 Maluit, his quoniam latuisset tutus in oris. 
 
 Mil. lib. viii. I 319. 
 
 And, 
 
 Dicta fuit Latium terra latente Deo. 
 
 Ovid Fast. I. i. 
 
 Roman historians say, that the first inhabitants of Latium were Greeks, 
 probably from Arcadia ; for the first Grecian colony that emigrated into Italy 
 was led by Oenotrus, the son of Lycaon, who was discontented with his por- 
 tion of his father's inheritance. Lycaon was the fifth king of Peloponnesus, 
 and son to Pelasgus and Dejanira : he had seventy-two sons, among whom 
 was Oenotrus, who, as we have just said, was not satisfied with the share of 
 Arcadia that, fell to his lot, and emigrated into Italy, where he built small and 
 contiguous cities in the mountains, as was the custom among the ancients. 
 
 The Pelasgians were originally inhabitants of the Peloponnesus, and took 
 their name from their king, Pelasgus, who was supposed to be the son of 
 Jupiter and Niobe. Strabo says (lib. v.) they were spread throughout Greece, 
 but principally in Thessaty, where there is a plain called the Pelasgian plain. 
 There was a colony of them in Crete, as is mentioned by Homer, who like- 
 wise gives the name of Pelasgian to a nation in the neighbourhood of the 
 Troad. Hesiod says they came from Arcadia. 
 
 Every circumstance contributes to shew that they were a great and pow- 
 erful nation, which gave its name to many adjacent places, and sent out 
 colonies to different parts of the world. Homer says, not the Pelasgic 
 nation, but" Pelasgic nations." 
 
 'Ixxotfaot; 8' ay? $0\z IVXzsyav sy^sst^jiooop 
 
 Tujf 01 Az5t!J5Zf ht^GjkOLKX p&ierdctoxop '. 
 
 Iliad, jS. /. 840. 
 
 Strabo calls them " waudering, and given to emigration"' (_B. xiii.), and 
 Dionysius agrees with Strabo in saying they were originally called zAccoyoui;, or 
 storks, from their wandering like a flock of those birds. 
 
 They were led, in their emigration into Thessaly, by Acheus, Pthius, and 
 Pelasgus, the sons of Neptune and Larissa. Hence the names of Achaia, 
 Pthiotis, and Pelasgiotis. 
 
n 
 
 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 About sixty years before the Trojan war, another fleet arrived in Italy from 
 Pallantium, a town of Arcadia (Strabo, lib. v.): it was commanded by 
 Evander, the son of Mercury, and an Arcadian nymph, called by the Greeks 
 Themis, and by the Latins Carmenta, which is QeoxiaSos, a prophetess in verse. 
 Strabo (B. v.) mentions this nymph, whom he calls in Greek Carmentis : he 
 says, she was worshipped bv the Romans. The festivals of this goddess were 
 called Carmentalia (Ovid Fast, i.) This nymph is the Carmenta of Virgil. 
 Evander gives jEneas an account of the first inhabitants of ihe country, 
 and says, 
 
 Me pulsum patria, pelagique extrema sequentem, 
 Fortuna omnipotens et ineluctabile fatum, 
 His posuere locis : matrisque egere tremenda 
 Carmentis nymphae monita, et Dens auctor Apollo. 
 
 JEn. viii. I. 333. 
 
 Dionysius also mentions another colony of Greeks, led into Italy by Hercules. 
 Four distinct emigrations, however, may be found recorded by historians. 
 First (if we follow the opinion of the Roman historians, that the original 
 inhabitants were Greeks), a colony of Arcadians ; secondly, of Pelasgians ; 
 the third was led by Evander ; and the fourth by ./Eneas. (See Kircher, Vet. 
 Lat. p. 1.) 
 
 Volpi gives, as a proof of the original inhabitants of Latium having been 
 Arcadians, that the houses of the former were built in the same manner as 
 those of the latter, that is to say, with the doors opening inwards : this was 
 so universally the case, that the only exception in Rome was granted by the 
 senate to Valerius, after a triumph. The street-door of his house, says 
 Dionysius, is the only one in Rome, either of a public or private building, 
 that opens outwards. ( Dion. B. v.J 
 
 This author mentions another Grecian colony from Laconia, which inha- 
 bited the Pometine territory. Nothing seems certain, however, except that 
 Latium was peopled at different times, and by different nations. Volpi counts 
 no less than eight. The Siceli, the Aurunci, the Aborigines, the Pelasai, 
 Arcadians, Rutuli, Lacedemonians, and Trojans. Nothing can be ascertained 
 as historical fact, until the landing of iEneas after the destruction of Troy. 
 
13 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 OF THE FIRST LATIN KINGS. 
 
 1 here is so much obscurity on this subject, that I cannot do better than 
 to give the opinions of the different authors I have consulted, letting the 
 reader judge for himself, and weigh in his mind the probabilities for or 
 against their correctness. 
 
 Servms conjectures, from the following passage of Virgil, that the first king 
 of Latium was Murranus, and that the others took this name as the Roman 
 Emperors did that of Augustus. 
 
 Marranum hie, atavos et avorum antiqua sonantem 
 Nomina, per regesque actum genus omne Latinos, 
 Praecipitem scopulo atque ingentis turbine saxi 
 Excutit, effunditque solo. JEn. Lib. xii. /. 529. 
 
 Dionysius, when he says the inhabitants took different names from their 
 different kings, gives the following list. Oenotrus, Italus, Morgetes, Sicelus 
 or Sicanus. Hence they were called Oenotri, Italians, Morgetes, and Siceli : 
 
 Sa?pius et nomen posuit Saturnia tellus. 
 
 JEn. Lib. viii. /. 329. 
 
 Est locus, Hesperiam Graii cognomine dicunt : 
 
 Terra antiqua potens armis atque ubere gleba? : 
 
 Oenotrii coluere viri ; nunc fama, minores 
 
 Itaham dixisse, ducis de nomine, gentem. JEn. Lib. i. 530. 
 
 Thucydides also says " the region was called Italy from Italus, king of the 
 Siceli." 
 
 The word Sicanus, according to Kircher, comes from the Chaldaic segan, 
 
U GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 or, in the plural, seganin, which signifies a leader, prince, magistrate, or 
 prefect. (Vetus et Nov. Lett. I. i. c. 2J 
 
 To Sicanus succeeded Osiris, who is said to have engaged in a war with 
 the Giants, and who was succeeded by Lestrygon. — Lestrygon was con- 
 quered by Hercules ; he crowned his sons, whose successors were Morgetes 
 and Jasius. 
 
 Vittorino, author of the " Or. Gent. Roman." affirms that Janus reigned 
 before Saturn, and that the former was son of Apollo, by Creusa, the daughter 
 of Erectheus, King of Athens. Janus was sent to Delphos to be educated. — 
 The frail fair one afterwards married Xutus, who, as he found that she did 
 not bear him a child, sent to consult the Oracle, which answered, that he 
 must adopt as his heir the first boy he met ; this boy was of course no other 
 than Janus the son of Apollo by his wife. He inherited the kingdom; but 
 in course of time he left it, and embarked for Italy, where he settled on the 
 hill now known by the name of the Janiculum. 
 
 Macrobius says that Cameses reigned with Janus; and Eusebius that, 
 before the time of iEneas, Janus, Saturnus, Picus, Faunus, and Latinus, 
 reigned in all one hundred and fifty years. 
 
 Volpi affirms that Janus and Saturn reigned together thirty-three years, 
 Picus thirty-seven years, Faunus forty-four years, and Latinus thirty-six 
 years. He quotes for his authority Ryckius, ( Diss, de primis Ital. Colon.) 
 but ends by saying, " quaa porro incertissima sunt." — 
 
 Pistil! i, in a note of his " Stand Philological tells us, " Sappiamo da Seno- 
 " fonte che gli antichi Re avevano in costume di assumere il nome di Saturno, 
 " dopo essersi resi celebri col edificare delle cittii, e nel civilizzar le societa." 
 
 Atina and Arpino dispute the honour of possessing the sepulchre of 
 Saturnus. Pistilli arranges the business " a l'aimable," by saying it is pro- 
 bable that most of the cities founded by him disputed the honour of having 
 the relics of so great a man, and divided him amongst themselves ! 
 
 Others again affirm, that Saturn never was in Italy ; or, if he was, reigned 
 long before Janus- Ryckius therefore says, that Janus was received by 
 Stercus, the father of Picus, and instituted divine honours to him after his 
 death. The Latins, on that account, called him, instead of Stercus, Saturnus. 
 
 But there is, on the contrary, authority, for the opinion that Stercus was 
 not called Saturnus from having divine honours paid him, but that Saturnus 
 
IN ITALY 15 
 
 was called Stercutius, from being the first who invented the use of manure 
 (Stercus). 
 
 Picus is supposed to have been the son of Saturn (See Lactantius de falsa 
 Religione, lib. i. page 127-J Servius, and the commentators of Virgil, affirm 
 the same thing. 
 
 Rex arva Latinus et urbes 
 Jam senior longa placidas in pace regebat. 
 Hunc Fauno et nympha genitum Laurente Marica 
 Accepimus. Fauno Picus pater: isque parentem 
 Te, Saturne, refer t ; JEn. Lib. vii. 45. 
 
 Picus was changed, by the incantation of his wife, into the bird of that 
 name. (See Ovid Met am. 13. J The Piceni, who emigrated from the Sabine 
 territory, might have taken their name from this king. 
 
 Strabo says (lib v.) that it was because this bird, which is sacred to Mars, 
 shewed them the road. Here the historical fact is very slightly disguised by 
 fable. 
 
 After Picus, reigned Faunus. 
 
 Qui juga qui sylvas tueor satus aethere Faunus. 
 
 Calpum Eclog. i. 33. 
 
 From him the Latin word Fanum, because he consecrated particular spots, 
 and particular woods, to his father, and grandfather. He is said to have been 
 called Faunus from Fandum, because he gave oracles in verse. 
 
 Virgil mentions the oracle of Faunus, consulted by Latinus. 
 
 At Rex sollicitus monstris, oracula Fauni 
 Fatidici genitoris, adit : lucosque sub alta 
 Consulit Albunea ; nemorum qua? maxima sacro 
 Fonte sonat, saevamque exhalat opaca mephitim. 
 Hinc Italte gentes omnisque Oenotria tellus 
 In dubiis responsa petunt. -iEn. vii. 81. 
 
 It was during the reign of Faunus that Evander and Hercules landed in 
 Italy. The first came sixty years before the Trojan war, with a colony of 
 Arcadians from Pallantium, when Faunus gave him a part of those fields 
 where Rome is now situated ; and the hill where he settled was called 
 Palatinus, from Pallantium ( Livy, lib. i. Dion. lib. \.) 
 
16 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 A few years after the arrival of Evander, Hercules landed from Spain. 
 Evander received him in a friendly manner, and Faunas gave to the colony 
 he brought from Spain, the neighbouring hill, now called Capitoline. 
 
 Latinus is supposed, by some authors, to have been the son of Hercules by 
 the daughter of Faunus (Justin, lib. xliiij : he had three wives, Marica (the 
 " nympha Laurenti" of Virgil), Palatia, and Amata. 
 
 The children of Latinus, Lavinia, and Praneste, were by his third wife 
 Amata ; as for Marica, it is uncertain whether she was ever married to Latinus. 
 Livy says, that the Minturni, whose fields 
 
 Liris quieta 
 
 Mordet aqua taciturnus amnis, 
 
 paid divine honours to her. Horace and Lucan mention her : 
 
 Auctore ab illo ducis originem, 
 Qui Formiarum moenia dicitur 
 
 Princeps, et innantem Maricae 
 Litoribus tenuisse Lirim 
 Late Tyrannus. Ode xvii. lib. 3. 
 et umbrosas Liris per regna Marica?. 
 
 The Liris, as I have before observed, is the modern Garigliano. 
 
2 "5 
 
 i 
 
IN ITALY. 17 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 ROAD FROM ROME TO ALBANO. 
 
 As the traveller leaves Rome by the gate of San Giovanni Laterano, nothing 
 can be more tempting to his eye than the view of the country towards which 
 he is turning his steps. He sees 
 
 Albanos quoque, Tusculosque colles. 
 
 Martial, lib. iv. epig. 64. 
 
 Ruined acqueducts cross the foreground of the picture in every direction ; and 
 the Monte Cavo, which is picturesque from whatever side it may be seen, but 
 more particularly so from hence, forms a fine aerial background. 
 
 The range of volcanic hills, called formerly Mons Albanus, and now Monte 
 Cavo, rises abruptly from the plain, about twelve miles from Rome. It is 
 impossible to conceive an outline more easy and graceful than that which it 
 exhibits ; and as it is entirely covered with vineyards, as high as the tempera- 
 ture of the air will admit, and afterwards with forests, it assumes, at a distance, 
 a vapoury tint almost peculiar to it. 
 
 As seen from Rome, its rise from the sea, and its fall on the opposite side 
 to the plain, are very gradual. The side towards the sea is marked by three 
 distinct eminences, which may be observed in the first plate of this work. 
 The first is formed by a small hill called Monte Savelli ; the second by the 
 wood of the Villa Doria, which is situated at the gate of Albano ; the third, 
 by a remarkable clump of trees, which I have been near, but never arrived 
 at, as they are situated in the midst of a very thick underwood, which is cut 
 down at the end of every period of seven years, and which the Italians call 
 " una Macchia :" lastly comes the summit, which was the site of the temple 
 of Jupiter Latiaris, and is now that of a convent, inhabited by monks of the 
 order of Passionisti. 
 
18 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 It is upon this summit that Virgil places Juno to view the two armies : 
 
 At Juno e summo, qui nunc Albanus habetur 
 (Tunc neque nomen erat, nec honos, aut gloria monti) 
 Prospiciens tumulo, campum spectabat, et ambas 
 Laurentum Troumque acies, urbemque Latini. 
 
 Mi.xn.l. 134. 
 
 The rise is, however, much more abrupt from the plain of Rome, and from 
 that which separates it, to the southward, from the range of mountains on 
 which Cora, Norba, Segni, and other Cyclopian towns are situated. This 
 I had once occasion to observe from the opposite mountain of Palestrina, 
 
 The side towards Rome is covered with villas, placed in the neighbourhood 
 of the towns of Marino, Grottaferrata, and Frascati : the opposite declivity is 
 almost entirely occupied by the wood called " La Grau Macchia della Fajola." 
 It is here that Kircker places the ancient Mons Algidus, and the Mons Arte- 
 misius ; the latter, just above the lake of Nemi. 
 
 This road, as well as all those which lead to ancient Latium, is crossed in 
 various directions by ruined acqueducts. At the foot of the hill on which 
 Albano is situated, and about eleven miles from Rome, is an inn, called the 
 " Fratocchi," where the Abbate Ricci, who has written the history of Albano, 
 places the ancient Bovillaj. 
 
 The etymology of this name is generally supposed to be derived from Bovis 
 Ilia. The tradition is this: a bull, which was about to be sacrificed at the 
 Latin festivals on the Mons Albanus, and which had already been wounded by 
 the knife of the priest, escaped, and ran, before it dropped, as far as this spot, 
 
 c |rno-o-mo' i Ls entrails. Why should not this name be derived from Bovilia, 
 
 bo * * 
 
 a place where cattle was kept? 
 
 Floras mentions Bovillse as a very ancient city, and says that it was after- 
 wards a municipal town. (lib. i. c. 2.) It was here that the Romans, of the 
 equestrian order, met, and carried to Rome the body of Augustus, which had 
 been transported by night from Nola to this place, by the Decurions of the 
 different towns upon the road. (Sueton. in Aug.) 
 
 I should rather place Bovilhe a little to the right, as there are there a 
 great many ancient remains, and the neighbouring fields are still covered 
 with stones. 
 
IN ITALY. 
 
 19 
 
 Near this spot is a very curious circular tomb, which appears, by the internal evidence, to be Gre- 
 cian. {Plate ir.) This monument is mentioned by no author that I know of, unless it be one of those 
 hinted at by Kircker. (Vet. et Nov. Lat. p. 31.) It is circular, and is placed upon an octagon base, is 
 covered by a dome, the key-stone of which now lies on the ground by the side of the tomb, and is vi- 
 sible in my view of it. The material of which this monument is built, is peperino, a volcanic substance, 
 which the ancients called lapis Albanus, and gabinus. Strabo mentions that of Gabii. (lib. v.) The 
 villa of Clodiusis supposed to have been situated on the left of the road leading to Albano. Cicero, in 
 his oration for Milo, gives a good idea of the situation of this villa. (See likewise Velleius Paterculus, I. 
 ii. c. 47-) At the side of the road, before you enter the gate of the modern Albano, is an immense 
 monument, which rises to the left like a colossal mile-stone. It was formerly a tomb, and was, with- 
 out doubt, faced with marble, although now nothing remains of it except the mass of bricks, with 
 which it was usual to fill up the interior of the ancient sepulchres, a mode of building of which there 
 are many examples on the Via Appia : it is vulgarly called the tomb of Ascanius, but not the smallest 
 conjecture can be formed of the reality. 
 
 MONTE SAVELLI. 
 
 About two miles from Albano, on the right, is Monte Savelli, a small hill, on the summit of which 
 are the remains of a castle built in the middle ages by a family of the same name. 
 
 Kircker conjectures that this hill was the site of the ancient Cameria, a town of the Aborigines, 
 and afterwards colonized by the Albans. (Dion. I>. ii. c. 50.) I cannot think why he calls it Camse- 
 rena ; Dionysius calls it Cameria. The Camerini were conquered by Romulus ; there are no remains, 
 however, except those of the middle ages. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 OF ALBANO. 
 
 Atque lacus, qui post Alba; de nomine i/ic/i 
 Albani. Mn. ix. 
 
