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GENERAL GORDON 
 
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LIFE OF 
 
 PP TJPP A T 
 
 Crown 8uo, Cloth Gilt, Price 2/6. 
 
 GORDON 
 
 OF 
 
 ld Heroes,” etc. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 WALTER SCOTT, 14 PATERNOSTER SQUARE, 
 
 AND NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE. 
 
LIFE OF 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 BY THE AUTHOR OF 
 
 u O ur Queen ,’ 5 “New World Heroes,” etc. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 WALTER SCOTT, 14 PATERNOSTER SQUARE, 
 
 AND NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 -- 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Gordon’s Birth, Parentage, and Early Work , 1—8 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Assistant Commissioner, and First Visit to China . . . 9—16 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Hung-Tsue-Schuen ........ 17—23 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The Ever-Victorious Army ....... 24—35 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Successes and Trials 
 
 . 36-43 
 
VI 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 The Rebel Burgevine 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 .44—51 
 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 In the Thick of the Fight.52—60 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 After the Surrender of Soochow.61—72 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Gordon again takes the Field ...... 73—80 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Disbanding of the Ever-Yictorious Army . - . 81—04 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 The Collapse of the Rebellion ...... 95—109 
 
 At Gravesend . 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 .110—125 
 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Gordon’s First Yisit to the Soudan 
 
 126—135 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 What is the Soudan ?.136 
 
 CHAPTER XY. 
 
 Gordon’s Predecessor in the Soudan ..... 147- 
 
 CHAPTER XY I. 
 
 The Slave Trade in the Soudan.157 
 
 CHAPTER XYII. 
 
 Hurriyat (Liberty) ..174 
 
 CHAPTER XYIII. 
 
 Near King Mtesa’s Land.184- 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 In Abyssinia.. . .194- 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 The Level Balance. 202- 
 
 CHAPTER XXL 
 
 vii 
 
 PAGE 
 
 -146 
 
 •156 
 
 -173 
 
 ■183 
 
 193 
 
 201 
 
 211 
 
 Romulus Gessi . 
 
 212-221 
 
VI11 
 
 CONTENTS . 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 King Johannis of Abyssinia. 222—228 
 
 Rest or Work ? . 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Troubles in the Soudan. 240—256 
 
 Gordon’s Response , 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Subsequent Events in the Soudan . . . 279—290 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 Slavery and Gordon’s Proclamation ...... 291 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 A Christian Hero 
 
 3)1 
 
GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 goedon’s birth, parentage, and early work. 
 
 “For myself, son, 
 
 I purpose not to wait on fortune, till 
 These wars determine.” 
 
 — Coriolanus. 
 
 ^^^lOOLWICH and War, if not synonymous names, 
 are very closely connected; and it was, 
 therefore, in harmony with their lives and 
 characters that in Woolwich Lieutenant- 
 General Henry William Gordon, of the 
 Royal Regiment of Artillery, lived, and in 
 Woolwich his youngest son, Charles George 
 Gordon, was horn. The military town on the Thames is 
 not much talked of in times of peace: but no sooner do 
 clouds appear on the political horizon, telling of disquietude 
 which it behoves England to notice, than all eyes and 
 thoughts are turned toward the scene, which, always busy, 
 becomes alive with animation and importance then. 
 
 Yet Woolwich is an interesting place to visit at any 
 time. It is only nine miles from St. Paul’s, and may be 
 
 E 1 
 
2 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 reached by three or four different railways, by trams, or 
 omnibuses, or steamboats; and, when reached, presents 
 features of attractiveness that can be found nowhere else. 
 The Royal Arsenal, which includes the gun factories, 
 carriage department, royal laboratory, and military stores 
 department, is the largest depdt for army stores in 
 the world. Within the arsenal is the ordinance yard, 
 where an immense number of pieces of ordnance, and 
 of shot and shells, with fittings and harness for a 
 multitude of artillery horses, are kept in constant readi¬ 
 ness for use. The public are admitted with little 
 difficulty; and no one can look on the Rotunda, with its 
 models of all Her Majesty’s dockyards, the principal forti¬ 
 fications in the world, and various kinds of arms, ancient 
 and modern, without intense interest. The Pontoon Ground 
 is also interesting; for there, on large sheets of water, ex¬ 
 periments are made with boats and ordnance. On the east 
 side, facing the Military Train barracks, is the Royal 
 Artillery Institution. It includes a museum, theatre, 
 laboratory, and reading-room, for the use of the Royal 
 Artillery officers. There is a small observatory adjoining. 
 South-east of the Repository Grounds is the Royal Military 
 Academy, founded in 1719, for the education of cadets 
 intended for the artillery and engineers; and between the 
 arsenal and the dockyard are the Royal and Marine Bar¬ 
 racks, with the Naval and Marine Hospital, which last was 
 erected in 1859. The Royal Dockyard, the most ancient 
 in the kingdom, occupies a narrow strip of land along the 
 south bank of the Thames, and is very extensive. The 
 outer and inner basins are both of enormous dimensions. 
 Graving docks have also been added, which can contain the 
 largest ships in the Royal Navy. This dockyard is under 
 the charge of a Commodore-Superintendent, and is sur¬ 
 rounded by lines of circumvallations, under the Fortifica¬ 
 tions Act. A practice range of several miles in extent lies 
 
BIRTH , PARENTAGE , EARLY WORK. 3 
 
 between Woolwich and Hythe, and the artillery also prac¬ 
 tice on the Plumstead Marshes. Here, too, the Govern¬ 
 ment ordnance are proved. There is a large place called 
 the Camp, for the servants of the Military Train, and an 
 extensive hospital. 
 
 At Woolwich the man who has since become known as 
 “ Chinese Gordon,” the leader of the “ Ever Victorious 
 Army,” and the <c Good Pasha,” was born on the 28th of 
 January 1833. His mother was Elizabeth Enderby of 
 Blackheath, whose father, a London merchant, achieved 
 some notoriety by his success in the whale fishery; by 
 which means he did much to open up the Southern Hemis¬ 
 phere, and to demonstrate the possibility of rounding Cape 
 Horn. The Enderby whalers did good service to Australia 
 and New Zealand, which were at that time little known ; 
 and the Enderbys were among the first discoverers of the 
 Auckland Islands. They were, indeed, the means of pro¬ 
 moting commerce between our own country and some of 
 our most important colonies; and there is a strip of 
 country in the Antarctic Ocean known by the name of 
 “ Enderby’s Lands.” 
 
 Miss Enderby, afterwards Mrs. Gordon, the mother of 
 our hero, was in many respects a remarkable woman, well 
 fitted to guide her children into paths of true nobility and 
 honour. She was exceedingly tender and amiable, bright 
 and hopeful. She lived for others rather than for herself, 
 and proved her ability to rule her children by her perfect 
 mastery of self. She had five sons and six daughters. Sir 
 Henry W. Gordon, K.C.B., and Major-General Gordon, 
 C.B., Royal Artillery, are still living. 
 
 Their father, the late Lieutenant-General Gordon, had an 
 ancestry of soldiers. His grandfather—the great-grand¬ 
 father of our hero—had a very eventful life. He was taken 
 prisoner at Prestonpans, but the Duke of Cumberland 
 used his influence to secure his release. He died at 
 
4 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 Halifax in North America, in 1752. His son, the grand¬ 
 father of Charles, fought in several battles, and won some 
 distinction. Henry William, the father of General Gordon, 
 was a soldier of the highest type, honourable, kindly, just, 
 and devoted to his profession. 
 
 Charles was a boy of quick but generous temper, with 
 plenty of energy, but not very great physical strength. He 
 was sent to school at Taunton, in Somerset; and afterwards 
 attended the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich. 
 
 A story is told of an occurrence during his cadetship 
 which illustrates the fire and energy of his youthful spirit. 
 “ You are incompetent: you will never make an officer,” 
 said his superior, in rebuke to him one day; and, with 
 flashing eyes and flushed cheeks, the lad tore from his 
 shoulders the epaulettes that he wore and cast them down 
 before his reprover’s feet. 
 
 He was only nineteen years old when he became an 
 officer of Engineers, and received his commission of second 
 Lieutenant. He was ordered to Pembroke, where plans 
 were required for the forts at Milford Haven; and there 
 he worked for a few months, until, in the winter of 1854, 
 news came that he was to go to Corfu. 
 
 This was not at all according to his wish. At this 
 time all thoughts were centred on the Crimea, and thither 
 the ambitious hopes of Charles Gordon turned. He had 
 spent part of his boyhood at Corfu, where his father had 
 commanded the artillery, and would very much prefer to 
 serve in the Crimea than in the Ionian Islands. By 
 some means his route became changed. The young soldier, 
 eager for active service, volunteered to go where men were 
 greatly needed; and in December 1854 he started for the 
 East, reaching Balaklava on New Year’s Day, 1855. 
 
 Eor a few weeks he was comparatively idle, and he 
 spent the time in making observations, and learning 
 lessons for future use. Every one knows long ago the 
 
BIRTH , PARENTAGE , ^2) EARLY WORK. 5 
 
 story of the privations and heroisms of the English army 
 before Sebastopol. It has been told again and again by 
 the correspondents of newspapers, and by trusty and eloquent 
 historians; but no pictures were more vivid than those 
 of the young subaltern, who was laying to heart all that 
 he saw. His letters home told the same story which the 
 war correspondents told, of lack of supplies, of food wasting 
 where it was not needed, while men were dying for want 
 of it; of officers and men engaged in foraging expeditions ; 
 of the intense cold, which killed Englishmen more surely 
 than Russian guns; of the ravages of cholera; of delays 
 on the part of the officers, and despondency on the part 
 of the men. It is true that at the time when Gordon 
 had joined, things were better than they had been, but 
 they were bad still. 
 
 In February' some definite work was given to Gordon 
 to do. 
 
 The first order he received was to contrive to make 
 rifle-pits between the French and English sentries, who 
 were in front of the trenches, and so unite them. It 
 was hazardous work; and the men and sentries under his 
 command grew frightened, and deserted him. He was 
 shot at by both English and Russian sentries. 
 
 But he continued at the work of making batteries in 
 the advance trenches for two months; and although the 
 throwing up of these batteries was a very monotonous 
 occupation, it happened now and then that some excite¬ 
 ment was caused by an attack upon the workers, who 
 returned the fire. 
 
 On one of these occasions a bullet was fired at Gordon, 
 from one of the Russian rifle-pits, which only missed his 
 head by an inch. He told his friends at home about 
 the narrow escape he had experienced, and added that the 
 Russians were good marksmen, and used a bullet that 
 was large and pointed. 
 
6 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 At last, however, there was some fighting. Charles 
 Gordon still took part in the work in the trenches, and 
 was thus brought into all the active life of the time; but 
 although on one occasion he was struck by a stone he 
 escaped uninjured. The war, meanwhile, dragged on 
 somewhat wearily. Justin McCarthy said, “ Sometimes it 
 was not easy to say which ought to be called the besieged— 
 the Russians in Sebastopol, or the Allies encamped in sight 
 of it.” There were grumblers at home, whose bitter 
 criticisms reached the seat of war, where there were then 
 difficulties which only those who were present could under¬ 
 stand. Gordon was noting everything, and laying up 
 stores of knowledge for future use. In the midst of it all 
 Lord Raglan died. His death was, no doubt, the result of 
 anxiety and trouble. On the 18th of June the Allies were 
 repulsed with heavy loss. General Pelissier urged Lord 
 Raglan to consent to the making of a simultaneous attack 
 on the MalakofF and the Redan, and his lordship yielded 
 against his better judgment. The failure of the attempt 
 filled him with grief and dismay. Our Prince Consort 
 wrote in reference to this—“ The eighteenth was the nail 
 in his coffin, for he knew that his troops could do nothing 
 under the circumstances which Pelissier had created, and to 
 give them the order to attack was to send them to certain 
 death ; and yet had he not done so, the French army would 
 have believed he was deserting them in the hour of need. 
 The choice must have been infinitely hard for him; and yet 
 the French insinuate, and what is worse, the Times does so, 
 too, that Lord Raglan is alone to blame.” The disappoint¬ 
 ment and regret, the anxiety and the trouble, were too 
 much for the English commander, who, in circumstances of 
 great difficulty, had sought to prove himself a worthy 
 successor of Nelson, and “ do his duty; ” and he died on 
 the 29th of June. 
 
 The unsuccessful attack of the Allies, which plunged 
 
BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND EARLY WORK. 7 
 
 England into sorrow, and killed Lord Raglan, brought 
 great rejoicing to the Russians. Prince Gortschakoff* 
 declared that “ the hour was approaching when the pride of 
 the enemy would be lowered, and their armies swept from 
 Russian soil like chaff blown away by the wind.” 
 
 But, as all the world knows, that was far from being the 
 case. Both the English and the French were brave and 
 courageous. Our men, Gordon among them, worked for 
 long hours in the trenches or the field. Miss Florence 
 Nightingale gave, in a letter she wrote at the time, the 
 following account of their hardships, upon which she dwelt 
 with much more commiseration than the men felt for 
 themselves:—“ Fancy working five nights out of seven in 
 the trenches. Fancy being thirty-six hours in them at a 
 stretch, as they sometimes were, lying down, or half-lying 
 down; often forty-eight hours with no food but raw salt 
 pork, sprinkled with sugar, rum, and biscuit; nothing hot, 
 because the exhausted soldier could not collect his own fuel, 
 as he was expected to do, to cook his own rations; and 
 fancy, through all this, the army preserving their courage 
 and patience as they have done, and being now eager (the 
 old ones as well as the young ones) to be led into the 
 trenches. There was something sublime in the spectacle.” 
 
 Such was the training of a hero among heroes; a training 
 that must have been good for all who had sufficient strength 
 of endurance for the trial, and which certainly had an 
 excellent effect on the young subaltern, who was quietly 
 obeying orders, and at the same time realising the whole 
 situation. 
 
 He was not present at the taking of the Malakoff tower; 
 but he is said to have been at work in the trenches at the 
 very time when Sebastopol was evacuated. During the 
 night of the 8th of September the Russians withdrew from 
 the south side of the city. A bridge of boats had been 
 made to cross the bay from the north to the south, and over 
 
8 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 this bridge Prince Gortschakoff, seeing his case to be 
 hopeless—his defences having been almost destroyed by the 
 persistent attacks of the Allies—quietly took his troops. 
 He felt that to try to hold the city longer was only to cause 
 a more terrible death-roll among his men; and so he 
 decided, before things grew worse, to leave Sebastopol. 
 
 But the Allies saw an awful sight on the morning of the 
 9 th of September. The whole city was in flames, and 
 completely ruined. Gortschakoff said in his despatch, “ It 
 is not Sebastopol which we have left to them, but the 
 burning ruins of the town, which we ourselves set fire to, 
 having maintained the honour of the defence in such a 
 manner that our great-grandchildren may recall with pride 
 the remembrance of it, and send it on to all posterity.” 
 Sebastopol will never again be what it was before. French 
 and English engineers were ordered to destroy such of the 
 forts as were standing, and Gordon was told off to assist in 
 the work of destruction. The war in the Crimea soon 
 afterwards ceased, and the young subaltern of the Royal 
 Engineers received the Order of the Legion of Honour 
 from the French Government. And so Charles Gordon got 
 his first discipline and his first honours. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER, AND FIRST VISIT TO CHINA. 
 
 “ These flags of France, that are advanced here 
 Before the eye and prospect of your town, 
 
 Have hither marched to your endamagement. 
 
 Their cannons have their bowels full of wrath ; 
 
 And ready mounted are they to spit forth 
 Their iron indignation ’gainst your walls.” 
 
 —King John. 
 
 BLE workers are never allowed to remain idle 
 long, and no sooner had Charles Gordon 
 finished his work in the Crimea than he 
 was despatched on other business. In May- 
 
 185 6 he was ordered to join Major Stanton (now Lieu¬ 
 tenant-General Sir E. Stanton) at Bessarabia, a province 
 in the south-west of Russia. Hew frontiers of Russia, 
 Turkey, and Roumania had to be laid down, and Gordon 
 was appointed Assistant Commissioner. Representatives 
 of France, Russia, and Austria were also on the Com¬ 
 mission. Eleven months were occupied by the expedition. 
 Gordon’s special duty was, in company with another, to 
 trace a boundary that extended for a hundred miles, and 
 compare the English and Russian maps in order to see 
 

 
 10 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 if they agreed. The change from the monotonous and 
 exhausting work in the Russian trenches, to leisurely 
 travelling from place to place through beautiful summer 
 weather, was a very agreeable one. When the days were 
 too hot they took their journeys by night, and Gordon felt 
 great interest in his work and the places that he visited. 
 The Commissioners resided at Kichenev, but besides this 
 town Gordon became acquainted with Akerman, Bolgrad, 
 Kotimore, Reni, Seratzika, and Jassy. He saw the district 
 at its best. It is flat but fertile. Bessarabia has a very 
 mixed population, composed of Russians, Poles, Wallachians, 
 Moldavians, Bulgarians, Greeks, Armenians, Jews, Germans, 
 and Tartars, besides a few gipsies. The Dniester, the 
 Pruth, and the Danube are its rivers. It has some beau¬ 
 tiful streams, and some salt lakes. The country is traversed 
 by offshoots from the Transylvanian branch of the Car¬ 
 pathian mountains, and the hills are mostly covered with 
 wood. The chief part of the land is in pasturage. 
 
 The work that Charles Gordon did in Bessarabia was 
 not monotonous, but he grew a little tired of it; and when, 
 in April 1857, he found that he was ordered to join the 
 Commission for arranging the boundary in Asia, he sent 
 home to ask if he might exchange with someone else. But 
 he was not allowed to do so, and therefore went as he 
 was commanded to Armenia. He was to become a great 
 traveller, and his mind must have been considerably enlarged 
 and strengthened, even as early as the time of which we are 
 writing, by his knowledge of foreign countries, and his 
 intercourse with the men of all nations. Erivan, situated 
 to the north of Ararat, with its fortress and mosques, its 
 stone bridge, and its aqueducts, was visited by him. So 
 was Erzeroum, the busy, prosperous town near the northern 
 source of the Euphrates; and also Kars, which, three years 
 before, had held out so bravely during the siege of the 
 Russians, which lasted from the 16th of June 1855, to the 
 
FIRST VISIT TO CHINA. 
 
 11 
 
 beginning of December. Gordon’s labours were diversified 
 by some mountain climbing, for he ascended both Little 
 and Great Ararat. He took observations, and stored 
 knowledge of places and men wherever he went. Mr. 
 Hake, in his Story of Chinese Gordon , says of him at this 
 period, that “ he found time to study the strategic points of 
 a country illustrious and interesting as the scene of many 
 battles.” 
 
 After spending six months in Armenia, he went to Con¬ 
 stantinople, in order to attend a conference of the Com¬ 
 mission ; and then, after being absent from home three 
 years, he had six months holiday, and came to England to 
 spend it with his friends. At the end of his furlough, he 
 was sent back to Armenia, not as assistant now, but as 
 commissioner, where he stayed until the end of the year 
 1858; after which he again came home. The year 1859 
 was spent at Chatham, where he was engaged as Field-work 
 Instructor and Adjutant. 
 
 In the meantime serious circumstances were occurring 
 which were to call Charles Gordon to quite another part of 
 the world. 
 
 The Queen’s Speech at the opening of Parliament on the 
 24th January 1860 mentioned the renewal of disturbances 
 in China, and stated that the English and French plenipo¬ 
 tentiaries had proceeded to the mouth of the Peiho river in 
 order to repair to Pekin, and exchange in that city the 
 ratifications of the Treaty of Tien-tsin. The plenipoten¬ 
 tiaries were stopped, and compelled to retire, and the Royal 
 Speech declared that an expedition had been forthwith 
 despatched to obtain redress. 
 
 The Chinese Government refused to make any apology 
 for attacking the British ships, and there was a great outcry 
 raised in England. The military expedition proceeded 
 immediately to China, Lord Elgin and Baron Gros being at 
 the head or it, while the command of the English land 
 
12 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 forces was given to Sir Hope Grant, and General Cousin de 
 Montauban, afterwards Count Palikao, commanded the 
 French. 
 
 Charles Gordon was ordered to join the army—and he 
 started some time in July. He travelled via Paris and 
 Marseilles, and visited the towns of Malta, Alexandria, 
 Aden, Ceylon, Singapore, and Hong-kong. From thence 
 he went to Shanghai, and, only halting there for a day, went 
 on to Tien-tsin. He had been travelling sixty-eight days. 
 
 The Allies had already occupied that city—having captured 
 the Taku forts—and had marched on Pekin. But the 
 Chinese had endeavoured to stop their progress to the 
 capital by asking Lord Elgin to enter into negotiations for 
 peace, and it was arranged that the Chinese Commissioners 
 should meet the European plenipotentiaries at Tung-chow, 
 a walled town ten miles from Pekin. Mr. Parks and Mr. 
 Loch, Lord Elgin’s secretaries, Mr. Bowlby, the Time^ 
 correspondent, and several French and English officers, 
 among whom was De Norman, a friend and colleague of 
 Charles Cordon, went to Tung-chow to make the necessary 
 arrangements for the interview between the envoys and the 
 Chinese Commissioners. As they were returning, some 
 quarrel took place between a French commissariat officer 
 and some Tartar soldiers, and there was a fight. Mr. 
 Parks, Mr. Loch, and others, twenty-six British subjects 
 and twelve French in all, were at once seized by the 
 Chinese General, Sang-ko-lin-sin, and sent off to various 
 prisons. This was a great outrage, committed on men who 
 bore a flag of truce, and had come at the request of the 
 Chinese themselves to arrange a conference with a view to 
 peace. 
 
 The Allies resolved to punish this outrage; and they 
 marched on Pekin in October and invested the city, Lord 
 Elgin refusing to negotiate until the prisoners had been 
 returned. The guns of the Allies were in position to blow 
 
FIRST VISIT TO CHINA. 
 
 13 
 
 in the gate of the city, when the Chinese acceded to their 
 terms, and surrendered the gate. The Allies entered the 
 city, and hoisted the English and French flags on the walls. 
 
 But then Lord Elgin learned that the captives had been 
 treated with the greatest cruelty and indignity. So 
 horrible indeed had been their sufferings, that thirteen out 
 of the twenty-six British subjects had died in great agony. 
 Among these was De Norman, who had served with Gordon 
 in Asia. The thirteen who were released bore evidence 
 of the abominable treatment to which they had been 
 subjected. 
 
 The hearts of the Allied officers and men were stirred to 
 indignation by the perfidy and cruelty of the Chinese 
 authorities, upon whom Lord Elgin determined to inflict 
 an exemplary and signal punishment. He ordered that the 
 Chinese Summer Palace should be burnt down, that the 
 rulers of the nation might understand the danger of 
 treachery and foul play. 
 
 “What remains of the Palace,” said Lord Elgin, “which 
 appears to be the place at which several of the British 
 captives were subjected to the grossest indignities, will 
 be immediately levelled to the ground : this condition re¬ 
 quires no assent on the part of His Highness Prince 
 Kung ” (the brother, and plenipotentiary of the Emperor), 
 “because it will be at once carried into effect by the 
 Commander-in-Chief. ” 
 
 And so it was. In two days the Palace was completely 
 destroyed. 
 
 The author of Our Own Times thus writes of this 
 Summer Palace :—“ It covered an area of many miles. 
 The palace of Adrian, at Tivoli, might have been hidden 
 in one of its courts. Gardens, temples, small lodges and 
 pagodas, groves, grottoes, lakes, bridges, terraces, artificial 
 hills, diversified the vast space. All the artistic treasures, 
 all the curiosities—archaeological and other—that Chinese 
 
14 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 wealth and Chinese taste, such as it was, could bring 
 together, had been accumulated in this magnificent pleas- 
 aunce. The surrounding scenery was beautiful. The high 
 mountains of Tartary ramparted one side of the en¬ 
 closure. ” 
 
 Charles Gordon was ordered, with the rest, to assist in 
 destroying this Palace; and, as usual, he gave in his next 
 home letter an account of the work of devastation:— 
 “We accordingly went out, and after pillaging it, burned 
 the whole place, destroying, in a vandal-like manner, 
 most valuable property, which could not be replaced for 
 four millions. . . .You would scarcely imagine the beauty 
 and magnificence of the places we burnt. It made one’s 
 heart sore to burn them ; in fact, these palaces were so 
 large, and we were so pressed for time, that we could 
 not plunder them carefully. Quantities of gold ornaments 
 were burned, considered as brass. It was wretchedly 
 demoralising work for an army. Everybody was wild for 
 plunder.” 
 
 The affair went to the hearts of a good many more people 
 besides that of Charles, now Captain Gordon; and Lord 
 Elgin was considerably blamed for what seemed an act of 
 unpardonable vandalism. It transpired, however, that the 
 French had remorselessly looted and wrecked the Palace 
 before Lord Elgin had given his order—an order which 
 he maintained was a just one, since war would become 
 ten times more horrible than it is already, if it were not 
 one of its essential conditions that the messengers engaged 
 in the preliminaries of peace are to be held sacred from 
 harm. 
 
 The Allied armies remained before Pekin until the 8th 
 November, when they left t6 take up their winter quarters 
 at Tien-tsin, whither Gordon went with his regiment as 
 commanding Boyal Engineer. He had received for his 
 services his brevet promotion to the rank of major. 
 
FIRST VISIT TO CHINA . 
 
 15 
 
 He stayed at Tien-tsin until the spring of 1862. In 
 December 1861, he and Lieutenant Carden went together 
 on horseback to explore the outer wall of China, at Kalgan. 
 This world-famous structure, “ Wan-li-chang” (myriad- 
 mile-wall), was built as a protection against the Tartar 
 tribes by the first Emperor of the Tsin dynasty, about 
 220 b.c. It traverses the northern boundary of China, and 
 is carried over the highest hills, through the deepest valleys, 
 across rivers and every other obstacle. M’Culloch believes 
 its length to be 1250 miles. The total height of the wall, 
 including a parapet of five feet, is twenty feet; it is twenty- 
 five feet thick at the base, and fifteen at the top. 
 
 Gordon and Carden were exceedingly interested in their 
 journey, which was not only eventful to them but important 
 to others, for they went to several places that no European 
 had visited before. They had some difficulties, as might be 
 expected. In one place the axle-trees of their carts would 
 not fit the ruts; in another their carts were stolen from 
 them. The cold was so great that raw eggs were frozen as 
 hard as if they had been boiled. 
 
 In one of his letters Major Gordon describes a dust- 
 storm in which he was caught :—“ The sky was as dark as 
 night; huge columns of dust came sweeping down, and it 
 blew a regular hurricane, the blue sky appearing now and 
 then through the breaks. The quantity of dust was 
 indescribable. A canal, about fifty miles long and eighteen 
 feet wide, and seven feet deep, was completely filled up ; and 
 boats which had been floating merrily down the Tien-tsin 
 found themselves at the end of the storm on a bank of 
 sand, the canal being filled up, and the waters absorbed. 
 They will have to be carried to the Peiho, and have already 
 commenced to move. The canal was everywhere passable, 
 and will have to be re-excavated.” 
 
 In May 1862 Major Gordon had his attention called to 
 the Tai-ping rebellion, in connection with which he was to 
 
1C 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 do some of the most remarkable and heroic deeds of his 
 life, and so win the name by which he will be for ever 
 known—the name of “ Chinese Gordon.” 
 
 He was at this time a young man, but he had been 
 unconsciously preparing for future work. He was getting 
 his lessons in the highest school, for he was a disciple of 
 Christ, and was learning of Him. Moreover, from his 
 boyhood upward he seems to have chosen the motto, 
 “Whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, doit with thy might.” 
 He was in himself the illustration of the words of the great 
 “ Bard of Avon ”— 
 
 *‘ Firm of word ; 
 
 Speaking of deeds, and deedless in his tongue ; 
 
 Not soon provoked, nor, being provoked, soon calmed ? 
 His heart and hand both open and both free.’* 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 IIUN G-TSUE-SCHUEN. 
 
 {< We cannot all be masters, nor all masters cannot be truly followed.” 
 
 — Othello. 
 
 HE Tai-ping rebellion was the work of a school¬ 
 master, who announced himself as the 
 “Heavenly King,” the “Emperor of the 
 Great Peace.” He said that he had seen 
 God, who had called him the Second Celestial Brother. 
 He got a large following without much difficulty, especially 
 as his clansmen numbered 20,000. He made the announce¬ 
 ment that to him was given the power to execute judgment 
 and to deliver the oppressed; and declared that his great 
 mission was to exterminate the Manchoo race. He soon 
 came into collision with the Mandarins; and thinking that 
 some of his people were ill-used, and becoming angry at his 
 own failure to pass certain examinations which would 
 admit him to the circle of the literati, he took his converts 
 with him, and went forth to increase their number. When 
 his followers were some hundreds of thousands, he chose 
 five warrior kings—Wangs—from among his kinsmen; and, 
 having his army augmented by bands of robbers and secret 
 
 e 2 
 
18 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 societies, and four thousand warriors brought by some 
 desperate women, he led this immense mob from city to 
 city, from province to province, making raids upon rice- 
 harvests and leaving devastation and ruin wherever they 
 went. The Chinese were frightened at the sight of the 
 gaudy flags and coloured finery in which Hung and his 
 followers were dressed, and they shrank with terror from 
 the knives and cutlasses which the fierce barbarians used. 
 
 Hung marched his host to Nanking, to reach which he 
 had to traverse a distance of seven hundred miles. The 
 city fell before him, and he at once took possession of it, 
 and gave it the name of the Capital of the Heavenly King. 
 They put the entire population to the sword, and laid waste 
 the city, spoiling, among other things, the renowned Porce¬ 
 lain Tower, which the Emperor Yungloh erected in memory 
 of his mother in 1414-26. Dr. MacGowan, in his descrip¬ 
 tion of this tower, says that it was built nine storeys high, 
 and the bricks and tiles were to be glazed and of fine 
 colours ; and the whole structure was to be of the most 
 superior kind, in order that the virtues of the Emperor’s 
 mother might be widely known. There was to be a brass 
 ball, overlaid with gold, on the top of the spire. It was to 
 have one hundred and forty-four bells, and one hundred and 
 forty lanterns, whose light was to illumine the “ thirty- 
 three heavens, shining into the hearts of all men, good and 
 bad, eternally removing human misery.” A brazen bowl 
 on the top of the highest roof was to contain “ one white 
 shining pearl, one fireaverting pearl, one wind-averting 
 peail, one water-averting pearl, one dust-averting pearl, a 
 lump of gold weighing sixty ounces, a box of tea leaves, 
 1000 taels of silver, one lump of orpiment, weighing 4000 
 pounds, one precious stone-gem, 1000 strings of copper 
 coins, two pieces of yellow satin, and four copies of Buddhist 
 classics.” The tower was called “ Pan-gan-sy ”— i.e 
 “ Recompensing Favour Pagoda.” 
 
HUN G-TSUE-SCH U EN. 
 
 19 
 
 Under this tower Hung-Tsue-Schuen set up his royal state 
 and marshalled his army. He gave to the Wangs, or under 
 kings whom he had appointed, such titles as “ Cock Eye,” 
 
 “ the Yellow Tiger,” “ the One-Eyed Dog.” He developed 
 into a very tyrannous master, beheading any of his chiefs 
 who displeased him, and kicking to death his discarded 
 wives and concubines. Like the Mahdi in the Soudan, he 
 declared his mission to be altogether a religious one, and he 
 himself a Messiah. He was, he said, and his followers 
 believed him, “the Emperor of the Great Peace.” There 
 was plenty of worship, of a certain kind, carried on side by 
 side with war. 
 
 The Rev. J. L. Holmes, a missionary, visited Nanking, 
 and learned many particulars about their religious beliefs 
 and ceremonies, afterwards publishing the following, among 
 other interesting information :— 
 
 “At night we witnessed their worship. It occurred at 
 the beginning of their Sabbath, midnight of Friday. The 
 place of worship was Chung Wang’s private audience-room. 
 He was himself seated in the midst of his attendants—no 
 females were present. They first sang, or rather chanted, 
 after which a written prayer was read, and burned by an 
 officer, upon which they rose and sang again, and then 
 separated. The Chung Wang sent for me again before he 
 left his seat, and asked me if I understood their mode of 
 worship. I replied that I had just seen it for the first 
 time. He asked what our mode was. I replied that 
 we endeavoured to follow the rules laid down in the 
 Scriptures, and thought all departure therefrom to be 
 erroneous. He then proceeded to explain the ground 
 upon which they departed from this rule. The Tien Wang 
 had been to heaven, he said, and had seen the Heavenly 
 Father. Our revelation had been handed down for one 
 thousand eight hundred years. They had received a new 
 additional revelation ; and upon this they could adopt a 
 
20 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 different mode of worship. I replied, that if the Tien 
 Wang had obtained a revelation, we could determine its 
 genuineness by comparing it with the Scriptures. If 
 they coincided, they might be parts of the same; if not, the 
 new revelation could not be true, as God did not change. 
 He suggested that there might be a sort of disparagement 
 which was yet appropriate, as in the Chinese garment, 
 which is buttoned at one side. To this comparison I 
 objected, as comparing a piece of man’s work with God’s 
 work. Ours were little and imperfect; His great and 
 glorious. We should compare God’s works with each other. 
 The sun did not rise in the east to-day and in the west 
 to-morrow. Winter and summer did not change their 
 respective characters. Neither would the Heavenly Father 
 capriciously make a law at one time and contradict it at 
 another. His Majesty seemed rather disconcerted at thus 
 being carried out of the usual track in which he was in the 
 habit of discoursing; and we parted, proposing to talk 
 further upon the subject at another time. 
 
 “ At day-light we started for the Tien Wang’s palace. 
 The procession was headed by a number of brilliantly- 
 coloured banners, after which followed a troop of armed 
 soldiers. Then came Chung Wang, in a large sedan, 
 covered with yellow satin and embroidery, and borne by 
 eight coolies; next came the foreigner on horseback, in 
 company with Chung Wang’s chief officer, followed by a 
 number of other officers on horseback. On our way 
 several of the other kings who were in the city fell-in 
 ahead of us with similar retinues. Music added discord to 
 the scene, and curious gazers lined the streets on either 
 side, who had, no doubt, seen kings before, but probably 
 never witnessed such an apparition as that. . . . Reaching, 
 at length, the palace of Tien Wang, a large building 
 resembling very much the best Confucian temples, though 
 of much greater size than these generally are, we entered 
 
IIUNG-rSUE-SCIIUEN. 
 
 21 
 
 the outer gate, and proceeded to a large building to the 
 east of the palace proper, and called the Morning Palace. 
 Here we were presented to the Tien Wang and his son, 
 with several others. After resting a little while, during 
 which two of the attendants testified their familiarity with, 
 and consequently irreverence for, the royal place, by con¬ 
 cluding a misunderstanding in fisticuffs, we proceeded to the 
 audience-hall of the Tien Wang. I was here presented 
 to the Tien Wang’s two brothers, two nephews, and son- 
 in-law. They were seated at the entrance of a deep re¬ 
 cess, over which was written, ‘ Illustrious Heavenly Door. 7 
 At the end of this recess, further in, was pointed out to 
 us His Majesty Tien Wang’s seat, which was as yet 
 vacant. The company awaited for some time the arrival 
 of the Western King, whose presence seemed to be neces¬ 
 sary before they could proceed with the ceremonies. 
 That dignitary, a boy of twelve or fourteen, directly 
 made his appearance, and entering at the Holy Heavenly 
 Gate, took his place with the royal group. They then 
 proceeded with their ceremonies as follows:—First, they 
 kneeled with their faces to the Tien Wang’s seat, and 
 uttered a prayer to the Heavenly Brother ; then kneeling, 
 with their faces in the opposite direction, they prayed to 
 the Heavenly Father, after which they again kneeled 
 with their faces to the Tien Wang’s seat, and in like 
 manner repeated a prayer to him. They then concluded 
 by singing in a standing position. A roast pig, and the 
 body of a goat were lying, with other articles, on tables 
 in the outer court; and a fire was kept burning on a stone 
 altar in front of the Tien Wang’s seat, in a sort of court 
 intervening between it and the termination of the recess 
 leading to it. Fie had not yet appeared; and though all 
 waited for him for some time after the conclusion of the 
 ceremonies, he did not appear at all. Fie had probably 
 changed his mind, concluding that it would be a bad 
 
22 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 precedent to allow a foreigner to see him without first 
 signifying submission to him ; or it may be that he did not 
 mean to see me after learning the stubborn nature of our 
 principles, but anxious to have us carry away some account 
 of the grandeur and magnificence of his court, had taken 
 this mode of making an appropriate impression, leaving the 
 imagination to supply the vacant chair which his own 
 ample dimensions should have filled. We retired to the 
 Morning Palace again, where kings, princes, foreigners, and 
 all were called upon to ‘ ply the nimble, lads/ upon a break¬ 
 fast that had been prepared for us, after which we retired 
 in the order in which we came.” 
 
 Chung Wang saw Mr. Holmes afterwards, privately. 
 He was dressed in a loose white silk garment, with a red 
 handkerchief round his head, and a jewel in front. He sat 
 in an easy-chair, fanned by a pretty slip-shod girl. He 
 asked Mr. Holmes questions about foreign machinery, and 
 especially wished him to explain a map, a musical box, and 
 a spy-glass. He became afterwards quite sociable. Mr. 
 Holmes had liberty to visit him whenever he pleased. But 
 he was not willing to be drawn into a discussion in regard 
 to the doctrines of the New Testament, which conflicted 
 with those of Tien Wang ; he admitted that the two did 
 not agree, but declared that the revelation of Tien Wang 
 was more authoritative. 
 
 Mr. Holmes, before leaving, entered into conversation 
 with many people, and so got an idea of Hung-Tsue-Schuen’s 
 principles and hold upon his adherents, and he concluded 
 that there was very little real religion or elevation of either 
 character or sentiment in them. 
 
 Strange to say, there was among foreign nations some 
 sympathy with Hung and his fanatics. It was thought by a 
 few people that his Christianity was better than none, and 
 that possibly the rebels had some right after all. The 
 relations between England and China were at that time 
 
HUNG-TSUE-SCHUEN. 
 
 23 
 
 anything but cordial, as might have been expected; 
 and that we should interfere was at first improbable. 
 The Imperial authorities endeavoured to drive the 
 rebels towards the sea; and when Shanghai was in 
 danger of an attack, the wealthy traders grew so alarmed 
 that they subscribed funds to induce some foreign forces 
 to protect their city. Already Sung-kiang, a place 
 about twenty miles from Shanghai, was occupied by the 
 rebels, and a reward was offered to two American filibusters 
 —Ward and Burge vine—who were trying to enlist men, to 
 induce them to re-capture the town. Some fighting took 
 place, and at first Ward and his men were victorious. The 
 Faithful King, one of the Tai-ping leaders, hearing of this, 
 led a new army against the “ foreign devils,” as the Ameri¬ 
 cans were called. They drove Ward back into Sung-kiang, 
 and then marched direct on Shanghai, devastating the 
 country as they went. But the allied French and British 
 troops that were in Shanghai decided now to assist the 
 Imperialists in driving back the rebels, and they were 
 repulsed with heavy loss. They made another attempt, 
 with a similar result, the following day. On hearing this, 
 the Heavenly King summoned his follower, the Faithful 
 One, to Nanking, for consultation and instructions. From 
 that city two months later four immense armies, under the 
 command of four great Wangs, set forth on an expedition 
 to drive the Imperialists from all the cities between Nanking 
 and Hanchow—a district of nearly four hundred miles. 
 
CHAPTER IY. 
 
 THE EVER-VICTORIOUS ARMY. 
 
 Let us go thank him and encourage him.” 
 
 —As You Like It. 
 
 HEN the news of the onward march of the 
 rebel forces mentioned in the previous chapter 
 reached the British Naval Commander-in- 
 Chief, Admiral Sir James Hope, he decided 
 to visit those ports on the Yangtze which were menaced, 
 and which had been thrown open by the Convention of 
 Pekin to foreign trade. He sailed, therefore, up the river 
 in February 1861, and succeeded in getting into communi¬ 
 cation with the Heavenly King. Admiral Hope requested 
 of him that the Yangtze trade should not be interfered 
 with, and the rebel leader promised that the armies of the 
 Great Peace should not molest any of the ports, nor at all 
 interfere with Shanghai for one year. 
 
 The Heavenly King kept his men to the letter of his 
 promise, and during the year 1861 they engaged themselves 
 in endeavouring to take Hangkow, and make their way 
 into the Yangtze Yalley. But they were very unsuccessful, 
 and at last, when the troops were driven back into the 
 
TI1E EVER-VICTORIOUS ARMY. 
 
 25 
 
 neighbourhood of Shanghai, the Heavenly King informed 
 Admiral Hope that as soon as the year of truce had 
 expired he would attack that city. He was warned that 
 it would be not only unwise, but exceedingly dangerous on 
 his part to at all disturb existing arrangements; but in 
 January 1862 the Faithful King received orders from head¬ 
 quarters to march his forces on Shanghai, in disregard of 
 all warnings. 
 
 In the meantime Ward had not been idle. He was now 
 at Sung-kiang with a thousand well-drilled Chinese soldiers 
 in his army; and the allied forces at once resolved to join 
 him in his work of putting down the Tai-ping rebellion. 
 From February to June the Imperialists, the Allies, and 
 the army of the Americans, worked together—Captain 
 Dew, R.N., being appointed to the naval command—and 
 they succeeded at once in driving the Tai-pings out of 
 Ningo-po. 
 
 In September Ward was killed; and his companion 
 Burgevine, who succeeded him, soon proved that he was 
 incompetent, and altogether unfit for the post. He struck 
 the mandarin, who was the local treasurer, because he did 
 not at once pay the money which he demanded, and ordered 
 his men to break into the treasury and carry off a large 
 sum. Such conduct could not be tolerated ; and the Chinese 
 authorities at once dismissed him from their service. 
 
 But now the adventurers who had served under Ward 
 and Burgevine were without a captain ; and Li-Hung-Chang, 
 the great Chinese soldier and statesman, asked General 
 Staveley to select a competent British officer to take com¬ 
 mand of the Ever-Victorious Army. He promised, under 
 certain conditions, to do the best that he could ; and his 
 mind at once turned to Charles Gordon. He knew him ; 
 he had admired his conduct; and he believed that he 
 possessed very great ability as well as courage. 
 
 “What he was before Sebastopol he has been since 
 
2G 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 —faithful, trusty, and successful. Before Pekin and at 
 Shanghai he has evinced just the qualities that are needed 
 now. Although he has never been in command, he will 
 rise to this occasion, to which he is more fitted than any 
 other man whom I know.” 
 
 So reasoned General Staveley; and ended by declaring 
 that Charles Gordon must become the new leader of the 
 Ever-Victorious Army. 
 
 Gordon was at that time busy in making a military 
 survey of the land around Shanghai; and he did not wish 
 to relinquish this important work, even for the other which 
 was so much more responsible and great. He judged 
 rightly that the knowledge he was now gaining would be of 
 use to him hereafter; and he asked to be allowed for 
 the present to continue at the work. Sir James Hope, 
 therefore, gave the command to Captain Holland of the 
 Marine Light Infantry, who at once besieged the walled 
 city of Taitsan. 
 
 This attempt had exceedingly disastrous results. Hol¬ 
 land had received false information respecting the defences 
 of Taitsan, and believed it to be surrounded by a dry ditch, 
 when in reality a deep moat ran around it. The con¬ 
 sequence was that he was defeated, with a loss of three 
 hundred men and four officers, besides the 32-pounders, 
 which had to be abandoned. 
 
 The Tai-pings were of course greatly rejoiced—and Mr. 
 Hake, in the Story of Chinese Gordon , reproduces an 
 amusing account of the affair written by one of the Wangs. 
 “‘What general is he/ cried our chief, ‘who sends his 
 men to storm a city without first ascertaining that there is 
 a moat ? ’ ‘ And what general is he/ cried another cf our 
 
 leaders, ‘ who allows a storming-party to advance without 
 bridges ? See, oh chief, these unfortunates!’ So we 
 laughed and jested as we saw the slaves of the Tartar 
 usurper advancing to destruction. . . . ‘ Arise/ cried our 
 
TEE EVER-VICTORIOUS ARMY . 
 
 27 
 
 leader, * oh, inheritors of eternal peace, and drive these imps 
 from the face of our land/ And we arose at his word as 
 one man—the cry of blood was in our mouths, and the 
 thirst for blood consumed us—we sallied forth on the ever 
 victorious troops, and, behold, they retired as soon as they 
 saw the brandishing of our spears. Many fled, flinging 
 away their arms in their haste; their ammunition and their 
 belts also they cast upon the ground in their fear. The 
 impish followers of the Mandarins set them the example, 
 and many followed it. Little cared they for bridges in 
 their haste—they scattered themselves over the face of the 
 country, and we pursued them as they fled. There were 
 English officers too. Oh, recorder of events, how they ran!’” 
 The precious record concludes thus:—‘“We retired before 
 the face of the foreigners, because we knew their might ; 
 we withdrew beyond the line which they chalked out, and 
 we will not transgress beyond it; but the country we 
 possess will we hold, and scatter to the four winds of 
 heaven any impish fiends who come against us. Let not 
 the Mandarin slaves think that in their service alone are 
 foreigners employed, and that they alone reap the benefit 
 of their warlike experience. Numbers of them have 
 acknowledged the supremacy of our Heavenly King, and 
 joined us in our efforts to make great peace prevail. Many 
 were in Taitsan, and a Frenchman pointed the gun which 
 carried death into the ranks of our foes. Oh, recorder of 
 events, we, too, have disciplined troops—and we, too, have 
 European firearms, as the imps found to their cost. They 
 have essayed our might, and have experienced the strength 
 of our arms. Let them rest in Sung-kiang. They thought 
 they could take Nanking, but they failed in Taitsan/ ” 
 
 It was felt that the Ever-Yictorious Army would not keep 
 the name it had chosen for itself if a stronger and greater 
 leader were not at once placed at the head of it; and after 
 the Taitsan defeat, Gordon gave up his survey work and 
 
28 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 took command. It was no easy task that had been given 
 him; but he believed that he might be sure of divine 
 guidance. He had become a commander; but he would 
 take his command from the Great Captain, who is ever on 
 the side of right; and he was not afraid. Self did not enter 
 into his considerations at all: he wished to be useful, and 
 do his duty successfully, and he cared little for what might 
 lie beyond. His letter, dated 24th March 1863, shows the 
 spirit in which he undertook the work :— 
 
 “ I am afraid you will be much vexed at my having 
 taken the command of the Sung-kiang force, and that I am 
 now a Mandarin. I have taken the step on consideration. 
 I think that any one who contributes to putting down this 
 rebellion fulfils a humane task, and I also think tends a 
 great deal to open China to civilisation. I will not act 
 rashly, and trust to be able soon to return to England ; at 
 the same time I will remember yours and my fathers wishes, 
 and endeavour to remain as short a time as possible. I can 
 say that if I had not accepted the command, I believe the 
 force would have been broken up and the rebellion gone on 
 in its misery for years. I trust this will not now be the 
 case, and that I may soon be able to comfort you on this 
 subject. You must not fret on this matter : I think I am 
 doing a good service. ... I keep your likeness before me, 
 and can assure you and my father that I will not be rash, 
 and that as soon as I can conveniently, and with due regard 
 to the object I have in view, I will return home.” 
 
 Gordon soon proved himself not only courageous, but 
 exceedingly original in his plans, and prompt in carrying 
 them out. Instead of revenging the defeat at Taitsan, as 
 many persons desired him to do, he determined to go away 
 from the neighbourhood, and make war upon some other 
 place held by the rebels. His policy was a bold one. He 
 would go at once to the very heart of the rebellion, and 
 by some military masterpiece of stratagem and skill prove 
 
THE EVER-VICTORIOUS ARMY. 
 
 29 
 
 to the rebels the kind of opposition with which they had 
 now to deal. He therefore took two steamers and a 
 thousand men, and went away towards Fushan, which 
 lies on the southern bank of the Yangtze estuary. He 
 landed there, although the Tai-pings saw him ; and he 
 went from Fushan to Chanzu, a city ten miles inland, 
 which was loyal to the Imperialists, although besieged by 
 the rebels. 
 
 Mr. Andrew Wilson, in his interesting book, says the 
 following in reference to Chanzu:—“ The garrison of 
 Chanzu itself had a curious story to tell. They had all been 
 rebels, but had suddenly transferred the town and their 
 services to the other side. Their chief, Lo-Kuo-Chung, 
 had persuaded them to shave their heads and declare for 
 the Imperialist cause early in the year, and this they did 
 in conjunction with the garrison of Fushan ; but no sooner 
 had they done so, than, to their dismay, the Faithful King 
 came down upon them with a large force, took Fushan, and 
 laid siege to them, trying to overcome them by various 
 kinds of assault and surprise. He brought against them 
 the two 32-pounders which had been recovered after having 
 been taken at Taitsan, and partially breached the wall. 
 He offered any terms to the soldiers if they would come 
 over; and in order to show his great success, sent in the 
 heads of three European officers who had been killed at 
 Taitsan. Lo, in these trying circumstances, had been 
 obliged to do a good deal of beheading in order to keep 
 his garrison staunch; but he, and probably most of his 
 followers, felt they had committed too unpardonable a sin 
 ever to trust themselves again into Tai-ping hands.” 
 
 To their help went Gordon and his men. He would be 
 glad to relieve the garrison; and in going there he was 
 showing a bold front to the enemy. He planted his guns 
 among the ruins at Fushan, and opened his fire at once. 
 There was a strong stockade built by the rebels, and 
 
30 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 towards this he directed his 32-pounders and 12-pounder 
 howitzers. A second stockade on the opposite bank was 
 treated in a similar manner. But, after three hours’ 
 bombardment, the rebels gathered in such force that 
 Gordon gave up fighting for the night. 
 
 In the morning he saw, with surprise and satisfaction, 
 that the enemy were retreating towards the great rebel 
 centre, Soochow. When they had gone, Gordon hastened 
 to take his force up to Ghanzu; and his men, with a body 
 of Mandarin troops, went through the gates. The inmates 
 of the besieged town were delighted to welcome their 
 deliverer; the Mandarins received them in state, and the 
 poor people testified to their joy. Gordon writes that he 
 saw the young rebel chiefs who had come over. They were 
 very intelligent, were splendidly dressed in their silks, and 
 had big pearls in their caps. The head-man was about 
 thirty-five years old, and was ill and worn with anxiety. 
 “ He was so very glad to see me, and chin-chinned most 
 violently, regretting his inability to give me a present, 
 which I told him was not the custom of our people.” 
 
 This victory, won so rapidly, brought other results than 
 those which seemed to lie on the surface. That which 
 Gordon had anticipated came to pass: his men were put 
 into good spirit, and had strong faith in their leader, who 
 at once set himself to bring about some much-needed re¬ 
 form in the discipline of his army. One thing that greatly 
 encouraged him was the fact that certain British officers 
 whom he knew, and who held him in high esteem, had 
 asked leave to serve under him in China. He was, there¬ 
 fore, strengthened and comforted by his own people. 
 
 Besides this, he was now Brigadier-General, the grade 
 of Tsung-ping being granted him by Imperial decree. Li- 
 Hung-Chung thought well of him, and was anxious to aid 
 him in every possible way; and with his assistance Gordon 
 soon established something like order in his force. He 
 
THE E VER- VIC TO RIO US ARMY. 
 
 31 
 
 instituted a system of regular payments. Previously the 
 men had looked upon plunder as their chief and legitimate 
 reward; but this was not at all in accordance with the 
 views of their new General, who agreed to give the private 
 soldiers, who were all Chinese, from £3, 10s. to £4, 10s. 
 Lieutenants were to have £30 a-month, and colonels £75 
 or £85. The commissioned officers were none of them 
 Chinese—they were English, American, Germans, French¬ 
 men, and Spaniards. All were paid monthly by a Chinese 
 official named Kah, in the presence of Cordon himself. 
 
 At first the General had some difficulty with the uniform. 
 It was unlike anything which the Chinese wore, and the 
 men were called by their countrymen, who rejoice in giving 
 nicknames to everybody, “ Imitation Foreign Devils.” But 
 later, when the force had been everywhere successful, it 
 was thought that their dress had something to do with it, 
 for the courage of the rebels died away when they had 
 to fight foreigners. 
 
 Cordon saw that the men were well-armed, as well as 
 well-dressed, well-paid, and well-fed. He was generous in 
 everything. He prepared a flotilla of steamboats and 
 Chinese gunboats; saw that there was a proper supply 
 of all things that would be needed for transport and actual 
 fighting; and he had his men w’ell drilled in every respect. 
 
 When things were in perfect readiness, and not till then, 
 Cordon summoned his force to action. He decided to 
 march to Quinsan, an important rebel centre. It was 
 known that he intended to attack either that or one of the 
 other two centres, Taitsan or Soochow. He decided to go 
 first to Quinsan, because of the existence there of an arsenal 
 and a shot manufactory, and if that were taken, the power 
 of the other two cities would become less. But as he was 
 marching toward Quinsan, news reached him of an act of 
 great treachery on the part of the rebels, which arrested his 
 progress, and caused him to take his army toward Taitsan. 
 
32 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 The circumstances that led to this change of route were 
 these : The commander of Taitsan had sent to Governor 
 Li to say that the town would surrender to the Imperialists. 
 General Li therefore sent some men forward to take 
 possession. But as soon as they arrived the rebels changed 
 their tactics, and beheaded two hundred of the Imperialists, 
 making prisoners of the rest. 
 
 When Gordon heard of this, he decided that the punish¬ 
 ment of such treachery must be swift, sure, and terrible; 
 and he resolved to be the agent in carrying out the 
 retribution, which had been justly deserved. Without loss 
 of time or hesitation he marched on Taitsan. He knew 
 that there was no comparison betw T een his army and that 
 which he had to oppose. The garrison was manned by ten 
 thousand soldiers, while he had only three thousand to 
 bring against them; but he did not falter in the least. 
 Making his preparations step by step, with care, but with 
 romantic courage, he took stockades, bridges, and ports, 
 placed his guns in position, and bringing his artillery 
 forward, opened fire upon the battlements. The rebels, 
 headed by some foreigners who had joined them, met the 
 assault with stubborn and energetic resistance ; but it was 
 no use. They gained one temporary advantage ; but when 
 the battle ceased, Gordon had won a decisive victory. He 
 said in his letter home that Taitsan was very important, 
 and its capture well merited; adding, “ It opens out a large 
 tract of country; and the Chinese generals were delighted, 
 and have said all sorts of civil things about the force. I 
 am now a Tsung-ping Mandarin (which is the second 
 highest grade), and have acquired a good deal of influence, 
 though I do not care about that over much.” He had lost 
 a great many men, and among them the brave leader of the 
 assault, Captain Bannen. 
 
 An incident followed which gave rise to considerable 
 commotion in England. 
 
TI1E E VER- VIC TO RIO US ARMY. 
 
 33 
 
 Our country has always set its face unflinchingly and 
 resolutely against all cruelty and oppression. As soon as 
 news reaches us of any outrage, we are up in arms imme¬ 
 diately. We do not always wait until we are quite sure that 
 the news is true before we become righteously indignant. 
 These feelings are so natural to Englishmen, and on the 
 whole so noble, that none would wish to see them changed; 
 though sometimes, no doubt, the innocent suffer the blame 
 instead of the guilty. 
 
 Certainly, Charles Gordon and his associates had a con¬ 
 siderable amount of censure passed upon them. 
 
 The Imperialists condemned seven prisoners to suffer a 
 slow and ignominious death. They were to be beheaded ; 
 but before this was done they were tied up and exposed to 
 view, with arrows sticking in them, and pieces of skin 
 flayed from their arms. That was very terrible : to our 
 English and Christian ideas it was perfectly horrible ; and 
 when the news reached this country it awoke a storm of 
 indignant notices in the press. Letters were written which 
 represented the matter to be worse than it really was. The 
 letters were signed “Eye-witness,” “Justice and Mercy,” 
 and so on, and declared that all kinds of cruelties were 
 practised. In China stories were invented and circulated, 
 which were reproduced in England, and did great harm. 
 
 In the deaths mentioned above, Gordon had no part 
 whatever. The Mandarins of their own accord punished 
 the rebels. Gordon was exceedingly displeased at what 
 had occurred, and said so in the plainest and strongest 
 words possible; and General Brown, who commanded Her 
 Majesty’s forces in China, went so far as to declare that 
 if such a thing occurred again he would refuse any 
 longer to assist the Imperialists. But there was a great 
 stir made both in China and at home, and Gordon 
 thought it was wise and necessary to write the following 
 letter to the Shanghai Shipping News :—. 
 
 p 3 
 
34 
 
 GENERAL GORDON . 
 
 “ 15 th June 1863. 
 
 44 I am of belief that the Chinese of this force are quite as 
 merciful in action as the soldiers of any Christian nation 
 could be ; and in proof of this can point to over seven 
 hundred prisoners taken in the last engagement (Quinsan) 
 who are now in our employ. Some have entered our ranks 
 and done service against the rebels since their capture. 
 But one life has been taken out of this number, and that 
 one was a rebel, who tried to induce his comrades to fall on 
 the guard, and who was shot on the spot. It is a great 
 mistake to imagine that the men of this force are worthless. 
 They will, in the heat of action, put their enemies to death 
 as the troops of any nation would do ; but when the fight is 
 over, they will associate as freely together as if they had 
 never fought. ... If 4 Observer 7 and 4 Eye-Witness/ with 
 their friend 4 Justice and Mercy/ would come forward and 
 communicate what they know, it would be far more satis¬ 
 factory than writing statements of the nature of those 
 alluded to by the Bishop of Victoria. And if any one is 
 under the impression that the inhabitants of the rebel 
 districts like their rebel masters, he has only to come up 
 here to be disabused of his idea. I do not exaggerate when 
 I say that upwards of one thousand five hundred rebels were 
 killed in their retreat from Quinsan, by the villagers, who 
 rose en masse 77 
 
 Gordon needed patience and forbearance as much as 
 courage. Not only did he receive blame from those 44 who 
 sit at home at ease,” and who are always the worst to 
 please of any, but he had some difficulty with his men, and 
 especially with his officers. He had told his soldiers that 
 there was to be no plunder; but Taitsan was plundered 
 without mercy. He thanked the men and officers for their 
 bravery at Taitsan, but expressed his dissatisfaction at 
 the lack of discipline. Hext he chose other officers for 
 certain posts, especially giving an important position to 
 
THE E VER- VIC TO RIO US ARMY. 
 
 35 
 
 Deputy-Assistant Commissary-General Cooksley, to whom 
 he gave the title of Lieutenant-Colonel, and whom he placed 
 over the commissariat and military stores. This offended 
 the majors who were to act under him, and they sent in 
 their resignations, which Gordon accepted. 
 
 There came a time when everybody praised him, but 
 it was not yet. At present people did not know him as 
 well as they did afterwards; and censure and suspicion tried 
 the soul of the brave man, who had only one desire, and 
 that was to do the right. As we see, not only his Chinese 
 exploits, but his whole life standing out in its grand 
 simplicity, we cannot but feel that he proved himself then 
 and ever a true soldier of the Lord Jesus Christ; and we 
 say, with one accord, “ Let us go thank him and encourage 
 him.” 
 
CHAPTER Y. 
 
 SUCCESSES AND TRIALS. 
 
 “ To the dauntless temper of his mind, 
 
 He hath a wisdom that doth guide his valoui 
 To act in safety.” 
 
 — Macbeth, 
 
 HE taking of Quinsan was one of the most 
 effective of Gordon’s engagements, and it was 
 most cleverly accomplished. He went to the 
 attack with 600 artillery and 2,300 infantry. 
 They were opposed by a force of about 12,000. Quinsan 
 was a large city, four and a-half miles in circumference. 
 There is a high hill in the centre, and the enemy from the 
 top of it could obtain a view of the country all around. It 
 was commanded by a skilful chief, named Moh Wang, who 
 placed men on the hill to telegraph to him all the move¬ 
 ments of the Ever-Victorious Army. Gordon made his 
 first attack upon the east gate; but he saw that the best 
 plan would be to bring up his little steamer Hyson to work. 
 Quinsan and Soochow were placed between Lake Yansing and 
 some considerable creeks. As the two places, Quinsan and 
 Soochow, depended greatly upon each other, he knew that it 
 
SUCCESSES AND TRIALS . 
 
 37 
 
 was very important, from his point of view, to cut off all 
 communication between them. So having invested the city 
 by means of his own soldiers and some of the Imperialist 
 forces, in order that the enemy should not retreat to 
 Chanzu, he brought the Hyson , accompanied by a fleet of 
 eighty sail, upon the scene. There was a village only a few 
 miles from Quinsan, which might be called the key to the 
 city; and he therefore came at once to this village, 
 Chanzu, though he had to come through twenty miles of 
 water occupied by the enemy. He was successful in sur¬ 
 prising and capturing the rebel garrison at Chanzu, and 
 there he left three hundred riflemen and a good part of his 
 force in charge. He himself, taking only the well-armed 
 crew of the Hyson , commanded by an American of great 
 ability, Captain Davidson, went toward Soochow to recon¬ 
 noitre. They fell in with a large body of the rebels, and 
 at once fired upon them with such effect that they retreated, 
 leaving Gordon master of the canal. The steamer pursued 
 the fugitives, and went on her victorious course almost 
 unmolested, taking canal, stockades, and ports, with very 
 little trouble. 
 
 Gordon’s heart was set upon Soochow as the next strong¬ 
 hold to be attacked, and he managed to steam up to its 
 very walls. When he had seen what he wished, he steamed 
 back to Chanzu, arriving just in time, for the rebel garrison 
 were trying to escape. But the Hyson was again brought 
 into requisition, and the Tai-pings, who were almost 
 frightened to death, were driven back. They need not 
 have been, if they had only known how to use their vast 
 forces wisely ; for they were numerous enough to have won 
 repeated victories where they really had defeat. It was 
 thought that no fewer than 15,000 rebels were beaten at 
 Quinsan. 
 
 Gordon and his force at last entered unopposed into 
 Quinsan through the east gate. He gave orders that the 
 
38 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 prisoners were to be treated as if they had surrendered to 
 British officers. No one was to be beheaded or ill-used. 
 The result of this merciful command was that seven 
 hundred men entered the ranks of the Ever-Victorious. 
 This engagement was of the utmost consequence. Gordon 
 had only two killed and five wounded, but the victory was 
 most decisive and important. 
 
 He wrote home, declaring that the steamers would do 
 more than anything to hasten matters. “The horror of 
 the rebels at the steamer is very great. When she whistles 
 they cannot make it out.” He told them that he was 
 raised to the rank of Tsung-ping, or Bed Button Mandarin. 
 
 . He described the country as wonderful for creeks and lakes, 
 and said that it was very rich. “ My occupying this city 
 enables the Imperial Government to protect an enormous 
 district, rich in corn, etc., and the people around are so 
 thankful for their release that it is quite a pleasure. They 
 were in a desperate plight before our arrival, as their way 
 lay between the rebels and Imperialists. . . . You may 
 hear of cruelties being committed ; do not believe them. 
 We took nearly 800 prisoners, and some of them have 
 entered my body-guard, and fought since against their old 
 friends the rebels. If I had time I could tell such extra¬ 
 ordinary stories of the way men from distant provinces 
 meet each other, and the way villagers recognise in our 
 ranks old rebels who have visited villages for plunder; but 
 I really have no time for it. I took a Mandarin who had 
 been a rebel for three years, and have him now; he has a 
 bullet in his cheek, which he received when fighting against 
 the rebels. The rebels I took into my guard were snake 
 flag-bearers of head chiefs, and they are full of the remarks 
 of their old masters. The snake-flags are the marks of 
 head men in both armies. Whenever they are seen there 
 is a chief present. When they go, you know the rebels will 
 retire. At Taitsan the snake-flags remained till the last, 
 
SUCCESSES AND TRIALS. 
 
 39 
 
 and this accounted for a severe fight. ... I dare say I 
 shall be loudly attacked in the House of Commons. . . . As 
 you say, the pay is not my motive. I really do think I am 
 doing a good service in putting down this rebellion, and so 
 would anyone if he saw the delight of the villagers at 
 getting out of their oppressors’ hands.” 
 
 After capturing Quinsan, the General had a time of 
 quiet, inasmuch as no big battles were fought, but other¬ 
 wise he was tried exceedingly. He saw that it would be 
 wise to make Quinsan his future head-quarters, as, from a 
 military point of view, the situation was incomparably 
 better than Sung-kiang. But when the troops heard of 
 it, they became rebellious and mutinous. They preferred 
 Sung-kiang, because there they could easily dispose of the 
 plunder which they hoped and intended to secure, and it 
 was not their wish at all to move. But, of course, Gordon 
 was resolved to have his own way. And there came a 
 time when a severe test must be applied in order to settle 
 once for all the question as to which was the mightier— 
 the Ever-Victorious Army or its dauntless leader. 
 
 When the artillery was ordered to fall in, the answer w r as 
 a blank refusal to do so, accompanied by a threat to attack 
 and kill all the officers, whether English or Chinese. They 
 made a proclamation to General Gordon to this effect, 
 handing it to him in writing. Gordon called them before 
 him, and addressed them: “ How, my men, I want to know 
 who is responsible for this proclamation, and why you did 
 not fall in when ordered to do so 1 ” 
 
 Ho one spoke. Every one was afraid to confess the 
 truth. Gordon believed that the non-commissioned officers 
 had stirred up the men to mutiny, but he wanted to be 
 sure. 
 
