* Vj::^ of Stivicliall , / '^ m o^' \ •uJ a ~\ ( ^^' Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from Research Library, The Getty Research Institute http://www.archive.org/details/historyofmexicocOtglav V THE HISTORY OF MEXICO, COLLECTED EROJI . SPANISH AND MEXICAN HISTORIANS, FROM MANUSCRIPTS AND ANCIENT PAINTINGS OF THE INDIANS, ILLUSTRATED BY CHARTS, AND OTHER COPPER PLATES. TO WHICH ARE ADDED, CRITICAL DISSERTATIONS ON THE LAND, THE ANIMALS, AND INHABITANTS OF MEXICO, BY ABBli D. FRANCESCO SA VERIO CLAVIGERO. TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL ITALIAN, Bv CHARLES CULLEN, Esq. THE SECOND EDITION. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL I. loniwn: PRINTED FOR J. JOHNSON, ST. PAUL'S CHURCHYARD, BT JOYCE GOLD, SHOE LANE. 1807. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE EARL OF BUTE. MY LORD, I HAVE the Honour to present to your Lordship a Translation of the History of Mexico, written by a Native of that Country. The Obhgation I am under to your Lordship for an Acquaintance with the Original, and the Relation which every effort to disseminate pleasing and instructive Knowledge, bears to your Lordship's Life and Manners, have dictated this Address. I cheerfully lent my Industry to assist an Advocate in the Cause of Truth, who saw her Interests abandoned, and felt for her Oppression, a 2 iv DEDICATION. Though the Task might easily have fallen into abler Hands, I dare freely appeal to your Lord- ship for the Fidelity of my Labours. I have the Honour to be, with the utmost Respect, My Lord, Your Lordship's much obliged, And most obedient humble Servant, CHARLES CULLEN. *^ TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. X HE discovery of America constitutes one of the most re- markable aeras of the world ; and the history of it a subject not only curious, but universally interesting, from its various connections with almost every other part of the globe. The Spanish historians of the two preceding centuries have done little towards elucidating this point. Partiality, prejudice, igno- rance, and credulity, have occasioned them all to blend so many absurdities and improbabilities with their accounts, that it has not been merely difficult, but altogether impossible, to ascertain the truth. To collect from their scattered m.aterials what- ever wore the faee of probability, that was naturally curious, or politically interesting, so as to form one uniform consistent relation of the whole, was a task in which, for a long time, no modern writer dared to engage. Dr. Robertson at last under- took, and executed it witli the applause due to his beauty of style, his industry, and his judgment. Bat notwithstanding the assiduity of his researches, and the pains he has taken to extricate facts from the confusion of different authors, as what is true does not always appear possible, and what appears probable is not always true, he has not entirely suc- ceeded, though he has done all that could be expected. The VI TUAXSLATOirS PREFACE. want of many essential documents, wliich arc preserved in arcliivcs of the new world, and other disadvantages attending tlic situation of a writer at a distance f om that continent, unacquainted ^ith its languages, productions, or people, perhaps have made him diffident of entering into very minute details, or of dwelling upon grounds where he was uncertain of being accurate, and induced him, rather than offer conjectures which might not have reached the truth respecting that country and its inhabitants, to adhere to records more authentic concerning the discoverers of it. This conduct, liowever prudent, has left the American side of the picture still greatly in the dark. The Abbe Raynal and M. de Paw have not contributed much to remedy this defect. The history of Mexico, by the Abbe Clavigero, a native of Vera Cruz, who resided near forty years in tlie provinces of New Spahi, examined its natural produce, acquired the language of the Mexicans and other nations, gathered many of their traditions, studied their historical paintings, and other monuments of anti- quity, it is presumed, has supplied their deficiencies. The transla- tor, therefore, hopes the present work, which contains all the raluable matter of other authors, besides many important particu- lars never before published, will prove acceptable to the public. PREFACE. jL H E History of Mexico, undertaken in order to avoid the pain and reproach of idleness to which I found my hfe con- demned, to serve to the utmost of my power my native country, and to restore to their full light truths obscured by an incredible number of modern writers on America, has been a task equally laborious, difficult, and expensive. Exclusive of the great expences occasioned by procuring from Cadiz, Madrid, and other cities of Europe, the books which were necessary to my purpose, Ihave read and examined every publication Avhich has appeared hitherto on the subject ; I have compared the accounts of authors, and critically weighed their authority; I have studied many historical paintings of the Mexicans ; I have profited from their manuscripts, which I read formerly in Mexico ; and consulted with many persons well ac- quainted with these countries. In addition to such diligence I might add, to give credit to my labours, that I resided thirty-six years in that extensive kingdom ; acquired the Alexican language, and for several years conversed with the Mexicans, Avhose history I write. I do not, however, flatter myself with having been able to give a perfect work ; since, besides finding mj'self unpossessed of those endowments of ge- nius, judgment, and eloquence, which are the requisites of a good his- torian, the loss of the greatest part of the Mexican paintings, and the want of many valuable manuscripts which are preserved in different libraries of Mexico, and required repeated consultation, are insuper* able obstacles to any one who undertakes such a history, particu- larly, at a considerable distance from these countries. NeverthelesSj I hope my work will be acceptable ; not on account of the elegance of" v:ii PREFACE. the style, the beauty of the descriptions, the magnitude of the events, or the weiglit of the opinions delivered in it ; but from tlie diligtiice of my researches, the integrity of my relation, and the scr\-ice done to the learned, who are desirous of being made acquaiutedi with the history of JMexico. At the persuasion of some persons of learning, I wrote the Essay on the Natural History of Mexico, contained in the first book, which I had not before judged necessary; audit may, in the opinion of many, be considered as foreign to the purpose : but not to deviate from my suV ject, I have connected the account of natural productions \\'nh the general history, by mentioning the use which the Mexjcai^s. made of tlicm. On the other hand, to those who ace attached, to, the study of Natural History, this Essay will apjjear, what in truth, it is, too cour fined and superficial ; but to satisfy the curious on that subject, it would be necessary to write a work very different from that which I have undertaken. At the same time, I should have spared myself a great deal of trouble, if I had not been obliged to, comply with the solicitations of my friends; as in writing that sketch of Natural History, I found it necessary to study the works of Pliny, Diosco- rides, Lact, Hernandez, Ulloa, Buffon, Bomare, and other naturalists ; not content with what I had seen myself, or the information I had received from intelligent jjcople to whom those countries were well known. In this history, nothing has been more anxiously studied than fide- lity ; I might have abridged my labours, and, perhaps, rendered my A\ t)rk more acceptable to many, if all the diligence which I used to inves- tigate facts, had been employed to strew the relation witli philos()|)hical ajul political rcilections, or fictions of capricious invention, after the ex- ample of many authors in this boasted age ; but to me, as to those who are the sworn enemies of deceit, falsehood, or affectation, truth ap- pears a beauty whose charms increase in proportion to her simpli- city of dress. In recounting the events of the conquest made by the Spaniards, I have equally abstained from the panegyric of Solis, or the PREFACE. invectives of Las Casas («) ; being unwilling either to flatter or calum- niate my countrymen. I have left facts in the same degree of certainty, or probability, in which I found them ; wherever I could not ascertain an event on account of the disagreement among authors, as, for example, the death of Montezuma, I have faithfully reported their different opinions, without having omitted, however, such additional conjectures as reflection on the subject has suggested. In short, I have always had before my eyes the two sacred laws of history ; not to dare to speak what is false ; nor to fear to speak what is tme : and I flatter myself I have violated neither. I do not doubt there may be readers too nice and refined to bear with the harshness of so many Mexican names as are scattered through this history ; but it is an evil which I have not been able to remedy, without hazarding another defect less tolerable, though sufficiently common in almost all the Europeans who have written on America- that is, the altering of names, for the purpose of softening tliem, until they are rendered unintelligible. Who would be capable of divining that De Solis speaks of Quauhnahuac, when he says Quatlabaca ; of Huejotlipan, where he substitutes Gualipar ; or of Cuirialpitoc, where Jie writes PUpatoc ? I have therefore thought it most safe to imitate the example of those modern writers, who, whenever they in- troduce into their works the names of persons, places, or rivers, of any particular country of Europe, write them in the language of its re- spective nation ; and in the writings of these authors there are names taken from the German, and other tongues, fully harsher to the ear, tiom the greater concoui^e of rough consonants, than any of the words I have made use of I do not, however, reject names that have been for- merly altered, by which there is no danger of being deceived, as they are generally known. With respect to the geography of Anahuac, I have used e^•ery en- deavour to render it correct ; availing myself of the knowledge which I (a) I do not mean to charge Solis with (lattery, nor Las Casas -ivith calumny : all I vpish to b- understood is, that 1 could not adopt the sentiments of Solis, wiio was ambitious of aggrandizing his hero ; nor of Las Casas, who was fired with pious zeal in behalf of the Indians, uithout accusing myself of both. VOL. I. b IX PREFACE. gamed in many excursions through that counfi y, as well as the uifor- mation and writings of others : after all, I have not entirely suc- ceeded ; for, in spite of my most earnest attempts, I have not been able to procure the few incomplete astronomical observations which have been made on these i)laces. The situation, tlierefore, and distances men- tioned in the body of tlie history, as well as in the chart, are not to be considered as being ascertained with that precision and accuracy which are required from a geographer ; but according to such computation as could be made by an attentive surveyor who judged by the eye. I have in my hands innumerable ancient and modern charts of Mexico, of which it would have been easy to h;ive copied tlie most correct; but among these I have not found even one that is not full of errors, as vvcil in regard to the latitude and longitude of places, as in respect to the division of provinces, the course of rivers, and the direction of the coasts. To make known what dependence may be placed on an}' of the charts hitherto published, it will be sutlicient to mention the difference between them concerning the longitude of the capital, notwithstanding it ought to have been better ascertained than any other city of Mexico. This difference is not less than fourteen degrees, as by some geographers the city of Mexico is placed in two hundred and sixty-four degrees of longitude fiom the island of Ferro ; by others in two hundred and sixty- five; by others, in two hundred and sixty -six, and even in two hundred and seventy-eight, or rather more. To give some ornament, however, to my history, as well as to facili- tate the understanding of many things described in it, I liave added twenty plates. The Mexican characters, the representations of the cities, of the kings, of the armour, of the dresses, of the shields, of the century, of the }car, and of the deluge, luue been copied from different Mexican paintings. The figure of the greater temple was taken fiom that of the Anon} nious Concjueror ; his dimensions of it, however, being corrected, and additions made to it according to the description of other ancient authors. The figure of the other temple is a copy of that which Valades published in his Christian Rhetoric. The portrait' of ^lontezuma was taken from a copy which Gemelli pub- PREFACE. lished of the original, in the possession of Siguenza. The portraits of the conqucroi-s are copies of tliose which are found in the Decades of Herrera. All the other figures are designs from what we have seen ourselves, and the descriptions of ancient historians. Besides these, I have thought proper to prefix to my narration a short account of the writers on the ancient history of Mexico, to shew the ground-work of my labours ; also to do honour to the memory of some illustrious Americans, whose writings are entirely unknown in Europe. It will serve likewise to point out the sources from whence others may obtain the history of Mexico, who may be hereafter inclined to complete this imperfect work. b 2 Froiitispifif VpI I ^l\ tiAtnatlttmi ''ylhiinMrfl 1381 |3«2 m -fjut M,:,„/,r. 'yllmnMiv 7hm°//n M"' Barbarous CHECIIEMKCAS ami FllAXTE CAPA>J ) M I V. S \ninmifiitttt> (brvUtm 'l'/.n,'iioli ^■h/tiirt'rritr ^ *" (litanif^^i D () M O V Puruandtn ^i-^/Z-^^-JF MKZTITI.AN- -- /"..■It ^-S- '^^ I ' / „Ttttpia:A> "^^ M^ '° «C ' o r o , iii^ rm;mh.hl_ JflU-lf/'/t/il' San' M.S^ ^ V(\ZA- I'"?"'"'"" I'ti'inl'ixn >" -5 .iffi.rav.jg^-'/-^"'""-" ^S '-V.^,^-. ^>^te.o-^ ?-^ yr^^j...-. ■*M*T r^J'l; ■I .1 I / _ • tr^/,f/.^f^ . / r o o ^n,.uir„i„ '''■''tP- ^/..,r„^,..ll.,J\j ,/„./'/,/< CI'JTtATECAP.Wr '^•^J' *"•-»» C / ^ llii.iirleprc (•(/.»////«/, "Vint" ^ ^ _ .^f/T- JIAZATLAI ^ t.off'*' ,«-< jiin C> "^ Jo Chihtpan ^^amn^olap> ^li^. v^rti//., ^1 ^M Oh, apmi ' / mipi'mlzmm '*„T'^"l''i"i ^, /^M, °H„fia,.,m rimvtl.ilp,, /CilhilLm "^^^ r;*' ' j r..p,M, f, TI,,r„l,M, J'tt/nl/im ■" ■'^T%i . ) ''%>i'li"i .. I'lii/^m'' '"I^Cwc.-.m •*«^"W* //iiJ/Lim ^ g /f^Jt ''"'"'""'" ^\. Jcapi./.i. J) A- ri,,*-'^ y^ r?.i,lv,„/ln rlifcM/ir o \ Tonhpmi VT^'"-"""*" -M Cnxoifatilt Anrf,., XiTnuUpi-i- Kn.ll.ir ^ , Minhiiiif/nii r T7.iilv,Mw ' -' '7 Juihipniln J Mrzmllrpr. ( tmiii/t^pec . J'llff'tt'flr't- 1!iutuhm>(<-fl4i .^m^ Jfr.rfif/ii/i UwM„ Pmn.ill.i „ C O A T Z A t Jfic/iirpan JoAL C O Tfrumfittioi Onohu- ALCO ^4r^ jT H o (• u [ ylr A N ■>^^ .* T t: ( Ifumihelco A' ( Ittnl'T"' °^^l^^ Toti^ipm \jr„,H-/la ^4^ XI.CH., ^^-44. \^3,^4d^ 1 I P ^ O iK.iiinll.i o 'ihiu./lii i-ir ,'/■ f/ir Or. o E^IPIRK or >Vl«K<)^3>4w: » Tapatfiolla. ® Toc/it/an ' AcoUiiiafan .t: Michuacan Ax. TV" I ^<^^j* 37+ ■%, "rTwTlfoJ' •;.<) 28o 281 |a«2 aH.^ Gulf ^i/tij riri'ti i,-7i:;i?ii/i:-/i j?.''f m ,,//'«T irt" f'ozania/niifian •vy ^\ ^ _ _ Coxtyfjanir M E X I C O I ! 21 30 ^ AN ACCOUNT OF THE WRITERS ON THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF MEXICO. In the Sixteenth Century, Ferdinand CORTES. The four very long letters written by this famous conqueror to his sovereign, Charles the Fifth, containing an account of the Conquest, and many valuable particulars respecting Mexico, and the Mexicans, were published in Spanish, in Latin, in the Tuscan, and otl>er languages ; the first of these letters was printed in Seville in 1522; they are all well written, and discover both modesty and sincerity in the relation ; as he has neither made a boast of his own actions, nor thrown obscurity on those of others. If he had had the rashness to deceive his king, his enemies who presented so many com- plaints at court against him, would not have failed to reproach him with siich a crime. Bernal Diaz del Castillo, a soldier and conqueror ; A True History of the Conquest of New Spain, written by him, was printed in IMadrid in 1632, in one volume, folio. Notwithstanding the miscarriage of his undertaking, and the coarseness of the style, this history has been much esteemed for the simplicity and sincerity of its author, wliich is every •where discoverable. He was an eye-witness of all that he relates ; but, from being illiterate, he was unqualified for the task he undertook; and frequently shows himself forgetful of facts, by having written many years after the conquest. xiv ACCOUNT OF THE WRITERS ON THE Alfonso de Mata, and Alfonso d'Ojeda, both conquerors, and wri- ters of commentaries on tlic conquest of INIexico, which Herrera and Torquemada liave made use of. Those of Ojeda are the iullest and the most esteemed. He was more acquainted with the Indians, lieing the person appointed to attend to the auxihaiy troops of the Spaniards. The Anonymous Conqueror. This is the name given to the author of a short, but very curious, and esteemed relation, which is found in the collection of Ranuisio, under the title of The Relation of a Gentleman •icho attended Ferdinand Cortes. I have not been able to conjecture who this gentleman may have been, as no author makes mention of him ; but, whoever he was, lie is candid, accurate, and curious. "Without troubling himself with the events of the conquest, he relates what he observed in Mexico concerning the houses, the sepulchres, the arms, the dresses, the manner of eating and drinking, &c. of the Mexicans, and describes the form of their temples. If his work had not been so much confined, there would have been no one coniparable to it respecting the antiquities of Mexico. Francisco Lopez de Gomara. The history of New Spain, written by this learned Spaniard, agreeable to information received from the mouths of the conquerors, and the writings of the first religious missionaries Avho were employed in the conversion of the Mexicans, and printed in Sara- gossa in 1554, is curious and well drawn up. He was the iirst who pub- lished the festivals, rites, laws, and the method by which the Mexicans computed time : but there are many inaccuracies in it, on account of these first informations which he obtained, not having been altogether exact. The- translation of this work in the Tuscan language, printed at Venice in 1599, 'S so full of errors, it cannot be read without disgust. Toribio de Benavcntc. A most celebrated Spaniard of the order of St. Francis, and ore of the twelve first preachers who announced the f'ospol to the ISIexicans, known commonly, from his evangelical po- verty, by the IMcxican name of ]\fotoUnia, wrote, among his aposto- hcal works, The History of the Indians of Nezo Spain, divided into three parts. lu the first, hs explains the rites of their ancient religion; in ANCIENT HISTORY OF MEXICO. xr the second, their conversion to the Christian faith, and their hfe when Christian^; and, in the third, lie discourses of their uenius, their arts, and their customs. Of this history, which is completed in one vo- lume, folio, there are some copies to be found in Spain. He wrote also a work on the Mexican Calendar (the original of which is pre- served in ]\Iexico), and others not less useful to the Spaniards than the Indians. Andrea d'Olmos. A Franciscan Spaniard, of holy memory. This indefatigable preacher acquired the Mexican, Totonacan, and Huex- tecan languages, and composed a Grammar and Dictionary of all three. Besides other works written by him for the use of the Spaniards and the Indians, he wrote in Spanish a Treatise on Mexican Antiquities ; and in the ]\Iexican language, the exhortations which the ancient Mexicans used to their children, of which there is a