 The principal street of Albano was a portion of the Appian way. It is now the great road to Na- 
 ples, as it was formerly; and there is scarcely a step upon it, that is not consecrated by antiquity. 
 To the right, shortly after you enter the gate, is the villa Doria. It is supposed that the ancient 
 villa of Pompey extended from the site of this modern country-house to the end of the town. (Ricci 
 Storia di Alb.) His house was situated where there are substructions now extant in the gardens of the 
 Villa Doria, and the Thermal, or warm baths, were situated where there is an immense pile of ruins 
 which form part of the " Conservatorio di Gesu e Maria," a convent for young women. There can 
 be no doubt that these buildings were formerly Thermae, as I once got admission into the convent, and 
 saw the remains of the pipes for conducting the water. The Praedium, or farm, extended as far as the 
 church called "La Stella," at the other end of the town towards Naples. Here, immediately before 
 the church, and in the centre of the Appian way, which divides and winds round it, stands a very 
 uncouth and extraordinary monument, formed of a square basis, and five conic towers thence vulgarly 
 called the tomb of the Horatii and Curiatii. This conjecture is certainly false, as we have the autho- 
 rity of Livy (Lib. i. 25.) for their having been buried in different places. He says, the sepulchres 
 existed at his time on the spots where each of them separately fell ; the two Roman in the same place 
 near Alba, the three Alhan towards Rome, but the sites distant from each other, as were the spots 
 where they fell. Nevertheless, the family of the Savelli took care to propagate the error, by erecting 
 an inscription, purporting that it was the tomb of the Horatii. This is luckily now fallen. The most 
 accredited conjecture is, that it is the tomb of Pompey, and that the five towers, of which three are 
 
 B 
 
20 
 
 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 now fallen, alluded to his five victories, for which be obtained triumphs: this is the opinion of Ligo- 
 rius; and we find in Plutarch, that the remains of Pompey were brought and deposited at Albano. 
 
 The Alban farm of Tiberius was the same as that of Pompey. The site of that of Caligula is un- 
 known, although we find in Seneca (Consol. ad. Pol. c. 36.J that at the death of his sister Drusilla, 
 he retired to his Alban farm. 
 
 It has been a subject of dispute among antiquaries, whether the barbarous imprisonment of Perses, 
 king of Macedonia, (See Livy, b. 45. c. 42.) took place at Albanian, or at the Alba Marsorum on the 
 Lake Fucinus, now the Lake Celano. 
 
 Valerius Maximus (Lib. 5. c. \ .) says, that Perses died at Alba, where he had been imprisoned. 
 Here also the Roman senate sent, for the same purpose, Bituitus, king of the Arverni. (Val. Max. I. 9. 
 c. 6.) Strabo also mentions the Alba of the Marsi to have been made use of by the Romans as a place 
 of exile and imprisonment. (Lib. S.J It seems then that the Alba of the Marsi, was the place of his con- 
 finement, although the Abbate Rieci (Storia di Albano) wishes, I know not why, to claim the honour 
 of it for his native city. 
 
 His argument for the probability of Albano's having been a place of confinement for prisoners, is 
 very much supported by the certainty of its having been a Prtetorian camp. This was, indeed, the 
 origin of the modern Albano as a town. A great portion of the wall of this camp still exists, and the 
 most perfect part of it serves as the boundary wall and foundation of the convent of St. Paul's, which 
 I inhabited during the summer months of 1809- In a neighbouring vineyard may be seen one of the 
 square towers of the same camp. Ancus Martius was the first king who had prisons built at Rome; 
 ought he to be censured as being the first who invaded the liberties of the people, or blessed for hav- 
 ing used imprisonment as a mitigated punishment? 
 
 On leaving St. Paul's, you ascend to the lake by a road which is formed entirely of a hard grey 
 lava, in which is found, from space to space, large pieces of vitrified matter. The view of the 5th 
 Plate is taken on this road from the summit of the hill, and overlooks part of the plain of Ancient 
 Latium, the Monte Savelli, and the village of Albano, of which but very little is visible, as it lies im- 
 mediately under this height, upon a rapid descent. The steeple in the centre is that of the Convent of 
 St. Paul's. At the place from whence this view is taken, the road turns immediately to the left, and a 
 few hundred yards further you gain a view of the lake, and arrive at the avenue which is termed " La 
 Galleria di Sopra," or upper avenue, and which bounds the villa of Domitian. 
 
 This villa extended along the lake from Albano to another village called Castcl Gandolfo ; and its vast 
 terraces are bounded by what are now called the upper and lower galleries, which are two avenues of 
 trees that afford a shady ride, or walk, to the Albanese. 
 
 The remains of this villa are very vast, but there is no ruin which tempts the artist to take out his 
 sketch-book, as they consist only in long terraces with their substructions. This villa was the scene of 
 all the follies of the tyrant during his youth. Here he fancied himself the son of Minerva (Suet, in 
 Dom.) : here an affectation of virtue threw for the moment a veil over his vices, for he pretended to 
 patronise the arts. He instituted a species of poetical games, consisting of the recital of tragedies, with 
 declamations in Greek and Latin ; and he built for the purpose an amphitheatre, of which there are 
 the remains on the right side of the road by which you ascend to the lake. 
 
 Hie colat Albano Tritonida multus in auro, 
 
 Perque manus tantas plurima quercus eat. Mart. lib. 4. Epig. 1. 
 
 There is a passage of Pliny the younger (Pan. Traj.), which might lead to suppose that Domitian 
 sometimes amused himself with being rowed on the lake of Albano, or rather, that he had himself 
 drawn in a boat, as he was so nervous as to be unable to suffer the least noise. Instead of entering this 
 villa, the antiquities of which have been so often described, let us proceed along the road to the convent 
 at Pallazuola ; but previously, I should advise the traveller to go to a very picturesque point of view, 
 from an excavation in the rock, in the garden of the Capuchins. (See Plate 4.) The convent of Palla- 
 zuola and the Monte Cavo are very picturesquely enclosed in a frame, formed by the impending rocks. 
 
 The Monte Cavo, formerly Mons Albanus, has been celebrated by all the ancient poets. Horace, 
 whether ironically, or in order to do honour to the mountain, places the Muses there, as on the Italian 
 Parnassus. 
 
 Annosa volumina vatuni, 
 
 Dictitet Albano Musas in monte locutas. 
 
 Epis. 1. lib. 2. /. 20. 
 
IN ITALY. 
 
 21 
 
 It is not very far from this spot, on an eminence above the road to Nemi, that the general view of 
 the lake of Albano and the surrounding scenery was taken. (See Plate 6, Summit of Monte Caw.) 
 To have a complete idea of it, the reader must fancy the two Plates joined in one ; the right side 
 of the seventh Plate witli the left side of the eighth Plate. 
 
 To the left is seen a chapel, belonging to the convent of Capuchins, with the adjacent wood ; below, on 
 the borders of the lake, is the village of Castel Gandolfo. The brown range of hills, a little to the right, 
 is the back of what is called the Belvedere of Frascati ; to the right is the white convent of Pallazuola, 
 the ancient site of Alba Longa; and above is the Mons Albanus, with the village of Rocca di Papa at 
 the side of it; and the convent of Passionisti, the site of the temple of Jupiter Latiaris, at the summit. 
 In the back ground is Rome, the Sabine Hills, with Monte Soracte, 
 
 candidum 
 
 Soracte 
 
 now Monte San Oreste. The summit of Monte Gennaro is seen above the Belvedere of Frascali 
 
 Let us return to the road, which leads us, after a ride of about two miles, to the convent of Palla- 
 zuola. This place is remarkable for having been the site of the very ancient city of Alba Longa. Of 
 this th ere can scarcely be any doubt, from the following passage of Dionysius. 
 
 " Alba stood between a mountain and a lake, which served as a defence to the city, and rendered it 
 " difficult to be taken ; for the mountain is extremely strong and high, and the lake is deep and laro-e • 
 " and the inhabitants have it in their power to let off the water, so as to bring it to the level they wish! 
 "The plains below the city are beautiful to the eye, and rich in the produce of every description of 
 " fruit, in no degree inferior to that of the rest of Italy ; and particularly so of the grape that produces 
 " the Alban wine, which is sweet, of a beautiful colour, and excelling all others except the Falernian." 
 Dion. Ant. Horn. h. 1. 
 
 It is not totally irrelevant to the subject to mention, that the Alban wine still retains the same quali- 
 ties, and is much esteemed. We generally find it among the ancients ranked with Falernian. "To 
 what vineyards," says Dionysius, " are those of Tyrhennia, Alba, and Falernus, inferior?" and Ho- 
 race, in his eighth Satire of the second book, mentions them together. 
 
 Albanum, Maecenas, sive Falernum 
 
 Te magis appositis delectat; habemus ntrumque. (I. 16.) 
 
 Again, 
 
 EST mihi nonum superantis annum 
 
 Plcnus Albani cadus. Lib. 4. Ode II. 
 
 See likewise Martial ; and Juvenal, who speaks of the 
 
 Albani veteris pretiosa senectus. Sat. xiii. 145. 
 
 But to return to the site of Alba.— I cannot imagine why Kircker extends it as far as a ruined mo- 
 nastery that lies near the road to Ncmi. He says he has been induced to it from some remains which 
 were found under ground : hut even this would not warrant his giving a detailed print of a long street, 
 extending almost round a quarter of the lake, unless from a mere conjecture, arising from the name' 
 The fact is, there are no ruins of that antiquity extant, except one in the garden of the convent, which 
 I shall soon have occasion to mention. 
 
 Many of the conjectures of the good old Kircker are as extraordinary as the plates of his work 
 The former are the result of neither history nor fable, but a mixture of both ; and the latter are neither 
 maps nor pictures. We owe, however, a great deal to him, as he has gathered together in his history 
 of Latium, a great mass of knowledge, as well as of conjecture. 
 
 It is astonishing that there are no remains of the walls of Alba ; and it is a circumstantial evidence 
 that the Cyclopian construction (which has invariably resisted the attacks of time) was discontinued 
 at the period of its foundation. Virgil mentions twice its having been fortified. 
 
 , et longam multa vi muniet Albam. Mn. lib. 1. /. 271. 
 
 haee certamina primus 
 
 Ascanius, longam muris cum cingeret Albam 
 
 Retulit,- Mi. lib. 5. I. 597. 
 
 Alba Longa was founded by Ascanius in the year of the world 2828. (See Dion. Hal. lib. 1. and Livij. 
 
22 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 Hist. Rom. lib. 1, Valerius Maximus, i. 8.) Strabo says, « Ascanius built Alba on the Mount Albano, 
 " at an equal distance from Rome and Ardea." (lib. 5.) 
 
 If the poets cannot always be quoted as authority, yet they always followed tradition, which is the 
 test in cases of such remote antiquity. Let us listen to one or two of them. 
 
 Jamque tibi, ne vana putes haec fingere somnum, 
 
 Litoreis ingens inventa sub ilicibus sus, 
 
 Triginta capitum fetus enixa, jacebit; 
 
 Alba, solo recubans, Albi circum ubera nati. 
 
 Hie locus urbis erit, requies ea certa laborum : 
 
 Ex quo ter denis urbem redeuntibus annis 
 
 Ascanius clari condet cognomiiiis Alham. JEn. 8. /. 42. 
 
 Albaque ab Ascanio condita Longa fuit. Tibull. 
 After all, there are not wanting persons, and Cluverius among them, who say that it was founded by 
 the Pelaso-ians, or by Evander.— Its end is far more certain.— It was destroyed by Tullius Hostilius, in 
 the year of the world 3337, and B. C. 667- The citizens of Alba were transported to Rome, and in- 
 creased its population so much, that the Mom Celius was added to the city at that epoch. (See Dion. 
 Hal. lib. 3. Livy, lib. 1. and Florus ; also Strabo, lib. 5.) 
 
 Livy's account of the destruction of Alba is very eloquent; it merits being quoted in part: " Le- 
 « giones deinde ducts ad diruendam urbem. qua;, ubi intravere portas, non quidem fuit tumultus ille, 
 " nee pavor, qualis captarum esse urbium solet, quum, effractis portis, stratisve ariete muris, aut arce vi 
 " capta, clamor hostilis, et cursus per urbem armatorum omnia ferro flammaque miscet : sed silentium 
 " triste' ac tacita, ma;stita ita defixit omnium animos, ut pra metu obliti quid relinquerent, quid secum 
 " ferrent, deficiente consilio, rogitantesque alii alios, nunc in liminibus starent, nunc errabundi domos 
 " suas, ultimum illas visuri, pervagarentur." (lib. i. 29.) This indecision of despair, this contrast be- 
 tween' the bustle of a conquered place, and the sadness of a city that is abandoned, is very finely 
 expressed. 
 
 Juvenal tells us that 
 
 . quamquam d/ruta servat 
 
 Ignein Trojanum, et Vestam colit Alba minorem. Sat. iv. 60. 
 
 In the garden of the convent at Pallazuola is a very singular and ancient tomb, sculptured in the 
 solid rock. (See Plate 4.) There are various conjectures concerning it. Some suppose it to be the 
 sepulchre of a consul, Cn. Cornelius, whom Livy (/. 41. c. 16.) mentions to have fallen sick, after 
 having sacrificed at the Mons Albanus, and to have died at Cum*. His body was transported to 
 Rome? where he had a magnificent funeral ; and " chi sa," says the abbate G. Antonio Ricci, " che 
 non fosse riposto in questo sepolcro!" (Mem. Stor. del an Citta de Alha.) This negative mode of ar- 
 guing is a very singular one for an antiquary. " Chi sa che fosse," is the natural answer. 
 
 Others conjecture that it was the tomb of Tullius Hostilius. This is far more improbable, as he 
 scarcely would have been buried at the place he took pleasure in destroying. 
 
 1 am inclined to think it of still greater antiquity, and to be a monument of some Alban king. The 
 fasces and eagle would only prove that those insignia were borrowed by the Romans from the Albans ; 
 indeed with some little variation, as on examination it will be observed that these fasces are in some de- 
 o-ree different from those of Rome. 
 
 ° Would not this also explain ihe passage of Horace more simply than to suppose he put " Albanas" 
 for " Romanas 1" 
 
 Jam mari terraque manus potentes 
 Med us, Albanasque timet secures. 
 
 Carmen Sceculare, I. 53. 
 
 They were not at all events of Roman origin, as Strabo says that all this "pomp and circumstance" of 
 Roman power was brought by Tarquin from Etruria. (lib. v. and Livij, 1. 1. c. 8.) 
 
 On leavin"- the convent of Pallazuola, there are two roads which lead through the wood to the village 
 of Rocca de Papa ; the one by the little chapel, called the Madonna del Tufo. The miracles of the 
 Catholic belief have here replaced those of the Pagan. This chapel was built in order to enclose a 
 picture of the Virgin Mary, supposed to have been found, painted by some invisible hand, on a great 
 
IN ITALY. 
 
 23 
 
 rock of volcanic substance, which fell from the neighbouring heights. In former days, the statue of 
 Juno, on this mountain, is said to have turned spontaneously from the east to the west. Livy men- 
 tions several extraordinary events, and even miracles (lib. xxvii. 11.), as, that the statue of Jupiter was 
 struck by lightning, and that the waters ran with blood. 
 
 Rocca di Papa is the ancient Forum Popilii, and probably took its name from M. Pbpiliua Lenatus, 
 who defeated the Gauls, and obliged them to take refuge in this castle, where they remained until the 
 rigour of the season forced them to descend into the plain. (Livy, lib. vii. e. 25.) The Roman de- 
 serters from Capua likewise fortified themselves in this town (Idem, lib. vii. e. 39.); and a numerous 
 garrison was placed here by the senate, to oppose Hannibal, who encamped near Forum Popilii. This 
 plain is still known by the name of " Hannibal's Camp," and lies to the left of the road, as you leave 
 Forum Popilii, to end the short remaining ascent to the Convent. 
 
 According to Kircker, it was called Forum Populi, from the festivals of the Latin people there 
 held. 
 
 Within a few hundred yards of the summit, you find a piece of the ancient triumphal road, which 
 led to the Temple of Jupiter Lalialis, and it is in perfect preservation. Its breadth is about eleven 
 Roman palms, or nearly eight English feet. 
 
 Valerius Maximussays, that the custom of making a triumphal procession to the Mons Albanus, was 
 introduced by P. Masso, who, as he was not allowed a triumph by the senate, celebrated his victory 
 over the Corsicans by a triumphal procession to the Mons Albanus, using only the myrtle, instead of 
 the laurel crown. (Vol. Max. lib. iii. c. 6.) His example was followed by JVI. Marcellus, when he re- 
 turned conqueror from Syracuse, and afterwards by many other consuls. (Livy, xxvi. 21.) 
 
 Of the Temple if Jupiter Latialis, and the general Fieri) from Monte Cave. 
 
 When Tarquin had obtained the sovereign power over the Latins, he sent ambassadors to the towns 
 of the Hernici and Volsei, to invite them to enter into an alliance with him. The former voted una- 
 nimously for the alliance; but the latter, with the exception of the Echctrani and Antiates, refused. 
 In order that the treaty made with those towns might last for ever, Tarquinius resolved to appoint a 
 temple, in common with the Romans and Latins, the Hernici, and those of the Volsci, who had en- 
 tered into the alliance, with the view that they might celebrate, at the same place, a general festival. 
 This proposal was accepted by them, and he chose a central spot, on a high hill, which commanded 
 the city of the Albans. On this mountain he ordered an annual festival to be held, during which they 
 were to abstain from hostility towards all men, and to offer up together a sacrifice to Jupiter, called 
 Latialis. (Strabo, v.) He also ordained the share that each city was to have in that sacrifice. The 
 nations that sent deputies to this festival were forty-seven in number. 
 