 “How, are you going to tell me? Yery well, then, we 
 will lose no time. One in every five of you will be shot! ” 
 
 This was startling, and the men at once began to groan 
 
40 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 and cry. One of the powers which has helped Gordon in 
 his remarkable career is the ability to read character and 
 see into human nature. He noticed one man who was 
 particularly loud in his lamentations. “ That is the man 
 who is the ringleader of this affair,” said Gordon to 
 himself. 
 
 He was always prompt in action, and he now acted 
 upon the impulse of the moment, feeling sure he was right. 
 With his own hand he seized the man and dragged him 
 forth, giving at once the grim order —“Shoot that man!” 
 
 He was obeyed instantly. 
 
 He then called all the non-commissioned officers before 
 him. 
 
 “ You are ordered into confinement for an hour,” he 
 said. “ It is an hour given to you for thought. If at the 
 end of that time you do not give up the name of the writer 
 of that proclamation, and if you do not cause the men to 
 fall in, you know your fate; every fifth man will be 
 shot.” 
 
 This had the desired effect. The name of the person who 
 was responsible for the proclamation was given in, and 
 Gordon had the satisfaction of discovering that he had shot 
 the right man. 
 
 After this he had no difficulty from the men; the mutiny 
 was at an end, and they were ready to march to Quinsan 
 and take up their head-quarters there as the General 
 wished. 
 
 But Charles Gordon had not disposed of all his troubles, 
 nor could he do so easily. Unfortunately, General Ching 
 was jealous of him, and sought to injure him. Ching 
 thought too much was made of Gordon. Yery naturally 
 he believed himself the better man of the two, and did 
 not approve of the rewards and the honours which were 
 given to the foreigner. He wrote letters to Li-Hung-Chang, 
 which he hoped would cause him to view Gordon with 
 
SUCCESSES AND TRIALS . 
 
 41 
 
 disfavour. He did one very dastardly thing—he caused 
 some of his gunboats to open fire on Gordon’s army, declar 
 ing afterwards that it was a joke. When pressed further 
 he said that he had not recognised the flag on which his 
 troops had fired. Gordon could be exceedingly angry on 
 occasion, and he became so now. He retorted that General 
 Ching knew very well what he was doing ; and he wrote to 
 Li-Hung-Chang insisting upon this. When he got no satis¬ 
 faction, he resolved that he would go and fight Ching 
 himself ; but Li would not allow this. He sent a messenger 
 to Ching, who obliged him to apologise to Gordon. 
 
 But greater troubles still awaited the victorious General. 
 He had to fight with many things besides the rebellion. 
 If he had allowed the men to behave as they pleased with 
 impunity, if he had permitted plunder and self-indulgence 
 on their part, they would have been better pleased. He 
 was too strict and too honourable to give them satisfaction. 
 He was very desirous of making at once an attack on 
 Soochow, and to do this he wished to march on Wokong ; 
 but the artillery officers declared that they would not serve 
 under Major Trapp, whom Gordon had appointed. The 
 intrepid General at once set to work to find other men; but 
 discovering that he was doing this, the officers yielded, and 
 were forgiven. 
 
 Soochow is a most important city on the Grand Canal. 
 To take it was Gordon’s intense desire. It is surrounded 
 by water-ways; and by water Gordon resolved to attack it. 
 If that were wrested from the rebels verv much would 
 be gained. 
 
 First, Gordon decided to take Kahpoo and Wokong, 
 because, if these places were secured, he would have the keys 
 to the rebel positions. The Imperialists had their ideas 
 and Gordon had his; and if they were divided as to ways 
 and means, they were united in the wish to win the city of 
 pagodas, the capital of the province. Gordon first at- 
 
42 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 tempted to take the two forts of Kahpoo, because then he 
 would have possession of the water-ways and roads leading 
 to Soochow. 
 
 He therefore brought his steamers, Firefly and Cricket , 
 and stormed Kahpoo. He went from thence to Wokong, 
 which place he beleagured on every side. Four thousand 
 prisoners were taken, several important chiefs among them. 
 The leader, Yang Wang, hearing who was coming, had 
 fled; but the two places, Kahpoo and Wokong, were soon 
 in the hands of the Ever-Victorious Army. 
 
 And just at that time, with his successes fresh upon him, 
 Charles Gordon became so disheartened that he resolved to 
 throw up the command, and abandon the whole expedition. 
 
 He was discouraged by the opposition and want of 
 confidence that he continually met with, when he had a 
 right to look for other treatment. The Chinese Govern¬ 
 ment failed to send him the money that was due to his 
 troops; and the men and officers were both angry with him 
 for his strictness of discipline and determination not to 
 permit plunder. Nearly half the Ever-Victorious Army 
 deserted their commander immediately after he had led 
 them to victory. He could not have kept up the numbers 
 at all, but that he recruited from the rebel prisoners. 
 
 His colleague Ching also added greatly to his perplexities 
 and annoyances. He wished to turn more of the prisoners 
 into soldiers, and Gordon, having extracted a promise that 
 they should be well treated, allowed this—to discover that 
 five of the men were beheaded. 
 
 What troubled him still more was the fact that Governor 
 Li-Hung-Chang misunderstood him as completely as the 
 rest. He could not believe in the disinterestedness of the 
 brave Englishman with whom he had to deal. Afterwards 
 he knew the man, and loved and honoured him for his 
 worth and true nobility of mind and character; but at 
 present he seemed to suspect that it was for his own ends 
 
SUCCESSES AND TRIALS . 43 
 
 that he wished to secure the payment of the men. And 
 he kept back supplies, and even broke his promise. 
 
 Altogether, though he was sorry on many accounts, 
 Charles Gordon came to the conclusion that it would be 
 well for him to heed the advice of his friends at home, 
 and resign his commission and position in China. So he 
 went to Shanghai for the purpose. 
 
 But he did not throw up his commission after all; for 
 when he reached Shanghai he heard tidings that roused 
 all his feelings of courage and chivalry, and sent him back 
 to his post of danger and responsibility with greater 
 resolution than ever. 
 
 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE REBEL BURGEVINE. 
 
 “ Men were deceivers ever ; 
 
 One foot on sea, and one on shore, 
 
 To one tiling constant never.” 
 
 —Much Ado A bout Nothing. 
 
 HE news which caused Charles Gordon to alter 
 his course and remain at his post concerned 
 the man who, with Ward, had first originated, 
 and then been dismissed from, the Ever- 
 Victorious Army. Burgevine had been hoping again to 
 become the commander; but finding that this was by no 
 means the wish of the authorities, he became jealous and 
 reckless, and eventually tried to get together an army of 
 his own. He then entered into communication with the 
 Tai-pings, and sought to propitiate those against whom he 
 had formerly fought. At the time when Gordon reached 
 Shanghai, he had contrived, by the help of a man named 
 Jones, the renegade master of the war-ship Kiao-Chiao , to 
 seize and appropriate the vessel. The steamer belonged to 
 the Chinese; but Burgevine manned it with desperate 
 fellows from different parts of the world, and actually 
 steamed up to Soochow. 
 
THE REBEL BURGE VINE. 
 
 45 
 
 Gordon hearing of this returned to Quinsan. He felt 
 that so far from giving up now, duty called him to be more 
 energetic and devoted than ever. It was feared on all 
 hands that Burgevine might seduce some of Gordon’s men 
 to his side. He had, by his unscrupulous way of rewarding 
 them when he was with them before, made himself popular 
 with the men. He offered the rebels who enlisted with 
 him plenty of pay, and “ license to sack every town they 
 took, including Shanghai; ” and it would have been little 
 wonder if Gordon’s men, angry at being thwarted and kept 
 out of their money, had mutinied. It was a very anxious 
 time; but Gordon was watchful and prompt. He had to 
 personally superintend the defence of both Quinsan and 
 Kahpoo. He had to repulse several attacks, which were 
 made with firm resistance and determination. He w r as also 
 in a very isolated and dangerous position ; but his courage 
 and his trust in God did not fail. People were urging 
 him to make an attack on Soochow ; but he thought it 
 would be rash to do so, and he felt that so many lives 
 were entrusted to his care that he would have to exercise 
 the utmost caution. He wrote— 
 
 “We have, by the capture of Wokong, very seriously 
 affected the rebels; and if I can carry out my plan of 
 taking Woosieh, and thus surrounding Soochow, I do not 
 think it will be necessary to attack that place, but think 
 they will leave. Burgevine is a very foolish man, and little 
 thinks the immense misery he will cause this unhappy 
 country ; for of the ultimate suppression of the rebellion 
 I have little doubt, as it is a government receiving revenues 
 contending with a faction almost blockaded, and drawing 
 on exhaustible funds. The Imperialists are not likely to 
 feel any great liking for foreigners, after the way they have 
 been treated by them. I am thinking of attacking a 
 fortified post of the rebels at Ping Wang, which threatens 
 the city of Wokong, in a few days; and from which they 
 
46 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 have lately been making raids into the Imperialists’ 
 territory.” 
 
 It was felt by all who knew the true state of affairs that 
 General Gordon and his force were in the greatest possible 
 peril. General Brown sent to the Secretary of War to tell 
 him that Gordon’s men had formerly been in the pay of 
 Ward, and that Burge vine had already been joined by some 
 of Gordon’s officers. It was quite possible that the guns 
 belonging to the British Government might get into the 
 hands of the rebels through the treachery of some disaffected 
 men, and then General Brown himself and his station at 
 Shanghai would be endangered. He decided to visit Gordon; 
 and when he saw the efficient state of his garrison, he was 
 more assured. The Imperialists soon joined the Ever- 
 Victorious Army; and Gordon was at least better protected 
 than he had been before. 
 
 At that time he had a remarkable escape. There were 
 some stockades at Patachow which Gordon decided to attack. 
 The Patachow Bridge was three hundred yards long, and 
 had fifty-three arches. Twenty-six of the arches fell “ like 
 a pack of cards,” and two men were killed. Ten others 
 would have been, but that, hearing the noise, they ran. 
 Gordon had removed one archway to let a steamer pass 
 through; and this probably weakened the whole structure. 
 He said he regretted it immensely, as it was unique and 
 very old; in fact, a thing to come many miles to see. 
 General Gordon was one evening sitting on the parapet of 
 the bridge, smoking a cigar, when the stone on which he sat 
 was struck by two shots. He went to see what had been 
 the meaning of the shots, and had not proceeded far before 
 the part of the bridge on which he had been sitting gave 
 way, and went splashing into the water. Was not this 
 another proof that God took care of our hero 'l 
 
 He was preserved on another occasion, when his life 
 might have been taken by treachery. Some of the 
 
THE REBEL BURGE VINE. 
 
 47 
 
 Europeans who had joined the rebels sent to him to 
 say that they were dissatisfied with their position at 
 Soochow, and wished him to meet Burgevine and hold a 
 consultation with him. Gordon recognised the danger, 
 but he did not hesitate. He talked matters over with 
 Burgevine, who told him that he and his men had 
 resolved to leave the Tai-pings; but they would require 
 some guarantee from the Imperialists that they would 
 not be punished. Gordon gave the promise, and offered 
 to take some of the men into his service. 
 
 But at the next interview Burgevine had a proposal 
 to make to Gordon. He confessed to him that his great 
 desire was to found an empire of his own in China ; and 
 he invited Gordon to join him in the enterprise. He 
 said that together they could take Soochow, and turning 
 out Imperialists and rebels alike, appropriate the treasure 
 in Soochow, and proceed to raise an army and march 
 on Pekin. But he found that he had greatly mistaken 
 his man, for Gordon, by no means allured, treated the 
 proposal as it deserved. 
 
 Burgevine, however, had not ceased to treat with Gordon. 
 He sent secretly to tell him that he and his gang intended 
 to desert and throw themselves upon his protection. They 
 asked Gordon to send up from his signal lines a rocket, on 
 which they would board the Hyson , as if to capture the 
 steamer. It was carried out as they wished; and so much 
 in earnest did they appear, that a host of rebels rushed to 
 their assistance. The Hyson , however, steamed away, and 
 carried the deserters to a place of safety. There were thirty- 
 six of them, but Burgevine was not among them; he and 
 other Europeans, having been suspected by the rebel chief, 
 were retained. The deserters were very glad to find them¬ 
 selves with Gordon, who wrote the following letter to the 
 principal Wangs of Soochow, in order to get them to release 
 the Europeans:— 
 
48 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 “ Stockades, Patachow, 16 ^ October 1863 . 
 tl To their Excellencies Chung Wang and Moh Wang, 
 
 “ Your Excellencies—You must be already aware that I 
 have, on all occasions where it lay in my power, been 
 merciful to your soldiers when taken prisoners; and not 
 only been so myself, but have used every endeavour to 
 prevent the Imperial authorities from practising any 
 inhumanity. Ask for the truth of this statement any of 
 the men who were taken at Wokong, and who, some of 
 them, must have returned to Soocliow, as I placed no 
 restriction on them whatever. 
 
 “ Having stated the above, I now ask your Excellencies 
 to consider the case of the Europeans in your service. In 
 every army each soldier must be actuated with faithful 
 feelings to fight well. A man made to fight against his 
 will is not only a bad soldier, but he is a positive danger, 
 causing anxiety to his leaders, and absorbing a large 
 force to prevent his defection. If there are very many 
 Europeans in Soochow, I would ask your Excellencies if it 
 does not seem to you much better to let these men quietly 
 leave your service if they wish it: you would thereby get 
 rid of a continual source of suspicion, gain the sympathy of 
 the whole foreign nations, and feel that your difficulties are 
 all from without. Your Excellencies may think that 
 decapitation would soon settle the matter, but you would 
 then be guilty of a crime which will bear its fruits sooner 
 or later. In this force officers and men come and go at 
 pleasure, and although it is inconvenient at times, I am 
 never apprehensive of treason from within. Your Excel¬ 
 lencies may rely on what I say, that should you behead the 
 Europeans who are with you, or retain them against their 
 free will, you will eventually regret it. The men have 
 committed no crime, and they have done you good service, 
 and what they have tried to do by escape is nothing more 
 
THE REBEL BURGE VINE. 
 
 49 
 
 than any man, or even animal, will do when placed in a 
 situation he does not like. 
 
 “ The men could have done you great harm, as you will 
 no doubt allow, and I consider that your Excellencies have 
 reaped great benefit from their assistance. As far as I am 
 personally concerned, it is a matter of indifference whether 
 the men stay or leave ; but as a man who wishes to save 
 these unfortunate men, I intercede. 
 
 “ Your Excellencies may depend you will not suffer by 
 letting these men go. You need not fear their communi¬ 
 cating information. I knew your force, men and guns, 
 long ago, and therefore cannot get that information from 
 them. If my entreaties are unavailing for these men, of 
 yourself send down the wounded, and perform an action 
 never to be regretted. I write the above with my own 
 hand, as I do not wish to entrust the matter to a linguist, 
 and trusting you will accede to my request.—I conclude, 
 your Excellencies’ obedient servant, 
 
 “ 0. G. Gordon, Major Commanding .” 
 
 It will be seen from this letter how very fearful Gordon 
 was that Burgevine would be decapitated; so he sent the 
 letter and some presents to Moh Wang at once, and all the 
 Enfields that the deserters had brought in. Moh Wang 
 replied that the Europeans need not have left, for they 
 were free to come or go as they pleased; but they had not 
 only ran away, but had taken gun-boats, horses, and arms 
 with them. Gordon replied that he had returned all they 
 had brought. Moh Wang asked the messenger why the 
 Europeans had run away, and was told that it was because 
 they felt sure Gordon would ultimately win and the rebels 
 be defeated. 
 
 “ Do you think that Gordon will take the city h ” inquired 
 Moh Wang. 
 
 The messenger promptly answered, “ Yes.” 
 
 e 4 
 
50 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 “Would it be possible for us to buy Gordon over on our 
 side % ” 
 
 “ Indeed, no ; it would be quite impossible.” 
 
 Gordon said in one of his letters, written at this time :— 
 “ This defection of the Europeans is an almost extin¬ 
 guishing blow to the rebels; and from the tone of Moh 
 Wang’s letter, so different from the one he wrote to General 
 Staveley a little time ago, I feel convinced that the rebel 
 chiefs would come to terms if they had fair ones offered 
 them. I mean to do my best to bring these about; and I 
 am sure that if I do so, I shall gain a greater victory than 
 any captures of cities would be.” 
 
 Owing to Gordon’s intervention, the rebel Burge vine 
 was not killed. That he was scarcely worth saving was 
 abundantly proved afterward. He had actually, while 
 offering to surrender, been planning with his lieutenant, 
 Jones, to entrap Gordon. But Jones was not so base as to 
 yield to his wishes, although his refusal filled Burgevine 
 with murderous desires towards Jones. On*one occasion 
 he fired upon the lieutenant; and it was this that caused 
 Jones and the rest to desert him. Jones thus described 
 the affair, which occurred when Burgevine had been 
 drinking :— 
 
 “ At noon I went to Burgevine, who was lying asleep on 
 a 32-pounder gunboat, and asked him whether I should 
 assist him to get ashore, as many of our officers and men 
 were making remarks on the condition he was in. On his 
 demanding the names of those who had made the remarks, 
 I declined giving them, and shortly afterwards again 
 attempted to remonstrate with him in company with 
 another officer. On my again declining to give up names, 
 Burgevine drew out his four-barrelled pistol, which he 
 cocked and discharged at my head from a distance of about 
 nine inches. The bullet entered my cheek, and passed 
 upwards. It has not yet been extracted. I exclaimed, 
 
THE REBEL BURGE VINE. 
 
 51 
 
 ‘ You have shot your best friend !’ His answer was, i I 
 know I have, and I wish to God I had killed you.’ ” 
 
 Burgevine wrote to a local paper confirming the truth of 
 this statement :— 
 
 “ Captain Jones’s account of the affair is substantially 
 correct; and I feel great pleasure in bearing testimony to 
 his veracity and candour whenever any affair with which he 
 is personally acquainted is concerned.” 
 
 Gordon succeeded in saving the life of the man who 
 wanted to rob him of his own. He said afterwards, “ I am 
 afraid he is a rascal, but I acted to the best of my 
 judgment.” 
 
 Moh Wang sent him away in safety, and he was delivered 
 to the care of the American consul. Ho proceedings were 
 instituted against him, in accordance with Gordon’s request 
 that he should be allowed to leave the country. 
 
 The foreigners whose escape had been made by means of 
 the Hyson drew up a document expressing their gratitude 
 to General Gordon, and they gave before the United States 
 consul a full account of the plot in which Burgevine was 
 implicated, and the counter-plot in which they engaged to 
 thwart him. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 IN THE THICK OF THE FIGHT. 
 
 “What do you think of me ? ” 
 
 “As of a man faithful and honourable.” 
 
 — Hamlet. 
 
 N the meantime General Gordon had plenty of 
 work before him. Mr. Andrew Wilson in his 
 interesting book, Colonel Gordon's Chinese 
 Campaign , says :— 
 
 “ In almost all these engagements Colonel Gordon was 
 very much exposed, for he found it necessary, or at least 
 expedient, to be constantly in the front, and often to lead 
 in person. Though brave men, the officers of his force 
 would sometimes hang back, and their commander had 
 occasionally to take one of them by the arm and lead him 
 into the thick of the fire. He himself seemed to bear a 
 charmed life, and never carried any arms, even when fore¬ 
 most in the breach. His only weapon on these occasions 
 was a small cane, with which he used to direct his troops; 
 and in the Chinese imagination this cane soon became 
 magnified into 
 
 ‘Gordon’s Magic Wand of Victory.’ 
 
IN THE THICK OF THE FIGHT. 
 
 53 
 
 His celestial followers, finding that he was almost invariably 
 victorious, and escaping unhurt, though more exposed than 
 any other man in the force, naturally concluded, in accord¬ 
 ance with their usual ideas, that the little wand he carried 
 ensured protection and success to its owner. Every one 
 who knows the Chinese character will be aware that such 
 an idea must have given great encouragement to the Ever- 
 Victorious Army, and was of more service to its commander 
 than could have been any amount of arms which he himself 
 could possibly have carried.” 
 
 Gordon would no doubt have been glad if to his wand 
 had been given the power with which it was credited ; and 
 if, besides winning him victory, it could have warded off 
 disease, and protected him from trouble. 
 
 The weather became very hot, and his men fell sick of 
 fever and other ailments, so that it was necessary to remove 
 the troops from Quinsan, and they were taken to a place 
 six miles from Soochow, called Wai Quaidong. 
 
 A constant source of irritation and trouble to Gordon 
 was found in General Ching. Although he was supposed 
 to act in concert with Gordon, he much more frequently 
 acted entirely on his own responsibility, leaving his sup¬ 
 posed colleague altogether in the dark as to his intentions 
 and movements. Indeed there can be little doubt but that 
 again and again the Chinese general endeavoured to thwart 
 the Englishman, although they were both understood to be 
 fighting in the same cause. This, of course, added greatly 
 to the burden already laid upon Gordon. 
 
 “ Shall I ever take Soochow ? ” was the question that 
 frequently presented itself to him, and sometimes his hope 
 grew faint within him. His friends thought that the odds 
 were so much against him that he would never succeed. 
 He had very little encouragement from the Imperialist 
 Government, in whose cause he was risking his life; and, 
 indeed, he had little cheer from any side. 
 
54 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 The following letter describes better than any other 
 words could do the engagements that followed those 
 already related :— 
 
 “You will remember my having mentioned the fact 
 of the Europeans and Burgevine having come over from 
 the rebels. Since then the following have been our move¬ 
 ments : we started for the Fifty-three Arched Bridge—alas ! 
 now only twenty-seven arched—Patachow, and made a great 
 detour of the lakes of Kahpoo, to throw the rebels off the 
 scent. We left at two p.m., and although the place, 
 Wulungchiao, which I wanted to attack, was only a mile and 
 a-half to the west of Patachow, I made a detour of thirty 
 miles to confuse them, on a side they were not prepared for. 
 It turned out wet; and the night of the 23rd of October 
 was miserable enough, cooped up in boats as we were. 
 However, it cleared a little before dawn. About seven 
 a.m. we came on the stockades. I had asked the Imperial¬ 
 ists under General Ching to delay their attack from 
 Patachow till I had become well engaged; but, as usual, 
 General Ching must needs begin at half-past five A.M., and 
 he got a good dressing from the rebels, and was forced 
 to retire. His loss was nineteen killed and sixty-seven 
 wounded, while the Talio gun-boat admiral, who had abetted 
 him in his tom-fooling, lost thirty killed and wounded. 
 We lost none ; three were slightly bruised. The chief head 
 of Soochow, Moh Wang, knew we were out, but had no 
 idea of our going to Wulungchiao. He is greatly angered, 
 and in addition to this has had trouble with his brother 
 Wangs, who reproach him for having trusted the Euro¬ 
 peans, and for neglecting them. Eleven out of twenty-seven 
 Wangs refused to go out and fight. Yesterday afternoon 
 a European left Soochow and came over. I had met him 
 before, and consider that he had acted in a very brave 
 manner in remaining in Soochow. He says Moh Wang does 
 not understand our movements, and is very much put out 
 
IN THE THICK OF THE FIGHT 
 
 55 
 
 at the loss of this place. They tried to take it back again 
 on the twenty-fifth at dusk, but got defeated.” 
 
 After this there was an expedition sent to drive the rebels 
 from Wokong. They had been driven out once, but suc¬ 
 ceeded in coming back again, and establishing themselves 
 in almost the same position which they had pre¬ 
 viously occupied. Gordon won another signal victory 
 by making use of the steamer, which compelled them to 
 retire by a narrow road on the bank of the Grand Canal. 
 They were obliged to remain on this road, as there were 
 many large creeks spanned only by high narrow 
 bridges. The steamer kept a fire on the rebels the whole 
 time, and as only two could go over the bridges abreast, of 
 course it took a long time for them to pass. From 3000 to 
 4000 got away; but 1300 prisoners were taken, and one 
 Wang was among them. Gordon, in his account of it, said 
 —“ The value of the victory is that we now have no fear for 
 our rear, and I believe that the rebels in the silk districts 
 seriously think of giving in. In the meantime, I am pre¬ 
 paring an attack on the north of the city, which will take 
 place about the 1st of November.” 
 
 Leeku was the next place to be attacked. 
 
 While Gordon was considering the method which it 
 would be best to adopt, he found a letter written by one 
 of his officers to a friend of the rebels, in which the writer, 
 Captain Perry, informed his correspondent of the intended 
 movements of the Ever-Victorious Army. Gordon was 
 rather angry, as he well might be. 
 
 “Captain Perry,” he said, when the delinquent was 
 before him, “ what is the meaning of this 1 ” 
 
 “ It seems to be a letter of mine.” 
 
 “ Did you write it ” 
 
 “Yes, certainly.” 
 
 “ But do you know the harm that such a communication 
 might do ? If this information were carried to the Tai- 
 
56 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 pings, as it well might, and probably would be, do you not 
 see how they might act upon it 'l ” 
 
 “ I certainly did not intend to do harm; my only idea 
 was to convey a little piece of gossip. I thought the facts 
 were of no importance.” 
 
 Gordon looked upon the matter more seriously. “ Such an 
 act might have had grave consequences,” he said ; “ but I 
 shall pass over your fault this time, on condition that in 
 order to show your loyalty you undertake to lead the next 
 forlorn hope.” 
 
 His loyalty was proved by his death shortly after. 
 Gordon had forgotten his own remark, until Perry was 
 fighting by his side, and was struck down by a ball. 
 Gordon caught his comrade in his arms, and he died there. 
 
 It was at Leeku that Captain Perry was killed. To help 
 Gordon in his endeavour to capture this town, 15,000 of the 
 Imperialist forces joined him. The place was carried with a 
 rush, and Gordon captured their gun-boats, forty other 
 boats, and sixty prisoners. 
 
 Soochow was already doomed. Gordon wrote on the 
 3rd of November :— 
 
 “ We, yesterday, after a hard fight, took all the stockades 
 up to the walls along the east face of the city, and last 
 night four Wangs came in to negotiate a surrender. I 
 think that this is likely, and the heaviest part of our 
 fighting is over. The rebels are having great trouble among 
 themselves, and have to pay largely for food.” 
 
 Wanti still remained to be attacked. When that place 
 had surrendered, Soochow would be almost completely 
 invested. Already nearly all the roads and waterways 
 leading to it were closed, and the outposts occupied by 
 Imperialist forces. • Wanti was very strongly fortified ; but 
 they managed to surround the place and take it in less than 
 an hour. The rebels lost all courage as soon as Gordon 
 approached, and they began to leave in large numbers at 
 
IN THE THICK OF THE FIGHT 57 
 
 once. Yet some of them fought bravely, and Gordon took 
 six hundred prisoners. 
 
 One man, Lai-Wang, who was in charge of some stockades, 
 volunteered to desert the rebels and join Gordon, bringing 
 with him his 20,000 men ; but he was killed, and so pre¬ 
 vented from carrying out his intentions. Gordon hoped 
 that dissensions within the city of Soochow, and scarcity 
 of rice, would hasten its surrender. He resolved to make 
 the attack at Monding, on the Grand Canal. 
 
 Gordon was now ready to commence the great work of 
 taking Soochow. He was determined that before November 
 passed something more should have been accomplished. He 
 knew that he had to contend with overwhelming forces. In 
 Soochow and its suburbs the Tai-ping forces numbered 
 40,000 men, while 38,000 more were not far away. Gordon 
 had under his own command only between 3000 and 4000. 
 General Ching had command of 25,000 Imperialists. 
 
 Gordon had received some information respecting the 
 enemy which encouraged him. Chung Wang, the Faithful 
 King, was in difficulties. He must be exceedingly wary in 
 his movements, or Nanking and Hangchow would be lost to 
 him. If Nanking were once out of the rebels’ hands the 
 rebellion would certainly be doomed. The city was 
 besieged, and the works around the Kaiachiao had been 
 evacuated. That which took the strength from the arm 
 of the Faithful King filled the leader of the Ever- 
 Yictorious Army with hope; and he thought the time had 
 now come to make the attack. 
 
 His first effort resulted in failure. He tried one night to 
 take an inner line of the outer defences, and was defeated. 
 
 It was soon after midnight, when Gordon, accompanied 
 by Majors Howard and Williams, made the attempt. All 
 were dressed in white turbans, so as to be seen by each 
 other in the dark. Gordon ordered his men to wait for a 
 given signal before they came on. Everything appeared 
 
58 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 quiet, and the men who were with Gordon were working at 
 a stockade, when a tremendous fire of grape and musketry 
 was opened upon them from the Tai-pings. Gordon held on 
 with his usual gallantry, but those who came after him 
 were obliged to retire. Moh Wang, who was in the front 
 stockade, fought with great bravery. He had on neither 
 shoes nor stockings; and he and twenty Europeans, who 
 were with him, fought like lions. The rebels, though they 
 won a victory, had very great losses. 
 
 Meanwhile the Wangs in Soochow were divided in opinion. 
 Some of them wished to come over to the Imperialists, and 
 some would not listen to such a proposal. Moh Wang was 
 especially indignant with all who thought of it. So some 
 of the Wangs proposed that Gordon should again attack the 
 east gate ; and they promised that when he did so, they 
 would shut Moh Wang out of the city, and take affairs into 
 their own hands. Gordon, therefore, brought his guns to 
 bear upon the stockades, which he soon laid in ruins. He 
 had only a few men with him ; but he pressed forward, 
 pushed through the stockades, and seized a fort. He thus 
 gained a victory, but not without severe loss of valuable 
 men and lives. 
 
 On the 30th of November 1863 Gordon issued the 
 following general order :— 
 
 “ The commanding officer congratulates the officers and 
 the men of the force on their gallant conduct of yesterday. 
 The tenacity of the enemy, and the great strength of their 
 position, have unfortunately caused many casualties, and 
 the loss of very valuable officers and men. The enemy, 
 however, has now felt our strength, and, although fully 
 prepared and animated by the presence of their most popular 
 chiefs, have been driven out of their position, which sur¬ 
 passes in strength any yet taken from them. The loss of 
 the whole stockades on the east side of the city, up to the 
 walls, has already had its effect, and dissension is now rife 
 
IN THE THICK OF THE FIGHT 
 
 59 
 
 in the garrison, who, hemmed in on all sides, are already, 
 in fact, negotiating defection. The commanding officer feels 
 most deeply for the heavy loss, but is convinced that the 
 same will not be experienced again. The possession of the 
 position of yesterday renders the occupation of the city by 
 the rebels untenable, and thus, victualling the city is lost to 
 them.” 
 
 The Wangs who wished to surrender arranged to have an 
 interview with Gordon, and he met them accordingly. 
 They told him if he would attack the city they would not 
 assist in its defence, on condition that he on his side would 
 engage to protect them from the anger of the Imperialists. 
 The Nar Wang asked Gordon to carry the city by assault, 
 but was told that in that case no one would be able to 
 protect it from being sacked and burnt. He advised the 
 Wangs to give over one of the gates and thus prove their 
 sincerity; adding that if they would not do that, they must 
 either leave the city or settle the matter in battle. 
 
 They agreed to hand over a gate, and while General 
 Ching was settling the terms of the capitulation, Gordon 
 went to have an interview with Li-Hung-Chang in order to 
 get the safety of the prisoners secured. 
 
 The rebel chiefs were very brave men, and perhaps the 
 bravest of all w*as Moh Wang. He would not consent to 
 surrender. He had an idea that some parleying was going 
 on, and he called six other Wangs together that he might 
 confer with them. The conference was conducted with 
 considerable ceremonial. Moh Wang was seated on a dais 
 in the reception hall, and began to discuss the state of the 
 city, of which he was the commander. Four of the Wangs 
 proposed capitulation. 
 
 “ No surrender ! ” said the brave Moh Wang. 
 
 “ But we shall be overcome, and then it will be the worse 
 for us,” urged the rest. 
 
 “No surrender ! 99 replied Moh Wang. 
 
60 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 “ I, too, would say the same if we had any chance of 
 success. But there is no hope. We are completely sur¬ 
 rounded by the foreign devils, and our only chance is in ’ 
 capitulation.” 
 
 “No surrender! ” 
 
 “We shall all be killed, and our cause will come to an 
 ignominious end if we stubbornly hold out now. But it is 
 possible to make terms with Gordon. He is an honourable 
 man. He will ensure our safety.” 
 
 “No surrender! ” 
 
 “ But if we yield now we shall live to fight again ; if we 
 are killed, of what avail will it be that we have stood out 
 against all odds h 99 
 
 “No surrender ! ” again cried Moh Wang. 
 
 Kong Wang, in his great anger, threw off his robes, and 
 drew out a dagger. “ Will you yield now 1 ” 
 
 “ No surrender ! ” 
 
 The brave Wang was stabbed nine times—stabbed until 
 he died. 
 
 Then Kong Wang called on the others to assist him, and 
 they carried the faithful Wang from the reception hall into 
 the outer court, and there cut his head from his body. 
 
 Gordon had felt the greatest respect for Moh Wang. He 
 knew that in similar circumstances he would have behaved 
 in precisely the same manner. In his negotiations with 
 Li-Hung-Chang he had laid great stress upon his good 
 character, and Governor Li had given him a pledge that 
 Moh Wang’s life should be spared. Gordon was exceed- 
 ingly grieved to hear when he came back that the brave 
 Wang needed his services no longer. 
 
 Now that he was dead, no one else was determined 
 enough to hold out. Yery little time was lost; for on that 
 night Soochow surrendered, and the Ever-Yictorious Army, 
 with its intrepid leader, saw the success which they had for 
 so long been desiring. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 AFTER THE SURRENDER OF SOOCHOW. 
 
 ‘ ‘My honour is my life ; both grow in one ; 
 
 Take honour from me, and my life is done.” 
 
 —Richard II. 
 
 HARLES GORDON was desirous, above all 
 things, that the rebels who had surrendered 
 should be treated according to British ideas of 
 honour and humanity; and the Wangs who 
 knew him had every confidence that the captain of the 
 Ever-Victorious Army would have influence enough to see 
 that his wishes were carried into effect. But Gordon was 
 only one man, and he w 7 as crippled and thwarted in many 
 ways. He was especially anxious that two things should 
 be guaranteed : that there should be no looting of the 
 evacuated city, and no punishment of the Wangs. 
 
 In regard to the former he did all that he could. So far 
 as his own men were concerned, he was determined to keep 
 them from plunder. So he sent to Li Futai (Li-Hung- 
 Chang) to ask that officers and men should at once receive, 
 as a reward for their gallant services and their obedience in 
 abstaining from plunder, and also as an incentive to future 
 
62 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 efforts, two months’ extra pay. It seemed a reasonable 
 request, and that the men should be satisfied with it proves 
 Gordon to have had considerable power over them. 
 
 But to this appeal General Ching brought a denial ; 
 proposing instead a gift of one month’s pay. 
 
 The men were disgusted. They talked of mutiny, and 
 loud threats were issued that they would rush into 
 Soochow, and pay themselves in the way which they liked 
 best—by plunder. 
 
 But Gordon was prompt to oppose this; and in order to 
 prevent it he issued his orders and marched the men back 
 to their quarters at Quinsan. 
 
 Knowing that they were safe there for the time being, he 
 went to Soochow to see that his Chinese comrades were 
 treating those who were at their mercy with courtesy, or at 
 all events with humanity. He had understood that when 
 Soochow was given into the power of the Imperialists no 
 lives should be taken, and especially that pardon should be 
 given to the Wangs through whose instrumentality the city 
 had capitulated. Ching, who* was in Soochow, informed 
 him that Li had given orders for the Wangs to come 
 before him the next day, and formally give up into his 
 hands the keys of the gates of the city; but that the 
 Futai had promised to be merciful to all. 
 
 So far from this being the case, the Futai most treacher¬ 
 ously had the six Wangs beheaded. 
 
 There were many accounts of the event, the Chinese 
 trying to make their own story good, and others telling 
 stories of different kinds; but the following was Charles 
 Gordon’s own statement. He wrote a clear account of all 
 that happened, except so far as it related to his own danger 
 and exposure, from the 28th of November to the 9th of 
 December. After describing the conference of the Wangs 
 in the reception hall of Moh Wang’s palace, and the 
 assassination of its master, he says :— 
 
AFTER TEE SURRENDER OF S00CI10 W. 63 
 
 “I should have mentioned that Nar Wang had told 
 General Cliing, the night of the 3rd of December, that 
 Chung Wang, had assembled the chiefs, after his defeat 
 on the 29th of November, and had proposed to them to 
 vacate Soochow and Nanking, and return to the south. 
 Moh Wang would not accede to it, as he hoped to hold 
 the city, and had all his property there. The other 
 Wangs, knowing of the negotiations, did not also enter¬ 
 tain the idea. Another reason for Moh Wang’s holding 
 out was that his father and mother were hostages at 
 Nanking with Tien Wang. 
 
 “On the morning of the 5th of December there was 
 some musketry to be heard in the city, but it soon 
 ceased, and General Ching advanced some of his men to 
 the east gate, while some of our men went to the north 
 gate; but I soon withdrew them, as I knew their pro¬ 
 pensities, and I then went to the Futai, and asked him 
 to give the ifen two months’ pay, and let the force push 
 on to Wusieh and Chan-chufu. 
 
 “ He objected, although tl^ troops had had no remunera¬ 
 tion for any of the places that had fallen, and had had 
 very hard and continuous fighting. I told him I could not 
 keep them in hand unless he assented, and gave him until 
 three o’clock p.m., and after that time I could not remain 
 in command. This was a hard fact; but both officers and 
 men were of the same mind, and I had no option. I then 
 went into the city and passed down to Nar Wang’s house, 
 and there met all the Wangs. I asked them if everything 
 had gone on properly, and if they were content: they said, 
 Yes, and appeared quite at ease. Their troops were in the 
 streets, and everything appeared orderly. I then went 
 down to Moh Wang’s palace, and tried to get his body 
 buried, but the people would not touch it. I then went 
 out to the troops who were under arms, and soon after 
 General Ching came in on the part of the Futai to arrange 
 
64 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 terms. I referred him to the officers commanding regi¬ 
 ments, but they could not agree. Ching then came to me, 
 and begged me to try and get the force to accept one 
 month’s pay. After some demur I determined on making 
 the force accept, as night was coming on, and I was afraid 
 of the troops within making an attack on the Futai, as also 
 on the rebels in the city. 
 
 “ I therefore assembled them, and addressing them, I let 
 them know that I had succeeded in obtaining one month’s 
 pay. The men made a slight disturbance, which was 
 quickly quelled, and, after one attempt to march down on 
 the Futai, dismissed. I kept a guard on the Futai’s boat 
 that night, and being apprehensive of further trouble if the 
 troops remained, I marched them back at eight o’clock a.m. 
 on the 6th of December ; and anticipating no further trouble 
 with the men, I ordered the steamers Tsatlee and Hyson 
 round to Wuhlungchaio, directing my chop to come up to 
 the Pow Miin, or south gate. I then went into the city to 
 Nar Wang’s house, reaching it at half-past eleven o’clock a.m. 
 I had heard that the Wangs had to go out to the Futai at 
 twelve o’clock noon, and that then the city would be given 
 over. I should mention that General Ching had told me, 
 on the afternoon of the 5th December, that the Futai had 
 written to Pekin respecting the capture of Soochow, and 
 stating that he had amnestied the prisoners. At the Nar 
 Wang’s house I met all the Wangs with their horses saddled 
 to leave for the Futai. I took Nar Wang aside, and asked 
 him if everything was all right. He said, ‘Yes.’ I then 
 told him I had the intention of going to the Taho Lake to 
 look for the Firefly. He said he was coming down to see 
 me, and would like to stop two or three days. I said unless 
 he thought there was an absolute necessity, the business I 
 was going on was too important for me to stop; but if he 
 thought he had any reason for wishing me to stay I would 
 do so. He said ‘No,’ and I bade him and the other Wangs 
 
AFTER THE SURRENDER OF SOOOHOW. 65 
 
 good-bye ; and they all passed me a few minutes afterwards, 
 with twenty attendants, going towards the Low Miin, or 
 east gate, on their way to the Futai. 
 
 “ I went into Moh Wang’s palace, and saw General 
 Ching’s men come down to bury Moh Wang’s body, accord¬ 
 ing to my request. I then went to the east gate, or Low 
 Miin, to while away the time until the steamers got round to 
 Wuhlungchaio, intending to go round the wall to the Pow 
 Miin, or south gate. Just as we arrived at the gate I saw a 
 large crowd on the bank opposite the Futai’s boat, and soon 
 afterwards a large force of Imperialists came into the city, 
 and ran off to the right and left along the wall and into the 
 city, yelling as they usually do when they enter a vacated 
 stockade, and firing off their muskets in the air. I remon¬ 
 strated with the Mandarins and soldiers, as their conduct 
 was liable to frighten the rebels, who might retaliate and 
 cause a row. After a few minutes General Ching came in, 
 and I noticed he looked disturbed. I asked him eagerly if 
 the interview was over, and had been satisfactory. He said 
 the Wangs had never come to the Futai. I said I had seen 
 them going, and asked him what could have become of them. 
 He said he did not know, but thought they might have run 
 away. I asked him what could have induced them to do 
 so. He said they had sent out to the Futai to ask him to 
 keep twenty thousand men, and to have half the city, 
 building a wall inside ; that Nar Wang had said before 
 that he wanted only two thousand five hundred ; and that 
 at another time he said he wanted no soldiers, but merely to 
 retire home ; that the Futai had objected to his demand, 
 and that he had told him to go to the Tch Miin and stockade 
 his men outside that gate ; and that he supposed Nar Wang 
 had taken alarm and gone off. He said further that Nar 
 Wang had sent to Chung Wang for assistance. I asked 
 him if he thought Nar Wang and the other Wangs had gone 
 back to the rebels. He said, No ; but they would go back to 
 
68 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 son came up, and pointing to the other side, said that his 
 father and the Wangs had been beheaded. Then I went 
 over and found six bodies, and recognised Nar Wang’s 
 head. The hands and bodies were gashed in a frightful 
 way, and cut down the middle. Nar Wang’s body was 
 partially buried. I took Nar Wang’s head, and just then 
 the steamers were seen coming up. The Futai, however, 
 received some warning that I had left for Soochow by some 
 other route. I then went to his boat and left him a note in 
 English, informing him of what my intention had been, and 
 
 also my opinion of his treachery. I regret to say that- 
 
 did not think fit to have this translated to him. 
 
 “ The two steamers then left for Quinsan, and one was 
 sent down with Prince F. de Wittgenstein to inform the 
 General of the state of affairs. This officer had been with 
 the force nearly a month, and had been informed in detail 
 by me of the whole that had passed as above related. 
 
 " On the 8th of December the Futai sent-to 
 
 persuade me that he could not have done otherwise; and I 
 blush to think that he could have got an Englishman to 
 undertake a mission of such a nature. 
 
 “C. G. Gordon, Major Commanding . 
 
 “ 12 th December 1863. 
 
 “ P.S .—To continue. On the 8th of December I started 
 with an escort and a steamer to General Ching’s stockade, 
 to obtain Nar Wang’s body and some of his family who 
 had been retained prisoners in General Ching’s stockade. 
 These I obtained, and also the body. 
 
 “ General Brown arrived on the afternoon of the ninth, 
 and took the protection of the force under his command. 
 I had already spoken to the officers, and got them to 
 agree to leave the solution to the British general. The 
 disgust and abhorrence felt by all of them was and is so 
 great as to lead me to fear their going over en masse to 
 
AFTER THE SURRENDER OF SOOGHOW. 69 
 
 the rebels; but I have shown them that the sin would 
 then be visited on the Chinese people, and not on the 
 culprits who committed it. The rebels have no govern¬ 
 ment at all, while the Imperialists can lay claim to some. 
 
 “ C. G. Gordon.” 
 
 In this description of the events that occurred, Gordon 
 does not lay stress upon his own danger, which was cer¬ 
 tainly very great; nor does he adequately express the 
 indignation which filled him in regard to the treacherous 
 murders of the rebel kings, and the iniquity of the 
 Imperialists in sacking the city. 
 
 He speaks of having gone to the house of Nar Wang’s 
 uncle, but does not say that when he did so he was at 
 once surrounded by thousands of armed Tai-pings, who 
 made him their prisoner. It seems wonderful that they 
 did not use their power, and first torture and then kill 
 him. But the Providence that has always been over the 
 man protected him, and he was kept in safety. It seems 
 strange, too, that they did not at least retain him as 
 their prisoner, but they allowed him to leave when he 
 asked to go, that he might seek for his interpreter, who 
 had been wounded. One of the most bitter trials he ever 
 had to endure was that of finding that his word had been 
 broken, though not by himself, and the lives he had hoped 
 to preserve had been sacrificed. It is little wonder that 
 he shed tears of real sorrow. The Wangs were rebels; 
 but whatever they were, he felt that they ought to have 
 been treated with honesty and honour. He wanted— 
 what true Englishman does not 'l —that the Chinese and all 
 other people should have a high opinion of the motives 
 that guide the men of his nation, and those with whom 
 they have to do—that it should be known that they will 
 keep their promises, and not shirk their responsibilities; 
 and we may be sure that it was with a sore heart, and 
 
68 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 son came up, and pointing to the other side, said that his 
 father and the Wangs had been beheaded. Then I went 
 over and found six bodies, and recognised Nar Wang’s 
 head. The hands and bodies were gashed in a frightful 
 way, and cut down the middle. Nar Wang’s body was 
 partially buried. I took Nar Wang’s head, and just then 
 the steamers were seen coming up. The Futai, however, 
 received some warning that I had left for Soochow by some 
 other route. I then went to his boat and left him a note in 
 English, informing him of what my intention had been, and 
 
 also my opinion of his treachery. I regret to say that- 
 
 did not think fit to have this translated to him. 
 
 “ The two steamers then left for Quinsan, and one was 
 sent down with Prince F. de Wittgenstein to inform the 
 General of the state of affairs. This officer had been with 
 the force nearly a month, and had been informed in detail 
 by me of the whole that had passed as above related. 
 
 “ On the 8th of December the Futai sent-to 
 
 persuade me that he could not have done otherwise; and I 
 blush to think that he could have got an Englishman to 
 undertake a mission of such a nature. 
 
 “C. G. Gordon, Major Commanding. 
 
 “ 12 th December 1863. 
 
 “ P.S .—To continue. On the 8th of December I started 
 with an escort and a steamer to Genera] Ching’s stockade, 
 to obtain Nar Wang’s body and some of his family who 
 had been retained prisoners in General Ching’s stockade. 
 These I obtained, and also the body. 
 
 “ General Brown arrived on the afternoon of the ninth, 
 and took the protection of the force under his command. 
 I had already spoken to the officers, and got them to 
 agree to leave the solution to the British general. The 
 disgust and abhorrence felt by all of them was and is so 
 great as to lead me to fear their going over en masse to 
 
AFTER THE SURRENDER OF SOOCHO W. 69 
 
 the rebels; but I have shown them that the sin would 
 then be visited on the Chinese people, and not on the 
 culprits who committed it. The rebels have no govern¬ 
 ment at all, while the Imperialists can lay claim to some. 
 
 “ C. G. Gordon.” 
 
 In this description of the events that occurred, Gordon 
 does not lay stress upon his own danger, which was cer¬ 
 tainly very great; nor does he adequately express the 
 indignation which filled him in regard to the treacherous 
 murders of the rebel kings, and the iniquity of the 
 Imperialists in sacking the city. 
 
 He speaks of having gone to the house of Nar Wang’s 
 uncle, but does not say that when he did so he was at 
 once surrounded by thousands of armed Tai-pings, who 
 made him their prisoner. It seems wonderful that they 
 did not use their power, and first torture and then kill 
 him. But the Providence that has always been over the 
 man protected him, and he was kept in safety. It seems 
 strange, too, that they did not at least retain him as 
 their prisoner, but they allowed him to leave when he 
 asked to go, that he might seek for his interpreter, who 
 had been wounded. One of the most bitter trials he ever 
 had to endure was that of finding that his word had been 
 broken, though not by himself, and the lives he had hoped 
 to preserve had been sacrificed. It is little wonder that 
 he shed tears of real sorrow. The Wangs were rebels; 
 but whatever they were, he felt that they ought to have 
 been treated with honesty and honour. He wanted— 
 what true Englishman does not*?—that the Chinese and all 
 other people should have a high opinion of the motives 
 that guide the men of his nation, and those with whom 
 they have to do—that it should be known that they will 
 keep their promises, and not shirk their responsibilities; 
 and we may be sure that it was with a sore heart, and 
 
70 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 very hurt feelings, that the hero waited General Brown’s 
 investigations. 
 
 The result of these were told in the following letter, 
 written by General Brown to Sir Frederick Bruce and 
 Lord de Grey :— 
 
 “The circumstances attending and preceding the occu¬ 
 pation of Soochow by the Imperialists are so calculated to 
 produce an impression on public opinion unfavourable to 
 the line of policy adopted by Her Majesty’s Government 
 in China, that I trust I need not apologise for entreating 
 your most earnest consideration of the whole subject. 
 
 “ I received the first intimation of events passing in 
 Soochow by a hurried note from Major Gordon, which 
 reached me during the forenoon of the eighth instant; a 
 second note, which, although written previously, did not 
 reach me until a later period, produced the impression that 
 affairs were proceeding favourably ; consequently I was so 
 far from apprehending the gravity of the crisis, that I 
 decided to carry out my intention of proceeding to Hong¬ 
 kong by the mail steamer, and was on board when Prince 
 Wittgenstein, despatched by Major Gordon in the steamer 
 Tsatlee , brought a more complete and detailed narrative 
 of events. 
 
 “ The additional information then received determined 
 me to accede to the urgent entreaties of Major Gordon, of 
 which the Prince was the bearer, to proceed to Quinsan, 
 the head-quarters of Major Gordon’s force, at once. I 
 arrived at Quinsan about three o’clock p.m. the following 
 day, and immediately received from Major Gordon a report 
 which differed but slightly from the more carefully compiled 
 narrative enclosed. Major Gordon has been unable to 
 express in writing the intense indignation and disgust 
 with which the infamous and dastardly conduct of the 
 Futai had inspired him. 
 
 “ You will perceive by Major Gordon’s narrative that he 
 
AFTER TILE SURRENDER OF SOOGHO }V. 71 
 
 was able to withdraw his force from before Soochow to 
 Quinsan only under the formal promise from the Futai 
 of one month’s pay to the officers and soldiers, and that it 
 required all his inlluence to prevail on them to accept these 
 terms. The subsequent treachery of the Imperial authorities 
 had, however, destroyed the confidence of all ranks; their 
 cruelties had turned the sympathies of Europeans in favour 
 of the rebels; and I found it necessary, in order to restore 
 discipline, and to avert a perhaps total defection of the 
 men, to take Major Gordon and his force formally under 
 my command. 
 
 “ This move on my part, I am happy to inform your 
 Excellency, had the best effect; all ranks now express their 
 perfect satisfaction and reliance, and every symptom of 
 hesitation has disappeared from the force under Major 
 Gordon’s command. 
 
 “ I considered it expedient to have an interview with the 
 Futai, with the view of hearing any explanatory statement 
 he might have to offer, and to communicate to him my 
 views on recent events, and explain the future relations 
 between himself and Major Gordon. 
 
 “ I therefore despatched the interpreter to the consulate 
 (Mr. Mayers), accompanied by two of my officers, to convey 
 to him my desire for an interview. 
 
 “ Having thus prepared the way, I proceeded the following 
 day to Soochow, but was met at Ching’s stockade by the 
 Futai, who had come out from the city to meet me. 
 
 “ I speedily ascertained that, though the Futai was pre¬ 
 pared to take on himself the whole responsibility of murder 
 of the Wangs and sacking of the city, and fully to exonerate 
 Major Gordon from all blame, he was either unable or 
 unwilling to offer any exculpation or explanation of his 
 conduct, and it only remained for me to express my 
 opinion and future intentions. 
 
 “ This I did in as few words as possible. I expressed the 
 
GENERAL GORDON 
 
 indignation and grief with which the English people, together 
 with all civilised nations of the world, would regard his 
 cruelty and perfidy. I expressed to him my views on the 
 impolicy of a fruitless severity, which paralysed his friends, 
 and drove the rebels to desperation, at the time when we 
 had good reason to believe they were prepared to capitulate, 
 and return to their homes in peace. 
 
 “ I then informed him that I should insist on the promised 
 reward of one month's pay; that I deemed it my duty to 
 refer the whole matter to our Minister at Pekin; and that, 
 pending such reference, Major Gordon had received in¬ 
 structions from me to suspend all active aid to the Im¬ 
 perialist cause further than protecting Soochow, knowing 
 its importance to the safety of Shanghai, and warning 
 the rebels to abstain from attacking his positions. I 
 concluded by expressing my unhesitating conviction that, 
 after what had occurred, my Government would withdraw 
 all assistance hitherto afforded to the Imperial cause, recall 
 Major Gordon and all English subjects serving under him, 
 and disband the Anglo-Cliinese force." 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 GORDON AGAIN TAKES THE FIELD 
 
 “In the reproof of chance 
 Lies the true proof of man. ” 
 
 — Troilus and Cressida. 
 
 He’s truly valiant that can wisely suffer.” 
 
 —Timon of Athens . 
 
 HARLES GORDON’S feelings of indignation 
 had been thoroughly aroused ; yet, when the 
 warmth and excitement had a little died 
 away, the question presented itself once more 
 —“ What is my duty 1 ” He thought more of the future 
 than of the past, as he always has done, and does still. It 
 did not occur to him to magnify his deeds or his sufferings; 
 he had tried to do his best, and act with prompt decision, 
 and a measure of success had attended his endeavours. 
 That contented him, and he did not care who had the 
 praise and the rewards, so that he had done the w ork. 
 
 In point of fact, Governor Li had most of the honour. 
 He certainly mentioned Gordon favourably in his des¬ 
 patches, but he did not acknowdedge the truth, that it was 
 the Englishman’s valour that, more than anything beside, 
 had crushed the rebellion; for crushed it was to all intents 
 
74 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 and purposes, although a few towns were still in the hands of 
 the rebels. Li very naturally sought to impress his Emperor 
 and the people of his nation with a due sense of his own 
 exploits; and he praised General Ching also for that which 
 he had accomplished. Still the truth remained that neither 
 Li-Rung-Chang nor General Ching could have done very 
 much toward stamping out the rebellion but for the heroism 
 of the gallant Gordon. 
 
 The Emperor felt that he must be rewarded; and 
 accordingly he sent through Governor Li a medal of the 
 highest distinction, and a present of 10,000 taels. 
 
 And now the illustrious Englishman showed of what 
 stuff he was made. ‘ 
 
 He gladly accepted the money that had been sent for 
 the assistance of his wounded men, and the reward which 
 had been well earned by, and was forwarded for, his troops ; 
 but for himself he would take nothing. 
 
 With the true dignity of an English gentleman he 
 returned this letter to the Emperor of China:— 
 
 “ Major Gordon receives the approbation of His Majesty 
 the Emperor with every gratification, but regrets most 
 sincerely that, owing to the circumstances which occurred 
 since the capture of Soochow, he is unable to receive any 
 mark of His Majesty the Emperor’s recognition, and 
 therefore respectfully begs His Majesty to receive his 
 thanks for his intended kindness, and to allow him to 
 decline the same.” 
 
 This must, more than a little, have astonished both the 
 Emperor and his friends. 
 
 Writing home later, Gordon said that he did not want 
 either money or honours. He had the consciousness that 
 he had done good, and that was enough for him. The 
 approbation of his own conscience, and the hope of the 
 Master’s “Well done, good and faithful servant,” were, 
 indeed, more than sufficient for Charles Gordon. 
 
GORDON AGAIN TAKES THE FIELD . 75 
 
 “ But—what next 1 ” 
 
 This was the question that was pressing upon him. 
 Must he really give up the work of repressing the rebellion, 
 although he had ever believed it to be a noble and import¬ 
 ant one, while yet it had not been completed ? Or should 
 he hope the best of Li-Hung-Chang, and work with him 
 once more ? 
 
 It was in accordance with Gordon’s whole life and 
 character that he decided to do the latter. 
 
 He came to see that even as regarded the slaughter of 
 the Wangs there were some extenuating circumstances, 
 which in the first heat of the occurrence he was unable to 
 admit or to see. He had looked upon it from an English¬ 
 man’s point of view ; but, of course, there was the Chinese 
 side also—and when he tried the “ Put-yourself-in-his- 
 place” plan, he saw that the deed, horrible as it must 
 always appear to him, was not such an unmitigated crime 
 in Chinese estimation. It was open to him to dismiss his 
 army, but if he did, almost certainly many of them would 
 join the ranks of the rebels ; and, perhaps, in time all that 
 he had done would have to be done over again. That so 
 many lives should have been sacrificed for nothing was too 
 dreadful. It would be better that he had never led the 
 Victorious Army to any success than that it should cease 
 its efforts before the end had been accomplished. 
 
 But could he lay aside his own personal feelings, and 
 again work with the Futai ? 
 
 Yes; he could do that or anything else when once con¬ 
 vinced that it was right. He was a Christian, and, 
 therefore, he must not keep up any feeling of resentment. 
 And he knew who had said, ‘‘Vengeance is Mine; I will 
 repay ! ” 
 
 His mind was soon made up; and he communicated the 
 result in a letter to Sir Frederick Bruce, in which he said, 
 that seeing the danger which might arise from inaction 
 
 n o O 
 
76 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 since his men were idle, he had arranged with the Futai to 
 issue a proclamation, declaring that he had been in 
 nowise to blame for the execution of the Wangs; and that 
 when this was done he would again take up his former 
 position in the Ever-Victorious Army. He felt this to be 
 the more desirable, because he knew that Burgevine 
 intended to rejoin the rebels; that the Futai was more 
 willing to act with him, notwithstanding all that had 
 occurred, than with any other British officer; and that if 
 he (Gordon) did not act, a less worthy man might be told 
 off to the post. Under these circumstances, although he 
 confessed that it was not an easy task, he decided to go 
 back to his post. 
 
 “ I am aware,” he wrote, " that I am open to very grave 
 censure for the course I am about to pursue; but in the 
 absence of advice, and knowing as I do that the Pekin 
 authorities will support the Futai in what is done, I have 
 made up my mind to run the risk. If I followed my own 
 desire, I should leave now, as I have escaped unscathed and 
 been wonderfully successful. But the rabble called the 
 Quinsan force is a dangerous body, and it will be my duty to 
 see that it is dissolved as quietly as possible, and that while 
 in course of dissolution it should serve to benefit the 
 Imperial Government. I do not apprehend the rebellion 
 will last six months longer if I take the field. It may take 
 six years if I leave, and the Government does not support 
 the Imperialists. I propose to cut through the heart of the 
 rebellion, and to divide it into two parts by the capture of 
 Yesing and Liyang.” He adds, “ If the course I am about 
 to pursue meets your approbation I shall be glad to hear; 
 but if not, shall expect to be well rebuked. However, I 
 know that I am not actuated by personal considerations, 
 but merely as I think will be most conducive to the 
 interests of our Government.” 
 
 In the proclamation which is referred to in this letter the 
 
GORDON AGAIN TAKES THE FIELD. 77 
 
 Futai sought to justify himself. He declared that although 
 his intentions were apparently at variance with those of 
 General Gordon, they were in reality identical; that he 
 acted without consulting Gordon because fresh complica¬ 
 tions had arisen, which hesitation or delay might have 
 made fatal; that not only was no sign of contrition 
 visible among the Wangs, but that they made demands 
 which were in themselves the proof that they wished and 
 intended to return to a state of rebellion when the first 
 opportunity occurred; and that he believed that the death 
 of these few bandits was not only a necessity, but would 
 have most salutary results. He ended by saying that 
 General Gordon had nothing whatever to do with the 
 matter ; but that the occurrences which made the execution 
 necessary happened after Gordon had left; that he was 
 not an eye-witness of what took place on the spot, and 
 that he had been misled by rumours. “ He was im¬ 
 pressed with the conviction that, the terms of surrender 
 having been agreed to, the subsequent execution of the 
 individuals was a breach of the convention entered into; 
 but he was totally unaware of the pressing urgency and 
 extreme danger of the consequences involved, which left 
 not an instant for delay, and which led the Futai to 
 inflict at once the penalty prescribed by military law.” 
 
 Whatever others may have thought of the wisdom of 
 Gordon’s decision, he had the comfort of knowing that 
 Sir Frederick Bruce approved. 
 
 “ My concurrence,” wrote Sir Frederick, “ in the step you 
 have taken is founded in no small measure of my knowledge 
 of the high motives which have guided you while in com¬ 
 mand of the Chinese force, of the disinterested conduct you 
 have observed in pecuniary questions, and of the influence 
 in favour of humanity you exercised in rescuing Burgevine 
 and his misguided associates from Soochow. I am aware of 
 the perseverance with which, in the face of serious obstacles 
 
78 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 and much discouragement, you have steadily pursued the 
 pacification of the province of Kiang-soo, in relieving it from 
 being the battlefield of the insurrection, and in restoring to 
 its suffering inhabitants the enjoyments of their homes, and 
 the uninterrupted exercise of their industry; and you may 
 console yourself with the assurance that you are rendering 
 a service to true humanity as well as to great material 
 interests. It would be a serious calamity, and addition to 
 our embarrassments in China, were you compelled to leave 
 your work incomplete, and were a sudden dissolution or dis¬ 
 persion of the Chinese force to lead to the recurrence of that 
 state of danger and anxiety from which, during the last two 
 years, Shanghai has suffered. I approve of your not await¬ 
 ing the result of the inquiry of the Futai’s proceedings 
 at Soochow, provided you take care that your efforts in 
 favour of humanity are not in future defeated by Chinese 
 authorities.” 
 
 In a subsequent letter, Sir Frederick Bruce said that he 
 had obtained a promise from the Emperor that when foreign 
 officers were employed by him, the customs of foreign 
 nations should be observed; and he reminded Gordon that 
 if henceforth it should be impossible for the scenes of 
 Soochow to be re-enacted, he (Gordon) would indeed be the 
 protector of the Chinese. He said, too, that although the 
 action of the Futai was abhorrent to our ideas, it was not a 
 gross or deliberate act of treachery, if the excuses urged by 
 Li were true. 
 
 And so Gordon entered the field again; and this time 
 under difficulties even greater than those with which he 
 previously had to contend. He had to win several towns 
 from the lawless men who held them ; and he could no 
 longer be supplied from adjacent loyal towns. He set forth 
 on his expedition in the face of great obstacles. The weather 
 was stormy; snow and hail were falling when he started; 
 and these might have been taken as symbolic prophecies of 
 
GORDON AGAIN TAKES THE FIELD. 
 
 79 
 
 the kind of experience that awaited him. But he was 
 nerved afresh with courage and endurance. He could 
 scarcely meet with greater sorrows and troubles than those 
 through which he had already passed ; and he still trusted 
 in God, and was sure that He would not forsake him. 
 
 Almost all his friends would rather that he had not taken 
 the field with Li-Hung-Chang ; but he could not see how it 
 was to be avoided, and he went forward once more to 
 duty, and perhaps to death. 
 
 A tedious march was before him and his men, from Quin- 
 san to Woosieh, and it was made all the more irksome because 
 they had to carry their supplies with them. When they 
 reached Woosieh they went on to Yesing, finding every¬ 
 where marks of the destructive operations of the Tai-pings. 
 A village outside Yesing was just taken; and Yesing 
 itself, after some little fighting, surrendered. From thence 
 Gordon went to Tajowka, news having reached him that 
 the rebels in the garrison wanted to surrender, but that 
 their captain was resolved not to yield. Tajowka, with 
 its captain, was soon brought to accept Gordon’s terms. 
 Liyang came next. The people there were in such a 
 wretched state that they were only too glad to come out 
 into something better. They shut one of their gates on 
 the commandant, who would liked to have fought Gordon, 
 and so rendered him unable to offer resistance. 
 
 Kintang was the next place w T hich Gordon attacked ; and 
 there the brave leader of the valorous army was wounded. 
 
 The fight was a very desperate one. Wherever the 
 victorious army made a breach, the rebels crowded to the 
 spot, and drove them back with stones and bricks, and 
 anything that could be found. 
 
 In the midst of the battle news came that the rebels had 
 beaten the Imperialists at Fushan, and were besieging 
 Chanzu ; but Gordon felt that he must go on with his attack 
 on Kintang. 
 
80 GENERAL GORDON . 
 
 Suddenly there arose a cry—“T he Commander is 
 wounded!” 
 
 Gordon, who had been looking white and faint, flushed 
 with anger at this, and ordered the man to be silent. 
 
 The commander remained at his post, with the blood 
 streaming from a wound. He was urged to retire, but 
 he would not leave until Dr. Moffit compelled him to 
 do so. 
 
 Every one was grieved that the brave man was at last 
 laid low. It was ascertained, however, that the wound 
 need not be serious, if only the wounded man would keep 
 quiet. Dr. Moffit said that everything depended upon that, 
 and he urged him to think now more of himself than of 
 anything beside. 
 
 Sir Frederick Bruce wrote him a letter to the same effect, 
 telling him that he must be cautious, not on account of the 
 force, but on his own account. “ I beg you,” said Sir 
 Frederick, “ not to look upon your position from a military 
 point of view ; you have done quite enough for your repu¬ 
 tation as a gallant and skilful leader. We all look to you 
 as the only person fit to act with these perverse Chinese, 
 and to be trusted with the great interests at stake at 
 Shanghai. Your life and ability to keep the field are more 
 important than the capture of any city in China.” 
 
 These kind words must have been of great comfort to 
 Charles Gordon. 
 