specimen in the seventh book of this history. Bernardo Sahagun, a laborious Franciscan Spaniard. Having been more than sixty years employed in instructing the Mexicans, he made great proficiency in their language, and the knowledge of their histor\\ Besides several works written by him, both in Mexican and in Spanish, he composed in twelve great volumes in folio, a Universal Dictionary of the Mexican Language, containing all that belonged to the geography, the religion, and the political and natural history of the Mexicans. This work, of innnense erudition and labour, was sent to the royal historio- grapher of America, resident at Madrid, by the marquis of "\^illaman- rique, viceroy of Mqxico ; and we do not doubt, but it is still pre- served in some library of Spain. He wrote also the General History of New Spain, in four volumes, which were preserved hi manuscript in the library of the convent of Franciscans, in Tolosa d^ Navarra, ac- cording to the affirmation of Juan de S. Antonio, in his Bibliotheca Francisca)w. Alfonso Zurita, a Spanish lawyer, and judge of Mexico. After hav- ing, by order of king Philip II. made diligent researches into the civil government of the IMcxicans, lie wrote, in Spanish, A compefidioiis Relation of the Lords there were in 3Iexico, and their Difference : of xvi ACCOUNT OF THE WRITERS ON THE the Laws, Usages, and Customs of the Mexicans : of the Tributes •which they paid, &c. Tlie original manuscript in folio, is preserved in the library of the college of St. Peter and St. Paul, of the Jesuits of Mexico. From this work, which is well written, some considerable part of what we have said on the same subject is extracted. Juan de Tobar, a most noble Jesuit of Mexico. He wrote on the ancient history of the kingdoms of Mexico, of Acolhuacan, and of Tlacopan, after having made diligent enquiries, by order of the viceroy of Mexico, D. Martino Enriqucz. By these manuscripts, P. Accosta was principally directed in what he wrote concerning Mexican antiqui- ties, as he himself acknowledges. Joseph d'Acosta, a most celebrated Spanish Jesuit, well known in the literary world by his writings. This great man, after having resided some years in both the Americas, and informed himself, from experienced people, of the customs of those nations, wrote in Spanish the Natural and Moral History of the Indians, which was printed first in Seville, in 1589, reprinted afterwards in Barcelona in 1591, and from thence circu- lated into various languages of Europe. This work is well written, particularly in regard to tlie physical observations on the climate of America; but, it is too confined, defective in many articles, and there are some mistakes concerning; ancient history. o Fernando Pimentel Ixtlilxochitl, son of Coanacofzin, last king of Acolhuacan, and Antonio de Tobar Cauo Motezuma Ixtlilxochitl, a descenflant of the two royal houses of Mexico and Acolhuacan. These two nobles, at the lequest of the Count of Benavente, and the viceroy of Mexico, D. Luis de Velasco, wrote letters on the genealogy of the kings of Acolhuacan, and other points relative to the ancient history of that kingdom, which are preserved in the above-mentioned college of the Jesuits. Antonio Pimentel Ixtlilxochitl, son of D. Fernando Pimentel. He wrote Historical Memoirs of the Kingdom of Acolhuacan, by which Torquemada was assisted ; and from it we have taken the calcu- ANCIENT HISTORY OF MEXICO. lation mentioned in the fourth book of our history, of the annual expences incurred in the palace of the famous king Nczahualcojotl, great-great- •jrandfath.er of that author. Taddeo de Niza, a noble Indian of TIascala. He wrote in the year 1548, by order of the viceroy of Mexico, the History of the Conquest, which was subscribed by thirty other nobles of TIascala. Gabriel d'Ayala, a noble Indian of Tezcuco, He wrote iu the Mexican language Historical Commentaries ; containing an account of all the affairs of the Mexicans from the year 1243 of the Aulgar fera, unto 1562. Juan Ventura Zapata e Mendoza, a noble of TIascala. He wrote in the Mexican language the Chronicle of TIascala ; containing all the events of that nation, from their arrival in the country of Anahuac, to the year 1589- Pedro Ponce, a noble Indian, rector of Tzompahuacan. He wrote in Spanish, An Account of the Gods and the Rites of Mexican Paganism. The chiefs of Colhuacan. They wrote the Annals of the Kingdom of Colhuacan. A copy of this work was in the above-mentioned library of the Jesuits. Christoval del Castillo, a Mexican Mestee. He wrote the History of the Travels of the Aztecas, or Mexicans, to the country of Anahuac ; which manuscript was preserved in the library of the college of Jesuits of Tepozotlan. Diego ^lugnoz Camargo, a noble IMestee of TIascala. He wrote in Spanish the History of the City and Republic of TIascala. Torque- niada made use of this work, and there are copies of it both in Spain and Mexico. Fernando d'Alba Ixtlilxochitl, a Tezcucan, and descendant, m a right line, from the kings of Acolhuacan. This noble Indian, ex- VOL. I. c XVII xviii ACCOUNT OF THE WRITERS ON THE trcnielj conversant with the antiquities of his nation, wrote, at the re- quest of tlic viccro}' of Mexico, several very learned and \aUiable works: 1. The llistoiv of New Spain. 2. The History of the Che- cheniecan Lords. 3. An Epitome of the History of the Kingdom of Tczcuco. 4. Historical iVIemoirs of tlic Tohccas, anil other na- tions of Anahuac. All tliese works, written in Spanish, were pre- served in the library of St Peter and St. Paul of the Jesuits of Mexico, and from them we have extracted some materials for this history. The author was so cautious in writing, that, in order to remove any grounds for suspicion of fiction, he made his accounts conform exactly with the historical paintings, which he inherited from his ilhistrious ancestors. Juan Batista Pomar, of Te/:cuco, or Cliolula, a descendant from a bastard of the ro\al house of Tezciico. lie wrote Historical Memoirs of that Kingdom, Avhich Torquemada lias made use of. Domingo de San Anton Munon Chimalpain, a noble Indian of Mexico. lie Miote in the Mexican language four woiks, much esteemed by the intelligent: 1. American Chronicle, containing all the Events of that Nation, from the year 1068, to the year 1597 of the vulgar a;ra. 2. The History of the Contjuest of Mexico by the Spaniards. 3. Original Accounts of the Kingdoms of Acolhuacan, of Mexico, and of other Provinces. 4. Historical Commentaries from the year 1064 to 1521. These works, which I most ardently wished for, wove preser\ed in the library of the college of St. Peter and St. Paul of ^Mexico. Boturini had copies of them, as well as of almost all the AV'orks of the Indians, which I have mentioned; there was a co[)y of the Chronfcle also in the library of the college of St. Gregory of the Jesuits of JMexico. Fernando d'Alvarado Tezozomoc, an Indian of Mexico. He wrote in Spanish a Mexican Chronicle, about the year 1598, wliich was pre- served in the above-mentioned library of St. Peter and St. Paul. Bartolome dc Las Casas, a famous Dominican Spaniard, first bishop of Chiapa, and highly worthy of memory among the Indians. The ANCIENT HISTORY OF MEXICO. xix bitter memorials presented by this venerable prelate to king Charles V. and Pliilip II., in favour of the Indians, and against the Spanish conijuerors, printed in Se\ ille, and afterwards translated and reprinted, in odium to the Spaniards, in various languages of Europe ; contains some -particulars of the ancient history of the ^lexicans, but so altered and exaggerated, we cannot rely on the authority of the author, however otherwise respectable. The excessive fire of his zeal sent forth light and smoke together; that is, he mixed truth with falsehood, not because he studied an opportunity of deceiving his king and the world, as a suspicion of such guilt in him would be offering wrong to that virtue whicii his enemies acknowledged and revered ; but because, not having been present at what he relates concerning Mexico, he trusted too much to information from others, which will be made to appear in some parts of this history. We should have, probably, been much more assisted by two great works of the same prelate never published ; the one, A History of the Climate and Soil of tlie Countries of America ; and the Genius and Manners, Sec. of the Americans under subjection to the Catholic King. This manuscript, consisting of 830 pages, was preserved in the library of the Dominicans of Valladolid, in Spain, where it was put by Remesal, as he makes us credit in his Chronicle of the Dominicans of Chiapa and Guatemala. The other, A General History of America, in three volumes, folio; a copy of which was in the library of the count of Villaumbrosa, in Madrid, where Pinelo saw it, as he affirms, in his Bibliothcca Occidentali : two volumes of this history the abo\e-mentioncd author saw in the celebrated archives of Simancas, wdiich have been t!ie sepulchre of manj' precious manu-' scripts on America. Two volumes also were in tlie library of J. Kricio, at Amsterdam, Agustino Davila, and Padillo, a noble and ingenious Dominican of ^Mexico, preacher to king Philip III., royal historiographer of America, and archbishop of the island of St. Domingo. Besides the Chronicle of the Dominicans of Mexico, printed in Madrid in 1596, and the His- tory of New Spain and Florida, printed in Valladolid in 1632, lie wrote the Ancient History of the Mexicans, employing materials already col- lected by Fernando Duran, a Dominican of Tezcuco ; but this work has not been found. G 2 XX ACCOUNT OF THE WRITERS ON THE Doctor Cervantes, dean of the inetropolitan cliurch of Mexico, Herrcra, the Chronicle-writer, praises tlie Historical Memoirs of Mexico, written by this author ; but we lunc no other intelligence of him. Antonio de Sasvcdra Guzman, a noble Mexican, during his voyage to Spain, wrote, in twenty cantos, the Histoiy of the Conquest of IVIexico, and piinted it in Madrid, under the Spanish title of FA Perc- gr'uio Indiatw, in 1399. This work ought to be reckoned amongst the histories of Mexico, for it has nothing of poetry but the measure. Pedro Guterrez de S. Chiara. Betancourt made use of the manu- scripts of this author in his History of Mexico; but we know nothing of the title or quality of the work, nor of the country of the author, although we suspect he was an Indian. In the Sevcntexnth Century. Antonio de Herrcra, royal historiographer for the Indies. This candid and judicious author wrote in four volumes in folio, Eight Decades of the History of America, beginning from the year 149*, together with a Geographical Description of the Spanish Colonies ; which work w:'S printed for the first time in Madrid, at the beginning of the last century, and afterwards reprinted in 1730; also translated and published in other languages of Europe. Although the principal design of the author was to relate the actions of the Spaniards, he does not, however, omit the j'Vncient History of the Americans ; but in what relates to tlie Mexicans, he copies for the most part the accounts of Acosta and Gomara. His method, however, like that of all rigid annalists, is disagreeable to the lovers of history, because at every step the narration of facts is interrupted with the account of other uncoii- nected occurrences. ^ Arigo Martinez, a foreign author, although a Spanish surname. After having travelled through the greatest part of Europe, and resided many years in Mexico, where he made himself most useful by liis great skill in mathematics, he wrote the History of New Sjwin, ANCIENT HISTORY OF MEXICO. xxi wliicli was printed in Rlexico in iGOo. In tlie Ancient History, lie treads for the most part in the footsteps of Acosta; bnt there are astro- nomical and physical observations in it of importance to the geograph}'- and natural liistoiy of these conntiies. Gregorio Garcia, a Dominican Spaniard. His famous treatise on the Origin of the Americans, printed in quarto, at Valentia, in lfi07, after- wards enlarged and reprinted in Madrid, in 17C9, in folio, 4s a work of vast erudition, but almost totally useless, as it gives little or no assist- ance in discovering truth ; the foundation for the opinions which he maintains concerning the origin of the Americans, are, for the niost part, weak conjectures founded on the resemblance between some of their customs and words, and those of other nations. Juan de Torquemada, a Franciscan Spaniard. The History of Mex- ico, written by him under the title of the Indian Monarchy, printed in ^ladrid about 16 14, in three great volumes in folio, is, without question, the most complete in respect to the antiquity of Mexico, of any hitherto published. The autlior resided in Mexico from his youth to his death; knew the ^lexican language well, conversed with the Mexicans for upwards of fifty years, collected a great number of ancient pictures and excellent manuscripts, and laboured at his work more tlian twenty years ; but in spite of his diligence, and such advantages, he frequently betrays want of memory, of critical skill, and good taste; and in his history there appear many gross contradictions, particularly in chronology, several childish recitals, and a great deal of supertluous learning, on which account it requires considerable patience to read it ; nevertheless, there being many things of curiosity and value in it, which would be sought for in vain in other authors, I was under the necessity to do with this history what Virgil did with the works of Ennius, to search for the gems amongst the rubbish. Arrias Villalobos, a Spaniard. His Histoiy of ^lexico carried on from the foundation of the capital, to the year 1623, Avritten in verse, and printed there in the above year, is a work of little value. xxii ACCOUNT OF THE WRITERS ON THE Chiistoval Chaves Castillcjo, a Spaniard. He wrote, about the year 1632, a volume in folio, on the Origin ot' the Indians, and their first Colonics in the Country of Anahuac. Carlos de Siguenza e Gongora, a celebrated ISIexican professor of ma- thematics in the university of his native country. This author has been one of the most comprehensive writers on the History of Mexico, as he made, at a great expense, a large and choice collection of ancient pictures and manuscripts, and applied himself with the greatest diligence and assiduity to illustrate the antiquity of that kingdom. besides many mathematical, critical, historical, and poetical works composed by him, some of them manuscripts, some of them printed in Mexico fiom the year 1680 to 1693, he wrote in Spanish, ). Tlie JMexkan Cyclo- graphy, a work of great labour; in which, by calculating eclipses and comets, marked in the historical pictures of the Mexicans, he adjusted their epochs with ours, and by availing himself of good instruction, explained the method they used to count centuries, jears, and months. 2. The History of tht Chechemecan Empire, in which he explains what lie found in ]\Iexican manuscripts and paintings concerning the first colonies which passed from Asia to America, and the events of the most ancient nations established in Anahuac. 3. A long and learned Dissertation on the announcing of the Gospel in Anahuac ; which was done there, as he believed, by the apostle St. Thomas, sup- porting his opinion on traditions of the Indians, crosses found, and formerly worshipped in Mexico, and other monuments. 4. Ihe Ge- nealogy of the ^Mexican Kings; in which he traced their ascending line as far back as the seventh century of the Christian ivra. 5. Cri- tical Annotations on the Works of Torquemada and Bcinal Diaz. All these most learned manuscripts, which would have afforded considerable aid to this histor}-, were lost through the negligence of the heirs of that learned author; and there now remain only some fragments of them preserved in tlie works of other contemporary writers, namely, of Gemelli, Betancourt, and Floreneia. Agustino de Betancourt, a Franciscan of Mexico: his Ancient and Modern History of Mexico, printed in that capital, in I698, in one ANCIENT HISTORY OF MEXICO. xxiii volume in f(jlio, uiKlcr tlie title of Tlie Mexican Theatre, is nothing else in respect to ancient liistorv, but an abridgement of Torqiiemada lione. in haste, and written with little accuracy. Antonio de Solis, royal historiographer of America. The History of the C'onquest of New Sjjain, written by this polished and inge- nious Spaniartl, is more a panegyric than a history. His diction is pure and elegant, but his manner is rather ati'ectcd; the sentences arc too much laboured, and the public speeches are the work of his own fancy ; like one less studious of truth than embellishment, he fre- quently contradicts authors the most wortliy of credit, and even Cortes himself) whose panegyric he imdertook. In the last books 6f this his- tory, we shall take notice of some of the mistakes of this famous Avriter. In the Eighteenth Century. Pedro Fernandez del Pulgar, a learned Spaniard, successor to Solis in the ofitice of historiographer. The true History of the Cojiquest of New Spain, wTitten by him, is found cited in the Preface of the mo- dern edition of Herrera, but we have not seen it. It is to be believed, that he set about w^riting it, for the purpose of correcting the errors of his predecessor. Lorenzo Boturini Benaducci, of INIilan. This curious and learned gentleman arrived in JNIcxico in 1736; and, desirous of writing the his- tory of that kingdom, he made, during eight years he remained there, the most diligent researches into its antiquity ; acquired a considerable mastery of the Mexican language, entered into fneadship with the In- dians to obtain their ancient pictures from them, and procured copies of many valuable manuscripts which were in the libraries of the mo- nasteries. The museum which he formed of paintings and ancient ma- nuscripts, was the most numerous and select ever seen in that king. dom, excepting that of the celebrated Siguenza ; but before he put a hand to his w ork, the excessive jealousy of the Spanisli government stripped him of all his literary estate, and sent him into Spain, where, xxiv ACCOUNT OF THE WRITERS ON THE being entirely cleared from every suspicion against his loyalty and ho- nour, hut without recovering his manuscripts, he publislied in Madrid, in 1746, in one volume in quarto, a sketch of the great history he was meditating. It was found to contain much important knowledge, never before published ; but there weie also some errors in it. The historical system which he had formed to himself, was too magnificent for exe- cution, and therefore fantastical. Besides these and other Spanish and Indian writers, there are some anonymous writers, whose works are worthy of being recorded on account of the importance of their subject; such as, 1. Certain Annals of the Toltecan nation, painted on paper, and written in tlie Mexican language, in which there is an account given of the pilgrimage and wars of the Toltecas, of their king, of the founding of ToUan, their metropolis, and other occurrences until the year 1547 of the vulgar asra. 2. Certain Historical Commentaries in the Mexican Language on the Events of the Aztecan, or Mexican Nation, from the year 1066 to 1316; and others also in the Mexican language from the year 1367 to 1509. 