 The Romans still performed these sacrifices at the time that Dionysius wrote, and called them Felice 
 Latinos, the Latin festivals. Some cities carried, as their offering, a portion of milk, some a cheese, 
 others a kind of cake; and, as a single bull was sacrificed in common, each city received its appointed 
 share of it. (Dion. Hal. b. 4.) They were so jealous of this right, that the inhabitants of Ardea once 
 sent ambassadors to Rome, to complain of their not having received, at one of the festivals, their usual 
 portion of meat. 
 
 This festival lasted three days ; the first was appointed by Tarquin, when the Romans overcame the 
 Tyrhennians ; the second by the people when they bad freed the commonwealth from the tyranny of 
 the kings; and the third, after the defeat of the Coriolani, by Marcellus. (Dion. Hal. b. 6.) 
 
 If any misunderstanding took place during the festival, or any of its rites were forgotten, it was re- 
 newed. (Livy, lib. xxxvii. e. 3.) It began with a sacrifice, and ended with a banquet ; upon which 
 the Abbale Ricci exclaims, with much naivete, that he wishes the peasants of the Catholic persuasion 
 had not followed the latter part of the example, when they celebrate the festival of any Catholic saint. 
 For the sacredness of this meeting see Livy (lib. xxii. c. 63.), and Suetonius, (in Tib. Claud. 4.) 
 
 Others again carry the antiquity of this temple up to the Pelasgians and Siculi ; while a third con- 
 jecture is, that Ascanius built it in honour of his father. The fact seems, however, to be, that it owes 
 its origin to Tarquin, who built it in the year Ab. U. C. 222. 
 
 The remains of this temple now consist of a wall, built of peperino. I likewise found, in a field 
 
24 
 
 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 adjoining the Convent, part of a small fluted eolumn of white marble. Pirancsi has drawn several 
 fragments of this temple in his work on the antiquities of Albano; and a statue was found, supposed 
 to be that of the 
 
 Residens celsa Latialis Jupiter Alba. Lucan Phar. lib. 1. 
 
 but it was so disfigured, that Volpi, who saw it, could not affirm what it was. The temple must have 
 been small, if we may judge of it by the fragments drawn by Piranesi, and that which I found 
 myself. 
 
 The view from the window of the Convent, (See the Plate.) is one of the most interesting perhaps in 
 the world, as relates to antiquity : it embraces the whole scene of the iEneid, from the promontory 
 of Circe to the mouths of the Tiber. Nearer, in the plain, lie scattered the cities which resisted the 
 first attempts of the Romans at universal power; and the fields around them were the school where 
 they exercised those military tactics which they afterwards carried into the remotest parts of the 
 known world. Floras, on considering this beginning, cannot help exclaiming, " Coriolos quoque 
 " (Proh pudor!) victos adeo gloria? fuit, ut captum oppidum C. M. Coriolanus, quasi Numantiam aut 
 " Africam, nomen induerit." (lib. i. c. 11.) 
 
 But what reflection do not the rest of the books of this author suggest ! He has written upwards of 
 eighty chapters, each of which is entitled by the name of a different war, and some of the latter chap- 
 ters contain a description of them in the aggregate. 
 
 Let us consider the different objects of this view. The first object on the left is the Monte Circello, 
 formerly the promontory of Circe which Strabo mentions. The fleet of iEneas passed close along this 
 shore, as it proceeded to the mouth of the Tiber, 
 
 Proxima Circsea? raduntur litora terras. JEn. vii. 10. 
 
 The town of Circeii was colonized by Tarquin at the same time as that of Signia (Livij, lib. i. 56.) 
 
 All that extensive plain to the right forms the Pontine marshes. On the first point of land is the 
 site of Nettuno, an ancient city of the Volsci. 
 
 Within a few miles is Porto dAnzo, the ancient Antium ; than which, according to Cicero, no place 
 was more quiet or agreeable. (Epis. viii. lib. 4.) It was famous for several temples, and among the rest 
 that of Fortune. 
 
 Diva gratum qu;e regis Antium. Ho/: Car. lib. i. 35. 
 
 Many of the most renowned statues of antiquity were found there. 
 
 On the coast, and nearly in a line with Albano, is the site of Ardea, the capital of the Rutuli, 
 
 quam dicitur urbem 
 Acrisioneis Danae fundasse colonis, 
 Prsecipiti delata Noto : locus Ardua quondam 
 Dictus avis, et nunc magnum manet Ardea nomen. 
 
 JEn. lib. vii. 409. 
 
 Nearer the mouths of the Tiber, and at about equal distances, are Pratica, the ancient Lavinium, 
 where 
 
 cernes urbem et promissa Lavini 
 
 Moenia JEn. i. 258. 
 
 and Torre patemo, the ancient Laurentum. Immediately at the mouth of the Tiber is Ostia. 
 
 Let us return to the second distance of the picture. Again looking to the left, and on the first emi- 
 nence above the smallest lake, is the town of Nemi, from whence the lake takes its name ; by coasting 
 this lake towards the left, we find on a distant hill the town of Lanuvium, now called Civita Lavinia. 
 The disputed reading of the passage of Strabo relative to this town ought certainly to be Aaimm, and 
 not hxmSam. Lanuvium and Lavinia were distinct cities ; the latter was on the coast, and is now 
 called, as I have just said, Pratica. The Oxford editions have retained Aamuntfu. Nearer to the right, 
 and upon the lake, is the town of Genzano, the ancient Cynthianum, so called from a temple of 
 
IN ITALY. 
 
 25 
 
 Diana. As I am about descending to this lake, and shall give more detailed views of the environs, 1 
 shall likewise defer the details of its history. 
 
 Between the towns of Genzano and Aricia, the next town to the right, may be seen the dome of a 
 steeple. It belongs to a church built on a spot called Gallorum, which lias retained its ancient name 
 from the encampment of the Gauls. A little beyond may be observed a fertile valley, now called the 
 Valle Riccia, and which certainly is the bed of an ancient lake. 
 
 Aricia was founded by Archilocus, one of the first kings of the Siculi, and was called Ermina (See 
 Strabo and Cor. Tacit.) ; it was formerly situated on the Appian way, which Statius calls the Queen of 
 Roads (Sijl. lib. 2.) and the ruins are still visible a little below the modern town. Aricia was besieged 
 by Aruns, the son of Porsenna, king of the Tyrhennians, under the consulship of Spurius Lartius and 
 Titus Hcrminius. This prince was killed at the siege by Aristodemus. 
 
 This town is well known as Horace's first stage on his journey to Brundusium. 
 
 EGRESSUM magna me excepit Aricia Roma 
 
 Hospitio modico.-— Sat. v. lib. 1 . 
 
 As there is a steep hill just before you enter the gate, the place was very favourable, and is still so for 
 any beggar, 
 
 Aricinos qui inendicaret ad axes. Juv. Sat. iv. 117- 
 
 We come next to the town of Albano, through which I have been leading the reader. Midway of the 
 lake is a white convent which belongs to monks of the order of Reformati ; and immediately below it, 
 the white square building is the famous Emissary cut by the Romans at the lime of the siege of Veii. 
 The waters of the Emissary, after running under ground for about a mile, come out in the plain below 
 Albano. For a description of the overflow of the lake see Plutarch, (in Camill?) Livy, (lib. v. 15.) 
 Cicero (Lib. 3. dc Divin.) and Val. Max. (lib. i. c. 6.) 
 
 By following the summit of the hill along the lake, may be seen a village now called Castel Gan- 
 dolfo, from the famous Roman family of the Gandolfi. 
 
 Immediately under this village, and at the edge of the lake, is situated the little Nymphasum, the 
 smallest of the two which are extant here, and of which I have given a drawing. (Plate 9.) It will be 
 seen that the original construction was very elegant, but the hand of time has accomplished the wish of 
 the Poet. 
 
 Quanto praistantius esset 
 Numen aquae, viridi si margine clauderet undas 
 Herba, nec ingenuum violarent marmore tophum? 
 
 Juv. Sat. 3. 
 
 The Abbate Ricci, in his History of Albano, speaks of both these Nympha^a without any details, ex- 
 cept that Holstenius mentions to have seen, near one of them, two statues of Nymphs. This was in 
 the year 1635. 
 
 The smallest Nymphamm, which I have preferred giving from its superior elegance, was discovered 
 in 1734, as we know by Ficoroni, whom Ricci quotes. To the right of the lake, and in the extremity 
 of the picture, is the village of Marino. 
 
 There are different conjectures respecting the ancient name of this town. Kircker supposes it to 
 have been Ferentinum; others Mariana, from the name ol Caius Marius. 
 
 Where there is a wood still existing, was probably the site of the Lucus Ferentinus. 
 
 Rome lies very little to the right, but intervening trees prevented the possibility of including it in 
 this view. 
 
 I cannot help thinking with Kircker, that there is a natural subterraneous communication between 
 the lakes of Albano and Nemi ; he places it under a ruin called the hermitage, and the guides still 
 shew this place as being the deepest part of the lake ; indeed as a spot where " plummet never 
 sounded." It is under an overhanging oak tree, and the lake assumes here that blue cast which always 
 pervades in deep waters. Would not this passage seem to imply the communication ! 
 
 Albanus lacus et socii Nemorensis ab unda. 
 
S6 
 
 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 an 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 OF NEMI, THE LAKE, AND ENVIRONS. 
 Litora, pinguis ubi et placabilis ara Diance. Ma. lib. vii. 763. 
 
 There is an inexpressible charm surrounding every thing that concerns this little lake : the name, 
 given to it by the ancients, of the Mirror ot Diana, bespeaks the beauty of it ; nor does it in any man- 
 ner fall short of the expectation of the traveller. Smaller than the lake of Albano, it is also much 
 more graceful in its form. Whichever side you turn, you find the most exquisite landscape ; of which 
 the lake, embowered in trees, is the principal object. It was in these environs that Julius Caesar be- 
 gan to build a villa ; and it is mentioned as a proof of his extravagance that, although still very poor 
 and oppressed with debts, he had pulled it to the ground after having been at a very great expense ; 
 d that because it did not exactly answer his expectations. 
 
 There is a mountain which rises immediately behind Nemi, and which from the passage 
 
 aut gelido prominet Algido Mor. Ode 21. lib. 1. 
 
 we may conjecture to have been the Mons Algidus. 
 
 I have often observed very fine herds of cattle driven down from the forests of this hill, where they 
 must have been famous in the time of Horace. 
 
 Nam qua? nivali pascitur Algido 
 Devota, quercus inter et ilices, 
 Aut crescit Albanis in herbis 
 
 Victima. Lib. 3. Ode 23. 
 
 It is supposed that there was a temple sacred to Diana on the site of the modern town of Nemi, where 
 a famous statue of that Goddess has been found. The worship of Diana was brought here from Tau- 
 ris. Orestes stole from thence the consecrated statue, and took refuge in this country; but, pursued 
 by the Furies, he placed the statue in the temple we are speaking of, and which is supposed to have 
 been of the Doric order. 
 
 The high priest of this temple was always an obscure slave, and the only means he had of attaining 
 the dignity, was by vanquishing his predecessor in single combat ; so that the office was never re- 
 newed except in consequence of a murder. (Sueton. in Calig. 35.) This custom was likewise brought 
 from Tauris. 
 
 Ovid calls this Diana, Orestea. 
 
 Cultaque Orestea? Taurica terra Dea?. 
 
 Be Pont. Lib. 1. Eleg. 3. 
 
 and alludes to this horrid custom 
 
 Nec procul a nobis locus est, ubi Taurica dira 
 Caide pharetrata? spargitur ara Dea?. 
 
 4 Trist. Eleg. 4. 
 
 See Strabo likewise (Lib. 5.) for an account of this temple, and the mode of renewing the 
 priesthood. 
 
 Hippolytus was also worshipped here under the name of Virbius, on account of the tradition 
 that, restored to life by the kind offices of ^Esculapius, he was transported here by Diana, and was 
 concealed under the name of Virbius. These woods were sacred, and no horses were admitted into 
 them, out of respect to the former misfortune of Hippolytus. Virgil shall tell the story in his own 
 words : 
 
 Namque ferunt fama Hippolytum, postquam arte novercse 
 Occident, patriasque explerit sanguine poenas, 
 
■ HI 
 
IN ITALY. 
 
 27 
 
 Turbalis distractus cquis, ad sidcru rursus 
 ^Etherea et superas caeli venisse sub auras, 
 Paeoniis revocatus herbis, et amorc Dianas. 
 Turn pater omnipotens, aliquem indignatus ad umbris 
 Mortalem infernis ad himina surgere vitse, 
 Ipse repertorem medecinee talis et artis 
 Fulmine Phoebigenam Stygias detrusit ad undas. 
 At Trivia Hippolytum secretis alma recondit 
 Sedibus, et Nymphae Egeriae nemorique relegal : 
 Solus ubi in sylvis Italis ignobilis aevum 
 Exigeret, versoque ubi nomine Virbius esset. 
 Unde etiam Triviaa templo lucisque sacratis 
 Cornipedes arcentur equi, quod litore currum 
 Et juvenem monstris pavidi effudere marinis. 
 
 Mi. lib. vii. 764. 
 
 And Statius, 
 
 Jamque dies aderat, profugis cum regibus altum 
 
 Fumat Aricinum Trivia? nemus, et face multa 
 
 Consents Hippolyti splendet lacus. Sylv. lib. iii. /. 55. 
 
 As for the nymph Egeria, and the mysterious fountain at which she gave her midnight meetings to 
 Numa Pompilius, (Veil. Max. lib. i. 2.) the one and the other have caused many disputes among anti- 
 quaries, and particularly with regard to their place of rendezvous. There is a fountain of Egeria just 
 without the Porta Capena at Rome : here is another which flows from a cave, says Kircker, and gives 
 water to several mills. Strabo mentions these sources, as contributing to furnish water to the lake. 
 {lib. v.) The lake lies below, and the town of Genzano, formerly Cynlhianum, to the right. I never 
 saw the source of this rivulet ; but it seems that 
 
 Egeria est qui praebet aquas, Dea grata Camaenis. Ovid. 
 
 The following proofs are brought by Kircker of the existence of a ffoaling island, fixed in the centre 
 of this lake, which was the occasional residence of Augustus and Tiberius. He quotes a certain Blon- 
 dus, whose account I shall in part translate. 
 
 " The Cardinal Prosper Colonna, who was formerly proprietor of the towns of Nemi and Genzano, 
 " which have since passed into other families, hearing that tradition spoke of two vessels which were 
 " buried at the bottom of the lake, had a machine constructed by a celebrated architect of the time, by 
 " means of which one of these vessels was drawn up to the surface. The vessel was unfortunately 
 " broken in two by its own weight, but a large piece of it was saved. It was found to be preserved 
 " from water and fire, both within and without, in a most singular manner, and had sheets of lead on 
 "the outside which were fixed on with bronze nails. There were found at the same time several 
 " leaden pipes, marked with the name of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, sculptured in letters of a very 
 " elegant form. They are supposed to have served to carry fresh water to this insulated abode." 
 
 He mentions, at the same time, some very large bronze nails, which served for the general construc- 
 tion of the ship, and which, strange to be said, were as perfect, as polished, and as little injured, as 
 if they had just come from the workman's shop. One of these nails (adds Kircker) I saw myself, 
 with exquisite delight, " summa cum voluptate," in the Museum Gualdinum. 
 
 It only remains for me to add, that I have been able to afford several of my antiquarian friends the 
 same pleasure which Kircker expresses in such forcible terms, by the sight of one of these nails, now 
 in my possession. The fragments, the result probably of the fracture mentioned by Blondus, are oc- 
 casionally dragged up in the nets of the fishermen of the lake, and I owe the one I possess to the kind- 
 ness of a friend who had bought it of one of these men, in an excursion he had made a few clays be- 
 fore. I immediately made application for more, but the fisherman to whom I applied mentioned hav • 
 ing sold mine for a trifle ; but said it occurred so seldom that he could not promise another, and I heard 
 nothing more of him. I have drawn it, and it is figured in Plate A, fig. 1. 
 
 The wood is, as may be seen, worn into furrows by the water; but the nail is so perfect as to verify 
 all that Blondus has said respecting those he saw. 
 
 Independent of the junction of the lakes of Albano and Nemi, conjectured by Kircker to exist, the 
 
 D 
 
-if; 
 
 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 latter has likewise a regular emissary, apparently of Roman workmanship, and, I should imagine, 
 built about the same epoch as that of Albano. It is natural to suppose that, as they had had a proot 
 of the danger resulting from the want of one, they might here have put in practice the experience they 
 had gained in the construction of the Alban Emissary. All this is conjecture, but the Emissary exists. 
 (See Plate 10.) It is much smaller than that of Albano, and the ancient work at the entrance is hid, 
 as may be observed, by a modern house, built over it. The whole is picturesquely over-arched by the 
 trees, which border the lake in this place, as indeed almost all the way round. 
 
 Of Velletri, and the Road to Cora. 
 
 We are now entering the territory of the Volsci, a nation which sustained long and destructive wars 
 with the Romans. The Osci, to whom they owe their origin, were one of the most powerful people 
 of Campania, whose boundaries extended as far as Capua. Those who inhabited the territory after 
 them called themselves Volosci, or by Syncope Volsci, as vol signifies ancient in that language. {Bor- 
 gia Stor. di Veil. lib. 1.) For the Osci see Strabo, (lib. 5.) who says they occupied Pompeii before the 
 Etruscans and Pelasgi. 
 