 The Emperor of China, who had received a report from 
 Li-Hung-Chang to the effect that General Gordon was 
 wounded, issued a proclamation, in which he said he was 
 deeply moved with grief and admiration. He ordered Li to 
 visit Gordon every day, and keep him well informed of 
 events, that his mind might be at rest; and he also ordered 
 the Governor to “request him to wait until he should be 
 perfectly restored to health and strength before attempting 
 anything more,” 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE DISBANDING OF THE EVER-VICTORIOUS ARMY. 
 
 u Of all said yet, may’st thou prove prosperous. 
 
 Of all said yet, I wish thee happiness.” 
 
 — Pericles. 
 
 ORTUHATELY Gordon’s wound was not a 
 very serious one, but he could not spare 
 himself time to be sufficiently recovered 
 before he was again in action. News came 
 that the Faithful King was back in Fushan, and Gor¬ 
 don felt that he must at once start for Woosieh. He 
 left the principal part of his men at Kintang, and took to 
 assist him a number of the rebels who had but lately joined 
 his forces. 
 
 Chung Wang’s son was now leading an army of Tai-pings, 
 and Gordon reached a position from which he could cut off 
 his retreat. He found everywhere awful proofs of the 
 devastation and misery caused by the rebels. It is sicken¬ 
 ing to read of burnt villages, and starving people, so reduced 
 that they actually ate each other. There may have been 
 some good even in the rebels, but they certainly wrought 
 immense havoc among the poor people of the province. 
 
 e 6 
 
82 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 They left the inhabitants of the villages through which they 
 passed to die of starvation. 
 
 Gordon’s march was, as usual, rapid and decisive. He 
 took very little time to do that which he attempted. But 
 even the Ever-Victorious Army was sometimes defeated. 
 On the 31st of March some of his officers and men, who 
 were travelling by land without their leader—Gordon having 
 taken part of his force by water—were surprised by an 
 immense host of Tai-pings. The Liyangs were panic-stricken 
 and overwhelmed, and compelled to flee before the rebels; 
 losing four hundred men—three captains among them. 
 When Gordon arrived he was compelled to retreat, and 
 great confusion prevailed. 
 
 Gordon was obliged to make up his numbers and get his 
 troops into working condition; and when this was done, 
 he was supported by Li-Hung-Chang and a large body of 
 Imperialists. The Governor told him that his colleague, 
 General Ching, was shot. When Gordon heard the news 
 he forgot how frequently Ching had annoyed and thwarted 
 him, and remembered only his good qualities. The two 
 had been comrades in many a terrible undertaking; and 
 generally Ching had seconded Gordon’s endeavours with all 
 possible courage. He may have been jealous of the 
 foreigner, who, at the head of the Ever-Victorious Army, 
 had become so illustrious and influential; but under all, 
 there had been so much that was noble in the man that 
 Gordon could only receive the tidings of his death, as 
 Wilson says he did, with tears of real sorrow and regret. 
 
 Gordon’s next step was to advance on Waissoo. He was 
 well assisted by the Imperial troops, who were placed in 
 such positions as would enable them to prevent the retreat 
 of the rebels, and to make simultaneous attacks. He 
 employed considerable strategy at Waissoo, and his 
 manoeuvre was completely successful. The rebels en¬ 
 deavoured to get away by the bridges which had been 
 
DISBANDING OF THE ARMY. 
 
 83 
 
 broken, and hosts of them were slain. The villagers, 
 urged by revenge for the cruelties that had been practised 
 upon them by the Tai-pings, who had stolen their property 
 and burnt their homes, turned out in pursuing crowds to 
 chase their enemies to destruction. 
 
 Chanchu-fu was the next city to fall, and it was not 
 taken without considerable difficulty. It had been for 
 some time unsuccessfully besieged by the Imperialists; 
 but the place was full of rebels of the most determined 
 character, and they were bent on holding it, if possible, at 
 any cost. Gordon proposed at once to invest the city; and 
 while this was being done he had another remarkable 
 escape. 
 
 Wilson says, that perhaps some of the men wished to 
 discover whether Gordon had really a charmed life. A 
 battery was being constructed by some men of the Im¬ 
 perialist army, a strong picket supporting them, and a 
 covering party being stationed in the rear. Gordon 
 and Major Tapp were superintending, when suddenly the 
 pickets fired into the battery. The Tai-pings at the same 
 time fired into the battery also; and Gordon and his 
 helpers found themselves fired upon on all hands, not only 
 by the rebels but by the Imperialists. It is a wonder 
 that all were not killed. Several men were; and among 
 them Major Tapp, a brave and energetic man, whose life 
 could ill be spared. 
 
 There were several ineffectual attempts to conquer the 
 rebels in Chanchu-fu before it was accomplished. First, Li- 
 Hung-Chang tried to take the city with his own soldiers, 
 with very disastrous results. Next, Li asked Gordon to make 
 the attempt, assisted by the Imperialists ; but when the 
 time came the Imperialists were not there, and Gordon and 
 his men, fighting alone, had to retreat. Then a united 
 movement was agreed upon; but the rebels were so numer¬ 
 ous, and so persistent, that although many were killed, the 
 
84 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 number did not appear to grow less. In this engagement 
 the officers led the way, but the men refused to follow. 
 Ten officers were killed and nineteen wounded, when the 
 retreat was called. 
 
 After that another plan was adopted. Gordon gave the 
 Mandarins some lessons in trench-making ; and Li-Hung- 
 Chang had proclamations posted on all the walls to the 
 effect that pardon would be granted to all in the besieged 
 city who came out of it. Hu Wang, or “ Cock-Eye,” said 
 he would behead any who attempted to escape, and did 
 kill some as an example ; but the rebels, encouraged by the 
 promise made to them by the Imperialists, escaped in very 
 large numbers. A letter is said to have been written by 
 some of the chiefs, proposing a plan by which they should 
 treacherously give up the city, without appearing to do so. 
 But Chanchu-fu was wrested from the rebels by assault. 
 Governor Li led the Imperialists; his artillery broke down 
 the city walls, and the generals gained the ramparts. 
 But the Tai-pings were stubborn, and fought in terrible 
 desperation. At one time it seemed that the rebels would 
 again be successful; but just as the Imperialists began to 
 waver, Gordon came forward with one of his regiments and a 
 little band of enthusiastic volunteers, and led his storming 
 party into the city, and all was over with the rebels. 
 
 Hu Wang was very loth to acknowledge himself beaten, 
 but fought to the last, and refused altogether to submit to 
 Governor Li. He said that the Futai and all his hosts 
 would not have been able to conquer him but for Gordon. 
 He and four other Wangs were executed. 
 
 “ I think if I am spared I shall be home by Christmas. ” 
 So wrote the brave leader of the Ever-Victorious Army on 
 the day before the final taking of Chanchu-fu. And he 
 added, " I do not care one jot about my promotion or what 
 people may say. I know I shall leave China as poor as I 
 entered it, but with the knowledge that through my weak 
 
DISBANDING OF THE ARMY, 85 
 
 instrumentality upwards of eighty to one hundred thousand 
 lives have been spared.” 
 
 It was a good thing for himself and his work that the 
 brave leader of the Ever-Victorious Army did not care what 
 people said, for at that time all sorts of false stories were in 
 circulation in England. News came that forty thousand 
 rebels had been massacred by the Allies, and there was 
 naturally great indignation. Mr. Wilson shows that 
 instead of forty thousand there were just nine individuals 
 executed, each one of whom richly deserved his fate; but 
 the feeling in England was so strong that the Government 
 felt compelled to take action. There were very grave and 
 heated discussions in the Houses of Parliament, many 
 people being assured that the reports were true, and many 
 being quite as sure that they were false. The supporters of 
 the Government had faith in Bruce and Gordon, while the 
 opponents of the Government, of course, blamed them for 
 everything, and believed the worst. At last the British 
 Government, early in 1864, revoked the order in Council 
 which permitted Gordon to serve the Chinese Government. 
 
 But, fortunately, his work was just finished when the 
 order reached him. The rebellion was, to all intents and 
 purposes, stamped out; and the time had come (at least 
 Gordon thought so, and General Li agreed with him) w 7 hen 
 the right thing to do was to disband the Ever-Victorious 
 Army. The English merchants at Shanghai did not think 
 so, and were in a state of great alarm. But Gordon con¬ 
 sidered that there would be less danger in disbanding it 
 than in permitting it to remain in existence. Certainly the 
 army required a strong and wise leader to keep it under 
 control. No one could be sure that the men, left to 
 themselves, would not turn round again and fight with the 
 rebels as many of them had done before. Burgevine might 
 come back, or anything else might happen. The men would 
 assuredly be better at home. 
 
86 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 Accordingly Gordon returned to Quinsan, and from the 
 16th of May to the 1st of June he was occupied sending off 
 the men. He returned all arms to the Government, and 
 then proceeded to pay his soldiers. 
 
 He asked no reward for himself; but for his officers and 
 men he asked for very considerable sums. And this time 
 he got what he wanted. He was able to give to the men 
 who had served him and risked their lives at his side, not 
 only generous words of well-won praise, but something much 
 more substantial. The Chinese Government had come to 
 see that Gordon knew best what was right, and they 
 willingly handed over to him the large sums that he 
 requested. They also sent a present to himself which 
 would have made him rich, but this again he declined. 
 It was a real joy to him to present his officers with a sum 
 that more than satisfied them, and to give to his men 
 enough to enable them to make another start in life. 
 
 There was, some time afterwards, a letter published in the 
 Times , bearing the signature “Mandarin,” which, having 
 been written by one who fought in the campaign, and 
 therefore knew all about Gordon, and the spirit and 
 character which he manifested, is very full of interest. It 
 is reproduced in Mr. Edmund Hake’s book, and cannot 
 be printed too frequently :— 
 
 “ It is really surprising how scanty a knowledge English 
 people have of the wonderful feats performed, not many 
 years since, by an officer whose name has lately been 
 rather prominently mentioned—Colonel, or Chinese Gordon. 
 Having served under him during the most eventful period 
 of his command of the Ever-Victorious Army—an epithet, 
 you may be sure, not given by himself—I might fill many 
 of your columns with traits of General Gordon’s amazing 
 activity and wonderful foresight, his indomitable energy 
 and quiet, unassuming modesty, his perseverance, kindness, 
 cool courage, and even heroism. My individual opinion 
 
DISBANDING OF THE ARMY . 
 
 87 
 
 may not be worth much, but is it not notorious that any 
 man who has ever served under or with General (as you 
 must allow me to style him) Gordon is an enthusiastic 
 believer in his military genius and capacity ? There are 
 not many commanders of whom the subordinates would 
 speak with such unanimous praise. What is, perhaps, most 
 striking in Gordon’s career in China, is the entire devotion 
 with which the native soldiery served him, and the implicit 
 faith they had in the result of operations in which he was 
 personally present. In their eyes General Gordon was 
 literally a magician, to whom all things were possible. 
 They believed him to bear a charmed life; and a short stick 
 or rattan cane which he invariably carried about, and with 
 which he always pointed in directing the fire of artillery 
 or other operations, was firmly looked on as a wand or 
 talisman. These things have been repeated to me again 
 and again by my own men, and I know they were accepted 
 all over the contingent. These notions, especially the men’s 
 idea that their General had a charmed existence, were 
 substantially aided by Gordon’s constant habit, when the 
 troops were under fire, of appearing suddenty, usually 
 unattended, and calmly standing in the very hottest part 
 of the fire. 
 
 “ Besides his favourite cane, he carried nothing except 
 field-glasses—never a sword or revolver; or rather, if the 
 latter, it was carried unostentatiously and out of sight; 
 and nothing could exceed the contrast between General 
 Gordon’s quiet undress uniform, without sword-belts or 
 buckles, and apparently no weapon but a two-foot rod, and 
 the buccaneering, brigand-like costume of the American 
 officers, striped, armed, and booted like theatrical banditti. 
 
 “ I only know one occasion on which General Gordon drew 
 a revolver. The contingent had been lying idle in Quinsan 
 for three months of the summer without taking the field. 
 This time had been employed in drilling the men, and 
 
88 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 in laying in large stores of war material, preparatory to 
 the approaching attack on Soochow. The heat all this 
 time was fearfully oppressive; dysentery and cholera had 
 carried off many men and officers, and drill towards the 
 end of the term was somewhat relaxed. This in some 
 measure affected the discipline of the men, and, indeed, of 
 their officers also. But the chief cause of the deteriorated 
 discipline was perhaps to be found in another direction. 
 On the march and in the field the men were unable to 
 obtain opium—the officers but slender stores of liquor; in 
 garrison, on the contrary, they could indulge to the full 
 extent of their monthly pay. 
 
 “ But whatever the causes, it is certain that when, towards 
 September, orders to prepare for an expedition against 
 strong forts and stockades barring the way by canal 
 from Quinsan to Soochow were issued, the discipline of 
 the troops was greatly inferior to what it had been three 
 months earlier. The artillery, in particular, showed decided 
 insubordination. One company of it refused to embark in 
 the barges which were to take it up the canal, the men 
 declining to take the field before the approaching pay-day. 
 The officers managed to make the men ‘ fall in/ but from 
 the parade ground they refused to move, although the 
 luggage was already on board the boats, lying fifty yards 
 off. At this juncture General Gordon, who had been 
 apprised by messengers of the state of affairs, arrived on 
 the spot with his interpreter. He was on foot, in undress, 
 apparently unarmed, and, as usual, exceedingly cool, quiet, 
 and undemonstrative. 
 
 “ Directly he approached the company, he ordered his in¬ 
 terpreter to direct every man who refused to embark to step 
 to the front. One man only advanced. General Gordon 
 drew his revolver from an inside breast-pocket, presented it 
 at the soldier’s head, and desired the interpreter to direct 
 the man to march straight to the barore and embark. The 
 
DISBANDING OF THE ARMY. 
 
 89 
 
 order was immediately complied with, and then General 
 Gordon giving the necessary words of command, the 
 company followed without hesitation or demur. It may be 
 said that any other determined officer might have done 
 likewise, and with the same results. Not so. It was 
 generally allowed by the officers, when the event became 
 known, that the success in this instance was solely due 
 to the awe and respect in which General Gordon was held 
 by the men ; and that such was the spirit of the troops at 
 the time, that had any other but he attempted what he did, 
 the company would have broken into open mutiny, shot 
 their officers, and committed the wildest excesses. 
 
 “In less than a week the spirit of the troops was as 
 excellent as before, and gradually the whole garrison joined 
 in a series of movements which culminated in the fall of 
 Soochow. 
 
 “Considering the materials Gordon had to work with, the 
 admirable state of discipline and military efficiency which 
 his contingent eventually attained is really amazing. He 
 certainly had a few first-rate officers—rough and ready ones, 
 no doubt —perhaps half-a-dozen altogether, of which General 
 Kirkham, at present in Abyssinia, was one; but as for the 
 remainder, or the great majority of the remainder, I scarcely 
 like to use the epithets which would be most applicable to 
 them. This I remember, during the month of July when 
 the corps was in Quinsan, out of a hundred and thirty or a 
 hundred and forty officers, eleven died of delirium tremens. 
 There was no picking or choosing ; the General was glad to 
 get any foreigners to fill up vacancies, and the result, 
 especially in garrison, was deplorable. They fought well, 
 and led their men well, however; and that, after all, was the 
 chief requisite. 
 
 “ Well, notwithstanding such drawbacks, every regiment 
 could go through the manual, and platoon, and bayonet 
 exercises to English words of command, with a smartness and 
 
90 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 precision to which not many volunteer companies can 
 attain; could manoeuvre very fairly in companies or as a 
 battalion; and each regiment had been put through a regular 
 course of musketry instruction, every man firing his ninety 
 rounds at the regular distances, up to three hundred yards, 
 the scores and returns being satisfactorily kept, and the good 
 shots rewarded. 
 
 “ It was a most fortunate thing for General Gordon that, 
 a few years before he accepted the Chinese command, he had 
 been employed in surveying and mapping precisely that 
 portion of the country in which his future operations were 
 carried on. This part of China is a vast network of canals 
 and tow-paths; there are absolutely no roads, wheeled 
 vehicles are never used, and the bridges still remaining were 
 scarce and precarious. It was an immense advantage 
 to know what canals were still navigable, which choked 
 with weeds, and what bridges were left standing; where the 
 ground would be likely to bear artillery, and where it was 
 impassable swamp. Gordon knew every feature of the 
 country better than any other person, native or foreigner— 
 far better even than the rebels, who had overrun it, and 
 been in partial possession for years. 
 
 “ But even these advantages would go but a short way 
 towards accounting for the complete and thorough success 
 which marked Gordon’s career, where his predecessors had 
 gained merely temporary advantages, fruitless toward 
 securing the main object in view—the expulsion of the 
 enemy from the province. The reasons for Gordon’s great 
 successes, for his unparalleled feat, must be sought for else¬ 
 where; and they are, without doubt, firstly, his military 
 genius, and secondly, his character and qualities, which were 
 such as to cause all brought in contact or serving under 
 him to have unbounded faith in his capacity, and to feel 
 firmly that the best means at his disposal would be used to 
 the best purpose. 
 
DISBANDING OF THE ARMY . 
 
 91 
 
 “To persons who know General Gordon—his unassuming 
 ways, and quiet, retiring manners—it speaks volumes that 
 the ignorant men and rowdy officers composing his contin¬ 
 gent should have looked on him in the light they did, and 
 in the manner I have attempted to describe. 
 
 “ That a swaggering, ostentatious, dashing, and successful 
 general should be looked up to by such men would be 
 natural enough. If one were to draw inferences, one might, 
 perhaps, say the ignorant Chinamen were better judges 
 than certain well-educated folk nearer home.” 
 
 Mr. Hake says that there is one mistake in this 
 appreciative letter, and that Gordon had not the advan¬ 
 tage of a previous knowledge of the district in which his 
 exploits were done. 
 
 Gordon had disbanded his army, but he had not there¬ 
 fore ceased to feel an interest in China. 
 
 He went to Nanking, and visited Tseng Kuo-fau there, 
 and also the Governor of the province of Chekiang, the 
 commander of the troops at Nanking, and conferred with 
 them as to the best means of completing the work. Gordon 
 thoroughly examined the defences and the works, and 
 thought the place would be easy to capture. He advised 
 the introduction of some changes into the Imperial army, 
 such as instructing the natives in the use of other arms 
 than their own, of paying the men regularly, and of 
 augmenting the army. 
 
 He soon after wrote a letter, which proved that with his 
 usual insight he had quite understood the Chinese nature. 
 He said it was no use to drive them even into a course of 
 action that would be for their good ; and that the only way 
 to manage them successfully was to lead them, and not 
 offend their prejudices. 
 
 In what esteem our hero was held by the Chinese was 
 proved in many ways. 
 
 When he went to Li-Hung-Chang to take leave of him, 
 
92 
 
 GENERAL GORDON * 
 
 the Futai showed him every respect and honour. The more 
 he had known of Gordon, the more profoundly had he been 
 impressed by his perfect blamelessness of life and his great 
 ability. He had misjudged him sometimes ; but the two 
 men, now altogether reconciled, and each admiring the 
 other, did not scruple to unsay what they had said before, 
 and give every expression to their cordial sympathies 
 toward each other. 
 
 Gordon did not care for honours, but plenty were 
 showered upon him. He received several titles. He was 
 made a “ Ti-tu,” which gave him the highest rank in the 
 Chinese army; and the Emperor himself commanded that 
 he should be rewarded with u a yellow riding jacket, to be 
 worn on his person, and a peacock’s feather, to be carried 
 on his cap ; also, that there be bestowed on him four suits 
 of the uniform proper to his rank of Ti-tu, in token of our 
 favour and desire to do him honour.” 
 
 These were very grand presents—indeed, the greatest that 
 China could bestow—and although Gordon refused to take 
 the Emperor’s money, he did not refuse these honours. He 
 wrote to his mother in his own affectionate way, “ I do not 
 care twopence about these things, but know that you and 
 my father like them.” The Emperor wished the British 
 Minister to bring before the notice of Her Majesty the 
 Queen of England his appreciation of the splendid services 
 which Gordon had rendered. He hoped that he would be 
 rewarded in England as well as in China for his heroic 
 achievements. * 
 
 A subsequent letter in the Times said that Prince Kung, 
 who was then the Begent of China, had waited upon Sir 
 Frederick Bruce, and said to him—“ You will be astonished 
 to see me again, but I felt I could not allow you to leave 
 without coming to see you about Gordon. We do not 
 know what to do. He will not receive money from us, and 
 we have already given him every honour which it is in the 
 
DISBANDING OF THE ARMY. 
 
 93 
 
 power of the Emperor to bestow; but as these can be of 
 little value in his eyes, I have brought you this letter, and 
 ask you to give it to the Queen of England, that she may 
 bestow on him some reward which would be more valuable 
 in his eyes.” 
 
 Sir Frederick Bruce sent this to London with a letter of 
 his own :— 
 
 “I enclose translation of despatch from Prince Kung, 
 containing the decree published by the Emperor, acknow¬ 
 ledging the services of Lieutenant-Colonel Gordon, Royal 
 Engineers, and requesting that Her Majesty’s Government 
 be pleased to recognise him. This step has been spon¬ 
 taneously taken. 
 
 “ Lieutenant-Colonel Gordon well deserves Her Majesty’s 
 favour, for, independently of the skill and courage he has 
 shown, his disinterestedness has elevated our national 
 character in the eyes of the Chinese. Not only has he 
 refused any pecuniary reward, but he has spent more than 
 his pay in contributing to the comfort of the officers who 
 served under him, and in assuaging the distress of the 
 starving population whom he relieved from the yoke of 
 their oppressors. Indeed, the feeling that impelled him to 
 resume operations after the fall of Soochow was one of the 
 purest humanity. He sought to save the people of the 
 districts that had been recovered from a repetition of the 
 misery entailed upon them by this cruel civil war.” 
 
 It does not seem, however, that anyone mentioned the 
 affair to the Queen, or that any particular notice was taken 
 by the Government of the heroic deeds of the Englishman, 
 of whom any land must have been proud; and it was 
 a good thing, therefore, that the heart of the Christian 
 soldier was not set upon either fame or reward. 
 
 He did receive what he must have valued very highly, 
 an engrossed and illuminated address from the merchants 
 of Shanghai, who expressed in very generous terms their 
 
94 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 respect and admiration. To this Gordon wrote in 
 reply 
 
 “ Shanghai, 25 th November 1864. 
 
 “ Gentlemen—I have the honour to acknowledge the 
 receipt of your handsome letter of this day’s date, and to 
 express to you the great satisfaction which I feel at the 
 honourable mention you have made therein of my services 
 in China. 
 
 “ It will always be a matter of gratification to me to 
 have received your approval; and deeply impressed with 
 the honour you have paid me —I have the honour to be, 
 Gentlemen, yours obediently, 
 
 “C. G. Gordon.” 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE COLLAPSE OF THE REBELLION. 
 
 “ The guilt of conscience take thee for thy labour, 
 
 But neither my good word, nor princely favour ; 
 
 With Cain go wander through the shade of night, 
 
 And never show thy head by day nor light.” 
 
 —Richard II. 
 
 HE back of the rebellion had been broken; ” 
 indeed the rebellion itself was all but dead. 
 There still remained Nanking, the royal city 
 of the rebels, now in desolation, but striving 
 own against starvation and all other foes. 
 The Rev. Joseph Edkins, of the London Missionary Society, 
 visited the city about this time, and thus describes what 
 he saw :—“ Where the porcelain tower once stood, there 
 is now a mass of glazed bricks, whole and broken, white 
 and coloured. The Tai-ping people, had they the power, 
 would destroy all the idol temples and pagodas in China. 
 Their religious fanaticism is too essential a part of the 
 movement to allow of any change in this point. Nanking 
 was famed for the grandeur of its monasteries and the 
 number of its priests. They have all disappeared. 
 
 to hold its 
 
GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 96 
 
 “ Hung-sien-tsiuen lives within a double wall, with 
 imperial dragons painted on the gates. Every morning a 
 few scribes may be seen copying new edicts, written on 
 yellow satin, and pasted on boards near the palace entrance. 
 They are in red ink, in the chiefs own handwriting, and 
 consist in great part of statements on the subject of the Tai- 
 ping religion. In some I read he attempted to deprive the 
 relation of our Saviour to the Father in regard to his 
 divine nature, and in doing so expressed Arian views. 
 The door of the palace is called ‘ The holy heavenly gate 
 >f the true God.’ 
 
 “ A walk in the Manchu city helped us to appreciate the 
 intense hatred of the Tartar rulers felt by the Tai-pings. 
 Only one house was left standing in a city of 25,000 
 inhabitants. The city walls and gates, too massive to be 
 thrown down, are overgrown with wild flowers and weeds. 
 All ornamental structures of coloured bricks, which once 
 stood upon them, have been carefully destroyed. Broken 
 bricks and porcelain of many colours lie along the wall and 
 near it. 
 
 “The great river Yang-tse-kiang sweeps past Nanking 
 to the north-east. A fine range of hills appears on the 
 north side. One of their summits has on it a pagoda, seen 
 from Nanking. We asked the Tai-pings why that edifice 
 was not, like others of the kind, destroyed. ‘ We have not 
 yet found time for such a thing,’ was the reply. On the 
 Nanking shore two hills frown at one another. One of 
 them is the ‘ Purple Forbidden Hill,’ on the southern slopes 
 of which are the tombs of the founder of the Ming dynasty 
 and his father. The other hill is inside the walls, and has 
 been included within the palaces of ancient emperors, when 
 Nanking was the temporary capital. It is now used as a 
 site for a high look-out by the rebels. Beyond it and the 
 north wall are batteries placed on the riverside.” 
 
 Mr. Edkins came out of his experience in Nanking un- 
 
THE COLLAPSE OF THE REBELLION . 97 
 
 harmed by the rebels ; but another missionary, an American, 
 the Rev. J. L. Holmes—whose letter, taken from the North 
 China Herald , and giving an account of his visit, is inserted 
 in an earlier part of the present volume—was cruelly 
 murdered by the Tai-pings in 1861, the year after his visit 
 to them. He had written other letters which offended the 
 rebels ; and especially one which he intended the chief to 
 see, but which fell, instead, into the hands of his subor¬ 
 dinates, containing grave and clirect charges against the 
 opinions and practices of the Tai-pings, One life more or 
 less was of very little consequence to the rebels; and Mr. 
 Holmes, near Chefoo, fell a sacrifice to the prey of a party 
 of the rebels wdio were called Hien-fei. 
 
 Things became worse and worse with the Tai-pings who 
 were shut up in Hanking. It was estimated that the 
 Faithful King lost no less than 100,000 men from the 
 attacks of a foe, who worked surely but silently among 
 them, and whose name was Starvation . They died because 
 their commander had no rations to give them. But the 
 Faithful King was very true to his name, and altogether 
 worthy of it. He would not yield until the city was 
 completely invested, and there was positively no hope. At 
 .last the Imperialists entered Hanking—to find that the 
 Faithful King had set fire to it, and that the whole place 
 was in desolation. Grass was growing in the streets, and 
 nearly the whole city was in ruins. Hung-sien-tsiuen, the 
 originator of the trouble, did not remain to suffer the 
 penalty of his misdoings from others. He endeavoured 
 to maintain some dignity to the end, and would not allow 
 it to be thought by any that he was afraid. When the 
 worst had come to the worst, he killed himself to prevent 
 any unholy hands from slaying him. 
 
 The Faithful King and other Wangs were arrested, and 
 sentenced to be executed. He spent the time that remained 
 to him in writing an autobiography, which had some merit 
 
 E 7 
 
98 
 
 GENERAL GORDON . 
 
 as a literary production, and was especially designed to 
 show strong and sufficient reasons why he—the Faithful 
 King—should not be put to death. But they were not 
 strong enough to convince the Imperialists, and he shared 
 the fate of the other rebels. It was, perhaps, necessary 
 that he should die; but no one can read the story of the 
 Faithful King, as told by Mr. Wilson in his Ever-Victorious 
 Army , without feeling that there was a considerable 
 amount of nobility and even heroism in the man. 
 
 Indeed, looking at the Tai-pings and their doctrines as a 
 whole, it is impossible not to see that, especially at first, 
 they were certainly not all bad. They set their faces 
 against a great many of the corrupt practices of the Chinese. 
 They endeavoured to abolish opium-smoking. They would 
 not countenance the slave-trade. They denounced the use 
 of torture and bribing in courts of justice, and the tail- 
 wearing slave-badge of the men. They commanded that the 
 feet of the women should not be crippled by tight shoes, 
 but should be allowed to grow to the natural size. They 
 disregarded the Chinese idea of lucky and unlucky days. 
 They instituted literary examinations, though the parade of 
 Christianity, and the requirements of the adherence of the 
 students to obey the doctrines of Hung in connection with 
 these examinations, prevented them from doing much good. 
 The theme was “Uniting to elevate the Heavenly Father 
 and Heavenly Brother to the Headship over all duty and 
 morality.” The publications of Hung sien-tsiuen were used 
 as reading-books among the rebels and their families; but 
 they all insisted upon one central assertion—that Hung 
 himself was divinely appointed to be the head of the world, 
 which should be regenerated through his instrumentality, 
 and become under his reign “ the heavenly kingdom of 
 great peace” (Tai-ping-tien-kno). He demanded from all 
 his followers faith in him as a sort of Messiah, second only 
 to Christ. This will be seen from a communication made 
 
THE COLLAPSE OF THE REBELLION. 99 
 
 in a letter from the chief himself to an American mis¬ 
 sionary, Mr. Roberts:—“Add to your faith. Do not 
 suppose that I am deceived. I am the one saviour of the 
 chosen people. Why do you feel uncertain of the fact of 
 divine communications to me? When Joshua formerly 
 destroyed the enemies of God the sun and moon stood still. 
 When Abraham sat under the oak three men stood by him. 
 Carefully think of all this. Do you become conscious of it ? 
 Do you believe? I am grieved at heart, having written 
 very many edicts on these matters, and all men being with 
 me as one family. When Kan Wang came to the capital, 
 he also had a revelation. To recognise these divine com¬ 
 munications is better than being baptised a thousand times. 
 Blessed are they that watch. Your Father, your Lord, 
 comes to you as a thief, and at a time when you know not. 
 He that believeth shall be saved. You will see greater 
 things than these. Respect this. 
 
 “ Respect this ” is always the conclusion to an emperor’s 
 edict; and so Hung used it, to give his letter more effect. 
 
 It will have been seen throughout that the religion which 
 Hung professed and taught had some Christianity in it, 
 though it was rather a caricature than otherwise. Still, at 
 first many hoped that the rebels might bring about a change 
 for the better; and perhaps if the Heavenly King had found 
 an empire of willing subjects, and had met with no resist¬ 
 ance, it might have been so. Certainly he talked of many 
 improvements which he intended to introduce, such as gas¬ 
 lighting, railroads, telegraphs, and a higher system of educa¬ 
 tion. But since he was not at once acknowledged, and 
 had to take his armies into unwilling villages and towns, he 
 had to plunder the people in order to provide for his men; 
 and this, of course, greatly incensed them, and turned them 
 into enemies. The consequence was that every year the 
 rebels became more lawless, until at last it seemed that 
 there was no right feeling among them; and their cruelties 
 
100 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 became so great that Gordon, humane as he was, felt that 
 they ought to be extirpated. 
 
 When he began his work, whole regions, rich in silk and 
 tea, were overrun by hordes of Tai-pings. His force, as we 
 have seen, was altogether disorganised. The men were 
 ready to fight, and, indeed, were eager to be engaged; but 
 they did not care very much with whom, or on which side. 
 In the army there was no discipline; and he found no 
 supplies ready to his hand. There were no regular roads 
 by which he could take his men where they were needed ; 
 and difficulties of all kinds surrounded him. He was very 
 much alone in the burden of responsibility that was laid 
 upon him; for he could not be sure of sympathy or help 
 from England, or even from China. But of one thing he 
 could and did feel sure—namely, that the cause in which he 
 was engaged was one of righteousness and mercy, and that 
 God was on his side; and this conviction kept him brave 
 and patient through all. And he never forgot whose 
 servant he was. He was in himself an illustration of the 
 truth that the Christian is the highest type of man. Because 
 he served God he served his fellows also. 
 
 “ In a position of unequalled difficulty,” said the address 
 presented to him by the Shanghai merchants, “ and 
 surrounded by complications of every possible nature, you 
 have succeeded in offering to the eyes of the Chinese nation, 
 no less by your loyal and throughout disinterested line 
 of action, than by your conspicuous gallantry and talent 
 for organisation and command, the example of a foreign 
 officer serving the Government of this country with honour¬ 
 able fidelity and undeviating self-respect.” His name, 
 which will ever be revered in China, began to be known 
 and honoured in England also. In the Times of 5th 
 August 1864 was a leading article showing great and just 
 appreciation of our noble countryman:— 
 
 “Never did soldier of fortune deport himself with a 
 
THE COLLAPSE OF THE REBELLION . 101 
 
 nicer sense of military honour, with more gallantry against 
 the resisting, with more mercy toward the vanquished, with 
 more disinterested neglect of opportunities of personal 
 advantage, or with more entire devotion to the objects 
 and desires of his own Government, than this officer, who, 
 after all his victories, has just laid down his sword. A 
 history of operations among cities of uncouth names, and 
 in provinces, the geography of which is unknown except to 
 special students, would be tedious and uninstructive. The 
 result of Colonel Gordon’s operations, however, is this: 
 He found the richest and most fertile districts of China in 
 the hands of the most savage brigands. The silk districts 
 were the scenes of their cruelty and riot, and the great 
 historical cities of Hangchow and Soochow were rapidly 
 following the fate of Nanking, and were becoming desolate 
 ruins in their possession. Gordon has cut the rebellion in 
 half, has recovered the great cities, has isolated and utterly 
 discouraged the fragments of the brigand power, and has 
 left the marauders nothing but a few tracts of devastated 
 country and their stronghold of Nanking. All this he has 
 effected, first by the power of his arms, and afterward, still 
 more rapidly, by the terror of his name.” 
 
 Gordon had not left China when Nanking was subdued. 
 At that time almost nothing remained of the rebels. 
 Gordon had fought in no less than twenty-three battles, 
 and had met with not quite but almost invariable success. 
 Eventually, on 16th April 1865, eight thousand Govern 
 ment troops caused the rebels to evacuate Hangchow and 
 retreat towards Tungshan. They were pursued and sur¬ 
 rounded on all hands, until the little remnant of the great 
 host fleeing to the mountains, broke up and got lost^ 
 Thus ended the rebellion of the Tai-pings. 
 
 Some lasting good has no doubt resulted for China. Mr. 
 Andrew Wilson shows the good effect of introducing Euro¬ 
 pean medical arrangements into the Ever-Victorious Army ; 
 
102 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 and he has published in his book some very interesting 
 statistics respecting the grand work which Mr. Moffit was 
 able to do among the wounded and diseased. Before that 
 time the Chinese knew very little of surgery. It was found 
 that fevers were most fatal, and that diarrhoea was very 
 common, especially in the hot season, and among those who 
 indulged themselves in opium-smoking. The Chinese 
 have almost no taste for alcohol; and they can live 
 quite comfortably on a simple diet of rice, vegetables, and 
 fish. 
 
 Gordon’s work in China has been the means of awaken¬ 
 ing considerable interest in the country, hitherto so little 
 known ; and the last few years have seen many books 
 produced upon the subject. "What China now wants is 
 thus summed up in a little book, entitled, The Foreigner in 
 Far Cathay , by Mr. W. H. Medhurst, H.B.M. Consul at 
 Shanghai:—“ Let the commercial enterprise of the people 
 be taken advantage of to introduce the thin end of the 
 wedge of progress whenever the opportunity offers itself; 
 let knowledge be sown broadcast throughout the land by 
 means of suitable and instructive publications in the native 
 language ; and let foreign powers combine to treat China 
 justly, and at the same time see to it that she acts justly by 
 them, and not only will progress be possible, but no long 
 time need elapse before a regeneration ensues, which shall 
 at once satisfy the longings of the diplomatist, the merchant, 
 and the missionary.” 
 
 This book bears the date 1872; and a pamphlet re¬ 
 printed from The Phoenix—A Week in Nanking , by the 
 Bev. Thomas Bryson, of the London Missionary Society, 
 Wuchang, China, of the same date, describes Nanking as 
 it was then :— 
 
 “ One feature of the prospect, both outside and inside the 
 walls, was very conspicuous—viz., the absence of trees. 
 This, and the presence of ruins in all directions, especially 
 
THE COLLAPSE OF THE REBELLION . 103 
 
 in the less inhabited portions of the city, and when seen 
 after the sun had set, gave a weird, desolate character to 
 the place. In some marshy places one had also to be 
 careful how he walked, lest he should get a fall into a ditch. 
 Usually at these dangerous points we found a septangular 
 stone pillar, with a figure of Buddha carved on each face, 
 and an invocation cut down the side. These are piously 
 set up as a kind of talisman, to ward off the unseen evil 
 spirits who are supposed to infest such roads, and attack the 
 unwary traveller. 
 
 “ The want of trees is attributable to the possession of 
 the place by hostile armies for so many years during the 
 late rebellion. There were other vestiges of the horrors of 
 that siege to be seen besides these. We came across a plot 
 of ground literally crammed with grave-mounds, and found 
 many officers and men living in tents close by with a 
 number of newly-made coffins at hand. They were engaged 
 in exhuming the bones and dead bodies, to be carried out 
 and re-interred in a cemetery without the walls. It is well 
 known that the rebels were reduced to awful extremity 
 before the city fell. They were falling thick of starvation. 
 Individuals used to be dropped over the walls at night to 
 dig up every root they could find. And such was the 
 slaughter at the taking of the city that the streets literally 
 swam with blood, and heaps upon heaps of dead had to be 
 hurriedly buried within the walls.” 
 
 Hanking, however, the city beautiful for situation, is 
 becoming more beautiful every year as it recovers from its 
 sorrows of twenty-five years ago. The streets are wider 
 than those of any other city in China, the shops and 
 houses are rebuilt, and business and pleasure fill the place 
 once so desolate. The Imperial Satin Manufactory is 
 carrying on its work, and a stranger arriving for the first 
 time would not, unless he knew its history, dream that 
 Hanking had passed through such an awful experience. 
 
104 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 General Gordon has been to China once since all this 
 happened. He went at the request of his old colleague, Li- 
 Hung-Chang. Some time afterward his counsel in regard 
 to China appeared in the form of a letter, or proclamation, 
 said to be addressed to Li-Hung-Chang, and which was pub¬ 
 lished in the China Mail. It is an exceedingly characteristic 
 letter, and is important, because it treats of the military 
 strength of China, and how that strength may be developed, 
 and also because, as the China Mail remarks, “ the writer’s 
 simple honesty comes straight from the heart, and he is 
 entirely unencumbered by anything outside of his inborn 
 convictions.” The following is the memoranda:— 
 
 “China possesses a long-used military organisation, a 
 regular military discipline. Leave it intact. It is suited to 
 her people. 
 
 “ China, in her numbers, has the advantage over other 
 powers. Her people are inured to hardships. Armed with 
 breech-loaders, accustomed to the use and care of breech¬ 
 loaders, and no more is needed for her infantry. 
 
 “ Breech-loaders ought to be bought on some system, and 
 the same general system made applicable to the whole 
 nation. It is not advisable to manufacture them, though 
 means of repair should be established at certain centres. 
 Breech-loading ammunition should be manufactured at 
 different centres. Breech-loaders of various patterns should 
 not be bought, though no objection could be offered to a 
 different breech-loader in, say, four provinces, from that used 
 in another group of four provinces. Any breech-loaders 
 which will carry well up to a thousand yards will be 
 sufficient. It is not advisable to spend money on the 
 superior breech-loaders, carrying further. Ten breech¬ 
 loaders carrying up to 'one thousand yards could be 
 bought for the same money as five breech-loaders of a 
 superior class, carrying to one thousand five hundred 
 
THE COLLAPSE OF THE REBELLION . 105 
 
 yards. For the Chinese it would cost more time to teach 
 the use of the longer-range rifle than it is worth, and 
 then, probably, if called to use it, in confusion the scholar 
 would forget his lesson. This is known to be the case. 
 Therefore, buy ordinary breech-loading rifles of a thousand 
 yards’ range, of simple construction, of solid form. Do not 
 go into purchasing a very light, delicately-made rifle. A 
 Chinese soldier does not mind one or two pounds more 
 weight, for he carries no knapsack or kit. 
 
 “ China’s power is in her numbers, in the quick moving 
 of her troops, in the little baggage they require, in their 
 few wants. It is known that men armed with swords and 
 spears can overcome the best regular troops; if armed with 
 the best breech-loading rifles, and well instructed in every 
 way, if the country is at all difficult, and if the men with 
 the spears and swords outnumber their foe ten to one. If 
 this is the case when men are armed with spears and 
 swords, it will be much truer when the same are armed 
 with ordinary breech-loaders. 
 
 “ China should never engage in pitched battles. Her 
 strength is in quick movements, in cutting off the trains of 
 baggage, in night attacks, not pushed home; in a con¬ 
 tinuous worrying of her enemies. 
 
 “Rockets should be used instead of cannon; no artillery 
 should be moved with the troops. It delays and impedes 
 them. Infantry fire is the most fatal fire. Guns make a 
 noise far out of proportion to their value in war. If guns 
 are taken into the field, troops cannot march faster than 
 those guns. The degree of speed at which the guns can be 
 carried along dictates the speed at which the troops can 
 march. Therefore, very few guns, if any, ought to be 
 taken; and those few should be smooth bored, large bore 
 breech-loaders, consisting of four parts, to be screwed 
 together when needed for use. 
 
 “ Chinese accustomed to make forts of earth ought to 
 
106 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 continue this, and study the use of trenches for the attack 
 of cities. 
 
 “ China should never attack forts. She ought to wait, 
 and starve her foes out, and worry them night and day. 
 
 “ China should have a few small bored, very long range 
 wall-pieces, rifled and breech-loaders. They are light to 
 carry, and if placed a long way off, will be safe from attack. 
 If the enemy comes out to take them, the Chinese can run 
 away ; and if the enemy takes one or two, it is no loss. 
 Firing them in the enemy’s camps a long way off would 
 prevent the enemy sleeping; and if he does not sleep, then 
 he gets ill, and goes into hospital, and then needs other 
 enemies to take care of him, and thus the enemy’s numbers 
 are reduced. 
 
 “ When an enemy comes up, and breaks the wall of a 
 city, the Chinese soldiers ought not to stay and fight the 
 enemy, but to go out and attack the trains of baggage in 
 the rear, and worry him in the roads he came by. By 
 keeping the Chinese troops lightly loaded with baggage, 
 with no guns, they can move two to every one li the enemy 
 marches. To-day the Chinese will be before him ; to¬ 
 morrow they will be behind him ; the next day they will be 
 on his left hand, and so on, till the enemy gets tired and 
 cross with such long walks, and his soldiers quarrel with 
 their officers, and get sick. 
 
 “ The Chinese should make telegraphs in the country, as 
 a rule, to keep the country quiet, and free from false 
 rumours; but with the Chinese soldiers in the field they 
 should use sun signals by means of the heliograph. These 
 are very easy, and can do no harm. For this purpose a 
 small school should be made in each centre. 
 
 “ The Chinese ought not to try torpedoes, which are very 
 difficult to manage. The most simple torpedoes are the 
 best and the cheapest, and their utility is in having many 
 of them. China can risk sowing them thickly, for if one of 
 
THE COLLAPSE OF THE REBELLION . 107 
 
 them does go astray, and sink a Chinese junk, the people of 
 the junk ought to be glad to die for their country. If 
 torpedoes are only used at certain places, then the enemy 
 knows that he has to look out when near those places, but 
 when every place may have torpedoes, he can never feel 
 safe; he is always anxious; he cannot sleep; he gets ill, 
 and dies. The fact of an enemy living in constant dread of 
 being blown up is much more advantageous to China than 
 if she blew up one of her enemies, for anxiety makes people 
 ill and cross. Therefore China ought to have cheap, simple 
 torpedoes, which cannot go out of order, which are fired by 
 a fuze, not by electricity, and plenty of them. She ought 
 not to buy expensive, complicated torpedoes. 
 
 “China should buy no more big guns to defend her 
 sea-coast. They cost money. They are a great deal of 
 trouble to keep in order, and the enemy’s ships have too 
 thick sides for any gun China can buy to penetrate them. 
 
 “ China ought to defend her sea-coast by very heavy 
 mortars. They cost very little. They are easy to use. 
 They only want a thick parapet in front, and they are fired 
 from a place the enemy cannot see, whereas the enemy can 
 see the holes from which guns are fired. 
 
 “ The enemy cannot get safe from a mortar shot. It 
 falls on the deck, and there it breaks everything. China 
 can get five hundred mortars for the same money she gets 
 one 18-ton gun for. If China loses them the loss is little. 
 
 “No enemy could get into a fort which is defended by 
 1500 large mortars and plenty of torpedoes, which must be 
 very simple. 
 
 “ Steam-launches, with a torpedo on a pole, furnish the 
 best form of movable torpedo. 
 
 “For the Chinese fleet, small, quick vessels, with very 
 little draught of water, and not any great weight of armour, 
 are best. If China buys big vessels they cost a great deal, 
 and all her eggs are in one basket—namely, she loses all her 
 
108 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 money at once. For the money of one large vessel China 
 would get twelve small vessels. China’s strength is in the 
 creeks, not in the open sea. 
 
 “ Nothing recommended in this paper needs any change 
 in Chinese customs. The army is the same, and China 
 needs no Europeans or foreigners to help her to carry out 
 this programme. If China cannot carry out what is here 
 recommended, then no one else can do so. Besides, the 
 programme is a cheap one. 
 
 “With respect to the fleet, it is important to consider 
 that in the employment of foreigners China can never be 
 sure of them, in case of a war with the country they belong 
 to; while, on the other hand, if China asks a foreign power 
 to lend her officers, then the foreign power who lends them 
 will interfere with China. 
 
 “ The question is— 
 
 “ 1. Is it better for China to get officers here and there, 
 and run the risk of these officers not being trustworthy; or, 
 
 “ 2. Is it better for China to think what nation there is 
 who would be likely to be good friends with China in good 
 weather and in bad weather, and then for China to ask 
 that nation to lend China the officers she wants for her 
 fleet *1 
 
 “ I think No. 2 is the safest and best for China. 
 
 “Remember, with this programme China wants no big 
 officers from foreign powers. I say big officers, because I 
 am a big officer in China. 
 
 “ If I stayed in China it would be bad for China, because 
 it would vex the American, French, and German Govern¬ 
 ments, who would want to send their officers. Besides, 
 I am not wanted. China can do what I recommend herself. 
 If she cannot, I could do no good. 
 
 “ (Signed) C. G. Gordon. 
 
 “ Canton, 7th July 1880. 
 
THE COLLAPSE OF THE REBELLION\ 109 
 
 “ P.S .—As long as Pekin is the centre of the govern¬ 
 ment of China, China can never afford to go to war with 
 any first-class power. It is too near the sea. The Emperor 
 (Queen Bee) must be in the centre of the hive. 
 
 “ Ho ironclads or iron gun-boats can help China till she 
 has a place to keep them in. But China can have no place 
 (asylum) to keep them till she has an army. 
 
 “ China cannot have an army when generals keep twenty 
 thousand men and draw pay for five thousand. Those 
 generals ought to have their heads cut off. 
 
 “(Signed) C. G. G. 
 
 “ Hong-kong, 23rd August 1880.” 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 AT GRAVESEND. 
 
 i( There is no news, my lord ; but that he writes 
 How happily he lives, how well beloved.” 
 
 —Two Gentlemen of Verona. 
 
 NE evening, in the year 1865, a doctor stepped 
 out of a small house in Gravesend, and entering 
 his carriage, ordered the coachman to drive 
 home. The door of the cottage was closed by 
 a young woman with a pale face, and eyes dim with tears, 
 who held a baby in her arms. There happened to be passing 
 at the moment a young man, who, at a glance, took in the 
 whole situation, and whose natural insight into human life 
 and character, and power of imagination, enabled him to 
 comprehend more than was revealed. 
 
 He stopped at the cottage door that had just been closed, 
 and gently tapped it. The young woman with the baby 
 responded to the knock, and looked into the kindly face of 
 a gentleman who was a stranger to her and to Gravesend. 
 
 “Good evening; may I come in'?” 
 
 “ Certainly.” The stranger stepped into the little room, 
 put his hat upon the table, and at once made himself at home. 
 
 “Your baby is a fine little fellow. It is not the baby 
 
AT GRAVESEND. 
 
 Ill 
 
 whom the doctor has been to see ? He looks as if nothing 
 had ailed him since he was born. How old is the young 
 man % ” 
 
 “ He is two years and a-half, sir. Yes, he is very hearty, 
 bless him ! and never has anything the matter with him 
 except when he is teething. That troubles him a little, and 
 makes him cross. He has not had the measles yet, nor the 
 whooping-cough, and I hope he will not, for my hands are 
 tied so much at present that I don’t know what I should do 
 if I had any extra work.” 
 
 “ What is the matter, then ?” 
 
 “ My husband is very ill, sir.” 
 
 “ I am sorry to hear that. From what complaint is he 
 suffering 1 ” 
 
 “ Oh, he has been very bad. He is a working man, but 
 for some time he has not been able to work. His stomach 
 has been bad ; he has had such dreadful feelings—so weak, 
 and sinking, and full of pain; and then he used to get cold 
 all over, his skin was white, and looked all shrivelled up 
 and turned into goose flesh, and then his teeth chattered, 
 and his knees knocked together, and he had dreadful 
 shivering fits; and he shook so that it seemed to shake the 
 whole house; and his face, and lips, and finger-nails all 
 turned blue, and he seemed to be dying of cold, although he 
 was in front of a big fire.” 
 
 “ Yes,” said the stranger, smilingly ; " and when that had 
 passed away he became just as hot as before he had been 
 cold. His face got red, and he had palpitation, and his 
 breathing was bad, and his head ached, and he felt as if it 
 would burst; wasn’t it so 1 ” 
 
 “Yes, it was, sir.” 
 
 “ And then, when they had passed away, another change 
 came. The pain in his head and his back got better, and 
 he broke into a great perspiration, and presently felt all 
 right again.” 
 
 O . O 
 
112 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 “No, sir, not all right, but better. The fits left him so 
 awfully weak that I didn’t know what to do; and the 
 worst of it was, that they were sure to return the next day ; 
 so it quite depressed us.” 
 
 “ Yes, your husband has, or has had, the ague.” 
 
 “ Yes, that is what the doctor calls it. I never saw it 
 before. I come from Derbyshire, and among the beautiful 
 hills there we don’t have such dreadful diseases.” 
 
 “ Perhaps they will not always have them in Gravesend. 
 When our people get more scientific, and have better 
 sanitary arrangements, ague will die out.” 
 
 “ I hope that will be soon.” 
 
 “ I hope so, too. But your husband is better, isn’t he ? ” 
 
 “Yes, sir, he is better,” said the woman, the tears again 
 coming to her eyes ; “ but he is so dreadfully weak. The 
 doctor has been scolding me about it; he says he must 
 have nourishing things. I don’t know what to get him ; 
 isn’t milk nourishing, sir h ” 
 
 “ Very.” 
 
 The strange gentleman had not looked about him much; 
 he had seemed to keep his eyes upon the woman’s face, or 
 the baby’s form; but he had taken in every detail of the 
 little room with its plain furniture, and he could not see a 
 superfluous article, except a little vase that had probably 
 cost twopence. 
 
 “ Yes, milk is, I suppose, one of the most nourishing 
 kinds of food of which we can partake. And it is cheap, 
 too. Have you given your husband plenty of it *1 ” 
 
 “ Well, that is the worst of it, sir. He cannot take milk. 
 It makes him sick.” 
 
 “ Ah, then it is no use giving it to him. Could he eat 
 a few grapes h ” 
 
 “ I dare say he could, sir. But grapes are dear.” 
 
 “ I will fetch a few; do not tell him until I come back.” 
 
 The stranger was out of the house almost before he had 
 
AT GRAVESEND . 
 
 113 
 
 concluded the sentence ; and before the woman had ceased 
 wondering who he was, and why he had called, he was 
 back again with a beautiful bunch of grapes, and a piece of 
 beef. 
 
 “You know how to make beef-tea, don’t your’ 
 
 “ Oh, yes, sir. Thank you; this is just what we 
 wanted.” 
 
 “ See to it at once, and make it good. May I go and see 
 your husband 'l ” 
 
 The poor man scolded a little when his wife brought 
 a stranger into the bed-room ; but there was something 
 in that same stranger that won the sick man’s heart at 
 once. 
 
 “ Can you eat a few grapes ? ” The invalid’s dry lips 
 scarcely framed an answer in words before the cool, luscious 
 fruit was between them. 
 
 “ They are good. They are the only nice things I have 
 seen or tasted for a month.” 
 
 “I am glad you like them.” 
 
 “ What beauties they are ! Splendid ! Such grapes do 
 not often fall to the lot of poor folks. Thank you for 
 them, sir.” 
 
 “ Eat them up. They won’t hurt you, and you shall 
 have some more when these are gone.” 
 
 “Who are you, sir? I don’t know you.” 
 
 “ Never mind who I am. I am a stranger. I have not 
 been in Gravesend long.” 
 
 “ But what made you call at my house, sir ? Who told 
 you about me ? ” 
 
 “ No one.” 
 
 “ But how is it that you are here.” 
 
 “ Oh, I saw a doctor’s carriage leave the door, and 
 supposing that someone was ill, I thought I would come 
 in and see who it was, and if I could do anything.” 
 
 The man looked faint. “ I am not going to stay long 
 
 e 8 
 
114 GENERA L GORE ON. 
 
 this time, but I shall come again. I have been sent to 
 you.” 
 
 “ Sent 1” 
 
 “Yes, sent by God. None of these things happen by 
 chance. You in your weakness need just what I can give 
 you, and so I was made to pass your door just as the doctor 
 left it. Don’t you see that all this must have been arranged 
 by One who knows all things, and directs events according 
 to His will 'l ” 
 
 The sick man shook his head ; and the stranger, with 
 a kindly smile, left him to consider the subject at his 
 leisure. 
 
 He came again the next day with some more beef for 
 beef-tea, and also some jellies and other delicacies, which 
 the poor man needed more than medicines, but which were 
 quite out of his reach. 
 
 “ How are you h ” 
 
 “ Oh, I am better to-day, sir, thanks to you.” 
 
 “ No ; thanks not to me, but to some One else. Have 
 you thought about what I said 1 ” 
 
 “ Yes, but I don’t know anything about these things. 
 I am only a poor man, and I have had to work hard all my 
 life.” 
 
 “ And so have I; but I could not have worked if I had 
 not had the assurance that all things were under the 
 control of God.” 
 
 “ He is very wonderful and very great, I know.” 
 
 “ And He is very merciful and very good, I know.” 
 
 “ But you see, sir, your life and mine have been so 
 different.” 
 
 “How do you know that when you have not the least 
 knowledge of my life, and cannot guess where it has been 
 passed, or what I have had to do.” 
 
 “ But you are rich.” 
 
 “ Am I ^ But I assure you that many a time I have not 
 
AT GRAVESEND . 
 
 115 
 
 known where my food was to come from, nor if I should 
 find a place in which to lie down at night. But that is of 
 very little consequence. Your heavenly Father knoweth 
 that ye have need of all these things. He has taken care 
 of me ; He will take care of you.” 
 
 “ But why has He let me be ill ?” 
 
 “ How can I tell You must wait. Sometime, perhaps, 
 He will reveal a reason. And if not, there is always left 
 to us faith.” 
 
 The man found afterwards the truth of the stranger’s 
 words; for his new friend, with a persistent kindness that 
 astonished the invalid, continued to bring and send him 
 nourishing food, and occasionally to have short talks with 
 him. By degrees the man grew strong; and as strength 
 came back, so did resignation and cheerfulness. He began 
 to read for himself the Bible that his visitor gave him; and 
 he read, not as a duty to be got over as speedily as possible, 
 but as a delight and a help; and it became to him a light 
 to his feet and a lamp to his path. When he met with 
 any difficulty he told it at once to his friend, and the 
 trouble seemed to melt away, and everything appeared plain 
 and easy to be understood. The man’s illness was the best 
 thing that had ever happened to him, for when he went 
 back to his work his whole life and character appeared 
 changed. His mates met him with congratulations— 
 
 “ Glad to see you back, old fellow. How are you getting 
 on V* 
 
 “ I am getting on well. I have found a friend, who has 
 been kinder to me than a brother.” 
 
 “ Who is he i ” 
 
 “ He is the gentleman who lives at the Fort House; he 
 has only lately come to live in Gravesend.” 
 
 The gentleman at the Fort House was Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Gordon. 
 
 He was sent to Gravesend to serve in the capacity of 
 
116 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 Commanding Royal Engineer, and there he remained from 
 1865 to 1871. 
 
 Nothing could prove more clearly than his life there the 
 marvellous ability that he possesses to turn with facility 
 from one kind of work to another, and become well-nigh 
 perfect in all. 
 
 At the close of our last chapter we saw in him the master 
 of all the tactics of war, and the valued counsellor of the 
 greatest statesman of a great nation. In the present chapter 
 we see in him the devoted philanthropist, the beneficent 
 peacemaker, the lowly servant of the Lord Jesus Christ. 
 
 Gravesend, at the time when Colonel Gordon went to 
 reside in the town, was still a very favourite watering- 
 place. It is only twenty-four miles from London, and 
 every summer thousands of Londoners resort thither to 
 enjoy the salubrious air and picturesque scenery of the 
 great river-port of England. In these days the railways 
 do such wonders for the people, that they can be carried in 
 a few hours not only to Ramsgate and Dover, but any place 
 north, south, east, and west of the country; and a holiday 
 at Gravesend has ceased to be as great a treat to our 
 children as it was to ourselves. It is still, however, “ the 
 place to spend a happy day,” for the far-famed Rosherville 
 Gardens have not lost all their charms, nor are the views 
 from Windmill Hill less interesting than of old; while the 
 steam-boat ride from London down the Thames is, on a fine 
 summer’s day, full of enjoyment. To wander about on the 
 hills, or rest on the piers, or gather water-cress in the 
 beautiful streams, or eat the “shrimps, brown shrimps,” 
 for which Gravesend is famous, or to search for wild flowers 
 in the pleasant Kentish lanes, or walk by the side of the 
 broad river, are pleasures that do not pass away with 
 passing years; and Gravesend is not likely to cease to be a 
 well-known and favourite resort to all, and especially to the 
 young dwellers in the metropolis. 
 
AT GRAVESEND. 
 
 117 
 
 It was in the vicinity of the river that Colonel Gordon 
 spent most of his time, for it was his special duty to 
 superintend the construction of the Thames defences. This 
 brought him into connection with a great many men and 
 boys belonging to the working classes, who soon found that 
 a friend had come to live among them. 
 
 To the boys—and there are hundreds of them engaged 
 on and about the river—he was especially kind. Not one 
 of those with whom Gordon came into contact could ever 
 utter the bitter complaint, “ No man careth for my soul,’* 
 for Gordon cared for that, and the body too. 
 
 “Come up to the Fort House this evening,” he would 
 say, when he saw a boy in trouble, and in need of counsel 
 and help. 
 
 The house was large, and the colonel’s wants were small; 
 there was in it, therefore, abundant room and opportunity 
 for all kinds of charitable work. The writer has quite 
 lately met many people in Gravesend, who, although 
 thirteen years have passed since Gordon resided there, still 
 say he was “ the best man who ever lived in Gravesend.” 
 In his home he lived in the simplest and most economical 
 manner, and all that he saved he distributed with lavish 
 hand. 
 
 “ The furniture in his bed-room,” said one, “ consisted of 
 a bed, a chair, and a box; but he made many of the bed¬ 
 rooms of the sick poor beautiful with exquisite flowers and 
 fruit.” 
 
 “ It is a comfort to have a garden,” said a poor man who 
 was allowed to walk in the Fort garden. “I often think if 
 I were rich I should like to cultivate my own potatoes and 
 green peas. It would be a pleasure to watch them grow, 
 and see the progress they made from week to week.” 
 
 “ But anybody can do that. Have you not a bit of 
 ground attached to your house ? ” 
 
 “ Not a square yard.” 
 
118 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 “ Very well then, I will lend you a yard or two of mine 
 Put what you like in that corner yonder, and come and 
 gather in the crop when it is ready.” 
 
 The man looked into the merry face of his friend to see 
 if he were joking; but he knew the colonel meant it, and 
 he took him at his word. It gave the man and his family 
 so much pleasure that Gordon extended the privilege to 
 others, who are now only too glad to talk of the gentleman 
 whose whole life seemed to be one of bounty and generosity. 
 
 He had eyes that were very quick to see sorrow. He 
 was once watching a young bricklayer at his work, when he 
 perceived that there was something on his mind which was 
 making him unhappy. In his own pleasant way he soon 
 entered into conversation with the young man, and almost 
 before the latter knew it he was pouring out his tale of 
 sorrow into the sympathetic heart of Colonel Gordon. 
 
 “ Mother has left us, and gone away from home; and 
 everything there is so miserable that it is not like home at 
 all.” 
 
 “ What do you do with your evenings ? ” 
 
 “ I cannot do anything with them, sir. There is no light, 
 no warm place in which to sit, no quiet in which to read; 
 so I stand about the streets when I have finished work.” 
 
 “ Come and spend your evenings at the Fort House. 
 You will find books and papers there, and pen and ink, and 
 other lads too.” 
 
 “ Thank you, colonel, I shall be very glad to do that.” 
 
 So the young bricklayer became a nightly visitor, and 
 had many a talk with the colonel. Very happy evenings 
 they were, both to him who did good and to him who 
 received it; for no one could be in the company of Gordon 
 without being morally and spiritually elevated. 
 
 One evening the young bricklayer was at Fort House as 
 usual, when he was suddenly taken ill, and haemorrhage of 
 the lungs set in. 
 
AT GRAVESEND. 
 
 119 
 
 The colonel at once sent for a doctor. He found the 
 young man very ill, and likely to continue so for some time. 
 What was to be done ? He could not be sent in his present 
 state to his own miserable home—that was not to be thought 
 of. But the doctor and the colonel consulting together 
 decided that he might be removed in a cab to the 
 house of Mrs. Smith (to whom the writer is indebted 
 for the narrative), where he would receive all necessary 
 attention. 
 
 The colonel delivered him into Mrs. Smith’s charge, 
 giving the good Samaritan’s injunction and assurance, 
 “ Take care of him; and whatsoever thou spendest more, 
 when I come again I will repay thee.” 
 
 He was not long before he came again, for he visited him 
 continually. 
 
 “ What can you take ? Can I bring you anything ? ” he 
 would ask; and would never forget to say to Mrs. Smith, 
 “ Be sure to let him have everything he fancies.” 
 
 He bore the cost of everything, met the doctor’s 
 expenses, and paid for the lodgings, and was constant in 
 his thoughtful helpfulness. He had plenty of work to do, 
 but could always find time to read the Bible to the young 
 man, who liked listening to that, and to the colonel’s talks 
 and prayers, better than anything. 
 
 At last the doctor advised that he should be removed to 
 the local infirmary, for he was in a rapid consumption. 
 
 “ Shall I see you there, colonel ? ” he asked, with wistful 
 eyes. 
 
 “ Certainly; I have a good many friends there, and am 
 often calling to see them.” 
 
 “ I know that I am going to die.” 
 
 “ But you are not afraid, for now you know who says, 
 ‘ I am the Resurrection and the Life.’ He will be as near 
 to you in the infirmary as here, and as near to you in death 
 as in life.” 
 
120 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 “ Oh, yes, I know Him now; ” and so he did, for as the 
 narrator said, “ The colonel had led him to Christ by his 
 life and teaching.” 
 
 So the young bricklayer, who would do no more work, 
 was taken to the infirmary, and was able to show to the 
 patients there what Christianity could do for a dying man. 
 
 “ Head the Bible to me,” he would say to the nurse; 
 “ there is nothing like it.” 
 
 “But you are tired.” 
 
 “ Yes, I am very tired. I do long to go to Jesus.” 
 
 On another occasion he said, “ I can see such beautiful 
 sights, like little peeps into heaven. Can you see them ? I 
 shall soon be there.” 
 
 “ Is there anyone you would like to see before you die *1 ” 
 asked his good friend, the colonel, when he saw the end was 
 near. 
 
 “ Yes, I should like to see my mother.” 
 
 So the mother was telegraphed for, and arrived in time to 
 see what the Saviour of the world is able to do for those 
 who trust in Him. 
 
 And then the young bricklayer went away, as he was 
 longing to do, to be with Jesus; and to thank Him for 
 sending him a friend and teacher in Colonel Gordon. 
 
 Another incident in the colonel’s life at Gravesend was 
 the following :— 
 
 A boy in the employ of a tradesman in Harmer Street 
 robbed him. The culprit was discovered, and the master 
 angrily declared that he would send him to prison. The 
 mother of the boy was almost heart-broken, but she had 
 heard of Colonel Gordon, and knew that, like his Master, he 
 never turned away from the sad and troubled ones who 
 sought his help. So, with all the mother’s earnestness, she 
 went at once to the colonel, and trying to check her tears, 
 she told him the story. 
 
 u I cannot understand it, sir ; he has always been an 
 
AT GRAVESEND . 
 
 121 
 
 honest boy, and I do believe that this is the first and 
 the last time. If he could only have another chance ! But 
 if he is sent to prison I am afraid it will end in his 
 ruin.” 
 