3. A Mexican History in the IVlexican language, carried back as far as the year 1406. In this history, the arrival of the Mexicans at the city of ToUan, is fixed at II96, agreeable to what wc report in our history. All these manuscripts were in the valuable museum of Boturini. We shall not here mention those authors who wrote on the anti- quity of iNlichuacan, of Yucatan, of Guatemala, and of New Mexico; because, although many at present believe all these provinces were com- prehended in Mexico, they did not belong to the ^Mexican empire, the histoiy of which we write. Wc have mentioned the writers on the ancient history of the kingdom of Acolhuacan, and the republic of Tlascala, because their events are for the most part connected with those of the Mexicans. If, in enumerating tlie writers on Mexico, wc meant to display our erudition, we could add a long oatalogue of French, English, Ita- lian, Dutch, Flemish, and German writers, who have written either designedly, or accidentally, on the ancient history of that kingdom; but after having read many of them, to obtain assistance to this work, I found none who were of service except the two Italians, Gemelli and ANCIENT HISTORY OF MEXICO. r.xv Boturini, who having been in Mexico, and procured from tlie Mexicans many of their paintings, and particular intelligence concerning their antiquity, have contributed, in some measure, to illustrate their history. All the others have eitlier repeated what was already written by Spanish authors mentioned by us, or have altered facts, at their own discretion, to inveigh the more strongly against the Spaniards, as has lately been done by M. de Paw, in his Philosophical Enquiries concerning the Americans, and Marniontel in his Romance of T/ie Iiicas. Amongst the foreign historians of Mexico, none is more celebrated by them than the English writer, Thomas Gage, whom I observe many have quoted as an oracle, and yet there is no writer on America more addicted to falsehood. Some, under the influence of the passions of hatred, love, or vanity, have been induced to mix fables with their writ- ings; but Gage appears to have delighted in the invention of falsehoods. What motive or interest could occasion this author to say, that the Capu- chins had a beautiful convent in Tacubaja, that in Xalapa there was a bishop's palace erected in his time, with an income of ten thousand ducats ; that from Xalapa he went to Rinconada, and from thence in one day to Tepeaca ; that there is in this city a great abundance o^ anonas and of chkozapotes, that this fruit has a kernel larger than a pear ; that the wilderness of the Carmelites stands to the north-west of the capital; that the Spaniards burnt the city Tinguez, in Quivira ; that having rebuilt it, they inhabited it at the time he was there ; that the Jesuits had a college in it; and a thousand other ridiculous lies, which appear in every page, and excite in readers who are acquainted with these coun- tries, both laughter and contempt? Amongst modern writers on American affairs, the most famous and esteemed are the Abb^ Raynal and Dr. Robertson. The Abb^, besides several gross delusions, into which he has fallen respecting the pre- sent state of New Spain, doubts of every thing which is said concern- ing the founding of Mexico, and the antient history of the Mexi- cans. " Nothing," says he, " are we permitted to affirm, except that the " Mexican empire was governed by Montezuma, at the time that the " Spaniards landed on the Mexican coast." This is the manner of speaking of a philosopher of the eighteenth century. Nothing more VOL. I. d XXVI ACCOUNT OF THE WRITEIJS ON THE can \vc he perniitte*! to ailii-m? And wliy nt)t doubt also of the exist- ence of Montezv.uia ? If we are permitted to affirm this, as it is as- certained by the testimony of the Spaniards who saw tliat king, we find tlic attestation of the same Spaniards to a vast many other things l)eUmging to the ancient history of Mexico, which were seen by them, and further confirmed by tlie depositions of the Incfians tliemselves. Such particulars therefore may be aiHirmcd, as positively as the existence of Montezuma, or we ought also to entertain a doubt of it. If there is reason, however, to doubt of all the ancient history of the Mexicans, the antiquity of most other nations in the world will come equally in question ; for it is not easy to find another history, the events of which have beqn confirmed by a greater number of historians than those of the Mexicans ; nor do we know that any people ever published so se- vere a law against false historians as that of the Acolhuas mentioned in our eighth book. Dr. Robertson, though more moderate than Raynal, in his distrust of their history, and furnished with more Spanish books and manuscripts, has fallen into more errors and contradictions while he endeavoured to penetrate further into the knowledge of America and the Americans. To make us despair of being able to obtain any tolerable knowledge of the institutions and customs of the j\Iexicans, he exaggerates the negligence of the conquerors, and the destruction made of the histo- rical monuments of that nation by the superstition of the first mission- aries. " In consequence," says he, " of this fanatical zeal of the ' ' monks, we have totally lost every intelligence of the most remote " events contained in these lude monuments, and there does not re- " main a .s'ni^le trace of the policy and ancient revolutions of the em- " pile, excepting those which are derived from tradition, or from some " fragments of their historical pictures which escaped the barbarous " search of Zumaraga. It appears evident, from the experience of all " nations, that the memory of past events cannot be long preserved, nor " transmitted with fidelity by tradition. The ]\Iexican pictures, which " are supposed to have served as annals of tlieir empire, nre few in " number, and of ambiguous meaning. Thus from the uncertaint}' of '•' the one, and the obscurity of the others, we are obliged to avail our- ANCIENT HISTORY OF MEXICO. xxvii " selves of such intelligence as can be gleaned from the imperfect mate- " rials which are found scattered in tlie Spanish writers." But in these assertions this author is grievously deceived; for, 1. Tlie materials vJiichwe find in Spanish historians are not so imperfect, but we may form from them a probable, though not altogether an autlientic history of the Mexicans ; which will appear evident to any cue who impartially consults them ; all that is necessary is to make a selection. 2. Nor in the writing such a 'history, is it necessary to use the materials of the Spanish writers, while there are so many histories and memohs written by the Indians themselves, of which Robertson had no knowledge. 3. Nor are the historical pictures so few in number, which escaped the search of the first missionaries, unless we compare those which remain with the incredible quantity that formerly existed ; as may easily be understood from this history, Torquemada, and other M-riters. 4. Nei- ther are such pictures of ambiguous meaning, except to Robertson, and those who do not understand the characters and figures of the Mexicans, nor know the method they used to represent things. Our writings are of doubtful signification to those who have not learned to read them. At the time the missionaries made that unfoitunate burning of the pic- tures, many Acolhuan, Mexican, Tepanecan, Tlascalan, and other historians were living, and employed themselves to repair the loss of these monuments. This they in part accomplished by painting new pictures, or making use of our characters which they had learned, and instructing, by word of mouth, their preachers in their antiquity, that it might l)e preserved in their writings, which iMotolinia, Olmos, and Saha- gun have done. It is therefore absolutely false, that every knowledge of the most remote events has been totally lost. It is false, besides, that there is not a single trace remaining of the political government, and ancient revolutions of the empire, excepting what is derived from tra- dition, Sec. In this history, and chiefly in the dissertations, we shall detect some of the many misrepresentations which occur in the history of the above-mentioned author, and in the works of other foreign writers, which we might swell into large volumes. Some authors, not contented with introducing errors, trifles, and lies, into the history of Mexico, liave confounded it with false images and figures, such as those of the famous Theodore Bry. In Gage's work, in the general history of the d 2 xxviu PAINTINGS. travels of Prevost, and others, is represented a beautiful road made over the Mexican lake, from Mexico to Tezcuco, which is certainly the greatest absurdity imaginable. The great work, entitled, La Galerie agi'eable du Jlfoiid, says, that ambassadois were sent in former times to the court of Mexico, mounted on elephants. Such fictions belong to romance, not history. OF PAINTINGS. W E do not pretend here to give a register of all the Mexican pictures saved from the burning of the first missionaries, or executed afterwards by the Indian historians of the sixteenth century, of which sonie Spanish writers have availed themselves, as such an enumeration would not be less useless than tedious to our readers ; but will only mention some collections, the knowledge of which may be of service to any one inclined to write the history of that kingdom. I. The collection of Mendoza, Thus we call the collection of sixty- three Mexican paintings made by the first bishop of Mexico, D. An- tonio Mendoza, to which he caused to be added skilful interpretations in the Mexican and Spanish languages, for the purpose of sending them to the emperor Cliarles V. The vessel in which tliey were sent was taken by a French corsair, and carried into France. The paintings fell into the hands of Thevenot, geographer to his most christian ma- jesty, of whose heirs they were purchased at a high price by Hak- hiit, then chaplain to the English ambassador at the court of France. Being from thence carried into England, the Spanish interpretations were translated into English by Locke, but not the famous metapli\-- sician, by order of Sir Walter Ilaleigh ; and, lastly, at the request of the learned Sir Henry Spelman, published by Samuel Purchas in the tliird volume of his Collection. In I69C, they were afresh printed in Paris, with a French interpretation by Thevenot, in the second volume of his work entitled lieluiion ck divers JWiagcs Curku.v. The pictures, as PAINTINGS. xxix we have mentioned before, were sixty-three in number; the twelve first containing the history of the foundation of ^Mexico, the years and conquests of the Mexican kings ; tlie thirty-six following, represent- ing the tributary cities of that crown, and the quantity and species of their tributes ; and the remaining fifteen, explained a part of the edu- cation of their youth, and their civil goveinment. But it is neces- sary to observe, that the edition by Thevenot is imperfect : for in the copies of the eleventh and twelfth pictures, the figures of the years are changed ; the figures which belong to the reign of IVIontezuma, being applied to the reign of Ahuitzotl ; and on the contrary : the copies of the twenty-first and twenty-second pictures are entirely wanting, and also in great part the figures of the tributary cities. Kir- ker republished a copy of the first painting from that of Purchas, in his work entitled Oedipus JEgyptiacus, This collection of Mendoza we have diligently studied, and obtained much assistance to our history from it. II. The collection of the Vatican. Acosta makes mention of some painted Mexican annals, which were in his time in the library of the Vatican. We have no doubt but they are still there ; considering the laudable curiosity and great attention of the Italian gentlemen to pre- serve such monuments of antiquity ; but we had not any opportunity of applying there to consult them. III. The collection of Vienna. Eight Mexican paintings are pre- served in the libraiy of this court. " From a note," says Dr. Robertson, " to this IMexican code, it appears, that it was made a present by " Emanuel, king of Portugal, to pope Clement VII. After having passed " through the hands of several illustrious proprietors, it came into the " possession of the cardinal of Saxe Eisenach, who presented it to the " emperor Leopold." The same author, in his History of America, gives a copy of one of these paintings, the first part of which represents a king, who makes war upon a city after having sent an embassv to it. The figures of temples, and of some years and days, appear in it; but as it is a single copy without colours, or those marks in the human figures, which, in other Mexican paintings, enable us to distinguish persons, it XXX PAINTINGS. is not simply dillficult, but totally impossible to comprehend its signifioa- tion. If Dr. Robertson had along with it published the other seven copies sent him fvmn Vienna, probabl\- the meaning of tliem all might liave been understood. I IV. The collection of Siguenza. This very learned Mexican hav- ing been extremely attached to the study of antiquity, collected a large number of select ancient paintings, part of which he purchased at a great cxpence, and part were left him in legacy by the very noble Indian D. Juan d'Alba Ixtlilxochitl, M'ho inherited them from the kings of Tez- cuco, his ancestors. Those representations of the Mexican century, and the migration of the Aztecas ; and those portraits of the Mexican kings, which Gemetli published in his Tour of the irorhl, are copies of the paintings belongiug to Siguenza, who was living in Mexico when Ge- melli landed there {a). The iigure of the century, and the Mexi- can year, is the same in effect with that published a century before in Italy by Vulades, in his Christian Rhetoric. Siguenza, after hav- ing made use of the above-mentioned paintings in his learned works, left them at his death to the college of St. Peter and St. Paul of tlie Jesuits of Mexico; together with his select library, and excellent mathematical instruments ; where wc saw and consulted in the year 175.9, some volumes of such paintings, containing chietly the penal laws of the Mexicans. (a) Dr. Robertson says, that the p.iin(in£; of the migration of the IMexirans, or Azteras, was given to Geinelli b^ ]). Christovai Guadulaxara ; but in that he eonlradicts Gemelii liiin- self, who professes he was indebted (o Sigiien/,a for all the Mexican antiquities that arc copied in his relation. From Guadalaxara he had only the chart of the iMcxican lake. " But as " now," adds Robertson, " it appears to be a generally received opinion, supported on I " know not what evidence, that Carreri never went out of Italy, and that his famous Tour " of the World was the narrative of fictilions travels, I have been unwijliii;; to make any " mention of these pictures." If wcdid not live in the eighteenth centur)-, in which thcmost extravagant sentiments have been adopted, I should be astonished that snch an opinion was generally received. Who can possibly imagine, (hat any man who was never at Mexico should have been capable of giving the most circunntantial account of the most minute cvonts of that time, of the persons then living, of their rank and employments, of all the monas- teries of Mexico and other cities, of the number of their religious, of the altars of every church ; and other particulars never before published ? On the contrary, we must declare, in justice to the merit of this Italian, that wc have found no traveller more accurate and eiictin relating all that he saw himself, or learned by itiformation from others. PAINTING S. xxxi V. The collection of Bohuini. This valuable collection of Mexican antiquities, seized upon formerly, and taken from that learned and industrious gentleman by the jealous government of INIexico, was pre- served chietly in the archives of the viceroy. We saw some of thei^e. paintings, representing some e\ents of the conquest, and some fine portraits of tlie kings of Mexico. In 1770, were published in Mexico, along with the letters of Cortes, the figure of the Mexican year, and thirty- two copies of paintings of tributes, which were paid by different cities to the crown of Mexico, taken from the museum of Boturini. Those of the tributes are the same with Mendoza"s, published by Purchas and Thevenot, but they are better executed, and have the figures of the tributary cities, Avhich are entirely wanting in those of Purchas and Thevenot ; but still six copies of those representing the tributes are wanting, and there are a thousand blunders in the interpretations, arising from total ignorance of antiquity, and the Mexican language. So much is necessary to be observed, that tliey who see that work published in INIexico, under a respectable name, may not be led into errors. XXXll ADVERTISEMENT. VV HEREVER we have occasion to make mention of perches, feet, or inches, without any specification, they are to be understood, according to the measures of Paris ; which, as they are more generally known, will, therefore, not be so apt to cause ambiguity to the reader. The perch of Paris {toise) is equal to six royal feet (pie dii rot). Every foot is equal to twelve inches, or thumbs {polices), and eveiy inch to twelve lines. A line is supposed to consist of ten parts, or points, in order to be able the more easily to express the proportion which this foot bears to others. The Toledan or Spanish foot, which is the third part of a Castilian vara (yard), is to the royal foot as 124G to 1440 ; that is, of the 1440 parts, of which the royal foot is considered to be composed, the Toledan foot has 1240 ; wherefore seven Toledan feet make about six royal feet, or a Parisian perch. In the chart of the Mexican empire, we have thought it sufficient to mark the provinces, and some few places ; omitting a great many, even considerable cities, as their names are so long, the insertion of them would not have left room for the names of the provinces. CONTENTS. BOOK I. ■LyrnSlONofthe country of Anahuac, 1 — Provinces of the kingdom of Mexico, 4.—Re. vers^ lakes, and fountains, 9 — Climate of Anahuac, 11. — Mountains, stones, and inine- rals, 13. — Plants esteemed for their Jlotcers, 17. — Plants valued for their fruit, 19. Plants valued for their roots, leaves, trunk, or zcood, 27. — Plants of use for their resin, gum, oil, and juice, 32. — Quadrupeds of the kingdom of Anahuac, 30. — Birds of Mexico, 46. — Reptiles of Mexico, 56. — Fish of the seas, rivers, and lakes of Anahuac, 61. — The insects of Mexico ^ 67.-— Characters of the Mexicans, and other nations of Anahuac ..,,77 BOOK IL Of the Toltecas, &S.— Great civilization of the Toltecas, 86. — Ruin of the Toltecas, 89.— Tlie Chechemecas, 90. — Xolotl I. king of the Cherhemecas in Anahuac, 91. — Arrival of the jicolhuas and other nations, 93. — Division of the states and rebellion, 95. — Death and funeral of Xolotl, 97. — Nopaltzin II. king of the Chechemecas, 97, — Tlotzin HI. kin altar for sacrifices and further expeditions, ib. — Death and eulogj/ of Nczahualpilti, 433. — Revolutions in the kingdom of Acolhuacan 239 BOOK VI. Jteligious system of the Mexicans, 241.— TAe gods of providence and of heaven, 244.^77j BOOK VII. ITducation of the Mexican youth, 32S. — Explanation of the seven Mexican paintings on Education, 330. — T/ie exhortations of a Mexican to his son, 331. — Exhortations of a Mexican mother to her daughter, 334. — Public schools and seminaries, 336. — La^cs in the election of a king, 338. — The pomp and ceremonies at the proclamation and unction of the king, 339. — The coronation, crozcn, dress, and other insignia of royalty, 341. — Pre~ rogatives of the crozcn, 342. — The royal council and officers of the court, 343. — Ambas- sadors, 344. — Couriers, or posts, 343. — The nobility and rights of succession, 346. — Division of the lands, and titles of possession and property, 348. — 2'hc tributes and taxes laid on the subjects of the crozcn, 350. — Magistrates of Mexico and Acolhuacan., 352. — Penal lazes, 355. — Lazes concerning slaves, 359. — Lazes of other countries of Anahuac, 361. — Punishments and prisons, 363. — Officers of war and military orders^ 363. — The military dress of the king, 365. — The arms of the Mexicans, ib. — Standards and martial music, 368. — The mode of declaring and carrying on tear, 369,— Fortifi- cations, 372. — Floating fields and gardens of the Mexican lake, 375.