 Nothing can be more difficult than to ascertain the precise boundaries of this nation, as they seem 
 to have been changed very frequently. I believe the Volsci to have been enclosed to the N.W. by the 
 Rutuli, to the N. by the Lavicani, to the N.E. by the Hernici, whose boundary line must have passed 
 very near their capital, Ferentinum, as Frusiuum, a town situated a very few miles from it, passed oc- 
 casionally into the power of each nation, and is therefore called by some a town of the Hernici, and by 
 others a town of the Volsci. The river Liris served as boundary to the East; while, to the S.E. and 
 S.W. they had the Ausones, and the Mediterranean. 
 
 Several towns have acquired the reputation of having been the capital of the Volsci. There is no 
 accounting for this circumstance, except by supposing that the government of this nation was feder- 
 ative, and that each town submitted only to its own laws. After the death of Camilla, the monarchical 
 government was changed ; each city adopted its own forms, and Velletri assumed that of a moderate 
 aristocracy. 
 
 The history of Velletri, or, as it has been differently called by different authors, Belitra, Beletra, or 
 Velitra?, is not traced up to its origin ; some say it owes its foundation to the Lacedemonians; others 
 to Beletra, the mother of Dardanus. In the opinion of others, Atlante and Saturnus dispute the ho- 
 nour of being its founder. All that is certain is, that this city is of the highest antiquity, since it is 
 mentioned as having been engaged in a war against the Romans, at as remote a period as the reign or 
 Ancus Martius. 
 
 Here, however, Dionysius and Livy differ, as the latter says that Tarquin was the first who waged 
 War against the Volsci. 
 
 Strabo has certainly committed an error in saying that most of the cities belonging to the Hernici 
 and Volsci, and among the rest Velletri, were founded by the Romans. 
 
 Velletri was taken by the Romans, and colonized in the year Ab. U. C. 260, and under the consul- 
 ship of Aulus Virginius and Titus Veturius. The battle which preceded its capitulation was a dread- 
 ful one, and did great honour to the Roman arms, as the Volscian army was superior in number. (Livy, 
 lib. ii. 31.) 
 
 In the course of the Roman history we find Velletri always taking a very active part in the long 
 wars between the two nations. It seems they were induced thus to rise incessantly against the Roman 
 power, though highly to the prejudice of their city, by an oracle which had foretold that one of their 
 citizens should rule over the world. (Suet, in Aug.) 
 
 In one of these struggles, a very famous siege is mentioned by Livy, (lib. 6.) which lasted during 
 three years ; but it is singular that the result is not known ; we may therefore judge that it was not 
 favourable to the Romans, and that they withdrew their forces. 
 
 Velletri is celebrated as being the native place of the family of Augustus ; of this there can be no 
 doubt, and among other local evidences, there was a street in the city which was named after the Oc- 
 tavian family. (Suet, in Aug.) That he was born there, however, does not seem quite so certain, as it 
 is slill a subject of dispute whether he first saw the light at Turi in Calabria, at Rome, on the Palatine 
 Hill, or at Velletri. 
 
 The lake Giuliano, on the road from Velletri to Cora, is very picturesque, shewing the commence- 
 ment of the chain of mountains formerly called Lepini. 
 
mi^h 
 
 '1. 
 
IN ITALY. 29 
 
 To the right, on this chain, is a village called liocca Massimo, which I helieve to have been the an- 
 cient Ecetra. There is a passage of Livy which would make it doubtful : he says that " a battle was 
 fought between Ferentinum and Ecetra." This would place Ecetra beyond Segni, but the suggestion 
 of Volpi seems a very natural one, that the Ferentinum here meant was the Lucus Ferentinus on the 
 Mons Albanus. In this case, the field of battle was in a plain, which, from the local knowledge I have 
 of the country, appears likely to have been chosen. 
 
 At all events, it is evident that Ecetra was situated on this side of the same chain, from another pas- 
 sage of the same author, where he mentions that two armies were sent into the Volscian territory. To 
 the right, Sp. Furius and M. Horatius commanded towards the sea coast and Antium ; and to the left, 
 Q. Servilus and L. Geganius towards the mountains and Ecetra. 
 
 When Coriolanus had taken Satricurn and Longula, he sent the enemy's spoils to Ecetra, before he 
 attacked Polustia and Cora. 
 
 The lake of Giuliano takes its name from a neighbouring village, placed probably on the ancient site 
 of a farm belonging to the Oclavian family. 
 
 Of Cora. 
 
 Fhom Giuliano the ascent is gradual, and the road winds along the foot of the mountains, which lie to 
 the left, until you arrive at the town of Cora, which is situated upon the ancient site, and nearly retains 
 the ancient name of Cora. (Strabo, lib. 5.) 
 
 The approach is very picturesque, and the town entirely surrounds the sides of a hill, which, as you 
 arrive from Giuliano, appears covered with houses. (See Plate 11.) 
 
 Cora was founded by Dardanus, the son of Corytus and Electra. (See Dion. Hal. and Plin.) About 
 350 years afterwards, Coras restored the city, which was in ruins, fortified it strongly, and gave it his 
 name ; whence arises a dispute whether he was not the original founder, which Kircker indeed 
 makes him. The town, however, had been previously called Corytus, from the name of the father of 
 Dardanus, and Corillo, from that of his son. 
 
 Coras was the brother of Catillus, who gave his name to the Mons Catillus near Tibur, the modern 
 Tivoli ; and it was a third brother, Tiburtius, who gave his name to the town itself. 
 
 Turn gemini fratres Tiburtia mcenia linquunt, 
 Fratris Tiburti dictam cognomine gentem, 
 Catillusque, acerque Coras, Argiva juventus : 
 
 Mi. vii. 670. 
 
 If we are to believe Virgil, the Alban kings were the founders of this city, together with many 
 others. Anchises, whilst relating to jEneas the history of his posterity, says 
 
 Hi tibi Momentum, et Gabios, urbemque Fidenam ; 
 
 Hi Collatinas imponent montibus arces, 
 
 Pometios, Castrumque Inui, Bolamque, Coramque. 
 
 Mi. lib. vi. 773. 
 
 The Alban kings, however, as Volpi observes, may deserve, in the same manner as Coras, the title of 
 founders of this city, which has been several times destroyed and rebuilt ; so much so, that we find it 
 ranked in misfortune with Veii, Gabii, and Nomentum- 
 
 Nec dum ultra Tyberim bellisonus ; ultima preeda 
 
 Nomentum, et capta; jugera ajterna Coras. 
 Et Veii veteres, et vostum regna fuistis 
 
 Et vestro posita est aureo sella foro. — 
 Nunc intra muros pastoris buccina lenti 
 
 Cantat, et in vestris ossibus arva metunt. 
 
 Prop. Eleg. ii. lib. 4. 
 
 And 
 
 tunc ornne Latinum 
 Fabula nomen erit, Gabios, Veiosque, Coramque, 
 
30 
 
 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 Pulvere vix tectas poterunt monslrare ruinae. 
 
 Jjucam. Phars. li'b. vii. 
 
 Of these towns, the sites of Gabii and Nomentum have alone been discovered. The destruction of 
 Veii was so complete that we are still ignorant of the precise spot where it stood; while Cora, from 
 the amenity of its situation, has always been rebuilt, and that apparently on the same spot ; as is evi- 
 dent from the high antiquity of the walls which support and surround the different terraces of the hill. 
 
 Cora is supposed to have been colonized at different times by the Albans, the Etruscans, the Latins, 
 and the Romans. For the first we have the authority of Dionysius, who says, that many cities were co- 
 lonized by the Albans under Latinus Sylvius, and counts Cora among them. There is very slight au- 
 thority for its having been in the possession of the Etruscans, and Volpi supposes the mistake to have 
 arisen from the similarity of the names of Coin and Coritum, the modern Cortona. 
 
 We find in Livy that it was a Latin colony, when he mentions that Cora and Pometia sided with the 
 Aurunci against the Romans. 
 
 There is always a distinction to be made between the Latin and Alban colonies, when mentioned by 
 ancient authors. By Latin colonies were meant those nations which sent deputies to the assembly on 
 the Mons Albanus, where the Latin festivals were kept ; the Alban colonies were those sent by the 
 Alban kings to countries subjugated by them ; there is therefore between these two distinctions, all 
 the difference that exists between a disgrace and an honour. 
 
 Cora at length became a Roman colony in the year of Rome, 251 ; and, under this government, it 
 passed through the different degrees of Roman tyranny, as it was first a colony, next a municipal town, 
 and lastly a Prefecture. 
 
 The colonies were governed by the Roman laws, and were immediately under their dominion. The 
 Decurion in the colonics answered to the Senate at Rome. 
 
 By these Decurions were elected every year, in numbers proportionate to the consequence of each 
 colony, two, three, or more magistrates called Duumviri, Triumviri, and so on. Their power an- 
 swered to that of the Roman consuls. As at Rome there was a Praefectus Annonae, an inspector of the 
 markets, so these had their jEdile, whose office was to inspect the markets, the public buildings, the 
 roads, and other similar details of government. There was likewise the Quaestor, who had the care of 
 the mint. Various inscriptions found at Cora mention the Duumviri, Triumviri, Quatorviri, and Au- 
 gnstales. 
 
 The Municipium was the highest degree to which the cities under the Roman dominion could aspire : 
 the difference indeed between being a citizen of a municipal town, or a citizen of Rome itself, was very 
 slight. There were shades of differehces even in the municipalities. Some were " Municipia cum 
 Suffragio," others " Municipia sine Suffragio." The name itself denotes the distinction, which con- 
 sists in the admission of the one to vote, while the others had not that privilege. (Sigon. de Jur. vet. 
 Ital. lib. 2.) 
 
 The towns admitted to these alliances were called Municipia, " quia munere acciepebant Romani ;" 
 that is to say, they were not conquered nations, but such as voluntarily offered to pay tribute and enter 
 into alliance with the Romans. 
 
 They were governed by their own laws, and nothing was required of them, except that they should 
 not lend their aid to an enemy, but on the contrary, furnish stores of every kind to the Roman militia. 
 
 The establishment of the Municipia appears to have been intended by the Roman people as the first 
 step in the descent to slavery. 
 
 It entered into their profound theory of the art of enslaving to be very gradual in the means which 
 they employed; and by this method, the yoke did not lie so heavily on a subjugated world. The 
 " revocare gradum" from this hell of tyranny was scarcely ever permitted : Cora, however, seems to 
 have reversed this system, and it was probably owing to some great effort made by its citizens for the 
 restoration of their liberty. 
 
 Cora boasts, in common with Sutri, and the Falisci, of having contributed to fill up the laws of the 
 twelve tables. The people and Senate of Rome agreed, in order to settle a long-standing dispute, to 
 send ambassadors to Athens for the purpose of receiving the celebrated laws of Solon. The three am- 
 bassadors were admitted on their return among the Decemviri, a new magistrature erected for the 
 purpose of reconciling the Senate and the people, and of mitigating the hatred of the latter against 
 the consuls. 
 
 When the Decemviri presented, on the following year, ten tables of laws instead of the original 
 twelve to the people, they were dissatisfied, and in order to make up the deficiency, determined to 
 
4uL , 
 
IN ITALY. gj 
 
 choose the remaining laws from those of the neighbouring cities which were most renowned for their 
 equity. The choice fell upon the Corani, the Sutrini, and Falisci. 
 
 Hence the epithet of Virgil « asquosque Faliscos." They were a people of the Etruscan territory : 
 their capital was Falerii, now Civita Castellana. (See Cluv. c. 26.) 
 
 Cora is mentioned by Livy as a municipal town, but fell immediately from that to the lowes t (fegree of 
 slavery, namely the prefecture. This was the denomination of the cities which had broken their treaty, 
 were again subjugated by force of arms, and afterwards deprived of the benefit of appealing to their 
 own laws, and of being governed by their own magistrates, instead of which they were subject to the 
 tyranny of an annual prefect sent from Rome. The disgrace, in this instance, probably happened 
 under the reign of Claudius, as Cora was called a Claudian Prefecture. 
 
 The Corani lent succours to Scipio in his expedition against Hannibal, when he descended the Alps. 
 
 -trahit undique leotum 
 
 Divitis Ausonice juvenem, Marsosque, Coramque, 
 Laurentuinque decus, jaculatoreinque Sabellum. 
 
 Silius I/a/, lib. iv. /. 220. 
 
 The town of Cora was adorned with various temples; that of which there are the greatest remains is 
 dedicated to Hercules, or as some say to Diana. The former, however, is the received opinion with- 
 out being founded on any fact that can establish the certainty. 
 
 In order, I suppose, to settle the dispute, Gruterus introduces into the inscription over the door the 
 word Herculi, which is not there. The inscription is as follows : 
 
 M. MANI.IVS M. F. L. TVRPILIVS L. P. DVOMVIRE8 DE SEN ATVS SENTENTIA AE DEM FACIENDAM 
 COERAVERVNT EISDE MQVE PROBA VERE. 
 
 A more satisfactory proof is afforded by an inscription said to have been found in the neighbourhood, 
 but which I have not seen. It is this : 
 
 HERCVLI SACRVM. 
 
 The remains of the vestibule are still seen in the garden of the church of St. Peter's, which is built 
 on the ancient site of the Temple. (See Plate 12.) They consist of eight columns of the Doric order, 
 of a very bad proportion, which form a square portico. As measured by Raphael, the diameters of 
 these columns are, at the base, 3i Roman palms, and at the capital 21 palms; the columns, without 
 the base and capital, 7 diameters high, 22i palms. He thought that, as the columns have a base, it 
 was of the Tuscan, instead of the Doric order. The Coliseum, however, offers a similar instance of 
 the Doric with a base. Another peculiarity is, that the flirtings commence at about a third of the 
 height of the column ; and from the base upwards to these flutings, they are merely indicated by as 
 many flat sides. 
 
 Like the Doric temples at Passtum, the material is a coarse travertino, over which was a plaster, to 
 preserve this very porous substance from the injuries of the weather. I do not know whether this 
 plaster is ancient, or whether it is a restoration of the middle ages, when the Temple might have been 
 adapted to some other purpose. Antolini, who has written a dissertation upon this Temple, says it is 
 ancient. (See Ordine Doiico.) 
 
 This plaster has at all events the disadvantage of producing a very bad effect, and has spoilt the 
 ruin, in a picturesque point of view ; for although the site of this Temple is as advantageously exposed 
 to the sun as that of the Temple of Vesta at Tivoli, instead of exhibiting the beautiful tint for which 
 that ruin is celebrated, the Temple of Hercules is of a cold and dirty-grey tint, which the Italians 
 call " Cenerino." Every traveller, who has visited Italy, knows that the colour of a ruin depends en- 
 tirely on its exposition. 
 
 I have with me a specimen of the travertino of which this Temple is built, as indeed similar ones of 
 most of the ruins I have visited. The ancients used to carry away something from the temples they 
 entered, ft Bonae scseva? gratia." Thus do these little pieces of stone become consecrated bits for the 
 antiquary. 
 
 The artist, on opening his sketch-book before this ruin, must always recollect, that the immortal 
 Raphael thought it worthy of being accurately drawn and measured by him. His original drawings 
 are, I believe, in the cabinet of Baron dc Stosch. 
 
32 
 
 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 The epoch atwhich this Temple was built, is likewise by no means certain; but it was probably 
 about the commencement of the Roman republic, at which time was in use the mode of spelling ob- 
 served in the inscription over the door, in the words Duomviros and Cocravcrunt. 
 
 The Duumviri, or Duomviri, were officers first established by Tarquin to guard the three books of 
 the Sybil. We are acquainted with the unhappy end of the first of them, M. Attilius, who had dared 
 to divulge the secrets of the Sybil, and was tied up in a leather bag and thrown into the sea. (Dion. 
 Hal. lib. 4.) These officers were afterwards increased to the number of ten. 
 
 Two altars have been dug up in the garden adjacent to the Temple, and one of them now serves as 
 a baptismal font at the church of St. Peter's. 
 
 The next remarkable ruin is that of the Temple of Castor and Pollux. We find, by an inscription 
 on the front, that it was erected with the sacred money, and dedicated to those deities by M. Calvius, 
 the son of Marcus, and nephew to Publius : 
 
 AEDEM CASTOItl POLLVCI DEC. S. FACIENDAM PEQ. SACK. COER. 
 - - - - - - - - - - M. CALV1VS M. F. P. N. 
 
 The ruin consists in two well-preserved Corinthian columns, the intercolumniation of which is filled 
 up by the wall of a private house. The Temple is supposed to have been a very extensive one, and to 
 have occupied a part of the site of the church. 
 
 It probably extended also very far backwards, as in a neighbouring house we were shewn a cellar 
 where there was a very well preserved Mosaic floor, with an inscription. The latter was partly covered 
 with heavy hogsheads of wine, which the owner could not be induced to move ; but it is, probably, 
 from the first letters, the same as the one quoted by Volpi. 
 
 C. CVRTIVS C. L. PHILI. 
 
 The Temple was also ornamented with a superb portico, consisting of sixty columns of the Tuscan, 
 Doric, and Corinthian orders, of which many fragments have been found, together with statues which, 
 at different times, have been dug up in a mutilated state. (Vulpius Vet. Lat.) 
 
 There is likewise on record at Cora, that, in an excavation made at a very remote period, a colossal 
 marble horse was found ; but, as the labourers had not the necessary tools for raising such an immense 
 weight, they left it where it was, and contented themselves with covering it over again with mould, so 
 that the precise spot has been forgotten. It is an improbable tale. 
 
 Vignoli says that this Temple was built by Marcus Calvius, under the reign of Claudius. This can- 
 not be the case, as Cora is supposed to have been, if not in ruins, at least in a very degraded state at 
 that time; and the mode of spelling adopted in the inscription would place it at a period much more 
 remote. 
 
 I find that, in the history of Cora, there is mention made of several other temples. They were dedi- 
 cated to jEolus, to Bacchus, to Fortune, to Apollo, to jEsculapius, and lastly, one dedicated to the Sun, 
 which was immediately opposite the temple of Castor and Pollux. 
 