 “ I am afraid it will. I will do what I can for him. 
 What would you like me to do h ” 
 
 “Oh, sir, if you would intercede with his master, and 
 persuade him not to send my boy to jail, I will be grateful 
 to you all my life ! ” 
 
 So the colonel went to Harmer Street and saw the trades¬ 
 man who had been robbed. He was very angry. He 
 thought the boy deserved to be punished, and that it would 
 do him good, and serve him right, and be a warning to him 
 and to others, if he had a few months in prison. 
 
 But Gordon pleaded very earnestly for him, and every 
 one respected the colonel, and was glad to do as he 
 wished. 
 
 “ What will become of the boy ? I cannot keep him 
 here now.” 
 
 “ Oh, no, of course you cannot. But if you will promise 
 not to prosecute him I will take charge of him, and perhaps 
 we can make a man out of the rascal yet. At least I 
 should like to try, if you will let me.” 
 
 “Very well, colonel. I will not punish him, and I hope 
 he may repay your kindness.” 
 
 “ Thank you very much.” 
 
 The colonel spoke very gravely to the boy, telling him 
 how he had barely escaped going to prison, and pointing 
 out to him how he had broken the laws of God as well as 
 man. “ But you shall have a chance,” he said; “ your 
 master has kindly forgiven you, and if you ask God, 
 He will forgive you also. And I will help you, if you 
 behave well in the future and try to do your best. Will 
 you ^ ” 
 
 “ Yes, sir, indeed I will,” said the boy, through his tears. 
 
122 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 “ How would you like to go to sea ? ” asked the colonel. 
 
 “ I should like it very much indeed, sir.” 
 
 “Very well. Now you must go to school for a year. I 
 will pay for you; and you must attend to your lessons, 
 and try to learn as much as you possibly can in the time. 
 Will you?” 
 
 “Yes, sir; I will try to be a good boy in everything.” 
 
 “ You must come up and see me sometimes at the Fort 
 House; and you must spend your evenings at the Bovs’ 
 Home, and I shall see you there. By these means I shall 
 know whether you are keeping your promise. If at the 
 end of twelve months I find that you have really been a 
 good boy, then I will get you a berth in a good ship, and 
 you shall go to sea.” 
 
 The boy thanked the colonel, and so did his mother; 
 and, in fact, they continue to do so, though perhaps he does 
 not know it, to this day. My informant says, “ The lad is 
 now' a man, and goes to sea ; while his mother resides in 
 Gravesend still. He has a good character, and both the 
 mother and the sailor bless the name of Gordon, who saved 
 the lad from prison and the mother from disgrace.” 
 
 Another mother residing in Gravesend says that she 
 thinks her son would never have recovered from his illness 
 if it had not been for the large amount of nourishment 
 supplied him by Colonel Gordon. Her boy was ill of 
 fever, and the colonel bought or sent everything that he 
 needed; and not only so, but visited him, and read to him 
 and prayed with him constantly until he recovered. After 
 he was better, the colonel often invited him to Fort House, 
 where he always had happy times. The colonel was the 
 friend of all the family during the whole of his stay; and 
 when he went to bid them farewell on leaving Gravesend, 
 so fully had his kind heart sympathised with them, that he 
 wept. The father of the boy, at that time a policeman, 
 and now a detective, says he thinks that “ Gravesend never 
 
AT GRA VESEND . 
 
 123 
 
 had, before or since, a better Christian gentleman, nor one 
 so deeply interested in young men and lads.” 
 
 That is certainly true, although Gravesend has had, and 
 has still, as the writer knows by personal acquaintance, 
 many earnest Christian workers. One of the first established 
 ragged schools in the country was at Gravesend ; and in this 
 school Colonel Gordon was an indefatigable worker. The 
 boys loved him, and honoured him above all others. There 
 used to be testimonies borne to him written in chalk (of 
 which there is always a bit to be found in the neighbourhood 
 of Gravesend), ornamenting, or otherwise, the palings and 
 walls; such as these, “0. G. is a jolly good feller,” “God 
 bless the Kernel,” “Long life to our dear teacher, Gordon.” 
 In the ragged school he always took the roughest and the 
 raggedest boys into his class, and taught them to be more 
 gentle in their manners, and more honourable and true in 
 their lives and characters. 
 
 “We loved him so much,” said a young man, “ that many 
 of us went to the night school only that we might be near 
 him.” 
 
 A lady who takes great interest in lads at the present 
 time in Gravesend, says that she visited a good many of the 
 poor and sick in that town with the colonel, who read and 
 prayed with them, and always had some kindness to show 
 them of a substantial sort. She thinks that occasionally his 
 kindness was imposed on. She remembers with pleasure 
 the address which he gave at the opening of her Mission 
 Loom in Passenger Court, and speaks of the great comfort 
 which his presence brought, not only to the patients in the 
 hospital, but also to the poor and the aged in the workhouse, 
 to whom he not only spoke, but whom he cheered with the 
 singing of hvmns. 
 
 Visitors to the ragged schools are shown some Chinese 
 banners which the colonel left behind him. One is his own 
 name, exquisitely worked in Chinese characters. These are 
 
124 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 proudly borne by the present Gravesend boys when they 
 walk in procession on Sunday-school festivals or other gala 
 occasions. 
 
 A missionary now labouring in Gravesend in connection 
 with the British and Foreign Sailors’ Society, who has 
 kindly furnished the writer with some information 
 writes :—“ Throughout the town it is said of him, like the 
 Master, that he ‘ went about doing good; ’ and as he never 
 courted the praise of men, only eternity will disclose the 
 results of his sojourn in Gravesend.” 
 
 Great sorrow was felt by all classes when he left. A 
 doctor declared that he quite missed him, as whenever he 
 found a case particularly needing attention, he always com¬ 
 mended it to Gordon, and never in vain. On one occasion 
 he stepped into the doctor’s carriage and asked— 
 
 “ Have you any work for me 1 ” 
 
 “ Yes,” was the reply; “ there is a lad at Perry Street ” 
 (a village about a mile from Gravesend) “who requires 
 a little help and instruction.” 
 
 “ I am glad of that,” replied Gordon ; and he went to see 
 the boy every evening from that time, until he no longer 
 needed help. 
 
 When Colonel Gordon left Gravesend, the following 
 appreciative testimony to his worth appeared in one of 
 the local papers :— 
 
 “ Our readers, without exception, will learn with regret 
 of the departure of Lieutenant-Colonel Gordon, O.B., B.E., 
 from the town, in which he has resided for six years, gaining 
 a name by the most exquisite charity that will long be 
 remembered. Nor will he be less missed than remembered, 
 for in the lowly walks of life, by the bestowal of gifts; by 
 attendance and ministrations on the sick and dying; by the 
 kindly giving of advice; by attendance at the Bagged 
 School, Workhouse, and Infirmary; in fact, by general and 
 continual beneficence to the poor, he has been so unwearied 
 
A T GRA VESEND. 
 
 125 
 
 in well-doing that his departure will be felt by many as a 
 personal calamity. There are those who even now are 
 reaping the rewards of his kindness. His charity was 
 essentially charity, and had its root in deep philanthropic 
 feeling and goodness of heart; shunning the light of 
 publicity, but coming even as the rain in the night-time, 
 that in the morning is noted not, but only the flowers bloom 
 and give a greater fragrance. Colonel Gordon, although 
 comparatively a young man, has seen something of service, 
 having obtained his brevet and order of Companion of the 
 Bath by distinguished service in China. He is thus 
 eminently fitted for his new post, and there is no doubt 
 but that he will prove as beneficent in his station under the 
 Foreign Office as he was while at Gravesend; for it was 
 evidently with him a natural heart-gift, and not to be eradi¬ 
 cated. Colonel Gordons duties at Gravesend terminated 
 on the 30th of September, and by this time he is on his way 
 to Galatz, in Turkey, where he will take up his residence as 
 British Commissioner on the Danube. He is succeeded by 
 Colonel the Hon. G. Wrottesley, as Commandant of Boyal 
 Engineers for the Gravesend district. All will wish him 
 well in his new sphere; and we have less hesitation in 
 penning these lines from the fact that laudatory notice will 
 confer but little pleasure upon him who gave with the 
 heart, and cared not for commendation.” 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 Gordon’s first visit to the soudan. 
 
 Cl 
 
 The force of his own merit makes his way; 
 
 A gift that heaven gives.” 
 
 —Henry VIII. 
 
 HAT is the meaning of the name which for 
 so long has been occupying a prominent 
 position in our newspapers, and has been 
 heard in fragments of conversation among 
 all classes of people ? The Soudan is “ the country of 
 the Blacks.” It is in Central Africa. It is bounded on 
 the north by Egypt, and on the south by the Hyanza 
 Lakes. It extends from the Red Sea on the east to the 
 western boundary of Darfour on the west. Its length 
 is about 1600 miles, and its breadth 1300. It has 
 at present no railways and no canals, although there is 
 some talk of making a railway from Suakim to Berber. 
 If this were done, very happy results might follow, for 
 it would make commerce between Egypt and the Soudan 
 possible, and would bring the country of the Blacks in 
 connection with the whole world by means of the Red Sea. 
 At present the people take their journeys on the backs 
 
FIRST VISIT TO THE SOUDAN . 127 
 
 of camels, excepting when the White Nile is navigable, as 
 it is at certain periods of the year. 
 
 Egypt first took possession of the Soudan in the year 
 1819, when Ismail, the son of Mehemet Ali, was sent by 
 his father to establish an Egyptian Government at Khar¬ 
 toum. From the first the Soudan has been an exceedingly 
 difficult land to maintain. Ismail and his army managed 
 to establish themselves; but they had not been long in 
 possession before the Blacks had their first rising. They 
 did not want the Egyptians either then or afterward. One 
 of the native rulers invited Ismail and his friends to dine 
 with him. He drugged the wine which he gave them to 
 drink ; and when they were overcome by its effects, he 
 set fire to the house in which they were feasting, and so 
 burnt them to death. Of course, after that, the Soudanese 
 were compelled, whether they wished or not, to submit to 
 Egyptian rule—Senaar and Kordofan being wrested from 
 them. In the year 1826 there was a Governor appointed 
 in the person of Khurishid Pasha, who ruled over 
 Fashoda for eleven years. A rebellion broke out in 
 Kassala in 1841, at which time the Soudan was divided 
 into seven provinces; and there was so much difficulty 
 connected with them that Said Pasha, when he visited 
 the Soudan, was very much disposed to give it up alto¬ 
 gether, but that a strong representation was made to him 
 to the effect that if he did this there would be constant 
 warfare between the tribes. He therefore appointed a 
 Governor; and there have been Governors of the Soudan 
 ever since. 
 
 There was for some years a gradual pushing southward 
 of the Egyptians; and the country was further opened by 
 adventurous traders, who, for purposes of their own, sought 
 to traverse the strange wild region of which almost nothing 
 was known; and in the year 1853 the English Consul for 
 the Soudan, Mr. John Petherick, succeeded, in the interests 
 
128 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 of trade, in making a voyage along the upper waters of the 
 White Nile. He found that ivory was plentiful and 
 cheap; and henceforth considerable trading was carried on. 
 At that time Egypt’s possessions on the Nile only extended 
 a hundred miles south of Khartoum ; but since then she 
 has been rapidly extending her rule, and the last conquest, 
 that of Earfour, has added many miles to her territory. 
 
 Unfortunately the European traders did not long content 
 themselves with dealing in ivory, for they found that to 
 deal in slaves was very much more profitable. In the 
 Bahr Gazelle country bands of armed men kept the posts 
 for the traders, so that their horrible traffic could be carried 
 on in safety. In the year 1860 the world was fully aroused 
 to these matters, and the indignant voice of the people 
 became so loud, that the Europeans could not for very 
 shame carry on their infamous work. So they sold their 
 slave stations to the Arabs, who contrived to keep the 
 peace with the Khedive by paying a yearly rental. The 
 poor people who were caught and sold into slavery were no 
 better than before; and the thing itself was, of course, as 
 unrighteous as ever. Indeed, the Arabs were more ruthless 
 than the Europeans had been. They were provided with 
 arms and ammunition by the Egyptian Government and the 
 Europeans who had before held the posts, and they stopped 
 at nothing. They actually made the slaves catch each 
 other; for they trained some boy-negroes whom they had 
 stolen, and so taught and urged them, that they became 
 adepts in the art of securing their fellows. The result of all 
 this was to devastate the whole district. Captain Speke 
 wrote:—“ The atrocities committed by these traders are 
 beyond civilised belief. They are constantly fighting, 
 robbing, and capturing slaves and cattle. No honest man 
 can either trade or travel in the country, for the natives 
 have been bullied to such an extent that they either fight 
 or run away, according to their strength or circumstances.” 
 
FIRST VISIT TO THE SOUDAN . 
 
 129 
 
 Dr. Schweinfurth, in his interesting work, The Heart of 
 Africa ,, writes:—“There are traces still existing which 
 demonstrate that large villages and extensive plots of 
 cultivated land formerly occupied the scene where now all 
 is desolation. . . . The population must have diminished 
 by at least two-thirds.” 
 
 The men who were doing so much harm to these villages 
 were becoming very powerful themselves, on account of their 
 number and influence; and at last the slave-dealers set up 
 a king of their own, and refused to pay taxes to the Imperial 
 Government. The name of the man who ventured to oppose 
 the authority of the Khedive was Sebehr Bahama. When 
 Dr. Schweinfurth saw him he was surrounded with a court 
 that was little less than princely in its details. . . . 
 Special rooms, provided with carpeted divans, were reserved 
 as ante-chambers, and into these all visitors were conducted 
 by richly-dressed slaves. . . . The regal aspect of these 
 halls of state was increased by the introduction of some 
 lions, secured, as may be supposed, by sufficiently strong 
 and massive chains. . . . His wealth matched even his 
 superstition. It was reported, on good authority, that to 
 foil the black art of an enemy, whose charms were a proof 
 against lead, he had 25,000 dollars melted down into bullets, 
 as the amulets did not apply to silver. 
 
 This man was the owner of thirty fortified posts, and his 
 power was so great that the Egyptian Government tried to 
 check its growth, and sent out some soldiers, under the 
 command of an officer named Ballal. But Sebehr brought 
 a force to oppose him, and Ballal was slain, with some of 
 his men. The Khedive was angry, but he had to submit to 
 that which he could not prevent, and Sebehr was more than 
 ever like the king of the slave-dealers. 
 
 At last the Khedive became afraid that Darfour would 
 come into the hands of Sebehr, in which case he might in 
 time wrest the whole of the Soudan from Egypt. He tried 
 
 e 9 
 
130 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 to secure the rebel on his side. He made him a Bey, and 
 invited him to join him in an expedition to Darfour. The 
 Sultan of Darfour fell before the enemy, and his two sons 
 were slain; and though other members of the family 
 succeeded, they were in turn killed, and Darfour became 
 part of the Soudan. 
 
 Sebehr was made a pasha, but he wanted to be more than 
 that. 
 
 “ What will satisfy you ? ” was asked of him. 
 
 “ I have done the fighting and won the victory,” was the 
 reply ; “ I ought to be Governor-General.” 
 
 From that time the Khedive set his face against slavery, 
 although previously he had not only allowed it, but received 
 some of the proceeds arising from it. 
 
 He, therefore, in 1869, called in the aid of Sir Samuel 
 Baker to assist him “ to strike a direct blow at the slave 
 trade in its distant nest; ” and Sir Samuel, in his celebrated 
 book, Ismailia ) published in 1874, gives a graphic account of 
 his journeys and experiences. We shall refer to these 
 in a subsequent chapter; for later events have made 
 Sir Samuel Baker’s mission appear of even greater im¬ 
 portance than it did—at all events as far as British 
 interests were concerned — when it was first under¬ 
 taken. 
 
 Sir Samuel Baker undertook the work with all its 
 responsibilities, and for the next four years worked hard, 
 opening up the Nile country as far as the lakes, and doing 
 his best to suppress the slave trade; and in 1873 he 
 resigned his post. 
 
 The difficulty now was to find a worthy successor. 
 But the man was ready when the time of need had come. 
 
 At the sitting of the Danubian Commission, in Con¬ 
 stantinople, Nubar Pasha had met Colonel Gordon, and was 
 much struck by his ability, force of character, and honour¬ 
 able disposition. Nubar Pasha, therefore, resolved to 
 
FIRST VISIT TO THE SOUDAN. 
 
 131 
 
 consult Gordon in the emergency which had arisen; and 
 he a;sked the Englishman if he could recommend some 
 suitable person to take the post vacated by Sir Samuel 
 Baker. Gordon took time to consider ; and the next year 
 he wrote to Nubar Pasha to say that if the Khedive would 
 apply to the English Government for him, he would himself 
 accept the position of Governor of the tribes of the Kile 
 Basin. 
 
 The Khedive accordingly applied to England, and 
 England gave permission for Gordon to go to the Soudan 
 in order to assist the Egyptians. The Khedive informed 
 him of the result of his application, and then he said that 
 he would pay Gordon £10,000 a-year for his services. 
 
 But Gordon would not accept so much money. 
 
 “ Fix your own terms, then/’ said the Khedive ; and 
 Gordon said that he would take £2000 a-year, as he 
 believed that would cover his expenses. 
 
 The Khedive explained his duties. He was to endeavour 
 to put an end to the traffic in slaves. If the brigands were 
 willing to give up their former habits, and become servants 
 of the Government, Gordon was to accept their services, and 
 pay them well. If they were determined to follow their 
 old course of life, Gordon was to punish them severely. 
 Care was to be taken that proper supplies of corn were at 
 hand. The troops were to till the land and raise crops ; 
 and if the seat of government proved to be placed in an 
 unproductive locality, they must move to a more fertile 
 region. Gordon was also to endeavour to establish some 
 system of post-communication, and to endeavour to get the 
 assistance of the tribes among whom he was going to live, 
 in order to help him in his efforts to put down the slave 
 trade. 
 
 Gordon went home for a short time before commencing 
 his duties; and in February 1874 he reached Cairo, on 
 his way to commence work. 
 
132 
 
 GENERAL GORDON . 
 
 Dr. Birbeck Hill has published in his book, Colonel 
 Gordon in Central Africa , the letters which Gordon wrote 
 home. It may be questioned whether any man’s letters 
 were better worth publishing. Ho novel is as interesting 
 —no book of travels more graphic. Added to his other 
 powers, Charles Gordon is one of the best letter-writers of 
 his time : he is chatty and pleasant, breezy and bright, 
 almost all through. 
 
 In his first letter he said that he thought he saw through 
 the affair, and that the expedition was a sham got up to 
 interest and please the English people. But though he 
 made this discovery, he was hopeful of being able to achieve 
 some good results. 
 
 He spent a few days at Cairo; but he said that he and 
 Hubar Pasha did not exactly “ hit it off.” He wanted to 
 travel by a steamer that would be shortly leaving for 
 Suakim, for by doing so he would save something like 
 £400. But Nubar Pasha did not like the new Governor of 
 Upper Egypt to go to his field of office and honour except 
 in becoming state. So a steamer was engaged, and a num¬ 
 ber of servants provided, and he started off with all the 
 pomp and ceremonial of state. 
 
 He, attended by an equerry of the Viceroy’s, was sent to 
 Suez by special train. But their journey was not very 
 satisfactory. An engine had run off the line, and this 
 made a block on the railway, which stopped the special 
 train in which the new Governor was travelling. There 
 occurred a delay of two hours; but though Gordon could 
 be very quick tempered and annoyed by some things, he 
 was only amused at this. In relating the incident he said, 
 u We were shunted into a common train with a great many 
 people—begun in glory and ended in shame.” 
 
 They went down the Bed Sea to Suakim, and there were 
 put in quarantine for the night. Gordon guessed it was 
 because the governor was not ready to receive them. They 
 
FIRST VISIT TO THE SOUDAN. 
 
 133 
 
 had on board two hundred and twenty troops, who 
 were to accompany him across the desert. This journey 
 was taken on camels, and occupied a fortnight. 
 
 On the 13th of March he arrived at Khartoum. He 
 thus describes his reception :—“ The Governor-General 
 met your brother in full uniform, and he landed amid 
 a salute of artillery, and a battalion of troops with a 
 band. It was a fine sight. The day before your brother 
 had his trousers off, and was pulling the boat in the Nile, 
 in spite of crocodiles, who never touch you when moving. 
 He cannot move now without guards turning out. I 
 have got a good house here, and am very comfortable.” 
 
 He was glad to be told that the rest of his journey 
 would be less difficult and tedious than it might have 
 been ; for the “ sudd,” the undergrowth of vegetation in 
 the river, had been cleared out by the soldiers, so that 
 the distance which had taken Sir Samuel Baker more 
 than a year could now be accomplished in three weeks. 
 
 He spent a few days in Khartoum, and held a review; 
 besides which he visited the hospital and the schools, to 
 the great delight of the little black children. He wrote, 
 Your brothers title is ‘ His Excellency General-Colonel 
 Gordon, the Governor-General of the Equator;’ so no one 
 can or ought to cross it without permission of His 
 Excellency.” 
 
 He issued a decree which put the district under martial 
 law, declaring that the Government of Egypt had the 
 monopoly of the trade in ivory ; that no one should enter 
 without a passport; and that arms and powder were not 
 to be imported. 
 
 He described the air as being so dry that nothing decayed ; 
 everything was dried up. The Khartoum people saluted 
 him with a shrill noise that was very musical. 
 
 They left Khartoum amid a salute of artillery, and 
 steamed up the Nile. He thought the crocodiles were 
 
134 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 dreadful-looking creatures, as they lay basking in the sun 
 with their mouths open. Little birds might always be seen 
 flying about these glistening creatures. There were large 
 flocks of geese and other birds flying south. They had a 
 pleasant journey, and time and opportunity were given to 
 Gordon to get used to his party, and his party to him. 
 His staff consisted of Colonel Long of the United States, 
 Major Campbell of the Egyptian staff, Mr. Kemp, an 
 engineer, Mr. Linant; and Messrs. Anson, Russell, and 
 Gessi. Gordon had decided to take with him Abou Saoud, 
 a slave-hunter knowrn as the “Sultan.” No one approved 
 of this, but Gordon felt sure that he was right to take 
 him, and that he would find him very useful. He said that 
 none but poor people spoke in Abou’s favour. One gentle¬ 
 man said that Gordon ought never to eat with him, lest 
 he should poison him; but he felt sure that the Sultan 
 would be nothing but a help to him. 
 
 The steamer went very slowly, and they had time to 
 notice the animals all around them—the storks, the monkeys, 
 and the noses of the hippopotami. He said they passed 
 some people who wore gourds for head-dresses, and “also 
 some Shillooks, who wear no head or other dress at all.” 
 
 One night he was thinking rather pensively of the friends 
 whom he had left at home, and of the dangers and 
 difficulties of the work which he had engaged to do, when 
 suddenly he heard loud peals of laughter. “ I felt put out, 
 but it turned out to be birds who laughed at us from the 
 bushes in a very rude way. They are a species of stork, 
 and seemed in capital spirits, and highly amused at anybody 
 thinking of going up to Gondokoro with the hope of doing 
 anything.” 
 
 He saw troops of buffaloes, and camelopards looking like 
 steeples, and eating the tops of the trees. He said the 
 villages looked like haystacks. They saw a tribe of Dinkas, 
 and the chief came on board, in full dress—a necklace—who 
 
FIRST VISIT TO THE SOUDAN. 
 
 135 
 
 seemed inclined to salute him in the usual way, by spitting 
 in his hand. Gordon gave him some food, which he seenmd 
 to enjoy, and after eating which he wished to kiss his feet; 
 but the general would not allow this, so he sang a hymn of 
 praise to him instead. Gordon gave him a string of beads 
 as a present, with which the chief was highly delighted. 
 
 The mosquitoes annoyed him very much, and the heat was 
 great, but they got on tolerably well. They passed some 
 natives who had rubbed their faces with wood until they 
 looked like slate-pencils; and he gave one chief a picture 
 from the Illustrated London News , which he was to keep to 
 show that he was protected. 
 
 At a place called Bohr he found the people angry 
 because he had come to put down slavery. But at St. 
 Croix, a missionary establishment, the people danced with 
 joy to see him. 
 
 At last there is this entry in his diary :— 
 
 “Gondokoro, 16th April.—Got here to-day, much to the 
 surprise of the people, who never expected one’s arrival at 
 all, and did not know of my nomination.” 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 WHAT IS THE SOUDAN? 
 
 : I think our country sinks beneath the yoke ; 
 
 It weeps, it bleeds ; and each new day a gash 
 Is added to her wounds. I think, withal, 
 
 There would be hands uplifted in my right 
 From gracious England. ” 
 
 — Macbeth. 
 
 E think a little more information respecting the 
 country in which Colonel Gordon had now 
 taken up his abode will be interesting, especi¬ 
 ally to the young readers of this book, many 
 of whom are saying, “ Tell us something about the Soudan. ” 
 We have already given the explanation of the name, 
 and the size of the country, which is at present but 
 sparsely inhabited. It is a district full of romantic interest. 
 It was only a short while ago lonely, unknown, and 
 unexplored. For ages people have being reading of the 
 wonderful river, The Nile, and have welcomed all informa¬ 
 tion respecting it. For many years this amounted to very 
 little; but Speke and Grant, Sir Samuel Baker and Dr. 
 Schweinfurth, have, during the last twenty years, thrown 
 the light of their researches upon the land of mystery, and 
 
WHAT IS THE SOUDAN? 
 
 137 
 
 given us much knowledge that we never possessed before. 
 One reason why it was so little known was, that there were 
 no roads by which it could be reached. The only method 
 of travel is by means of camels, which can traverse the 
 deserts at great speed. Egypt has endeavoured to occupy 
 the Soudan since the year 1819 ; but it has cost many 
 wars to keep the possession even of the tribes who were at 
 war among themselves. 
 
 One of the first to give the world a written account 
 of the Soudan was Mr. John Petherick, whose name 
 has already been mentioned. He entered the service of 
 Mehemet Ali Pasha, Viceroy of Egypt, in the year 1845. 
 He secured the necessary stock of provisions and camels 
 at Assouan, and started early in January 1847, going first 
 to Korosko and then to Berbera, then to Kordofan, and 
 then to Khartoum. 
 
 He gives some interesting descriptions of the country 
 and the people of the Soudan. 
 
 He one day wished to have a Turkish bath to refresh 
 him after his journey, and was told that one would be 
 brought to him. To his surprise he found the bath con¬ 
 sisted of a small wooden bowl and a teacup. The bowl 
 contained dough, and the cup sweet oil. The dough was 
 to be rubbed into the skin to cleanse it, and the oil, which 
 was perfumed, was afterwards applied for refreshment. 
 The operation was called the “dilka.” The better class 
 natives use the dilka every evening, and it is supposed 
 not only to keep them clean, but to be conducive to 
 health. 
 
 The dress of the Soudanese women is very simple. They 
 attire themselves in dark blue calico, which they wrap 
 round the waist, and which covers them down to the knees, 
 i Besides this they wear a white muslin veil, which covers the 
 head and the face, leaving only the eyes exposed. They 
 are very fond of ornaments, especially of beads, which they 
 
138 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 wear not only round their necks, but also round their 
 waists, and their wrists. They further decorate themselves 
 with necklaces of “ saumeet,” or pieces of agate an inch 
 thick, with alternated colours of black, brown, and white. 
 They wear ear-rings and nose-rings of gold. Those in the 
 ear weigh half an ounce each, and that in the nose is so 
 large as to cover the mouth. It is worn on the right side 
 of the nose. When they cannot afford the gold rings 
 they put a piece of coral through the nose. Not only are 
 the neck, ears, and nose ornamented, but the ankles also. 
 Strings of glass beads, or filigree ornaments fastened with a 
 silk tassel, generally red, above thick-soled brown leather 
 sandals, adorn the feet of the Soudanese girls. The girls 
 themselves are thus described in Petherick’s interesting 
 book, Egypt :— 
 
 “ Their colour partakes of various shades, from light to 
 brown, almost black; and although they scarcely ever 
 wash—using the “dilka” instead of water—their skin 
 appears clean and fresh. The hair, which never reaches 
 below the shoulders, and inclines to be woolly, is plaited 
 into a variety of forms, but generally closely to the head, 
 fitting like a skull-cap, and hanging down in thick masses 
 of innumerable small plaits all round the side and back of 
 the head. Another form is to plait the hair so as to adhere 
 close to the top of the head, as in the former case, but the 
 ends, instead of being plaited, are combed out and stiffened 
 with a solution of grease, forming a thick bushy circle around 
 the head. With this head-dress, as the lady only arranges 
 her hair once or twice a-month, she cannot recline upon 
 a pillow, for which she is obliged to substitute a small 
 wooden stool, hollowed out to fit the neck, upon which she 
 reposes.” 
 
 The houses of the people in the Soudan are as simple as 
 their dress, and more simple than their ornaments. They 
 are built of sun-burnt bricks, plastered width a composition 
 
WHAT IS THE SOUDAN? 
 
 139 
 
 made of manure and grey sand. There is generally only one 
 large room in the house, which is used both for living and 
 sleeping in, and a small one used as a lumber-room. Often 
 there are no windows, but if there are any, they are placed 
 in very high positions. 
 
 They call their bedsteads “ angareb v —a frame with no 
 posts, having strips of hide drawn across it, and a mat of 
 palm leaves placed on the top. There are no chairs in the 
 house; but a few stools and the angareb are the entire 
 furniture—the latter being the sofa by day and the bed 
 by night. 
 
 Mr. Petherick found some willow-pattern plates and 
 basins in some of the houses, but generally wooden bowls 
 are the utensils used. Water is the chief drink of the 
 Soudanese; and water in the desert is a great desideratum. 
 The water is stowed in earthen pitchers, and, instead of 
 glasses from which to drink it, the rim of a gourd is used. 
 The principal food is “ assida,” which is maize flour made 
 into thick porridge. Each woman grinds her own, for which 
 purpose each family possesses a mill, which is generally 
 placed in a separate hut used as a kitchen. The mill con¬ 
 sists of two stones, one two feet in length and ten inches wide, 
 with a smooth surface, fixed into the centre of a slightly 
 raised mound of clay, concave in shape, so as to hold the 
 flour, and a smaller stone, which the woman presses over 
 the larger one, using both hands and kneeling, the better 
 to perform her work. She can grind half a peck of corn in 
 an hour. The fire over which the porridge is boiled is 
 made of wood, kept in its place by three large stones or 
 lumps of clay. When the porridge is cooked sufficiently 
 it is put into a wooden dish, and heaped up in the same 
 way that our blanc-mange is. It is eaten with a sauce of 
 a curious vegetable called baymeh, and powdered meat 
 very highly seasoned. No spoons are used ; each person 
 conveys the food to his mouth with his fingers. Sometimes 
 
140 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 the flour is made into thin cakes, and baked on the hot 
 ashes as a change from porridge; but always the same 
 kind of sauce is eaten, and nearly always the men dine 
 first, and the women after they have finished. 
 
 The children are never dressed until they are eight or 
 nine years old, and they are very young when they are 
 married. A mother carries her baby on her left hip : the 
 baby is always naked, and sits astride. 
 
 At the time of Petherick’s visit the Governor-General of 
 the Soudan was Hhalid Pasha, and the Egyptian depen¬ 
 dencies were Dongola, Berbera, Khartoum, Sennaar, 
 Fazogl, Taker, and Kordofan; Khartoum being the capital. 
 The Government stores were there, and an arsenal used for 
 the construction and repair of boats. The only stone 
 building in Khartoum was that of the Roman Catholic 
 mission. There was a church in connection with it, and a 
 school. At that time, with the exception of the Roman 
 Catholics, there were only five Europeans in the place. 
 Yet Khartoum was of considerable mercantile importance. 
 There was then no communication, as there is now, by 
 means of the Red Sea from Suakim to Suez and Cairo, and 
 the thought of the canal had scarcely entered men’s minds. 
 But Manchester goods were brought into the Khartoum 
 market—for all the dresses of the Soudanese were of 
 cotton; and there were some exports, such as ivory from 
 the White Nile, and gum arabic, ostrich feathers, and bees¬ 
 wax from Abyssinia. Round about Khartoum there were 
 extensive date groves and good gardens; and in the centre 
 of the town were two large bazaars, where all the manu¬ 
 factured goods that were needed could be bought. When 
 the markets were held booths were erected, and all sorts of 
 wares spread out to tempt the purchaser. “ Saddles for all 
 kinds of beasts, cords, bridles, swords, lances, hoes, 
 hatchets, cowry shells, needles, brass thimbles, oil, odori¬ 
 ferous herbs, spices, antimony (called ‘rohl’), for tinging 
 
WHAT IS THE SOUDAN? 
 
 141 
 
 the eyelashes, pepper, salt, onions, garlic, tobacco, grain, 
 coral, amber beads, ivory, iron bracelets, glass bead neck¬ 
 laces, hedjas, sandals, small looking-glasses, gaudily striped 
 handkerchiefs, dyed cotton Manchester goods, red-bordered 
 plain scarfs, and a thousand other things were to be bought 
 in the Soudan market . 99 
 
 Merissa is the favourite drink. It is intoxicating, but 
 drunkenness is infrequent, and is looked upon as a 
 disgrace. Merissa is made from grain, either dourra or 
 duchu (millet). This grain is moistened, and then spread 
 between two layers of the leaves of the usher, a poisonous 
 plant, which attains its greatest perfection in Kordofan. 
 This gives the merissa a flavour. The dourra is then dried 
 in the sun, and ground in a mill. The flour is then mixed 
 with water, and worked into a thick paste. It is afterwards 
 baked on a large earthenware pan into thick cakes, which 
 are next broken up, put into a pot, and boiled in water. 
 Then, when the process of fermentation is at its height a 
 few days later, it is filtered through bags made of the reeds 
 of the date palm, and is ready for use. 
 
 The water melon is of great service to the Soudanese, and 
 is, no doubt, not only more refreshing, but much more 
 beneficial than merissa. At Kordofan it grows wild, but if 
 the seeds are sown, it is reproduced in large quantities. It 
 can be kept for some time; and the inside of the fruit 
 becomes liquid, and is such a good substitute for water, that 
 when the latter is scarce, as it is in the hot season, both 
 man and. beast can live upon it. Another useful tree which 
 is abundant in the neighbourhood of Kordofan is the 
 baobab. It grows to the height of thirty or forty feet, and 
 its immense trunk and large branches are hollow. It 
 flowers in August, and is then covered with blossoms that 
 look something like our double-red hollyhock. Its fruit 
 looks a little like a cocoa-nut. But the most wonderful 
 thing about these trees is that they form natural tanks, in 
 
142 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 which water is kept. In the rainy season they get filled, 
 and in the dry season the natives tap them, and find within 
 them water enough for use, and so are able to live in dis¬ 
 tricts where otherwise they could not exist during the 
 drought. 
 
 A great many of the trees of the Soudan are gum- 
 producing. These were the sources of considerable profit 
 to the Egyptian Government until it became a trade, free 
 from taxation, and thrown open to all. 
 
 Petherick was the means of opening up the Soudan for 
 purposes of trade, especially that of ivory. In 1853 he 
 turned his attention to the district of the White Nile—very 
 little known in those days, but lately become very famous— 
 and began to see what could be done to establish the gum- 
 arabic and ivory trades, of which the Egyptian Government 
 no longer held the monopoly. He resided at II Obeid, and 
 made expeditions from that place. Petherick’s Egypt 
 contains the account of his voyage up the White Nile. 
 He went beyond the confines of the Egyptian Government, 
 and left behind him all traces of civilisation, passing 
 primitive forests never disturbed until he and his Khartoum 
 traders went into them to cut down the timber for boat¬ 
 building. There were herds of antelopes and gazelles, and 
 now and then a lion might be seen. Blue monkeys played 
 among the branches, and flocks of wild fowl, from the teal 
 to the goose, were plentiful. And so, too, were the 
 crocodiles. 
 
 Petherick and his men sailed past beautiful islands, with 
 trees growing upon them such as we have scarcely heard 
 of in England—mimosa, and heglig, and others. They made 
 acquaintance with the strange tribes among whom after¬ 
 wards Charles Gordon was to live—the Djibba, the Dinkas, 
 and the Shillooks—people who were all naked, except the 
 married women, who wore leather aprons behind and before. 
 They were generally friendly, and willing to exchange what 
 
WHAT IS THE SOUDAN? 
 
 143 
 
 they had for a few glass beads. They astonished Mr. 
 Petherick by their mode of salutation, which was not 
 shaking hands, or kissing hands, but spitting upon the hands. 
 
 He tells an amusing story of the way in which he 
 purchased an elephant tusk :— 
 
 “ My interpreter and myself seated ourselves opposite to 
 the owner of the tusk, who obstinately retained his seat, 
 refusing us an inspection of it. Placing a hide on the 
 ground, a variety of beads, cowry shells, and copper brace¬ 
 lets were displayed thereon. The beauty of these provoked 
 striking signs of approbation, the vendors and bystanders 
 grinning and rubbing their stomachs with both hands. A 
 consultation then took place between the party and his 
 friends as to the relative merits of the beads, which resulted 
 in the following dialogue :— 
 
 44 Vendor. — 4 Ah, your beads are beautiful, but the bride 
 (tusk) I offer is lovely! Like yourself, she is white and 
 tall, and worthy of great price.’ 
 
 “ Self. — 4 Truly, the beauty of the bride is undeniable ; 
 but from what I can see of her, she is cracked, while my 
 beads are perfect.’ 
 
 44 Vendor. — 4 The beads you offer are truly beautiful, but 
 I think they must have been gathered before they were 
 ripe.’ 
 
 44 Self. — 4 Oh, no; they were gathered when mature, and 
 their colour is peculiar to them, and you will find that they 
 will wear as well as the best red; they come from a 
 different country.’ 
 
 44 Vendor. —‘Well, let me have some more of them.’ 
 
 44 His request being complied with, rising from the tusk 
 and throwing himself upon the beads, he collected them 
 greedily. At the same time the possession of the tusk was 
 disputed by half-a-dozen negroes, stating they had assisted 
 to carry it on their shoulders, and claimed a recompense. 
 On this being complied with, by a donation to each man, 
 
144 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 another set of men came forward, under the same pretence; 
 and the tusk was seized by my men at one extremity, 
 w T hilst they had hold of the other, and in perfect good 
 humour struggled for its possession. At last, to cut the 
 matter short, I threw handfuls of beads amongst the crowd, 
 w hich resulted in the immediate abandonment of the tusk 
 for a scramble after them. In the meantime, the purchase 
 was carried off, and safely lodged on board. After a fort¬ 
 night’s sojourn, leaving an establishment of ten men and a 
 stock of merchandise wherewith to continue barter-trade, I 
 returned direct to Khartoum.” 
 
 Other expeditions were made into the interior, and in 
 this way the ivory trade was well and firmly established. 
 It was fairly remunerative ; but another trade was becoming 
 possible to the Soudanese, which was very much more 
 profitable, and that was the slave-trade. 
 
 At Kordofan it had always been easy to procure slaves, 
 for the station is so near to the homes of the negroes that 
 catching them w^as very possible. Mr. Petherick mentions 
 the fact that a lad of fifteen or twenty years could be 
 bought for from £5 to £8 ; a girl of the same age costing 
 about a-third more. This was a regular trade then, and 
 has been since. The slave-merchants brought them from 
 their native hills, and sold them in Kordofan. They were 
 often treated kindly, and trained to do field and domestic 
 w ork. If they ran away they were pursued, and could be 
 easily traced by their footprints in the sand. The Arabs 
 w T ould run after them for the sake of the reward which was 
 offered. They would soon know whether the slaves had 
 fled to some encampment, hoping for protection, or were 
 fleeing from the encampment in fear; and would “ follow 
 them until, from various dodges and attempts to elude 
 observation, they became convinced of their being on the 
 track of a fugitive negro. The pursuit is then no longer 
 continued in the heretofore inquisitive manner j but, like a 
 
WHAT IS THE SOUDAN? 
 
 145 
 
 pack of hounds in full cry, if the track is followed by more 
 than one, they exultingly proclaim their convictions, and 
 full swing, keeping up a steady trot, are off in pursuit. If 
 the footprints are not very fresh, or if they show that the 
 fugitive is riding any animal superior to a donkey, horses 
 are immediately resorted to; and a chase after a fugitive 
 negro partakes of as much excitement by participators and 
 lookers-on as a fox-hunt creates in England.” 
 
 Of course there could be no slaves to run away if there 
 were not slave-traders. Since the time of Mr. Petherick’s 
 visit the buying and selling of slaves has gone on, and 
 there have been shameful cruelties practised, and terrible 
 sufferings undergone by the hapless slaves. 
 
 In 1856 His Highness, Said Pasha, visited the Soudan, 
 in order to inquire into the abuses that were reported, and 
 to decide as to its future, so far as Egypt was concerned. 
 He saw so much that annoyed and perplexed him, that he 
 was almost inclined to altogether withdraw the Egyptian 
 protection and governorship from it. But a strong repre¬ 
 sentation was made to him from all the principal chiefs, 
 that if he did that there would be constant war among the 
 tribes, and the spirit of anarchy would reign in place of 
 order. He therefore consented to retain the power and 
 responsibility of the Soudan; but he declared that before 
 any good could be accomplished, slavery must be abolished. 
 He commanded that his army should no longer be recruited 
 by slaves; that they should no longer be received, as they 
 had been, in payment of taxes; and he himself liberated 
 large numbers of slaves from their bondage. 
 
 But, in spite of all this, slavery is to-day the great 
 difficulty, the crying evil of the Soudan. 
 
 Ivory is still sought, and elephants are still hunted and 
 caught for the purpose; but the slaves are hunted and 
 caught yet more fiercely. In the one case the animal is 
 great, and can protect itself, even though eventually it 
 
 e 10 
 
146 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 is slain for the sake of its tusks; but in the other, the poor 
 wretches are frightened and starved into submission, and 
 there appears no hope for them. And yet there is hope. 
 Livingstone’s last words called down blessings upon those 
 who should cure the moral evil of slavery; and Gordon may 
 yet prove to be the man whom God has appointed to do the 
 work. There is something picturesque in the elephant 
 hunt—the march through the bush, the prairie on fire, the 
 elephants standing stupefied in the midst of the smoke, and 
 alarmed at the roar and the crackling of flames, the hunters 
 rushing on their prey with a whoop and a shout, and then 
 the swift lance that does its work effectually, and slays the 
 animal with as little suffering as possible. But there is no 
 picturesqueness, nothing but horrible misery and cruelty 
 practised toward the slaves. They are stolen, and beaten, 
 and harried, and starved, for no reason but that others 
 may get rich—by no right but that of might. And 
 England, which has done so much for the slaves, must do 
 her part, if possible, to crush the slave trade in the 
 Soudan. 
 
 It was to do this that Sir Samuel Baker and Colonel 
 Gordon were sent into the country of the Blacks. 
 
 
CHAPTER XY. 
 
 Gordon’s predecessor in the soudan. 
 
 “ Home-keeping youth have ever homely wits ; 
 
 I rather would entreat thy company 
 To see the wonders of the world abroad.” 
 
 —Gentlemen of Verona. 
 
 ;T was in June 1869 that His Highness Ismail 
 j Pasha, Viceroy of Egypt, paid his second 
 | visit to England. He spent eight days in our 
 : country ; and received every possible respect 
 ::rom the English people. He reached Charing Cross on 
 the 22nd of June, and the Prince of Wales tendered him a 
 royal greeting in the name of the Queen of England. 
 A great multitude of people shouted their welcome as 
 he drove to Buckingham Palace. He visited the Metro¬ 
 politan Railway and the Thames Embankment, the 
 Zoological Cardens and the Crystal Palace. At the latter 
 place there was a public festival in his honour, more than 
 30,000 persons being present. The Duke of Sutherland 
 had provided a banquet, and there was a concert of sacred 
 music in which an orchestra and chorus of 3000 persons 
 took part. On the 24th of June he visited the Queen 
 
148 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 at Windsor Castle. Everyone united to shew him respect; 
 he was taken in the royal saloon, with a guard of honour, 
 and as the train drew up to the station the band played the 
 Egyptian National Anthem. The Viceroy and a select 
 party of distinguished guests dined with Her Majesty, and 
 stayed all night at the castle. The next day the Viceroy 
 dined with the Prince of Wales; the Prince and Princess 
 afterward giving a concert at which the celebrated artistes, 
 Madame Patti, Mdlle. Christine Nilsson, Signor Gardoni, 
 and Mr. Santley, sang. The Viceroy was entertained with 
 a review in Windsor Park on the twenty-sixth ; and on the 
 thirtieth he inspected the Fire Brigade in the garden of 
 Buckingham Palace. He appeared greatly delighted with 
 his visit; and no doubt desired that England might think 
 well of him and his country. 
 
 He left England on the 1st of July, the Prince of Wales 
 taking leave of him at Charing Cross. 
 
 His Highness the Khedive could not be long in England, 
 nor mix with English people of any rank, without seeing 
 that the abhorrence of slavery was one of the strongest 
 feelings in the English heart. That the Prince of Wales 
 would honour him all the more if he used his influence to 
 abolish slavery in the Soudan, he had abundant proof, not 
 only during his stay in London, but also during the visit of 
 the Prince to Egypt. It will be remembered that not only 
 the Prince, but the Princess went to Egypt; and they were 
 greatly interested, and hospitably entertained by the 
 Khedive. Mr. Bussell wrote a very interesting account 
 of the visit, and so did Mrs. Gray, a lady who accompanied 
 the Princess. 
 
 In one place Mrs. Gray writes :—“ The money spent on 
 pipes in this country must be fabulous; they say that in the 
 Viceroy’s treasury there are pipes, the value of some of v r hich 
 amounts to no less than £6000 a-piece. I could not resist 
 the temptation of following the example of the rest, as I 
 
GORDON'S PREDECESSOR. 
 
 149 
 
 thought smoking out of these lovely pipes must be quite 
 different from any other smoking; but I am sorry to say I 
 soon found the taste very like what it is elsewhere, and 
 gave it up at once. In fact, I only tried out of curiosity, 
 though I must confess I constantly had to accept a pipe, 
 when offered afterwards in the course of our tour.” 
 
 Mrs. Gray also says of the food in Egypt:—“ She never 
 felt more inclined to be sick—two dozen of dishes, alter¬ 
 nately sweet and savoury, interchanged, apparently, after 
 no order reconcilable with European tastes or notions, 
 many of these washed down by mouthfuls of vinegar, with 
 additions of herbs and cucumber; moreover, each article 
 being generally, and de rigneur , taken from the same 
 dish by the fingers. This formed a combination, doubt¬ 
 less, of the highest interest to the Oriental, but of anything 
 but interest to his hungry, yet patient European guests. 
 
 “ The dresses the princesses wore to-day were splendid, 
 as far as jewels go. One had on a white moire-antique 
 dress, richly embroidered nearly all over with gold. 
 Another had a red one; and blue and grey were worn 
 by the younger ones, all equally embroidered. The shape 
 of their dress was very odd : it seemed to me equally long in 
 front as behind, where it formed a long train. The skirt was 
 cut open about two feet on each side, showing their legs 
 wrapped up in some soft material or other. The train in front 
 was passed behind, and their walk, in consequence of all 
 this, was anything but graceful; for, having this heavy gown 
 between their legs, they waddled along like ducks.” 
 
 Among the members of the expedition was Sir Samuel 
 Baker, who had been specially invited by the Prince to 
 accompany him, and to whom the Khedive, as we have 
 already mentioned, gave the honour and the responsibility 
 of becoming the Governor of the Soudan, for the express 
 purpose of putting down the slave trade. Sir Samuel Baker 
 received his commission in the following terms :— 
 
150 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 “We, Ismail, Khedive of Egypt, considering the savage 
 condition of the tribes which inhabit the Kile Basin: 
 
 “Considering that neither government, nor laws, nor 
 security exists in those countries : 
 
 “ Considering that humanity enforces the suppression of 
 the slave-hunters who occupy those countries in great 
 numbers : 
 
 “ Considering that the establishment of legitimate com¬ 
 merce throughout those countries will be a great stride 
 towards future civilisation, and will result in the opening 
 to steam navigation of the great equatorial lakes of Central 
 Africa, and in the establishing a permanent government: 
 
 “We have decreed, and now decree as follows :— 
 
 “ An expedition is organised to subdue to our authority 
 the countries situated in the south of Gondokoro; 
 
 “ To suppress the slave trade; to introduce a system of 
 regular commerce; 
 
 “ To open to navigation the great lakes of the equator ; 
 
 “ And to establish a chain of military stations and com¬ 
 mercial depdts, distant at intervals of three days’ march, 
 throughout Central Africa, accepting Gondokoro as the base 
 of operations: 
 
 “ The supreme command of this expedition is confided to 
 Sir Samuel White Baker, for four years, commencing from 
 1st of April 1869 : to whom also we confer the most 
 absolute power, even that of death, over all those who may 
 compose the expedition : 
 
 “We confer upon him the same absolute and supreme 
 authority over all those countries belonging to the Nile 
 Basin south of Gondokoro.” 
 
 This was a very large and important commission, but it 
 could scarcely have been given to a more suitable man; for 
 Sir Samuel Baker had already visited the Soudan, and 
 made himself acquainted with, not only the country, but 
 the peoples who inhabit it. 
 
GORDON'S PREDECESSOR . 
 
 151 
 
 In 1861, when those two great pioneers of African travel— 
 Speke and Grant—were pursuing their lonely journeys, and 
 making their remarkable discoveries, they one morning 
 walked into Gondokoro. They were on their way to call 
 upon a Circassian merchant, named Kurshid Agha, and 
 they saw hurrying towards them an Englishman. They had 
 been on the look-out for Mr. Petherick, whom we referred 
 to in our last chapter, and who had been despatched with 
 supplies to the help of the illustrious travellers. They had 
 heard of him a few days before, when a very black man, 
 named Mahamed, had rushed at them, throwing himself 
 into Speke’s arms, and begun to hug and kiss him. 
 
 “ Who is your master h ” asked Speke. 
 
 “ Petherick,” was the reply. 
 
 “ And where is Petherick now V' 
 
 “Oh, he is coming.” 
 
 “ How is it you have not got English colours, then V' 
 
 “ The colours are Debono’s.” 
 
 “ Who is Debono 1 ” 
 
 “ The same as Petherick.” 
 
 This man promised to take the travellers to Petherick, 
 but delayed so long that they left him, and went on their 
 journey. When, therefore, in Gondokoro they saw the 
 Englishman, they concluded that he was Petherick. But 
 another had come out in search for them—namely, Mr., now 
 Sir Samuel Baker, and it was with him they were, to their 
 great delight, shaking hands. 
 
 Speke said afterwards—“What joy this was I can 
 hardly tell. We could not talk fast enough, so overwhelmed 
 were we both to meet again. Of course we were his guests 
 in a moment, and learned everything that could be told. 
 I now first heard of the death of His Boyal Highness 
 Prince Albert, which made me reflect on the inspiring 
 words he made use of, in compliment to myself, when I was 
 in England. Then there was the terrible war in America, 
 
152 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 and other less startling events which came on us all by 
 surprise; as years had now passed since we had received 
 news of the civilised world. ” 
 
 Baker showed them the greatest kindness, and he con¬ 
 tinued the work which they had begun. Sir Samuel Baker 
 was accompanied by his wife. No white woman had ever 
 before been seen in those regions, and it is quite possible 
 that Lady Baker, who possesses great personal attractions, 
 as well as tact, ability, and imperturbable courage, con¬ 
 tributed more than a little to the success of the expedition. 
 
 Sir Samuel Baker was at Berber, on the Nile, for the 
 first time, in May 1862. Berber is a town of considerable 
 size and importance, lying in the direct caravan route 
 between Cairo and Khartoum. He made his way to the 
 latter place, and reached it a year later, having visited all 
 the Nile tributaries of Abyssinia—the Atbara, Settite, 
 Salaam, Angrab, Rahad, Dinder, and the great Blue Nile. 
 
 Next he went to the distant south to accomplish one of 
 the greatest of his life-works—viz., to discover the White 
 Nile source. 
 
 Even then, and at the very commencement of his labours, 
 he got an insight into the slave trade which fitted him for 
 the work he was afterwards to undertake in the Soudan. 
 
 There was another eminent traveller, who, a little later, 
 achieved the success which he and Sir Samuel Baker alone, 
 of all the explorers, had won, of penetrating Africa from 
 north to south—Dr. George Schweinfurth. We have 
 already referred to his book, The Heart of Africa. 
 Schweinfurth was born at Riga in 1830, and took his 
 degree of Doctor of Philosophy at Berlin. During his 
 school life he was under the care of a teacher whose father 
 was a missionary in South Africa. Schweinfurth seemed to 
 have, born with him, a pasiionate love of botany ; and in 
 * 1863 he went to Egypt and travelled as far as Khartoum. 
 He made subsequent journeys; and by his discoveries of 
 
GORDON'S PREDECESSOR . 153 
 
 many kinds, added greatly to the interest felt in the Soudan, 
 and the knowledge which is possessed respecting it. 
 
 It will be seen that Sir Samuel Baker was, of all men, the 
 best that could have been sent on the mission. He took 
 with him some troops, and the provisions they were likely 
 to require ; also some steamers and sailing vessels. It was 
 a great mass of heavy material, and would have to be 
 transported for a distance of about three thousand miles, 
 four hundred of which would be across the scorching 
 Nubian deserts. 
 
 On the 8th February 1870 he wrote in his journal— 
 “ My original programme—agreed to by His Highness the 
 Khedive, who ordered the execution of my orders by the 
 authorities—arranged that six steamers, fifteen sloops, and 
 fifteen diahbeeahs should leave Cairo on the 10th of June, to 
 ascend the cataracts to Khartoum, at which place Djiaffer 
 Pasha was to prepare three steamers and twenty-five vessels, 
 to convey 1650 troops, together with transport-animals and 
 supplies. 
 
 “ The usual Egyptian delays have entirely thwarted my 
 plans. No vessels have arrived from Cairo, as they only 
 started on 29th August. Thus, rather than turn back, I 
 started with a mutilated expedition without a single 
 transport animal .” But although he started at such a 
 disadvantage, his expedition was altogether a splendid one. 
 He had all kinds of things to do—to make a canal in one 
 place, to cut down the “ sudd ” in another, to warn 
 Kutchuk Ali, a great Khartoum ivory and slave dealer, to 
 send no more slaves down, and to punish the desertion of 
 his soldiers. He discovered the Governor of Fashoda in 
 the act of kidnapping slaves, for he found seventy-one 
 slaves concealed in a boat, and eighty-four hidden and 
 guarded on the shore; and he liberated the captives, to their 
 great joy. This was followed by similar actions in other 
 places. 
 
154 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 Sir Samuel Baker explored the old White Nile, and at 
 Gondokoro he officially annexed the country to Egypt, 
 having invited all the head men to be present. The troops 
 and artillery formed into a square round a flag-staff which 
 was in the centre, and from the foot of which was read the 
 official proclamation, which described the annexation of the 
 country to Egypt, in the name of the Khedive. The 
 Ottoman flag was then run up; after which the officers 
 saluted it with drawn swords, the troops presented arms, 
 and the artillery fire a royal salute. At dinner they had 
 roast beef and plum pudding—the latter had been brought 
 out in tins for Christmas day, but as it could not be found 
 then, the author of Ismailia says it was added to the feast 
 on the “day of annexation,” and was “annexed accordingly 
 by English appetites. This was washed down and rendered 
 wholesome by a quantity of pure filtered water from the 
 river Nile, which was included in the annexation, and was 
 represented in the Nile Basin, mixed with Jamaica rum, 
 sugar, nutmeg, and lemon-juice from the trees planted by 
 the Austrian missionaries. ” 
 
 This regulation was posted :— 
 
 “No person shall trade in ivory, neither shall any person 
 accept ivory as a present or in exchange; neither shall any 
 person shoot, or cause to be shot, elephants : all ivory being 
 the property and monopoly of the Government of His 
 Highness the Khedive of Egypt. 
 
 “No person shall either purchase or receive slaves as 
 presents or in exchange. 
 
 “ Any person transgressing by disobedience of the above 
 laws will be punished as the will of Baker Pasha may 
 direct.” 
 
 The new arrangements did not please the Baris, and force 
 had to be used. Besides that, the cause they had at heart 
 was hindered by Abou Saood, who had himself profited by 
 the slave trade. The expedition suffered from scarcity of 
 
GORDON'S PREDECESSOR. 
 
 155 
 
 food, and from the half-heartedness of the troops, the 
 - treachery of the slave-hunters, and the opposition of the 
 Baris who were constantly at war with them; but the brave 
 commander kept ever before him his commission—he was to 
 suppress the slave trade and annex the equatorial districts. 
 
 He had with him a body-guard of very fine men, which 
 became famous as the “ Forty Thieves " corps. These men 
 were brave and valiant; and at the last, in spite of their 
 name, so honest that they would scorn to commit a theft. 
 They overcame innumerable difficulties; travelling south to 
 Lobore, thence to the Shooa Mountain, and on through the 
 “Paradise of Africa” to Fatiko, and thence to Unyoro and 
 Masindi, about twenty miles from the Albert Kyanza. 
 Here Baker set up a seat of government, and endeavoured 
 to make the chief or king, Babba Bega, understand that 
 he must submit to the Khedive, and use his influence to 
 establish a system of merchandise with the north, the route 
 ta which had now been opened. Unyoro was annexed to 
 Egypt officially in the name of the Khedive on the 14th 
 of May 1872. Every effort was made to cultivate the law, 
 to establish commerce, to open a school, and to bring about 
 improvements of many kinds. But the little party was 
 continually in danger; the troops were poisoned, and a battle 
 had to be fought at Masindi. Even that did not compel 
 submission, or make the natives less treacherous. Baker 
 himself had a narrow escape from a poisoned arrow, and 
 the natives set several places on fire. At last Baker was 
 compelled to leave the station and go on to Kionga. As 
 they were preparing to march, and wondering what they 
 were to do for food, Lady Baker awakened the gratitude of 
 the whole expedition by showing a quantity of flour, which 
 when it was plentiful, she had stored for a hungry day that 
 might come. The discovery brought a shout of joy from 
 the officers and men—“ God shall give her a long life.” 
 
 The story of the march of Sir Samuel Baker from 
 
156 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 Masindi to Foweera, as told in Ismailia , is one of the most 
 exciting that has ever been written. Every one should 
 read it in order to understand the perils and the protection 
 which attended the mission. At last the task was com¬ 
 pleted : and the brave Englishman had accomplished that 
 which he had been sent to do. He was thankful for peace, 
 and rest, and victory. It was not his fault if, after he had 
 suppressed the slave trade, the Government allowed it to be 
 revived. He was able to say with satisfaction that he had 
 “ rendered the slave-trade of the White Nile impossible, so 
 long as the Government is determined that it shall be 
 impossible.” And he gave up his commission in generous 
 words when he said, “ The Khedive of Egypt, having 
 appointed Colonel Gordon, K.E., has proved his determina¬ 
 tion to continue the work that was commenced under so 
 many difficulties. The Nile has been opened to navigation; 
 and if the troubles that I encountered and overcame shall 
 have smoothed the path for my able and energetic successor, 
 I shall have been well rewarded.” 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 THE SLAVE TRADE IN THE SOUDAN. 
 
 “ We do pray for mercy, 
 
 And that same prayer doth teach us all to render 
 The deeds of mercy.” 
 
 —Merchant of Venice. 
 
 left Colonel Gordon at Gondokoro, but he 
 only stayed there a few days. His luggage 
 had not come, and he returned to Khartoum. 
 The latter town, Khartoum, which has a 
 population of 25,000, is the capital of the Soudan. It lies 
 at the junction of the Blue and White Niles. Khartoum, 
 at that time, was said to live on what was called the 
 White Nile Trade. Sir Samuel Baker thus described the 
 town, and the slave trade connected with it, as they were 
 at his first visit in 1863:—“ Without the White Nile 
 Trade,” said Sir Samuel, “Khartoum would almost cease 
 to exist; that trade is kidnapping and murder. The 
 character of the Khartoumers needs no further comment. 
 
 “ The amount of ivory brought down from the White 
 Nile is a mere bagatelle as an export, the annual value 
 being £40,000. The people for the most part engaged in 
 
 E 
 
158 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 the nefarious traffic of the White Nile are Syrians, Copts, 
 Turks, Circassians, and some few Europeans. So closely 
 connected with the difficulties of my expedition is that 
 accursed slave-trade, that the so-called ivory trade of the 
 White Nile requires an explanation. 
 
 “ Throughout the Soudan money is exceedingly scarce, 
 and the rate of interest exorbitant, varying, according to 
 the securities, from thirty-six to eighty per cent.; this fact 
 proves general poverty and dishonesty, and acts as a 
 preventive to all improvement. So high and fatal a rate 
 deters all honest enterprise, and the country must lie in 
 ruin under such a system. The wild speculator borrows 
 upon such terms, to rise suddenly like a rocket, or to fall 
 like its exhausted stick. 
 
 “ Thus, honest enterprise being impossible, dishonesty 
 takes the lead, and a successful expedition to the White 
 Nile is supposed to overcome all charges. There are two 
 classes of White Nile traders—the one possessing capital, 
 the other being penniless adventurers; the same system of 
 operation is pursued by both, but that of the former will 
 be evident from the description of the latter. 
 
 “Aman without means forms an expedition, and borrows 
 money for this purpose at one hundred per cent., after this 
 fashion ; he agrees to pay the lender in ivory, at one-half its 
 market value. Having obtained the required sum, he hires 
 several vessels, and engages from one hundred to three 
 hundred men, composed of Arabs and runaway villains from 
 distant countries, who have found an asylum from justice in 
 the obscurity of Khartoum. He purchases guns and large 
 quantities of ammunition for his men, together with a few 
 hundred pounds of glass beads. The piratical expedition 
 being complete, he pays his men five months’ wages in 
 advance, at the rate of forty-five piastres (nine shillings) 
 per month, and agrees to give them eighty piastres per 
 month for any period exceeding'the five months advanced. 
 
TI1E SLAVE TRADE IN THE SOUDAN. 159 
 
 His men receive their advance partly in cash and partly in 
 cotton stuffs for clothes, at an exorbitant price. Every 
 man has a strip of paper, upon which is written, by the 
 clerk of the expedition, the amount he has received, both in 
 goods and money; and this paper he must produce at the 
 final settlement. 
 
 “ The vessels sail about December, and on arrival at the 
 desired locality, the party disembark and proceed into the 
 interior, until they arrive at the village of some negro chief, 
 with whom they establish an intimacy. Charmed with his 
 new friends, the power of whose weapons he acknowledges, 
 the negro chief does not neglect the opportunity of seeking 
 their alliance to attack a hostile neighbour. Marching 
 throughout the night, guided by their negro hosts, they 
 bivouac within an hour’s march of the unsuspecting village 
 doomed to an attack, about half-an-hour before the break 
 of day. The time arrives, and quietly surrounding the 
 village while its occupants are still sleeping, they fire the 
 grass huts in all directions, and pour volleys of musketry 
 through the flaming thatch. Panic-stricken, the unfortunate 
 victims rush from their burning dwellings, and the men are 
 shot down like pheasants in a battue, while the women and 
 children, bewildered in the danger and confusion, are 
 kidnapped and secured. The herds of cattle, still within 
 their kraal, or ‘zareeba,’ are easily disposed of, and are 
 driven off with great rejoicing as the prize of victory. The 
 women and children are then fastened together, the former 
 secured by an instrument called a sheba, made of a forked 
 pole, the neck of the prisoner fitting into the fork, secured 
 by a cross piece lashed behind, while the wrists, brough 
 together in advance 'of the body, are tied to the pole. The 
 children are then fastened by their necks with a rope 
 attached to the women, and thus form a living chain, in 
 which order they are marched to the head-quarters in com¬ 
 pany with the captured herds. 
 
160 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 “ This is the commencement of business; should there be 
 ivory in any of the huts not destroyed by the fire, it is 
 appropriated ; a general plunder takes place. The trader’s 
 party dig up the floors of the huts to search for iron hoes, 
 which are generally thus concealed, as the greatest treasure 
 of the negroes ; the granaries are overturned and wantonly 
 destroyed, and the hands are cut off the bodies of the slain, 
 the more easily to detach the copper or iron bracelets 
 that are usually worn. With this booty, the traders return 
 to their negro ally; they have thrashed and discomfited 
 his enemy, which delights him; they present him with 
 thirty or forty head of cattle, which intoxicates him with 
 joy; and a present of a pretty little captive girl, of about 
 fourteen, completes his happiness. 
 
 “But business is only commenced. The negro covets 
 cattle, and the trader has now captured, perhaps, two 
 thousand head. They are to be had for ivory, and shortly 
 the tusks appear. Ivory is daily brought into camp in 
 exchange for cattle, a tusk for a cow, according to its size— 
 a profitable business, as the cows have cost nothing. The 
 trade proves brisk, but still there remains some little 
 customs to be observed—some slight formalities, well 
 understood by the White Nile trade. The slaves and two 
 thirds of the captured cattle belong to the trader, but his 
 men claim, as their perquisite, one-third of the stolen 
 animals. These having been divided, the slaves are put up 
 to public auction among the men, who purchase such as 
 they require; the amount being entered on the papers 
 (serki) of the purchasers, to be reckoned against their 
 wages. To avoid the exposure, should the document fall 
 into the hands of the Government or European consuls, the 
 amount is not entered as for the purchase of a slave, but is 
 divided for fictitious supplies. Thus, should a slave be 
 purchased for one thousand piastres, that amount would 
 appear on the document somewhat as follows :— 
 
THE SLAVE TRADE IN THE SOUDAN. 161 
 
 Soap ... 
 