— Manner of culti- vating the earth, 376. — Threshing-floors and granaries, 377. — Kitchen and other gar. dens and zcoods, 378. — Plants most cultivated by the Mexicans, 380. — Animals bred by the Mexicans, ib Chace of the Mexicans, 381. — Fishing, 384. — Commerce, ib. — Money y 386. — Regulations of the market, 387. — Customs of the merchants in their journeys, 388. — Roads, houses for travellers, vessels, and bridges, 389 — Men zcho carried burdens, 390. — Mexican language, 391. — Eloquence and poetry, 394. — Mexican theatre, 396. — Music, 398. — Dancing, 399. — Games, 401. — Different kinds of Mexican paintings, 40S. —Cloths and colours, 407. — Character of their paintings, and mode of representing objects^ 409. — Sculpture, 412. — Casting of metals, 413. — Mosaic works, 414. — Civil architeC' ture, 416. — Aqueducts and zcaysupon the lake, 419. — Remains of ancient edifices, 420.— Stone-cutters, engravers, jewellers, and potters, 421. — Carpenters, weavers, Sfc. 423.— > List of the rarities sent by Cortes to Cftarles V, 424. — Knozcledge of nature, and use of medicinal simples, 426. — Oils, ointments, and infusions, Sfc. 428.— Blood-letting and baths, ib. — Temazcalli, or vapour-baths of the Mexicans, ^9,— Surgery, 430.— Ali- ment of the Mexicans, 431. — Wine, 435. — Dress, 436. — Ornaments, 437. — Domestia Jurniture and employments, ib. — Plants used instead of Soap, 4iO.—'Aj>pendix,..m..44l THE HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK I. Description of the Country of Anahuac, or a short Accou7it of the Soil, Climate, Mountains, Rifers, Lakes, 3finerals, Plants, Animals, and People of the Kingdom of Mexico, i HE name of Anahuac, which was originally given to the vale of BOOK I. Mexico only, from its principal cities having been situated on little ' islands, and upon the borders of two lakes, taking afterwards a more extensive signification, was used to denominate almost all that tract of land, which is known at present by the name o^ New Spain (a). This vast countrj' was then divided into the kingdoms of Mexico, sect i. Acolhuaca?!, Tlacopan, and Michuacan ; into the republics of Tlaxcallan, I^»^'"<"* "f Cholollan, and Huexotzinco, and several other distinct states. of AnXiM. The kingdom of Michuacan, the most westerly of the whole, was bounded on tlie east and south by the Mexican dominions, on the («) Anahuac signifies near to the zcatcr, and from thence appears to be derived the name- of Allah uatlaca, or Nahiiatlaca, by which the polished nations occupying the banks of the Mexican lake have been known. VOL. I. B 2 n I STORY 6r MEXICO. BOOK I. north by llio country of the Chichcniecas, and other more barbarous nations, and on the west by the lake of Chapallan, and some nidependent states. The capital of Tzi/ittuiitzatt, called by tlie Mexicans Huitzitzilla, was situated on the eastern shore of the beautiful lake of Pazcuaro. Besifles these two cities, there were others \ ery considera!)le ; namely, Tiripitio, Zacopu, and Tarecuato. All this country was pleasant, rich, and well inhabited. The kingdom of TIacopan, situated between IVIexico and Michuacan, •was of so small extent, that, excepting the capital of that name, it comprehended but a few cities of the Tepaueca nation, and the villages of the Mazahui, situated in the mountains to the west of the vale of Mexico. The court of TIacopan was on the western border of the lake of Tezcuco, four miles westward from that of Mexico {b). The kingdom of Acolhuacan, the most ancient, and in former times the most extensive, was afterwards reduced to more narrow limits b\- the acquisitions of the Mexicans. It was bounded on the east by the republic of Tlaxcallan ; on the south, by the province of Chalco, be- longing to the kingdom of Mexico ; on the north, by the country of the Huaxtecas ; and in the west, it was also bounded by different states of Mexico, and terminated in the lake of Tezcuco. Its length from south to north was little more than two lnuidred miles, and its greatest breadth did not exceed sixty : but in this small district there were large cities, an«l a numerous population. The court of Tezcuco, situated upon the eastern bank of the lake of the same name, fifteen miles to the eastward of that of Mexico, was justly celebrated not less for its an- ti(]uity and grandeur, than for the polish and civilization of its in- habitants. The three cities of Huexotla, CoatUchan, and Atenco, were so near adjacent, they appeared like its subuibs. Otompan was also a considerable city, and likewise Acolman, and Tcpepolco. The celebrated republic of Tlaxcallan or Tlascala, was bounded on the west by the kingdom of Acolhuacan, on the south by the republics (6) The Spaniards Iiavc altered the Mexiean names, and adapted them to their own lan- guage, saying Tacuba, Oculma, Otumaba, Giiaxuta, Tepeaca, Guatemala, Chiirabusco, &c. in place of TIacopan, Acolman, Otompan, Iluexotla, Tepcjacac, Quanhtemallan, and Huitzilopochco, whose example we shall imita.tCj as far as it is convenient, to avoid giving our readers trouble in pronouncing them. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 3 of Cliolollan and Huexotzinco, and by the state of Tepejacac, belonging BOOK I. to the crown of Mexico, on the north by the state of Zacatlart, and on the east by other states under subjection to the same crown. Its length did not reach fifty miles, nor its breadth more than thirty. Tlascala, from whence the republic took its name, was situated on the side of the great mountain Mattalcueye, towards the north-west, and about seventy miles to the eastward of the court of Mexico. The kingdom of Mexico, although the most modern, was far more extensive than all the other mentioned kingdoms and republics, taken together. It extended towards the south-west and south, as far as the Pacific Ocean ; towards the south-east, as far as the nciglibourhood of Quauhtemallan ; towards the east, exclusive of the districts of the three republics, and a small part of the kingdom of Acolhuacan, as far as the Gulf of Mexico; towards the north, to the country of the Huaxtecas ; towards the north-west, it bordered on the barbarous Chicheraecas ; and the dominions of Tlacopan and Michuacan, were its boundaries towards the east. The whole of the Mexican kingdom was comprehended between the 14th and 21st degrees of north latitude, and between 271 and 28^3 degrees of longitude, taken fioni the meridian of the island of Ferro (c). The finest district of this country, in respect to advantage of situation, as well as population, was the vale itself of JNIexico, crowned bj' beauti- ful and verdant moimtains, whose circumference, measured at their base, exceeded a hundred and twenty miles. A great pai t of the vale is occupied by two lakes, the upper one of sweet water, the lower one brackish, Avhich communicate together by a canal. In the lower lake, on account of its lying in the very bottom of the valley, all the water running from the mountains collected ; from thence, when extraordinary abundance of rains raised the water of the lake over its bed, it easily overflowed the city of Mexico, which was situated in the lake ; which accident happened not less frequently under tlie Mexican monarchy than in the time of tlie Spaniards. These two lakes, the circum- ference of which is not less than ninety miles, represented in some (c) De Solis, and other Spaniih, French, and English writers, allow still more extent to. the kingdom of Mexico ; and Dr. Robertson says, that the territories belonging to the chiefs^ of Tezcuco and Tacuba, scarcely yielded ia extint to those of the sovereign of Mcsico ; but how far thtse authors are distant from the truth, will appear from our dissertations. B 2 ^ HlsronT DF MEXICO. BOOK T. degree, the ligiue of a Camel, the liead and neck of whicl) were foinied ' " ' by the lake of sweet water, or C/ialco, the body by the lake of brackish water, called the lake of Tezcuco, and the legs and feet were repre- sented bv the rhulets, and torrents, which ran from the mountains into tlie lake. Between the two lakes there is the little peninsula of Itztapalapan, which divides them. Besi(ks the three courts of Mexico, Acolhuacan, and Tlacopan, there M'ere forty eminent cities in this tlelis^htful vale, and innumerable villages and hamlets. The cities most noted next to these courts were. Xochimilco, Chalco, Itztapalapan^ and Quaulitit/an, Mhich now, however, scarce)}- retain a twentieth part of their former greatness (d). Mexico, the most renowned of all the cities of the hew world, and capital of the empire, (the description of which we shall give in another place,) was, like Venice, built on several little islands iu the lake of Tetzcuco, in 19 deg. and '26 min. of north latitude, and in 276 (leg. and 34 min. of longitude, between the two courts of Tetzcuco, and Tlacopan, 15 miles to the west of the one, and four to the east of the other. Some of its provinces M'ere inland, others maritime. stcT. II. The principal inland provinces to the northward were, theOtoniies; Provinces of ^^ ^j^g south-wcst, the ]\Iatlatzincas and the Cuitlatccas ; to the south, the kingdom . i i^> of Mexico, the Tlahuicas and the Cohuixcas ; to the south-east, after the states or Itzoca??, Jaiihtepec, Quauhquechollaii, Atlitco, Tthuacan, and others, were the great provinces of the Mixtecas, the Zapotecas, and lastly, the Chiapanecas. Towards the east were the provinces ofTepeyacac, the Popolocas, and the Totonacas. The maritime provinces of the Mexican (iulf were those of C'o<7i'^ffc7«//co and Cuttlachtlari, which the Spniards call Cotasta, The provinces on the Pacific Ocean were those of Coliniaii, ZacatoUan, Tototcpec^ Tecuantcpec, and Xocoiiochco. <■ The province of the Otomies commenced in the northern part of the vale of Mexico, and extended through those mountains to the (d) The other respeelable cities of the vale of Mexico were, Mitquic, Cuiilaliuac, Jzcapo- zttlco, Tenat/ocan, Otompmi, Colhuacan, Mcrkaltiincn, lluitzilnpochto-, Coyohumaii^Jtenco, CoatUchatt, Huexotla, Cliiuutlu, Acolmun, Tcotihtuacan, It'Japalocaii, Tepetlaoztoc, Tcpc- polco, Ti:ai/oci:an, Ciitlaltepec, Coyotepec, Tzompanco, Tol/iflnn, Xaltoccan, Te/epanco, Eheca/cpec, Tequizqiiiac, lluipochtlan, Tepotzotlan, Tchuitlojoscan, Iluchetloca, Allacui. kuayaityjkc. Sec our Sixth Disscrtatioo. HISTORY OF MEXICO. north, the distance of 90 miles fiom the capital. Tiie ancient antl HOOK T famous city of Tollan, uow Tula, distinguished itself over all the inha- bited places, of which there were many; also A7/o^<'/>a-, which, after the conquest made by the Spaniard-!, was the metropolis of the Otomies. Beyond the settlements of this nation towards the north and north-west, there were no other places inhabited as far as New Mexico. All this great track of land, of more than a thousand miles in length, was occu- pied by barbarous nations, who had no fixed residence, nor paid obe* dience to any sovereign. The province of the Matlatzincas comprehended, besides the valley of Tolocan, all that space from thence to Tlaxbnaloyan (now Taximaroa), the frontier of the'kingdom of IMichuacan. The fertile valley of Tolocau from the south-east to the north-west is upwards of forty miles long, and thirty in breadth where it is broadest. Tolocan, which was the principal city of the Matlatzincas, from whence the valley took its name, was, as it still is, ' situated at the foot of a high mountain perpetually covered with snow, thirty miles distant from Mexico. All the other places of the valley were inhabited partly by the Matlatzincas, partly by the Otomies. In the neighbouring mountains there were the states of Xalatlauhco, Tzompahuacan, and MaUnako ; at no great distance to the eastward of the valley the state of Qcuillan, and to the westward those of Tozantla and Zoltepec. The Cuitlatecas inhabited a country which extended more than two hundred miles from the north-west to the south-east, from the kingdom of Michuacan, as far as the Pacific Ocean. Their capital was the great and jjopulous city of Mexcaltepec upon the coast, the ruins of which are now scarcely visible. The capital of the Tlahuicas was the pleasant and strong city of Quauhnahuac, called by the Spaniards Cuernabaca, about forty miles from Mexico towards the south. Their province, which commenced from the southern mountains of the vale of Mexico, extended almost sixty miles southward. The great province -of the Cohuixcas was bounded on the north by the Matlatzincas, and Tlahuicas, on the west by the Cuitlatecas, on the cast by the Jopi and Mixtecas, and to the southward it extended itself as far «s the Pacific Ocean, through that part where at present the port S HISTORY OF MEXICO. J?OOK I^ and city of Acapulco lie. This province was divided into several distinct states, namely, Tzompanco, Chilapan, Tlapan, and Teoilztlu, now Tistla, a country for the most part too liot and unJieaitiiy. Tlaclico, a place celebrated for its silver mines, either belonged to the above-mentioned province, or bordered upon it. Mixtecapan, or the province of the Mixtecas, extended itself from Acatlan, a place distant an hundred and twenty miles from the court, towards the south-east, as far as the Pacific Ocean, and contained several cities and villages, well inhabited, and of considerable trade. To the east of the Mixtecas, were the Zapotecas, so called from their capital Teotzapotlan. The valley of Huaxi/acac was in their district, called by tlie Spaniards Oaxaca, or Guaxaca. The city of Huaxyacac was after- w'ards constituted a bishoprick, and the valley a marquisate in favour of the conqueror D. Ferdinand Cortes (e). To the northward of the JMixtecas was the province oi ISIazatlan, and to the northward and the eastward of the Zapotecas was Chimantla, with their capitals of the same name, fiom whence their inhabitants were called Mazatccas, and Chinantecas. The pT'ovinces of the Chiapanecas, Zoqui, and Queleni, were the last of the i\fexican empire towards the south-east. The principal cities of the Chiapanecas weie Todiiapan (called by the Spaniards Chiapa de Indios), Tochila. Chainolla, and Tzluacantla, of the Zoqui, Tccpantla, and of the Queleni, Teop'ixca, Upon the side and around the famous mountain Popocatepec, which is thirty-three miles distant towards the soutn-east from the court,^ were the great states Amaquemecan, Tepeztlan, Jauhtepec, Htiaxtepec, Chietlan, Itzocan, Acapetlayoccan, Quaulujnechollau, Atlixco, Clio- lollan, and Iluexotzhico : these two last^ which were the most con- siderable, having, with the assistance of their neighbours the Tlas- calans, shaken oif the Mexican yoke, re-established their former aristocratical government. Cholollan, or Cbolula, and Huexotzinco, («) Some believe, that anciently there was nothing in the place called Huaxyacac, but a mere garrison of the Mexicans, and that that city was founded by the Spaniards ; but besides- that it appears by the tribute-roll, that Ihiaxyacac was one'of the tributary cities to the crown of Mexico, wo know that the Mexicans were not .iccustomed to establish any garri- • son, except in the most populous places of their conciuered provinces. The Spaniards were said to found a city whenever they gave a Spanish name to an Indian settlement, and gave it Spanish magistrates ; Antequera in Jluarjacac, and Hegura ilclla Frontera, in Tepejnr.ac, were no otherwise founded.. HISTORY OF MEXICO ^ were the largest and most populous cities of all that laud. The Clio- BOOK T. liilans possessed a small hamlet called Cuitlaxcoapan, in the very place Avhere afterwards the Spaniards founded the city of Angelopoli, which is the second of New Spain [f). To the east of Cholula there was the respectable state of Tepeyacac ; and beyond that, tlie Popolocas, whose principal cities were Teca- machalcQ and Qtiecholac. To the southward of the Popolocas there was the state of Tehitacnn, bordering upon the country of the Mix- tecas ; to the east the maritime province of Cuctlachtlan, and to the north the Totonacas, This great province, which was the last in that part of the empire, extended a hundred and fifty miles, begin- ning from the frontier of Zacatlan, a state belonging to the ciowu of Mexico, about eighty miles distant from the court, and termi- nating in the Gulf of Mexico. Besides the capital Mizquibuacan, fifteen miles to the eastward of Zacatlan, there was the beautiful city of Chempoallan upon the coast of the Gulf, which was the first city of the empire entered by the Spaniards, and where, as will hereafter appear, their success began. These were the principal inland provinces of the Mexican empire; omitting the mention at pre- sent, of several other lesser states, which might render our description tedious. Among the maritime provinces of the Pacific Ocean, the most northern was Coliman; whose capital so called, lay in 19 deg. of latitude, and in 272 deg. of longitude. Pursuing the same coast, towards the south-east was the province of Zacatolan, with its capital of the same name ; then the coast of the Cuitlatecas ; and after it that of the Cohuixcas, in which district was Acapulco, at present a celebrated port for commerce with the Philippine Islands, in l6 deg. 40 min, of latitude, and 2/6 deg. of longitude. Adjoining to the coast of the Cohuixcas, were the Jopi ; and adjoin- ing to that, the ]\Iixtecas, known in our time by the name of Xkuyan. Then followed the great province of Tecuantepec ; and lastly, that of Xoconochco. The city of Tecuantepec, from which the state derived its name, was situated on a beautiful little island, formed by a river two (/) The Spaniards say Tustla, Mecameca, hucar, Atrisco, and Quechtila^ in place of Tochtlan, Jmaquemccan, Itzocan, Atlixco, and Quecholac, 5 HISTORY OF MEXICO. ^UX)K I. niilcs from the sea. The province of Xoconochco, which was the last ""^^""'-^ jjjjj jjiost southerly of the empire, was bounded on the east and south- cast by the country of A oc////t7;ec, which did not belong to the crown of Mexico ; on the west, by that of Tccuantepec ; and on the south terminated in the ocean. Its capital, called also Xoconochco, was situated between two rivers, in 14 dcg. of latitude, and in 283 of longi- tude. Upon the IMexicau gulf there were, besides the coast of the Totonacas, the provinces of Cuetlachtlan and Coatzacualco ; this last was bounded on the east by the vast countiy of Onohualco, under which name the Mexicans comprehended the states of Tabasco, and the peninsula of Yucatan, which were not subject to their dominion. Besides the capital, called also Coatzacualco, founded upon the borders of a great river, there were other well-peopled places, amongst which Painalla merits particular mention by having been the place of the nativity of tlie famous Mallntzin, one of the most powerful instruments of the conquest of Mexico. The province of Cuetlachtlan, which had a capital so called, comprehended all that coast which is between the river Alvarado, where the province of Coatzacualco terminates, and the river Antigua ("), where the province of the Totonacas began. Oa that part of the coast which the Mexicans called Chalchicuecan, he at present the city and port of ^^era Cruz, the most renowned of all New Spain. All the country of Anahuac, generally speaking, was well peopled. In tlie history antl in the dissertations we sliall have occasion to mention, .several particular cities, and^ to give some idea of the midtitude of their inhabitants. Almost all the inhabited settlements with their ancient Tiames, are now still existing, though much altered ; but all the ancient cities, excepting those of Mexico or Orizaba and some others, appear so reduced, they hardly contain the fourth part of the number of buildings, and inhabitants wliich they formerly possessed; there are many which have preserved but a tenth part, and others hardly the twentieth part of their ancient greatness. To speak in general of the Indians, and comparing the state of their population, reported by the first Spanish historians, and their (?) ^Vc give this river the Spanish name, bj which it is fc-.own at present j as vc are ignorant af its Mexican name. HISTORY OF MEXICO. ^ native writers, with what wc have seen ourselves, m'C can affirm BOOK I, that at present there hardly remains one-tenth part of the ancient ' inhahitants ; the miserahle consequence of the