 The existence of these temples is only proved by some inscription, or some altar, dug up in different 
 parts of the town, and apparently referring to them ; that of the Temple of the Sun seems the best 
 ascertained. 
 
 Several excavations were shewn to us, some of which, and particularly those at the Convent of the 
 Augustin friars, extend for several miles under ground. They were probably made by the ancient 
 Corani, and their entrance is similar to that of the catacombs; but whether the use they were put to 
 was the same, it is impossible to determine. Report makes them extend to Segni on one side, and to 
 Cisterna on the other; but, I could not find that any person had ever penetrated into them, nor did 
 our simple " Cicerone" throw much light upon the subject, when he told us that it was by these sub- 
 terraneous passages, that Pontius Pilate had escaped from the pursuit of Hannibal ! 
 
 Tradition makes the former an ancient governor of this city, and the remains of what is called his 
 palace are shewn in the garden of the Augustin friars ; it appears to have been nothing more than a 
 square military tower, such as most Cyclopian towns exhibit. Pliny tells us the Cyclopians were the 
 first who built towers. (Lib. vii. cap. 36.) 
 
 I shall now give some inscriptions which have been found at Cora, and which are curious, as prov- 
 ing the existence of several of the temples which I have just mentioned. 
 
IN ITALY. 
 
 33 
 
 AESCVLAPIO ET HYGEIAE 
 SACRVM 
 C. OPPIVS C. F. LENAS 
 
 VI: VIR. ET AVG. 
 HONORATVS IN TRIBV 
 C. L. PATRVM ET LIBERVM 
 CLIENTIVM ADSCENSVS 
 PATRONIS SANCTISSIMIS 
 COMMVNICIPIBVS SVIS D. D. 
 QVORVM. DEDICATIONE 
 SINGVLIS. DECVRIONIBVS 
 XIII AVGVSTALIBVS— xn ET 
 COLONIS COENAM. DEDIT 
 L. D. D. D. 
 
 We see by this inscription, which has been quoted by Volpi, that Cains Oppius, the son of another 
 Caius, a citizen of Cora, gave, at the time of the dedication of the Temple to iEsculapius, a magnifi- 
 cent supper to the decurions, to thirteen Augustales, and twelve Coloni. By Decurion is meant here 
 the Decurion of the colonies, an office consisting of ten men at the head of the government. The 
 word " Augustales'' means sometimes, games instituted in honour of Augustus, by the Tribunes un- 
 der Tiberius ; at other times, a particular order of priests ; and, lastly, the intimates of Augustus ; in 
 this case, they changed their name of " Augustales," according to the succession, for those of " Aure- 
 lians, Antonines," and so on. 
 
 The two following refer to the temples of Bacchus and Janus : 
 
 LIBEKO PATRI 
 SPIRA VLVBRANA 
 D. S. P. F. 
 
 and 
 
 HAEC N. . . . VERA FIDES EST AB 
 
 ALIENIS DIIS 
 ET IANO EORVM DIVERTANT 
 
 The statue of Janus was found near the same spot, and I have understood that the porphyry statue, 
 generally supposed to be a Roma, now erected in the " Piazza del Cainpidogiio" at Rome, was found 
 at Cora. This statue might have been intended for a Minerva, if we may judge from the armour on 
 the breast. 
 
 Immediately on leaving the gate of Cora, which leads to Norba, you cross a bridge, which is called 
 " Ponte Bello," and which is thrown over a moat of an immense depth. This ditch, which is in part 
 natural and in part artificial, continues round the exterior wall of Cora, and contributed to the de- 
 fence of the city. 
 
 The construction of the bridge is not Cyclopian, but is nearly allied to it by the enormous blocks 
 with which it is formed, and by the irregularity of the upright sides of the stones, which vary more 
 or less from the perpendicular line. Not far from this bridge is a marble quarry. Varro remarks 
 somewhere, that the marble of Cora is excessively hard. 
 
 The Cyclopian walls now extant at Cora, are not like those at Norba, Segni, Alatri, and Ferenti. 
 num, raised for the defence of the city, but merely for the purpose of supporting the sides of the steep 
 hill ; we must except however the square tower I mentioned before. They nevertheless exhibit very 
 fine specimens of the different styles of that polygonal mode of construction. 
 
 Road to Norba, by Nympha and the Pontine Marshes. 
 
 There are two roads from Cora to Norba. I have travelled them both. The one leads by the moun- 
 tains, and is rocky and uninteresting, with the exception of the first view the traveller has of the an- 
 cient Norba, and in which its insulated situation is peculiarly observable. (See Plate 13.) 
 
 On the hill immediately in front of the picture is the site of ancient Norba. The Cyclopian wall 
 which surrounds it is very apparent, as is likewise the citadel at the summit, which rises by several re- 
 gular platforms. The river Nymphaeus, which takes its rise at the foot of the hill of Norba, is seen to 
 the right; and beyond are the Pontine Marshes, and Circasan Promontory. 
 
 The other road runs along the foot of the chain of mountains formerly called Lepini. To the left, 
 
34 
 
 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 rise their rocky sides ; while to the right, the country is perfectly level, and highly cultivated. This 
 tract may indeed be called a continuation of the Pontine Marshes, although it is perfectly drained, and 
 serves for the purpose of agriculture. 
 
 On seeing the rocks which rise so abruptly from this level plain, the imagination is forcibly struck 
 with the certainty of their once having been bathed by the waters of the ocean. Carried back by ima- 
 gination to the remotest periods of time, you almost fancy you perceive their craggy sides, which form 
 frequent promontories or bays, either reflected in the tranquil summer sea, or resisting the fury of the 
 winter's storm. 
 
 Although now retired so far from its original boundary, the sea has by no means entirely given up 
 this part of its empire, in spite of the efforts of art, which have at various times prevented it from re- 
 suming its rights. 
 
 If we are to believe a passage of Pliny, there were three and twenty flourishing cities within the 
 same space which is now occupied by an unwholesome tract of marsh. I am very much inclined to 
 doubt this assertion; not from an idea that the energy of the ancient Romans could not effect this won- 
 derful work, which has always failed under the weak government of the Popes, but because the space 
 which these marshes occupied, was even less than it is at present ; and it is improbable that so many 
 cities should have been placed in a territory so ill adapted to the purpose ; while the heights above, or 
 even (if the vicinity of the sea coast was an object) the healthier plains of the Latins and Rutuli, were 
 more thinly settled. 
 
 The passage of Pliny is the following, " Post earn annum accepit Italia aliud miraculum. a Circeiis 
 " palus Pomptina est, quem locum viginti trium urbium fuisse Mutianus ter consul prodidit." (Lib. 
 
 3. cap. 5.) 
 
 The " aliud miraculum" of this passage would seem to suggest, that these were towns independent 
 of those of which the remains are now extant, and that they were destroyed before the time of Pliny, 
 without any traces of them having been left. If this had been the case, and they had been destroyed 
 by some unusual effort of nature, other ancient authors would have mentioned such an extraordinary 
 event. 
 
 As the destruction of the towns Herculaneum and Pompeii is so well authenticated, it would seem 
 that three and twenty cities could not have disappeared, and the occurrence not be mentioned by au- 
 thors of the time. The error arises, I suspect, from the uncertainty we are under as to the extent of 
 territory to which the ancients gave the name of Ager Pomptimis : it might have been extended to the 
 chain of the Lepini ; or, more probably, those towns which were situated on the Circsean side of this 
 b.ain, and possessed lands in the plain below, were included in the general appellation of Pomptine, 
 or Pometine towns ; so called from Suessa Pometia, one of the capital cities of the Volsci. (KircJcer. 
 lib. 4. cap. 1.) 
 
 Livy {lib. 2.) says, Norba was in the Pomptine territory ; and yet the site of the town of Norba is 
 on the mountain. But, as the hills about it are barren, the inhabitants probably derived their sub- 
 sistence from the plain below, and consequently had territory there. 
 
 sterilisve diu palus, aptaque remis, 
 
 Vicinas urbes alit. Hor. Ars. Poet. 
 
 The towns on the Pontine side of the Lepini were Ecetra, Cora, Norba, Albiola, Mugilla, Sulmo, 
 Setia, and Privernum. 
 
 Ecetra was probably the present Rocca Massima, as I have before observed. Cora and Norba nearly 
 retain their ancient names. Albiola and Mugilla are lost ; and Sulmo, Setia, and Privernum, are now 
 known under the names of Sermoneta, Sezze, and Piperno. 
 
 Albiola and Mugilla were probably situated between Cora and Setia, for such is the route of con- 
 quest given to Coriolanus by Dionysius (B. 8.) through Setia, Albiola, Mugilla, and Cora. The two 
 former were taken by assault, and the latter by capitulation. 
 
 These marshes have been drained at various times under the Emperors and Popes. For the first 
 time by Appius Claudius, under the consulship of M. Valerius Maximus and Publius Decius Muris. 
 The Appian way 
 
 Qua Pontinas via dividit uda paludes, 
 
 Lucan. lib. 4. 
 
 which takes its name from him, was first constructed in the year A. U. C. 442, while he exercised the 
 censorship with C. Plautius. {Livy. lib. 9.) 
 
 c 
 
IN ITALY. 
 
 35 
 
 They were drained a second time by M. Cornelius Celhegus, while he was Consul with L. Anicius 
 Gallus, A. U. C. 592. (Livy. Epist. lib. 46.) The third time it was attempted by Julius Cassar, who 
 likewise meditated securing the Appian way with a bank. (See Suet, in Jul. Cass.) 
 
 Augustus executed what Caesar intended ; and, as the poets of his age were also his historians, we 
 find it mentioned by Horace in his Art of Poetry : 
 
 Debemur morti nos, nostraque; sive receptus 
 Terra Neptunus, classes Aquilonibus arcet, 
 Regis opus : sterilisve diu palus, aptaque remis, 
 Vicinas urbes alit, et grave sentit aratrum. 
 
 Nerva Cocceius and Trajan repaired the Appian way at different periods. 
 
 After the time of the Emperors, the most memorable epochs at which these marshes have been drained, 
 were under Theodoric king of the Goths (See Cassiodonts. Epist. lib. 2. ep. 52.), and under Boniface 
 the 8th, and Sixtus the 5th. 
 
 In the plain, and immediately at the foot of the rock on which Norba is built, lies the ruined vil- 
 lage of Nympha. It takes its name from a neighbouring lake mentioned by Pliny. Pliny likewise 
 says, that in this vicinity may be found a stone which is capable of being heated into fire by the rains : 
 (Lib. 2. cap. 107.) any prodigy by the agency of fire may be accounted for in a volcanic country, but 
 the whole range of these hills is calcareous. This famous lake is now merely a small basin covered 
 with weeds, but still affords its waters to the river of the same name which meanders through the 
 Pontine Marshes. The former temple of the Nymphs is now a ruined monastery, and the goddesses 
 of the place are the swarthy women of modern Norba, who visit the lake daily for the purpose of 
 washing, and afterwards toil up the steep hill with a replenished pail : this is their only resource, as 
 no water can be procured nearer. 
 
 It is supposed that this temple was originally founded by the Arcadians and Pclasgians on their first 
 arrival in Italy, because the adoration of the Nymphs was peculiar to the Grecians; but this is not 
 sufficient evidence, as we know that the Latins had adopted the same worship. It was the custom of 
 the ancients to wash themselves in a running stream. As it was necessary to make frequent ablutions, 
 the Egyptians built temples on the banks of the Nile. The Indians have the same custom, and hold 
 the waters of the Ganges in particular veneration. 
 
 There is no occasion however to go back so far for this species of worship ; there are various in- 
 stances of NyinpliEea on the banks of streams and lakes. I have given one that exists on the lake of 
 Albano. (See Plate 9.) Whoever might have been the original founders of this temple, it is evident 
 that it was sacred to the Nymphs and Dryads, as may be seen by the inscription quoted by Volpi : 
 
 NYMPHIS DRYAD 
 
 SAC 
 
 M. VATIC 
 
 V. S. L. M. 
 
 Volpi likewise gives another, which proves the waters of the lake to have been sacred : 
 
 NYMPHIS LOCI. 
 BIBE. LAVA. TACE. 
 
 Nothing can be more laconic or beautiful than this inscription ; it conveys a picture to the imagination. 
 
 That silence was always prescribed is evident from other inscriptions: here is one of the same 
 nature 
 
 Hujus Nympha loci, sacri custodia fontis, 
 
 Dormio ; dum blanda? sentio murmur aqua;. 
 Parce meum, quisquis tangis cava marmora, somnum 
 
 Rumpere ; sive bibas, sive lavere, tace. 
 
 The place itself has a most melancholy appearance, and we were told that it had been abandoned on 
 account of the bad air which prevails on the plain during the summer. We had not time to enter 
 
96 
 
 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 this deserted village, but made use of the light afforded by the last rays of a setting sun to take the 
 sketch I have given here. 
 
 Norba was a most ancient town of the Latins, situated on a rock which rose abruptly from the Pon- 
 tine plain, and the ruins of it, consisting of very well preserved walls of Cyclopian structure, are si- 
 tuated about a mile from the modern village of Norba. 
 
 The fabulous foundation of Norba is attributed to Hercules on his return to Spain ; when the build- 
 ing of this town is counted amongst the high and useful deeds he performed during his stay in Italy.— 
 The Norbans were always anxious to establish this claim ; so much so, that we find Caius Norbanus 
 Bassus, when he held the Consulship with L. Scipio Asiaticus, had his coins struck with Hercules tri- 
 umphant over his enemies. 
 
 This demi-god was certainly worshipped at Norba, as was proved by the discovery of two small sta- 
 tues with his attributes; and, at the same time, the following inscription : 
 
 HERCVLI VICTORI 
 
 S. (See Vulpius Vet. Lat.) 
 
 Almost all ancient authors however deny this high antiquity of the foundation of Norba. Solinus, 
 Pomponius Mela, and the author " de Origine Gent. Rom." say that the Norbans were a colony of 
 Albans. (Vulpius Vet. Lat.) On the other hand, Pliny mentions them as a very ancient people of La- 
 tium. (Lib. 3. cap. 5.) 
 
 Livy speaks of them as an Alban colony which sent deputies to the Latin festivals, while Dionysius 
 and Floras join him as authorities for their having met at the general council held at the Lucus Fe- 
 rentinus, in order to deli berate on the best means of re-establishing the Tarquins upon the throne. 
 
 In the year A. U. C. 262, and under the Consulship of Titus Geganius and P. Minucius, Norba was 
 colonized by the Romans. (Dion. lib. 7. and Liv. lib. 2.) Under this character we find that they were 
 very faithful to their allies, and there is an honourable trait in their history. Immediately after the battle 
 of Cannae, and at a time when Rome was in the most imminent danger, its citizens in this exigence of 
 affairs sent to demand men and money of their colonies; twelve of them refused affording them the 
 succours they demanded, while Norba and all the other colonies granted them, and answered with 
 much firmness and fidelity ; for which they afterwards received the thanks of the Senate. 
 
 " Ne nunc quidem post tot secula sileantur, fraudenturve laude sua," says Livy. « Lest their names 
 " should be passed over in silence after so many centuries, and they should be deprived of their proper 
 " share of glory ; these colonies were the Signini, the Norbani, Saticulani, Brundusini, Fregellini, Lu- 
 *' cerini, Venusini, Adriani, Firmani, and Ariminenses ; on the other side, the Pontiani, Patstani,' and 
 " Cosani ; and towards the Mediterranean, the Beneventani, the yEserniui, Spoletani, Placentini, and 
 " Cremonenses.-Tbe Roman Empire stood by the aid of the subsidies granted by these colonies,' and 
 " thanks were voted them by the Senate and the people." (Liv. lib. 27. c. 10.) 
 
 When the Romans had accepted hostages of the Carthaginians, they were given in custody to the 
 Norbans and Praenestini ; but, as it was represented that they were uncomfortably situated at Norba, 
 they were removed from thence to Signia and Ferentinum. 
 
 Norba was destroyed during the civil wars between Marius and Sylla.-As they had declared them- 
 selves in favour of the former, they resisted the conqueror with their usual firmness and valour. (Flo- 
 ws, lib. 3. c. 21.) When the army of Sylla was admitted by treachery within their walls, rather than 
 fall by the hand of the enemy or surrender themselves, they destroyed each other, or setting fire to 
 their houses buried themselves beneath the smoking ruins, and thus avoided by a glorious death the 
 ignominy of a defeat. (Vulpius Vet. Lat. and Appiaii Bell. Civil.) 
 
 The probability is, that Norba never recovered from this dreadful blow, and I think Volpi very 
 properly refutes the conjecture of Ligorius, who supposes, from two inscriptions, that they flourished 
 under Nero. 
 
 e immense substructions that still exist at Norba, are supposed to be the place 
 3 buried their riches at the time of the destruction of their city, in order that they 
 might not fall into the hands of /Emilius Lepidus, the General of the conquering army. It is curious 
 that, in the neighbourhood, tradition has handed down this history; and we were told by our guide 
 that there was at Norba a grotto, where immense treasures were buried, but that they were guarded 
 by an evil genius, who punished those who attempted, from motives of curiosity or avarice to explore 
 them. The time we had allotted to the examination of Norba, did not permit us to visit 'thia dread- 
 ful grotto, which is, probably, similar to those we saw at Cora. 
 
 Volpi says that; th 
 where the inhabitants 
 
IN ITALY. 
 