 Tarboash (cap) ... 
 Araki ... 
 
 Shoes ... 
 
 Cotton Cloth ... 
 
 50 Piastres. 
 100 
 500 
 200 
 100 
 
 1000 
 
 “ The slaves sold to the men are constantly being changed 
 and resold among themselves; but should the relatives of 
 the kidnapped women and children wish to ransom them, 
 the trader takes them from his men, cancels the amount of 
 purchase, and restores them to their relatives for a certain 
 number of elephants’ tusks, as may be agreed upon. 
 Should any slave attempt to escape, she is punished either 
 by brutal flogging, or shot, or hanged, as a warning to 
 others. An attack, or razzia, such as described, generally 
 leads to a quarrel with the negro ally, who, in his turn, is 
 murdered and plundered by the trader—his women and 
 children naturally becoming slaves. A good season for a 
 party of a hundred and fifty men should produce about two 
 hundred cantars (twenty thousand lbs.) of ivory, valued in 
 Khartoum at four thousand pounds. 
 
 “ The men being paid in slaves, the wages should be nil , 
 and there should be a surplus of four or five hundred slaves 
 for the trader’s own profit—worth, on an average, five to 
 six pounds each. 
 
 “ The boats are accordingly packed with a human cargo, 
 and a portion of the trader’s men accompany them to the 
 Soudan, while the remainder of the party form a camp or 
 settlement in the country they have adopted, and in¬ 
 dustriously plunder, massacre, and enslave, until their 
 master’s return with boats from Khartoum in the 
 following season, by which time they are supposed to have 
 a cargo of slaves and ivory ready for shipment. The 
 business thus thoroughly established, the slaves are landed 
 
 Ell 
 
162 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 at various points within a few days journey of Khartoum, 
 at which places are agents, or purchasers, waiting to receive 
 them with dollars prepared for cash payments. 
 
 “ The purchasers and dealers are, for the most part, Arabs. 
 The slaves are marched across the country to different 
 places; many to Sennaar, where they are sold to other 
 dealers, who sell them to the Arabs and Turks. Others 
 are taken immense distances to ports on the Red Sea— 
 Suakim, and Massowa—there to be shipped for Arabia and 
 Persia. Many are sent to Cairo ; and, in fact, they are 
 disseminated throughout the slave-dealing east, the White 
 Nile being the great nursery for the supply. The amiable 
 trader returns from the White Nile to Khartoum ; hands 
 over to his creditor sufficient ivory to liquidate the original 
 loan of <£1,000 ; and already a man of capital, he commences 
 xs an independent trader.” 
 
 The previous chapter has shown how Sir Samuel Baker 
 resolutely set his face to abolish the trade which was so 
 hateful to him. 
 
 He felt sure that the Khedive was sincere in his desire 
 that it should be put down: how could he be otherwise h 
 when he knew, not only as a humanitarian, but because he 
 was acquainted with the sentiments of the Great Powers of 
 Europe, that civilisation demanded the extinction of such 
 horrors. But, of course, this could not be accomplished 
 without great difficulty and loss; and it may be that 
 Europe will yet have to speak out in unmistakable tones 
 before the great evil is swept, as it ought to be, from the 
 face of the Soudan. 
 
 “ This latter thought the thing real, and found it a sham, 
 and felt like a Gordon who had been humbugged,” wrote 
 Sir Samuel’s successor, almost as soon as he had started on 
 the expedition. 
 
 Gordon found that even when he visited Khartoum the 
 difficulties which beset his predecessor were his also. The 
 
THE SLAVE TRADE IN THE SOUDAN 163 
 
 slave stations remained, and the slave trade was still carried 
 on. 
 
 Gondokoro had been at some time a mission station. 
 Baker found, during his first visit, that the ruins of the 
 brick church and house were still remaining, and he could 
 see where the garden had been. A few miserable grass 
 huts were all that formed a town, and the ivory traders 
 had possession of it. The natives of Gondokoro are the 
 Bari. The men are tall, and the women plain-looking. 
 Livingstone once said of some women he was describing:— 
 “ Many of the women were very pretty, and, like all ladies, 
 would have been much prettier if they had only let them¬ 
 selves alone.” The Bari women who live in Gondokoro are 
 not pretty, but they do not let themselves alone. They 
 shave their heads, and anoint themselves with an ochre 
 made into a paste by an admixture of grease. All that 
 they wear is a lappet made of beads, or small iron rings 
 worked up like a coat of mail in front, and a tail of fine 
 shreds of leather behind. These are fastened by a belt 
 worn round the waist. Gondokoro was neither a healthy 
 nor a pleasant town in which to reside. Sir Samuel Baker 
 found that the Baris, who were warlike people, had been 
 secured as allies by the slave-hunters, and were very 
 valuable. “ They were people,” said he, in Ismailia , “ by 
 whom the blessings of a good government were hardly to 
 be understood.” 
 
 When Gordon was passing between Khartoum and 
 Gondokoro he made acquaintance with the strange 
 tribe called the Shillooks. These people have been already 
 referred to. They were miserable enough as our hero 
 found them; but they had been a very powerful tribe— 
 indeed the most powerful of the Blacks on the banks of the 
 White Kile. Their dwellings are mud huts, thatched, 
 having a very small entrance, looking at a distance like 
 rows of button mushrooms. They navigate the river on 
 
164 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 their raft-like canoes, formed of the ambatch wood, which 
 is so light that they can very easily carry their vessels about. 
 The ambatch tree is about the thickness of a man’s waist, 
 and tapers to a point; it is, therefore, easily cut down, and 
 several of them being lashed parallel to each other, and the 
 ends tied together, the raft is made. It was supposed to 
 carry two persons. 
 
 The Shillooks are shrewd traders, and they are industrious, 
 being clever at agriculture, pasturage, fishing, and the 
 chase. Their country is easily cultivated, because the soil 
 is naturally fertile, and is benefited by rainy seasons, 
 numerous canals, and the rising of the river. It is, indeed, 
 more moist and less hot than most of the surrounding 
 districts. They grow cotton, which, in its raw state, they 
 are glad to exchange for cotton goods. They also cultivate 
 large quantities of dhurra and maize. Their domestic 
 animals are oxen, sheep, and goats; and they also keep 
 poultry and dogs, especially dogs. The dogs are like our 
 greyhounds in shape and our pointers in size. They are of 
 a foxy red colour, with a long, black muzzle. They are so 
 fleet that they outrun the gazelle, and so agile that they 
 can spring over walls ten feet high, or leap over a space 
 four times the length of their own bodies. 
 
 The male Shillooks do not wear clothing, but cover their 
 bodies with ashes. They pay great attention to the arrange¬ 
 ment of their hair. Dr. Schweinfurth says that “ amongst 
 the men the repeated application of clay, gum, or dung, so 
 effectually clots the hair together, that it retains, as it were, 
 voluntarily, the desired form; at one time like a comb, at 
 another like a helmet, or it may be, like a fan. Many of 
 the Shillook men present in this respect a great variety. 
 A good many wear transversely across the skull a comb as 
 broad as a man’s hand, which, like a nimbus of tin, stretches 
 from ear to ear, and terminates behind in two drooping 
 circular lappets. Occasionally there are heads for which 
 
THE SLAVE TRADE IN THE SOUDAN 165 
 
 one comb does not suffice, and on these several combs, 
 parallel to one another at small intervals, are arranged in 
 lines. There is a third form, far from uncommon, than 
 which nothing can be more grotesque. It may be compared 
 to the crest of a guinea-fowl, of which it is an obvious 
 imitation, just as among ourselves many a way of dressing 
 the hair would seem to be designed by taking some animal 
 form of a model.” 
 
 The Shillooks greatly need some religious instruction. It 
 seems as if they have some dim idea of God, for they speak 
 of the Father of their race, and believe that his hand guided 
 them to their place of abode, and gave them the land which 
 they possess. They pray to him for a good harvest, and 
 call upon him in their time of trouble, and perhaps hope 
 that “ the unknown God,” whom they ignorantly worship, 
 may pity and love them. They have old traditions and 
 legends among them, and they imagine that their dead are 
 still among them like ministering spirits. 
 
 Colonel Gordon was kind to the Shillooks, and soon made 
 friends with them. Those that he saw at the entrance of 
 the Saubat River were poor, and he gave them some grain 
 for their present needs, and also some maize to plant. 
 
 He became acquainted about the same time with another 
 curious tribe, that of the Dinkas. Their territory extends 
 north and south of the river Saubat for nearly four hundred 
 miles, and there embraces an area of nearly seventy 
 thousand square miles. 
 
 Dr. Schweinfurth has an interesting chapter in his work, 
 The Heart of Africa , on The Dinka, and he gives illustra¬ 
 tions of “ Dinka profiles,” a “ Dinka Dandy,” Dinka 
 instruments for parrying club-blows, a view of a Dinka 
 cattle-park, and some pictures of the Dinka cattle. 
 
 The Dinka houses are curious little round huts, situated 
 in a farm or park. They call them the murah, which 
 means a resting-place, and has more reference to the animals 
 
166 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 than the men. The Dinkas take great care of their cows. 
 There is a kitchen in the hut with a fire-place in it; a 
 screen of clay keeps the wind off. Goats are kept at 
 hand, in a space fenced off. Some of the huts are forty feet 
 in diameter ; their foundations are made of clay and straw, 
 chopped in small portions. The roof is made of acacia 
 wood and cut straw r ; the buildings last for eight or ten 
 years. The Dinkas cultivate sorghum and penicillaria. 
 
 The Dinkas are very dark, chocolate-coloured, or bronze; 
 they have long necks and wide jaws; the men have their 
 heads shaven. They pierce their ears, and fasten in them 
 iron rings, or little bars of iron; and the women bore the 
 upper lip, and fit in an iron pin running through a bead. 
 The men tattoo their foreheads and temples. The Dinkas 
 hold iron in very high estimation. The richer women are 
 often quite heavily laden with iron. Dr. Schweinfurth 
 declares that he has seen some of them carrying about on 
 their persons quite half-a-hundredweight of iron ornaments. 
 They wear immense iron rings on their ankles and wrists, 
 which clatter like the fetters of slaves. Men prefer ivory 
 rings, which they wear on the upper part of their arms. 
 Those who can afford to do so cover their arms with rings 
 of various sizes and kinds, which are put so that they touch 
 each other, and quite encase the arms. On the neck they 
 wear plaited leather, and bracelets made of the hide of the 
 hippopotami, and tails of cows and goats. The Dinka, 
 indeed, likes to ornament with these things not only his 
 person, but also the weapons which he uses. He has very 
 little hair on his head, and therefore does not dress it up as 
 the Shillooks do, so he makes a cap or head-piece of bugle 
 beads or ostrich feathers. When he loses a relative he goes 
 into mourning by wearing a cord round the neck. 
 
 The Dinkas use clubs and sticks in warfare, and they have 
 several kinds of shields, or instruments for parrying the 
 blows of clubs. “They are of two kinds. One consists of a 
 
THE SLA VE TRADE IN TILE SOUDAN 167 
 
 neatly carved piece of wood, rather more than a yard long, 
 with a hollow in the centre, which protects the hand. 
 They are called ‘quayre.’ The other, which has been 
 mistaken for a bow, is termed ‘ dang/ of which the sub¬ 
 stantial fibres seem peculiarly fitted for breaking the 
 violence of any blow.” 
 
 The Dinkas are cleaner in their habits, and in the 
 preparation of food, than most tribes. Dr. Schweinfurth 
 thinks they are more intellectual and refined than any 
 other tribe in Africa. Their farinaceous and milk foods 
 are not inferior to those we use in England. They take 
 great pains in the reaping, thrashing, and sifting of their 
 grain. “ In seasons of scarcity their talent for cooking 
 has led them to the discovery of various novelties in the 
 way of food.” They behave well at the table; not dipping 
 their hands in the dish all at once, but one at a time. A 
 large dish of farinaceous food is placed in the centre. Each 
 guest reclines around it, and has a gourd shell of milk 
 or butter at his side. He pours milk on the portion he 
 intends to take, and then passes it on to his neighbour. 
 
 Snakes are common among the Dinkas ; indeed, they 
 inhabit their huts, and are looked upon with friendliness, if 
 not reverence. The Dinkas call them their brethren. The 
 Dinkas make soup of turtles, and are very particular as to 
 the kind of flesh they eat. They will not touch the flesh of 
 the dog, but consider that of the cat to be a delicacy. They 
 also greatly esteem the flesh of the hare. 
 
 It seems a very great pity that the Dinkas could not be 
 left to'themselves, to live their harmless lives as they pleased 
 in their own country; but Sir Samuel Baker found a great 
 change in the aspect of things when he went the second 
 time to the Soudan. 
 
 “Although this country was exceedingly rich in soil, it was 
 entirely uninhabited on one side (the east) of the river. 
 This had formerly been the Dinka country ; but it had been 
 
168 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 quite depopulated by razzias made for slaves by the former 
 and present governors of Fashoda. These raids had been 
 made on a large scale, with several thousand troops, in 
 addition to the sharp slave-hunters, the Baggara Arabs, 
 as allies. The result was almost the extermination of the 
 tribe. It seemed incomprehensible to the Shillook natives 
 that a Government that had lately made slave-hunting a 
 profession should suddenly turn against the slave-hunters.” * 
 Perhaps in this connection we may recall some words of 
 Dr. Livingstone on the general results of slave-capturing :— 
 “ I came near the party of Said-bin-habib, close to the 
 point where a huge rent in the mountains of Bua allows 
 the escape of the river Lualaba out of the Lake Moero ; 
 and here I had, for the first time, an opportunity of observing 
 the differences between slaves and freemen made captives. 
 When fairly across Lualaba, Said thought his captives safe, 
 and got rid of the trouble of attending to and watching 
 the chained gang by taking off both chains and yoke. All 
 declared their joy and perfect willingness to follow Said 
 to the end of the world or elsewhere; but next morning 
 twenty-two made clear off to the mountains. Many more, 
 on seeing the broad Lualaba roll between them and the 
 homes of their infancy, lost all heart, and in three days 
 eight of them died. They had no complaint but pain in the 
 heart, and they pointed out its seat correctly. This to me 
 was the most startling death I ever saw. They evidently 
 died of broken-heartedness, and the Arabs wondered, 
 seeing that they had plenty to eat. I saw others perish, 
 particularly a fine boy of ten or twelve years of age. When 
 asked where he felt ill, he put his hand correctly and exactly 
 over the heart. He was kindly carried, and as he breathed 
 out his soul, was laid gently on the side of the path. The 
 captors were not usually cruel; they were callous—slavery 
 had hardened their hearts. 
 
 * Ismailia, vol. i., p. 111. 
 
TIIE SLAVE TRADE IN THE SOUDAN 169 
 
 “When Said, who was an old friend of mine, crossed 
 the Lualaba, he heard that I was in a village where a 
 company of slave traders had been previously assaulted for 
 three days by justly-incensed Babemba. I would not 
 fight, nor allow my people to fire, if I saw them, because 
 the Babemba had been especially kind to me. Said sent 
 a party of his own people to invite me to leave the village 
 by night and come to him. He showed himself the opposite 
 of hard-hearted; but slavery hardens all within, and 
 j petrifies the feelings ; it is hard for the victims , and hard 
 for the victimisers. 
 
 “ I once saw a party of twelve who had been slaves in 
 their own country—Lunda or Londa—of which Cazembe is 
 chief in general. They were loaded with large, heavy, 
 wooden yokes, which are forked trees, about three inches in 
 diameter, and seven or eight feet long. The neck is 
 inserted in the fork, and an iron bar driven in across from 
 one end of the fork to the other, and riveted; the other 
 end is tied at night to a tree, or to the ceiling of a hut, and 
 the neck being firm in the fork, the slave is held off from 
 unloosing it. It is excessively troublesome to the wearer, 
 and when marching, two yokes are tied together by their 
 free ends, and loads put on the slaves’ heads besides. 
 Women having, in addition to the yoke and load, a child 
 on their back, have said to me in passing, ‘ They are killing 
 me. If they would take off the yoke, I could manage the 
 load and child; but I shall die with the loads.’ One who 
 spoke this did die, and the poor little girl, her child, perished 
 of starvation. I interceded for some; but, when unyoked, 
 off they bounded into the long grass, and I was greatly 
 blamed for not caring to preserve the owner’s property. 
 After a day’s march under a boiling vertical sun, with yokes 
 and heavy loads, the strongest are exhausted. 
 
 “The party of twelve above-mentioned were sitting sing¬ 
 ing and laughing. ‘ Hallo,’ said I, ‘ these fellows take 
 
170 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 to it kindly ; this must be the class for whom philosophers 
 say slavery is the natural state; ’ and I went and asked the 
 cause of their mirth. I had to ask the aid of their owner 
 as to the meaning of the word ruklia , which usually means 
 to fly or leap. They were using it to express the idea 
 of haunting, as a ghost, and inflicting disease and death 
 and the song was, ‘Yes, we are going away to Manga, 
 abroad in the white man’s land, with yokes on our necks 
 but we shall have no yokes in death ; and we shall return 
 to haunt and kill you.’ A chorus then struck in with the 
 name of the man who had sold each of them, and then 
 followed the general laugh, in which at first I saw no 
 bitterness. Peraube, an old man, had been one of the 
 sellers. In accordance with African belief, they had no 
 doubt of being soon able, by ghost power, to kill even him. 
 Their refrain might be rendered :— 
 
 “ ‘ Oh, oh, oh ! 
 
 Bird of freedom, oh ! 
 
 You sold me, oh, oh, oh ! 
 
 I shall haunt you, oh, oh, oh ! ’ ” 
 
 Dr. Livingstone’s books had been read by Colonel 
 Gordon; and his kind heart was again and again touched 
 with pity for the slaves. He related in one of his letters, 
 in his own way, an incident which occurred during his stay 
 at Saubat, which was so beautiful, that to read of it must 
 have brought tears into the eyes that read the letter. 
 It does not refer to a slave, but it reveals the heart of the 
 man who had come to live among them. 
 
 Colonel Gordon’s character is an illustration of the com¬ 
 bination, in a remarkable degree, of both strength and 
 tenderness. The latter quality, which was so strongly 
 brought into play at Gravesend, must have been filling his 
 heart in his lonely life at Saubat. “ People are dull in 
 England,” he said; “but, oh, dear me! how dull they 
 would be here.” 
 
THE SLAVE TRADE IN THE SOUDAN. 171 
 
 But he relieved the tediousness of his life by gracious 
 acts of mercy, as the following—which deserves to be 
 written in gold—shows :— 
 
 “ I took a poor old bag-of-bones into my camp a month 
 ago, and have been feeding her up ; but yesterday she was 
 quietly taken off, and now knows all things. She had her 
 tobacco up to the last, and died quietly. What a change 
 from her misery ! I suppose she filled her place in life as 
 well as Queen Elizabeth. ... A wretched sister of yours 
 is struggling up the road, but she is such a wisp of bones 
 that the wind threatens to overthrow her; so she has 
 halted, preferring the rain to being cast down. I verily 
 believe she could never get up again. I have sent her 
 some dhoora, which will produce a spark of joy in her black 
 and withered carcass. She has not even a cotton gown on, 
 and I do not think her apparel would be worth one-fiftieth 
 part of a penny. 
 
 “August 4.—I am bound to give you the sequel of the 
 lady whom I helped yesterday in the gale of wind. I had 
 told my man to see her into one of the huts, and thought 
 he had done so. The night was stormy and rainy, and 
 when I awoke I heard often a crying of a child near my 
 hut, within the enclosure. When I got up I went out to 
 see what it was, and, passing through the gateway, I 
 saw your and my sister lying dead in a pool of mud; 
 her black brothers had been passing and passing, and 
 had taken no notice of her. So I went and ordered her to 
 be buried, and went on. In the midst of the high grass 
 was a baby about a year or so old, left by itself. It had 
 been out all night in the rain, and had been left by its 
 mother—children are always a nuisance ! I carried it in, 
 and seeing the corpse was not moved, I sent again about 
 it, and went with the men to have it buried. To my 
 surprise and astonishment, she was alive. After some 
 considerable trouble, I persuaded the black brothers to 
 
172 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 lift her out of the mud, poured some brandy down her 
 throat, and got her into a hut with a fire, having 
 the mud washed out of her sightless eyes. She was 
 not more than sixteen years of age. There she now 
 lies; I cannot help hoping she is floating down with the 
 tide to her haven of rest. The babe is taken care of by 
 another family for a certain consideration of maize per 
 diem. I dare say you will see—in fact, I feel sure you 
 will see—your black sister some day, and she will tell you 
 about it, and how Infinite Wisdom directed the whole 
 affair. I know this is a tough morsel to believe, but it is 
 true . I prefer life amidst sorrows, if those sorrows are 
 inevitable, to a life spent in inaction. Turn where you 
 will, there are sorrow and troubles. Many a rich person 
 is as unhappy and miserable as this ray of mortality, 
 and to them you can minister. ‘ This mustard is very 
 badly made/ was the remark of one of my staff some time 
 ago, when some of our brothers were stalking about showing 
 every bone in their poor bodies.” 
 
 “ August 5.—The Rag is still alive. The babe, who 
 is not a year old, seized a gourd of milk and drank it off 
 like a man last night, and is apparently in for the pilgrim¬ 
 age of life. It does not seem the worse for its night out— 
 depraved little wretch.” 
 
 “ August 5.—Just a line. Your black sister departed 
 this life at four p.m., deeply lamented by me.” 
 
 The humour and tenderness of the man are well exhibited 
 in this letter. As for the strength of mind, promptness of 
 action, and uncompromising hatred of slavery, which he 
 also possesses, they were brought into play as soon as he 
 reached the Soudan. 
 
 He had gone to put down slavery, and of course he 
 meant to do it as far as it was in his power. 
 
 He was not long in making the discovery that slave-trading 
 was carried on; and when Nassar, a slave dealer, whose 
 
THE SLAVE TRADE IN THE SOUDAN. 173 
 
 practices were reported to him, came upon the scene, he 
 promptly arrested him. He said that JSTassar was a miser¬ 
 able creature, but he had one good point, for “when he 
 was taken to prison he prayed very fervently, with the 
 knowledge that God could help him.” 
 
CHAPTER, XVII. 
 
 IIURRIYAT (LIBERTY). 
 
 “ There is a kind of character in thy life 
 That to the observer doth thy history 
 Fully unfold.” 
 
 —Measure for Measure. 
 
 LONEL GORDON had not been long in the 
 country of the Blacks before many of his 
 staff fell ill; and he expressed himself very 
 glad to have for his body-guard Baker’s 
 Forty Thieves. He declared that he had made it known 
 that the motto of the province was Hurriyat—which means 
 liberty; and that in regard to the expedition and his 
 management, those who did not like it were at liberty to 
 leave it. But his people had no license to do wrong; and 
 he soon discovered that Abou Saood, whom he had been 
 disposed to trust, was altogether untrustworthy. 
 
 Sir Samuel Baker had known this all along, and was 
 surprised and pained by his appointment; for Abou Saood 
 had been the greatest slave-hunter of the White Nile, and 
 almost the most troublesome man with whom he had had 
 to deal. He was the representative of the great firm of 
 
LIBERTY\ 
 
 175 
 
 traders, Agad & Co. ; and he was “ the incarnation of 
 the slave trade.” It was he who attempted to poison Baker 
 and his men, and he who had urged Kabba Rega to attack 
 them. He set false reports afloat concerning the expedition 
 again and again. He intrigued to thwart all efforts to 
 suppress the slave trade, at the same time that he cringingly 
 professed to be anxious to assist the Government. He 
 swore eternal fidelity to Baker at the same time that his 
 station was crowded with slaves. At last he had the 
 effrontery to appeal to the Egyptian Government for protec¬ 
 tion against any interference with his trade, which was 
 really that of kidnapping and murdering the slaves, and 
 stealing their goods. The slave trader must have been 
 really backed by the authority of some high personage, 
 notwithstanding the fact that the Khedive had sent out 
 an expedition to abolish the slave trade. The Khedive 
 promised that he would have Abou Saood judged by a 
 special tribunal, for the purpose of which Baker Pasha 
 handed to Nubar Pasha seventeen documents; but he was 
 released without a trial. Three vessels, containing seven 
 hundred slaves, which belonged to him, were captured ; and 
 yet he became an assistant of the man who hoped, above all 
 things, to be able to abolish slavery. But Gordon’s sus¬ 
 picions were aroused by finding that Abou had stolen some 
 of the Government ivory, and grossly deceived him on 
 several occasions. He had treated him fairly and kindly 
 enough, but his kindness did not avail to keep the man 
 from double-dealing and robbery, nor from conniving at the 
 slave trade. So Colonel Gordon saw that there was nothing 
 to do but to let him go altogether; and he accordingly dis¬ 
 missed him. This was not done too soon, for it became 
 evident that the treacherous man was trying, not only to 
 circumvent Gordon’s plans in every possible way, but to 
 have his life taken also. 
 
 From Sobat River Colonel Gordon had now removed to 
 
176 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 Gondokoro, and from thence to Rageef. Here he had 
 many things to trouble him. Already he had been com¬ 
 pelled to make acquaintance with some people of the Niam 
 Niam tribe. These are mentioned both by Petherick and 
 Schweinfurth. Very strange tales were at one time in 
 circulation respecting them. An Italian discoverer— 
 Piaggia—went to live among them for a year, in order 
 to enlighten the world respecting them, which he did by 
 means of an interesting book. The name Niam Niam 
 signifies great eaters, and has especial reference to the fact 
 of their being cannibals. They are exceedingly curious 
 people, and seem to occupy a place in creation that is 
 altogether unique. They have round, broad heads, and 
 thick, frizzy hair, which is long, and which they wear 
 plaited. They have large, full, almond-shaped eyes, with 
 a wide space between them, and their eyebrows are thick 
 and large. Their noses are fiat and square, the chin is 
 round, the mouth has thick lips. The body is longer than 
 the legs, and the Niam Niam are rather inclined to stout¬ 
 ness. They are not as black as the Nubian; they are 
 chocolate coloured. They tattoo their faces, and have a 
 kind of cross tattooed on the breast. When they want to 
 be particularly smart on their gala days, they colour their 
 bodies with red and black. If they dress at all, they wear 
 a skin fastened across the loins, and they like to wear a 
 monkey’s tail as a sort of finish. 
 
 The men are far more particular in regard to their hair 
 than the women ; they dress it up into all sorts of forms, 
 and part it in the middle. Then they gather it up into 
 rolls and curls, and long plaits and tufts. They spend more 
 time every day in dressing their heads than even an English 
 girl who wants to look her best for her first ball. The men 
 wear a fringe over their foreheads—but the fringe is made 
 of dogs’ teeth. The Niam Niam fight with lances and 
 trumbashes—a boomerang—made of iron. They have a 
 
LIBERTY. 
 
 177 
 
 shield of Spanish reeds woven together, and the trumbash is 
 carried inside of it. These shields are very light, although 
 they are large enough to cover more than half the body. 
 They also use sharp knives with sickle-like blades. The 
 farm-work of the Niam Niam is done by the women ; the 
 men occupy themselves with the chase. The land is ex¬ 
 ceedingly fertile, and the agricultural work is much more 
 easy among them than among most of the tribes. The 
 grain they use most is the eleusine coracana, of which they 
 make not only bread but beer. They also grow the manioc, 
 sweet potato, yam, and colocasise. They smoke gundy— 
 a kind of tobacco—and use clay pipes, with long bowls and 
 no stems. Poultry and dogs are the only domestic animals, 
 and the latter wear bells round their necks. The dog’s 
 flesh is eaten, and considered a great delicacy. Their name, 
 Niam Niam, is not wrongly given. The pure air of their 
 country makes them hungry, and they have always a stock 
 of provisions near. They are like some English people, who 
 cannot take a railway journey but they must feed all the 
 way; the Niam Niam carry a little basket of provisions 
 with them wherever they go; and they have little boxes 
 fixed up outside the houses, and in all convenient places, 
 where food is kept at hand, from which they constantly 
 help themselves. Meat—or as they call it, pushujoh—is 
 liked by them more than any other kind of food ; and, alas ! 
 most of them enjoy eating human flesh. 
 
 The houses of the Niam Niam are made of clay, and all 
 have conical roofs. Separate huts are used for sleeping 
 and cooking purposes. Sometimes they ornament the 
 points of their houses with a wisp of straw, into which they 
 occasionally weave snail-shells; and they now and then 
 make a cross on them of some coloured materials. They 
 are able to do a little work in iron and pottery; indeed 
 they are clever at the latter. Their drinking cups are 
 pretty, and their water flasks are well made, They take 
 
 Yj 13 
 
178 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 great pains in making their pipes look well. They carve 
 wood; some of their dishes and basins, as well as their 
 stools, are beautifully carved. * Their mode of greeting is 
 peculiar. They extend their right hands, and so join them 
 as to make the two middle fingers crack, and they nod at 
 each other and wave their hands in very curious fashion, 
 The men greet each other when they meet, but the women 
 are very retiring. A woman’s duties consist in “ culti¬ 
 vating the homestead, preparing the daily meals, painting 
 her husband’s body, and dressing his hair.” They are very 
 fond of music; Piaggia thinks that great eaters though 
 they are, they would go without food at any time to listen 
 to sweet sounds. They have several kinds of oracles which 
 they consult, to try to discover whether success will attend 
 them in war or hunting; but though they have the form of 
 the cross on some of their instruments and buildings, and 
 even seem to regard it with some superstition, they have no 
 knowledge of the true God and His Son Jesus Christ. 
 
 Colonel Gordon said that the Niam Niam ladies wore a 
 bunch of leaves for full dress. 
 
 While he was at Kageef he tried to teach the chiefs how 
 to use money. He made a shop, and sold beads. He 
 bought a tusk of one, who wanted in exchange two bells ; 
 but Gordon gave him two dollars for the tusk, and then 
 sold the bells for a dollar each. The people seemed to like 
 it, and to take to it easily. Gordon also amused the 
 soldiers by showing them a magic lantern. He introduced 
 piece-work instead of day work among them, and thus made 
 them more industrious and self-reliant. 
 
 While he was at Pageef he ordered the men to make a 
 mosque and keep their Ramadan. The name is that of the 
 ninth month in the Mohammedan year. It was in this 
 month that the prophet received his first revelation. It 
 happened to come at an inconvenient time to Baker, but 
 Gordon was able to spare the men that they might attend 
 
LIBERTY. 
 
 179 
 
 to its requirements. The “ Faithful ” are supposed to keep 
 a strict fast from dawn to sunset—when a white thread 
 can be distinguished from a black one. Eating, drinking, 
 smoking, bathing, smelling perfumes, and other bodily 
 enjoyments, are strictly prohibited during that period. 
 Even when obliged to take medicine, the Moslem must make 
 some kind of amends for it, such as spending a certain sum of 
 money among the poor. During the night, however, per¬ 
 mission is given them by the Koran to take what is 
 necessary, and then they are very apt to make up by 
 indulgence for their fasting during the day. But it is 
 sometimes a very severe infliction upon those who wish to 
 observe it religiously, especially when the month—which is 
 lunar—falls upon the long, hot days of midsummer. In 
 time of war, or when travelling on long journeys, they may 
 postpone the fast, but they must not omit it altogether; 
 and there are exemptions allowed in cases where the fast 
 would prove really injurious. 
 
 There is a tradition to the effect that not only Mohamed, 
 but also Abraham, Moses, and Jesus, received each their 
 revelations during the month of Bamadan. 
 
 Towards the end of October Colonel Gordon went to 
 Gondokoro, where he remained until after Christmas. He 
 made friends with the tribes all around, who soon learned 
 to trust him. The Khedive wrote to him to stop the slave 
 trade, and he answered that he would like to do so, by 
 using summary measures with the Khartoum merchants 
 themselves. 
 
 In January 1875 he went to Lardo. He was anxious 
 to bring the stations for the government of which he was 
 responsible in more direct communication. It took six 
 months, and required a band of on ? hundred men, to get news 
 from one station to another. The Khedive wished his flag to 
 be placed on the Albert Nyanza ; and Gordon asked him to 
 allow him to establish fortified posts, a day’s journey apart. 
 
180 
 
 GENERAL GORDON . 
 
 But he had some trouble with the Sheikh Bedden, a 
 Bari chief, to whom Baker had made a present of a blue 
 shirt and a grand dress of gold and silver tissue ; but who 
 afterwards treated him with great treachery, refusing to 
 allow his people to carry the travellers’ baggage, though he 
 had previously engaged to do so. Gordon on his arrival 
 sent a present to Bedden, whose territory was very near 
 the district in which he had settled; but the messenger 
 brought back the threat that the next man who went to 
 him would be killed* It was necessary to do something with 
 Bedden in order to make him understand that he must not 
 molest the Government station ; and so it was decided to 
 take his cattle. Accordingly they went to his zeriba—the 
 cattle enclosure of the sheikh—and took two thousand head 
 of cattle ; “so that,” wrote Gordon, “ without any effusion 
 of blood on either side, or burning of villages, we punished 
 Bedden severely.” He added, “ I hope Bedden and 
 Lococo will both submit before many days are over. I do 
 most cordially hate this work; but the question is, What are 
 you to do ? You must protect your own people, and also 
 the friendly sheikhs, and you cannot make them give in 
 except by the capture of their cattle.” 
 
 Bedden came to him afterwards ; and then he gave him 
 back twenty of his cows, and also a present of some copper, 
 and a pair of scissors. Poor old Bedden was blind, and not 
 now capable of doing so much harm as his son. 
 
 Gordon was interested in everything he saw. He shot 
 two hippopotami. He thought it was too bad to do 
 it, but the people wanted food, and there was as much meat 
 in one of these as in twenty cows. The hippopotamus is 
 found all over Africa, and nowhere else. It is almost as 
 large as the elephant, is aquatic in its habits, and can 
 be found in rivers, lakes, and estuaries. Its skin is two 
 inches thick on the back and sides. Its colour is dark 
 brown, and it has no hair. It has a large head and small 
 
 
LIBERTY ; 
 
 181 
 
 eyes and ears. It breathes very slowly, and can keep under 
 water for a long time. It eats the weeds that grow at 
 the bottom or on the banks of shallow streams. The fat of 
 the hippopotamus is exceedingly nice. It is salted, and at 
 the Cape of Good Hope can be bought as our bacon is in 
 England, and is liked quite as well. It is called there 
 Zee-roe-speck, which means “ Lake-cow-bacon.” The tongue 
 is a delicacy, and there is a very good and nourishing jelly 
 made of its feet. The hide is useful, and the teeth are 
 valuable ivory, for which there is always a good sale. 
 
 On one occasion Colonel Gordon secured the friendliness 
 of one of the tribes by giving them some of the flesh of the 
 hippopotamus—a delicacy which they could not resist. 
 
 Gordon was anxious to make stations between Rageef 
 and Duffli. He began to feel that time was getting on, 
 and he had not accomplished what he wished. He wanted 
 to know how to get his steamers up the Nile above the 
 cataracts; he tried with nuggars—the usual Nile boats 
 already described. He started toward Lahore, and then 
 went to Kerri. After various difficulties and dangers, and 
 experiences of many kinds, he got the nuggars up the 
 dangerous currents. “It is the violent eddies which are 
 so terrible. The slightest faltering in the haulers would be 
 fatal. We have about sixty or eighty black satin-skinned 
 natives hauling on each boat. Your brother prays the 
 nuggars up as he used to do the troops when they wavered 
 in the breaches in China; but often and often the ropes 
 break, and it all has to be done over again. ” A nuggar 
 got lost and floated away. They had many hindrances, 
 but at last reached Lahore. He felt sometimes that 
 his work was not a very great one. “What is the 
 work % The placing of a chain of posts along a river, 
 and the hauling-up of some boats over rocky channels.” 
 Yet the small work—very difficult and dangerous, though 
 small—might lead to great ends ; and, in any case, Charles 
 
182 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 Gordon would obey the command of his Master, whom 
 he served in the Soudan as in China or Gravesend : “ What¬ 
 soever thy hand findeth to do, do it with thy might. ” 
 
 On 28th August he established a station to which he 
 gave the name Moogie. He was joined by Linant, who had 
 just come from Mtesa’s county, where he had met Stanley. 
 Gordon was interested in finding that some magicians were 
 cursing him very earnestly, and he thought this boded no 
 good ; so he sent a few shots among them, which stopped the 
 magic quite suddenly. The natives soon after made an 
 attack on the party. Linant, who wanted to go and burn 
 their houses in order to teach them better, was set upon by 
 them and killed. Gordon had given him a red shirt, and 
 this shirt seemed to annoy them. The commander of the 
 expedition had, with a very mournful heart, to write to the 
 bereaved father of Linant, and tell him that his son was 
 dead. This was the second son he had lost; one died at 
 Gondokoro. 
 
 The Mu dir of Fatiko joined Gordon on the last day 
 of August, bringing 500 men with him; so that the brave 
 commander was able to rest a little and to doctor himself, 
 for by this time he was feeling far from well; he had got 
 his feet wet on several occasions, and his liver was out of 
 order. He had some Niarn Niam warriors on his side now ; 
 and with those he fought the Baris, who were continually 
 attacking him. As far as the finances of his expedition 
 were concerned, he had been very successful, for he had 
 sent £48,000 to the Khedive, and had by him £60,000 
 worth of ivory. 
 
 In September he set himself to collect the taxes from the 
 natives, or to make raids on them. The result was 200 
 cows and 1,500 sheep. A daughter of one of the hostile 
 shiekhs was taken ; but Gordon sent to say her father could 
 have his daughter back again if he promised submission. 
 There was intense excitement among the people ; and in 
 
LIBERTY ; 
 
 183 
 
 the midst of it the over-worked man at the head of affairs 
 was glad to welcome a good officer—Nuelir Agha, from 
 Fatiko. On the 15th September he was able to say he 
 believed he had only one hostile tribe on the left bank 
 of the Nile, between Moogie and Makade. 
 
 After the usual delays and difficulties, his steamer was 
 got off, and they went from Moogie to Lahore. He had 
 resolved not only to make the stations, but to well equip 
 them. The Arabs tried his patience exceedingly. He was 
 so quick, and they were so indescribably lazy. From 
 Lahore they went to Duffli, where he stayed a fortnight. 
 He had ague there; so he crossed the river, and took up his 
 station at Faslielie, though he thought his illness was 
 caused more by the carelessness of his servants than the 
 air or the water. The place was healthy and quiet, and he 
 (Gordon) had the pleasure of feeling that he had done good 
 work by opening a road. He wanted to subdue the Moogie 
 tribe completely before he left; and although a complaining 
 letter from the Khedive made him half inclined to throw 
 up his commission, he decided, after hearing again from 
 the Khedive, to remain and complete his work. 
 
 With the end of the year he came to the conclusion that 
 it was not his work to explore the Lake Nyanza. He was 
 so pressed with other work that he declared he was not 
 concerned as to whether there were two lakes or a million, 
 or whether the Nile had a source or not. 
 
 He would leave the Albert, and try to go to the Victoria 
 Nyanza. He resolved, therefore, as soon as possible, to 
 make for the South. His heart was often very sad. The 
 people among whom and for whom he worked disappointed 
 him greatly. “ I am not,” he wrote, “ after nine months 
 of worry, in a fit state to explore anything but my way out 
 of the province.” But he had accomplished a good year’s 
 work, little and disappointing as it appeared to himself. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 NEAR KING MTESA’s LAND. 
 
 (i What thou would’st highly, 
 
 That would’st thou holily : would’st not play false.” 
 
 — Macbeth. 
 
 the 2nd of January 1876 Colonel Gordon 
 reached Fatiko. The New Year did not begin 
 with very good promise, for although he re¬ 
 ports himself as able to walk fourteen miles 
 ffered considerably from pain and fatigue. 
 From Fatiko he went to Foweira, which was reached after 
 a most uncomfortable march. The road by which they 
 travelled was one along which a troop of elephants had 
 lately come ; and the big, unwieldy creatures—so interesting 
 in English menageries, so common in Africa—had made 
 great holes in the road with their heavy feet, and trodden 
 down the trees, leaving them in the paths, so that the 
 clothes of the travellers were torn to pieces by them. The 
 Colonel had more than a little difficulty with Bakers old 
 enemy, Kabba Rega, whom Sir Samuel had deposed, setting 
 in his place Rionga—by far the better man of the two. 
 Rionga was a favourite with the natives, and a man who 
 
 i 
 
NEAR KING MTESA ’S LANE. 
 
 185 
 
 had been much persecuted by Kabba Rega. Gordon received 
 Rionga, and assisted him into his rightful place at Mrooli, 
 “a miserable country, full of mosquitoes.” Kabba Rega 
 was at Masindi, and when he heard what Gordon had done 
 he fled, taking with him “ the magic stool,” the throne of 
 the kings of Unyoro, to which was attached so much 
 importance, that the people believed the loss of it would 
 mean the loss of all the authority of the kings. The throne 
 was a very small piece of furniture, made partly of copper 
 and partly of wood. 
 
 In March 1876 Colonel Gordon had a letter from Mtesa, 
 the powerful king of Uganda, the country on the shore of 
 the Victoria Nyanza. This man had been much written 
 about during the preceding years ; and the facsimile of his 
 letter is not the least interesting thing in Dr. Birkbeck 
 Hill’s book, Colonel Gordon in Central Africa . Mtesa, as 
 was only natural, resisted the advance of the Egyptians 
 towards his territory. He said he wanted to be a friend to 
 the English, but he certainly did not want an Englishman 
 to bring Egyptian troops nearer to him than they already 
 were. 
 
 The year before this, Henry Stanley, the gallant 
 American, who went to the help of Livingstone, and has 
 subsequently made his name as famous as that of any dis¬ 
 coverer, visited Mtesa, and wrote the following account of 
 his visit for the London Daily Telegraph :— 
 
 “Mtesa is about thirty-four years old, and tall and 
 slender in build, as I have already stated, but with broad 
 shoulders. His face is very agreeable and pleasant, and 
 indicates intelligence and mildness. His eyes are large, his 
 nose and mouth are a great improvement upon those of the 
 common type of negro, and approach to the same features 
 in the Muscat Arab, when slightly tinted with negro blood. 
 His teeth are splendid and gleaming white. As soon as 
 Mtesa began to speak, I became captivated by his manner, 
 
186 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 for there was much of the polish of a true gentleman about 
 it—it was at once amiable, graceful, and friendly. It 
 tended to assure me that in this potentate I had found a 
 friend, a generous king, and an intelligent ruler. He is not 
 personally inferior to Seyd Burghash, the Arab Sultan of 
 Zanzibar, and, indeed, appears to me quite like a coloured 
 gentleman who has visited European courts, and caught a 
 certain ease and refinement of manner, with a. large amount 
 of information. If you will recollect, however, that Mtesa 
 is a native of Central Africa, and that he had seen but 
 three white men until I came, you will perhaps be as much 
 astonished at all this as I was. And if you will but think 
 of the enormous extent of country he rules, extending from 
 E. long. 34° to E. long. 31°, and from 1ST. lat. 1° to S. lat. 
 3° 30', you will further perceive the immense influence he 
 could wield towards the civilisation of Africa. Indeed, I 
 could not regard this king, or look at him in any other 
 light than as the possible Ethelbert, by whose means the 
 light of the gospel may be brought to benighted Middle 
 Africa. 
 
 “ Undoubtedly, the Mtesa of to-day is vastly superior to 
 the vain youth whom Speke and Grant saw. There is now 
 no daily butchery of men and women; seldom one suffers the 
 extreme punishment. Speke and Grant left him a raw, 
 vain youth, and a heathen. He is now a gentleman, and, 
 professing Islamism, submits to other laws than his own 
 erratic will, which we are told led to such severe and fatal 
 consequences. All his captains and chief officers observe 
 the same creed, dress in Arab costume, and in other ways 
 affect Arab customs. He has a guard of two hundred men— 
 renegadoes from Baker’s expedition, Zanzibar defalcators, a 
 few Amini, and the elect of Uganda. Behind his throne— 
 an arm-chair of native manufacture—the royal shield-bearers, 
 lance-bearers, and gun-bearers, stand erect and staid. On 
 either side of him are his grand chiefs and courtiers, sons 
 
NEAR KING MTESA'S LAND. 
 
 187 
 
 of governors of his provinces, chiefs of districts, etc. Out¬ 
 side the audience house the lengthy lines of warriors begin 
 with the chief drummer and the noisy goma-beaters; next 
 come the screaming fifers, the flag and banner-bearers, the 
 fusiliers, and so on, seemingly ad infinitum , with spearmen 
 and attendants. 
 
 “ Mtesa is a great king. He is a monarch who would 
 delight the soul of any intelligent European, as he would 
 see in his black Majesty the hope of Central Africa. He is 
 King of Karagwe, Uganda, Umagoro, Usoga, and Usui. 
 Each day I found something which increased my esteem 
 and respect for him. He is fond of imitating Europeans 
 and what he has heard of their great personages, which 
 trait, with a little tuition, would prove of immense benefit 
 to his country. He has prepared broad highways in the 
 neighbourhood of his capital for the good time that is 
 coming when some charitable European will send him any 
 kind of a wheeled vehicle. As we approached the capital, 
 the main road from Usavara increased in width from 
 twenty feet to one hundred and fifty feet. When we 
 arrived at this magnificent breadth we viewed the capital 
 crowning an eminence commanding a most extensive view 
 of a picturesque and rich country, all teeming with gardens, 
 of plantations, and bananas, and beautiful pasture land. 
 Of course, huts, however large, lend but little attraction to 
 a scene; but a tall flag-staff, and an immense flag, proved a 
 decided feature in the landscape. Arrived at the capital, I 
 found that the vast collection of buildings crowning the 
 eminence were the royal quarters, round which ran five 
 several palisades and circular courts, between which and 
 the city was a circular road, ranging from one hundred 
 to two hundred feet in width, and from this radiated six or 
 seven imposing avenues lined with gardens and huts. The 
 next day after arrival I was introduced to the royal palace 
 in great state. 
 
188 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 “ Now, until I arrived at Mtesa’s court, the king de¬ 
 lighted in the idea that he was a follower of Islam ; but, by 
 one conversation, I flatter myself that I have tumbled the 
 newly-raised religious fabric to the ground, and if it were 
 only followed by the arrival of a Christian mission here, the 
 conversion of Mtesa and his court to Christianity would, 
 I think, be complete. I have, indeed, undermined Islamism 
 so much here, that Mtesa has determined henceforth, until 
 he is better informed, to observe the Christian Sabbath as 
 well as the Moslem Sabbath, and the great captains have 
 unanimously consented to this. He has further caused the 
 ten commandments of Moses to be written on a board for 
 his daily perusal—for Mtesa can read Arabic—as well 
 as the Lord’s Prayer and the golden commandment of our 
 Saviour, ‘ Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself. 5 This 
 is great progress for the few days that I have remained with 
 him; and, though I am no missionary, I shall begin to 
 think that I might become one, if such success is feasible. 
 But, oh, that some pious, practical missionary would come 
 here ! What a field and a harvest ripe for the sickle of 
 civilisation ! Mtesa would give him anything he desired— 
 houses, lands, cattle, ivory, etc.; he might call a province 
 his own in one day. 
 
 “ It is not the mere preacher, however, that is wanted 
 here. The Bishops of Great Britain collected, with all the 
 classic youth of Oxford and Cambridge,would effect nothing 
 by mere talk with the intelligent people Uganda. It is the 
 practical Christian tutor, who can teach the people how to 
 become Christians, cure their diseases, construct dwellings, 
 understand and exemplify agriculture, and turn his hand to 
 anything, like a sailor—this is the man who is wanted. 
 Such an one, if he can be found, would become the saviour 
 of Africa. He must be tied to no church or sect, but 
 profess God and Plis Son and the moral law, and live a 
 blameless Christian, inspired by liberal principles, charity to 
 
NEAR KING MTESA'S LAND. 
 
 189 
 
 all men, and devout faith in heaven. He must belong to no 
 nation in particular, but the entire white race. Such a 
 man, or men, Mtesa, King of Uganda, Usoga, Umgoro, and 
 Karagwe—a kingdom three hundred and sixty geographical 
 miles in length, by fifty in breadth—invites to repair to 
 him. He has begged me to tell the white men that if they 
 will only come to him he will give them all they want. 
 Now, where is there in all the Pagan world a more 
 promising field for a mission than Uganda? Colonel 
 Linant de Bellefonds is my witness that I speak the truth, 
 and I know he will corroborate all I say. The Colonel, 
 though a Frenchman, is a Calvinist, and has become as 
 ardent a well-wisher for the Waganda as I am.” 
 
 The Colonel Linant mentioned here was the one already 
 referred to. Colonel Gordon was himself much interested 
 in Mtesa. He once wrote, “ The glory of Mtesa’s con¬ 
 version would lead to other things ; but these tribes, and 
 this slow, dull life, would need a self-abnegation which 
 would be difficult to find.” 
 
 Mtesa did not appeal for missionaries in vain; for when 
 Stanley’s letter reached England a gentleman offered £5000 
 to the Church Missionary Society as a beginning of the 
 good work. 
 
 On 19th March, Gessi Romulus (Gessi Pasha), one 
 of the most illustrious members of Gordon’s staff, left him 
 to go to Magungo and the Lakes, while Gordon went to 
 Lardo and Kerri. He had at that time the satisfaction of 
 feeling that he had established stations all along the line 
 from Dufili to Lardo—these two stations being termini, and 
 having between them the important main stations, Labor6 
 and Kerri; besides Rageef, Bedden, Moogie, and Tyoo. 
 
 It had not been easy to accomplish all this. He had 
 made many journeys and met with many adventures. On 
 one occasion, when he was assisting a boatman to pass a 
 rope across the river, the rope slipped and dragged him into 
 
190 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 the water. A man who sprang in to rescue him got his 
 dress over his head, and looked, Gordon said, “ like the 
 veiled prophet of Khorassan.” Both were saved, and almost 
 the next day Gordon was again in danger from a whip- 
 snake. But nothing was permitted to harm him; and the 
 dangers which he saw only made him feel the more certain 
 of the Divine protection. Wherever he was, by the 
 African lakes and rivers, as well as in the midst of the 
 Tai-pings of China, there was ever an undertone of solemn 
 music sounding in his heart. 
 
 “ He that dwelleth in the secret place of the Most High 
 shall abide under the shadow of the Almighty . Surely He 
 shall deliver thee from the snare of the fowler and from the 
 noisome pestilence ; thou slialt not be afraid for the terror by 
 night , nor for the arrow that flieth by day , nor for the 
 pestilence that walketh in darkness , nor for the destructions 
 that wasteth at noonday . A thousand shall fall at thy side, 
 and ten thousand at thy right hand , but it shall not come 
 nigh thee . Because thou hast made the Lord thy habitation 
 there shall no evil befall thee , neither shall any plague come 
 nigh thy dwelling . For He shall give His angels charge 
 over thee , to keep thee in all thy ways .” 
 
 One of Colonel Gordon’s pleasures at this time was that 
 of reading Dr. Schweinfurth’s Heart of Africa. He said 
 that he envied his love of botany. He himself grew rest¬ 
 less under the inaction which seemed perfectly agreeable to 
 the Egyptian garrison. He described the country as very 
 beautiful. “ Such glorious glades of forest, and away north 
 of the tail of the Heri Hills there is such an expanse of 
 fine land quite unexplored. Ho one knows what tribes are 
 living here.” He was amused by the children; indeed 
 they always interested him. “The children of the natives 
 are quite extraordinary; at a year old they walk, and carry 
 gourds of water. They are fearfully top-heavy— i.e. y their 
 heads are enormous, and at a distance they are like regular 
 
NEAR KING MTESA 'S LAND. 
 
 191 
 
 tadpoles. Their heads and stomachs are they; their legs 
 and arms are merely antennae to them. ,, 
 
 Ilis friend Gessi returned on the 2nd of May, having 
 gone round the Victoria Kyanza in nine days. He had 
 been in a terrible storm, which had swept over the lake and 
 driven him into dangerous quarters with Kabba Rega’s 
 men. Such a storm can scarcely be imagined in England. 
 The drops of rain were as big as a dollar, and the waves so 
 tumultuous that almost everyone was ill, and quite every¬ 
 one was frightened. The Arab sailors declared that 
 nothing should ever induce them to go to that lake again 
 as long as they lived. The natives had been very much 
 afraid of Gessi, for they thought he was a fiend; they 
 would hold no converse with the sailors until he had gone 
 away. 
 
 Colonel Gordon was at this time longing for the steamer 
 to come and take him away. He went from Kerri to Lardo 
 to look for it, and try to hasten its preparation. On his 
 return to Kerri he had another narrow escape. A heavy 
 thunderstorm set in, and, while he was adjusting the side 
 of his wet tent, he was struck by a flash of lightning, and 
 received two rather severe shocks. But although these 
 things showed him how near he was to danger, nothing was 
 suffered to hurt him. The letters that he wrote at this 
 time are very beautiful. He was sometimes prevented by 
 circumstances from carrying out the plans that he had 
 laid ; but always he yielded to any necessary change, 
 feeling that God overruled everything. 
 
 “ I feel that I have a mission here (not taken in its usual 
 sense),” he wrote in July. “ The men and officers like my 
 justice, candour, and outbursts of temper, and they see 
 that I am not a tyrant. Over two years we have lived 
 intimately together, and they watch me closely. I am glad 
 they do so. My wish and desire is that all should be as 
 happy as it rests with me to make them ; and though I feel 
 
192 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 sure that I am unjust sometimes, it is not the rule with me 
 to be so. I care for their marches, for their wants and 
 food, and protect their women and boys if they ill-treat 
 them— and I do nothing of this . I am a chisel which cuts 
 the wood—the carpenter directs it? 
 
 Colonel Gordon had said that he did not care to enter 
 upon the work of geographical discoveries ; but the reading 
 of Dr. Schweinfurth’s book had made him greatly desire to 
 assist a little in exploring the wonderful district into which 
 Providence had sent him; and in July we find him en route 
 to Magungo, in order to traverse the seventy miles between 
 that place and Foweira. Dr. Schweinfurth said, “ It may 
 be that Lake Albert belongs to the Nile Basin, but it is 
 not a settled fact, for there are seventy miles between 
 Foweira and Lake Albert never explored, and one is not 
 authorised in making the Nile leave Lake Albert. The 
 question is very doubtful.” 
 
 Colonel Gordon set himself to settle the question, and on 
 5th August he dates his letter from three miles west of the 
 Murchison Falls. The task was one of exceeding difficulty, 
 but he accomplished it, and proved that if that had been 
 his mission, he had in him plenty of the stuff of which the 
 greatest discoverers are made. It was an awful task— 
 eighteen miles of jungle, fifteen miles of ravines, and gullies, 
 and rain, eight miles through fearful grass. “ To-day and 
 half of yesterday we had no path, but have had to force our 
 way through the jungle. It has been terrible work, for 
 what with wild vines, and convolvuli and other creepers, 
 you sometimes got bound hand and foot. I have had 
 several severe falls.” 
 
 Toward the end of August he was at Mrooli, and began 
 to turn his thoughts toward home. He had been absent 
 three years—“ a very long three years without a Sunday.” 
 He had to give up one scheme which he had formed— 
 namely, to explore that portion of the Nile from TJrundogani 
 
NEAR KING MTESA 'S LANE . 
 
 193 
 
 to Nyamyongo. That was the only bit of the Nile from 
 Berber to Victoria that he had not traversed. But he 
 knew it was not wise to attempt it then ; and so he left his 
 personal feelings out of the question, and gave up the idea, 
 the more readily, as he confessed, because if he did not do 
 it he would the sooner reach his home. 
 
 He had yet another peril to pass through, for the troops 
 that he had left at Masindi had moved away. They did not 
 meet him as they had been ordered to do; and Kabba 
 Rega’s men were uncomfortably near him ; but Kabba went 
 off to the Lake as they approached, and Gordon was able 
 to take all his men and the sick who were w T ith him safely 
 away. 
 
 Before he left he organised a force to go and fight Kabba 
 Rega. The soldiers did as the Colonel wished them; but 
 the man, although he lost a good many cattle, managed 
 to get back to his country when the troops had left. 
 
 Colonel Gordon then went to Kerotos, Magungo, and 
 Chibero, and on the 29th October he had reached Khar¬ 
 toum. It seemed like coming home. He was pleased to 
 see English sparrows there. He reached Cairo on the 2nd 
 of December; and hastening homeward, he arrived in 
 London on the 24th of December, in time to spend 
 Christmas Day with the dear friends whom he had not 
 seen for three years. 
 
 E 13 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 IN ABYSSINIA. 
 
 “ Men of merit are sought after : the undeservcr 
 May sleep when the man of action is called on.” 
 
 —Henry IV. 
 
 away in the Soudan, Colonel Gordon had 
 n relieved the tedium of his weary days by 
 iking of home, and the leisures and comforts 
 i quiet life in England. But he was not 
 long allowed to rest. “ Men of merit are sought after,” said 
 Shakespeare; and as soon as it was known that Gordon had 
 come home, it seemed that he was wanted in several places 
 at once. Britain is often in difficulties of some kind, and 
 there is always plenty of work for hands that are able and 
 willing. 
 
 When Gordon came home at the time of Christmas 1876, 
 English eyes were turned to Bulgaria, for terrible news had 
 come from thence of atrocities, and cruelties, and wholesale 
 massacres. A man was needed—a man who was a hero— 
 who would be wise, and clever, and strong for the work in 
 hand. And soon there were whispers in many quarters 
 such as these : “ Gordon is at home; he has finished his 
 
IN ABYSSINIA . 
 
 195 
 
 work in Egypt; he is the man for the hour.” The Times 
 especially directed attention to the Colonel and his work. 
 “ Surely,” it was said in that paper, “ his genius for govern¬ 
 ment and command might be utilised for his own Government 
 as well as for the Khedive. If the jealousies of the Powers 
 would permit him to be made Governor of Bulgaria, he 
 would soon make that province as beautiful as an English 
 county.” And there was a good deal of correspondence on 
 the subject. 
 
 But would Gordon be willing 1 Had he really finished 
 the work that had been given him to do in the Soudan 1 
 
 To that question he would himself have replied in the 
 negative. However others might praise him, he felt that 
 he had accomplished but little. 
 
 And the reason was, that he had been thwarted and 
 hindered by the Khedive’s own Government. 
 
 He had been told to abolish slavery in the Soudan; but 
 the Governor-General of the Soudan, the Khedive’s own 
 representative, Ismail Pasha Yacoub, had allowed Khar¬ 
 toum, the capital of the Soudan and the seat of government, 
 to remain the head-quarters of the slave system. Gordon 
 frequently felt that he was in an exceedingly ambiguous 
 position, and this had hindered him in accomplishing much 
 of the work on which his heart had been set. “ I am almost 
 inclined not to go back,” he said ; but he wanted to be quite 
 sure as to what was his duty in the matter. He was 
 determined not to return on the same footing as before. 
 He would not go and exert his power to suppress the slave 
 trade with the knowledge that another, also high in power, 
 would encourage it. Bather than submit to a repetition of 
 former troubles and disappointments, he would throw up 
 the expedition entirely. But the Khedive would not hear 
 of his doing this. He was too sensible of the marvellous 
 results of Gordon’s endeavours to be at all willing to lose 
 the services of such a man. Eventually Gordon went to 
 
196 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 Cairo to consult with the Khedive, who asked him to 
 become himself the Governor-General of the Soudan. 
 Under such circumstances, assured that now he would have 
 no one to hinder him in his work and thwart his designs, 
 he readily agreed to return. He was to have to assist him 
 —for the work was too great for any one man—three 
 deputy-governors. 
 
 Now, as before, General Gordon was to direct his atten¬ 
 tion to the two great duties which had occupied him 
 previously. He was to suppress the slave trade, and 
 improve the means of communication in the Soudan. But 
 besides these, a new responsibility was put upon him. He 
 was, at the Khedive’s request, to act as mediator between 
 Egypt and Abyssinia, the two countries being then engaged 
 in dispute. 
 
 He left Cairo for Massawa on the 18th of February, and 
 arrived eight days later. “I am so very glad to get away,” 
 he wrote from the former place, “ for I am very weary. 
 I go up alone, with an infinite Almighty God to direct and 
 guide me, and am glad to so trust Him as to fear nothing, 
 and, indeed, to feel sure of success.” 
 
 The Soudan lies between Egypt and Abyssinia; and 
 the two Governments could not be otherwise than deeply 
 interested in the country of the Blacks. Considerable 
 jealousy existed between the two countries, and several 
 battles had quite lately been fought. 
 
 It will be remembered that ten years before there had 
 been an English expedition to Abyssinia. At that time 
 Theodore was king, and he then held in captivity 
 a number of men and women who were British subjects. 
 Why they were in durance was not precisely known, 
 excepting that Theodore was angry because England would 
 not help him against the Turks. He wrote a letter to 
 Queen Victoria, which was not answered. There was a 
 story afloat at the time to the effect that he had asked the 
 
IN ABYSSINIA. 
 
 197 
 
 hand of the Queen in marriage, declaring that he was 
 a descendant of the Queen of Sheba, and not unworthy of 
 becoming allied to the Queen of England. Whether this 
 was so or not, no notice was taken of his letter; and con¬ 
 sidering himself slighted by England, he seized all the 
 British subjects—several missionaries among them—who 
 were in his power, and had them put in chains, and 
 confined in his rock tower at Magdala. He kept them 
 there for some time, always with the fear of death before 
 their eyes. Our Government was almost afraid to act, for 
 it was feared that at the first intimation of an invasion 
 Theodore would have all his prisoners slain. So at first 
 three persons were sent over with a conciliatory message 
 from the Queen, and a request that King Theodore would 
 at once liberate Her Majesty’s subjects. Theodore kept 
 the messengers in suspense for a time, and then imprisoned 
 them also. But England did not choose to be treated in 
 this way ; and in November 1867 an expedition was sent 
 out under the command of Sir Robert Napier, afterwards 
 Lord Napier of Magdala. The expedition made short 
 work of the affair. The army had to march four hundred 
 miles across a mountainous country that was without 
 roads—sometimes under a burning sun, and sometimes 
 through storms of sleet and rain; but they reached 
 Magdala in April. The Abyssinians at once made an 
 attack upon them; but, of course, they were repulsed. 
 The Abyssinians had five hundred killed, and nearly two 
 thousand wounded, while the English had none killed and 
 only nineteen wounded. Then Theodore sent the English 
 prisoners out of Magdala into the English camp, and very 
 glad they were to get there safely. But as Theodore 
 himself would not surrender, Sir Robert attacked his 
 stronghold, and Magdala was captured. The soldiers who 
 entered found King Theodore self-slain inside the gate; 
 and Magdala was completely destroyed. 
 
198 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 The widow of Theodore died in the English camp a few 
 days later. Their orphan boy, the heir to the Abyssinian 
 throne, Alamayou, aged seven years, was to be, by the 
 Queen’s own orders, taken care of. He was first sent to 
 school in India, and then brought to England, where he was 
 treated with every possible kindness. But he faded away, 
 and died before he reached the age of maturity. 
 
 The man who succeeded Theodore was one of the 
 chieftains who had revolted against him—Prince Kassai. 
 He managed to get an Abouna, or Archbishop (without the 
 laying-on of whose hands no man of Abyssinia can be made 
 king) to crown him, and he became King John the Second 
 of Abyssinia, better known as Johannis. He was not the 
 heir to the throne, and the rightful heir—G-oobasie—opposed 
 him, but without success. Johannis became firmly seated in 
 power. He had not, however, the whole of Abyssinia 
 to reign over, for in 1874 Egypt took possession of Bogos, 
 and endeavoured to secure the neighbouring province of 
 Hamacem. These two places belonged to Walad el Michael, 
 who had been imprisoned for opposing Johannis, but was 
 now set free to fight for his own. The Abyssinians beat the 
 Egyptians in one battle after another; until in 1876 a 
 large army of Egyptians, under the command of Ratib 
 Pasha and Loring Pasha, invaded Abyssinia. They were 
 joined by Walad el Michael. The Egyptians were 
 thoroughly beaten ; it is said that 9000 were slain. Later 
 the Abyssinians attacked the Egyptian force, and this 
 time Egypt won. Some time after Johannis offered to give 
 up Hamacem to Egypt, if Egypt would surrender Walad el 
 Michael to him. But the envoy who took the message from 
 Abyssinia to Egypt was not treated well by the Khedive; 
 and he was at last sent back without a definite answer. 
 This, as may be assumed, greatly incensed Johannis; and 
 it was at this critical juncture that Colonel Gordon came 
 on the scene. 
 
IN ABYSSINIA. 
 
 199 
 
 Walad el Michael was a great stumbling-block in the 
 way of any terms being made. He had 3000 men with 
 him; and such an Abyssinian chief on the side of Egypt, 
 and at the place where peace was to be made, was very 
 much in the way. 
 
 Dr. Hill, in his book, gives a beautiful letter written by 
 Gordon “ between Massawa and Keren.” He was in 
 the midst of solitudes, riding on a swift-footed camel over 
 the desert, with plenty of time for thought, and good 
 thoughts to fill up the time. He was cheered because the 
 Khedive’s despatches were kind (how could they be other¬ 
 wise when addressed to the man who had done so much for 
 him ?), and very restful and happy in the assured presence 
 of God. “ These interminable deserts and arid mountains 
 fill the heart with far different thoughts than civilised 
 lands would do. It was for this that the Israelites were 
 led there. . . Of course, I cannot converse with the Arabs; 
 so on one goes, stalking along.” 
 