calamities they ha\'e un{ltri;one. The land is in great part ahrupt and mountainous, covered with sect. m. thick woods, and Avatered by large rivers ; though not to be com- andYoun- pared with those of South America : some of these run into the Gulf tains, of Mexico, and others into the Pacilic Ocean. Amongst the first, those of Papalnapan, Coatzacualco, and Chiapau, are the greatest. The ri\'er Papaloapan, which the Spaniards call Alvarado, from the name of the fust Spanish captain who sailed into it, has its prin- cipal source iu the mountains of the Zapotecas ; and after making a circuit through the province of Mazatlan, and receiving other smaller rivers and streams, is discharged into the Gulf by three navisfable mouths, at ihirty miles distance from Vera Cruz. The river Coatzacualco, which is also navigable, comes down from the mountains of the Allies, and crossing the province of which it takes the name, empties itself into the ocean nigh to the country of Ono- hualco. The river Chiapan begins its course from the mountain.? called Cuchumaiiuieo, which separate the diocese of Chiapan from that of Guatemala, crosses the piovince of its own name, and after- wards that of Onoluialco, where it runs into the sea. The Spaniards call it Tabasco, which they also called that tract of land which unites the peninsula of Yucatan to the Mexican continent. They called it also the river Grihalva, from the commander of the first Spanish fleet who discovered it. yVmongst tlie rivers Avhich run into the Pacific Ocean Tololotlan it the most celebrated, called by the Spaniards Guadalaxara, or great rixer. It takes its rise in the mountains of the valley of Toloccan, crosses the kingdom of Michuacan and the lake of Chapallan, from thence it waters the country of Tonollan, where at present the city of Guadalaxara, the capital of New Gallicia, stands ; and after running a course of more than six hundred miles, discharges itself into the ocean, iu the latitude of 22 degrees. The river Tecuantepec springs in the niountains of the Mixes, and after a short course empties itself into the ocean in the latitude of 15 i degrees, VOL. I. C 10 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK I. The river of tlie Jopi waters the country of that nation, and flows ■ out fifteen miles to the eastward of tlie port of Acapulco ; forming in that quarter the dividing line between the dioceses of Mexico and Angclopoli. There were besides, and still are, several lakes, Avhicli did not less embellish the country tlian give convenience to the connncrce of those people. The lake of Nicaragua, of Chapallan, and Pazqtiaro, •which were the most considerable, did not belong to the JNIexican empire. Amongst the others, the most important to our history, are those two in the vale of Mexico, whicli we have already spoken of. The lake of Chalco extended twelve miles from east to west, as far as the city of Xochimilco, and fiom thence taking, for as many miles, a north- erly direction, incorporated itself, by means of a canal, with the lake of Tetzcuco ; but its breadth did not exceed six miles. The lake of Tetzcuco extended fifteen miles, or rather seventeen, from east to west, and something more from south to north ; but at present its extent is much less, for the Spaniards have diverted into new channels many riveis wliich formerly ran into it. All the water which assembles there is at first sweet, and becomes salt after- wards, from tiie nitrous bed of the lake where it is received (/(). Besides these two great lakes, there were in the same vale of Mexi- co, and to the north of the coast, two smaller ones, named after the cities of Tzompanco, and Xaltoccan. The lake of Tochtian, in the province of Coatzacualco, makes a sweet prospect, and its banks a most delightful dwelling. With respect to fountains, there are so many in that land, and so diflerent in quality, they would deserve a separate history, especially if we had to enumerate those of tlie kingdom of iMichuacan. There are an infinity of nitrous, sulphureous, vitriolic, and alluminous mineral waters, some of which (h) M. (1e IJomarn says, in Iiis Dictionary of Natural History, tliat tlicsalt of thoMcxi- fan lake may proccrd from the waters of the ocean in the north being filtered throii<,'h the earth ; and to corroborate his opinion he quotes Lc JoiiinulilcsSi:avant, of the year 167C. But this is trnly a gross error, because that lake is one hundred and eighty miles distant from the ocean ; besides, the bed of this lake is so elevated, that it has at least one mile of perpendicular heiglit above the level of the sea. The anonymous author of the work en- titled, Obixrvationn curicuses siir la Lac dc Mcxiqnc, (the work expressly from which the journalists of Paris have made their extracts,) is very far from adopting the error of ^vl. dc fiomare. HISTORY OF MEXICO. U spring out so hot, tliat in a few moments any kind of fruit or animal BOOK I. food is boiled in them. There are also petrifying waters, namely, those ■"*"""" ofTehuacan, a city about one hundred and twenty miles distant from jyfexico towards the south-east, those of the spring of Pucuaro in the states of the Conte di Aliravalles, in the kingxlom of INIichuacan, and that of a river in the pro\incc of tlie Queleni. With the water of Pu- cuaro they malvc little white smooth stones, not displeasing to the taste ; scrapings from which taken in broth, or in Atolli (i), are most powerful diaphoretics, and are used with remarkable su.ccess in various kinds of fevers (/i). The citizens of Mexico during the time of their kings, supplied themselves with Avater. from the great spring of Cha- poltepcc, which was conveyed to the city by an aqueduct, of which we shall speak hereafter. In mentioning the waters of that king- dom, if tlie plan of our history would permit, we might describe the stupendous falls or cascades of sc\eral rivers (/), and the bridges which nature has formed over others, particularly the Po7ite di Dio : thus they call in that country a vast volume of earth thrown across the deep liver Atoyaque, close to the Aillage of IMolcaxac, about one hundred miles to the south-east from IMexico, along which, coaches and carriages conveniently pass. It is probable, it has been a frag- ment of a neighbouring mountain, thrown from it by some former earthquake. The climate of the countries of Anahuac varies according to their sect. iv. situation. The maritime countries are hot, and for the most part ^'^j^^^f.. moist and unhealthy. Their heat, which occasions sweat even in January, is owing to the perfect flatness of the coasts compared with the inland country ; or from the mountains of sand that gather upon the shore, which is the case with Vera Cruz my native country. The moisture proceeds not less from the sea than from the abundance of waters desc?endiug from the mountains which command the (/) Atolli is thename given by the Mexicans, to a gruel made of maize or Indian corn ; of which we shall speak in another place. (A) The little stones of Pucuaro have been known but a short time. I have myself been an eye-witness of their wonderful effect, in the epidemic of 1762. The dose prescribed for one who is easily brought to sweat is one drachm of the scrapings. (/) Amongst the cascades there is one famous, made by the great river Guadalaxara, io a place called Tenpizque, fifteen miles to the southward of that city. C 2 12 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK I. coast. In hot countries there is never any white frost, and most inha- """""""" bitants of such resrions have no other idea of snow than that whicli they receive from the readins: of books, or tlie accounts of stranwrs. Lands which are very high, or very near to very high mountains which are perpetually covered with snow, are cold ; and I have been upon a mountain not more than t\\'cnty-five nnlcs removed from the capital, ■where there has been white irost and ice even in the dog-days. All the other inland countries, where the greatest population prevailed, enjoy a climate so mild and benign, they neither feel the rigour ot" winter, nor the heats of sununer. It is true, in many of these countries there is frequently white frost in the three months of Decend)er, January, and February, and sometimes even it snows; but the small inconvenience which such cold occasions, continues only till the rising sun : no other lire than his rays, is necessary to give warmth in winter ; no other lelief is wanted in the season of heat, but the shade; the same clothing M'hich co^■ers men in the dog- days, defends them in January; and the animals sleep all tlie ycjir under the open sky. Tliis mildness and agrccableness of climate under the torrid zone, is tlie cfi'ect of several natural causes, entirely vuiknown to tlie ancients, who believed it uninhal)itable ; and not well understood by some moderns, by Avhom it is esteemed imfavourablc to thos3 -wlio live in it. The purity of the atmosphere, the smaller oblicjuity of the solar rays, and the longer stay of this luminary u))on the horizon in winter, in com- parison of, other regions farther removed from tlie cqu;itor, concur to lessen the cold, and to prevent all that horror which disfigures the face of nature in other climes. During that season a .serene sk}' and the natural delights of the countiy, are enjoyed ; whereas under tlie frigid, and even lor the most part under the temperate zones> tlie clouds rob man of the prospect of heaven, and tlie snow buries the beautiful productions of the earth. No less causes combine to tem- per the heat of summer. Tlie plentiful showers which frefiuently water the earth after mid-day, from April or May, to SeptemlKT or October; the high mountains continually loaded with snow, scattered here and there througli the country of Anahuac ; the cool winds \\hich breathe from them in that season ; and the shorter stay of the sun HISTORY OF MEXriCO. IS Mpon the horizon, compared with the circumstances of the temperate zone, BOOK I. transform the summer of those happy countries into a cool and chearful spring. But the agreeablcness of the cHniate is counterbalanced by thun- der storms, which arc frequent in summer, particularly in the vici- nity of Matlalcueje or the ^lountain of Tlasclala, and by earthquakes, which at all times are fdt, although with less danger than tcrroi'. These lirst and last eftects are occasioned by the suljjhur and other combustible materials, depos^itcd in great abundance in the bowels of the earth. Storms of hail are neither more frequent nor more sevei-e than in Europe. The fire kindled in tlie bowels of the earth by the sulphureous and sect. v. bituminous materials, has made vents for itself in some of the moun- stones and tains or volcanos, from whence flames are often seen to issue, and minerals, ashes and smoke. There are five mountains in the district of the IMexican empire, where at different times this dreadful pha?nomenon has been observed. Pojauhtccatl, called by the Sjsaniards, Volcait d'Ori- zaba, began to send forth smoke in the year 1545, and continued to do so for twenty years: but after that, for the space of more than two centuries, there has not been observed the smallest sign of burning. This celebrated mountain, which is of a conical figure, is indisputably the highest land of all Anahuac ; and, on account of its height, is the first land descried by seamen who are steering that way, at the distance of fifty leagues (m). Its top is always covered with snow, and its border adorned with laige cedar, pine, and other trees of va- luable wood, A\hich make the prospect of it every way beau- tiful. It is distant from the capital upwards of ninety miles to the eastward. The Popocaiepec and Iztatclhuatl, which lay rear each other, but thirtj-three miles distant from Mexico towards the south-east, are also of a surprising height. Popocatepec, for which they have substituted (;») Pojauhtccatl is higher than Taide or Ihe Peak of Teneriffe, according to P. Tallan. dier the Jesuit, who mp.de observations on them both : vide Lcttiet Eclijiuntes, &c. Thomas Gage says of the Popocat. pre, it is as high as the highest Alps : he might have added, something higher, if he had calculated the elevated station ou which this celebrated: mountain rises. 34 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK T. tlic name VoJcav, has a nioutli or vent more than half a mile Avide, from whicli, in tlie time of the jNIexican kiiii;s, it fre- quently emitted flames; ami in the last century n)any times threw out great quantities of allies upon tlic places adjacent ; but in this century, hardly any smoke has been obser\x'd. Ittaccihuotl, known by the Spaniards under tiie name of Sierra Nevada, threw out also at sometimes smoke and ashes. Both mountains have their tops always covered with suo\\' in so great ([uantitics, as to supply with what precipitates on the neighbouring rocks, the cities of Mexico, Gelopoli, Cholula, and other adjoining places, to the distance of forty miles fiom these mountains, where an incredible quantity is yearly consumed in cooling and congealing liquors («). The mounlaius of Colinian and Toehtlan, considerably distant from the capital, and still more so from each other, have emitted fire at difierent periods, in our time (o). Besides these mountains there are likewise others, whicli, though not burning jnountains, are yet of great celebrity for their height ; ■uamely, Matlalcueye, or the mountain of TIascala; Napputeuctli, called by the Spaniaids, from its figure, Cofre or trunk; Tcntzon, (n) The impost or duty upon ice or congealed snow consumed in the capital, amounted in 1746, to 15,52'i ^Mexican crowns; some years after, it rose to 20,000, and at present m'C may believe i( is a great deal more. (o) A few years ago an account was published in Italy, concerning the mountains of Toehtlan or Tustia, full of curious, but too ridiculous lies ; in which there was a descrip- tion of rivers of fire, of frightful elejjhants, &e. AVc do not mention among the burning mountains, nmUer J iinij/o, nor Maiiioioiiibo, of Nicaragua ; nor that of Gua/emala ; because neither of these three was comprehended under the Mexican dominions. That of (Juate. mala, laid in ruins with carthciuakes, that great and beautiful city, the 2<)lh of July, 1773. \\ itli respect to .luruyo, situated in the valley of Urecho, in the kingdom of JMi- chuacan, before the year 1700, there was notliing of it but a small hill where there was a sugar plantation. But on the 20th of September, 1760, it burst with furious shocks, and entirely ruined (he sugar work, and the neighbouring village of Cuurana; and from that time liaS continued to emit fire aiul burning rocks, which have formed themselves into three Iiigh mountains, whose circumference was nearly six miles, in 1766, according to the account communicated to me by Don Emmanuelle di Bustaraante, governor of that province, and an eye-witness of the fact. The ashes at the eruption, were forced as far as the city of Queretaro, one hundred and fifty miles distant from Juruyo, a matter almost incredible, but public and notorious in that city ; wliere a gentleman shewed me, in a paper, the ashes which he had gathered. In the city of Valadolid, sixty miles distant, it rained ashes in such abundance they were obliged to sweep the yards of the houfBS two or three times during the day. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 15 near to the village of Moacaxac, Toloccan, and others, which, being BOOK I. of no importance to the subject, I intentionally omit. E\eiy one knows """"""""^ that the famous chain of the Andes, or Alps of Soutli America, are continued through the isthmus of Panama, and through all New Spain, till they lose themselves in the unknown countries of the North. The most considerable part of this chain is known in that kingdom under the name of Sierra Madre, particularly in Cinaloa, and Tarahumara,.. provinces twelve hundred miles distant from the capital. The mountains of Anahuac abound in ores of every kind of metal, and an infinite variety of other fossils. The Mexicans found gold in the countries of the Cohuixcas, the Mixtecas, the Zapotecas, and in seseral others. They gathered this precious metal chiefly in grains amongst the sand of the rivers, and the above-mentioned people paid a certain quantity in tribute to the crown of Mexico. Sih-er was dug out of the mines of Tlachco, Tzompanco, and others ; but it was not so nuich prized by them as it is by other nations. Since the conquest, so many silver mines have been discovered in that country, especially in the provinces whicii are to the north-west of tiie capita!, it is quite impossible to enumerate them. Of copper thty had t\\ o sorts ; one hard, which they used instead of iron to make axes, hatcliets, mattocks, and other instru- ments of war and agriculture ; the other flexible, for making of basons, pots, and other vessels. This mettj abounded formerly more than else- where in the provinces of ZacatoUan, and the Cohuixchas ; at present it abounds in the kingdom of Michuacan. They dug tin from the mines of 1 lachco, and lead from the mines of Tzmiquilpcm, a place in the countiy of the Otomies. Of tin they made money, as we shall observe in its place, and we know of lead that it was sold at market, but we are entirely ignorant of the use it was put to; there were likewise mines of iron in Tlasoala, in Tlachco, and other places; but they either did not find out these niines, or at least did not know how to benefit themselves by the discoverv. There were also in' Chilapan mines of quicksilver, and in many places mines of sulphur, alum, vitriol, cinnabar, ochre, and a \v'hite earth strongly rcseinbling white lead. Of quicksilver and vitriol we do not know the use which; they made ; the other minerals were employed in painting and dyeing. Of amber and asphaltuni, or bitumen of J udea, there was and still is. ,6 HISTOT^Y OF MF.XTCO. BOOK T. gicat abundance on both coasts, and they M-eie both paid in ti ibiite to the ■"""■^^ king of Mexico from many places of the empire. Amber they used to set in gold for ornament ; asphaltuni was employed in certain incense oflerings, as we shall find hereafter. With res])cct to precious stones there were, and .still arc, diamonds, ■though few in number ; amelliysts, cats-eyes, turquoises, cornelians, and some green stones resembling emeralds, and not nuich inferior to them; and of all these stones, the Mixtecas, the Zapotccas, and Cohu- ixcas, in whose mountains they were found, paid a tribute to the 4ving. Of their plenty and estimation with the Mexicans, and the manner in which they wrought them, we shall speak more projjcrly in another place. The mountains which lay on the coast of tlic Gulf of Mexico, between the port of Vera Cruz and the river Coatzacualco, •namely, those of Chinantla, and the province of Mixtecas, furnished •them M'ith crystal ; and the cities of Toclitcpec, Cuctlachtlan, Coza- inaloapan, and others, were obliged to contribute annually to the luxury ■of the court. These mountains did not less abound in various kinds of stone, va- luable in architecture, sculpture, and other aits. There arc quarries ■ofja.spcr, and marble of diftcrent colours in the mountains of Calpo- Jalpan to the east of Mexico ; in those which separate the two vallies ■of Mexico and Toloccan, now called Monte dc los Cnttcf!, and in those -of the Zapotccas : of ahUjaster in Tecalco (at present Tecale), a place in the neighbourhood of the province of Tepeyacac, and in the coun- try of the Mixtecas : of Tezontli, in tlie vale itself of Mexico, and in many other places of the empire. The stone Tetzontli is gene- rally of a dark red colour, ])retty hard, porous, and light, unites most lirmly Mith lime and sand, and is therefore more in demand than any other for the buildings of the capital, where the foundation is marshy -and unsolid. There are besides entire mountains of load- stone, and among others one very considerable between Teoitztlan and Chilapan, in the country of the Cohuixcas. Of Cuetzalltztli com- monly known by the name of tlie nephritic stone, the Mexicans formed various and curious figures, some of which arc preserved in different museums of Europe. Chimaltizatl, wliii'h is a kind of talc, is a transparent white stone, dividing easily into thin leaves ; HISTORY OF MEXICO. 