 37 
 
 The Norbans have perhaps been as fortunate as most of the surrounding nations of Latium, fifty- 
 three of which Pliny mentions to have perished, without a vestige of them having remained. If his- 
 tory is sparing in facts, relative to the existence of the Norbans as a nation, their valour and their ho- 
 nourable fidelity are equally recorded with their misfortunes. The towering Appenniues, which rise 
 immediately behind their city, exhibit the emblem of their history : their lofty summits are covered 
 with clouds, but their craggy bases are sublime and awful. The thick mists of antiquity involve the 
 origin of the Norbans in obscurity, but those parts of their history, on which the mental eye can glance, 
 inspire us with respect and admiration. 
 
 On approaching the insulated mountain on which their city was placed, (See Plate 13.J on viewing 
 its massy walls, its gigantic bastions, (Plate 14.) one cannot help exclaiming, How could a city, fortified 
 in such a manner, and defended by such a nation, ever be taken We find the answer in Appian, and 
 treachery only could have effected it. 
 
 Here is an enormous gate, formed of polygonal blocks. On the right is a conic tower, where the 
 brave Norban soldiers probably kept their nightly watch. A few hundred yards to the left, round an 
 angle of the wall, is a small gate. Through this entrance, iEmilius Lepidus and his army, wrapped 
 beneath the veil of night, probably followed their treacherous guide. They enter the city,— they over- 
 whelm the unsuspecting citizens,— they fight,— they conquer ; but the vanquished foe follows the im- 
 mediate dictates of valour and honour; the Norban turns his sword against his brother soldier, and then 
 against his own breast. The disgrace of a defeat is avoided, and an entire nation devote themselves to 
 save their honour. 
 
 Many individuals of the family of the Nbrbani have been distinguished in the Roman history, as 
 Quasstors, Tribunes, Praetors, and Consuls. On some of their coins is found the representation of Ve- 
 nus, whence Volpi conjectures that this goddess was worshipped at Norba. 
 
 The Citadel of ancient Norba you ascend by regular platforms, supported by walls, formed of large 
 blocks. In the distance is the CircaBan promontory, now called Monte Circello ; on the chain of moun- 
 tains is modern Norba ; and a few miles further, Sermoneta. 
 
 In general the walls of Norba are very well preserved, and are a fine specimen of Cyclopian work, 
 of a construction, apparently, less ancient than those of Alatri and Segni, as they already approach to 
 ah horizontal distribution of the masses. At times, however, there is a great deal of irregularity, as in 
 the wall to the left of the fourteenth view. 
 
 Segni. 
 
 There is a road across the mountains, from Cora lo Segni, but we did not travel it. 
 
 I visited Segni at a different season, in the course of a tour which I made in the country of the 
 Hernici, and ascended the chain of the Lepini from the opposite side. 
 
 On leaving the great road, which is still the same as the ancient Via Latini, we had been led to un- 
 derstand that Segni was only five miles from the spot where we turned into a cross road, at the foot 
 of the hill of Anagni, but found it nearly double that distance. 
 
 The hill on which Segni is situated is very steep, and we were nearly two hours ascending its bar- 
 ren sides. The sites, in general, of all the towns in which these remains are found, are on very steep 
 and high mountains. The Cyclops always inhabited elevated situations. 
 
 AW my u<py\uv Qgsuv vatovtri xcepTua. OALE. I. 113. 
 
 We had left in the plain a race of men, whose figures seemed degraded to the very lowest class of 
 the human form ; here, on the contrary, we were overtaken by a troop of men and women returning 
 from their daily labour in the plain, many of whom were models of Italian beauty. 
 
 After winding, during two hours, up this craggy mountain, we suddenly turned an angle of the 
 road which leads immediately to the gate of the modern Segni, and the scene changed, as if by the force 
 of enchantment. There was every appearance of high cultivation; a long avenue of oaks led to the 
 Convent of St. Mark, where we lodged during our stay at Segni. On the right was a small lake, in 
 which a white chapel, and a neighbouring forest, which rose behind it, were reflected ; on the left, a 
 part of the modern town of Segni was seen on the ridge of its insulated hill ; and through the open- 
 ing, formed between this and the neighbouring hill, were discovered the rich plains of the Hernici. 
 
 The modern town of Segni lies enclosed within the ancient walls, but does not occupy half the 
 space of the ancient city. As usual, in the places where Cyclopian remains are found, the site cannot 
 
GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 he belter adapted for defence; as, with the exception of the gate by which you enter modern Segni, 
 the other entrances were placed immediately on the edge of the steep sides of the mountain. 
 
 Like most other towns of Latium-, tire documents afforded us of the history of Segni are very scanty; 
 and indeed it is more than usually unfortunate, as the local evidence afforded by the high antiquity of 
 its remains, is in contradiction to what we have handed down to us, relative to its foundation. 
 
 The Cyclopian walls which are extant at Segni are of the highest antiquity. From every thing I 
 have been able to learn, Greece cannot boast a Cyclopian town of which there are more singular ruins ; 
 and I can affirm that no city in the territory of the Hernici and Volsci bears such evident marks of an- 
 tiquity as Segni. 
 
 The gates, of which I shall speak more at large, offer two specimens of Cyclopian style ; the one 
 tmcommon, and the other unique. Of the first style of the Cyclopian, which is formed of rude masses 
 of slone, piled up in order to form a wall, I have seen nowhere such remains, except a portion of a 
 wall at Cora, and another at Palestrina : all these are proofs which place Segni, without any doubt, 
 in the class of towns called Saturnian, and built by the original colonizers of Italy. 
 
 On the other hand, we have the authority of Dionysius and of Livy to prove, that Segni was a Ro- 
 man colony, founded in the last years of the reign of Tarquin, and was called Signia, from the cir- 
 cumstance of its being originally a mere encampment for winter quarters ; but, as the spot was found 
 a favourable one, it became, in course of time, a city, which retained the name of Signia, or Signium. 
 (Dion. lib. 5. and Livy, lib. 1.) 
 
 These historians are mistaken, or the whole of our theory respecting these walls must fall to the 
 ground ; but we cannot but believe the former, as it is highly improbable that the Romans should have 
 adopted a mode of fortification in their colonial cities so very different, nay so highly superior, to any 
 which their capital exhibits; and I think I have proved, in the first part of this work, the impossibi- 
 lity of it, by the evidence afforded us that this mode of construction ceased about the epoch of the 
 Trojan war. 
 
 This apparent contradiction can only be explained by the improper acceptation of the word " colo- 
 nizing," which by no means implies the foundation of a city; as we know that Norba and Cora, the 
 antiquity of which was never disputed, Were colonized at different periods by the Romans. 
 
 If Tarquin was the original founder of Segni, this city ill repaid the obligation ; for on his flight 
 from Rome, he at first imagined that he might find an asylum among the Latin colonics, but perceiv- 
 ing that they were firm to the cause of the Roman people, he retired into Tuscany. Segni some time 
 afterwards stood a vigorous siege from the army of Sextus Tarquinius, who attempted to starve the gar- 
 rison, but was prevented by succours sent from Rome, and finally raised the siege. {Dion. Hal. lib. 5.) 
 
 Segni was colonized a second time under the consulship of Appius Claudius and Publius Servilius, 
 in the year A. U. C. 259. (Liv. lib. 2. c. 21.) 
 
 The attachment to the Roman cause, which the inhabitants of Segni evinced after the expulsion of 
 Tarquin, was afterwards equally proved, and particularly so on the same occasion as that on which 
 Norba gained so much credit. This town calls forth the praise of Livy equally with the others for 
 having offered subsidies to Rome after the battle of Canna3. 
 
 Sihus Italicus mentions that Signia sent forth troops against Hannibal, and several inscriptions pub- 
 lished by Volpi prove it to have been once a municipal town. 
 
 The modern Segni is formed of a collection of miserable houses, occupying the southern extremity 
 of the small plain on the summit of its insulated hill, the whole of which was covered by the ancient 
 town. 
 
 The remains of the latter consist in very well preserved walls, formed of enormous flat polygonal 
 stones, which extend so as to make an enclosure of upwards of two miles in circumference. We 
 found eight ancient gates; of which four had their architraves perfect. We dug to the original bases 
 of these four, and found that the earth had in general encroached from two to three feet. The blue 
 space in Figures 1, 2, 4, and 6. of the Plate A. denotes the depth of our excavations. 
 
 The first and largest gate, vulgarly called Porta Samcena, is situated on the N. E. side of the city, 
 and faces the chain of the Lepini. 
 
 Nothing can be more grand than this very ancient gate, the form of which seems almost the result 
 of chance. It is about ten feet high and eight feet wide, and is composed of five enormous blocks; 
 two upright, two inclining to an angle of about forty degrees, while the fifth forms the architrave, 
 which appears thrown carelessly across. I have heard from very good authority that the most ancient 
 gates observed in Greece are of this pyramidal form. 
 
IN ITALY. 
 
 39 
 
 Tlie Plate A. Fig. 1. represents the geometrical elevation of tliis gate reduced to a scale of English 
 feet. Plate A. Fig. 2. represents the section of a side of the same gate. And Fig. 3. Plate A. shews 
 the manner in which the architrave is composed of three blocks, in order to cover the whole thickness 
 of the wall. 
 
 The next gate is smaller, and is represented in the Figure 4. of the Plate A. It will he observed 
 that there is the same irregularity in the angles formed by the upper stones with the uprights. 
 
 The third is a gate without an architrave, and has a very fine effect, as it is situated at the edge of 
 a declivity ; and, when I sketched it, the great masses of white stone detached themselves picturesquely 
 from the plain below, which was blackened by an impending storm. (See Plate 27-) 
 
 Beyond this there is another gate without an architrave, which offers however nothing particular. 
 
 We now come to a small pointed gate which is perhaps unique in its construction. (See Plate 17-) 
 It is placed in a wall which serves to prop the earth, and it is difficult to determine whether this earth 
 has accumulated in modern times, or whether it was the original level of the ancient town. If the 
 latter, which is not improbable, the inhabitants descended to this outlet by steps, as from the citadel 
 of Alatri. The point at the top is formed, on one side, by a stone which makes with the upright an 
 obtuse angle ; and on the other, by a curve as regularly formed as that of the Gothic pointed arch. The 
 entrance in this gate, as in several others, is not immediately straight, but sideways ; so that, of the stones 
 which form the corners, one has an acute, and the other an abtuse angle. This will be observed in the 
 perspective ot the view, which, without this singularity, would be false. Immediately to the right of 
 this gate, the wall of the town gives a sudden turn, apparently without reason. This angle is so near 
 the gate, that the stones which contribute to form one side of it, are cut so as to coincide with the con- 
 tinuation to the left, as will be observed both in the picturesque view and geometrical elevation of this 
 gale. (See Plate A. Fig. 5.) 
 
 This apparent caprice in the construction of the gates and walls is so general as to form almost a 
 characteristic mark of the Cyclopian remains. There is a singular mixture of apparent ignorance of 
 the most common rules of architecture, together with the nicest work, and a wonderful knowledge of 
 the means of attaining strength and solidily, the best proof of which is the preservation in which these 
 stupendous works are handed down to us. 
 
 A more peculiar instance, perhaps, of this apparent caprice is found in the next gate, which is much 
 larger. (See Plate A. Fig. 6 ) Here the wall seems to have been adapted purposely to the construc- 
 tion of the gate, as it projects a sufficient space to contain it, and then returns with so acute an angle, 
 that the entrance of the gate was in consequence formed sideways. (See Plan, Fig. 7- Plate A.) 
 
 There are two more gates, one of which is entered sideways, but without so acute an angle, and the 
 other still serves as an entrance to the modern town. 
 
 The site inclosed within these walls offers not the smallest vestige of the ancient town, and I did 
 not hear that there were any Cyclopian remains within the modern town, as I had found to be the 
 case at Alatri. In that place, many of the houses are built upon foundations of Cyclopian work, the 
 enormous blocks of which are merely covered with a thin coat of brick or plaster. We must except 
 here likewise, the foundation of the church of San Pietro. It is composed of one or two steps of Cy- 
 clopian work, which rise however to so very small a height, that it is impossible to guess what they 
 served for; but the church is now formed by a roof and steeple merely added to the cell of an ancient 
 temple of Roman structure. 
 
 This single monument, by bringing together the two styles, serves in itself as an argument for the 
 impossibility of their having ever been adopted by the same nations, and is a convincing proof that 
 the Romans, when they colonized Signia, merely adapted to their own use, those buildings which 
 they found already raised ; and probably were induced to colonize the place, because they found the 
 walls already constructed, and in fact every thing that constituted a town. 
 
 I observed near this church, as in several other places in Segni where the Cyclopian work had been 
 in part demolished, a peculiarity which may throw some light upon the mode of construction of these 
 remote nations whenever they wished to attain any additional strength or solidity. On the interior sur- 
 face of the stones, which have been left uncovered by the demolition of the upper part of the wall, are 
 oblong holes cut in the block : some about eight or ten inches long, an inch wide, and from two to 
 three deep. By conceiving that the upper stone, which fitted upon these, was hollowed in the same 
 manner, it would allow space for the introduction of a piece of wood or iron, about ten inches long, by 
 four or six broad ; and this, tightly incased within the wall, prevented the stones from being removed out 
 of their place by any external injury. Every antiquary knows that a similar method was sometimes 
 
 G 
 
do 
 
 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 idopted to prevent the different layers of stones in columns from being removed from the perpendicular ; 
 and likewise that the holes, which are so observable all over the exterior of the Colisseum, have given 
 rise to many conjectures respecting the use for which they served. 
 
 Near the church there is a circular excavation, which served in these elevated situations, where foun- 
 tains were scarce, for the reception of rain water. Drains apparently led from it, and communicated 
 with various parts of the city. These cisterns were probably coated with the famous cement which 
 was called " Opus Signinum," and is mentioned by Pliny and Vitruvius. 
 
 " What has not art invented?" says Pliny, (Hist. Nat. lib. 1.5. cap. 12.) in speaking of this cement 
 which was composed of broken tiles, mixed up with mortar. Vitruvius (cup. tilt, de arch.) gives the 
 detailed receipt for the manufacture of it. 
 
 Segni was likewise famous for its wine, which is mentioned by various authors; and by some as 
 being medicinal. How far it may have retained the latter quality I cannot say, but it is at present of 
 a very inferior kind. 
 
 Pliny (Hist. Nat. Ub. 14. cap. 5.) and Corn. Celsus (lib. 4. cap. .5.) mention it as a medicinal wine. 
 Martial likewise : 
 
 Potabis liquidum Signina morantia ventrem : 
 Ne nimium sistant, sit tibi parca siiis. 
 
 Epig. cxvi. lib. 13. 
 
 and Alhenasus says that the Segni wine must not be drank before it is six years old. 
 
 We copied a number of inscriptions that lie scattered in various parts of the town ; some in private 
 houses, others serving as corner-posts in the streets ; some of them are, very probably, already pub- 
 lished, but if so, are scattered in ponderous collections. I shall therefore give them all, as they serve 
 to throw some light upon the history of Segni. 
 
 On the left hand of the great gate, by which you enter the modern town, is the following inscrip- 
 tion, on a stone made use of to build the wall. 
 
 M. MEMMIVS. M. F. 
 
 PR 
 
 SIGNA BASEIS 
 DE SVA PECVNIA. 
 
 This inscription is very ancient, as we may judge by the Hellenism of the EI, and likewise from the 
 circumstance of its being cut on a very rough stone. Above it is an ornament, consisting of Doric 
 triglyphs. 
 
 C. VOLVMNIVS. C. F. FLACCVS 
 
 mi VIE. I. l). 
 
 Q VOLVMNIVS. Q. F. MAKSVS 
 
 CRVPTAM ET LOCVM VBI CRVPTA EST ABEAM 
 
 VBI VIRIDIA SVNT MVNICIPIO SIGNINO DE SVA PEQ. DEDER. 
 
 r llns inscription is in the hall of a private house at Segni and is very remarkable for the beauty of 
 the incision. It is on a fine marble slab; and the artist has left, above and below the letters, the lines 
 with which he regulated their size; as well as the perpendicular lines at the beginning of the inscrip- 
 tion, by which he directed the lineation. 
 
 I always think that these little details, which shew us the manner of proceeding in the construction 
 of any ancient monument, are very interesting. They carry one as it were into the workman's shop, 
 and it is very seldom that the antiquary has this pleasure afforded him, if we except in the case of the 
 town of Pompeii. 
 
 A more important peculiarity of this inscription is, however, that we learn by it that Signia was a 
 municipal town. The « Quatuorviri" were peculiar to the municipia, as the Decurions were to the 
 colonial towns. 
 
 The Crupta, given by these Quatuorviri to the municipality of Signia, was a place for the purpose of 
 burying the dead, or rather of depositing their ashes. These suhterraneous grottos acquired the name 
 of Columbaria, from the niches cut in them, which resembled pigeon-holes, and were destined to re- 
 ceive the urns. 
 
IN ITALY. 
 
 41 
 
 The Viridia were burying-places above ground, and nothing more than a particular portion of ground 
 allotted to that purpose, and inclosed with a wall. 
 
 These gifts were very common, as we find from other inscriptions. The one in this case included 
 the Columbarium, and the whole area on which the Viridia (or burying-places) were situated. 
 
 In the hall of the same house is the following inscription : 
 
 DIVO HADRIANO 
 MAXIMAE MEMORIAE 
 PRINC1PI 
 SENATVS POPVLVSQ. SIGNINVS. 
 QVOD OPERA REIPVBLICAE 
 PROFVSA LIBERALITATE 
 
 DATA PECVNIA T 
 
 IVSSER1T 
 
 It is probable that this inscription was meant to perpetuate the gratitude of the inhabitants of Signia 
 for the remission of some great debt, and it coincides perfectly with an historical fact— that of Adrian's 
 having granted t lie Roman people the remission of a debt of a large amount; and the people of Signia 
 may have raised this inscription in gratitude for their share of it. 
 
 D.M. 
 