 Before he reached Keren he was met by two hundred 
 cavalry and infantry to act as his body-guard. He found 
 this much more irksome than solitude. “ I am most 
 carefully guarded. At six yards’ radius round this tree 
 where I am sitting are six or eight sentries, and the other 
 men are in a circle round them. Now, just imagine this, 
 and put yourself in my position. However, I know they 
 will all go to sleep, so I do not fret myself. I can say 
 truly, no man has ever been so forced into a high position 
 as I have. It is irksome beyond measure. Eight or ten 
 men to help me off my camel, as if I were an invalid! 
 If I walk, every one gets off and walks. So, furious, I get 
 on again.” 
 
 A grand procession met him as he neared the capital; 
 drums were beaten, and musicians played, and dancers 
 danced before him. The troops were drawn up in line to 
 receive him. 
 
200 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 It was not long before Walad el Michael came to see 
 him, attended by a body of men. Gordon took him into 
 his house, and gave him a paper which he had prepared, 
 stating that Egypt would not continue the war, and that 
 Walad should have a government either under Johannis or 
 under Gordon himself. The result was that he was made 
 the governor of two or three tribes. 
 
 This was scarcely settled with Johannis before Gordon 
 had to be away again to fight with Menelek, king of Shoa, 
 who had attacked Gondar, an important town in the south 
 of Abyssinia. Gordon was afraid that Michael would 
 take the opportunity of Johannis’s absence to advance on 
 Hamacem. But he left things in as safe a condition as he 
 could, and then left Keren for Duggam and Kasala, having 
 heard that Darfour was in revolt, and that he was needed 
 there. So, having arranged with Aloula, the chief general 
 of Johannis, to deliver a message to him, to the effect that 
 he must agree to the conditions which Gordon had placed 
 before him, he started on his journey, travelling at a great 
 rate, although the weather was intensely hot. Several 
 interesting incidents occurred on the journey. He had to 
 receive and pay a return visit to a great religious man 
 from Mecca. This man traced his descent in an unbroken 
 line from Mahomet, and was everywhere received with the 
 greatest veneration. At another time he arrived at a 
 village where a fete was being held. The men were dressed 
 in long shirts of mail, and they had helmets of iron, and 
 fringes and nose-pieces of chain armour. Even the horses 
 were covered with armour. Their swords were the same 
 as those used by the old Crusaders; in fact, the whole affair 
 was a remnant of the Crusades. 
 
 General Gordon and his escort travelled very rapidly, 
 doing as much as forty-five miles a-day, resting at mid-day 
 when the sun was very hot, and making the journey in the 
 evening and morning. As his swift camel went over the 
 
IN ABYSSINIA. 
 
 201 
 
 desert he had plenty of time for thought, and he often 
 faced the difficulties of his position. He had to contend 
 with many vested interests. He had to fight with fanaticism, 
 to attend to Greeks and Turks and Bedouins, and the large 
 province which the great rebel, Sebehr, had appropriated to 
 himself at Bahr Gazelle; and he was quite alone, with no 
 means, no paraphernalia of power to surround him. One 
 man against fearful odds, but with God on his side: that 
 has been the story of General Gordon’s whole life. 
 
 \ 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 THE LEVEL BALANCE. 
 
 Of starved people. ” 
 
 “ You drop manna in the way 
 
 —Merchant of Venice. 
 
 HE new Governor-General of the Soudan 
 reached his seat of Government early in May. 
 He found that his home was a palace as large 
 as Marlborough House, pleasantly situated on 
 E the river. It had probably been put in repair 
 before his arrival; but nearly one hundred and fifty of the 
 windows had been broken by the sister of the ex-Governor, 
 Ismail Yacoub, who had also cut the divans into pieces, so 
 angry was she that Gordon had been sent in the place of 
 her brother. However, the people had a warm welcome for 
 the new Governor-General. To look at Gordon is to be 
 inspired with confidence and trust. 
 
 He found that, however he disliked it, he would have to 
 live in state. There were two hundred servants to wait 
 upon him. There was quite a ceremony of installation— 
 the firman was read, and the Cadi presented an address, 
 after which a royal salute was fired. The people then 
 
 the bank 
 
THE LEVEL BALANCE . 
 
 203 
 
 waited for an address or proclamation from their Governor- 
 General. It was very eloquent, and very much to the 
 point. It was also very short; there were no need of 
 reporters to assist the memory of those who heard, for it 
 was an address that no one would forget. The address was 
 as follows :— 
 
 “ With the help of God I will hold the balance level ” 
 
 The people were delighted. That was a royal speech 
 that every one could understand—and it promised them all 
 they wanted. Fairness—justice—who deserves or has a 
 right to ask for more h A level balance is the one need of 
 the whole world. 
 
 There was a great holiday at Khartoum. The new 
 Governor at once set himself to begin reforms. The water- 
 supply of the town was bad ; and Gordon at once promised 
 to have water pumped up, so that all might have that great 
 necessary of life. Moreover, he made the hearts of the very 
 poor glad with gifts. A friend says that in three days he 
 gave away a thousand pounds of his own money among them. 
 He resolved also, that, if he could possibly avoid it, he would 
 have no flogging. The whip had been very freely used 
 before, but Gordon did not like it. Then, too, he would 
 hear what the people had to say. It had been as difficult 
 before for a person who had a grievance to lay it before the 
 Governor, as it would be for a private person to get an 
 interview with the Czar of Russia. Indeed, only those who 
 required help least had been able to secure it; for those who 
 were about the person of the Governor had to be heavily 
 bribed before they would arrange the interview that was 
 desired. Gordon soon altered all that. He wanted the 
 people to trust him, and he wished to know all about 
 them. So he had a box placed at the door of the palace, 
 with a slit into which petitions and letters could be 
 dropped ; while the depositors might always be sure that 
 they would receive attention. 
 
204 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 On the 19th of May General Gordon left Khartoum for 
 Darfour, the most westerly province of the Soudan, in order 
 to quell the revolt that had broken out. There were 
 ninety-seven days of camel-riding before him, and plenty of 
 stiff work at the end of the journey. But travelling was 
 good for him : the rapid movement through the air 
 always brought back courage and hope, and confidence in 
 himself, which was, however, not so much self-confidence 
 as confidence in his mission and his God. 
 
 He reached El Obeid, the capital of Kordofan, by the end 
 of May. El Obeid has a population of 10,000. It has 
 lately been much talked of in connection with the terrible 
 disaster that overtook General Hicks. Gordon did not 
 stay at Obeid, but pushed on to the frontier of Darfour. 
 He knew that the rebels were besieging the garrisons at 
 Fascher, Dara, and Kolkal. Hassan Pasha had gone with 
 a force of 16,000 men from Fogia to Fascher, but the 
 force had not been heard of. Gordon had very few men 
 with him; but he had faith, and he could pray. He had 
 prayed the Ever-Victorious Army into victory. He had 
 prayed his boats up the Nile, and now he prayed the 
 revolted tribes into helpers. “Now, I think God will 
 3nable me to make friends with the different tribes between 
 Fascher and Fogia, and I trust He will enable me to go to 
 Fascher with two hundred men, and escorted by the chiefs 
 who are at present rebels.’’ It was that faith which could 
 remove mountains. A little later, at Oomchanga, he could 
 write that he had made peace with the tribes that were 
 around. Many of the rebels came to ask for pardon. 
 They had been treated so abominably by the Bashi-Bazouks 
 that Gordon sympathised with them, and said we ought to 
 ask pardon of them. 
 
 He was at this time not far from Shaka, and he decided 
 to go there, and try to get troops, the better to relieve 
 Fascher. Shaka was the head-quarters of the great robber 
 
THE LEVEL BALANCE . 
 
 205 
 
 chief and slave dealers* king, to frustrate whose designs the 
 Khedive had first solicited the help of Baker, and then of 
 Gordon. Sebehr himself was at Stamboul, but his son had 
 command of his hordes. Gordon described Shaka as the 
 Cave of Adullam, where all murderers and robbers were 
 assembled, and from whence raids were made upon the 
 negro tribes for slaves. Sulieman had 10,000 soldiers to 
 fight for him ; and Gordon had to face not only this 
 formidable foe, but others quite as terrible. He had only 
 five hundred “ nondescript troops,” not more in number 
 than his little “ Ever-Victorious Army,” and men of a 
 very different stamp, who were cowardly and disloyal again 
 and again, and at one time certainly were planning how 
 they could take the life of their leader. 
 
 At Toashia he found nothing but a half-starved garrison 
 of three hundred and fifty men, fit for nothing. He had 
 hoped that they would swell the number of his army, but 
 they had not been paid for three years, and were so miser¬ 
 able and useless, that instead of taking them with him, he 
 decided to send them back to Kordofan to be disbanded. 
 
 Then he hoped to be assisted by a sheikh, whose brother 
 he had released ; but here again he was disappointed. He 
 increased his numbers by pardoning other rebel chiefs; but 
 he felt all the time that he could not depend upon his 
 troops, and this was his greatest trouble. In the midst of 
 it all he was surrounded by thousands of determined Blacks, 
 who looked as if they meant murder, and nothing less. 
 Gordon knew that the firearms he and his “ troops 99 had 
 were almost useless; and he felt the shadow of death steal 
 over him. “ I prayed heartily for an issue,” he said ; “ but 
 it gave me a pain in the heart like that I had when sur¬ 
 rounded at Masindi. I do not fear death, but I fear, from 
 want of faith, the results of my death—for the whole 
 country would have risen. It is, indeed, most painful to be 
 in such a position. It takes a year’s work out of one. 
 
206 
 
 GENERAL GORDON . 
 
 However, thank God, it is over, and I hope to reach Dara 
 to-morrow.” He found afterwards that he had been abso¬ 
 lutely defenceless, for the man who had carried his rifle had 
 dropped it, and it was broken, so that if he had wanted to 
 fire he could not have done so. 
 
 Every one at Dara was surprised to see him. Troops had 
 been sent out to meet him, but had taken another direction 
 from that which he had travelled. Both here and at 
 Fascher the Pashas had been doing nothing but wait for 
 reinforcements. 
 
 Gordon was obliged to send an expedition against 
 Haroun, who declared himself the King of Darfour; and 
 nothing could be done until he was subdued. While 
 waiting to see what would be the result of this effort, the 
 Governor-General received a visit from the chief of the 
 Bazagat tribe, who had come to declare that he was ready 
 to side with the Government against Sebehr’s son, who 
 had pillaged and ill-treated them continually. But another 
 trouble now faced the commander of the Soudan. Food 
 was scarce, and how was he to feed the Bazagats who were 
 willing to join him ? Food was wanted in other directions 
 too. Two hundred and ten slaves were brought to him, 
 rescued from their captors, who were so miserable, and 
 thin, and starved, that at sight of them the tender-hearted 
 Governor burst into tears. He gave them some dhoura, 
 though he had so little that he did not know what he 
 should do. But he left that to God. “ I declare solemnly,” 
 he wrote “ that I would give my life willingly to save the 
 sufferings of these people ; and if I would do this, how 
 much more does He care for them than such imperfection 
 as I am. You would have felt sick if you had seen them. 
 Poor creatures ! thirty-six hours without food.” They had 
 positively been living on grass ! 
 
 From Dara the Governor-General went to Wadar; for 
 news reached him that there was difficulty with another 
 
THE LEVEL BALANCE. 
 
 207 
 
 tribe—the Leopards, as they called themselves—who had 
 attacked Toashia. They were overtaken by a fearful 
 thunderstorm, which lasted all night. “ I put on my great¬ 
 coat, put up my umbrella, and wished for dawn ! ” A battle 
 was fought in the morning, and the Leopards were beaten; 
 but they afterwards made a determined attack, and 
 although there were only seven hundred of them, they were 
 so resolute that they nearly won a victory. Gordon had 
 now the Masharin tribe to help him ; and in this engagement 
 their chief was mortally wounded. Gordon was disgusted 
 with his own troops, who were always afraid to fight, and let 
 others do their work. Indeed, the true-hearted man had to 
 endure sorrow of all kinds. In order to subdue the Leopard 
 tribe he had to keep them from water; but he sympathised 
 so much with their sufferings that he suffered with them. 
 “ Consider it as we may, war is a brutal, cruel affair,” he said. 
 But his determination to conquer them helped him to be 
 victorious even over his own kind feelings. He would not 
 allow the Leopards to drink until they sued for pardon. 
 Thirst overcame them. They swore fidelity and gave up 
 their spears; and then Gordon, with as much pleasure as 
 they felt themselves, signed their pardon and rewarded 
 them with water. 
 
 Next, the Governor-General went to Fascher, to relieve 
 the hemmed-in capital of Darfour; which he did, although 
 Hassin Pasha had not done it with more than ten thousand 
 men, and Gordon had only three hundred. 
 
 About this time he discovered that a lieutenant-colonel, 
 who had been sent out from Dara with an expedition, had 
 accepted a bribe from the chief he was to attack, &nd had 
 done nothing. This same man—who was supposed to be 
 supporting Gordon, and helping to carry out his orders—had 
 tried to excite the fanaticism of the people against him, by 
 giving them to understand that Gordon would not allow 
 the usual call to prayer to be issued. This was very far 
 
208 
 
 GENERAL GORDON . 
 
 from being the case. Only a short time previously he had 
 a mosque, which the Egyptians had before seized and 
 appropriated as a powder magazine, cleared and re-opened 
 for worship; and especially ordered the crier, or muezzin, to 
 call the people to prayers. “ To me it appears,” he said, 
 with the broad-heartedness which is one of his chief 
 characteristics,” that the Mussulman worship God as well 
 as I do, and is as acceptable, if sincere, as any Christian.” 
 It was, therefore, exceedingly cruel of this lieutenant- 
 colonel to pretend that Gordon prevented the crier to 
 prayer from doing his duty; and he was so angry that he 
 gave the crier two sovereigns, and sent the lieutenant- 
 colonel into banishment, so that he might have time to 
 reflect. 
 
 Troubles and perplexities thickened around General 
 Gordon. He described the chief of them in very few 
 words: — 
 
 “ Sebehr’s son, with his 3000 men, now want to help me 
 ( [i.e ., ravage the country) against my will! Haroun is 
 ravaging the country to the north, and I am placed between 
 these two forces. The whole of the tribes around Sebehr’s 
 son are hostile to him, and partially hostile to me, and in 
 favour of Haroun ; but asking me to help them against the 
 armed force of Sebehr’s son—a triangular duel.” 
 
 In the midst of it he received intelligence that the 
 slave traders, with 6000 troops, had reached Dara. Hr 
 hurried there at once, arriving long before his escort 
 having ridden eighty-five miles in a day and a-half. There 
 was no dinner for him, but he had some sleep ; and then, 
 rising at dawn, he put on the golden armour the Khedive 
 had given him, and rode off to the robber bands. On his 
 way he was met by the son of Sebehr, “ a nice-looking lad 
 of twenty-two,” and then he -went into the rebel camp. 
 “The whole body of chiefs were dumfoundered at my 
 coming among them. After a glass of water I went back, 
 
THE LEVEL BALANCE. 
 
 209 
 
 telling the son of Sebehr to come with his family to my 
 divan. They all came, and, sitting there in a circle, I gave 
 them in choice Arabic my ideas—That they meditated 
 revolt; that I knew it, and that they should now have my 
 ultimatum—viz., that I would disarm them and break 
 them up. They listened in silence, and then went off to 
 consider in silence what I had said. They have just now 
 sent in a letter stating their submission, and I thank God 
 for it.” 
 
 Gordon was able to tell Sulieman that he knew he 
 had only three days before fired three shots close to his 
 tent. 
 
 Sulieman was forgiven; but the trouble was not soon 
 over. Gordon feared he would have to make him a 
 prisoner, which he did not wish to do, for he had a good 
 deal of admiration for him. “ I cannot help feeling for 
 him,” he wrote, “ for he is a smart little fellow ; the terror 
 in which he has kept the mightiest of these freebooters 
 is something wonderful. They are all afraid of him, and he 
 made men of all sorts prisoners.” 
 
 Sebehr’s son got very angry with Gordon because he 
 would not give him robes. It is a wonder that he did not 
 kill him. He might have done so. Even then Sulieman 
 could feel far more sure of his men than Gordon of his. 
 
 At that time General Gordon had the grief to discover 
 that his black secretary had taken <£3000 backsheesh. He 
 said it was horrible. He sent the man to Khartoum to be 
 judged ; and in his place appointed Berzati Bey, a clever 
 young Mussulman, with whom he was very well pleased. 
 The black secretary was sent to Khartoum to meet the 
 justice that was due to him. 
 
 In September he decided to ride to Shaka and complete 
 what had been begun by the submission of Sulieman. He 
 rode through the forest; and when he was six hours from 
 Shaka he had an invitation from Sebehr’s son to come and 
 
 e 14 
 
210 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 see him. When he was nearer still, Sulieman and his officers 
 came to meet him. They were very subdued, and appar¬ 
 ently sincere in their penitence. Sulieman said that 
 Gordon was his father, and he wished him to make his 
 home with him. Gordon decided to go. He wrote a note 
 in the “ Cave of Adullam,” as he called the home of the 
 robber chiefs son. He had made himself quite at home, 
 and rather rejoiced in the astonishment which he knew 
 would be felt at his unceremoniously taking his seat. “ I 
 am in the son’s house. He never used to let anyone sit in 
 his presence, and must be shocked at the familiarity with 
 which every one was treated by me. He is sitting out in 
 the verandah—I expect to excite my pity. However, a 
 short diet of humble pie will not be bad for him. What 
 an amount of trouble he has given me and everyone! ” 
 
 He stayed there for two days, and then went to Obeid, 
 taking Sulieman with him. The town of Shaka was full of 
 slaves. The Arabs were quarrelling as to whom they 
 would choose for chiefs. They selected one man, and 
 crowned him with corn-leaves. 
 
 As he went to Obeid, Gordon had a suspicion that 
 actually a caravan of slaves was going with him. There 
 were many women and children, but the merchants declared 
 they were their wives and children. He found at last that 
 eighty slaves were really going up with him in chains. He 
 was very disheartened ; slavery met him everywhere, but he 
 did not see that he could release them; he only insisted on 
 the chains being removed. 
 
 General Gordon got very tired just at that time with the 
 thought of the 2300 miles he had ridden over the desert, and 
 the many miles he had yet to go. 
 
 On the road to Obeid he picked up slaves constantly. 
 He found a little black boy who had been left behind, 
 and also a lad with a string of slaves ; some were dying, 
 and some v ere ill. He lost all patience and hope. It 
 
THE LEVEL BALANCE. 
 
 211 
 
 seemed no use trying to subdue the trade. It was more 
 than man could do \ he felt that none could accomplish it 
 but God. 
 
 The people at Obeid were delighted to see him again. 
 But he did not stay there long. He went on to Khartoum. 
 He was wanted to do so much that his camels could not 
 keep up the pace which he required. At Khartoum he had 
 petitions to read and hear, and trials of murderers and 
 others to attend to. “ You can have little idea of the 
 amount of work I have to do, and I never have a Sunday 
 or a day of rest. Now that I have given up all drinking of 
 wine or spirits, I am much better, and sleep well; but it is 
 a fever life I lead. Were it not for the very great comfort 
 I have in communion with God, and the knowledge that 
 He is Governor-General, I could not get on at all.” 
 
CHAPTER XXL 
 
 \ 
 
 ROMULUS GESSI. 
 
 “No man can justly praise 
 But what he doth affect.” 
 
 — Timon of Athens. 
 
 ROM Khartoum General Gordon started to 
 visit Walad el Michael's camp at Hellal. 
 This necessitated a sail up the Nile, and gave 
 | the rest which he needed, and which was of 
 the utmost use to him. From Berber to Dongola the 
 journey was again made on camels, and he happened not 
 to have very good ones provided. At Berber he found 
 that there was to be an illumination in his honour, which 
 he did not at all admire. At Meroc he was surrounded by 
 people. A real live Governor is not often seen in those 
 parts; and the people were so eager to pour their complaints 
 into his ears, that they actually shouted after him for hours 
 when he left. They threw dust on their heads, and waved 
 their clothes, and shouted, “We are miserable,” until Gor¬ 
 don felt inclined to shout back, “So am I.” And, indeed, 
 he was; for he was at that time not only tired, but ill. 
 
ROMULUS GESSL 
 
 213 
 
 When he reached Abou Heraz, he found that of the twenty- 
 eight camels which he owned, fourteen had died of small¬ 
 pox. To compensate for that worry, the next thing he 
 recorded was that the nights were wonderful with the new 
 moon. The air was exceedingly clear, and they saw the 
 crescent and the whole circle. He heard that the Greeks 
 at Kassala and Katarif employed gangs of slaves to culti¬ 
 vate tobacco and other things; so he decided to have the 
 slaves seized. On his way he had a little incident with the 
 “ holy man ” among the Mussulmans who was before men¬ 
 tioned. Gordon had once, by mistake, sat upon his divan, 
 and so broken through the rules of Mussulman etiquette ; 
 but on this occasion he was careful to leave the seat of 
 honour for the priest, and he also presented him with 
 twenty pounds. 
 
 The good man could not help wishing that Gordon would 
 become a Mussulman. Others had wished so too; but the 
 Governor-General did not intend to change, and he knew 
 that if he did, he would be less, and not more respected by 
 the people. 
 
 On the 16 th of December he reached the camp of Walad 
 el Michael. He found it on the top of a high mountain. 
 To reach it two hills had to be scaled, and this was 
 terrible work for the man, already exhausted. He found 
 Walad with 7000 men, all armed and drawn up to receive 
 him. The chief himself was not there, but he sent his son. 
 Gordon went on towards the camp of the chief, who was 
 said to be ill with a bad knee. A procession of priests with 
 sacred pictures walked before Gordon, and in front of him 
 was Walad’s general-in-chief. At length the sheikh was 
 reached; and having paid his respects to him, Gordon was 
 taken to a hut which was appropriated to him during his 
 stay. The hut looked suspicious, especially as similar huts 
 for his ten attendants were grouped around, and they found 
 themselves boxed up into a very small space. 
 
214 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 “What does this mean?” asked the eyes of his ten 
 soldiers. 
 
 Gordon himself felt that the position was more than a 
 little dangerous. But he was able now, as in all the crises 
 of his life, to retain his coolness and courage. 
 
 “ If Michael wants to make me a prisoner, of course he 
 can do so,” he said to the interpreter, “ but he’d better not; 
 it would be worse for him in the end.” 
 
 Both Michael and his son at once commenced to make 
 such profuse apologies that the General knew that at 
 present, at all events, he was not a prisoner. 
 
 “ It is all right,” he said to his host; “ only if the news 
 reached Senheit that I was so boxed up, they might think 
 I was a prisoner, and that would cause too much excite¬ 
 ment to be pleasant for any of us.” 
 
 The next day he had a long talk with Michael, in which 
 he advised him to show a little humility toward Johannis, 
 and ask for pardon. “ That is impossible,” replied Walad 
 el Michael, “ and we need talk no more on that point, for it 
 is waste of time.” 
 
 He asked Gordon to give him more districts—that he 
 might plunder them, of course—and declared that if Gordon 
 would not prevent him he could take another Abyssinian 
 town, Adoua. But the Governor-General would not hear 
 of that. 
 
 News came to Gordon at this time that the troops had 
 attacked some of Johannis’s tribes, which annoyed him. 
 Gordon was trying to make peace between Egypt and 
 Abyssinia—a peace that should be satisfactory, and there¬ 
 fore lasting; but he was hindered at every turn. He 
 sought to get from Johannis a promise of pardon for the 
 men of Walad el Michael; but Johannis was so long in 
 answering his letter that by the end of the year he went 
 back to Khartoum, travelling vid Suakim and Berber. He 
 was not well—so much travelling on camels had shaken 
 
ROMULUS GESSL 215 
 
 him. He had ridden during the year nearly four thousand 
 miles. 
 
 In the beginning of January 1878 Colonel Gordon was 
 summoned to Cairo by the Khedive, who wanted to 
 consult him on the state of his finances, which, at that time, 
 was anything but satisfactory. He was obliged to obey 
 the summons, although he would rather not have done so; 
 and he started off at once on the long journey, taking with 
 him a present of some curious old armour and regalia, which 
 the Khedive afterwards presented to the Paris Museum. 
 He was received by the Khedive with the greatest respect, 
 and lodged in the palace which the Prince of Wales had 
 occupied during his visit. Every honour and attention was 
 lavished on the Governor-General of the Soudan, who 
 certainly deserved it all, and more, but who scarcely 
 appreciated it. The change from the desert to so much 
 grandeur was so great and sudden, that he and his men 
 were quite dazed. 
 
 His visit to Cairo, instead of proving, as it ought to have 
 done, a season of rest and recreation, only served to wear 
 and trouble him more. The difficulties so thickened around 
 him that he sometimes grew tired, and wished himself away 
 “ where the wicked cease from troubling, and the weary are 
 at rest.” The Khedive would not agree to the plans which 
 he proposed ; and yet Gordon would not give way, for 
 he had that confidence in himself which every man has 
 who does any good or great work in the world. He felt 
 afterwards that he had been almost too outspoken; but 
 that was one of his characteristics, and no one would have 
 wished otherwise of him. 
 
 Colonel Gordon remained in Cairo until the end of 
 March, when he left for Suez. He had now to go to Zeila, 
 which formerly belonged to Turkey, but had been annexed to 
 Egypt. From Zeila he went to Harrar, where Raouf 
 Pasha, whom Gordon had deposed four years before, was 
 
216 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 again carrying matters with a high hand. The road was 
 very bad, and he had to go on horseback. He found that 
 the road was used for the conveyance of slaves, and at once 
 resolved to stop that. His thoughts were not pleasant. 
 The Khedive was trying to compel him to make bricks 
 without straw—to carry on everything at the Soudan in an 
 expensive way, without allowing any expenses for it. But 
 in the midst of everything Gordon remained faithful to 
 his duty. 
 
 On the route he met a caravan conveying £2000 worth 
 of coffee, which was to be sold for the private benefit of 
 Baouf. He at once confiscated it—for Baouf had no right 
 whatever to it—and dismissed the man from office. 
 
 When Gordon reached Harrar, he found that three cows 
 had been slaughtered in honour of his arrival. It was 
 worse than the illuminations, for the death of the animals 
 distressed the man, who could not bear the sight of suffering 
 in any shape. He paid five pounds for the cows, and felt 
 so vexed they had been killed, that, for the moment, it 
 prevented him from noticing Baouf, for whom after he 
 felt sorry in turn. 
 
 Bad news reached him at Massawa, for he heard that 
 Walad el Michael had attacked Bas Bariou, the general of 
 Johannis, and slain him. On his way back to Khartoum he 
 wrote :—“ In one month I have turned out three generals 
 of division, one general of brigade, and four lieutenant- 
 colonels. It is no use mincing matters.” 
 
 At Khartoum he found all work greatly in arrears. He 
 had to attend to the prisons, which were in a very bad 
 state, and to examine into the case of each prisoner. The 
 Khedive also had wished him to look into the difficulties 
 which beset his scheme of making a railway. The finances, 
 too, were very unsatisfactory. It is impossible to make the 
 Soudan pay its own expenses—it never has done so; and 
 Gordon found that in one year it had cost £259,000 more 
 
ROMULUS GESSI. 
 
 217 
 
 than it had produced. Things seemed to be wrong every 
 way; and the cares and troubles of state so oppressed the 
 brave man at the helm, that if he had not been a Christian, 
 and able to rely on God, and felt assured of divine support, 
 he must have broken down altogether. 
 
 One result comforted him, however: in two months he 
 had stopped twelve caravans of slaves. 
 
 He became very summary in his dealings with the 
 traders. He hung a man for mutilating a little boy, 
 and established a “ government of terror ” over those who, 
 for their own greed, seemed determined still to traffic in 
 human bodies. It greatly troubled the Governor-General, 
 who would have given his life to prevent it. 
 
 But in the meantime a crisis was approaching. 
 
 On the 8th August he wrote :—“ I have a nasty revolt 
 in Bahr Gazelle, and do not know how it will end.” 
 
 Sulieman, the son of Sebehr, had revolted, and again 
 had taken possession of that province. 
 
 This meant that all kinds of cruelties would be practised 
 by the slave dealers, and that Sebehr’s gang, if unsuppressed, 
 would undo all the work of reformation which had been 
 going on for several years. Clearly, a force must be sent to 
 fi^Ht and overcome Sulieman. 
 
 The Governor-General took prompt steps at once. He 
 seized and imprisoned all the relatives of* Sebehr whom he 
 could find, and confiscated their goods. 
 
 Then he sent an expedition to Bahr Gazelle, under the 
 command of Romulus Gessi, the Italian before mentioned. 
 He was thus described:—“Aged forty-nine. Short, com¬ 
 pact figure; cool, most determined man. Born genius for 
 practical ingenuity in mechanics. Ought to have been born 
 in 1560, not 1832. Same disposition as Francis Drake. 
 Had been engaged in many political affairs. Was inter¬ 
 preter to Her Majesty’s forces in the Crimea, and attached 
 to the head-quarters of the Royal Artillery.” 
 
218 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 Gessi was a very suitable man for the expedition. 
 
 He went into the equatorial province for troops, and 
 then started on his mission. He was at first greatly 
 hindered. It was flood time: all the tributaries of the 
 Bahr Gazelle were overflowing. This was a sore trouble to 
 Gessi, for news came which made him wish more than ever to 
 meet the rebel Sulieman. These tidings were to the effect 
 that he had proclaimed himself the Lord of the Bahr 
 Gazelle. He had surprised a garrison, massacred the troops, 
 and appropriated to himself the stores of ammunition. Of 
 course he had been opposed by the chieftains near ; but he 
 had slain the men, and, worst of all, had made slaves of the 
 women and children whom he did not butcher. The people 
 were starving; for Sulieman had stolen their grain, and 
 they had nothing to eat but leaves and grass.. 
 
 Gessi could not at once begin, and the Arabs who 
 waited to see which side w T as likely to win, though at first 
 invited to help Gessi, went over to Sulieman. The latter 
 had 6000 men, while Gessi had only three hundred soldiers, 
 two guns, and seven hundred irregulars, very badly armed. 
 Gordon had been asked to send reinforcements, but the 
 “ sudd ” at that time prevented any letters from going up 
 the Nile. Gessi had to wait, and while he did so he made 
 many discoveries respecting the way in which the province 
 was governed. He found that far too much money was 
 spent upon it, and that the men who were paid had so little 
 to do that they passed much of their time in play. While 
 they were still waiting the troops became mutinous, and 
 some of them deserted, Gessi soon put a stop to this, for 
 he shot the ringleader and flogged others. 
 
 On the 17th of November he began his march, which was 
 one of the most difficult, for he had to go through depths of 
 forests, and wade through rivers, encumbered though he 
 was with a lot of women, and children, and slaves. For 
 some days he saw no one : Sulieman’s men had fled. Boats 
 
ROMULUS GESSL 
 
 219 
 
 were destroyed, and he had great difficulty in getting his 
 men across. He made a stockade at Wari, behind which 
 he could leave the women and children. The natives 
 hailed his approach, and told him that ten thousand persons 
 had been taken away from the Bahr Gazelle into slavery by 
 Sulieman. The latter promised that he would take the 
 men, and let them get their wives and children back. He 
 found plenty ready to help him, for the cruelties of Sebehr’s 
 son made them eager for revenge. 
 
 At Dem, Idris, a friendly Arab, gave Gessi seven hundred 
 armed men to help him; and with these he took possession 
 of the stronghold, which he strengthened, and in which he 
 waited for the approach of Sulieman. In this stronghold 
 he had to remain a considerable time. Sulieman attacked him 
 four times. Gessi was often in great straits ; and once he 
 had to collect and re-cast the bullets which Sulieman fired 
 into the camp. 
 
 On the 12th of January 1879 there was very severe 
 fighting, and Gessi won a decided victory. Of Sulieman’s 
 force more than a thousand were slain; but Gessi dared not 
 follow the enemy, for Sulieman had many more men than 
 he. After that there was a fortnight of quiet; but on 
 the 28th of January Sulieman again made an attack. 
 Gessi had a little more ammunition by this time. A 
 terrible onslaught was made, and Gessi was compelled to 
 meet the enemy in the open, for his huts had been set on 
 fire by the shells. Again, however, he was victorious. 
 
 Some time passed, and then Gessi had some powder sent 
 him, which made him feel that he might attack the enemy. 
 His men were as brave as the Ever-Victorious Army had 
 been; they won one victory after another, and rescued 
 hosts of slaves. He proved himself a man after Gordon’s 
 own heart, doing the same kind of work, and very much in 
 the same way as the Governor-General. 
 
 Early in May he went to find Sulieman. When he had 
 
220 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 nearly reached the robber’s den, an attack was made upon 
 him, but he (Gessi) pressed on and got into Sulieman’s 
 camp. The men plundered the camp, and Sulieman managed 
 to escape. Gessi tried to follow him, but the troops did 
 not do so well as they might have done. Sulieman had 
 passed through a village, and only one woman was left 
 behind to tell the tale. Gessi told his men to search for 
 stragglers in the grass; they found one, and compelled him 
 to act as guide. 
 
 They went on, trying to overtake Sulieman, and their 
 march revealed many atrocities. They came upon the 
 murdered bodies of little children, who had not been able to 
 keep up with the others, and had been slaughtered. They 
 found a great slave-chief (Abu Shnep), and entered into 
 conflict with him. A strange thing happened to Gessi. 
 Seven men mistook his camp for that of Rabi, who was 
 Sulieman’s companion. They told him that Sultan Idris 
 was coming with a force to assist Sulieman. This infor¬ 
 mation helped Gessi very much. He managed to get Rabi’s 
 men and the Sultan’s into conflict; and then had a fight, and 
 won, which victory provided his men with food. Rabi 
 escaped, and so did the Sultan. The league of the slave- 
 drivers was broken up, and Gessi marched back to Dem. 
 
 Early in July Gessi again heard of Sulieman, whom he at 
 once pursued. Sulieman, knowing this, fled before him. 
 Gessi followed with three companies; and on the night of 
 15th July he overtook the enemy at Gara. He had 
 no compunction, for these men had devastated villages, and 
 murdered families and tribes in cold-blooded cruelty for so 
 long, that the very babes seemed crying for revenge. Gessi 
 had two hundred and ninety men, and the rebels were seven 
 hundred; but Gessi’s men had excellent rifles. He 
 sent to Sulieman, calling upon him at once to lay 
 down his arms, and giving him ten minutes in which 
 to decide. The slave dealers were quite taken by sur- 
 
ROMULUS GESSI. 
 
 221 
 
 prise; for Gessi had come upon them while they were 
 asleep. They could not tell but that the latter had an 
 immense force to back him, so they sent word that they 
 would surrender. They were told to come and lay down 
 their arms. Dr, Hill* relates the conversation which took 
 place between Gessi and Sulieman :— 
 
 “ What! have you no other troops h ” 
 
 “ Ho, they were enough.” 
 
 “ And I had seven hundred men.” He began to weep at 
 the thought of the small force to which he had submitted. 
 Turning to one of his chiefs, he said— 
 
 “ They had not more than three hundred men! and you 
 told me there were three thousand of them. If only my 
 father had been here to take the command, we should never 
 have been beaten.” 
 
 The prisoners were taken care of; Gessi would not have 
 had them bound but for the news that they intended to 
 escape. 
 
 “ Then,” said Gessi, “ I found that the time had come to 
 settle with these people once for all; ” and he proceeded to 
 do it. To the common soldiers he offered pardon, on 
 condition that they went back to their own country and 
 settled down to a peaceful life. They accepted, and went 
 off under an escort. The small slave dealers were made 
 prisoners and sent away. The eleven chiefs were shot. 
 They had been told two years before that if they went on 
 with their slave-hunting, they should answer for it with 
 their lives. They did so now. Sulieman sank on the ground 
 in terror, and another wept; but they were all executed, 
 as they deserved to be. 
 
 And so ended the great revolt of Sebehr, for in the 
 person of his son he paid for the crimes that he had com¬ 
 mitted, although Sebehr himself was allowed to live on by 
 the authorities in Cairo. 
 
 * Colonel Gordon in Central Africa. 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 KING JOHANNIS OF ABYSSINIA. 
 
 u His life was gentle ; and the elements 
 So mix’d in him, that Nature might stand up 
 And say to all the world, This was a man ! ” 
 
 —Julius Ccesar. 
 
 O return to Colonel Gordon. We find that he 
 had been occupied in many ways while Gessi 
 was accomplishing the great work of punishing 
 the slave dealers in the Bahr Gazelle. Two 
 things troubled him more than all beside—the slave trade 
 and the finances of the Soudan. But there were plenty of 
 other troubles too. He had several times been so anxious 
 about Gessi, that he had scarcely strength to endure the 
 strain. Xubar had to look after the finances, and was half 
 inclined to get money by becoming friends with Sebehr. 
 He heard news which pleased him when he was told that 
 Walad el Michael had sent in his submission to Johannis. 
 He was not inclined to be severe upon the King of 
 Abyssinia. He was summoned to Cairo three times, but he 
 did not go. He was worried almost out of his life about the 
 slaves. The Khedive told him he was to punish slave- 
 
KING JOHANNIS OF ABYSSINIA . 
 
 223 
 
 dealing with death. But then the Khedive had also issued 
 an order that the punishment of slave-dealing was to be 
 an imprisonment from five months to five years. And, on 
 the other hand, Nubar Pasha sent him a telegram to say 
 that slave-purchasing in Egypt was legal. All this tried 
 him exceedingly. He tells of passing caravans—one with 
 two slave dealers and seventeen slaves, some of the women 
 being quite naked; and another with seven slave dealers 
 and seventeen slaves. “ Nothing could exceed the misery 
 of these poor wretches; some were children of three years 
 old. They had come across the torrid zone from Shaker, a 
 journey from which I and my camels shrunk. I got the 
 slave dealers charged at once, and then decided about the 
 slaves.” 
 
 He had to go to Shaka soon after that. He ordered the 
 slave dealers to get away from the village which they had 
 thought their own; and they departed at the command of 
 the Governor-General, who hoped they never would come 
 back again. He found that there was a great panic among 
 the slave dealers everywhere, for they had heard of 
 Sulieman’s defeat and death. 
 
 At Shaka, Gordon had a telegram ordering him to send up 
 ,£12,000 to Cairo. He replied that his troops were several 
 months in arrear, and had no clothes; so he sent to Cairo 
 to ask them to send him £12,000. 
 
 At Shaka, Gordon’s 25,000 troops were all black, and all 
 recruited from slaves. 
 
 From Shaka, Gordon went to Kalaka, where he found at 
 least a thousand slaves wandering about. From Kalaka he 
 went to Dara, and then to Fascher and Kobeyt, in the 
 north of Darfour. He heard that Kalkal was beset by 
 brigands; so he went to see about it, travelling over a road 
 which no one had travelled for two years. The lands were 
 miserable, but he thought it was no use writing to the 
 Khedive, who had enough on his hands. He sent out to 
 
224 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 Khartoum four hundred Arabs, who needed food and 
 clothes : “a great deliverance of useless mouths.” In June 
 he went to Toaschia; and his march was made horrible by 
 the number of skulls which he found on the road. He had 
 them put in heaps by the wells, as monuments of the 
 cruelty of the slavers. As he was going from Oomchanga 
 to Toaschia, he caught five or six hundred. 
 
 On the 25th of June the two heroes, Gordon and Gessi, 
 met. Both looked much older. Gordon had Gessi made a 
 Pasha of the Bahr Gazelle, and £2000 was presented to 
 him for his useful services. The two men soon parted— 
 Gessi to complete his work and Gordon to go on to new 
 surprises—ior at Fogria the news reached him that Ismail, 
 the Khedive of Egypt, was deposed; and Gordon was 
 ordered to proclaim throughout the Soudan the fact that 
 Tewfik was his successor. 
 
 From that time he began to long for home. He was 
 sorry for Ismail, although Tew r fik was evidently inclined to 
 be kind to him. Gordon cannot help getting attached to 
 the people whom he serves. “ It grieves me what sufferings 
 my poor Khedive Ismail has had to go through.” 
 
 On July 21st he wrote home :—“ I shall (D. V.) leave for 
 Cairo in ten days, and shall hope to see you soon : but I 
 may have to go to Johannis before I go to Cairo.” 
 
 This is exactly what he had to do. He reached Cairo on 
 the 23rd of August, and left for Massawa, on a mission 
 to King Johannis, on August 30th. The Khedive Tewfik 
 sent a messenger, on Gordon’s arrival at Cairo, to tell him 
 that the palace was at his disposal; but he felt cross, and 
 at first inclined to stop at the hotel. His secretary, Berzati 
 Bey, however, advised him not to do so, and he therefore 
 accepted the courtesy of the Khedive. The latter was glad 
 to consult Colonel Gordon on many points; and first, they 
 had a talk about the threatened attack of the generals 
 of Johannis, Aloula, and Walad el Michael, on the Bogos 
 
 v 
 
KING JOHANNIS OF ABYSSINIA. 
 
 225 
 
 territory. Gordon was asked if he would go to Johannis 
 on a special mission, and he replied that he would go, and 
 then he would retire from the service of the Khedive. The 
 Egyptian men thought that the Governor-General had been 
 a little too friendly with Johannis, and Gordon found that 
 there had been many absurd speculations and reports afloat 
 concerning him. He said that if there were any more 
 evil-speaking, he would ask the Khedive to punish the 
 “evil-speaker,” by making him Governor-General of the 
 Soudan ! 
 
 He started on his mission to Johannis on the 11th of 
 September, taking with him one person only, his secretary 
 and interpreter, Berzati Bey. He was first to visit Aloula. 
 He had not proceeded far on his journey before he was 
 told that Walad el Michael was imprisoned by Aloula, in 
 accordance with Johannis’s orders. Colonel Gordon was 
 starting on a mission as difficult and dangerous as any in 
 which he had previously been engaged. The Abyssinians 
 were in possession of the Bogos district, and he was to ask 
 the king to give it up; at the same time he was to under¬ 
 stand that the Khedive wished neither to fight nor to pay. 
 
 The road was very bad, and Gordon suffered a good deal 
 from palpitation of the heart, for he had to walk many 
 miles, and had only a mule on which to ride. He had 
 plenty of time to consider, and he thought through the 
 details of his mission as he went. He was going w T ith 
 empty hands. He saw one thing clearly—that with or 
 without the help of Johannis he must get rid of Walad 
 el Michael and his men; and he was especially hopeful that 
 the king would offer an asylum to Michael’s men when 
 they left Bogos. 
 
 He reached Gura on the afternoon of September 16th, 
 and had his interview with Aloula, which he described 
 in a most amusing manner. The chief was swathed in a 
 white garment, so that only his nose was visible, and to the 
 
 e 15 
 
226 
 
 GENERAL GORDON . 
 
 mouth both he and the rest applied their veils, as if some¬ 
 thing poisonous had entered. “ Solemn silence prevailed, 
 and I got quite distressed, for the figure at the end never 
 moved, and I felt as if I must feel his pulse, for I thought 
 he must be ill.” After a time the solemnity was a little 
 relaxed. Gordon presented the Khedive’s letter, but it was 
 slightingly put down on the table unread. Aloula said that 
 the king had forbidden smoking, but Gordon might smoke 
 if he chose. But he declined. After a great deal of fuss, 
 the interview was over, and it was arranged that Gordon 
 should go on to the king; and in the meantime Aloula 
 promised that he would remain quiet, and not attack 
 Egypt. 
 
 The envoy accordingly started for Debra Tabor, near 
 Gondar, a journey which would occupy him twelve days. 
 One night he camped near the place where Walad el Michael 
 was in prison. On his journey he very narrowly escaped 
 being taken by a chief and his men who were in revolt 
 against the king. Some of Aloula’s men were with him, or 
 he might have been seized. The journey was altogether 
 very difficult and dangerous; but on 27th October he 
 reached the man who chose to be called “ The King of 
 Kings.” The guns fired a salute, which Johannis informed 
 him was in his honour. The king received him sitting on 
 a raised dais, and had present with him his father on 
 one hand and the high priest on the other. The king 
 gave him audience for a few seconds, and then told him 
 he could retire, which he did. 
 
 At dawn next morning the king sent for him, and 
 immediately began to recount his grievances, declaring that 
 he had been grossly wronged by Egypt. As Gordon 
 agreed with him, he asked why he had come. He reminded 
 him of the letter which he had already delivered, but 
 which he found had not been read. The letter was found 
 and read ; and then the king stated his claim, which was 
 
KING JOHANNIS OF ABYSSINIA. 227 
 
 an altogether preposterous one, and which the envoy said 
 was not for him to reply to, but for the Khedive. 
 
 The king went away to the baths—“ a hot spring coming 
 up through a bamboo in an old hut,” said Gordon, who 
 had to wait some time before he could know the king’s 
 pleasure. 
 
 Gordon wanted him to state his wishes in writing; but 
 this Johannis did not wish to do. Gordon heard that the 
 Greek consul and others were urging Johannis to make 
 great demands. He told the king that although he had 
 positive orders not to cede Bogus to him, he would try to 
 use his private influence with Egypt to get this secured to 
 him. Johannis continued very cross and sulky, and at last 
 told him to go back, and he would send his own envoy with 
 his answer to the Khedive. Then Gordon asked that the 
 Egyptian soldiers might be given to him, which made 
 Johannis more angry still, and he told him to start at 
 once. 
 
 After he had left, he was overtaken by the king’s 
 messenger, who brought him a letter and a thousand dollars. 
 He would not take the money ; and later he read the letter, 
 as he had a right to do in his official capacity of Governor 
 of the Soudan. When it was translated it was found to be 
 very insulting. It said that Johannis had received the 
 letters sent by that man , and he would not make a secret 
 peace; if the Khedive wanted peace he must ask the 
 Sultans of Europe. Colonel Gordon wrote to the Greek 
 consul to ask what it meant; and having had an answer 
 that the king would do as he pleased, he went on his 
 way. 
 
 He had not gone far before he was taken prisoner 
 by the king’s orders. Gordon destroyed his journal and 
 went on. He found that Has Arya, the officer who had 
 arrested him, was a worthless fellow, not in the least loyal 
 to the king. Gordon gave him some money to send his 
 
228 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 telegrams safely, and after a time got free, although he was 
 again arrested later on. He had to buy his way out of 
 Abyssinia with gold. But at last he reached Massawa ; and 
 to his great delight and thankfulness found an English 
 gun-boat, the Seagull , waiting for him. 
 
 The following amusing story was afterwards told :— 
 “ When Gordon Pasha was lately taken prisoner by the 
 Abyssinians he completely checkmated King John. The 
 king received his prisoner sitting on his throne, or what¬ 
 ever piece of furniture did duty for that exalted seat, a 
 chair being placed for the prisoner considerably lower than 
 the seat on which the king sat. The first thing the Pasha 
 did was to seize this chair, place it alongside that of his 
 Majesty, and sit down on it; the next, to inform him that 
 he met him as an equal, and would only treat him as such. 
 This somewhat disconcerted his sable Majesty; but on 
 recovering himself he said, ‘ Do you know, Gordon Pasha, 
 that I could kill you on the spot if I liked V ‘I am per¬ 
 fectly well aware of it, your Majesty/ said the Pasha. 
 ‘Do so at once, if it is your royal pleasure; I am ready.’ 
 This disconcerted the king still more, and he exclaimed, 
 ‘ What! ready to be killed ! ’ ‘ Certainly,’ replied the 
 
 Pasha; ‘ I am always ready to die ; and so far from fear¬ 
 ing your putting me to death, you would confer a favour on 
 me by so doing, for you would be doing for me that which 
 I am precluded by my religious scruples from doing for 
 myself—you would relieve me from all the troubles and 
 misfortunes which the future may have in store for me.’ 
 This completely staggered King John, who gasped out in 
 despair, ‘Then my power has no terrors for you*?’ ‘None 
 whatever,’ was the Pasha’s laconic reply. His Majesty, it 
 is needless to add, instantly collapsed.” 
 
CHAPTER XXIII 
 
 REST OR WORK ^ 
 
 “ God shall be my hope, my stay, my guide, 
 
 And lantern to my feet.” 
 
 —Henry VI. 
 
 HE next tidings that the world had of General 
 Gordon were to the effect that he had resigned 
 his post in Egypt. This caused more surprise 
 to people then than it will to those who 
 have been following his career as it is now written. Before 
 he went to Abyssinia he had made up his mind to do so, 
 partly because of events in Egypt, and partly because he 
 needed and longed for rest. On the 15th December 
 Colonel Gordon telegraphed to the Khedive:—“I asked 
 your Highness, when I was taken by King John, on 
 14th November, by telegraph, to send a regiment and a 
 steamer with two guns to Massowa. Your Highness has 
 not done so; and had not the English gun-boat been here, 
 the place might have been sacked.” 
 
 It was a happy thing that the gunboat Seagull was 
 ready ; and England had her son, of whom she will for 
 ever be proud, brought safely home. 
 
230 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 Many things had occurred to give pain and annoyance to 
 him. Some of the Khedive’s ministers had wished to 
 interfere much more than was pleasant to Gordon. The 
 following characteristic letter, written to M. Ninet, and 
 afterwards published in The Echo , throws a little light 
 upon these matters :— 
 
 “My dear M. Ninet—I do not measure myself as a 
 soldier with a Napoleon I., nor as an administrator with a 
 Colbert. I claim only to have done my best for the land 
 the government of which was entrusted to me. I dare to 
 assert that, spite of all my faults, the population of the 
 Soudan loves me. The Egyptian and European public are 
 not capable of criticising me. A man must be in the 
 Soudan, and see it with his own eyes, to know how things 
 go there. If the councillors of the Khedive, and his 
 courtiers, pretend that I have betrayed their land, in the 
 matter of taking from them a foot on the Ked Sea (for 
 Abyssinia or Italy), then—they lie. I will tell you what 
 I telegraphed in cipher to the Khedive :—‘ If France and 
 England, after they put all Egypt’s sugar into their own 
 pocket, should leave Egypt in the lurch by refusing her the 
 little salt she needs, then turn yourself straight to Italy, 
 and give her a haven on the Ked Sea.’ It was my duty 
 in this affair to give my straightforward opinion to the 
 Khedive. One of his own ministers had said to a Consul- 
 General that Egypt ought to give a port on the Ked Sea to 
 Abyssinia, and that such a concession would be no injury 
 whatever to the Nile-land. Now, my dear M. Ninet, I said 
 to the Khedive in cipher what one of his own ministers had 
 already said in open language. After I have held the post 
 of a Governor-General of the Soudan (a dignity second only, 
 on account of its importance, to that of the Khedive), you 
 will understand why I decline to hold any more subordinate 
 place. I am going, and shall return no more to Egypt, 
 
REST OR WORK? 
 
 231 
 
 where I could nob even be Khedive. The Khedive is a 
 noble man, and I am quite ready to die for him. As for 
 the rest, whether they say bad or good of me, I am quite 
 indifferent.—Your friend, “ Gordon.” 
 
 It was well for him to have the thought of the love of 
 the Soudanese to comfort him, for he needed a little 
 cheering. His health had given way. He had really 
 been quite ill when he started for Abyssinia, and by no 
 means in a fit state of body to undertake so important 
 a mission. He had been doing work enough for several 
 men. In the three years during which he had been 
 Governor-General of the Soudan, he had ridden on camels 
 and mules eight thousand four hundred and ninety miles. 
 He was worn out, and needed rest. He had looked forward 
 to it for some time. In his letters he had playfully written 
 of the good things which he had promised himself when the 
 work and the worry of his Soudan administration had come 
 to an end. He would lie in bed till noon, and have oysters 
 for lunch, and take no journeys, and receive no visits. We 
 can imagine that if he had been allowed to carry out this 
 programme, his life would soon have been again full of 
 work; and, perhaps, if he could have chosen his own occu¬ 
 pation, it would have been something like that which he had 
 done at Gravesend. 
 
 In one of his letters, written when he was under great 
 pressure, the following beautiful passage occurs :— 
 
 “ I will tell you a story of 1848 years ago. There was 
 a workman of Bethlehem who did not agree with the great 
 teachers of an old religion, who answered them roughly, 
 and who did not conform to their views, or pay them the 
 attention to which they were accustomed. He was always 
 in the slums with very dubious characters. This annoyed 
 the church class. ‘ Why do you frequent those slums ? * 
 He said, ‘ These slums need me to go to them ; for they arc 
 
232 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 sick at heart, and I bear them good news. I tell them they 
 are worth something, in spite of their ill deeds. I tell them 
 their God is a merciful God, and that He has worked 
 out their salvation not for their merits.’ Now, these slum 
 people liked their visitor. He had kind words for them. 
 He did not look on them as pariahs. He rather encouraged 
 these people, and He never said words of despair against 
 their evil ways; but he pointed out that happiness 
 resulted from a holy life. His strong rebukes were against 
 the white-robed, clean, respectable people, who thought 
 they were everything that was good, because they had 
 prayer meetings and sacrifices, and washed their hands 
 before eating. Well, you know this story. The good 
 people could not bear the home-thrusts they received, and 
 so they murdered Him. They were too good to do it 
 directly, but they worked up others to do it. The slum 
 people liked this man; He was never hard on them. 
 Some very dubious characters were well received by Him ; 
 but he was not polite to those who thought themselves 
 good. He found fault with the invitations they gave to 
 dinner, though He was their guest. He would have called 
 on the ‘ divorced.’ He would have tried to cheer their 
 life, and have aided them to see that, though the clerical 
 party would not notice them, they were still God’s children. 
 Fancy that none of these slum people ever went to church, 
 or ever gave a sacrifice ! They were like our own slum 
 people. They would not have liked any of the clerical 
 people to come among them, for the clerical people would 
 have exclaimed, £ I am better than you ; ; and human 
 nature does not like that, and will never crush and crowd 
 to hear it.” 
 
 He knew so well what human nature needed and liked, 
 and would crowd to hear, that it seems almost a pity he 
 was not allowed to remain in quiet and talk to them. 
 What a splendid missionary he would make ! How well 
 
REST OR WORK? 
 
 233 
 
 he could have taken his place among those who are en¬ 
 gaged on the Royal Commission to inquire into the 
 housing of the poor ! He would be as well received in 
 London as he was at Gravesend; and the poor people 
 would soon learn to bless the kindly, care-worn face, and 
 the generous hand of Chinese Gordon. 
 
 But he was not left to enjoy the rest and quiet that he 
 needed. Early in May there was a good deal of discussion 
 on the appointment of Lord Ripon to the Governor- 
 Generalship of India. 
 
 Many considered that he ought not to have been ap¬ 
 pointed, and that it was a mistake on the part of the 
 Government; but before the surprise evoked by the 
 appointment had died away, it was increased by another 
 astonishing report to the effect that Lord Ripon had 
 invited Colonel Gordon to become his private secretary, and 
 that Gordon had accepted the post. 
 
 Most persons were not only surprised, but displeased; 
 though a few thought it would prove a good thing. 
 
 The Afghan war had led people to think of establishing 
 a border-line between the English and Russian empires ; 
 and Mr. Charles Marvin, in Merv y the Queen of the World , 
 pointed out the man to do it :— 
 
 “ We should choose a good man for the solution of the 
 Anglo-Russian frontier question; we should allow him to 
 choose his own advisers ; we should give him abundance of 
 time to form his own opinions on the subject. He should 
 have unlimited funds to conduct explorations, and to 
 appoint assistant explorers. He should visit in succession 
 Russia and Persia, to realise correctly the genius of those 
 countries. He should have absolute freedom in the prepara¬ 
 tion of his plans, and the plan, when complete, should be 
 made the basis of a definite and final settlement of the 
 Central Asian question. 
 
 “I may be asked to point out the Atlas who can bear 
 
234 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 this enormous responsibility upon his shoulders. We have 
 not to go far to seek him. His name is well known. He 
 is not the offspring of a clique; he is not the creature of a 
 faction. He has fought well; he has ruled well. His 
 Christian piety is a proverb among those who know him; 
 his scorn of pelf and preferment is so remarkable, that he 
 almost stands alone—he hardly belongs to a place-hunting, 
 money-grubbing generation. He possesses the entire con¬ 
 fidence of all parties ; he enjoys the admiration and love of 
 the nation. Russia knows nothing to his detriment, and he 
 has recently earned her respect by his disinterested exer¬ 
 tions on her behalf in the distant East. I have no need to 
 utter his name. It springs spontaneously to the reader’s 
 lips—Chinese Gordon ! ” 
 
 Colonel Gordon accordingly proceeded to India with 
 Lord Ripon, and some of the newspapers there were very 
 hopeful that his coming would do great good. “ There is 
 not in the world,” said one, “ a man of gentler, kindlier 
 nature than Colonel Gordon.” 
 
 But he had not been in India many hours when he saw 
 that he had made a mistake, and felt that he must at once 
 turn round and come back again. He declared that nothing 
 could exceed the kindness and consideration which had been 
 shown to him by Lord Ripon ; nor had he ever met a man 
 with whom, in the arduous task he had chosen, he could 
 have felt greater sympathy. Nevertheless, he decided to 
 leave, and thus wrote his reasons:— 
 
 “ In a moment of weakness I took the appointment of 
 private secretary to Lord Ripon, the new Governor-General 
 of India. No sooner had I landed in Bombay than I saw 
 that, in my irresponsible position, I could not hope to do 
 anything really to the purpose, in the face of the vested 
 interests out there. Seeing this, and seeing, moreover, that 
 my views were so diametrically opposed to those of the 
 official classes, I resigned. Lord Ripon’s position was 
 
REST OR WORK ? 
 
 235 
 
 certainly a great consideration to me. It was assumed 
 by some that my views of the state of affairs were the 
 Viceroy’s, and thus I felt that I should do him harm by 
 staying with him. We parted perfect friends. The 
 brusqueness of my leaving was unavoidable, inasmuch 
 as my stay would have put me into the possession of 
 secrets of state that—considering my decision eventually 
 to leave—I ought not to know. Certainly I might have 
 stayed a month or two, had a pain in the hand, and gone 
 quietly; but the whole duties were so distasteful, that I 
 felt, being pretty callous as to what the world says, it was 
 better to go at once.” 
 
 Immediately before he had left India a telegram was 
 sent him urging him to go at once to China. He wrote 
 home for permission to go ; but leave was refused, as it 
 was not known in what capacity he wished to serve. So he 
 sent in his resignation to the War Office, which, however, 
 was not accepted; and permission was then given him to go 
 to China on condition that he did not accept any military 
 appointment. 
 
 He knew that war was probable between China and 
 Russia, and he was most anxious to do anything he could 
 to prevent it. “ To me it appears that the question in 
 dispute cannot be of such vital importance that an arrange¬ 
 ment could not be come to by concessions on both sides. 
 Whether I succeed in being heard or not, is not in my 
 hands.” 
 
 He accordingly paid a hurried visit to China, reaching 
 Hong-kong on the 2nd July, and going to see his old 
 friend Li Hung-Chang at Tien-tsin, who, when he saw him, 
 was so overcome with joy that he fell on his neck and 
 kissed him. 
 
 We have already briefly referred to this visit; and given 
 the memorandum which on this occasion Gordon gave to Li. 
 He assisted his former companion in assuring peace instead 
 
236 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 of war; and he left the land of his former exploits with 
 the thanks of almost every one. 
 
 The Times , in an article on Russia and China, which 
 appeared in April 1881, bore the following testimony to the 
 good effected by Colonel Gordon :— 
 
 “ The outbreak of hostilities seemed imminent, when one 
 more attempt was made to bring about a peaceful solution. 
 The Marquis Tseng, Chinese Ambassador at the Court of 
 St. James, was ordered to St. Petersburg, to endeavour to 
 amend the action of his predecessor ; and Colonel Gordon, 
 in response, it is understood, to an indirect invitation of the 
 Imperial Government, went personally to Pekin, and 
 threw the weight of his great personal influence into the 
 scale of peace. The efforts of both were so far successful 
 that the danger of immediate collision was staved off. . . . 
 
 “ This, then, in the spring of 1880, seems to have been 
 the political position at Pekin. Prince Chun and the 
 Empress-Regent were eager for war, and Tso Tsung-tang, 
 with the tattered legions which had never dared to meet the 
 army of Yakoob Khan, vainly believed himself able to cope 
 with the Russian forces; while Li Hung-Chang and other 
 great satraps, who, with a juster appreciation of the relative 
 strength of China and Prussia, desired peace, were 
 dominated by the power of the Imperial name. There is 
 no need to dwell on the circumstances of Colonel Gordon’s 
 visit, or on the intrigues which attended his advent. It is 
 enough to say that he paid a visit of several days to the 
 great Viceroy, with whom he had acted in the days of the 
 great Tai-ping rebellion; and both to him, and subsequently 
 to the high authorities at the capital, urged every argument 
 in favour of peace. Exposing the weakness of their forts 
 and ships, and the unweildiness and imperfection of their 
 whole military organisation, he is said to have warned them 
 that the outbreak of hostilities at Kulja would be followed 
 by the invasion of Manchuria, from the Amoor, and that 
 
BEST OB WOBK? 237 
 
 they might expect a hostile army within two months before 
 the gates of Pekin.” 
 
 After returning from China, Colonel Gordon went to 
 Ireland for a short time; and afterwards visited the King 
 of the Belgians, who was at that time greatly occupied in 
 preparing to send an expedition to the Congo. He had 
 a real holiday, if a short one, on the shores of the Lake of 
 Lausanne; and then turned his thoughts to the Mauritius, 
 whither he was ordered to proceed as Commanding Royal 
 Engineer. On his way to Mauritius he went to Suez to 
 visit the grave of his former helper and lieutenant in the 
 Soudan, Romulus Gessi, who had died in the hospital there 
 from the effects of the terrible privations he endured when 
 shut in by an impassable barrier of weeds in the Bahr 
 Gazelle river. Gordon was exceedingly pained to hear of 
 the death of his friend. 
 
 He went to Mauritius, and appeared greatly to enjoy 
 the ten months he spent there. It was while he was there 
 that news came to the effect that he had been made a 
 Major-General. 
 
 In the meantime, fresh work was offered to the able 
 worker. 
 
 On the 23rd of February 1882 Sir Hercules Robinson 
 sent the following telegram to the Earl of Kimberley :— 
 
 “ Ministers request me to inquire whether Her Majesty’s 
 Government would permit them to obtain the services of 
 Colonel Gordon, R.E., C.B. Ministers desire to invite 
 Colonel Gordon to come to this country for the purpose 
 of consultation as to the best measures to be adopted with 
 reference to Basutoland, in the event of Parliament 
 sanctioning their proposals as to that territory, and to 
 engage his services, should we be prepared to renew the 
 offer made to his predecessor in April 1881—to assist in 
 terminating the war and administering Basutoland.” 
 
 A telegram was also sent to Gordon telling him that 
 
238 
 
 GENERAL GORDON . 
 
 matters had become very grave, and asking if he would 
 place his services at the disposal of the Cape Government. 
 The telegram added that' application had been made to Lord 
 Kimberley, and the War Office had given consent. Ac¬ 
 cordingly he started for the Cape, and arrived there to find 
 that he had been a little misled. He was told that he 
 would eventually have the affairs of Basutoland placed in 
 his hands; but at present he was asked to take command of 
 the forces. The few months that followed were somewhat 
 disappointing ones, and, in the result, very much so 
 indeed. 
 
 On the 1st of July 1882 General Gordon took command 
 of the Colonial forces in South Africa ; and he at once 
 issued a report on the state of the troops. His paper was, 
 like himself, exceedingly direct and outspoken ; and he told 
 the truth about them, although the truth was, on many 
 points, very unpalatable. He advised the formation of 
 a native militia, with block-houses garrisoned by Europeans. 
 He declared that the field artillery was of no use whatever. 
 In regard to the Basuto question, he said that the limits of 
 the native locations should be then and there fixed by legal 
 deeds, and that all who encroached upon the borders of the 
 tribes should be legally proceeded against, as this would 
 sstisfy the natives, and cause them to become quiet and 
 contented. 
 
 In September General Gordon, in company with the 
 Secretary for Native Affairs, visited Basutoland, in the 
 hope of settling the disputes that had arisen between the 
 natives and the white squatters. A thousand armed 
 Basutos met and escorted them, and they had an interview 
 with several chiefs, who professed an ardent desire for 
 peace, and disgust at the conduct of Masupha, the rebel 
 chief who had been the principal factor in the rebellion. 
 Gordon next had an interview with Masupha himself, but 
 he could not bring the chief to reason: he would make no 
 
REST OR WORK ? 
 
 239 
 
 offer of submission, and declared he would not be satisfied 
 with any settlement which did not give him independence. 
 Whilst negotiations were going on, and General Gordon 
 was urging Masupha to pay the hut tax and submit to 
 the authority of the Government, news arrived that an 
 expedition under Lerothodi was on its way to attack 
 Masupha. The latter was so enraged at the tidings that 
 lie immediately broke off negotiations; and General Gordon 
 was so displeased at such a step being taken at a moment 
 when he thought his efforts might prove successful, that he 
 tendered his resignation to the Cape Government. This 
 was accepted with unseemly haste, and he started forthwith 
 for England. The loss to the colony of a man like Gordon, 
 at such a critical time, was most serious, and indicated a 
 want of justice and wisdom on the part of the authorities 
 that was exceedingly surprising. 
 
 At the end of the episode he returned to London, and 
 soon after set off for the Holy Land, which he had long 
 wished to visit. He took up his abode near Jerusalem, 
 and spent the time in pleasurable quietness, until a cry of 
 many voices reached him, “ Wanted—Chinese Gordon !” 
 