17 ou calcination gi\-es a fine plaistcr, with which the ancient Mexicans used BOOK I. to whiten their paintings. There are besides infinite quantities of plaister and talc ; but respecting this last we do not know what use it was put to. The Mezcititlatl, that is, moon"s-dung, belongs to that class of stones which, on account of tiieir resistance to the action of fire, are called by chemists lapides refmctarii. It is transparent and of a reddish gold colour. But no stone was more common with the Mexicans than the itztli, of which there is great abundance in many places of Mexico. It is semitransparent, of a glassy substance, and generally black, but it is found also white and blue; they made looking-glasses of this stone, knives, lancets, razors, and spears, as we shall mention when we treat of tlieir militia ; and after the introduction of the gospel thej' made sacred stones of it, which were much valued (/;). However plentiful and rich the mineral kingdom of Alexico may sect. vr. be, the vegetable kingdom is still more various and abundant. The teemed for .celebrated Dr. Hernandez, tlie Pliny of New Spain, describes in his their flowers. Natural History, about twelve hundred plants, natives of that country ; but his description, although large, being confined to medicinal plants, has hardly comprised one part of what provident nature hasp roducd there for the benefit of mortals. Of the medicinal plants we should give but an imperfect account if we applied to the ruedicine of the JMexicans. With regard to the other classes of vegetables, some are esteemed for their flowers, some for their fruit, some for their leaves, some for their root, some for their trunk or their wood, and others for their gum, resin, oil, or juice (9). Among the many flowers Avhich embellish the meads and adorn the gardens of the Mexicans, there are some worthy to be mentitmed, either from the singular beauty of their colours, the exquisite fragrance which they exhale, or the extra- ordinariness of their form. The Flor'ipiDidio, which, on account of its size, merits the first men- tion, is a beautiful white odoriferous flower, monopetalous, or consist- (;)) Ilzdi is known in South America by the name of the Pietra del Galinazzo. Thecci-.'. brated Sir. Cajiiis proTes, in a manuscript Dissertation, Mhich Mr. Boraare has cited, that the ob.sidiona, of which the ancients made their fa' j murini, which were so much esteemed, was entirely similar to this stone. (fjf) We have adoptitl this though imperfect dirision of plants, as it appears the most suitable and adapted to the plan of our history. VOL. I. D 1§ litStOIlY OF MEXICO. ^Ot>K t. i|,g of one leaf, but so large, iil length it is full hiove than eight inches, """""""""^ and its diameter in Hie upper part three or four. Many hang together from the branches like bells, but not entirely round as their corolla (;•). has five or six angles equidistant from eacli other. These flowers are jjioducijd by a pretty litkle tree, the branches of which form a round top like a. dome. Its trunk is fender, its leaves large, angular, and of a pale gi-ecn colour. The flowers are followed by round Iruit as large as oranges, which contain ail almond. The Jollokochitl (a), or llowcr of the heart, is also large, and not less estimable for its bcAuty than for its odour, which is so powerful, that a sinirle flower is sufiicient to fill a whole house with the most pleasing fragrance. It has many petals, which are glutinous, exter- nally white, internally reddish or yellowish, and disposed in such A manner, tliat when the flower is open and its petals expanded, it "has the appearance of a star, but when shut it resembles in some measure a lieart, from whence i't's name arose. The tree which bears it is tolerably large, and its leaves long and rough. The Coatzontecoxochitl, or flower wtth tlTe viper's head, is of iti- romparable beauty (/)• It is (Composed of five ]:)(etals or leaves, pur- ple in the innermost 'pa'rt, white in the middle, the reiit red but elegantly stained ^'it'h yellow and white spots. The plant which bears i't has leaves resembling those of the iris, but longer and larger, its trunk is small and Slim ; this flower was one of the most esteemed amongst the Mexicans. The Oceloxochitl, or tygcr-flower, is large, composed of three pointed petals, and red, but towards the middle of a mixed white and yellow, representing in some degree the spots of that wild animal from which it takes its name. The plant has leaves also resembling those of the iris, and a bulbous root. (r) The coloured leaves of which (he flower is composed arc called petals by Fabio Co- lonna, and corolla by Linnaeus, to distinguish them from the real leaves. (s) There is another Jolloxochitl also exceedingly fragrant, but different in form. (/) Flos forma' spcctabilis, et quam vix qiiispiam popsit verbis exprimere, aut penccillo pro diguitate imitari, a principibus Indorum nt iiaturaj miraculum valdo cxpetiUis, ct in magno habitus pretio. Hernandez Histor. Nat. N. Hispaniae, lib. riii. c. 8. The Lincean Academicians of Rome, who commented on and pul)lished this History of Hernandez in 1C51, and saw (he paintings of (his flower, with its colours, executed in Mexico, conceived such an idea of its beauty, that they adopted it as the etnblem of their very learned academy, dtnominating it Fior ili Linct; PI. I. Vol r.I'a^e.iS. y(>/lArt>(-/i/// / oif/ u'^Ut yy.r/ v ■///"/ Oc^^f>a-/?c/ut/ '.^//cKt/vA/n '/?/a/yia/M?cA^}/ HISTORY OF MEXICO. J9 The Cacaloxochltl, or raven-flower, is small, bat ver}- fragrant, and BOOK I. coloured Avdiite, red, and yellow. The tree which produces these - ■ ■ flowers appears covered all over with them, forming at the end of the branches natural bunches not less pleasing to tlie sight than grateful to the sense. In hot countries there is nothing more common than these flowers ; the Indians adorn their altars with them ; and the Spa- niards make excellent conserves of them {ii). The Izquivochitl is a small white flower, resembling in figure the cynorrhodo, or wood-rose, and in flavour the garden-rose, but much superior to it in fragrance. It grows to a great tree. The Chempoalodiitl, or Cliempascuhil, as the Spaniards say, is that flower transplanted to Europe which the French call Oeillet d'lnde, or Indian carnation. It is exceedingly common in Mexico, Mdiere they call it also Flower of the Dead ; and there are several kinds differing in size, in figure, and in the number of petals of which they are composed. The flower which the Mexicans call A7/o.r6t7/iV/, and the Miztecas Tiata, is entirely composed of thin, equal, and straight threads, but pliant and about six inches long, springing from a roimd cup some- thing resembling an acorn, but dilferent in size, in colour, and substance. Some of these beautiful flowers are entirely red, others all white, and the tree which bears them is most beautiful. Tlie AlacphaLvochitl, or flower of the hand, is like a tulip, but its pistilkun represents the form of a bird's foot, or rather that of an apr, with six fingers terminated with as man)'- nails. The vidgar Spaniard>> of that kingdom call the tree which bears these curious flowers Arbol de Maiiitas. Besides these and innumerable other flowers, natives of that country, which the jMexicans delighted to cultivate, the land of jNIexico has been enriched with all those which could be transported from Asia and Europe, such as lilies, jessamines, carnations of difli?rent kinds, and others in great numbers, which at present iu the gardens of ^Mexico rival the flowers of America. With regard to fruits, the country of Anahuac is partly indebted to sFfx. vu. the Canary Islands, partly to Spain, for water melons, apples, peaches, f'^I'!-' '*," . t'niii. (jii) It is probable that this tree is the same which Bomare describes under the name o( \ Frangqiunicr. D2 JO HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK I. quinces, apricots, pears, pomegranates, figs, black cherries, walnuts, """"""""" almonds, olives, chesnuts, and grapes ; although these last were not altogether wanting in the country (.r). In Mizteca there are two kinds of wild vine original in the country: the one in the shoots and iigure of the leaves similar to the common vine, produces red grapes, large, and covered with a hard skin, but of a sweet and grateful taste, which would certainly improve from culture. The grape of the other vine is hard, large, and of a very harsh taste, but they make an excellent conserve of it. ^\'ith respect to the cocoa-tree, the plantain, the citron, orange, and lemon, I am persuaded, from the testimony of Oviedo, Her- nandez, and Bernal Dias, that they had the cocoa from the Phi- lippine Islands, and the rest from the Canaries (j/) ; but as I know there are many of another opinion, 1 decline engaging myself in any dispute ; because, besides its being a matter of no importance to me, it would force me to deviate from the line of my history. It is cer- tain, that these trees, and all others which have been imported there from elsewhere, have successfully taken root, and nudtiplied as much as in their native soil. All the maritime countries abound with cocoa- nut trees. Of oranges, there are seven different kinds, and of lemons only four. There are as many of the plaintain, or platano, as the Spaniards call it (:). The largest, which is the zapalot, is from (r) The places named Parvus and Parral in the diocese of New Biscaglia, had these names from the abundance of vines which were found there, of which they made many vineyards, wliich at this day produce good wine. (j/) Oiedo, in his Natural History, attests, that F. J. Bulang.as, a Dominican, was the first who brought the Musa from the Canaries to Ilispaniola, in 151G ; and from thence it •was transplanted to the continent of America. Hernandez, in the iiid book, chap. 40. of his Natural History, speaks thus of the cocoa: Nascitur passim apud OrkuUlcs ct jnm q\ioque apnd Occideutales Indo?. B. Dias in his History of the Con(iuest, chap. 17. says, he sowed in the country of Coatzacualco, seven or eight orange seeds : and these, he adds, were the first oranges ever planted in New Spain. With regard to themusa, of the four species which there are of it, it is prob.ible, one of them oidy is (oreign, which is called Guinea. (t) The musa was not altogether unknown to the .ancients. Pliny, in citing the account which the soldiers of Alexander the Great gave of all that they saw in India, gives this de- scription of it : Major ct alia {arbus) porno et suacilateprwcellcntior, quo supienics Indorum ■sivunt. Folium avium alas imitalur, longitudine cubilorum irium, latitiidine duum. Vructum cor/ice cmillit admirabilem sued dickedine, ut uno qiiartoios sa/icf. Arbori nomcii pala; porno aniena;. Hist. Nat. lib. xii. cap. 6. Besides these specific characters of the musa he subjoins further, that the name Palan, which was given to the musa in those remote times, is still picserved in .Malabar, as Garzia dell' Orto, a learned I'orlugucse phy- I HISTORY OF MEXICO. 21 fifteen to twenty inches in length, and about three in diameter. It BOOK I. is hard and httle esteemed, and is only eaten when roasted or boiled. The Platano largo, that is long, is eight inches at the most in length, and one and a half in diameter. The skin at first is green, then yel- low, and when perfectly ripe, black or blackish. It is a relishing and wholesome fruit, whether boiled or raw. The Gu'uico is smaller than the other, but richer, softer, more delicious, and less wholesome. The fibres which cover the pulp are flatulent. This species of plan- tain has been cultivated in the public garden of Bologna, and we ha\ e tasted it, but found it so unripe and unpalatable on account of the cli- mate, that it might have been supposed to be a quite diftisrent species. The Dominko is the smallest and likewise the most delicate. The tree also is smaller than the others. In that country there are whole woods of large extent not only of the plantain, but also of oranges and lemons; and in Michuacan there is a considerable commerce with the dried plan- tains, which are preferable to raisins or figs. The fruits which are im questionably original in that country are the pine-apple, which from being at first view like to the pine-tree, was called by the Spaniards Piita ; the Mamei, Chirimoya («), Anona, Cabeza di Negro, black Zapote, Chicozapote, white Zapote, yel- low Zapote, Zapote di S. Dominico, Ahuacate, Guayaba, Capu- lino, Guava, or Cuaxinicuil, Pitahaya, Papaya, Guanabana, Noce, Encarcelado, Plums, Dates, Chajoti, Tilapo, Obo or Hobo, Nance, Cacahuate, and many others unimportant to be known by the reader. Most of these fruits are described in the works of Oviedo, Acosta, Hernandez, Laet, Nieremberg, jMarcgrave, Pison, Barrere, Sloane, sician, bears witness, who resided there many years. It is to be suspected whether P/w^r/no or plantain has been derived from the word Palan. The name Bananas, which the French give it, is the same as it bears in Guinea ; and the name Musa, which the Italians give it, is taken from the Arabic. By some it has been called the Fruit of Paradise, and even some are persuaded it is the very fruit which made our first parents transgress. (a) Several European writers on the aft'airs of America, confound the Chirimoya with the Arcona and Guanabana: but they are three distinct species of fruits : although the two first are somewhat resembling each otiier. It is necessary also to guard against confounding the pinre-apple with the Anona, which are more different from each other than the cucumber and melon. Bomare, however, makes tn o distinct fruits of the Chirimoya and Cherimolia, whereas Cherimolia is only the corruption of the first and original name of the fruit. The Ate likewise, which some judge a fruit diifercnt from the Cherimoya, is only a variety of the same species. yt , HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK. I. Ximencs, Ulloa, and many other naturalists; we shall therefore only ■■"" take notice of those which are the least known in Eurojic. All the fruits comprehended by the Mexicans under the generic name of Tzapotl, are round, or approach to roundness ; and all have a hard stone (/»). The black Zapote, has a green, light, smooth, tender bark; a black, soft, and most exceeding savoury j)ulp, which at first sight looks like the Cassia (c). Within the pulp, it has flat, blackish stones, not longer than a iinger. It is perfectly round, and its diameter from one and a half, to four or five inches. The tree is of a n)o- OOK I. their colours, or the agrccablencss of tlitir odotir. The Cainote J» of a most beautiful purple; ami the (Jranadillo, a dark-red colour; but tjie Palo gat each, Caoba, and Tzopilocjuahuitl or wood of Zopi- lot, are still more admirable. Tiic hardness of the Guayacan is well known in Europe; the Jabin has the same property in no less a degree. The aloe-wood of Mixteca, although different from the true Agalloco of the East, according to the description given of it by Garzia dell' Orto (/>) and other authors, is, however, not less to be esteemed for its delightful odour, csj)ecially M'heu it is fresh cut. There is also in that country, a tree whose wood is precious, but its nature is so malignant as to occasion a swelling in the scrotum of ftny one who manages it iniliscrectly when fresh cut. The name which the Alichuacans give it (which I do not at present remember) expresses vithout the least thorn, and with finer leaves ; but in every thing else like the other. (a) Garzia dcll'Orlo, in his history of the simples of India, maintains, from the account* of some persons experienced in these countries, that l.ac h prodiiced by ants. This opinion has been adopted by many autliors; and Bomarc does him the honour to believe the fact fully dcraoiistratcd ; but let us examine h«w far this is from truth. First, These boa.-ted demonstrations are but equivocal proofs and fallacious conjectures, which an)' one will be convinced of, -who reads the above authors. Second, Of all the naturalists who write of Lac, .10 one has ever seen it on t!ic tree, but liernandez ; and this learned and sincere author aQJims, without tlie smallest dilUdcnce, that the Lac is a {^um distilled from the HISTORY OF MEXICO. 35 red-coloured trunk, and is very common in the provinces of the Co- ^^OOK I. huixcas and Tlahuica. Dragon's blood runs from a large tree whose leaves are broad and angular. It grows in the mountains of Quauhchiuanco, and in those of the Cohuixcas (6). The Elastic Gum, called by the Mexicans Olin or Olii, and by the Spaniards of that kingdom, Ule, distils from the Olquahuitl, which is a tree of moderate size ; the trunk of which is smooth and yellowish, the leaves pretty large, the flowers white, and the fruit yellow and rather round, but angular; within which there arc kernels as large as filberds, and white, but covered with a yellowish pellicle. The kernel has a bitter taste, and the fiuit always grows attached to tlie bark of the tree. When the trunk is cut, the Ule which distils from it is white, liquid, and viscous ; then it becomes yellow, and lastly of a leaden colour, though rather blacker, which it always re- tains. Those who gather it can model it to any form according to the use they put it to. The Mexicans made their foot-balls of this gum, which, though heavy, rebound more than those filled with air. At present, besides other uses to which they apply it, they varnish their hats, their boots, eloaks, and great coats with it, in the same way as wax is used in Europe, which makes them all water proof: from Ule, when rendered liquid by fire, they extract a medicinal oil. This tree grows in hot countries such as Ihualapan and Mecatlan, and is common in the kingdom of Guatemala (c). The QuauhxiotI is a tree which the Mexicans call Tzinacancuitla-quahiiitl, and confutes the other opinion. Thirdly, The country where Lac abounds, is th'- fertile province of the TIahuixchas, ■where all the fruits prosper surprisingly ; and are thence carried in great quantities to the capital. But such a quantity of fruit could not be gathered if there were so many mil- lions of ants in that laud as would be neeessary to produce such an excessive quantity of Lac, the trees being very numerous, and almost all of them full of it. Fourthly, If the Lac is the labour of ants, m hy do they produce it only in these trees, and not in any other species? &c. Lac was called by the Mexicans, Bat's Dung, from some analogy -which they discovered between them. (6) The M.