 COS MARCELLA 
 
 NA. QVAE VIXIT ANNI 
 
 XXII. M. III. D. X. VERVLANVS 
 
 SEVER AN - - S CONIVGI 
 
 INCOMPARABILI FECIT 
 
 It is very difficult to decipher this inscription. So much so, that the age of the deceased has been read 
 by some XII, as we found in a MS. treating of these inscriptions at Segni. This difference destroys 
 in some degree the interest of it. I read it myself XXII ; but, on the other hand, there are not want- 
 ing proofs that the Roman girls were married at that tender age ; and in some of the inscriptions given 
 by Gruterus, there are instances of their having been married at eleven, and even at ten years of age. 
 
 The inscription, however, is not the less affecting, even should this lamented wife have died at the 
 age of XXII, when habit had already contributed to endear the nuptial tie. The epithet of "incom- 
 "parabilis" shews the warmth of a husband's affection, while the rough manner in which the whole of 
 it is executed would almost pronounce it to have been the work of his own hands. 
 
 In the great place opposite the cathedral of Segni, is the following inscription : 
 
 VOLVMNIA. Q. L. 
 HALENE 
 PVPIANA 
 H. M. H. N. S. 
 
 Above it, and on the same block, is the alto-relievo of a woman's bust. It signifies " Voluinnia Quinti 
 " Liberia, Halenc pupiana. Hoc monumentum haaredem non Sequitur." The meaning of the latter 
 phrase, expressed by initials, is, without doubt, that the monument was not to pass to the heirs of that 
 family which erected it. There were hereditary sepulchres, and those that were not so. It appears 
 that Volumnia, after receiving her freedom, had taken the name of her former master. 
 
 The abbreviations at the end of this inscription are very common. Here is one of another kind found 
 in the neighbourhood of Rome : 
 
 CRESCENTI 
 
 ONI INN O 
 
 V. A. IIII. M. 
 VIII. DIES XX. PPPP. 
 
 It is given in the " Voyage des Catacombes," and the author explains it thus, " Crescention, still inno- 
 " cent, lived four years, eight months, and twenty days." The four letters at the end are the abbre- 
 viation fat " Pii pa rentes plangentes posuerunt." 
 
42 
 
 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 Fixed in the wall of the Cathedral is the following : 
 
 M. AVRELIO ANTONINO CAES. IMP CAES 
 L. SEPTIMI SEVERE PERTINACIS AVG PII 
 ARACICI ADIABENICI P. P. FILIO 
 S. P. Q. S. 
 
 Tl 
 
 ns inscription probably belonged to a monument erected in honour of the Emperor Antoninus so 
 well known by the name of Caracalla. The epoch may be fixed about A. D. 196, as it was in that year 
 that he received from his father the title of Caesar, and in 197, that of Emperor. The titles of « Ara- 
 " bicus" and " Adiabenicus," conferred on Septimus Severus, refer to the victories of that Emperor over 
 those two nations, which he added to the Roman empire. Adiabena is mentioned by Strabo, (Book 
 1 I.) and lies on the confines of Armenia, between the Caspian and Euxine Seas. 
 
 P. HORDONIVS PE---- 
 GALLVS HERCOLEI 
 M. CAECILIVS M. F. RVFVS 
 C^CLAVDIVS C. F. PRISCVS 
 nil VIR. ID. S. C. AVGVRES 
 AEDEM REF1CIENDAM SIGNVM 
 TRANSFERENDVM BASIM 
 PONENDAM CVRAVE. P. P. 
 
 This inscription throws some light upon the first 1 gave, which probably referred to the same Si K uum 
 or monument. ' 
 
 L. VOLVMN1V 
 
 THEOPHILVS SEX 
 
 VOLVMNIA. L. L. ARBVSC 
 
 L. VOLVMNIVS. L. L. 
 ABDA. SEX. VIR 
 S1BI ET PATRONO ET CONLIB - - 
 
 This inscription was erected by two freed men to their former master, and fellow-slaves, and is ano- 
 ther instance of the custom they had of taking their master's name. Some suppose the "Sex Viri" to 
 have been a civil office subject to the Decurions; others, a religious office ; it was also a rank in the 
 Koman cavaliy. 
 
 Of the Hernici, and their Capital, Ferentinum. 
 
 Scgni, although immediately on the boundaries of the territory of the Hernici, was nevertheless a 
 V olscian town. 
 
 The Hernici inhabited all that tract of country, bounded on one side by the chain of the Lepini, on 
 the other, by the mountains which separate them from the Mqui and the Samnites. To this S. E. they 
 had the natural boundary of the river Liris (now the Garigliano); and towards Rome they were se- 
 parated from the nearest nation on that side (which we suppose to be the Lavicam) by the river too ; 
 or, as some think, by a boundary line, which ran along a place now called " Castellacio," or " Pim- 
 " pmara," a mile or two nearer than the river to Anagni, and on the Via Latini. 
 
 The Hernici derived their name from the word Herna, which, in the language of the Marsi, signi- 
 fies rock; or, as others suppose, from a Pelasgian chief called Hernicus. (See Kircker, b. iii. c°S) 
 I he valley, which is included under this denomination, is one of the most delightful that can be con- 
 ceived; it is protected on each side by lofty mountains, and through the centre of it runs the river 
 Sacco, which contributes to fertilize the whole of the surrounding country. The hills are covered 
 with olive trees, and the plains with corn. Add to this, the facility of access afforded by the Via La- 
 tina, which ,s ranked by Strabo with the Via Appia, (fii, 5.) and which leads through the centre of 
 it ; and it affords the idea of one of the richest and most populous countries imaginable. ^ For this reason 
 
IN ITALY. 
 
 43 
 
 )cen 
 
 all the epithets used by the ancient poets in describing this tract, contribute lo give an idea of richness 
 and fertility : 
 
 ------- - et roscida rivis 
 
 Hernica saxa colunt: cpios, dives Anagnia, pascis; 
 
 Mi. vii. 683. 
 
 The " Frugiferis Cerealis Anagnia glebis," and the " Pinguis Anagnia," of Silius Italicus, imply 
 the same thing. 
 Statius says, 
 
 ----- nunc frondosa supra 
 
 Hernica. Si/lv. lib. iv. 5. 
 
 We visited the three principal towns of this country, which are Anagni, the ancient Anagnia ; Fe- 
 rentino, the ancient Ferentinum ; and Alatri, formerly Aletrium. At the first of these places there are 
 no Cyclopian remains whatsoever. Anagni is famous for the number of prodigies which have be 
 witnessed there. Livy scarcely ever mentions this town without allying its name with some wonde 
 ful occurrence. (hiv. b. 27 '. 29- 43. and 45.) 
 
 At Ferentinum, which is situated on a small eminence, about five miles from Anagnia, and twelve 
 from Segni, there are very fine remains of walls ; and the citadel is likewise built of Cyclopian stones 
 although it is very doubtful, from an inscription which is extant on the upper part of the wall, whether 
 these stones have not merely been made use of by the Romans. This is by no means a singular case 
 and although the blocks preserve more or less of their polygonal shape, the arrangement of them bears 
 traces of much more recent workmanship. In some instances of this kind they are intermixed with the 
 " Opus Reticulatum ;" in this case, however, it is evident that the " Reticulatum" was only used to 
 fill up a small space where a stone had fallen out. 
 
 As I have been induced to mention these two cities merely because they afford specimens of Cyclo- 
 pian work, and as the walls of Alatri are much finer than those of Ferentinum, I shall content myself 
 with giving, of the latter place, a view of a very fine gate, which is undoubtedly Etruscan, and which 
 offers an example of the manner in which the ancients contented themselves with replacing the o-ates, 
 and leaving the wall as they found it. This may be seen to the left in the view, where the wall, which 
 is of a very ancient Cyclopian style, is seen in perspective.' It is only interrupted by this gate, and 
 continues again to the right. 
 
 I shall say still less of the history of these two towns, which merely offer, like their neighbours, ex- 
 amples of a few struggles for liberty in the earlier periods of the Roman history, and then sink' into 
 oblivion from the greater importance of the events which occupied the attention of ancient historians. 
 
 Ferentinum was subdued as early as the reign of Tullius Hostilius. {Vet. Lot. iii. 3.) It is now a 
 considerable town, and has about three thousand inhabitants. 
 
 Of the Cyclopian Remains at Alatri. 
 
 The town of Alatri, formerly Aletrium, is ranked with Ferentino, from which it is seven miles distant 
 among those cities which are supposed to have been founded by Saturnus, and are hence called Sa- 
 turnian. 
 
 It is called by historians the most ancient city of the Hernici; but, from the internal evidence of its 
 walls, I should judge it to be coeval with Ferentinum, and not so ancient as Signia. That the Romans 
 esteemed these towns to have been of Grecian origin, is evident from a passage of Plautus, where Er- 
 gasilus swears by these cities ; and they are given with their Grecian names, and called " Barbaricas 
 " urbes." 
 
 ( Erg.) vri t«u Koqav ! 
 (Hegio.) Jam diu. (E.J «, ro n>«<„ S oT,» ! (H.J Venit? (E.) 
 (H.J Certon? (E.J w,TO»Opoi*ra™«! (H.J Vide Sis ! (E.J », ™ Ax«rf/o» ! 
 (H.J Quid per barbaricas urbes juras ? 
 
 Plaut. Capt. Act Ath. Sc. 2. 
 
 As you enter the gate of San Pietro, which leads to Ferentinum, a peculiarity is observable, which 
 is afforded by none of the above-mentioned towns. (See Plate 18.) On the exterior and interior walls, 
 
 H 
 
GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 adjacent to the gate, are two bassi relievi, which are almost defaced by time; but which, after having 
 been accurately examined, both on the spot, and through the means of the cast of a mould taken from 
 one of them, are determined by antiquaries to be the 
 
 Custos furum atque avium, cum falce saligna. Georg. iv. 110. 
 
 It is, however, by no means improbable, that it may be a representation of their founder, Saturnus 
 whom we know to have been deified. The basso relievo, in its mutilated state, gives exactly the idea 
 of the manner in which Saturn was described, with his attributes : 
 
 Vitisator, curvam servans sub imagine falcem 
 Saturnusque senex : JEn. vii. 179. 
 
 for so I think this passage ought to be read, and the descriptive line attributed to Saturnus, and not 
 to Sabinus, as is done by some commentators ; for we always find Saturn represented as an old man 
 with a long beard, and holding in his hand a scythe. {Alb. de Deor. Imag.) We find likewise that the 
 ancients were in the habit of placing, at the gates of their cities, images of the gods which were the 
 particular objects of their worship ; so that those who entered or departed from the town might, ac- 
 cording to a rite of their religion, salute them, and touch them with the right hand, which they after- 
 wards kissed : 
 
 Turn portas propter ahena 
 Signa manus dextras ostendunt attenuari 
 Saepe salutantium tactu. 
 
 See Jos. Lanr. De Far. Sacr. Gent. cap. 8. 
 
 We find, however, by a small gate of the citadel, that the ancient inhabitants of Alatri were in the 
 habit of employing the representation of the god of Lampsacus ; therefore it is fair to suppose that the 
 same god is figured at this gate. 
 
 Priapus was supposed by the inhabitants of Lampsacus, who were his chief worshippers, to be the 
 son of Bacchus. {See Strabo, lib. 13.) Athenasus goes farther, and says he was the same as Bacchus, 
 and the word Priapus was merely an epithet, as Dithyramb as. A basso relievo, which I have observed 
 at the Villa Albani, near Rome, would seem to confirm this assertion. The subject of it is Silenus 
 teaching Priapus to drive in a Biga, drawn by a goat and a panther. 
 
 The author, just quoted above, goes on to say, that " non solum in portis et foribus statua? collocatas 
 " ad religionem ac tutelam, verum etiam ad fascinum avertendum. Hortos et fores, ait Plinius, {Lib. 
 " xix. c. 4.) contra invidentium effascinationes dicare solebant, et in remedio erant Satyrica Signa ; 
 "etiam Satyricon invidiam pellebat; nam quae turpia erant, et ridicula, ad avertendam illam pestem 
 " accomodata credebantur ; obtutu et aspectu invidentium obscoenitate et miraculo turpitudinis avocatis, 
 " ut refert Plutarchus. Unde ad earn repellendam de collo pueroruni suspendebant. {Varro, lib. 6.) 
 " Pueris turpicula in collo suspenditur, ne quid obsit, bona scaevas causa hinc fascinum vocatur puden- 
 " dum virile, quod fascinum depelleret, quod e collo puerorum suspenderetur et e curru triumphan- 
 " tium." {Jos. Lain: Var. Sacr. Gent. cap. 8.) 
 
 One of these amulets, intended to be hung to the neck of a child, was bought by us at Palestrina, 
 where it had been found. 
 
 With regard to the general mode of representing this God, it is varied : " Si jinterroge (says the 
 author of " Fetes et Courtisanes de la Grece") les premiers monumens, je vois quon le represente 
 " d'abord par line pierre informe, enfin par une pierre taillee, par un cippe carre auquel on attacha les 
 " organes du sexe male, et que dans la suite on surmonta d'une tete. Le plus souvent il ne fut indique 
 " que par le Phallus." The basso relievo of the small gate at Alatri is of the latter kind. So also is 
 that so well known as being at the door of one of the houses of Pompeii. 
 
 The gate of San Pietro offers three distinct styles of building :— the Cyclopian to the right ; the 
 ancient Roman work of the gate itself ; and the tower, to the left, which is evidently of the middle 
 ages. 
 
 In the street leading from this gate to the citadel, there are remains of Cyclopian walls, Mhich I am 
 inclined to believe were not anciently placed there; but are probably Cyclopian stones, transported 
 there for the purpose of building, as it may be observed that this polygonal construction was in general 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 feu 
 
 ■ r 
 
IN ITALY. 45 
 
 only adopted in order to support the terraces of a hill, or to form the exterior wall of (lie city, and 
 that of the Acropolis, or citadel. That of Alatri offers some very fine specimens of Cyclopian work. 
 The great gate is a wonderful monument of art, and the Herculean labour which it, must have cost in 
 building, impresses us with the highest idea of the architectural knowledge of those remote nations. 
 
 The citadel, on the side where this gate is situated, is defended by a very high bastion, which sup- 
 ports the platform of the ancient level, and the gate is opened in this bastion. (See Plate 19.) They 
 probably descended to it by steps, which I have suggested to have been the case at Segni. The whole 
 of this bastion, which extends in equal dimensions round the greatest part of the citadel, is formed of 
 immense polygonal blocks, and the stone, which forms the architrave of the gate, is twenty-three Ro- 
 man palms, or nearly fifteen English feet and a half in length, seven feet broad, and seven feet thick 
 The thickness of the wall, at the place you enter by this gate, is forty-three feet. (See Plate B Fi<>- 9 
 and 10.) This stone, however, is surpassed in size by the architrave of the Treasury of Atreus, at My- 
 cena?, which, as I have excellent authority for stating, is, from accurate measurement, twenty-four feet 
 long, seventeen feet in breadth, and four feet thick. 
 
 In the Plate B. Fig. 9, may he seen several rough stones, which rise from the ground, so as to form 
 an angle of about forty degrees; these I conjecture to have supported the steps which led to the o-ate : 
 indeed the mark of a step is very evident upon one of them, as is expressed in the engraving. 
 
 The 20th Plate represents the interior view of this gate, by which may he seen the manner in which 
 it is situated relatively to the level of the platform of the ancient citadel, where the Cathedral of Ala- 
 tri is now erected. 
 
 The 21st Plate represents a small gate, situated on the opposite side of the citadel. Over it are 
 the emblems of Priapus, which induce us to believe, that the bassi relievi of the gate of San Pietro are 
 of the same nature. 
 
 The delicacy of one of the bishops of Alatri induced him to deface this very curious monument of 
 
 The gate itself is very 
 
 antiquity, and it is now precisely in the state in which I have represented it. 
 small, and partly buried under ground. 
 
 We copied various inscriptions which are scattered about the modern town ; none of them however 
 are very interesting, except the following one, which shews that Alatri was once a municipal town, and 
 was spelt Aletrium ; as indeed it is called by Strabo, kx^uti. 
 
 C. IVLIO. C. F. PVB. RVFO 
 VETERANO COH. vi. PR. 
 AQVILI1 MAXIMI 
 PRAETORI AED. mi VIRO. I. D. 
 MVNICIPIO ALETRI 
 C. IVLIVS C. F. RVFINVS FRATRI 
 BENEMERENTI ET SIB1 POSTER1SQVE SVIS. 
 
 This inscription, which is very well cut, is in the bishop's garden. 
 
 Road from Ferentino to Palestrina. 
 
 On returning from Ferentino to Palestrina, may be seen a city to the left, called Monte Fortino; here 
 Kircker places the ancient Corbio. Livy mentions that at this place the jEqui were sent under the 
 yoke, in the year A. U. C. 296, and under the consulship of Lucius Minucius and Caius Plautius. It 
 has been taken several times, and the neighbourhood has been the seat of several important battles be- 
 tween the jEqui and the Romans. (See Livy, ii. 3.) 
 
 About seven miles from Palestrina is Valmontone, a town which now belongs to the Doria family, 
 and is supposed by Kircker to be the ancient Labicum. The town itself is situated upon a very high 
 and insulated rock, in the middle of the plain, and can boast of no remains of antiquity; but below, in 
 the vicinity, there are immense numbers of Grecian sepulchres, or u -m>ya,a, cut in the tufo rock. We 
 counted between thirty and forty of them. They are now employed as stables by the neighbouring- 
 peasantry, and some even as workshops. The general shape of these tombs is an oblong, with paral- 
 lel sides, but one of them we observed to be circular. At the entrance of many of them, the holes for 
 the introduction of the hinges, upon which the doors turned, are still visible. The doors are all of 
 
46 
 
 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 them narrower at I lie top than at the bottom : this, wherever it occurs, is a sign of the highest anti- 
 quity. The most ancient Cyclopian gates, as I have already said, are of that shape ; and there is 
 scarcely an instance of its occurrence in any monuments of less antiquity, if we except the Temple of 
 Vesta at Tivoli, and one or two others. 
 