CHAPTER XXIY. 
 
 TROUBLES IN THE SOUDAN. 
 
 (4 List his discourse of war, and you shall hear 
 A fearful battle. ” 
 
 —Henry V. 
 
 X many Mussulman countries there existed a 
 belief that on the completion of twelve cen¬ 
 turies from the Hegira, the Mahdi, or new 
 deliverer, would appear. The twelve centuries 
 were reckoned to come to an end on 12th November 1882. 
 But one who would not wait for that eventful day had 
 already arisen, and declared himself the Mahdi. This was 
 a man about thirty years of age, who is described as being tall 
 and slim, and having a light brown complexion. His name 
 was Mahomet Achmet, and he was the son of a carpenter. 
 He was apprenticed to his uncle, who one day gave him 
 a beating, which so enragad him that he ran away, and 
 went to a free school kept by one of the dervishes at 
 Iloghali, a village near Khartoum. This school is at¬ 
 tached to the shrine of the patron saint of* Khartoum, 
 and is greatly venerated by the natives. From this school 
 he went to another at Berber, where also there is a shrine; 
 and he there seemed to be a religious boy. 
 
 i 
 
TROUBLES IN THE SOUDAN. 
 
 241 
 
 In 1870 be became the disciple of Sheikh Nur-el-Dami, a 
 name which means “ Continuous Light,” and he ordained him 
 a faki or sheikh. After this he went to live in the island of 
 Abba, on the White Nile, where he dug a cave for himself, 
 which he called a retreat, and into which he went con¬ 
 stantly to worship. He began to be known as a very pious 
 man, greatly given to fasting, and incense-burning, and 
 prayers. After a time he was joined by followers, who 
 gave him presents, so that he became very wealthy. He 
 married as manv wives as he was allowed to have, and 
 always took them from wealthy families, by which means, 
 of course, his own wealth and influence were increased. In 
 May 1881 he began to write letters declaring himself the 
 Mahdi whom Mahomet had foretold. He said that he 
 had been sent to reform Islam, that he would bring a new 
 state of things into the Mahommedan world, that he would 
 establish the equality of man, and make the rich share with 
 the poor. A great many people at once believed in him, 
 and followed him. Then he went further, and said that 
 those who did not receive him should be destroyed, whoever 
 and whatever they were. 
 
 Among the people to whom he wrote was Mahomet Saleb 
 of Dongola, whom he ordered to collect his followers and 
 join him at Abba. But this chief, instead of doing so, 
 wrote to the Government an account of the doings and 
 pretensions of the False Prophet. His Excellency Baouf 
 Pasha thought it time to interfere; and in August 1881 he 
 sent an expedition to meet him. 
 
 The world had been so occupied with Arabi Pasha in 
 Egypt, that very little notice was taken of the Mahdi for 
 some time ; but on the 19th December 1881, news came 
 that there were troubles in the Soudan. The False Prophet, 
 at the head of one thousand five hundred men, totally 
 annihilated an Egyptian force of three hundred and fifty 
 men, who were led against him by the Governor of Fashada. 
 
 e 16 
 
242 
 
 GENERAL GORDON . 
 
 The governor himself was among the killed. The Governor- 
 General of the Soudan at once sent for reinforcements, and 
 the Black Regiment, under the command of Abdallah Bey, 
 was ordered to advance. But the Egyptian forces were 
 very half-hearted in the matter, and were beaten again and 
 again. 
 
 In July 1882 the Mahdi brought his followers, and made 
 them surround the Egyptian soldiers under Yusef Pasha. 
 The Egyptians were without food, and were easily over¬ 
 come, the entire army being massacred by the Mahdi. 
 After that he marched northward, to occupy Shata Domen; 
 and his army attacked Schatz, and slaughtered the people. 
 
 He had set his heart upon the capture of El Obeid, which 
 town was garrisoned by 6000 men. Obeid was kept sup¬ 
 plied with food, and for some time the rebel could not 
 succeed in his purpose. At Bara and at Duern the Mahdi 
 was defeated. He lost 2300 men at Zidora, Kordofan, and 
 Shcitfan. 
 
 On the 8th of September he attacked Obeid, and was 
 repulsed. He made a second and a third attack with the 
 same result; and on the last occasion 10,000 of his men 
 were slain. On 15th September the following report was 
 made:—“ Abd-el-Kader, the commander in charge of the 
 Egyptian forces in the Soudan, and now at Obeid, is in 
 despair at not receiving reinforcements from the Khedive. 
 Khartoum is fortified, but the soldiers are said to be de¬ 
 moralised, and the population secretly giving their adherence 
 to the False Prophet.” Obeid had then been under siege 
 for forty days. 
 
 On 24th October some reinforcements sent to Kordofan 
 were entirely destroyed. Other reinforcements sent from 
 Khartoum to attack the rebels at Bara were defeated, but 
 afterwards got into Bara, and won a victory. 
 
 On the 8th of December a man arrived on the scene who 
 was likely to make things better, if it were possible, and 
 
TROUBLES IN THE SOUDAN 
 
 243 
 
 that was Colonel Stuart; but in the beginning of January 
 1883 both Bara and Obeid surrendered to the Mahdi, who 
 at once entered the latter town, and took up his residence 
 there. There had been some terrible fighting over El 
 Obeid. It is described as a long straggling town at the foot 
 of an open slope, down which, in the rainy season, the water 
 pours. There are many mosques in Obeid, which are built 
 of mud bricks, of which also the houses are made. The 
 houses, except that of the Governor, have no upper storey. 
 In the front of the Governor’s house was the gallows. The 
 market-place consists of booths of matting, and presents a 
 lively scene, especially in the morning. Arab women are 
 busy selling milk ; their hair decorated with coral and gold. 
 Mixing with them, or in another part of the bazaar, were 
 Soudanese, Nubian, and Egyptian women, selling merissa, 
 hair-grease, sour milk, khasheesh—a very intoxicating drug— 
 liquorice water, thenna—a paste prepared with dry leaves of 
 the mignonettee tree, used by the Arabs for the purpose of 
 dying thsir nails red—and kohhl, which is a powder made 
 of frankincense, used also by the Arab ladies for dyeing the 
 lids and brows of the eyes. Tobacco is also sold in the 
 Obeid market, and so are iron and brass vessels. In the 
 market may be seen Greeks, Arabs, and Egyptians, who 
 buy the wares offered for sale, and frequent the coffee 
 shops. They are dressed in all sorts of gorgeous colours and 
 costumes. Plenty of fruits and flowers, especially wild 
 flowers, grow in and around El Obeid. 
 
 The Daily News published a very curious letter which 
 had been forwarded by its special correspondent, Mr. 
 O’Donovan, and which shows how some of the Mahdi’s 
 followers regarded him :— 
 
 “ The following is a copy of a letter received from Yusef 
 Effendi Mansoor and Mahommed Iskender Bey, officers of 
 the regular army in Kordofan, who are at present prisoners 
 at Obeid :— 
 
244 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 “ In the name of God, the Merciful and Compassionate. 
 Thanks be unto God. the Bountiful Ruler; prayers and 
 salutations unto our Lord Mohammed, and to his people 
 resignation. From the servants of God, Sheikh Mohammed 
 Iskender and Sheikh Yusef Mansoor, formerly officers in 
 the Kordofan army, now auxiliaries of the Mahdi (peace 
 be unto him !), to all Muslim officers of the regular troops 
 in Khartoum, and to the Bashi-Bazouks, and to civil 
 employees from the rank of general down to that of second 
 lieutenant. We warn you, oh friends, and counsel you 
 conscientiously, by the traditions of the Prophet (peace and 
 salutation unto him T). He has said, ‘ The faith of man 
 will not be perfect until he loves his brother as he loves 
 himself.’ We have not been constrained to write you this 
 our warning; but, fearing your worldly destruction and a 
 bad end, we freely offer you advice. Friends, we are with 
 the Mahdi, and as we have seen him regularly for the past 
 six months, we watch his proceedings attentively; we hear 
 all that he says, and we have not found in him a grain of 
 anything that is bad or unbecoming his holy mission. 
 (Peace be unto him !) By the great God and the excellent 
 Koran we swear that he is the true Mahdi—the Expected- 
 One. There is no other but he, and the man who doubts 
 his holy mission is an infidel, and God has already decreed 
 it. As a proof of this, the large amount of gold and silver, 
 with immense stores of goods which came into his pos¬ 
 session, has no interest whatever for him ; and it lies in the 
 Muslim treasury, with a faithful and trustworthy man in 
 charge of it all, and who distributes it to widows and 
 orphans and emigrants. The Mahdi seeks nothing but 
 God. He is kind, and speaks civilly to all. He abhors 
 falsehoods, and his pride is to spread the glory of our 
 religion. He fights iu the path of God, and only with 
 those who refuse to obey him. His daily life (peace be 
 unto him !) is quite opposed to worldly matters, nor does he 
 
TROUBLES IN THE SOUDAN 
 
 245 
 
 care for its enjoyments. He is simple in liis diet and plain 
 in dress. Kisaret dourra (millet) steeped in water is all 
 that he eats. A plain shirt, and trousers made from the 
 native cloth is all that he wears. He is always smiling, 
 and his face is as resplendent as the new moon. His body 
 and form is of the sons of Israel, and on his right cheek is 
 a mole (khal), and also other marks which are written in 
 the books of the holy law are stamped upon him. He 
 neither honours the rich for their riches nor does he neglect 
 the poor on account of their poverty. All Muslims to him 
 are equal. Like a kind father to his children, so much is 
 his kindness towards us. Had he punished us for what 
 we have done none of us would be saved, but he forgave 
 us on our repentance. We all receive a sufficient sum from 
 the treasury for the support of our family, but do not 
 get any fixed pay. If I were to describe to you all the 
 good qualities of the Mahdi, it would take a long letter to 
 do so. He is following the footsteps of his grandfather 
 [ancestor Tj —peace be to his bones !—and if you are 
 Muslims and the sons of Muslims, banish worldly affairs, 
 and follow not the inclination of sinful souls, which leads 
 its possessor to destruction, but look to the end and to 
 Paradise. The way to it is lo surrender to Sayed el 
 Mahdi, son of Sayed Abdallah. By doing this you will be 
 victorious, and be auxiliaries of the Faith. Beware of 
 fighting against Muslims. We and you, God willing, shall 
 fight infidels, the enemy of the Faith. If you are believers 
 in God and His Prophet, strengthen yourselves by re¬ 
 bellion, and avoid assisting infidels. And remember that 
 victory comes from God, and He gives it to whom He 
 pleases. 
 
 “ With the numerous army of the Mahdi, which is about 
 two hundred thousand fighting men, whose souls are 
 offered to the Lord, we have also Bemingtons, cannon, and 
 rockets, which have been taken from the Turks, besides an 
 
246 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 ample supply of ammunition. The Mahdi, however (unto 
 whom be peace !), trusts to God only, and will prevent fight¬ 
 ing by fire-arms, spears, and swords. He fights otherwise, 
 and his connection with the angels is well known, as we 
 well know from the history of Mohammed. If you still prefer 
 worldly enjoyments, and insist upon fighting with us, you 
 should remember what happened in the battles of Abba, 
 Fashoda, Ghedeer, and Kordofan ; and at the time his army 
 was small, especially at Ghedeer, where he had no fire-arms 
 nor weapons, when most of his followers had sticks only. 
 By the great God, the God of all times, he has not bidden 
 us to write this : but we ourselves do so of our own free 
 will, fearing for your safety. We have begged Khalifa 
 Ledeek and the Prince of the Mahdi’s army, Abdallah, son 
 of Sayed Mohammed, to write this letter for us. Our lord 
 the Mahdi was opposed to its being written. For our sake 
 he consented. The matter stands as we have explained, 
 and we think it well of you to accept our advice. If you go 
 against it you will repent; but your repentance will not 
 avail you when destruction comes. Peace ! 
 
 “ S al of i ^ HEIKH Yusef Mansoor. 
 ea s 0 ( Sheikh Mohammed Iskender. 
 
 “ El Obeid, 13 th Shaban , 1300 (1 6th June 1883).” 
 
 Before this time all indifference on the part of the 
 English towards the affairs of the Soudan had passed away. 
 On the 6th of February Lord Dufferin, when writing 
 on the re-organisation of Egypt, wrote the following in 
 reference to the Soudan :— 
 
 “ Some persons are inclined to advise Egypt to withdraw 
 altogether from the Soudan and her other acquisitions in 
 that region; but she can hardly be expected to acquiesce in 
 such a policy. Possessing the lower ranges of the Kile, she 
 is naturally inclined to claim dominion along its entire 
 course; and when it is remembered that the territories in 
 
 i 
 
TROUBLES IN THE SOUDAN 
 
 247 
 
 question, if properly developed, are capable of producing 
 inexhaustible supplies of sugar and, cotton, we cannot be 
 surprised at her unwillingness to abandon them. Unhappily, 
 Egyptian administration in the Soudan has been almost 
 uniformly unfortunate. The success of the present Mahdi, 
 in raising the tribes and in extending his influence over 
 great tracts of country, is a sufficient proof of the Govern¬ 
 ment’s inability either to reconcile the inhabitants to its 
 rule or to maintain order. The consequences have been 
 most disastrous. Within the last year and a-half the 
 Egyptians have lost something like 9000 men, while it is 
 estimated that 40,000 of their opponents have perished. 
 Nor does this chronic slaughter seem to be nearer its con¬ 
 clusion than when it first commenced. Reinforcements to 
 the extent of another 10,000 men have been despatched 
 to Khartoum; but they seem to be raw, undisciplined, and 
 disheartened levies. In the meantime, Egyptian garrisons 
 at Obeid and Bara, and various scattered posts in Darfour 
 and Kordofan, are cut off from communication with their 
 base, many of them are surrounded, and some are pressed 
 by famine. Obeid still holds out, but Bara seems to be on 
 the point of surrendering. 
 
 “ Colonel Hicks, a distinguished retired Indian officer, has 
 been engaged by the Egyptian Government to join the com¬ 
 mander-in-chief of the Soudan army as chief of the staff. 
 A few retired European officers accompany him, who, 
 perhaps, will be able to inspire the troops with confidence. 
 Both Colonel Hicks and his companions have entered the 
 Egyptian service on their own responsibility, nor have either 
 Sir Edward Malet or myself been concerned in the 
 arrangement. 
 
 “ In the expectation that the fresh efforts about to be made 
 will result in the restoration of tranquillity, a plan should be 
 carefully considered for the future administration of the 
 country. Hitherto, it has caused a continual drain on the 
 
248 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 resources of the Egyptian exchequer. The first step 
 necessary is the construction of a railway from Suakim to 
 Berber, or what, perhaps, would be still more advisable, to 
 Shendy, on the Nile. Another scheme of railway com¬ 
 munication has been proposed down the Nile valley, but it 
 has many disadvantages. The promoters of the Suakim 
 route maintain that the construction of their line would 
 bring Cairo within six and a-half days of Khartoum—the 
 time required to run from Suakim to Berber, on the Nile, 
 being only sixteen hours—and that the cost would be under 
 a million and a-half. The completion of this enterprise 
 would at once change all the elements of the problem. 
 Instead of being a burden on the Egyptian exchequer, 
 these Equatorial Provinces ought to become, with anything 
 like good management, a source of wealth to the Govern¬ 
 ment. What has hitherto prevented their development has 
 been the difficulty of getting machinery into the country, 
 and of conveying its cotton, sugar, and other natural 
 products to the sea. The finances of the Soudan once 
 rehabilitated, the provincial adminstration would no longer 
 be forced to visit its subjects with those heavy exactions 
 which have been, in all probability, at the bottom of the 
 present disturbances, and the natural expansion of commerce 
 would eventually extend the benefits of civilisation for some 
 distance through the surrounding regions. I apprehend, 
 however, that it would be wise upon the part of Egypt to 
 abandon Darfour, and perhaps part of Kordofan, and to be 
 content with maintaining her jurisdiction in the provinces 
 of Khartoum and Senaar.” 
 
 On the 6th of June news reached England of Hicks 
 Pasha’s first victory. Five thousand of the enemy were 
 engaged, and five hundred killed; and a subsequent 
 telegram stated that the Senaar campaign was over. The 
 Khedive sent a congratulatory letter thanking the forces. 
 With Abd-el-Kader on the Blue Nile, and General Hicks on 
 
TROUBLES IN THE SOUDAN 
 
 249 
 
 the White, the rebels had been crushed. They boasted 
 that they would wait at Gebelain ; but they fled at the 
 approach of Hicks Pasha to Kordofan. 
 
 After this several chiefs sent in their submission, and it 
 was hoped that the Mahdi would do so too, but he did not. 
 They gave to Hicks the name of the “ Great Magician/ 
 Several of the men fighting were clad in coats of armour like 
 the old crusaders. The correspondent also mentions that 
 Sir Samuel Bakers steamers, Ismailia and Khedive , were 
 doing good service. 
 
 In August General Hicks was making his preparations to 
 take Obeid from the Mahdi. Reports came to the effect 
 that the Mahdi’s followers were deserting him. In con¬ 
 sequence of this the Egyptian army was full of hope; and so 
 was England. 
 
 The Mahdi’s movement being professedly a religious one, 
 it was deemed inadvisable to place at the head of the Egyp¬ 
 tian army in the Soudan a foreigner and non-Mussulman, 
 lest this might be taken hold of by the insurgent leader to 
 arouse still further the fanaticism of his followers. Accord¬ 
 ingly, Suleiman Pasha, whose early military career dates 
 back to the time of Mehemet Ali and the Crimean war, 
 was elected to the chief command, but with the distinct 
 agreement that he was to pay strict attention to, and 
 carefully carry out, General Hicks’s wishes and plans. 
 
 The march was a very tedious one, and the little army of 
 Hicks made up their minds to live on biscuits and grain. 
 They dreaded the famine and the climate much more than 
 the enemy, but their greatest anxiety was on account of the 
 water supply. They were encouraged by the submission of 
 the principal sheikh of Obeid, with three hundred horse¬ 
 men. But the enemy was resolute, and the way was very 
 weary. 
 
 Accompanying Hicks Pasha were Ala Eddeen Pasha (the 
 Governor-General), Abbas Bey, Colonel Farquhar, Majors 
 
250 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 SeckendorfF, Massy, Warner, and Evans; Captains Heath 
 and Walker; Surgeons George Bey and Rosenberg; Mr. 
 O’Donovan of the Daily News , Major Brody of the Royal 
 Horse Artillery, with other pashas and beys, and a con¬ 
 siderable number of Egyptian officers. 
 
 In England, although people hoped for the best, there 
 were many forebodings, and it seemed as if the air was full 
 of coming trouble. Other countries felt likewise, for the 
 news that came told of the dangers of the little army under 
 Hicks. An Austrian officer—Major von SeckendorfF— 
 described the march from Khartoum to Duern as most 
 trying on account of the baggage, but as there was water, 
 they were able to effect it. He feared, however, there 
 would be a dreadful dearth of water during the advance on 
 Obeid, since the wells along that route were very scarce, and 
 the camels only carried sufficient water for one day. The 
 Mahdi, he said, was in possession of 15,000 good breech¬ 
 loaders, fourteen guns, and a numerous and excellent 
 cavalry. His people, too, were roused by fanaticism, and 
 would fearlessly ride to their death. 
 
 Hicks Pasha had 10,000 men, 6000 camels, and many 
 pack-horses and mules. The latter necessarily impeded 
 the advance into a desert without water, The writer 
 concluded with the following words:—“ If our cavalry 
 suffices for out-post duty, success is possible, otherwise the 
 issue will be very disastrous. In case of defeat not a soul 
 of ours will return, and Khartoum and the entire Soudan 
 will then be irretrievably lost, since all believe that the 
 Mahdi is the Messiah.” A letter from the Austrian 
 Consul at Khartoum described the departure of Hicks 
 Pasha with his army from that place on the 9th of Septem¬ 
 ber, and estimated that his forces consisted of 6000 infantry, 
 4000 Bashi-Bazouks, five hundred horses, 5500 camels, 
 four Krupp and ten mountain guns, and six Kordenfeldts. 
 The expedition took no apparatus for sinking artesian wells 
 
TROUBLES IN TIIE SOUDAN 
 
 251 
 
 such as was used in Abyssinia. It was intended by the 
 General to establish between Duem and El Obeid six depot 
 forts. 
 
 The Consul declared in his letter that in case of the 
 Mahdi being victorious, the whole of the Soudan would be 
 lost to Egypt. 
 
 For some time there was no news of Hicks and his army. 
 On 22nd November the daily papers declared that Hicks 
 Pasha’s silence was beginning to cause anxiety in Govern¬ 
 ment circles. The prevalent opinion was that in the event 
 of his defeat a complete abandonment of the Soudan 
 provinces would be preferable to a continual drain of blood 
 and treasure. 
 
 The next news was terrible. The English people were 
 not prepared for the awful catastrophe which the press 
 made known on the morning of the 23rd of November. 
 
 The news was, that there had been three days’ fighting, 
 and that Hicks Pasha and his army had been utterly 
 annihilated. 
 
 It seems that Hicks went to Kamua, near Obeid, a place 
 with hills on either side. He sent half his men to Obeid to 
 demand its surrender. The Mahdi was advancing from the 
 south-east, and he fell in with that portion of Hicks’s army 
 which was on its way to Obeid, and attacked it. Hicks 
 heard the firing, and brought the rest of his army to join 
 the force attacked by the Mahdi. The battles were on the 
 3rd, 4th, and 5th of November. The Mahdi was backed 
 by immense numbers, and he supplied the vacancies with 
 fresh men. Hicks’s army had formed into square, and his 
 whole force was destroyed. The English officers fought 
 gallantly, but they could not stand against the overwhelm¬ 
 ing might and fury of the enemy. Hicks had 10,000 men, 
 and the Arabs numbered 200,000. 
 
 At first it was hoped that the news was really too bad to 
 be true. It was thought that further details would not 
 
252 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 confirm the first horrible tidings; but subsequent telegrams 
 only verified them, and increased the anxiety that was 
 everywhere felt. For a day or two it was hoped that Mr. 
 O’Donovan would not be among the slain; and great interest 
 was felt in the last letter that had been received from him, 
 in which he said that the troops scarcely deserved the name 
 of soldiers, they were so ignorant of the art of fighting. 
 They had not sufficient clothing, and had received no money 
 for several months. They had no heart for the work, for 
 many would not have gone at all if they had not been com 
 pelled. O’Donovan also said that Hicks was greatly 
 inconvenienced by the conduct of Suleiman Pasha, wlic 
 just then opposed him in many points. 
 
 We have already mentioned that Suleiman had been ap 
 pointed to assist Hicks; but he had shown such apathy and 
 apparent jealousy of the Englishman, that Ala Eddeen Pasha, 
 the present Governor-General of the Soudan, removed him, 
 and General Hicks received the whole of the responsibility, 
 and was made Commander-in-chief of the army. Altogether, 
 the suppression of the insurrection was felt to be one of 
 enormous difficulty; and the able correspondent himself 
 was very sad at heart as he contemplated the possible 
 defeat of the army to which he was attached. 
 
 Very little can ever be known of the particulars of the 
 disaster, for those who would have written them were 
 killed. 
 
 The following is a Times telegram, published later, and 
 sent from Khartoum :— 
 
 “ The first and only survivor of Hicks Pasha’s army, a 
 man who marched with Hicks Pasha from Duem, and who 
 has now come back in safety, arrived here last night. He 
 is a native of Khartoum, and is well known here. He 
 states that he was in the battle of Kashgate, and has a 
 lance wound in the back. 
 
 “ During the fight, owing to the rocky nature of the 
 
 i 
 
TROUBLES IN TEE SO ULAN. 
 
 253 
 
 ground and the number of trees, no proper formation could 
 be preserved among the soldiers. They fought in detached 
 groups, each body of men surrounded by Arabs, who picked 
 them off in turn. Hicks Pasha fought like a lion, dis¬ 
 charging the contents of his revolver three times, and then 
 using his sword. He was the last of the staff to die. The 
 members of the staff all fell in one group. 
 
 “After the battle about one hundred and fifty soldiers 
 were found lying wounded, and the Mahdi ordered that no 
 wounded man should be injured. My informant says 
 nothing about any wounded officers. The heads of the 
 staff officers and of the Egyptian officers were struck off 
 and exhibited to the prisoners, and then fixed over the 
 gate of El Obeid. The Arabs resolved to build a tomb 
 over Hicks Pasha’s body, in recognition of his great 
 bravery. 
 
 “ The Mahdi had sent an expedition against Slaten Bey, 
 a: 1 Austrian commanding the garrison of Darfour. He also 
 threatens to punish the Eargalla tribe for not assisting in 
 the rebellion. The Sheikh of the Fargallas sent him a 
 defiance, saying that he had 15,000 warriors and provisions 
 for seven years, and that he was ready to meet the Mahdi. 
 The Mahdi is also embroiled with the great Kabbabish 
 tribe, some of whom were allies of the Government. He 
 says that he will punish them for their loyalty. 
 
 “The survivor who states all these facts escaped from 
 El Obeid owing to his being a black man and not in 
 uniform.” 
 
 The battle of Kashgill, in which Hicks was killed, was 
 fought on the 5th of November, and on the very next 
 day, the sixth, another battle was fought in the Eastern 
 Soudan, at Tokar, also with lamentable results. Some 
 months before the disaffected tribes in the east had broken 
 into open insurrection, and surrounded the garrisons at 
 Sinkat and Tokar. They stopped communication between 
 
254 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 Berber and Suakim, and threatened to march on the latter 
 garrison. Captain Moncrieff was sent with a force to the 
 relief of Tokar. They were surrounded by the rebels and 
 ovei come, and Captain Moncrieff himself was slain. 
 
 There was great difficulty in getting a supply of men to go; 
 and even while they were waiting, another defeat occurred. 
 People began to get intensely anxious, while telegrams 
 like the following that came to hand were by no means 
 reassuring:— 
 
 “ Owing to the small size of the steamers plying between 
 Suez and Suakim, the transport of the whole body of two 
 thousand five hundred men will require some time. Baker 
 Pasha himself will leave in about ten days. 
 
 “ The Egyptian contingent was reviewed by the Khedive 
 this afternoon. The review was followed by an unpleasant 
 incident. The Turkish officers came in a body to Baker 
 Pasha and plainly refused to go to the Soudan, on the plea 
 that their contract of service was for Egypt alone. This 
 most serious step on their part was quite unexpected ; but 
 it is hoped that some arrangement may be made for arriving 
 at a quiet settlement. 
 
 “ None of the Egyptian officers refused to go; but many 
 of them wept when they heard what was to be their destin¬ 
 ation. There can be no doubt that the men of the Gen¬ 
 darmerie have been very hardly treated. While bearing 
 the whole brunt of the suffering and hard work entailed 
 by the cholera they were comforted by the assurance that 
 thenceforth they would be employed as a purely civil 
 force; but now, on the first emergency, they find them¬ 
 selves being used as the only available military force for 
 the defence of Egypt against the Mahdi, while the army 
 takes over their civil duties. 
 
 “ In estimating their grievances we must remember that 
 among the natives the feeling has always prevailed that 
 being sent to the Soudan is equivalent to a sentence of 
 
TROUBLES TV THE SOUDAN. 
 
 255 
 
 death. Recent events have certainly not tended to 
 diminish that impression. 
 
 “ It has now become a melancholy military necessity to 
 abandon the garrison of Sinkat, under Ibrahim Bey, to their 
 fate, as it is impossible with a small force to attempt to 
 push through the dangerous passes on the road, which are 
 held by some fifteen thousand of the enemy, who appear to 
 be well armed. 
 
 “ I have also heard, on most trustworthy authority, that 
 for some time past the rebels have been supplied with arms 
 and provisions by Government employes at Suakim. ,; 
 
 And now people began to ask in decided tones, 
 “ Where is Gordon ? Why not send him ? ” The Pall 
 Mall Gazette especially advised his going. 
 
 “ But if we have not an Egyptian army to employ in the 
 service, and if we must not send an English force, what are 
 we to do? There is only one thing that we can do. We 
 cannot send a regiment to Khartoum, but we can send a 
 man who, on more than one occasion, has proved himself 
 more valuable in similar circumstances than an entire army. 
 Why not send Chinese Gordon with full powers to 
 Khartoum, to assume absolute control of the territory, to 
 treat with the Mahdi, to relieve the garrisons, and do what 
 can be done, to save what can be saved from the wreck in 
 the Soudan ? There is no necessity to speak of the pre¬ 
 eminent qualifications which he possesses for the work. 
 They are notorious, and are as undisputed as they are 
 indisputable. His engagement on the Congo could surely 
 be postponed. No man can deny the urgent need in the 
 midst of that hideous welter of confusion for the presence 
 of such a man, with a born genius for command, an un¬ 
 exampled capacity in organising ‘ Ever-Victorious Armies/ 
 and a perfect knowledge of the Soudan and its people. 
 Why not send him out with carte-blanclie to do the best 
 that can be done ? He may not be able, single-handed, to 
 
256 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 reduce that raging chaos to order, but the attempt is worth 
 making, and if it is to be made it will have to be made at 
 once. For before many days General Gordon will have 
 left for the Congo, and the supreme opportunity may have 
 passed by.” 
 
 These words were echoed by many voices immediately; 
 and it was felt in many circles, and almost without refer¬ 
 ence to politics, that Charles Gordon was the man for the 
 hour. 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 Gordon’s response. 
 
 “ Life every man holds dear, but the brave man 
 Holds honour far more precious dear than life.” 
 
 — Troilus and Cressida. 
 
 HE newspaper correspondents in the Soudan 
 had been for some time giving hints in regard 
 to General Gordon. “ Would that Gordon 
 Pasha were here ! ” was a wish often expressed 
 by the Europeans. Nor were they alone. Some of the 
 natives, who remembered him lovingly and gratefully, often 
 remarked that the former Governor-General would be the 
 man to help them in their present troubles. That “ Gordon 
 Pasha was the most popular and beloved Governor-General 
 that ever ruled the Soudan ” was the testimony borne by 
 Dr. Schweinfurth and many others. Those who knew him 
 wondered why he was not sent. Mr. Allan, the secretary 
 of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, and a 
 personal friend of Gordon’s, tells us in his interesting little 
 pamphlet, The Life of Chinese Gordon —which it is to be 
 hoped everybody has read—that “ an eminent person, well 
 known in the philanthropic world,” sent to him the follow- 
 
 E 17 
 
258 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 ing respecting the wonderful man who was then quietly 
 living at Jaffa:—“ Would that an angel would stand at 
 Earl Granville’s side, and say unto him, ‘ And now send 
 men to Joppa, and call for one—Gordon. He shall tell thee 
 what thou oughtest to do.’” 
 
 There appeared no time to lose, for so far as Egypt was 
 concerned the New Year appeared gloomy enough. 
 
 The telegrams were not re-assuring. 
 
 On the 1st January news came that two European 
 officers had resigned. They were Major Holroyd and 
 Colonel Giles. These men had been badly treated by the 
 Egyptians; and the feeling between the officers of the 
 Egyptians and the Europeans was becoming almost hostile. 
 News had reached them that the widow of Consul Mon- 
 crieff was not to receive the ordinary widow’s pension; for 
 it was said that MoncriefF went on his own accord, and was 
 not sent. But MoncriefF had said beforehand that he felt 
 it his duty, as the consul of the whole of Eastern Soudan, to 
 go with the Egyptian force to Tokar, that he might be able 
 to report to the Government on the real object of the 
 rebellion, and the state of affairs in the interior. The 
 news from Suakim was that Baker Pasha had reviewed the 
 troops on Christmas Bay. 
 
 On the 10th January the following telegram was pub¬ 
 lished :—“ Communication with Khartoum is interrupted, a 
 fact which causes some anxiety. The wires are believed 
 to have been cut by the Kababash tribe. Hostile forces in 
 the rear of Khartoum would make the abandonment of the 
 place by its garrison and non-combatant residents a difficult 
 matter.” 
 
 This difficulty occupied the public mind in England for 
 a day or two ; for it was decided that the Soudan must be 
 abandoned, and Khartoum evacuated, although no one 
 knew how it was to be managed. Apart from the immense 
 mass of stores which had to be left, there were a thousand 
 
GORDON'S RESPONSE . 
 
 259 
 
 families of protected subjects and Egyptian officials, who 
 had to quit the town. At least six thousand camels were 
 needed for their transport from Berber to Assouan, and the 
 season was against the refugees, for the simoom winds 
 were coming on. 
 
 But on the 18th of January the news was flashed 
 throughout the country that General Gordon was going 
 to the Soudan, and hope and joy filled thousands of hearts 
 at once. 
 
 Every one felt that he was the man for the hour. 
 
 The Times said, “It is impossible to exaggerate the 
 feelings of relief and satisfaction universally inspired by 
 the knowledge that General Gordon has undertaken the 
 pacification of the Sou dan ." 
 
 The Pall Mall Gazette , which had all along been urging 
 this, was delighted and satisfied. 
 
 The name of Chinese Gordon was at once upon a million 
 lips; and while those who had not read of him were asking, 
 “ Who is he ? ” and those who had were rejoicing in thankful¬ 
 ness, and only anxious to hear the latest news, all parties 
 seemed to have trust in the magic power of the man, and 
 Conservatives and Liberals alike hailed the news with pro¬ 
 found satisfaction. 
 
 The Central News gave the particulars that all were 
 longing to hear :— 
 
 “ We are enabled to state authoritatively that General 
 Gordon (“ Chinese Gordon ”) has been instructed by the 
 British Government with an important commission in the 
 Soudan. Whilst General Gordon was in Brussels on 
 Thursday, on business connected with his Congo appoint¬ 
 ment, he received a telegram from the English Government 
 asking him if he would be able to go to Egypt, and if so, 
 when. He promptly replied that he would most certainly 
 go, and that he was prepared to start at the shortest 
 notice. On receipt of this reply, instructions were at once 
 
2G0 
 
 GENERAL GORDON . 
 
 telegraphed to the General to return to London without 
 delay. He obeyed this order to the letter, and arrived in 
 London yesterday morning. About noon General Gordon 
 had an interview with such members of the Cabinet as are 
 at present in town, and subsequently received the fullest 
 instructions as to the character of his appointment. The 
 Central Hews is informed that the chief duty entrusted to 
 General Gordon is the difficult and delicate one of con¬ 
 ciliating the various tribes scattered throughout the 
 Soudan, with the ultimate object of bringing about some 
 arrangement between the several conflicting elements in 
 that country. General Gordon, however, was distinctly 
 given to understand that the Government strictly adhere to 
 their intention to evacuate the Soudan. The General was 
 further informed that he will be the accredited agent of the 
 British Government. He will take his future instructions 
 solely from Sir Evelyn Baring, as the mouthpiece of the 
 British Government, and will be in no way accountable to 
 the Khedive or any Egyptian authority. General Gordon 
 was so sufficiently satisfied with the terms of his engage¬ 
 ment that he completed his personal arrangements within a 
 few hours, and left Charing Cross station by the Indian 
 mail last evening, accompanied by Colonel Stewart, who 
 will act as the General’s Chief of the Staff and confidential 
 assistant generally. So quietly were General Gordon’s 
 arrangements made that the only persons who assembled at 
 the station to wish the gallant officer God-speed were the 
 Duke of Cambridge, Lord Wolseley, Colonel Brocklehurst, 
 and Lord Hartington’s private secretary. General Gordon 
 will not go near Cairo, as his instructions are to get to 
 Suakim with the least possible delay. He will join the 
 Peninsular and Oriental steamer with the Indian mails at 
 Brindisi, and on arriving at Suez will go on board a British 
 gun-boat, which he will find waiting for him there. From 
 Suez he will proceed direct to Suakim. The King of the 
 
GORDON'S RESPONSE . 
 
 261 
 
 Belgians is naturally much distressed at this arrangement, 
 as it was at his request that General Gordon recently 
 returned from Syria. General Gordon has informed His 
 Majesty that he much regrets that he cannot, under the 
 peculiar circumstances, proceed to the Congo, as arranged, 
 but he hoped to be able to carry out his engagement to 
 His Majesty on his return from the Soudan.” 
 
 It was afterwards said that Colonel Brocklehurst opened 
 the carriage door for the man who was just then the hope 
 of all. Lord Wolseley insisted on carrying the portmanteau 
 of the hero, and the Duke of Cambridge got his ticket. 
 
 General Gordon was unaccompanied, except by Lieu¬ 
 tenant-Colonel Stewart, of the 11th Hussars, who had been 
 at Khartoum on duty the year before, and who went with 
 Gordon in the capacity of military secretary. 
 
 As he went forth on his solitary mission of peace, many 
 English hearts prayed that God would bless and prosper 
 him. There was something so romantic in it all that the 
 imagination could but follow him with thought and 
 sympathy. But his instructions were very matter of fact. 
 The following was the communication made by Earl 
 Granville to him :— 
 
 “ Foreign Office, 18^ January 1884. 
 
 “ Sir—Her Majesty’s Government are desirous that you 
 should proceed at once to Egypt, to report to them on the 
 military situation in the Soudan, and on the measures which 
 it may be advisable to take for the security of the Egyptian 
 garrisons still holding positions in that country, and for the 
 safety of the European population in Khartoum. You are 
 also desired to consider and report upon the best mode of 
 effecting the evacuation of the interior of the Soudan, and 
 upon the manner in which the safety and the good adminis¬ 
 tration by the Egyptian Government of the ports on the sea 
 coast can best be secured. In connection with this subject, 
 you should pay especial consideration to the question of the 
 
262 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 steps that may usefully be taken to counteract the stimulus 
 which it is feared may possibly be given to the slave trade 
 by the present insurrectionary movement, and by the with¬ 
 drawal of the Egyptian authority from the interior. You 
 will be under the instructions of Her Majesty’s Agent and 
 Consul-General at Cairo, through whom your reports to 
 Her Majesty’s Government should be sent under flying seal. 
 You will consider yourself authorised and instructed to 
 perform such other duties as the Egyptian Government 
 may desire to entrust to you, and as may be communicated 
 to you by Sir E. Baring. You will be accompanied by 
 Colonel Stewart, who will assist you in the duties thus 
 confided to you. On your arrival in Egypt you will at 
 once communicate with Sir E. Baring, who will arrange to 
 meet you, and will settle with you whether you should 
 proceed direct to Suakim, or should go yourself or despatch 
 Colonel Stewart to Khartoum, via the Kile.—I am, etc., 
 
 “ (Signed) Granville.” 
 
 He went from Dover by the mail packet Samphire. He 
 reached Port Said on the twenty-fourth, and he and 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart went at once to Cairo, which 
 place they reached at nine o’clock at night. They were not 
 generally expected, and there was no crowd to greet them. 
 General Evelyn Wood and Major Watson were with them, 
 having joined them at Port Said. They drove at once to 
 the house of General Wood, and there met Sir Evelyn 
 Baring. Gordon was dressed in plain clothes, and seemed 
 cheery and well. 
 
 He received, as he was told to expect, his final instruc¬ 
 tions from Sir Evelyn Baring. He also had given to him 
 £40,000 with which to pay the troops ; and on the night of 
 26th January he left Cairo for Assiout. 
 
 The following was written by Sir Evelyn Baring to 
 Gordon on the twenty-fifth :— 
 
GORDON'S RESPONSE. 
 
 263 
 
 “It is believed that the number of Europeans at Khar¬ 
 toum is very small; but it has been estimated by the local 
 authorities that some 10,000 to 15,000 people will wish to 
 move northwards from Khartoum only when the Egyptian 
 garrison is withdrawn. These people are native Christians, 
 Egyptian employes, their wives and children, etc. The 
 Government of his Highness the Khedive is earnestly 
 solicitous that no effort should be spared to ensure the 
 retreat both of these people and of the Egyptian garrison 
 without loss of life. 
 
 “As regards the most opportune time and the best 
 method for effecting the retreat, whether of the garrisons or 
 of the civil populations, it is neither necessary nor desirable 
 that you should receive detailed instructions. A short time 
 ago the local authorities pressed strongly on the Egyptian 
 Government the necessity for giving orders for an immediate 
 retreat. . . . You will bear in mind that the main end to 
 be, pursued is the evacuation of the Soudan. This policy 
 was adopted, after very full discussion, by the Egyptian 
 Government, on the advice of Her Majesty’s Government. 
 It meets with the full approval of His Highness the Khedive 
 and of the present Egyptian Ministry. I understand also 
 that you entirely concur in the desirability of adopting this 
 policy, and that you think it should on no account be 
 changed. You consider that it may take a few months to 
 carry it out with safety. You are further of opinion that 
 ‘ the restoration of the country should be made to the 
 different petty Sultans who existed at the time of Mehemet 
 Ali’s conquest, and whose families still exist ; 9 and that an 
 endeavour should be made to form a confederation of those 
 Sultans. In this view the Egyptian Government entirely 
 concurs. 
 
 “ It will, of course, be fully understood that the Egyptian 
 troops are not to be kept in the Soudan merely with a view 
 to consolidating the power of the new rulers of the country. 
 
264 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 But the Egyptian Government has the fullest confidence in 
 your judgment, your knowledge of the country, and of your 
 comprehension of the general line of policy to be pursued. 
 You are, therefore, given full discretionary power to retain 
 the troops for such reasonable period as you may think neces¬ 
 sary, in order that the abandonment of the country may 
 be accomplished with the least possible risk to life and 
 property. A credit of £100,000 has been opened for you 
 at the Finance Department, and further funds will be 
 supplied to you on your requisition when this sum is 
 exhausted. In undertaking the difficult task which now 
 lies before you, you may feel assured that no effort will be 
 wanting on the part of the Cairo authorities, whether 
 English or Egyptian, to afford you all the co-operation and 
 support in their power .” 
 
 Sir Evelyn Baring states that when he read over to him 
 the draft of this despatch the General expressed his entire 
 concurrence in the instructions. “ The only suggestion he 
 made was in connection with the passage in which, speak¬ 
 ing of the policy of abandoning the Soudan, I had said, ‘ I 
 understand also that you entirely concur in the desirability 
 of adopting this policy/ General Gordon wished that I 
 should add the words, ‘and that you think it should on 
 no account be changed/ These words were accordingly 
 added.” 
 
 The news of his arrival in the Soudan was received with 
 the wildest joy, as the following telegrams, taken from the 
 Standard , prove :— 
 
 Cairo, Friday Night. 
 
 “After rising very early this morning, General Gordon 
 called on the Khedive, by whom he was most cordially 
 received, as also by Nubar Pasha. Afterwards, accompanied 
 by Sir Evelyn Wood, Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart, and Major 
 Watson, he paid a visit to Sir Evelyn Baring, with whom 
 he discussed the whole situation in the Soudan for several 
 
GORDON’S RESPONSE . 
 
 265 
 
 hours; the conversation, which was only interrupted for 
 luncheon, lasting until six o’clock in the evening. Sir 
 Evelyn Wood, however, left about three to attend to his 
 duties elsewhere. 
 
 “ These deliberations were, of course, strictly private, and 
 absolutely nothing is known of the result, but there is 
 reason to believe that General Gordon is to be entrusted 
 with a mission, half military half diplomatic, and without 
 any very definite instructions such as might hamper his 
 initiative while on the spot. His primary object will be to 
 secure, in whatever way possible, by negotiation or other¬ 
 wise, the safety of those inhabitants of the Soudan who 
 remain loyal to the Cairo Government. 
 
 “ Should it appear to General Gordon on his arrival at 
 Khartoum that the strength of the Mahdi is exaggerated, 
 and that there is a reasonable prospect of holding the town 
 by the opening up either of Suakim-Berber or the Massowah- 
 Kasala route, there is little doubt that an effort will be 
 made to carry out what are known to be his personal 
 feelings on the subject. 
 
 “ General Gordon leaves Cairo to-morrow evening. He 
 goes by train to Assiout, whence a steamer will be chartered 
 which will take him as far as Wady Haifa, at the Second 
 Cataract. Thence he intends to strike directly across the 
 desert for Abu Hamad, following the course of the river 
 from this point to Khartoum. This plan, however, may be 
 modified by circumstances. 
 
 “The extent to which confidence has been restored 
 amongst all classes, European and native, by General 
 Gordon’s arrival is almost miraculous. An old Pasha, 
 named Tohami, who served under him in his previous 
 undertaking in the Soudan, predicts that, immediately on 
 the ex-Governor’s arrival, the Mahdi’s hordes will ‘ melt 
 away like dew,’ and the Pretender will be left ‘like a 
 small man standing alone, until forced to flee back to his 
 
266 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 Island of Abbas.’ Making all allowance for Oriental 
 exaggerations, one can only hope that these anticipations 
 will be verified. 
 
 “ It is not only the enthusiastic and possibly interested 
 natives who are so impressed by the advent of General 
 Gordon. Sir Evelyn Wood, speaking of him after their 
 meeting to-day, expressed himself in the warmest terms, 
 ending by saying that the General had only one fault—that 
 he was too good for his time, and should have lived centuries 
 ago; and compared him to the Chevalier Bayard. 
 
 “Although Generals Wood and Gordon have not met 
 since they served together in the Crimea, the mutual 
 recognition, when Gordon appeared on the poop of the 
 Tanjore at Port Said, was instantaneous, and a warm 
 friendship has already sprung up between the two, as, 
 indeed, is the case with all whom General Gordon comes 
 in contact.” 
 
 The question has been asked since, What is General 
 Gordon’s mission ? In the following, which was his answer 
 to the instructions he had received, the General himself 
 answers the question :— 
 
 “ Memorandum by General Gordon. 
 
 “ I understand that Her Majesty’s Government have 
 come to the irrevocable decision not to incur the very 
 onerous duty of securing to the peoples of the Soudan a 
 just future Government. That, as a consequence, Her 
 Majesty’s Government have determined to restore to these 
 peoples their independence, and will no longer suffer the 
 Egyptian Government to interfere with their affairs. 
 
 “ 2. For this purpose Her Majesty’s Government have 
 decided to send me to the Soudan to arrange for the evacua¬ 
 tion of these countries, and the safe removal of the 
 Egyptian employes and troops. 
 
 “3, Keeping Paragraph No. 1 in view—viz., that the 
 
GORDON'S RESPONSE . 
 
 267 
 
 evacuation of the Soudan is irrevocably decided on, it will 
 depend upon circumstances in what way this is to be 
 accomplished. 
 
 “My idea is that the restoration of the country should be 
 made to the different petty Sultans who existed at the time 
 of Mehemet Ali’s conquest, and whose families still exist; 
 that the Mahdi should be left altogether out of the calcu¬ 
 lation as regards the handing over the country; and that it 
 should be optional with the Sultans to accept his supremacy 
 or not. As these Sultans would probably not be likely to 
 gain by accepting the Mahdi as their Sovereign, it is 
 probable that they will hold to their independent positions. 
 Thus we should have two factors to deal with—namely, the 
 petty Sultans asserting their several independence, and the 
 Mahdi’s party aiming at supremacy over them. To hand, 
 therefore, over to the Mahdi the arsenals, etc., would, I 
 consider, be a mistake. They should be handed over to the 
 Sultans of the States in which they are placed. 
 
 “ The most difficult question is how and to whom to hand 
 over the arsenals at Khartoum, Dongola, and Kassala, 
 which towns have, so to say, no old standing families— 
 Khartoum and Kassala having sprung up since Mehemet 
 Ali’s conquest. Probably it would be advisable to postpone 
 any decision as to these towns till such time as the inhabi¬ 
 tants have made known their opinion. 
 
 “ 4. I have, in Paragraph 3, proposed the transfer of the 
 lands to the local Sultans, and stated my opinion that these 
 will not accept the supremacy of the Mahdi. If this is 
 agreed to, and my supposition correct as to their action, 
 there can be but little doubt that, as far as he is able, the 
 Mahdi will endeavour to assert his rule over them, and will 
 be opposed to any evacuation of the Government employes 
 and troops. My opinion of the Mahdi’s forces is, that the 
 bulk of those who were with him at Obeid will refuse to 
 cross the Nile, and that those who do so will not exceed 
 
268 
 
 GENERAL GORDON . 
 
 3000 or 4000 men, and also that these will be composed 
 principally of black troops who have deserted, and who, if 
 offered fair terms, would come over to the Government side. 
 In such a case—viz., ‘ Sultans accepting transfer of territory 
 and refusing the supremacy of the Mahdi, and Mahdi’s 
 black troops coming over to the Government, resulting 
 in weakness of the Mahdi, what should be done should the 
 Mahdi’s adherents attack the evacuating columns V It 
 cannot be supposed that these are to offer no resistance; 
 and if in resisting they should obtain a success, it would be 
 but reasonable to allow them to follow up the Mahdi to 
 such a position as would ensure their future safe march. 
 This is one of those difficult questions which our Govern¬ 
 ment can hardly be expected to answer, but which may 
 arise, and to which I would call attention. Paragraph 1 
 fixes irrevocably the decision of the Government—viz., to 
 evacuate the territory, and, of course, as far as possible, 
 involves the avoidance of fighting. I can, therefore, only 
 .say that, having in view Paragraph 1, and seeing the 
 difficulty of asking Her Majesty’s Government to give a 
 decision or direction as to what should be done in certain 
 cases, that I will carry out the evacuation as far as possible 
 according to their wish to the best of my ability, and with 
 avoidance, as far as possible, of all fighting. I would, 
 however, hope that Her Majesty’s Government will give 
 me their support and consideration should I be unable to 
 fulfil all their expectations. 
 
 “ 5. Though it is out of my province to give any opinion 
 as to the action of Her Majesty’s Government in leaving the 
 Soudan, still I must say it would be an iniquity to reconquer 
 these peoples and then hand them back to the Egyptians 
 without guarantees of future good government. It is evi¬ 
 dent that this we cannot secure them without an inordinate 
 expenditure of men and money. The Soudan is a useless 
 possession, ever was so, and ever will be so. Larger than 
 
GORDON'S RESPONSE . 
 
 2G9 
 
 Germany, France, and Spain together, and mostly barren, it 
 cannot be governed except by a Dictator, who may be good 
 or bad. If bad, he will cause constant revolts. No one who 
 has ever lived in the Soudan can escape the reflection— 
 4 What a useless possession is this land.’ Few men also can 
 stand its fearful monotony and deadly climate. 
 
 “ 6. Said Pasha, the Viceroy before Ismail, went up to 
 the Soudan with Count F. de Lesseps. He was so dis¬ 
 couraged and horrified at the misery of the people, that at 
 Berber Count de Lesseps saw him throw his guns into the 
 river, declaring that he would be no party to such oppression. 
 It was only after the urgent solicitations of European 
 Consuls and others that he reconsidered his decision. 
 Therefore, I think Her Majesty’s Government are fully 
 justified in recommending the evacuation, inasmuch as the 
 sacrifices necessary towards securing a good government 
 would be far too onerous to admit of such an attempt being 
 made. Indeed, one may say it is impracticable at any cost. 
 Her Majesty’s Government will now leave them as God has 
 placed them ; they are not forced to fight among themselves, 
 and they will no longer be oppressed by men coming from 
 lands so remote as Circassia, Kurdistan, aryl Anatolia. 
 
 “ 7. I have requested Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart to 
 write his views independent of mine on this subject. I 
 append them to this report.” 
 
 “ Observations by Colonel Stewart. 
 
 “ I have carefully read over General Gordon’s obser¬ 
 vations, and cordially agree with what he states. 
 
 iS 2. I would, however, suggest that, as far as possible, all 
 munitions of war be destroyed on evacuation. 
 
 “ 3. I quite agree with General Gordon that the Soudan 
 is an expensive and useless possession. No one who has 
 visited it can escape the reflection—‘ What a useless posses¬ 
 sion is this land, and what a huge encumbrance on Egypt.’ 
 
270 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 “ 4. Handing back the territories to the families of the 
 dispossessed Sultans is an act of justice both towards them 
 and their people. The latter, at any rate, will no longer be at 
 the mercy of foreign mercenaries, and if they are tyrannised 
 over it will be more or less their own fault. Handing back 
 the districts to the old reigning families is also a politic act, 
 as raising up a rival power to that of the Mahdi. 
 
 “ 5. As it is impossible for Her Majesty’s Government to 
 foresee all the eventualities that may arise during the 
 evacuation, it seems to me the more judicious course to rely 
 on the discretion of General Gordon and his knowledge of 
 the country. 
 
 “ 6. I, of course, understand that General Gordon is 
 going to the Soudan with full powers to make all arrange¬ 
 ments as to its evacuation, and that he is in no way to be 
 interfered with by the Cairo Ministers. Also that any 
 suggestions or remarks that the Cairo Government would 
 wish to make are to be made directly to him and Her 
 Majesty’s Minister-Plenipotentiary, and that no intrigues 
 are to be permitted against his authority. Any other 
 course would, I am persuaded, make his mission a failure. 
 
 “(Signed) “D. H. Stewart, Lieutenant-Colonel, 
 
 “11th Hussars. 
 
 “Steamship Tanjore , at sea, Jan. 22, 1884.” 
 
 On the meeting of Parliament many eulogistic words 
 were spoken. 
 
 On the 22nd of January Sir Charles Dilke, addressing his 
 constituents at Chelsea, referred to the mission of General 
 Gordon as follows :— 
 
 “ General Gordon is not against but in favour of the 
 policy of the evacuation of Darfour, Kordofan, and the 
 interior of the Soudan. The greater part of what is called 
 the Soudan is not, and never has been, an integral part of 
 Egypt. The Egyptian is a foreigner there. The Soudan 
 
GORDON'S RESPONSE . 
 
 271 
 
 has always been a strain and a drain upon Egypt; 
 and instead of being a help, these countries always have 
 been, in our opinion, a weakness to it, and if they be a 
 weakness to Egypt it would be simple madness to this 
 country to insist upon their retention. We have no interest 
 that the Egyptians, rather than the Sultans of Darfour, 
 should rule in Darfour; our interest is that there should be 
 peace in the country. We have, I think, an interest that 
 the Egyptian rule should be maintained on the coasts of the 
 Red Sea, but we have no interest whatever in upholding 
 Egyptian rule in the interior of the continent of Africa. 
 The Conservatives have told us that we have shown upon 
 this subject a singularly vacillating policy, and they seem 
 to think we were suddenly driven to the employment of 
 General Gordon at a day’s notice by the news we got in the 
 Conservative press. We first suggested the sending out of 
 General Gordon to the late Egyptian Government very 
 many months ago, but at that time the suggestion was not 
 received with favour, either by the Egyptian Government 
 or by our own representatives in Cairo. They thought that, 
 under the circumstances then existing, it would not be 
 desirable that General Gordon should go out. This reluct¬ 
 ance lasted until quite recently, and it was a mutual 
 reluctance, for General Gordon did not wish to go. It was 
 only about ten days ago we were informed that General 
 Gordon, although he had no wish to go to Egypt, would 
 willingly obey ^he orders of Her Majesty’s Government if 
 he w r ere directed to go, and that he would gladly act under 
 the instructions of Sir Evelyn Baring. As soon as we had 
 obtained by telegraph the concurrence of Sir Evelyn Baring 
 in our view, the matter was arranged. A reply was 
 received, I think, on Wednesday last. General Gordon’s 
 instructions were given to him on the Friday, and with the 
 remarkable public spirit which characterises him, he started 
 with Colonel Stewart, as you know, on Friday night.” 
 
272 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 In the House of Commons, Sir Stafford Northcote, while 
 censuring the Government, said :— 
 
 “ There is one point upon which all our minds are fixed 
 —I mean the mission of General Gordon. On that point 
 I am anxious to say little or nothing. General Gordon 
 is now engaged in an attempt of the most gallant and 
 dangerous kind. Ho one can speak with too much admira¬ 
 tion of his courage and self-devotion. No one can fail, in 
 this country, to sympathise with him, and earnestly to 
 desire his safety and success. It would be the greatest 
 possible misfortune if, by any word carelessly allowed to 
 drop here, anything were done that would in the slightest 
 degree imperil or disturb the success of his mission. I 
 trust the Government are not proceeding in the case of 
 General Gordon as they have done in too many instances— 
 that they are not throwing all the responsibility upon him, 
 and keeping none for themselves—that they are not con¬ 
 fusing his position, and making it uncertain whose servant 
 he is, or to whom he is responsible. ” 
 
 Mr. Gladstone, in his reply, thus spoke of the circum¬ 
 stances connected with his mission, and in praise of the 
 hero:— 
 
 “General Gordon, in our estimation, is a very great 
 feature in the case. What is General Gordon ? He is no 
 common man. I thank the right hon. gentleman for the 
 manner in which he referred to him. I may almost say 
 that General Gordon is not alone. Other very able men 
 are with him—one in particular, Colonel Stewart, his 
 second and coadjutor. And, in fact, we have acted all 
 along on the principle of obtaining for this difficult Egypt 
 problem the very best services we could possibly get. 
 It is no exaggeration, in speaking of General Gordon, to 
 say that he is a hero. It is no exaggeration to say that 
 he is a Christian. It is no exaggeration to say that in 
 his dealings with Oriental people he is also a genius; 
 
GORDON'S RESPONSE. 
 
 273 
 
 that lie has a faculty, an influence, a command brought 
 about by moral means—for no man in this House hates 
 the unnecessary resort to blood more than General Gordon 
 —he has that faculty which produces effects among those 
 wild Eastern races almost unintelligible to us Western 
 people. Perhaps it may be said, ‘ If General Gordon 
 has all these gifts, why did you not employ him sooner h 9 
 Again you have fallen into an error, for you have not 
 taken the least pains to ascertain whether it was possible 
 or not. The suggestion to employ General Gordon in 
 the Soudan was made at a time so early that it really 
 is not within the limits of the direct responsibility of the 
 present Government. 
 
 “ As early as in the month of November 1882 Sir 
 Charles Wilson suggested the employment of General 
 Gordon. But there were difficulties on both sides. It is 
 very difficult to marry two people when one of them is 
 averse; but it is still more difficult to marry them when, 
 unfortunately, there is an aversion on both sides; and that, 
 I believe, was found to be the case at that period between 
 the Khedive and General Gordon. However, when it came 
 to the grave period, and the increased responsibility upon 
 us for the affairs in the Soudan that followed Hickss 
 defeat, then it was again our duty to have regard to the 
 possibility of what might be got through General Gordon. 
 The right hon. gentleman will recollect that we have 
 contended all along—he might have done it, but we could 
 not have done it—that down to the time of General Hicks's 
 defeat, we should not have been justified in interfering. It 
 was already known to us that the Egyptian Government 
 objected to General Gordon. On the 1st of December Lord 
 Granville had reason to believe that he was in a condition 
 to offer the services of General Gordon to the Egyptian 
 Government. Unfortunately, they were refused, but they 
 were refused not entirely without reason. The reason was 
 
 e 18 
 
274 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 one with which we were not satisfied, but it went far 
 to silence us, and I think the right hon. gentleman will find 
 it to be the case too. The objection made was this :—* The 
 Soudan is a country of strong Mahometan fanaticism, and 
 to send a Christian as our agent would be a dangerous 
 course, and might cause a more dangerous outbreak.’ We 
 were not satisfied, but at the same time it was very difficult 
 to brush that objection rudely aside, and that led to some 
 further delay. That was on the 1st of December. But we 
 became acquainted with the sentiments of General Gordon, 
 and, as time went on, the objection of the Egyptian 
 Government became mitigated and entirely changed. How¬ 
 ever, it was not until the 10th of January—that is to 
 say, eight days after Nubar Pasha came into office, that we 
 had forwarded to us a request to send officers to conduct 
 the evacuation of the Soudan, and on the 16th of January 
 General Gordon was on his way. 
 
 “ At Cairo General Gordon formed his plan, and the paper 
 laid on the table we received first in the shape of a valuable 
 memorandum. We have had some doubts whether it was 
 our duty to produce his plan. If it could have been pro¬ 
 duced to this House or this country alone, it would have 
 been a different matter, but the promulgation of the plan in 
 Egypt might cause its failure. All I can say on this 
 occasion—but I would rather not enter into particulars at 
 all—is that it was evidently a well-reasoned and considered 
 plan, that it was entirely pacific in its basis, that it proceeds 
 on the plea—which would have been fanatical or presump¬ 
 tuous in my case, or in the case of most of those in this 
 House, but which, in the case of General Gordon, with his 
 experience and his gifts, was neither the one nor the other 
 —not that he must, but that he might, hope to exercise a 
 strong pacific influence by going to the right persons in the 
 Soudan, and it was his desire as much as ours that this 
 should be done without any resort whatever to violent 
 
GORDON'S RESPONSE. 
 
 275 
 
 means. Now, General Gordon went, not for the purpose of 
 reconquering the Soudan, or of persuading the chiefs of the 
 Soudan, the Sultans who were at the head of the tribes of 
 the Soudan, to submit themselves again to the Egyptian 
 Government. He went for no such purpose as that. He 
 went for the double purpose of evacuating the country by 
 the extrication of the Egyptian garrisons, and of reconsti¬ 
 tuting it by giving back to the Sultans their ancestral 
 powers, as I may so call them, which had been withdrawn 
 or suspended during the period of Egyptian occupation. I 
 have told the House already that General Gordon had in 
 view the withdrawal from the country of no less than 
 twenty-nine thousand persons paying military service in 
 Egypt. The House will see how vast was the trust which 
 was placed in the hands of this remarkable person. We 
 cannot exaggerate the importance we attach to it. We are 
 unwilling to do anything which should interfere with this 
 great pacific scheme—the only scheme, absolutely the 
 only scheme, which promised a satisfactory solution of 
 the Soudanese difficulty, by at once extricating the garrisons 
 and reconstituting the country on its own basis of local 
 privileges.” 
 
 The following telegraphic correspondence respecting the 
 affairs of the Soudan was presented to Parliament:— 
 
 <c Earl Granville to Sir E. Baring. 
 
 Foreign Office, Feb. 7, 1884, 6.25 p.m. 
 
 If possible, ask G6rdon whether change of circumstances 
 affects his judgment as to going to Khartoum, and whether 
 he has any suggestions to make. 
 
 Earl Granville to Sir E. Baring. 
 
 Foreign Office, Feb. 8, 1884, 5.40 p.m. 
 
 Make it clear to Gordon that request for his suggestions 
 
276 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 is not confined to the single point of Khartoum, but extends 
 to any alteration for assisting the object with which he is 
 charged. 
 
 Earl Granville to Sir E. Raring . 
 
 Foreign Office, Feb. 10, 1884, 11 p.m. 
 
 Ask Gordon whether he can suggest anything respecting 
 Sinkat and Tokar. 
 
 Earl Granville to Sir E. Baring . 
 
 Foreign Office, Feb. 11, 1884, 1.45 p.m. 
 
 Send on following to Gordon :— 
 
 ‘ It has been suggested by a military authority that, to 
 assist the policy of withdrawal, a British force should be 
 sent to Suakim sufficient to operate, if necessary, in its 
 vicinity. Would such a step injure or assist your 
 mission ? ’ 
 
 Sir E. Baring to Earl Granville. 
 
 Cairo, Feb. 12, 1884, Noon. 
 
 Gordon telegraphs as follows :— 
 
 ‘I have formed a Committee of Defence with Hassan 
 Kalifa Pasha. 
 
 ‘They meet to-day. They have announced my assump¬ 
 tion of the supreme power in the Soudan. I hope to 
 conciliate whole Province of Berber under my presidency. 
 Question of getting out garrison and families is so inter¬ 
 laced with preservation of well-to-do people of this country 
 as to be for the present inseparable. Any. precipitate 
 action separating these interests would throw all well- 
 disposed people into the ranks of the enemy, and would 
 fail utterly in its effects. Therefore I trust patience will 
 be shown, and that you will not be at all anxious as to issue/ 
 
GORDONS RESPONSE. 
 
 277 
 
 Sir E. Baring to Earl Granville. 
 
 Cairo, Feb. 12, 1884, 2.20 p.m. 
 
 Gordon replies:— 
 
 ‘ As to sending forces to Suakim to assist withdrawal, I 
 would care more for rumour of such intention than for 
 forces. What would have greatest effect would be rumour 
 of English intervention.’ 
 
 Sir E. Baring to Earl Granville. 
 
 Cairo, Feb. 12, 1884, 4 p.m. 
 
 Gordon replies :— 
 
 1 About Tokar and Sinkat, you can do nothing except 
 by proclaiming that the chiefs of tribes should come to 
 Khartoum to Assembly of Notables, when the independence 
 of the Soudan will be decided. As for money, it would be 
 well to try, but difficult to arrange.’ 
 
 Sir E. Baring to Earl Granville. 
 
 Cairo, Feb. 12, 1884, 7 p.m. 
 
 Gordon telegraphs :— 
 
 ‘ Not least probability of any massacre of women and 
 children. Efforts of rebels confined to raising revolts 
 among their neighbours. It seems no instance has occurred 
 where rebels of one district invaded neighbour’s soil. Have 
 not least apprehension for safety of Khartoum or Berber 
 being in jeopardy by events at Suakim. Kassala is, of 
 course, in danger from rising of its own lower classes ; but 
 even if they rise, action will be confined to robbery, and 
 perhaps murder of tfew Beys, their oppressors.’ 
 
 Sir E. Baring to Earl Granville. 
 
 Cairo, Feb. 13, 1884, 8.30 a.m. 
 
 Gordon leaves Berber to-day for Khartoum with several 
 influential chiefs. He will not hurry, as he wishes to see 
 people on banks. 
 
278 
 
 GENERAL GORDON . 
 
 Consul Baker to Earl Granville . 
 
 Suakim, February 13, 1884. 
 