-xicans call dragon's blood E:jm(Ii, which signifies blood-coloured medica- ment; and the tree EzquahuiU ; that is, blood-coloured tree. There is another tree of the same name in the mountains of Quauhnahuac, which is something similar, but its leave* are round and rough, its bark thick, and its root odorous. (c) In Michuacan there is a tree, railed by the Tarascas Tarantaqua, of the same specie* as the Olquahuitl ; but its leaves are different. F 2 36 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK I. middling tree, the leaves of wliich are round, and the baik reddish. *""""'"''"" There are two inferior species of it: the one yields a white gum, which, when put in water, gives it a milk colour; the other drops a reddish gum : they are both very serviceable in dysenteries. In this class of plants we ought to give a place to the fir, the Hi- giierilla, (which resembles the fig,) and tlie Ocote, a certain species of jnne that are very aromatic, on account of the oils which they yield ; and Brasil wood, logwood, indigo, and many others, on account of their juices; but several of these plants are already known in Europe, and the others we shall have occasion to treat of elsewhere. The small part of the vegetable kingdom of Anahuac which we have here coiMnumicatcd, revives our regret that the accurate know- ledge, which the ancient Mexicans acquired of natural history, has almost totally disappeared. We know its woods, mountains, and val- lies, are scattered with innumerable plants, valuable and useful, yet hardly one naturalist has ever fixed his attention on them. Who can help lamenting, that of the immense treasures which the period of two centuries and a half has discovered in its rich mines, no part should have been destined to the foundation of an academy of Na- turalists, who might have pursued' the steps of the celebrated Hernan- dez, and imparted to society the knowledge of these precious gifts which the Creator has there so liberally dispensed ! sirT. X. The animal kingdom of Anahuac is not better known, although it Quailnipeds ^^^^ attended to with e(uial dilio'encc by Doctor Hernandez. Tl:e dif- of the kins;. .... dom of Ana- ficulty of distinguishing the species, and the impropriety of appella- "'"^' tions taken from analogy, ha\e rendered the history of animals per- plexed and indistinct. The first Spaniards who ga\e them names, -were more skilful in the art of war than in the study of nature. Instead of retainin'g the terms which the Mexicans used, which would have been the most proper, they denominated many animals, tygers, wolves, bears, >//< 'Wfir/c^/t 0^fr///i/M^ Yol.I.l'.u/r -i^. !77tir<'rt/i-r/ '//fe:v/(Ylft !//-, that it attacks deer, and sometimes kills them. Its hair and tail are loui;-, its body black, but its head, neck, and breast, are white (/;). The Xo/oitzciiintli is larger than the two pre- ceding; there being some of them wliose bodies are even four feet long. Its face is like a dog, but its tusks like the wolf, its ears erect, its neck gross, and tail long. The greatest singularity about this animal, is its being totally destitute of hair, except upon its snout, where it has some thick crooked biistlcs. Its whole body is covered with a smooth, soft, ash-coloured skin, but spotted in part with black and tawr,-. These three species are ahiiost totally extinct, or at least very {aw of them remain (y). The Ocotochtli appears, agreeable to the desciiption given of it by Hernandez, to belong to the class of wild cats ; but the author adds some circumstances to it w hich have much the air of a fable ; not that he has been desirous of deceiving, bu- that he has trusted too much to the information of others (r). The C()io|)ollin is a (piadruped of the size of a common mouse ; but the tail is grosser, whicli it uses as a hand. Its snout and ears are similar to those of a pig ; its ears are transparent, its legs and feet are white, and its belly is of a whitish yellow. It li\es and brings uj) its vouug in trees. When its xoung fear any thing, tliey cling closely to tlieir moth.er. - (/)) BulTon bi-Iiovcs llic Tipoitzciiiiilli to be (liu gliiMon ; but v, i; coatr.it.lict this opisiij* in our Dis;:crtations. (o) Giovanni Fabri, a Lincoan acadtMiiician, piiblishiul at Komi! a long and learned dis- sertation, in wliich he iMidoavourcd to prove, tliat the Xoloitzcuiiilli is tlie same with the wolf of -Merico ; having, without doubf, been deceived by the original drawing of the Xo- loit/,ciiinl!i, which was sent to Rome «ilh other pictures of llernindez; hut il' he iui-.l reid the description which (liis eminent natnralist gives of that animal in the book, of thj Qua-I. riipods of New Spain, he wonld have spared himself the labour of writing that Dissertation, and the expenses of p iblibhing it. (/•) Dr. lltrnandoz says, tliat when the Ocotochtli makes any prey, it covers it vvif!i leaves, and mounting after on some neighbouring tree, it begins howling, to invite other animals to eat its i)rey ; ajid itself is ahv.iys the la^t to cat ; because the poi>oi\ of its tongue is so strong, that if it eat first, the prey would be infected, and other auimaU who cat of it would die. This fable is still in the mouths of the vulgar. HISTORY or MEXICO. 45 The Tozaii, or Tuza, is a quadnipetl of the bigness of an European BOOR T. fnole, but very different otherwise. Its body, which is well made, is ""*■'■"'"■ seven or eight inches long: its snout is like that of a mouse, its ears small and round, and tail short : it:i muuth is armed witli very strong teeth, and its paws are furnisiied with strong crooked nails, with whicli it digs into the earth and makes little holes, where it inhabits, 'i he Tuza is most destructive to the fields by stealing the corn, and to the highways by the number of holes and hollows which it makes in tliem ; for when it cannot, on acconnt of its little sight, find its fust hole, it makes another, multiplying by such means the incon- veniences and dangers to those who travel on horseback. It digs the earth with its claws, and with two dogs-teetii, which it has in the upper jaw, larger than its others; in digging, it puts the earth into two membranes like purses, which are under its ear, which are fur- nished with muscles necessary for contraction or distension. When tlie membranes are full, it empties thcni by sti iking the bottom of. the membranes with its paws, and then goes on to dig again in the same manner, using its dogs-teeth and claws as a mattock, and its two mendjranes as a little sack or basket. The species of the Tuza is very numerous ; but we do not recollect to have ever seen them in the places where the land-squirrels inhabit. The Alntitzotl is an ainphii)ious (juadruped, whicli for the most part dwells in the rivers of warm countries. Its body is a foot long, its snout long and sharp, and its tail large. Its skin is of a mixed black and brown colour. 'Y\\e fields there, is reser\'efl piincipally for the Zopilots, known in South America by the name of GaUhuizzi ; in other places, by that of Jure; and in some places, though very impropeily, by that of ravens {u). There are two very difierent species of these birds; the one, the Zopilote, properly so called, the othei- called the Cosca- quaulitli : they are both bigger than the raven. These two species resemble each other in their hooked bill and crooked claws, and by having upon their head, instead of feathers, a wrinkled membrane with some curling hairs. They fiy so high, that although they are pretty large, they are lost to the sight; and, especially before a hail storm, they will be seen wheehng in vast numbers under the loftiest clouds, till they entirely disappear. They feed upon carrion, which they discover by the acuteness of their sight and smell, from the greatest height, and descend upon it with a majestic flight, in a great spiral course. They are both almost mute. The two species are tlistinguishaWe, however,^ by their size, their colour, their num- bers, and some other peculiarities. The Zopilots, properly so called, have black featliers, with a brown head, bill, and feet ; they aro often in flocks, and roost together upon trees (.r). This species is verv numerous, and is to- be 'found in all the different climates; while, on («) Hernandez has, witliout any Iiesilation, made the Zopilote a species of raven : but they arc certainly very dilTcrent birds, not only in their size, but in the shape of the head ; in their flight, and in their voice. Bomaresays, that the JiiraJs the Cofquau/h of New Spain, and the Tropitut of the Indians ; so that the Cozcciquuuhtli, as well as tlie T^upilo/l, are Mexican names, used by the Indian-s to denote not one bird only, but two dirt'ereut kinds. Some give the one species the name of Jura, and the other that of Zopilote, or Gallinazzo. . (x) The Zopilots contradict the general rule laid down by Pliny, lib. i\. cap. 19. Vncos ungues habentiu omnino non congrega/i/ur, et sibi qticeque prcedantiir. The rule can only apply stricUy to real bi.ds of prey, such as eagles, vultures, falcons, sparrow-hawks, &c. 4S HISTORY OF MEXICO. RO^K I. the contnoT, the Cozcaqnauhtli is far from numerous, and is peculiar to the warmer climates alone. The hitter I)ii(l is larger than the Zopilot, has a red head and f( c't, witli a beak of a deep red colour, cxcc'j)t to- wards its cxtreuiilv, w liich is white. Its feathers arc brown, except vpon the neck and parts about tiie breast, which are of a reddish iiiack. ilie wings are of an ash colour upon the inside, and upon the outside arc variegated with black and tawny. The Cozcagutiuhtli is called by the Mexicans, King of the Zopi- lois ( j/) ; and tliey say, that w hen these two species happen to meet together about the same carrion, the Zopilot never begins to e.it till the Cozcaqnauhtli has tasted it. The Zopilot is a most useful bird to that country, for they not only clear the fields, but attenti the crocodiles and destroy the ep"s which tlie females of those dreadful amphibious animals leave in the sand to be hatched by the heat of the sun. The destruction of such a bird ought to be prohibited under severe penalties. Among the night birds, are several kinds of owl.s, to which we may add the bats, although they do not properly belong to the class of birds. There are great numbers of bats in the warm and woody coun- tries ; some of them will draw blood, with iheadful bites, from horses and other animals. In some of the very hot countries bats are found of a prodigious size, but not so large as those of the Philippine Isles, and other parts of the East. Under the title of aquatic birds I shall comprehend, not only the Palmipedes, which swim, and live generally in the water, bur the JliimuilojK'dcs also ; with otlicr fishing birds, which live chiefly upon the sea shore, upon the sides of lakes and ri\ers, and seek their loud ( )/) TIip bird which now goes b}' the name of King oj the Zopilot^, in New Spain, seems >difrereii( from (he one w^- arc now tlesnibiiig. 'I'his modern kingof tiie Zopilots is a strong bird, of tlie size of a coinuioii eagle ; with a stately air; strong claws ; line piercing eyes ; and a bcaiitilul black, white, and tawny plumage. It is remarkable, particularly, lor a cer- •tain scarlet coloured, (icshy substance, « Iiich surrounds its neck like a rolhu, and conies ©vur its head in the form of a little crown. 1 have had this descripluin of it from a person ot Uiiowledge and veracity, who assures me that he has seen three dilferent individuals of this Sjiecies, and particul.i. ly lliat one «hich «as sent Ironi Mc.\ico, in 1750. to the catholic kiivj;, I<°crdinand \1. He farther informs me that (here was a genuine diaiting tif (his bird published in a work called tlic American Gazetteer. The Mexican name 6'u;cf<7(;«MA///, which means Ring I'.ag'e, is certainly more applicable to this bird than to tlie other. 'J'lie figure exhibited in onr plate is copied from that of the American Gazetteer. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 49 ill the water. Of birds of this kind, there is a prodigious number of B OOtv I. geese, at least twenty species of ducks, several kinds of herons and egrets, with vast numbers of swans, gulls, water-rails, divers, king's fishers, pelicans, and others. The multitude of ducks is sometimes so great, as quite to cover the fields, and to appear, at a distance, like flocks of sheep. Among the herons and egrets, some are ash-coloured, some perfectly white; and others, of which the plumage of the body is Avhite, while the neck, with the tips and upper part of the wings, and a part of the tail, are enlivened with a bright scarlet, or a beautiful blue. The Pelican, or Onocrontalus, known to the Spaniards of Mexico by the name of Alcairaz, is sufficiently known by that great pouch, or venter, as Pliny calls it, which is under its bill. There are two species of this bird in Mexico; the one having a smooth bill, the other a notched one. Although the Europeans are acquainted with this bird, I do not know whether they are equally well acquainted with the singular circumstance of its assisting the sick or hurt of its own species ; a circumstance which the Americans sometimes take advantage of, to procure fish without trouble. They take a live pelican, break its wing, and after tying it to a tree, conceal themselves in the neighbour- hood ; there they watch the coming of the other pelicans Mith their provisions, and as soon as they see these throw up the fish from their pouch, run in, and after leaving a little for the captive bird, they carry off the rest. But if the pelican is admirable for its attention to the others of its species, the Yoalquachilli is no less wonderful on account of the arms with which the Creator has provided it for its defence. This Is a small aquatic bird ; with a long narrow neck, a small head, a long yellow bill, long legs, feet, and claws, and a short tail. The legs and feet are ash- coloured ; the body is black, with some yellow feathers about the belly. Upon its head is a little circle or coronet, of a horny substance, which is divided into three veiy sharp points; and it has two others upon the fore-part of the wings (c). In the other classes of birds, some are valuable, upon account of their flesh, some for their plumage, and some for tlieir song ; while others (:) In Brasil, also, there is an aquatic bird with weapons of this kind; but which, ia other respects, is a very different bird. VOL. I. H 50 HISTORY OF MEXICO, ^OO i^ I-_ others engage our attention by their extraordinaiy instinct, or some other remarkable quality. Of the birds which afford a vholesome and agreeable food, I have counted more than seventy species. Besides the common fowls, whicli were brought from the Canary Isles to the Antilles, and from these to Mexico, there were, and still are, fowls peculiar to that countrj' ; which, as they partly resemble the conhnon fowl, and partly the peacock, were called GaUipavos *, by the Spaniards, and Huexolotl and Totolin by the Iklexicans. These birds being carrie) ; it is a very rare species, and has ne\er been seen, a.s for as I know, in any other place than the valley of Toluca. Of all the variety of snakes which are found in the unfiequcnted woods of that kingdom, I believe that no viviparous species has been discovered, except the acoatl or water-snake, which too is only sup- posed, but not certainly known, to be viviparous. That snake is about twenty inches long and one thick ; its teeth are exceeding small, the upper part of the head is black, the sides of it are blue, and the under purt yellow, the back is striped with blue and black, the belly is entirely blue. The ancient Mexicans, who took delight in rearing all kinds of ani- mals, and who, by long familiarity, lost that horror which such animals naturally inspire, used to catch in the fields a little green harm- less snake, which being brought up at home, and well fii(\, woukl sometimes grow to the size of a man. It was generally kept in a tub, which it never left but to receive its tbod from its master's hand, which it would take either mounted upon his shoulder or coiled about his legs. If from the land we now turn our eyes to the rivers, lakes, and seas of Anahuac, we shall find in them a much greater vaiietv of ciea- tures. Even tlie known species of their fish are innumerable; for of those only which serve for the nourishment of man, I have counted upwards of a hundred species, without reckoning the turtle, ciab, lobster, or any other testaceous or crustaceons animal Of the fish, some are common to both the seas ; some are peculiar to the Mexican gulf alone, others to the Pacific Ocean; and some are to be found, only in the lakes and rivers. The fish common to both the seas, are whales, dolphins, sword-fish, scct. xm. saw-fish, tiburoues, manatis, mantas, porpoises, bonitas, cod, mullets, ^,'.°,'!^^ °[ icr>, and (;)) Pliny, in lib. yiii. cap. 23, gives the .imphifbeiena two heads; but the Greek lakes of A- name means nothing more than the double motion. 'Th.' Ivro-headed serp.nt of Fliii, lias nahuac. been seen in Europe, and some have assert d that it is to be met with in Mevicj. h<\: ! do not know that an) one has seen it. If it has been found in that country, it ranno' be con- sidercd as a natural species, but rather as a monster, like the t.vo-headed eagle found a few years sines in Oaaca, and sent to the Catholic king. C^ HISTORY or MEXICO. I500K T. tlionibacks, barbels, tlying-fisli, shad, lobsters, soles, and u great •■ .iiin..i. ,^,.j„y otiicrs, lugethcr with sc^eial species of tortoises, polypus, crab.t, spimi;cs, &c. Tlie iMe.xican gulf, besides those already mentioned, affords stur- geons, piihe l)rings two. l'orh:ii)s the same thing takes jiiaco with tliL^ Mimati as with ihc huniiiii species ; which is comnxinly to have only one, bill sometimes to have two or more. Hernandez dcsicribes the copulation of these animals in tlitse wortls : Iltniiiino more coit, fwin/'na siiptna fere to(a in li/torc pronimbcii/c, et celcritule (/"«'/«'« upervenienic mare. Wc do not with some modern naturalists r.ink the Manati among quadrupeds, although it is viviparous ; because every one by the name of qnadrup d understands an animal with four feet, but the Manati has only twO; and tlicsc impcrtcctJy formed. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 63 like veal. Some authors place the Manati in the class of amphibious ^OOK t- animals, but improperly, as it is never upon land, but only raises its head and a part of its body out of the water, to brouse upon the herbage whi^h grovs along the banks of the rivers (/■). The Manta is that flat fish mentioned Iv Ulioa and others, which is so liurtfid to the ])earl-fishers, and which I have no doubt is the same with that w-hieli Pliny has described, though he seems not to have l)ccn very well acquainted with it under the name of Nubes or Nebula (*). It is not improbable that this fish has n>ade its way into these seas- from those of the old WDrld in the same manner as some others appear to have done. The strength of this fish iy so great, that it will not only strangle a man whom it embraces or winds itself about, but it has even been seen to take the cable of an anchor, and move it from the place v/here it had been cast. It has been called Manta, because when it lies stretched upon the sea, as it frequently does, it seems like a fleece of wool floating upon the water. The sword-fish of these seas is quite different from that of Green- land ; the sword is larger, and in its figure moje nearly resembling a real sAord, aad is not placed in the same manner witli that of the Greenland fish, npon the liinder part, but upon the fore part of the (»•) M. de la Condamine confirms our observation with respect fo the Manati's living constantly in water, and the same thing had been stid two centuries before by two eye. witnesses, Oviedo and Hernandez. It is true, that Hernandez does seem to say the con- tpary ; but (his is owing mer ly to a tvpngraphical error, whicli is obvious to every reader. I should mention likewise, that the ManatI, althougli properly a sca-aninial, is frequently to be found in rivers. (^) Iji-ijcruiit (Urinatores) f^ nubem (/iicindam crasscxcere super capita, planornm pi>:- cium similemy pretncnlem cox, arccniemqiic a reci,,i ocaiido ct ub id stitux priFciaito.s- /itia's annexox habere >£•>-th, lias a row of teeth or piickles like a saw upon its back, which has obtained it the aianie of Tlutecoiii, from tiie Mexicans, and from the Spaniards that ot' Sierra. ^I'hc Roballo is one of the most numerous species, and affords the inost delicate food, especially the kind peculiar to rivers. llernaiKlez t')ok this fish to be the same with the Lupus of the ancients, and C'ampoi imas^ined it to be the Asdliis Minor ; but this must ha\e been a!tou;etlicr conjecture, for tlic descriptions of those fish left us by the iincients are so imperfect, that it is impossible to ascertain their iden- tity. The Gobbo (called by the Spaniards Corcoboda), Av^as so called from a risinp; or prominence reaching from the neck to the mouth, which latter part is exceedingly small. Tiie Sfirena had likewise the name of Piciiua (which Ave might translate long-snout), from the lower jaw being longer than the upper. The llospo is a very disagreeable fish to look at, of a perfectly round shape, three or fom- inches in diameter, and without scales. It affords a pleasant wholesome food. Among the eels there is one called Iluitzifzilinichin by the ^fexi- cans, whicli is about three feet long, and very slender ; its body is covered with a sort of small plates, instead of scales ; tlie snout is about eight inches in length, with the upper jaw longer than the lower, in wiiich it differs from all other eels, which this species likewise surpasses, as well in the delicacy of its flesh, as in the size of its body. The Bobo is a very fine fish, about two feet long, and four or six inches broad at the broadest part, and is in high esteem as an excellent food. The liver Ilarbel, known by the name of Tagre, is of the same size with the Bobo, and of cxcjuisitc flavour, but unwholesome till it is cleansed with lemon-juice, or some other acid, from a certain kind of froth or viscid liquor which adheres to it. i HISTOlfV or MEXICO. 