 If these marks of antiquity did not suffice to establish the certainty of their Pelasgic origin, their si- 
 milarity to those commonly observed in Greece cannot fail to do it. 
 
 I visited them with a person familiarized, by a long residence in Greece, with the monuments of 
 that country ; and he assured me, that they were in every respect the same as those he had observed 
 there, and bore as much internal evidence of antiquity. 
 
 We entered most of these tombs with the hope of finding some of the burying-places undisturbed. 
 In this case, a rich reward of vases, lachrymatories, and pateras, might have resulted from digging in 
 them, but we found them all open. This could hardly fail to be the case, as these tombs are all placed 
 in such a conspicuous place, bordering upon the modern road. 
 
 Similar tombs, and I am told more perfect remains of them, are now extant at Cervetri (the ancient 
 Agylla). Very recent visits to these sepulchres have afforded the curious some patera? and lachryma- 
 tories ; and the present proprietor of the place has in his possession many of those vases which are 
 known by the name of Etruscan, and which have been at different times dug up in these sepulchres. 
 
 Palestrina. 
 
 This city is built on the site of the Temple of Fortune. The ancient Praeneste lay in the plain below, 
 and its citadel at the summit of the hill. Praeneste is mentioned by Strabo as one of the most ancient 
 and celebrated cities of Latium. There are various opinions concerning the origin, which is lost in 
 antiquity. Kircker says that it was founded by Praenestus, the son of Ulysses and Circe (P. iii. 
 c. 1.); but that Plutarch derives it from Telegonus, who was ordered to build a city where he should 
 meet the people dancing, with garlands in their hands. He mentions several other conjectures, and 
 ends with the one which attributes its foundation to Caeculus, the son of Vulcan, for which we have 
 the authority of Virgil : 
 
 Nec Praenestinae fundator defuit urbis, 
 Vulcano genitum pecora inter agrestia regem, 
 Inventumque focis, omnis quern creditit astas, 
 Cseculus. Mi. vii. 679. 
 
 But, as the annotator on this passage very properly observes, Virgil contradicts himself when he makes 
 the old Evander say that, in his youth, he slew the King Herilus under the walls of that Praeneste, 
 of which the founder, Caeculus, then a young man, was espousing the cause of Turnus, at the head of 
 his troops : 
 
 O ! mihi praeteritos referat si Jupiter annos ! 
 Qualis eram, cum primam aciem Praeneste sub ipsa 
 Stravi, scutorumque incendi victor acervos : 
 Et regem hac Herilum dextra sub tartara misi. 
 
 JEn. viii. 560. 
 
 There can be no doubt, however, that it is a Pelasgian city, as there are remains of very ancient Cy- 
 clopian walls. 
 
 The etymology of the name of Praeneste is no less a subject of dispute than its foundation ; some say 
 it was so called from the Greek, a?t» rm neam, on account of the oaks with which the surrounding country 
 abounded. 
 
 Strabo, on comparing Praeneste with Tibur, (Lib. 5.) says, " Both cities are situated in the moun- 
 " tain, at the distance from each other of one hundred stadia ;" (there were eight stadia to a mile. 
 See Strabo, Kb. 7-) " but Prasneste is about two hundred stadia from Rome, and Tibur is not quite so 
 " far. It is said that both cities are of Grecian origin, and the ancient name of Praeneste was Poly- 
 " Stephanos. Both places are fortified by their position, but Praeneste the most so, for the citadel is 
 " placed on a very high mountain, which is separated from, and overlooks those behind it. In addi- 
 
, J? 
 
- - — >- ■—■ •••• 
 
IN ITALY. 47 
 
 " lion to this natural strength, it is fortified hy various subterraneous passages, same for the purpose 
 " of conducting water to the different parts of the city, and others to facilitate the secret evasion of the 
 " inhabitants. In one of these passages the junior Marius perished." 
 
 Livy likewise gives an account of the death of Cains Marius in this place. He says that when this 
 General found he could not escape by the secret passage, be agreed with the companion of his flight, 
 Pontius Telessinus, that they should kill each other. This was effected with regard to his friend, 
 whom be slew ; but as be was oidy wounded himself, be persuaded his servant to put an end to him 
 (lav. Bp. 88.) 
 
 Valerius Maxiraus extols this deed, and says, the servant was as praiseworthy for killing his master 
 on such an occasion, as be would have been, on any other, for preserving his life. (Lib. vi. c. 8.) 
 
 According to Polybius, Praeneste was the ancient city where all those who were under exile retired • 
 as in the case of Furius Pbilus, Praetor of Spain ; and of Metianus, the father of Tiberius Csesar. Sue- 
 tonius likewise tells us, that Augustus delighted very much in Palcstrina as a residence. 
 
 Lucius Cornelius Sylla took his name from the Sybiline books; Sulla, or Sylla, being a corruption 
 of the word Sybilla. Pliny infor ms us, that when Sylla was a boy be was met by an old woman who 
 on seeing him, exclaimed, " Hail to the youth w ho shall one day improve bis own fortunes, and those 
 "of the republic." After a long series of fortunate events,— after he had subdued Jugurtha and 
 Mithridates,— after various successful engagements by sea and by land ; and after he had put an end to 
 his greatest enemy, Marius, at Palestrina, he built the Temple of Fortune upon that spot, in comme- 
 moration of his various successes, the 
 
 Praenestinae nice 
 
 ma sacra 
 
 I), 
 
 Ovid. 
 
 This Temple was immense, and occupied the whole space of the modern town, which rises in different 
 platforms to the midway of the mountain, at the summit of which the citadel of the ancient Prteneste 
 was situated. 
 
 There have been various plans and drawings made of this Temple, as it is supposed to have exisled 
 in its perfect state. Among others, Kircker has given one; but I must own I think that imagination 
 has been called in to aid this undertaking, as the remains, which I have scrupulously visited, are in a 
 very imperfect state, and lie scattered among, or are entirely buried by, the masses of modern budd- 
 ings; and it is very difficult to form an idea of the original plan. All that is observable is the series 
 of different platforms, upon which the different stories of it were situated. 
 
 Those who are curious respecting the ancient Mosaic, said to have formed a part of this Temple, and 
 now in the Barberini Palace, may consult Kircker, who gives his own conjectures and those of others 
 concerning it. 
 
 The ancient city of Praeneste was below in the plain, and immense piles of ruined walls, anion? 
 which arc those of two small temples, lie scattered among the vineyards in the vicinity of the modern 
 town. There are likewise the remains of an immense building, supposed to have been the Palace of 
 Aurelian. It was here that was found the famous Antinous, which is now in the Braschi Palace at 
 Rome. 
 
 Prseneste experienced a number of vicissitudes. After having been destroyed by the Sicani, it was 
 colonized and rebuilt by the Albans under Latinus Sylvius. It continued in this state, and prospered, 
 until fifteen years after the destruction of Alba, when it was brought under the Roman dominion, 
 together with three other Latin towns, which had likewise been under the jurisdiction of the Albans. 
 
 In the year A. U. C. 255, the Praenestini separated themselves from the league formed against the 
 Romans, but were again forced to make common cause with the Latins, until their general defeat at 
 the lake Regillus, which occasioned the treaty of peace for one hundred years. 
 
 In the year A. U. C. 369, they again proved their want of good faith, deserted the league which they 
 had formed against the Romans with the Veliterni, and attacked, jointly with the auxiliary Volscians 
 the town of Satricum. This they took and sacked ; but the allied army was soon after defeated by Ca- 
 millas, and they again fell under the Roman yoke in the year A. U. C. 37-1. 
 
 Several years afterwards, finding that Rome was a prey to civil dissensions, they sent out an army, 
 which, after devastating the surrounding fields, penetrated as far as the Porta Collina, and occasioned 
 great consternation among the Roman citizens. This attack, however, was the cause of the immediate 
 cessation of civil discord, and the Romans sallied out against their common enemies. The Praenestini 
 
 i 
 
48 
 
 GRECIAN REMAINS 
 
 left the city, and fixed their camp at the river Allia, where they were attacked by the Romans under 
 lhc command of Titus Quintals. He repulsed the Praties tini with great loss, pursued his success, 
 subdued nine cities which had acknowledged their power, and ended by taking their capital; from 
 whence he transported to Rome a statue of Jupiter, which was placed in the capital, with an inscrip- 
 tion purporting that " T. Quintius had taken nine cities in twenty days." 
 
 The Pranestini, jointly with the Tiburtini, again raised the standard of rebellion in the year A. U. C. 
 414 • but this revolt was again quelled, when they were defeated by Lucius F. Camillus. 
 
 By that strange fatality which, as we have before observed, led so many cities to employ an equal 
 decree of courage for and against the Roman cause, they fought so bravely while they were enlisted 
 under their banners at Casilinum, a place on the river Vulturnus, where four or five hundred Pranes- 
 tini were besieged by Hannibal, that the Roman senate voted their soldiers double pay, and five years' 
 remission from service ; and the city, for the same reason, was admitted to the honour of being a mu- 
 nicipium. (Strabo, lib. 5.) 
 
 Journey from Palestrina to Rome, by the Lake Regi/lns and Gabii. 
 
 There are two roads which lead from Palestrina to Rome; the one which is usually travelled turns 
 to the left before you arrive at Zagarola, and continues, by the foot of the hill on which the village of 
 Colonna is situated, to the lake Regillus. 
 
 Before you arrive at Zagarola there is a very finely-preserved portion of the ancient Via Pranestina. 
 Shortly after the turn may be observed, to the right, a very curious ancient tomb, cut in the solid rock, 
 and probably Grecian, although it does not exhibit such marks of high antiquity as those of Valmon- 
 tone The plan is that of an oblong, and there are on each side small niches, hollowed in the rock, 
 for the reception of cinerary urns ; while to the left, near the door, is a larger receptacle, which must 
 have served for the body of the master. (See Plate B. Fig. 11.) 
 
 Two miles beyond the " Osteria," at the foot of the hill of Colonna, and to the right, is the small 
 lake of Regillus. The neighbourhood is famous for having been the field of battle where the Latins 
 were defeated by Posthumius. Here it was that this Dictator, finding that the event of the day was 
 doubtful threw the Roman standard among the enemy's troops, and asked, who would go and rescue 
 it! (Floras, lib. i. e. 9.) Dionysius gives a very detailed account of this battle. The order of it was 
 the following :— Sextus Tarquinius was on the left wing of the Latins, and Octavius Mamilius on the 
 right. Titus, another son of Tarquin, commanded the centre, which was composed of Roman exiles. 
 The left of the Roman army was commanded by Titus /Ebutius, general of the horse, who was opposed 
 to Octavius Mamilius. The right was commanded by Titus Virginias, who was placed opposite to 
 Sextus Tarquinius; and the centre was headed by Posthumius the Dictator. The Roman army con- 
 sisted in all of twenty-three thousand seven hundred infantry, and one thousand cavalry : the Latin 
 army was composed of forty thousand infantry, and tbree thousand cavalry. 
 
 Before the battle, Posthumius, seeing that the Romans were panic struck, made them a long speech, 
 at the conclusion of which they cried out, with one accord, "Fear nothing, and lead us on !" Castor 
 and Pollux mounted on white horses, are said to have assisted at this battle, the success of which they 
 announced at Rome, where there are several monuments that record this wonderful apparition ! (Dion. 
 Hal. lib. 6. F/orus, lib. i. c. It. and Val. Max. lib. i. c. 8 ) 
 
 If the traveller is on horseback he may return to Rome through Zagarola, and by this means fol- 
 lows the ancient "Via Pranestina," of which there are some portions in high preservation. He will 
 moreover have an opportunity of examining the site of ancient Gabii. 
 
 The situation of this city was for a long while a subject of dispute among antiquaries; it was, bow- 
 ever, pointed out so exactly by ancient authors, that it is astonishing that it was not sooner dis- 
 covered. 
 
 Strabo describes it as a city "lying on the Via Pranestina, midway between Rome and Praneste, 
 " and about one hundred stadia from each of them." (Lib. 5.) 
 
 Appian says, " It is a city midway between Rome and Palestrina." 
 
 Dionysius agrees with them, and says, that " there was a city called Gabii, colonized by the Latins 
 " and Albans, and situated one hundred stadia from Rome, on the Via Pranestina." We know, from 
 
IN ITALY 
 
 40 
 
 the authority of Dionysiiis and Plutarch, tihat Romulus and Remus were sent to Gabii by Nu'mitor in 
 order that they might he secretly educated. 
 
 In tlie time even of Diouysius the city was entirely uninhabited, with the exception of that part 
 which was frequented on account of its vicinity to the road. " It had been, however, a populous and 
 " spacious city," says Dionysius, "■ if we may judge by the ruins of buildings which remain here and 
 " there, and by the circumference of the walls, which are for the most part standing." None of these 
 remains are now extant, if we except a small brick temple, situated not far from the lake of Gabii, 
 which is now called " Lago di Castiglione,'' and is evidently, as is also the lake Regillus, formed from 
 the crater of an extinct volcano. 
 
 Tarquin could not for a long time obtain his favourite end, which was the conquest of Gabii. At 
 length he effected it by the following stratagem : — 
 
 His son, Scxtus Tarquinius, feigned to have incurred the displeasure of his father, and took refuge 
 at Gabii, where his flattery, hypocrisy, and pretended benevolence, gained him the complete confidence 
 of the citizens ; and by degrees he attained the first offices of the city. He then sent a messenger to 
 inform his father of his success. Tarquin, who was suspicious of his son's messenger, look him into 
 the garden, where he struck off the heads of the tallest of some poppies which were all growing in the 
 same bed. He by this means indicated what was soon after put in execution by his son, who got rid 
 of the heads of the government of Gabii, either by exile or death ; and the weakened city soon became 
 a urey to the Romans. 
 
 Juno was principally adored at Gabii, as we find by Virgil, who mentions the 
 
 arva Gabiiue 
 
 Junonis. jEn. vii. 682. 
 
 and Silius Italicus, the 
 
 Junonis tecta Gabina;. Pitnicct, lib. 12. 
 
 As I proceeded to Rome I must have passed very near the field of battle where Camillus defeated 
 the Gauls, after they had taken Rome, in the year A. U. C. 365. Livy (lib. v. c. 49.) says it was at the 
 eighth stone on the Via Gabina. 
 
 In this short journey from Palestrina to Rome, the mind glances over the history of many centuries : 
 the imagination is insensibly led by the contemplation of monuments constructed at such different pe- 
 riods, up to the remote ages when the strong colours of history fade into the airy tints of fable. The 
 traveller leaves behind him walls which were built by the original colonizers of this fertile country. — 
 He passes over a road which has been worn by the steps of the ancient Romans. — He treads the ground 
 which was once the site of a populous city, and sees nothing around him but a trackless plain. Mis 
 eye scarcely determines upon the spot, by fixing on a few mounds of earth covered with turf: here 
 once stood palaces and temples, which the hand of lime has crumbled into dust. Around him the 
 aqueducts which diverge towards the distant mountains, like rays from a common centre, remind him 
 of the speech of Augustus, who answered the Roman people, when they complained of the dearness of 
 wine, that Agrippa had taken care that there should be water enough in Rome to prevent their dying 
 with thirst. (Suet. Aug. 42.) 
 
 The towering arches of these aqueducts seem to support roads in the air, and remind us that the 
 wonders of this land of history are not confined to its surface. The long subterraneous passages of the 
 Catacombs also intersect each other in every direction in the neighbourhood of Rome. Here the realms 
 of the dead were once inhabited by a persecuted people. The long passages, where the silence of the 
 grave had not been interrupted for centuries before, then resounded witli the hymns of the early Christ- 
 ians; the unwholesome sepulchral damps were dissipated by the flame of the holy tapers. The peo- 
 ple of the Lord relinquished the enjoyment of the beauties of his creation, in order to celebrate his 
 mysteries in the bowels of the earth. For them the sun no longer enlivened nature ; for them the flowers 
 no longer decked the earth ; for them the progress of time was no longer marked by the refreshing 
 breeze of morning, the dazzling splendour of the meridian sun, or the calm stillness of the evening. 
 They noted it only by the wasting of their feeble taper, which scarcely conquered the weight of the 
 surrounding atmosphere, and painted a dusky furrow on their earthen ceiling. The Seasons also passed 
 unnoticed : the hail storm beat in vain upon their grassy roof; the thunder burst unheard over their 
 heads. All was silent. The tomb of the Pagan became the bed of the Christian ; and the innocent 
 
50 GRECIAN REMAINS IN ITALY. 
 
 virgin, whose cheek was suffused with the blush of youth, slept by the side of some vestal like herself, 
 whose features were fixed in the ghastly calm of death. 
 
 These were the lessons of the first Christians: — from them they learned to conquer their worldly 
 passions, and by them the martyrs were taught to support the persecutions, which only sent them sooner 
 to those mansions of peace, to which they were already familiarized. 
 
 Such are the ideas which crowd upon the mind on approaching Rome, and I awoke as from a dream 
 of the past, as I entered the " Porta Maggiore." 
 
 This gale is formed by one of the arches of the Claudian aqueduct, which, as it crossed the intersec- 
 tion of the two great roads, the Praenestina and Labicana, was ornamented, like a triumphal arch, 
 with an inscription. After you have entered this gate, you still travel through a road enclosed between 
 vineyards; but the domes and spires which rise before y ou > remind you that you are in the capital 
 which Augustus boasted to have found a city of brick, and to have left a city of marble. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 Printed by J. F. Dove, St. John's Sqrmre,