 All quiet in town and camp. Enemy has abandoned 
 position near here in consequence of latest news of British 
 troops en route. The general opinion is that Tokar will be 
 able to hold out till relieved,” 
 
 
CHAPTER XXVI, 
 
 SUBSEQUENT EVENTS IN THE SOUDAN. 
 
 “ He can report, 
 
 As seemeth by his plight, of this revolt 
 The newest state.” — Macbeth. 
 
 the meantime the troubles in the Soudan 
 were as great as ever. 
 
 Tewfik Bey, the gallant commander of the 
 little force in Sinkat, was hoping against 
 hope that relief would come to him. Some spies succeeded 
 in reaching him, who, on their return, said that Tewfik was 
 delighted to see them, as no news had been received for 
 a long time from Suakim, and the soldiers were getting 
 faint-hearted. Parties of the enemy gathered every day on 
 knolls outside, and shouted curses to the little garrison. 
 A few men made attacks, but the garrison chased them. 
 Tewfik had no cavalry, and he was not sure of the 
 strength of the enemy. He said that “ a large party among 
 the Arabs really believe that the Mahdi is a real prophet 
 sent from God, and that Osman Digna is his Calif. ” On 
 the 10th of January Tewfik said he had not enough pro¬ 
 vision for a dozen days more. He begged the Government 
 
I 
 
 280 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 to send troops and provisions, as every day their state was 
 becoming more desperate. 
 
 A few days later Tewfik wrote to say that he was at his 
 last extremity; the dogs and all other animals had been 
 devoured, and the men were receiving but half-a-pound of 
 grain a-day on which to live. He had only one sack of 
 grain left. It was hoped that the friendly tribes known to be 
 near would relieve him ; if not, he was resolved, on the 2nd 
 of February, to try and fight his way to Suakim, as he 
 preferred death in battle to starvation. He had con¬ 
 tinually to fight, and on one occasion he lost nineteen 
 men. 
 
 It was impossible that Baker’s army could reach Sinkat, 
 owing to the waterless state of the roads. But Tokar was 
 in as bad a plight as Sinkat. The commander of the forces 
 there thus described his state :— 
 
 “ It is impossible for us to be in a worse condition than 
 we now are. The enemy have filled up all the wells 
 outside the town, and the water in the inside wells is 
 brackish and bad. The troops are suffering greatly from 
 diarrhoea, and I fear that in two or three days we shall be 
 obliged to surrender. We have dried grain enough for 
 three months, but no meat or ghee, and only from ten 
 to twenty rounds of ammunition per man. The rebels fire 
 upon us night and day.” 
 
 When Baker Pasha received this news he at once decided 
 to march on Tokar. It was hoped that Osman Digna, the 
 leader of the rebel tribes, would go to engage with him, and 
 so lessen the pressure around Sinkat. If this were so, 
 Tewfik’s army would have a better chance of getting away. 
 Baker offered £100 to the first sheikh who would enter 
 Sinkat with supplies, and large rewards to all tribes who 
 would convey food to the place. 
 
 On Monday, the 4th of February, occurred another 
 terrible defeat. The Egyptian army seemed to have no 
 
 i 
 
SUBSEQUENT EVENTS IN THE SOUDAN 281 
 
 courage, otherwise the battle of Teb must have had another 
 conclusion. It was a dull morning, which turned to rain, 
 under cover of which the rebels advanced. They charged 
 suddenly, uttering wild cries; and at the sound the 
 Egyptian horsemen became panic-stricken, and, turning 
 rein, hurried away. Some of the soldiers refused even to 
 defend themselves, but threw away their rifles, and fell on 
 the ground screaming for mercy. The generals tried to get 
 the men to form into square; but there was wild confusion 
 everywhere, and the Egyptians could not be induced to 
 fight. It became a total rout, and the shattered columns 
 streamed across the plain towards Trinkitat, the cavalry 
 flying before them. The enemy pursued, killing them as 
 they went. When last seen, Dr. Lesbie, Morris Bey, and 
 Captain Walker, w T ith drawn swords and pistols, were 
 standing in a group close to the guns, facing the enemy, and 
 quite surrounded by them. The pursuit was kept up for 
 five miles, and then the fugitives made their way to 
 Trinkitat. On reaching the shore they were so eager to 
 get into the boats that the English soldiers had, in order 
 to prevent them from swamping, to keep them back with 
 revolvers. Lieutenant Cameron, in his graphic description 
 of the battle, remarks :— 
 
 “ After yesterday’s experience no one here will ever trust 
 themselves in action again with Egyptian troops, except, 
 indeed, with bodies of well-drilled Blacks, who, under such 
 circumstances, only can be relied upon. The enemy had 
 not three thousand men in the field, but it must be owned 
 that these came on with all the pluck and gallantry of the 
 Moslems of old. Those of us who saw their long line 
 charge down through the scrub at a steady pace, after 
 uttering a wild whoop, will not soon forget the sight.” 
 
 Indeed, this battle may be said in one sense to have 
 settled the fate of the Soudan; its result making it evident 
 that the Egyptians have not ability to rule the Arabs. 
 
282 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 While this reverse was occurring at Teb, the little 
 garrison at Sinkat was in despair. Letters arrived from 
 Tewfik imploring assistance. He would have known the 
 impossibility of this had he been informed that Baker 
 had been routed ; but he did not know, and his men were 
 starving. His last despatch said they were chewing leaves 
 in order to assuage the pangs of hunger. At last news 
 came that the gallant little band at Sinkat had been 
 massacred. 
 
 Tewfik is reported to have pointed out to his men that 
 by fighting they might save themselves; by remaining, all 
 must in a few days die of hunger, while flight was 
 impossible. Having animated his men with his own 
 spirit, he burned all the stores, spiked the guns, and blew 
 up the magazines. Then each man having filled his 
 pouches with as much ammunition as he could carry, the 
 six hundred issued out. Osman’s hordes at once rushed 
 down to the attack. Tewfik and his men fought nobly, 
 and for a long time repulsed every effort to break their 
 ranks ; but at last numbers prevailed. With a tremendous 
 rush the Arabs burst into one of the sides of the square, 
 and a general massacre then took place. Reports received 
 by the Standard’s correspondent at Suakim speak of five 
 men and thirty women having been spared; and the first 
 statement that the women and children had not been 
 massacred was thus contradicted. The streets of Suakim, 
 when the news arrived, were filled with crowds of weeping 
 women; and although the English there are less demon¬ 
 strative in their grief, Lieutenant Cameron represents them 
 as feeling it well-nigh as deeply and bitterly. 
 
 When the news reached London it was decided to take 
 energetic measures for the relief, if possible, of Tokar, and for 
 assuring the safety of Suakim. A force of four thousand 
 men were at once collected and despatched to the western 
 shore of the Red Sea. Lord Wolseley, the Adjutant-General 
 
SUBSEQUENT EVENTS IN THE SOUDAN 283 
 
 of the forces, entered into communication with the general 
 officer commanding the British troops in Egypt. General 
 Graham was to command, and Colonel Bed vers Buller to be 
 the second in command. General Stephenson was to select 
 the three best battalions of infantry from among his troops. 
 Some Irish Fusiliers and Marines were also ordered to the 
 Soudan. The 10th Hussars, on their way home from India, 
 were to be stopped at Suakim, and provided with horses. 
 Provisions were to be taken; and the expedition was to go 
 forth promptly, and with every hope that its work would be 
 speedily accomplished. 
 
 This news was warmly welcomed at Suakim. Admiral 
 Hewett sent to Tokar to say that if they could hold out a 
 little longer an English force would march to their relief. 
 The commandant replied in a hopeful strain that he thought 
 he could manage to hold out until relieved by English 
 troops. 
 
 Better news then reached England. The Marines arrived 
 at Suakim first, and then the Hussars and Irish Fusiliers. 
 It was feared that the Jumna , in which the relief party 
 were hastening, might come into contact with Osman 
 Digna’s forces; but all went well. 
 
 In consequence of the rapidity with which news reaches 
 England by telegraph, it became known that probably on a 
 certain day in February a battle would be fought; and so 
 strongly was the imagination wrought on, that we could 
 almost see the blaze and the dust, and hear the noise of 
 battle. We knew that the stores had all been landed, and 
 the whole force had moved to Fort Baker, and that it was 
 intended to bivouac there, and early in the morning march 
 to Teb, for the battle was to take place on the ground which 
 had proved so fatal to Baker and Moncrieff. 
 
 War is always horrible. We cannot but mourn that it 
 has ever to take place, and wish for the time when it 
 shall cease for ever from the earth; but while it lasts, 
 
284 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 every one feels an interest in the success of his own 
 soldiers, and rejoices when the victory is on his own side. 
 
 Great courage on both sides was exhibited at the second 
 battle of Teb. Everything was ready. The surgeons 
 were there, prepared to do their best for the wounded. 
 The newspaper correspondents were there, ready to write 
 the whole particulars for their readers; and so were the 
 artists who sketched the terrible scenes, that in a week or 
 two the whole reading world might realise the event almost 
 as fully as those who were eye-witnesses of it. And the 
 soldiers were there, ready to die doing their duty. 
 
 They cheered as they advanced, and the pipers of the 
 Black Watch played the bagpipes. Some one said that 
 as they were not stationed in front, they would try to do 
 their best to frighten the enemy away with their strains of 
 unearthly music. The battle lasted between three and 
 four hours; and then a loud cheer from the Gordon High¬ 
 landers, and a blast from the bagpipes, told of victory. 
 
 Sir E. Baring at once telegraphed the news of the 
 victory in Arabic to General Gordon, so that it was known 
 all up the line. 
 
 The next thing was for the troops to occupy Tokar. 
 They imagined that the enemy might probably come up 
 again and try to prevent this; but no opposition was 
 offered, and the troops marched in, to the great joy of those 
 who were left in Tokar. They found that the Egyptian 
 garrison only numbered about seventy, and they were in a 
 starving condition. Many had gone over to the enemy, and 
 some had died. Those who remained, as well as the 
 population of the town, welcomed their deliverers with tears 
 of joy. 
 
 There were great rejoicings everywhere ; but the list of 
 the killed and the wounded could not be read without a 
 shudder. On the British side four officers, thirty-two 
 privates, and two marines were killed; and seventeen 
 
SUBSEQUENT EVENTS IN THE SOUDAN 285 
 
 officers and one hundred and forty-two soldiers and 
 marines were wounded. On the side of the enemy it was 
 estimated that over a thousand had been slain. 
 
 It was hoped that this loss on the enemy’s side would 
 ensure his submission; but it did not. Many, no doubt, 
 who had believed the Mahdi’s troops invincible lost faith, 
 and were inclined to waver; but it is to be feared that his 
 power over the Arabs will yet prove a source of trouble. 
 
 The following order was issued by General Graham at 
 the close of the battle to the troops who had fought under 
 him :— 
 
 “The objects of the expedition are now achieved. Tokar 
 has been relieved, and the rebels so thoroughly humbled, 
 that the force before Tokar may safely retire. But before 
 the force is broken up, the General desires to record his 
 sense of the gallantry and good discipline displayed by all 
 arms. The cavalry have shown that dash which has 
 always characterised that arm of our military force, and 
 have also rendered invaluable service in reconnaissance and 
 scouting duties. The action of the infantry generally has 
 been characterised by steadiness and firmness in the 
 presence of the enemy. The first operation carried out, that 
 of moving to a flank under a heavy fire, was very trying to 
 the steadiness of young soldiers, as was the great daring 
 shown by the foe in charging down to close quarters in the 
 face of an overwhelming force. The result of the action 
 shows the British soldier that as long as he keeps steady in 
 formation and cool in firing, desperate rushes like those 
 made by these brave Blacks only ensure their destruction. 
 The Arabs have now felt the terrible effects of the fire 
 of the British infantry. The lesson will not easily be, 
 forgotten. The General thanks the Naval Brigade under 
 Commander Bolfe, for their cheerful endurance during the 
 severe work of dragging the guns across the difficult 
 country, when suffering from the heat and scarcity of water; 
 
286 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 for their ready gallantry and steadiness under fire when 
 serving their guns, they have contributed materially to the 
 success of the action. I cannot too highly express my 
 thanks for their services. 
 
 “ The guns of the Royal Artillery were also admirably 
 served, and these, in conjunction with those of the Naval 
 Brigade, succeeded in silencing the enemy’s fire, and pre¬ 
 pared the way for the advance of the infantry. The staff 
 officers of all departments also worked without sparing 
 themselves. The supplies were never stopped, in spite of 
 the difficult country. The General especially commends 
 the absence of all crime on the part of the troops. He is 
 proud to command them; they deserve well of their 
 country.” 
 
 A few days afterwards Admiral Hewett and General 
 Graham issued a joint proclamation to the tribes. They 
 asked all the sheiks to come in and meet them at Suakim. 
 “ You have already,” says the proclamation, “ been 
 warned that the English force have come here, not only to 
 relieve the garrison of Tokar, but to redress the wrongs 
 under which you have so long suffered; nevertheless, you 
 have gone on trusting that notorious scoundrel, Osman 
 Digna, well known to you all as a bad man, his former life 
 in Suakim having proved that to be the case. He has led 
 you away with the foolish idea that the Mahdi has come on 
 earth. The great God who rules the universe does not send 
 such scoundrels as Osman Digna for His messengers. Your 
 people are brave, and England always respects such men. 
 Awake, then, chase Osman Digna from your country. We 
 promise you that protection and pardon shall be granted 
 to all who come in at once ; otherwise the fate of those who 
 fell at El Teb shall surely overtake you.” 
 
 This proclamation was followed a few days later by 
 another, sent especially to the sheiks of thirty-three hostile 
 tribes :— 
 
SUBSEQUENT EVENTS IN THE SOUDAN 287 
 
 “We, the Admiral of the English fleet and the General 
 of the English army assembled at Suakim, do hereby 
 summon you to disperse peaceably, and to return to your 
 homes. The English army is about to march to your 
 camp in the Yalley of Tamanieh, and will treat all found 
 there in arms as rebels in the same way they treated those 
 at El Teb. Be warned in time. Listen no more to the 
 evil counsels of Osman Digna. If you have any grievances, 
 send delegates to Khartoum to meet General Gordon, whom 
 you all know to be a good and just man. If you desire to 
 send delegates to us, we promise them protection, and will 
 transmit their statements by telegraph to General Gordon, 
 and obtain a reply in one day. We desire you to send a 
 reply by the bearer of this letter, or the consequences will 
 be upon your own head.” 
 
 The following reply was sent to the British Generals 
 from the camp of Osman Digna:— 
 
 “In the name of the most merciful God, the Lord be 
 praised, etc.—From the whole of the tribes and their 
 sheikhs who have received your writings, and those 
 who did not receive writings, to the Commandant of 
 the English soldiers, whom God help to Islam. Amen. 
 Then your letters have arrived with us, and what 
 you have informed us in them—to come in—then know 
 that the gracious God has sent his Mahdi suddenly who 
 was expected, the looked-for messenger for the religious and 
 against the infidels, so as to show the religion of God 
 through him, and by him to kill those who hate him, which 
 has happened. You have seen who have gone to him from 
 the people and soldiers, who are countless. God killed them, 
 so look at the multitudes.” Here follow verses from the 
 Koran. “You who never know religion till after death 
 hate God from the beginning. Then we are sure that God, 
 and only God, sent the Mahdi, so as to take away your 
 property, and you know this since the time of our Lord 
 
288 
 
 GENERAL GORDON . 
 
 Mahomet’s coming. Pray to God, and be converted. Ther 
 is nothing between us but the sword, especially as the 
 Mahdi has come to kill you and destroy you unless God 
 wishes you to Islam. The Mahdi’s sword be on your necks 
 wherever you may escape, and God’s iron be round your 
 necks wherever you may go. Do not think you are enough 
 for us, and the Turks are only a little better than you. We 
 will not leave your heads unless you become Mussulmans 
 and listen to the Prophet and laws of God, and God said 
 in His dear book those who believe Him fight for Him, and 
 those who do not believe in Him shall be killed.” Here 
 follow many verses from the Koran referring to permission to 
 kill infidels. “ Therefore God has waited for you for a long 
 time, and you have thought that He would always go on 
 waiting for you; but God said He would wait for you as 
 you were bad. People but know that during the time of 
 the Mahdi he will not accept bribes from you, and also will 
 not leave you in your infidelity, so there is nothing for you 
 but the sword, so that there will.not remain one of you on 
 the face of the earth, therefore Islam. Sealed by sheikhs 
 of twenty-one tribes.” 
 
 The troopship Jumna took the wounded to Suez, and a 
 special train, with invalid carriages, conveyed the wounded 
 from the wharf to the Victoria Hospital. The Eastern 
 Telegraph Company kindly offered to send messages from 
 wounded officers to their friends free of charge. And the 
 Queen telegraphed her thanks for the services of her 
 soldiers, her sympathy with the wounded, and her sorrow 
 for those who mourned the dead. 
 
 On the 11th of March the news reached England that 
 General Graham had had another victory. They engaged 
 with Osman Digna’s army at a place called Tamanieb, and 
 completely routed it. Osman himself fled to the hills, and 
 the day after the battle they marched on Osman Digna’s 
 village, and destroyed it, burning all the guns, and arms, 
 
SUBSEQUENT EVENTS IN THE SOUDAN. 289 
 
 and ammunition they found there. They met with no 
 opposition ; and it w~as felt that the cause of the Mahdi 
 had, in that decisive battle, received a blow from which it 
 could not recover. He had little difficulty in persuading 
 his followers to believe in him when an unbroken series of 
 victories seemed to them to confirm his own statements. 
 But when reverses and defeats told another story, it was 
 far less likely that they would be faithful to him. Un¬ 
 happily the British losses in this engagement were very 
 heavy. - One hundred and ten were killed, including five 
 officers, and about one hundred and fifty wounded. 
 
 General Graham offered a reward for the capture of 
 Osman Digna himself, but the reward was afterwards with¬ 
 drawn. It was resolved to make a final effort to disperse 
 the force still remaining under Osman Digna; and the 
 English troops, after much suffering, owing to the intense 
 heat and total absence of water on the line of route, 
 reaohed the Arab position at Tamanud on the 27th of 
 March. After some desultory firing, in which the English 
 sustained no loss, the enemy abandoned their position 
 and fled, completely routed and demoralised. The troops 
 then returned to Suakim, and the campaign was announced 
 as at an end, its object—the relief of Tokar and the dis¬ 
 persion of the Arabs—being accomplished. 
 
 Bather an interesting trophy of the war was presented to 
 Her Majesty the Queen. It consisted of the Mahdi’s 
 standard, which was captured by the British troops at the 
 relief of Tokar. Lieutenant Wilford Lloyd, Boyal Horse 
 Artillery, on his return home, was commissioned by 
 General Graham to convey the trophy to Her Majesty. 
 The gallant officer, who has already seen considerable active 
 service, left Trinkitat on the 5th of March, travelling vid 
 Cairo and Alexandria to Venice, where he was detained 
 in quarantine five days, and thence to London, where 
 he arrived on the ninth. He arrived at Windsor about 
 
 E 19 
 
290 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 noon, and immediately proceeded with the flag to the 
 Palace. The standard, which is about two-and-a-half yards 
 long and two yards wide, is composed of red and yellow 
 silk. On one side is an Arab inscription, stating that it 
 was presented by the Mahdi to the Governor of Tokar, 
 and on the other a text from the Koran: “ There is no 
 God but God, and Mahomet is His Prophet. Every one 
 professes the knowledge of God.” The Queen, accom¬ 
 panied by Princess Beatrice, received Lieutenant Wilford 
 Lloyd in the corridor after luncheon. Having been in¬ 
 troduced by General Sir H. F. Ponsonby, he presented the 
 flag on behalf of General Graham to Her Majesty, who 
 was greatly interested in the trophy. 
 
CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 SLAVERY AND GORDON’S PROCLAMATION. 
 
 “ The good I stand on is my honesty. 
 
 I fear nothing 
 
 That can be said against me.” 
 
 -Henry VIII. 
 
 ]ENERAL GORDON went on his way as 
 swiftly as possible, and the people every¬ 
 where rejoiced to see him. It was known that 
 one of the most dangerous parts of his journey 
 
 was that from Korosko to Berber, which was over the 
 desert of Abouh Amid. He was a day later in arriving 
 than he expected to be, and wild rumours began to be 
 circulated respecting him. But he was safely helped on his 
 journey, and no one molested him. Soon after he left 
 Korosko some friendly Bedouins had gathered together and 
 offered their assistance in crossing the Desert. They were 
 quite ready to accompany him if he cared to have them ; 
 but he thanked them, and declined, giving as his reason for 
 refusing the escort his anxiety to travel with the utmost 
 possible rapidity. 
 
 He reached Berber in safety, and telegraphed the good 
 
292 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 news immediately. He said that he was safe and well, and 
 thought there was no danger. He considered that the 
 country was quietening down, and said he had every hope 
 that, in the end, his mission would prove successful. He 
 thanked most heartily the Egyptian Government for the 
 arrangements which they had made for him on the way. 
 Everyone was rejoiced to hear of his safety. 
 
 From Berber to Khartoum he went by water, and was 
 received by his old friends there with every demonstration 
 of joy and enthusiasm of welcome, which showed how much 
 lie was loved. 
 
 When he left Cairo, his last words to Hubar Pasha were, 
 “ I will save the honour of Egypt.” Before entering the 
 desert, he sent a brief message to the garrison he was 
 hastening to relieve, exhorting them to be brave : “ Ye are 
 men, not women,” he said. From Berber, where he 
 emerged from the desert, and was about to take steamer 
 down the Kile to Khartoum, he telegraphed back to the 
 Egyptian Premier at Cairo : “ I am sending down many 
 women and children to Korosko. I wish you would send a 
 kind-hearted man to meet them. A European is best.” 
 At the same time he said, “ Give yourself no further anxiety 
 about this part of the Soudan. The people, great and small, 
 are heartily glad to be free of a union which has only caused 
 them sorrow.” 
 
 The Times correspondent, telegraphing the same day, 
 stated :—“ His speech to the people was received with enthu¬ 
 siasm. He said:— ‘ I come without soldiers, but with 
 God on my side, to redress the evils of the Soudan. I will 
 not fight with any weapons but justice. There shall be no 
 more Bashi-Bazouks.’ It is now believed that he will 
 relieve the Bahr Gazelle garrisons without firing a shot. 
 Since they heard that he was coming, the aspect of the 
 people has so changed that there are no longer any fears of 
 disturbances in the town. They say that he is giving them 
 
 
GORDON'S PROCLAMATION. 
 
 293 
 
 more than even the Mahdi could give. He is sending out 
 proclamations in all directions. Such is the influence of 
 one man, that there are no longer any fears for the garrison 
 or people of Khartoum.” 
 
 Mr. Power, the correspondent of the Times , further 
 telegraphed :—Yesterday was one series of acceptable sur¬ 
 prises for the people of Khartoum. General Gordon s 
 proclamation preceded him; and immediately on his arrival 
 he summoned the officials, thus preparing the people for 
 some salutary changes. He next held a levee at the 
 Mudirieh, the entire population, even the poorest Arab, 
 being admitted. On his way between the Mudirieh and 
 the Palace, about one thousand persons pressed forward, 
 kissing his hands and feet, and calling him “ Sultan,” 
 ‘‘ Father,” and “ Saviour of Kordofan.” 
 
 He at once set to work with all vigour to give the people 
 some much needed reforms. First, he had the telegraph 
 repaired, so that messages might be sent. Then he had 
 offices opened in the Palace, and invited the people to come 
 to him and Colonel Stewart, and state their grievances. 
 He found that many were suffering from the burden of 
 taxation that lay upon them, and dreading that their out¬ 
 standing debts to the Government would be demanded. 
 But Gordon had a great fire made in front of the Palace, and 
 the Government books recording these debts were burnt. 
 “How,” said the kindly General, “ we will have no more 
 of the whip. Ho one else is going to be bastinadoed; so 
 bring all the kombashes and implements of punishment to 
 me, and we will make a grand fire of them also.” 
 
 This was accordingly done, amid the g]ad shouts of the 
 delighted people, who seemed to feel that their deliverer 
 had indeed come. He telegraphed also that he had ap 
 pointed Colonel Coetlogan to the supreme command at 
 Khartoum ; and with him and Colonel S tewart he visited 
 the prison, the hospital, and the arsenal. He found the 
 
294 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 prison a den of misery ; two hundred wretches were loaded 
 with chains. He had before created a council of Arab 
 notables residing in Khartoum, in order to help him. 
 He gave to Colonel Stewart the duty of examining into 
 the cases of the prisoners, and reporting thereon. There 
 were boys and old men, and even women, there, some 
 of whom were not yet condemned, but who had been 
 wearily waiting in that terrible place during many months, 
 and actually in some cases for several years, for their trials 
 to take place, when it should be decided whether they were 
 guilty, and must continue to be incarcerated, or innocent, 
 and allowed to be free. The sight of the kind English 
 faces, full of pity for their sufferings and of indignation at 
 their wrongs, must have brought hope into many a hopeless 
 breast. One woman lifted her beseeching eyes to the new 
 judges who had come, and began to plead her cause— 
 
 “ All the best of my life has been spent in this place. I 
 was only a child when I committed the crime. May I not 
 now go free 'l ” 
 
 “ How long have you been here 1 ” 
 
 “ Fifteen years.” 
 
 And after fifteen years of darkness and captivity the 
 woman was sent out into the bright sunshine and the fresh 
 air, to bless her deliverers with tears of gratitude. 
 
 The prisoners were not liberated indiscriminately. That 
 would not have been holding the balance level. Their cases 
 were all examined, and those who ought to be retained 
 were kept. But all had their chains struck off, and many 
 of them were set at liberty; to be, let us hope, faithful 
 friends and helpers of the man who had rescued them from 
 injustice and wrong. 
 
 That was a wonderful day; and at night the people gave 
 themselves up to rejoicing. All parties united to make the 
 f6te a grand one; and the town was in a blaze of illumina¬ 
 tion. Flowers and lanterns, bright banners and variegated 
 
GORDON'S PROCLAMATION . 
 
 295 
 
 lamps, coloured cloths and bangles, were freely used every¬ 
 where. The bazaar was especially gay, and every house was 
 decorated, while the entire negro population exhibited a fine 
 display of fireworks. Indeed, the scene must have been 
 quite wonderful, and exceedingly picturesque, with a bril¬ 
 liancy of adornment such as we can scarcely imagine in 
 England. 
 
 The motto of General Gordon, in which he heartily 
 believed himself, and which he caused to be understood by 
 the people, was a very simple and a very just one— 
 
 “The Soudan for the Soudanese.” 
 
 In order at once to begin to make this theory a fact, he 
 gave orders that all the white troops should go to the other 
 side of the Nile—themselves and their families bein" sent 
 
 O 
 
 down the river in detachments. The Europeans who chose 
 to leave might also do so. He had two new gates opened 
 in the fortifications, and introduced generally a feeling of 
 security and freedom. Unfortunately (for he hates war), as 
 far as we can judge, the town appears since to have been 
 attacked by the Arabs, and General Gordon, who devoutly 
 hoped there would be no need for a single shot to be fired, 
 had, in self-defence, to send some of his men out to fight. 
 
 But, so far as the internal management of Khartoum was 
 concerned, he had nothing to fear. In a letter of thanks which 
 he addressed to Colonel Coetlogan, in which he gave him 
 very high praise for his services, and assured him that the 
 good work already accomplished had been greatly through 
 his aid, he said :—“ My belief is that there is not the least 
 chance of any danger being incurred by Khartoum, which I 
 consider as safe as Cairo. Therefore, your services here in 
 a military capacity would be wasted. I consider this place 
 was in imminent danger, not from an external enemy, but 
 from the people of the town, who, bullied by the effete 
 government of Hussein Pasha Cheri, became favourable to 
 
296 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 the El Obeid people. Rest assured you leave this place as 
 safe as Kensington Park.” 
 
 ' Every one hopes that events will prove the Governor- 
 General to have been correct in the sanguine opinion which 
 he thus expressed. 
 
 One thing made him exceedingly angry with the ex- 
 Governor of Khartoum, Hussein Pasha Cheri. 
 
 Among the other cases which demanded enquiry and 
 attention was that of Sheikh Belud of Khartoum. The old 
 man had to be carried into his presence, for he was quite 
 unable to walk; indeed, it is possible that he may never 
 walk again. 
 
 “ What is the matter 1 ” asked the Governor ; and then 
 the story of the old man’s wrongs was unfolded to him. 
 
 Six weeks before, Hussein Pasha Cheri had bastinadoed 
 the feet of this man so severely that the skin was all torn 
 off and the sinews exposed. When Gordon saw them he 
 declared that Husseim should be punished for his cruelty, 
 and he at once telegraphed to the authorities of Cairo to 
 stop £50 of his pay, which money was to be handed to the 
 bastinadoed sheikh for compensation. If the ex-Governor 
 objected, then he was to be sent back to Khartoum for 
 trial. 
 
 We have said that two new gates into the palace grounds 
 had been opened. At each of these gates General Gordon 
 had boxes placed, into which the people might drop their 
 petitions and complaints. This he has ever found a good 
 plan, for previously the people could only get access to the 
 Governor by the payment of large sums of money. He 
 also made the market free from tolls and taxes. 
 
 The next thing that the General did aroused in England 
 a great clamour of astonishment and displeasure. 
 
 He had pasted on all the posts and public places, so that 
 everyone might read it, the following proclamation to all 
 the inhabitants - 
 
 
GORDON'S PROCLAMATION. 
 
 297 
 
 “ As I have been appointed Governor of all the Soudan, 
 with the approval and by the decree of the Exalted Khe¬ 
 dive, and Britannia, the All-Powerful, the Soudan and its 
 Government have become independent, and will look after 
 their own affairs, without interference by the Egyptian 
 Government in anything whatever. 
 
 “ I also proclaim an amnesty, and grant you the privileges 
 given during the reign of Said Pasha ; and inform you that 
 His Majesty the Sultan, the Exalted, had made up his mind 
 to send Turkish soldiers, the well-known valiant and cour¬ 
 ageous conquerors. But when His Majesty heard of your 
 wretched condition, and of my cempassion for you, he sent 
 me, at great risk, putting my faith in the God of all man¬ 
 kind, to prevent the declaration by His Majesty the Sultan 
 of war between Moslems. . . . 
 
 “Your tranquillity is the object of our hope. And as I 
 know that you are sorrowful on account of the slavery 
 which existed among you, and the stringent orders on the 
 part of the Government for the abolition of it, and the 
 punishment of those who deal in them (the slaves), and the 
 assurances given by the Government for its abolition, 
 seizing upon and punishing those concerned in the trade; 
 the punishment of those who trade in slaves, according to 
 Imperial decrees, and the firmans forwarded to you—all 
 this is known to you. 
 
 “ But henceforward nobody will interfere with you in the 
 matter, but everyone for himself may take a man into his 
 service henceforth. No one will interfere with him, and 
 he can do as he pleases in the matter, without interference 
 on the part of anybody; and we have accordingly given 
 this order. 
 
 “ My compassion for you. 
 
 “ (Signed) “ Gordon Pasha.” 
 
 Whatever effect this proclamation might have had in 
 
298 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 Khartoum, it made a great stir in this country. Every 
 one was surprised; and perhaps it is not too much to say 
 that every one was sorry. The hatred of slavery and the 
 slave trade by English hearts is consistent, uncompromis¬ 
 ing, and most intense ; and that General Gordon should 
 declare that he permitted it filled every one with disappoint¬ 
 ment and dissatisfaction. In the House of Commons the 
 Opposition demanded, in indignant tones, the meaning of 
 it. Was England going to be untrue to all her traditions, 
 and, in the person of one who was beloved and honoured as 
 one of her greatest heroes, undo what she had previously 
 done 1 
 
 In the midst of the commotion a few people continued 
 calm. The Ministers declared that they would stand by 
 the man who had gone at their bidding to the Soudan, 
 with the understanding that he was to use his own judgment 
 as to the best methods of bringing about the peace that was 
 so desirable. 
 
 The Earl of Derby, in the House of Lords, said :—“ My 
 Lords, my noble friend asks me whether we approve or 
 disapprove of the Proclamation which has been recently 
 issued by General Gordon. The only answer I can give at 
 the present time will be an extremely short and simple 
 one. As the House knows, the instructions which have 
 been given to General Gordon leave him in possession of 
 practically unlimited powers. This Proclamation was not 
 issued in consequence of any instructions sent from here, 
 and, in point of fact, our first knowledge of it arose from 
 seeing the summary in the papers. We have no doubt got 
 the text of the document, and what may be regarded as a 
 brief telegraphic statement referring to it; but we have 
 not yet got that full explanation of the circumstances which 
 led to it, the conditions of the people to whom it was 
 addressed, and generally the state of the case with which 
 General Gordon has to deal, which it is absolutely necessary 
 
GORDON'S PROCLAMATION. 299 
 
 for us to know before we can form a judgment on the 
 action which General Gordon has taken. 
 
 “ I do not wish to throw any doubt on the action of 
 General Gordon. I have the highest opinion, not only of his 
 devotion to the cause which he is engaged in, but of the 
 detestation which all his life he has expressed of the slave- 
 trade. We know what he has done in China and elsewhere, 
 and this has all shown us the marvellous influence which 
 he seems to have exercised over the minds of the natives. 
 Knowing, then, his capacity for dealing with persons of 
 that class, it is only reasonable that we should wait for 
 that full explanation of the circumstances under which it 
 was issued before we proceed to discuss, it. Meanwhile, I 
 think General Gordon is entitled to be treated with that 
 fairness which his antecedents and the whole history of his 
 life would indicate. But while we do not know precisely 
 what happened, I should rather be disposed to think that 
 what occurred was something of this kind. General 
 Gordon found a very strong opposition to the present 
 Government in Egypt, as being under European influence, 
 and as it was well-known that the English Government is 
 advising the Egyptian Government, it is quite possible that 
 one of the leading topics of those who are endeavouring to 
 advocate the cause of the Mahdi would be the well-known 
 hostility of the English Government to slavery and the 
 slave-trade, and I think it is extremely possible that the 
 emissaries of the Mahdi were persuading the people that 
 the pledges hitherto given would be of no value, and since 
 the English had taken possession of Egypt the property in 
 slaves would be instantly taken away from them. It is 
 obvious that any report of that kind must operate dis¬ 
 astrously on the cause which General Gordon was sent out 
 to promote, and he, I think, justifiably took means to 
 prevent its spreading. It has been assumed that this 
 Proclamation legalises slave-hunting. That, my Lords, is 
 
300 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 simply impossible, and circumstances would not require 
 him to resort to an explanation of that kind. There is a 
 wide distinction between domestic slavery and the slave- 
 trade carried on by foreigners in the adjoining countries. 
 What, I suppose, this Proclamation refers to, is the right 
 of holding slaves, which is a right, be it remembered, 
 recognised by Egyptian law ; and if any one was endeavour¬ 
 ing to put it into the minds of the people of Khartoum that 
 their rights would be confiscated without notice and without 
 compensation, this Proclamation would be necessary to 
 ensure them that they would not be disturbed in their 
 rights, and that what had been legal before would be legal 
 still.” 
 
 Mr. Gladstone said :—“ Any explanation I can give on the 
 subject must necessarily be of a conjectural character. I 
 have not the least doubt in my own mind that the key 
 to the difficulty lies in the distinction between slavery in the 
 Soudan and slavery generally. And hon. gentlemen will 
 find very full, curious, and interesting material on the 
 subject in a book called General Gordon in the Soudan , and 
 principally between pages 334 and 354, I think, they will 
 find ample illustration of what I now state. I think it is 
 set out among other things by General Gordon, that seven- 
 eighths of the population of the Soudan are in a state of 
 slavery, moreover that this state of slavery has been made 
 the subject of legislative consideration, and I believe hon. 
 gentlemen will find details of that consideration explained 
 in a despatch of Lord Dufferin which is on the table. That 
 state of slavery has a term of existence fixed by the 
 Egyptian law, and until the expiration of that term in 1889 
 it is under the distinct guarantee of that law. I think that 
 is as much as I can say now. It will be seen from the book 
 I have already referred to that General Gordon, with the 
 noble enthusiasm of his character, exclaims in one passage: 
 “Would to God by laying down my life I could put an end 
 
GORDON’S PROCLAMATION . 
 
 301 
 
 to the slave trade ; ” and he afterwards shows how his whole 
 mind and work were devoted to that object. But the whole 
 of the work I have spoken of shows that slavery was so 
 inter-woven with the texture of life in the Soudan that it 
 would be impossible to put an end to it by any summary 
 proclam ation.” 
 
 It was felt by all reasonable people, that to judge, and 
 especially to condemn, General Gordon without knowing 
 more, was altogether unjust, and by no means an illustration 
 of holding the balance level. People turned to his own 
 words with great interest, and read in the book referred to 
 by Mr. Gladstone that which, thinking better, throws light 
 upon the subject. The following extract is from his own 
 letters to his own people, published in Dr. Hills’s book :— 
 
 “You will think I might do more. I cannot. Slaves 
 are, to all intents and purposes, property until their owners 
 are compensated, or till a certain number of years has 
 elapsed. We cannot compensate, but we can decree their 
 liberation after a term of years. Slave-hunting must be 
 put down; but when men see that they have no hold over 
 slaves acquired after the 1st of January 1878, they will 
 not buy them. At any rate, slaves acquired after that 
 date can run away, and the Government will not force 
 them to go back. I consider this will succeed (D. V.). I 
 feel that I have been most unjust to the Khedive, knowing, 
 as I now do, the great difficulties in abolishing slavery. 
 That the question of domestic slavery is no easy one, the 
 debates on the abolition of slavery in our colonies would 
 show. There it was a question of colonies only; here it is 
 a question of home interests. You are, no doubt, better 
 versed than I am in the history of our abolition of slavery. 
 Men possessed slaves ; to liberate them without compen¬ 
 sation was ruin to the owners; and our people, feeling that 
 to do so would be robbery, did compensate them. Now, in 
 our case, England dealt only with a colony. The question 
 
302 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 did not affect us directly, but still she gave compensation. 
 How different is this case ! Here slavery abolition touches 
 every one. How can you deal with it so as to avoid a 
 civil war or a rising of the people ? You must either pay 
 compensation, or you must allow a term of years in order 
 that slavery may die out. Egypt is ahead of us if we con¬ 
 sider the state of affairs as before the Abolition Act. . . . 
 I have an enormous province to look after; but it is a great 
 blessing to me to know that God has undertaken the 
 administration of it; and it is His work and not mine. If 
 I fail, it is His will; if I succeed, it is His work. Certainly 
 He has given me the joy of not regarding the honours of 
 this world, and to value my union with Him above all 
 things. May I be humbled to the dust and fail, so that He 
 may glorify Himself. The greatness of my position only 
 depresses me, and I cannot help wishing that the time had 
 come when He will lay me aside and use some other worm 
 to do His work. You have reached your happy eventide. 
 I would that the heat of my life-day was over; but He will 
 aid me, and not suffer me again to put down anchors to this 
 world. . . . 
 
 “ People think you have only to say the word and slavery 
 will cease. Now, here the Gallabat merchants, I have told 
 you of, have taken thirty of this tribe. I am trying to 
 search them out, but I dare not do anything against these 
 Gallabats on account of my present position with respect to 
 Shaka. I fear to raise these men against me; they are 
 well disposed at present. Of course, I must let time soften 
 down the ill effects of what is written against me in the 
 papers, on account of my purchasing the slaves now in 
 possession of individuals in order to obtain the troops 
 necessary to put down slavery. I need troops—how am I 
 to get them but thus h If I do not buy these slaves, unless 
 I liberate them at once, they still remain slaves; while, when 
 they are soldiers, they are free from that reproach. I 
 
 i 
 
GORDON'S PROCLAMATION. 
 
 303 
 
 cannot liberate them from their owners without compensa¬ 
 tion, for fear of a general revolt. I cannot compensate the 
 owners, and then let the men go free, for they would only 
 be a danger. Though the slaves may not like to be soldiers, 
 still it is the fate of many in lands where there is the con¬ 
 scription, and, indeed, it is the only way in which I can 
 break up the bands of armed men, which are owned by 
 private people—slave dealers—and get these bands under 
 discipline. 
 
 “ When I have those bands of which Sebehr’s son and 
 others are the chiefs, then the slave dealers will have no 
 power to make raids ; while at the same time I get troops 
 able to prevent any such like attempt. I want you to under¬ 
 stand this, for I doubt not people will write and say :— 
 
 1. Colonel Gordon buys slaves for the Government. 
 
 2. Colonel Gordon lets the Gallabats take slaves. To 
 No. 1 I say: ‘True, for I need the purchased slaves 
 to put down the slave dealer, and to break up their semi- 
 independent bands.’ To No. 2 I say : ‘ True, for I dare 
 not stop it to any extent, for fear of adding to my enemies, 
 before I have broken up the nest of slave dealers at Shaka.’ 
 I should be mad if I did. We should not, if at war 
 with Russia, choose that moment to bring about any change 
 affecting the social life of the Hindoos. The slaves I 
 buy are already torn from their homes; and whether I buy 
 them or not, they will, till twelve years have elapsed, 
 remain slaves. After twelve years they will be free, 
 according to the treaty. It is not as if I encouraged 
 raids for the purpose of getting slaves as soldiers. But 
 people will, of course, say : ‘ By buying slaves you increase 
 the demand, and indirectly encourage raids.’ I say : “ Yes, 
 I should do so, if, after buying them, I still allowed the 
 raids to continue, which, of course, I shall not do.’ . . . 
 This slave question is most troublesome and difficult to 
 manage. A number of the slaves who were taken in tho 
 
304 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 last raid, made near here on the sly by the Gallabats, 
 refuse to go back, for they find they are better fed with 
 their new masters than they were with their old. ... It 
 is a queer country. 
 
 “ The slaves came from Dara, and had been captured and 
 sold to the pedlars by my own officers and men. . . . One 
 of the Shaka men who is riding with me tells me hundreds 
 and hundreds die on the road, and that when they are too 
 weak to go the pedlars shoot them. I believe this man to 
 be quite truthful. ... In all previous emancipations either 
 there has been a strong government to enforce obedience, or 
 a majority of the nation wished it. Here, in this country, 
 there is not one who wishes it, or who would aid it even by 
 advice. I know there are many who would willingly see 
 the sufferings of the slave-gangs cease, and also the raids on 
 the negro tribes ; but there they would stop. Besides this, 
 the tenure of slaves is the A B 0 of life here to rich and 
 poor ; no one is uninterested in the matter. . . . 
 
 “ These captures make the total number of captured 
 caravans since June, 1878 sixty-three. I am not good at 
 a description, but you can scarcely conceive the misery and 
 suffering of these poor slaves. I heard at Khartoum from 
 one who came from Cairo that some of the Consuls-General 
 did not take the least interest in the suppression of the 
 slave-trade; they only moved in it because their Govern¬ 
 ment, fearful of public opinion, obliged them to do so. I 
 do not believe it; no one who has had a mother, or sisters, 
 or children could be callous to the intense human suffering 
 which these poor wretches undergo. All the place is agog 
 to-night, and I expect parties will go out to intercept those 
 en route ; and, I daresay, will quietly take for themselves 
 the slaves they may fancy. Yet I cannot help it. Now I 
 have been here only two days, and yet these two captures ! 
 I feel sure that several caravans passed me en route from 
 Obeid to this place; but they were warned off the road 
 

 GORDON l S PROCLAMA TION . 305 
 
 before I came along it. What I shall try to do is to get up 
 a subscription for <£2000 a-year, and get English Consuls at 
 Obeid and Khartoum, with £1000 a-year each. What are 
 the £1, Is. which are now given by rich people to the 
 Anti-Slavery Society ? Let them give £20 a-year; they 
 will not feel it. 
 
 “If the liberation of slaves takes place in 1884 (in Egypt 
 proper), and the present system of Government goes on, 
 there cannot fail to be a revolt of the whole country; but 
 our Government will go on sleeping till it comes, and then 
 have to act a Vimproviste. If you had read the account 
 of the tremendous debates which took place in 1833 on the 
 liberation of the West Indian slaves, even on payment of 
 £20,000,000, you would have some idea how owners of 
 slaves (even Christians) hold to their property. ... It is 
 rather amusing to think that the people of Cairo are quite 
 oblivious that in 1884 their revenue will fall to one-half, 
 and that the country will need many more troops to keep it 
 quiet. Seven-eighths of the population of the Soudan are 
 slaves, and the loss of revenue in 1889 (the date fixed for 
 the liberation of slaves in Egypt’s outlying territories) 
 will be more than two-thirds, if it is ever carried out. 
 Truly, in a small way, the Egyptian problem is a very 
 thorny one, if you look beyond your nose. The 25,000 
 black troops I have here are either captured slaves or 
 bought slaves. How are we to recruit if the slave trade 
 ceases ? . . . 
 
 “Just as I wrote this I heard a very great tumult going 
 on among the Arabs, and I feared a fight. However, it 
 turned out to be caused by the division of the slaves among 
 the tribes ; and now the country is covered by strings of 
 slaves going off in all directions with their new owners. 
 The ostriches are running all about, and do not know what 
 to make of their liberty. What a terrible time of it these 
 poor, patient slaves have had for the last three days— 
 
 E 20 
 
306 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 hurried on all sides, and forced first one day’s march in one 
 direction, then back again, and then off again in another. 
 It appears that the slaves were not divided, but were 
 scrambled for. It is a horrid idea, for, of course, families 
 get separated; but I cannot help it, and the slaves seem to 
 be perfectly indifferent to anything whatsoever. Imagine 
 what it must be to be dragged from your home to places so 
 far off—even farther than Marseilles or Home. In their 
 own lands some of these slaves have delightful abodes, close 
 to running water, with pleasant glades of trees, and seem 
 so happy; and then to be dragged off into these torrid, 
 water-forsaken countries, where to exist only is a struggle 
 against nature. . . . 
 
 “ The plan suggested in June last to Earl Granville for 
 the appointment of Consuls in the Soudan and the Red Sea 
 has not yet been tried ; and whilst still advocating such 
 appointments, the Anti-Slavery Society would now further 
 propose a complete registration of existing slaves, by which 
 they believe a great check would be placed upon the 
 increase of domestic slavery in Egypt. Such a check 
 could not fail to render slave-hunting less remunerative 
 in the future. 
 
 “The following mode of registration is respectfully sub¬ 
 mitted :— 
 
 “1. Registration of all existing slaves in the Mudi- 
 riehs of the Soudan and of Cairo (Lower Egypt) by the 
 Governors. 
 
 “ 2. Registers to be kept in each government office of the 
 names of slaves and their owners, with description of each. 
 
 “ 3. Every slave to be free, if not registered, after expira¬ 
 tion of six months (the period given for registration). All 
 slaves born after signature of this decree to be free. 
 
 “ 4. Register books to be closed for ever after the expira¬ 
 tion of six months. 
 
GORDON'S PROCLAMATION. 
 
 307 
 
 “ 5. Owners of slaves thus registered to be bound to 
 produce government certificates, corresponding with the 
 register books, when required to do so by the Government 
 of Egypt. 
 
 “ 6. The Governors of Egypt and of the Soudan to 
 proclaim this throughout the land. 
 
 “ 7. All purchases or sales of slaves from family to family 
 are to be endorsed on the registration papers, and inscribed 
 in the Government books of registry. 
 
 “ Assuming that the Khedive will issue a decree adopting 
 these provisions, it may be justly asked, Where is the 
 guarantee that they will be effectually enforced 1" 
 
 That General Gordon hates slavery with a hatred as 
 intense and earnest as that of any Englishman is abundantly 
 proved by these extracts and other letters in his book; but 
 at the same time he knows, what other Englishmen do not, 
 the exceeding difficulty of the whole question. There is 
 nothing for us but to trust him; and those who are 
 acquainted with the man, as his whole life has revealed 
 him, will be quite ready to do this utterly and with every 
 confidence. 
 
 At the time of writing these lines every one is feeling 
 anxious as to his own personal safety. Nothing has been 
 heard of him for some days; and the last news was so far 
 from being reassuring, that fresh tidings are looked for 
 with great concern. And for all who are interested in him 
 there is real comfort in the thought, not only of his great¬ 
 ness and cleverness, but also of his goodness. He is not 
 afraid to die. He has been so often in circumstances of 
 extreme danger, that he has become inured to the thought 
 of death; and his faith in the future life is so strong, that 
 he has no doubt that when death comes to him it will be to 
 change from weariness and care to perfect peace. He is 
 safe, living or dying, for he is a Christian. 
 
08 
 
 GENERAL GORDON. 
 
 IS GORDON SAFE ? 
 
 “ A message from one who had gone in haste 
 Came flashing across the sea ; 
 
 It told not of weakness but trust in God, 
 When it asked us, ‘ Pray for me ; * 
 
 And since, from churches and English homes, 
 In the day or the twilight dim, 
 
 A chorus of prayers has risen to God— 
 
 ‘ Bless and take care of him. * 
 
 A lonely man to these strange far lands 
 He has gone with his word of peace, 
 
 And a million hearts are questioning, 
 
 With a pain that does not cease, 
 
 ‘ Is Gordon safe ? Is there news of him ? 
 What will the tidings be ? ’ 
 
 There is little to do but trust and wait, 
 
 Yet, utterly safe is he ! 
 
 Was he not safe when the Tai-ping shots 
 Were flying about his head ? 
 
 When troubles thickened with every day, 
 And he was hard bestead ? 
 
 Was he not safe in his weary rides 
 Over the desert sands ? 
 
 Safe with the Abyssinian king ? 
 
 Safe with the robber bands ? 
 
 We know not the dangers around him now, 
 But this we truly know : 
 
 He has with him still in his time of need 
 His Protector of long ago ; 
 
 An unseen Shield is above his head, 
 
 And a strong arm comes between 
 
 The strong brave heart that rests in God, 
 And the death that might have been. 
 
 He is not alone, since a Friend is by, 
 
 Who answers to every need : 
 
 God is his refuge and strength at hand, 
 Gordon is safe indeed ! 
 
GORDON’S PROCLAMATION. 
 
 309 
 
 He trusts in the mercy of God for all, 
 
 And finds it a rock to last; 
 
 And back to us now come the ringing words 
 He spoke in years gone past: 
 
 ‘lama chisel that does the work 
 The master directs above, 
 
 Ever the Gospel must be good news, 
 
 Kind is the God I love. 
 
 His salvation is full and free, 
 
 He will never cast us out; 
 
 I may say I have died a hundred times, 
 
 But I never yet had a doubt. ’ 
 
 It is true he may pass from the far Soudan 
 To rest, and reward, and Heaven ; 
 
 But he is not less safe because from thence 
 His freedom may be given. 
 
 Safe in living, in dying safe, 
 
 Where is the need of pain 
 
 God gave the hero long life—but dea 
 Will be infinite joy and gain.” 
 
 These verses, written by Marianne Farningham, and 
 taken from the Christian World , which has always ex¬ 
 hibited a generous appreciation of General Gordon’s career, 
 express the feelings of many people concerning the hero of 
 the Soudan. Even in danger he is safe. If he could send 
 a message home, it would no doubt be such as that which 
 he once sent before :— 
 
 “ Now you must not be surprised at anything happening 
 to me. Supposing we subdue Sebehr’s son, and he happens 
 to be killed, some of his people may avenge themselves on 
 me. This is not improbable. You must screw yourself up 
 to bear it, and will remember that a quick departure is 
 better than a long and lingering one, and, also, that I did 
 not seek the position here. If it is so decided, depend 
 upon it, it is because my work is finished upon this 
 earth. ” 
 
310 
 
 GENERAL GORDON . 
 
 But if he should have health and life continued to him, it 
 will be, we are assured, so much the better for the Soudan. 
 His previous sojourn among the tribes has made him 
 capable of seeing what is best for the Soudanese; and his 
 determination to be just all round renders him an able 
 administrator of their affairs. His wish is, as we know, to 
 establish matters upon a firm basis, and then to leave the 
 Soudanese to manage the Soudan for themselves, as 
 certainly, if they show themselves capable, they have the 
 right to do. We can only hope that he may be gratified by 
 seeing this, and also that God may give him the greatest 
 desire of his heart—the abolition of slavery in the land o 
 the Blacks. 
 
CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 A CHRISTIAN HERO. 
 
 “ Heaven doth with us as we with torches do; 
 
 Not light them for themselves : for if our virtues 
 Did not go forth of us, ’twere all alike 
 As if we had them not. Spirits are not finely touched, 
 
 But to fine issues : nor nature never lends 
 The finest scruple of her excellence ; 
 
 But, like a thrifty goddess, she determines 
 Herself the glory of a creditor, 
 
 Both thanks and use.” 
 
 —Measure for Measure. 
 
 HE life of such a man as General Gordon is 
 useful, not only for the help of nations, but 
 for their instruction also. His career has been 
 singularly remarkable ; for again and again he 
 has been singled out of the multitude, and called away from 
 his life of quietness, as the only man sufficient for a crisis 
 which affected multitudes of people, and more or less touched 
 all the nations of the world. The very fact of his being 
 again and again in request in emergencies that had arisen, 
 proves that he had the power to meet them, and not only 
 the power, but the willingness also. And yet his life can 
 scarcely have been what he would himself have chosen ; 
 but, indeed, the whole tenor of it is an exemplification of 
 
312 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 his own firm belief that every individual is under the control 
 of a directing Providence, who orders the event and chooses 
 the lot. And his conduct throughout is an illustration of 
 the way in which the Christian should fall in with the 
 designs of Him who is the ruler of the universe, and the 
 guide of the individual. 
 
 And therefore his biography is a lesson. We may get 
 from him, as from all good men and women, lights to guide 
 us in the formation of our characters, and the direction of 
 our actions. To the young especially, who desire to make 
 the best of their lives, an account of Gordon and his 
 work cannot be other than useful; and if they will stop 
 to ask what has made him great, they will be able to dis¬ 
 cover in him the qualities out of which all heroes are made. 
 That which is most pronounced, and was the foundation of 
 his usefulness in China, Gravesend, and the Soudan, is 
 undoubtedly the 
 
 Singleness of Purpose 
 
 which always governs him. It has never entered into his 
 mind to suppose that a man should live to himself; but he 
 has felt from his boyhood that his one duty and delight 
 was to live for God. He has gone where he has been sent 
 always with the single intention of doing his duty there. 
 That he found himself, as he often did, in circumstances of 
 great discomfort and danger affected him very little, and 
 only made him the more resolute to rise to the demands of 
 the case. Often a weaker man would have run away from 
 the intricacies and perplexities that beset him; but Gordon 
 never thought of withdrawing from any position because of 
 its embarrassments. On the contrary, he always elected 
 to remain until the entanglement was at an end, and the 
 way smooth for his successor. 
 
 “ Others sow, and one will reap all the success of their 
 labours.” “A man here must be prepared to find a weeks 
 
 i 
 
A CHRISTIAN HERO. 
 
 313 
 
 negotiation fall to the ground in a minute, and all his work 
 to be gone over again. It is this continual failure of one’s 
 efforts which tempts one to despair, until one realises that one 
 must never count on anything till it is performed.” But 
 he did not despair. He took things as they came, fulfilling 
 the day’s duties, and leaving the rest to God. “ I know 
 that I have done my very best, as far as my intellect has 
 allowed me, for the Khedive, and have tried to be just to 
 all.” “Difficulties make my spirits rise, and I feel quite 
 lively over my innumerable troubles.” “If you are mis¬ 
 judged, why trouble yourself to put yourself right'l You 
 have no idea what a deal of trouble it saves you.” God is 
 the sole ruler, and I try to walk sincerely before Him.” 
 This singleness of purpose has no doubt kept the man 
 steady and true to his principles amid all the changes of 
 his most eventful life. It is this that has made him so 
 willingly, and without delay, put down one kind of work 
 and take up another—remove from one place, and settle 
 complacently in a distant land—be sometimes a king, and 
 sometimes a servant, as circumstances, or rather as God, 
 directed. 
 
 Great as these changes have been they have made no 
 change in him ; they have not really touched his inner life 
 at all. Charles Gordon has been precisely the same man, 
 leading his armies to victory in China, teaching boys in the 
 Ragged School at Gravesend, or riding over the deserts on 
 the swift-footed camel. It was very much the same to him 
 whatever he did, for he was just a child obeying his father, 
 a servant gladly and reverently obeying his master. There, 
 added to his singleness of purpose, were the invaluable 
 qualifications of 
 
 Diligence and Self-Help. 
 
 General^ Gordon cannot be idle. He has had very few 
 opportunities, but when they have come he has been only 
 
314 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 eager to break away from them. He feels that the day is 
 given for work, wherever the day may find us. He 
 hesitated at nothing, and took the work as it came, whether 
 it was waving the rebel Wangs into submission with his 
 magic cane, or pulling a boat through the water. What¬ 
 ever was worth doing at all he considered was worth doing 
 well. “ I would sooner, I think, have the Sanbat Govern¬ 
 ment than the whole Government. To do anything, there 
 is nothing like beginning on a swell scale, and directing your 
 energy, like a squint, on one particular thing. I have made 
 such a pair of trousers for one of the Blacks, and the 
 housewifes are so useful.” 
 
 We find him sometimes weary of overwork. He knew 
 as well in the Soudan as any one can know in England the 
 meaning of over-pressure ; and now and then he got quite 
 bewildered w T ith the amount of duties that were upon him. 
 On one occasion at least he could not sleep, for when he lay 
 down the strain upon him during the day had been so 
 severe, that at night, instead of sleeping, he was in imagin¬ 
 ation reading petitions, finding measures of relief for the 
 oppressed, and punishing the guilty. But he would rather 
 have been overworked than idle. 
 
 The days when he had little to do were the most irksome 
 of his life, and we find him resorting to all kinds of occupa¬ 
 tion rather than do nothing. Not only did he set himself 
 to do a little tailoring, as we have seen, but on one occasion 
 he made two good rocket-cases, and on another he repaired 
 some clocks, pulling them to pieces and putting them 
 together again in good workman’s style, though he confessed 
 himself beaten by a watch and a cuckoo clock. No work 
 came amiss to him, though he was certainly at his best 
 when the work was great. He got into good spirits when 
 accomplishing a tremendous march, or quelling a mutiny, or 
 settling a few scores of people who came to him with 
 requests. 
 
A CHRISTIAN HERO . 
 
 315 
 
 He has always proved himself a very painstaking and 
 persistent worker. They say at Gravesend that he never 
 took a poor boy in hand to forget him afterwards, as so 
 many well-meaning people do. He rescued the boys, then 
 he taught them, then he found situations for them, going to 
 London often on their account, seeing captains, looking into 
 all matters that concerned them, and giving them a cheery 
 good-bye as they went away. Surely then he had finished 
 with them ! Oh no. He wrote letters to them, to reach 
 them at the different ports at which the ships would call, 
 and he followed them with his thoughts and his prayers all 
 round the world until they were home again, and he could 
 see for himself the state in which they were. And the 
 same unwearying energy and thoroughness characterised all 
 his work. He has known the importance of giving 
 personal attention to the details of the business in hand, 
 as well as to its broader features; and he has taken 
 pains with the task whether in itself the occupation was 
 pleasant or unpleasant, agreeable or the reverse. He has 
 brought the high aims of his life to bear upon all duties, 
 the little as well as the great; and none can read his life 
 without seeing that it has been based on Paul’s advice to 
 Timothy—“ Study to show thyself approved unto God a 
 workman that needeth not to he ashamed 
 
 He sometimes get a little impatient of others, for it 
 happened very frequently that he had none but very in¬ 
 capable people about him. They were so slow that he was 
 always before them ; and often so stupid that he took the 
 work from their hands and did it himself. On one occasion 
 his servant left him; and he said, “ So much the better ! 
 The best servant I ever had is myself : he always does what 
 I like.” He had a great objection to being treated like a 
 Czar, and having everything done for him. He had no 
 patience with the number of servants or hangers-on that 
 were supposed to be necessary to a Ti-tu or a Pasha. If 
 
316 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 he wanted a thing done he delighted in doing it himself, if 
 the action shocked the prejudices of people who were par¬ 
 ticular in regard to etiquette he liked it all the better. 
 Indeed, few things are more marked in General Gordon 
 than this 
 
 Strong Common Sense, 
 
 which is always coming to the front, and which helps him 
 over many difficulties. He says in one of his letters that 
 the Soudan soldiers like nothing better than watching him. 
 They stared so that he had to suffer a little as royalty does; 
 but, he added, “ Yet I am not like royalty a bit, for I 
 cleaned a duck gun in public to-day. I will be natural, 
 coilte que coilte, and I am quite sure I cleaned the gun 
 better than any Arab would.” His common sense is 
 brought to bear upon everything, even upon his religion. 
 He is said to be a mystic; but he sees things more clearly 
 than most people, both as regards life and revelation. His 
 belief in God does not in the least interfere with his own 
 self-reliance. He quite believes that he has power given 
 him to do the work that has been placed in his reach, and 
 although he knows that he is only a tool in the hands of 
 another, the tool is a very intelligent one, that does his 
 work well. 
 
 His great intelligence and common-sense have made him 
 able to deal successfully with so many kinds of people. He 
 has had the penetration which enables persons to read 
 others, and know exactly how to manage them. He is 
 trusting to this now, in his mission to the Soudan. He can 
 be firm and immovable as a rock, even when a host is 
 against him, if a question of right be involved. But he 
 will not set the host against him if he can help it. “ With 
 all due deference to what the son of Michael said about the 
 stockade having been made six months ago, I cannot help 
 seeing that the wood of which it is composed is green, and 
 
A CHRISTIAN HERO . 
 
 317 
 
 recently cut.” But he did not say so to Michael. He 
 exclaimed once, “ Oh, dear! what a people to slave for! 
 They never have a knife, nor a hammer, nor a bit of yarn, 
 nor anything of the sort. They have not the least idea of 
 preventing a rope running out too rapidly—in fact, you 
 have, as it were, in war to teach your men to drill.” Some¬ 
 times he got angry, and tried to shout them into better 
 ways. But when he found that this was not the wise way 
 to manage them, he controlled himself, and endeavoured to 
 be patient. And this was the more possible to him, not¬ 
 withstanding a certain warmth of temper which he 
 undoubtedly possesses, because his heart is full of 
 
 Kindness and Love to Others. 
 
 He is following in the very footsteps of his Lord, for he 
 is willing to lay down his life for the sake of any poor 
 creature who may be benefited by his self-sacrifice. His 
 consecration to the work of delivering the oppressed is very 
 marked. He has “ compassion on the multitude,” and he 
 cares a great deal more for the poor, and the outcast, and 
 the afflicted, than for any other portion of society. He has 
 been thanked and praised by kings, and persons in very 
 high places; but we can believe that the chalked wish on 
 the paling, “ God bless the Kernel,” is more to his mind 
 than the carefully worded phrases of a Prime Minister. 
 
 During almost the whole of his life, the poor he has 
 always had with him, and whenever he could he has done 
 them good. He has, indeed, been going about doing good 
 for many years. He has been always the same in this 
 respect as in others, in all the places and spheres in which 
 he has been called to live : in China sharing among his 
 men the salary that was paid to him ; at Gravesend giving 
 part of his simple meal of bread and tea to any poor lad 
 who was hungry; in the Soudan sparing some of his small 
 stock of dhoora for the slaves, taking care of the little 
 
318 
 
 GENERAL GORDON 
 
 orphan and neglected babies that he found, or sheltering the 
 slaves that fled to his tent for refuge. “This morning, 
 when I got up, my servant told me that, on coming early, 
 before I was awake, he found a female slave sleeping very 
 quietly in the corner of my hut. She had crept in during 
 the night, and one must hope she had a good night’s rest. 
 She was chained, and had escaped from her master.” 
 
 General Gordon was often imposed upon. Every one 
 who knew much of him at Gravesend says that people 
 took advantage of his kindness, as unprincipled people will 
 often do if there be a chance. And no doubt the same 
 thing occurred both in China and in the Soudan. Now and 
 then, indeed, it seemed that this conduct was by no means 
 confined to the poor, and those who had not received the 
 benefit of education and refining influences; for it has 
 seemed that statesmen used him for their own purposes 
 only, and rulers took advantage of his generous good 
 nature and able service. But these things, if they grieved 
 him, did not cause any change in his spirit and conduct. 
 His motives lay so deeply within his soul, that neither 
 man’s praise nor man’s ingratitude affected him very 
 deeply “ The more one lives,” he wrote, “ the more one 
 learns to act towards people as if they were inanimate 
 objects—namely, to do what you can for them, and to utterly 
 disregard whether they are grateful or not. This is what 
 God does to us. He lets His rain fall on the just and 
 the unjust. He never gets gratitude, and is furthermore 
 totally ignored in the ordinary circumstances of life.” 
 
 But more than anything else that has made General 
 Gordon what he is, is the 
 
 Godliness 
 
 which is his chief characteristic. He is another illustration 
 of the fact that the Christian is the highest style of man. 
 Let those who wish to imitate him try rather, as he has 
 
A CHRISTIAN HERO. 
 
 319 
 
 always done, to imitate Christ, and be willing to take up 
 the cross and follow Him. It is only so that the greatest 
 work can be accomplished—the noblest life lived. It is so 
 that the spirit can be kept tranquil and steadfast amid all 
 the changes of life. It is so that the young can learn the 
 beautiful lessons of obedience and humility, of loyalty to 
 God, and devotion to others for His sake, that the life of 
 General Gordon so well illustrates. “Take my yoke upon 
 you, and learn of 106 .” This is the invitation of Jesus ; and 
 the sincere and earnest response to it has been the starting 
 point of every Christian Hero. 
 
 Printed ^Walter Scott, “ The Kenilworth Press ” Felling , Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
 
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