65 T!ie Bobos, 1 believe, are got only in the rivers wliich fall into the ROOK I. Mexican Gulf, and tbe Barbels in tho^e which discharge themselves into lakes, or into the Pacific Ocean. The flesh of these two kinds, although very delicate, docs not equal that of tlse Painpano and the Colombella, which are deservedly esteemed superior to all others. The Curvina is about a foot and a half long, of a slender, round shape, and of a blackish purple colour. In the head of this- fish arc found two small white stones, like alabaster, each an inch and a half long, and about four lines broad, of which three grains taken in water are thought to be useful rn a stoppage of urine. The Botetto is a small fish, not more than eight inches in length.^ but excessively thick. This iish, while it lies alive upon the beach, immediately swells, whenever it is touched, to an enormous size; and l>oys often take pleasure in making it burst with a kick. The liver iS so po'sonous as to kill with strong convulsions in half an hour after it is eaten. The Occhione(^) is a flat, round fish, of eight or ten inches dia- meter; the underpart of the body is perfectly flat, but the upper is convex ; and in the centre, which is the highest part, it has a single eye as large as that of an ox, and furnished with its necessary eye-lids ; the eye remains open even after it is dead, which sometimes creates a degree of horror to a spectator (it). The Iztacmichin, or white fish, has always been in great repute in Mexico, and is now as common at the Spanish tables as it used to be anciently at those of the Mexicans. There are three or four spe- cies ; the Jmilotl, which is the largest and the most esteemed, is more than a foot i)i length, and has two fins upon the back, two at the sides, and one under the belly. The Xalmichin seems to be of the same kind with the former, but not quite so large. The JiiCiipiira/i;i(ic; which is the smallest kind, is not more than eight (/) This fislu v.liich is only found in California, cithrr has no name, or we, at lea,kin is soft and black, the head and tail long, the mouth laige, and tlie tongue broad, thin, and cartila- ginous ; the body gradually diminishes in size, from the midille to the extremity of the tail ; it swims with its four feet, which resem- ble those of a frog; but the most remarkable circumstance witii respect to this animal, which has been established by many observa- tions, and confirmed by the opinion of Hernandez, is the uterus, and a periodical evacuation of blood, to which it is subject ; in both which it is said to resemble the human sjjccies (?/). The Axolotl is whole- some to eat, and is of much the same taste with an eel. It is thought to be particularly useful in cases of consumption. There arc many other kinds of small fisli in the lake of Mexico, but they scarcely deserve our notice. As to shells, they are found in protligious numbers, and of great variety, and some of them of extraordinary l)cauty, especially those of the Pacific Ocean. Pearls also have been fished, at diflerent times, along all the coasts of that sea. The Mexicans got them upon the coasts of Toto'.cpcc, and of the Cuitlatecans, where we now get the tortoise- she! 1. Among tiie Sea-stars is one which has five rays, and (.r) ^Ir. IJomaro rouUI no! li^lit upon the name of this fish. lie caUs it .lialoll, Jxolotl, Axoloti, and Axoluti ; and says that the Sinriiards call if Jiigucfe /t,- ''//'//UH/ri HISTORY OF MEXICO. fi? one eve in each. Of SpiinQ;e.s aiul Lithopliyts llieie are many rare tSO^K I. and singular species. Hernandez gives us a print of a spunge sent to him from tlie Pacific Ocean, which was of the sliape of a man's hand, but with ten or more fmgers; of a chiy colour, with black points and red streaks, and was harder than the eouuiion spunges. Descending, at length, to t!ie smaller creatures, in which th.e sfct. xit. TliG Insects power and wisdom of the Creator especially appear, we shall divide ^f i^jex.ico. the innumerai)le multitude of Mexican insects into three classes; the tlj'ing, the terrestrial, an 1 the aquatic; although there are land and water insects which afterwards become flying insects, and might be consideres'c\v" Spain quite freed of these stinking insects, by means of the Cucarachas (/>). The Buttciflics of jMcxico are much more numerous, and of greater variety, than in Europe. It is impossible to give any idea of their va- riety and beauty, and the finest pencil is unal)le to imitate the exqui- site colouring and design v. hich the Author of Nature has displayed in the embellishment of th.eir wings. ]\Iany respectable Authors h.ivc celebrated them in their writings, and Hernandez h.as made some be drawn, in order to give Europeans an idea of their beauty. But the buftertlies, although numerous, are not to be compared, in that respect, with tlie locusts, which, sometimes darkening the air like thick clouds, fall upon the sea-coasts, and lay waste all the \e- getation of the country, as I have nnself witnessed, in the year 173S or 1739, upon the coasts of Xicayan. From this cause a great famine was lately occasioned in the Peninsula of Yucatan; but no country has been visited by this dreadful scourge so often as the wretched California (f). Among the huid-insect.s, besides the common ones, about which nothing occurs to me v^orthv to be mentioned, there (6) This insi'ct is likewise an enemy of (lie studious, preyin;T upon (lie inV, in (lie iiiiihf- lime, unh'ss it is carefully coveioil up. The Spaniards call it Cinicrailia, others call it Auherlaquex, and others Dcniicftvs, iic. (f) In the History of California, which will be published in a few month':, w ill lie found u great many oi)ser\ ations with respect to locusts, made bv the .^bbe \i. Mich, del Ijario, who lived upwards of thirty years in that country, a, country not more famous tli:iu uiide- serving of tlie fame it has acquired. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 71- .•ue worms of several kinds, scolopendife, scorpions, spiders, ants, nigua iihegoes, or jiggers, and the cochineal. Of the \rornis, some arc useful, and others pernicious; some served- as food to the ancient Mexicans, and others in the way of medicine, lis the J.rifi and the Po/li>}, which we sliail speak of in another place. The Tleonuim, or burning worm, has the same qualities with the Can- tharides; its head is red, the breast green, and the rest of the body is of a tawnv-colour. The Tcmahuan'i is a worm covered with ^ yellow venomous prickles. The Tcm'iclU resembles the silk-worm both in its operations and its metamorphoses. The silk-worm was !)ruught fi-om Europe, and was propagated with- success. Great' plenty of good silk was made, especially in Mizteca (erience has actually shewn (/>). Of the ^Mexicans who have had an opportunity of engaging in the pursuits of learning, which is hut a small number, as the greatest part of the people are always employed in the public or private works, Ave have known some good mathematicians, excellent architects, and learned divines. Many persons allow the INIexicans to possess a great talent for imita- tion, but deny them the praise of invention : a \ulgar error, whicli is contradicted by the ancient history of tliat people. Their niinils are aftected by the same variety of passions with those of other nations, but not to an equal degree. The Mexicans seldom ex- hibit those transports of anger, or those frenzies of love, whicli are so common in other countries. They are slow in their motions, and show a wonderful tenacity and steadiness in those works wliich require time and long continued atten- tion. They are most patient of injury and hardship ; and where they suspect no evil intention, are most grateful for any kindness shewn ; but some Sjjaniards, who cannot distinguish patience from insensibility, \ nor distrust from ingratitude, say proverbially, that the Indians are alike insensible to injuries and to benefits (y). That habitual distrust whjch tliey entertain of all who are not of their own nation, prompts them often to lie and betray ; so that good faith certainly has not been so much re- spected among them as it deserves. arts so much improved, nor, as far as wc can judge, had they made so much progress in the knowledge of nature, as the Mexicans at the beginning of the sixteenth century. (o) I'pon this subject I must refer the reader to the bitter complaints made by the bishop Garces, in his letter to pope Paul III., and by the bishop of las C'asas, in his memorials to the Catholic kings Charles V. and Philip II., but especially to the very humane laws made by those most Christian monarchs, in favour of the Indians. (p) We shall, in the Dissertations, produce the opinions of D. Giulian Garces, first bishop of Tlascalla ; of D. Johndi Zumarraga, first bishop of Mexico, and of D. Dartholoniewdelas Casas, first bishop of Chiapa, with respect to the capacities, understandings, and other good qualities of the ^Icxicans. The testimony of those virtuous and learned prelates-, who had so much intercourse wi(h the Indians, weighs much more than that of any historian wliatever. ((]) Lxperience has proved the grateful dispositions of the Mexicans, wherever they were assured of the good-will and sincerity of their benefactors. Their gratitude has been often manifested by open and loud demonstrations of joy, which publicly declare the falsehood of the Spanish proverb. nrSTORY OF MEXICO. 61 They are by natuie taciturn, scrioiis, and austere, and shew more BOOK I. anxiety to punish crimes tlian to reward virtues. Generosity and perfect disinterestedness are the principal features of their character. Gold with tiie ]\Iexicails has not that vakic M'l'.ich it enjoys elsewhere (r). Tliey seem to give without reluctance what has cost them the utmost labour to accjuire. The neglect of sellish interests, together with the dislike which they bear to their rulersj and consequently their aversion to the tasks imposed by them, seem to ha\ e been the only giounds of that much exaggerated indolence with which the Americans have been charged (.v) ; and after all, there is no set of people in that country who labour more, nor whose labours are more useful or more necessary (?). The respect paid by children to their parents, and by the youno- to the old, among those people, seem to be feelings that are born with them. Parents are very fond of their childi-en ; but the affection which husbands bear to their wives, is certainly less than that borne by the wives to their husbands ; and it is very common for the men to love their neighbours' wives better than their own. Courage and cowardice seem alternately so to affect their minds, that it is often difficult to determine whether the one or the other predomi- nates. They meet dangers with intrepidity, when they proceed from natural causes, but they are easily terrified by the stern look of a Spa- niard. That stupid indifference about death and eternity, which many authors have tliought inherent in the character of every American, is peculiar only to those who are yet so rude and uninformed as to have no idea of a futuie state. Their singvdar attachment to the external ceremonies of religion, is very apt to degenerate into superstition, as happens with the ignorant of all nations of the -world ; but their proneness to idolatry is nothing (;■) I do not speak of those Mexicans, who, by a constant intercourse with coretous nations, have been infected by their avarice ; although, at the same time, even those appear to be less selfish than the generality of persons of that disposition. (s) What we observe upon the subject of American indolence is not meant to apply to the savage nations in other parts of the ne\y world. (0 In our Dissertations we shall give an account of the works in which the Mexicans are employed. Monsign. Palafox used to say, that if erer the Indians failed them, the Spa* tiiards would find the Indies fail also. VOL. I. M 82 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK I. more than a chimera formed in the absurd imaginations of misinformed ""■■""■^ persons. The instances of a few mountaineers are not suflicient to justify a general aspersion upon the whole people (//). To conclude, the character of the Me.Kicans, like that of every other nation, is a mixture of good and bad; but the bad is easy to be cor- rected by a proper education, as lias been iVequently demonstrated hy experience (.r). It would be difficult to fuul, anywhere, a youth more docile than the present, or a l)0(ly of people more ready than their an- cestors were to receive tlie lights of religion. I must add, that the modern Mexicans are not in all respects simi- lar to the ancient, as the Greeks of these days have little resemblance of those who lived in the times of Plato and of Pericles. The an- cient Mexicans shewed more ,fire, and were more sensiljle to the im- pressions of honour ; they were more intrepid, more nimble, more active, more industrious ; but thej' were, at the same time, more super- stitious and cruel. (ii) The few cxa«iplcs that are to be found of idolatry arc not altogether inexcusable, when we consider liow naturally rude and unenliglitciicd men may confound the idolatrous worship of some unshapely figure of stone or wood, with that which is due to the sacred images alone. And our own prejudices against them have often been the cause of our treating as idols what were really tiie images, though rude ones, of the saints. In the year 17S4 1 saw some little images which had been found in a cave in a mountain, and were con- sidered as idols, but which I had no doubt were actually images representing the mystery of the sacfcd natiiity. (.r) To be sensible of the iiiflueucc of education upon tlic Mexicans, we need only to be made acquainted with the wonderful life led by (he Mexican women of the Royal College of Guadaloupe in Mexico, and those of the monastciics of Capuchins in the same capital, aad Valladolid in Michuucaa. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 83 BOOK II. Of the Toltecas, Chechemacas, Acolhuas, Olmecas, and other Na- tions that inhabited the Country of Ariahtac before the Mexicans. The Expedition of the Aztecas, or Mexicaiis, from their Native Countri/ of Aztlan. The Events of their Jourtiey into the Country of Anahuac ; and their Settlements in Chapoltepec and Colhuacan. The Foundation of Mexico and Tlaltelolco. Inhuman Sacrifice of a Colhuan Girl. JL HE histoiy of the first peopling of Anahuac is so involved in BOOK II. fable, like that of other nations, that it is not merely difficult, —— — =- but altogether impossible to discover the truth. It is certain, how- ever, both from the testimony of the sacred writings, and from the constant and universal tradition of those nations, that the in- habitants of Anahuac are descended of those few mortals whom the Divine Providence saved from the waters of the deluge, in order to preserve the race of man upon earth. At the same time there cannot be a doubt that the men who first peopled that countrj- came originally from the more northern parts of America, where their ancestors had been settled for many ages. All the historians, Toltecan, Chechemecan, Acolhuan, Mexican, and Tlascalan, are agreed upon these two points ; but who those first inhabitants were, the time of their emigration, the events of their journey, and their first establishments, are entirely unknown. Several authors have en- deavoured to pierce that chaos, but trusting to slight conjectures, fan- ciful combinations, and certain pictures of very ambiguous authenti- city, and having recourse in their difficulties to puerile and roman- tic narrations, have utterly lost themselves in the thick darkness of antiquity. There have been writers, who, building upon the tradition of sect. i. the natives, and upon the discovery of bones, sculls, and entire ske- g ^ ° ' ktons of prodigious size, which have been dug up at different times M 2 84 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK I. ia niany parts of New Spain (a), Iiave imagined that the first inha- ' bitants of that countiy were giants. I, ior my own part, have no doubt of their existence tliere, as well as in other parts of the New World (b) ; but we can neither tbrni any conjecture as to the time in which thev lived, alth()ua;h \\c have reason to believe they nnist be very ancient ; nor can we be persuaded that there has ever been, as those writers imagined, a whole nation of giants, but only single individuals of the nations which we now know, or of some others more ancient and unknown (t). The Toltecas are the oldest nation of which we have any know- ledge, and that is very imperfect. Being banished, as they tell us, from their own country Htteluiefapal/a/i, which we take to have been in the kingdom of Tollan (d), from wliich tlicy derived their name, and situated to the north-west of Mexico, tliey began their iourney in the year 1. Tccpatl ; that is, in 59G of our era. In every place to which they came, they remained no longer than they liked (a) The places where gii;an(ic slieletons have been found, arc A/ktncafepcr, a village in the province of TIasoal.i, Te-aico, Tolitcu, Quauhxiinulpan ; and in our days, upon a hill in California, not far from Kada-Kaaman. (i) I am well aware that many Europi'an philosophers, who laugh at the belief of giants, will be ready to ridicnle me, or at least io pity my credulity ; but I will not betray the truth to avoid censure. I know that amonj the civilized nations of America, it was a current tradition, that a race of men had existed, in former limes, of extraordinary height and bulk ; but I cannot remember an instance amons; any American nation, of there hav- ing ever been any elephants, hippopotamuses, or other (juadrupeds of uncommon size. I linow f. om the testimony of innumerable writers, and pirliculirly of two eye-witnesses of unquestionable credit, Hernandez and D'Acosta, who were men of learning;, correctness, and veracity, that human sculls have been found, and even wliole skeletons, of astonishing size ; but I do not know, that in any of the vast numbi'r of openings which have been made in the earth in New Spain, any skeleton of a hippopotamus has been found, or even a single tooth of an elephant. I know, lastly, that some of the great bones above mentioned, have been found in tombs which appear evidently to have been made on purpose ; but 1 am yet to Icarn of iamXn ever having been constructed fur sea-horses and elephants. All this and more ought to be weighed before wc presume to de(eru\iiie with some authors who have asse.'ted it, without the least hesitation, that ..II the large bones discovered in America be- longed to those, or some other su?h great animals. (c) Many historians of Mexico say that the giants were betrayed and put to death by the Tlascalans ; but this idea, which has no foundation but in some poems of thcTlascalans, is inronsistvut with the chronology adopttd hylhos'- historians themselves, making the giants much too ancient, and the TUiScalans loo modern, in the country of Anahuac. (t/) ToUccotl'm. Mexican signifies attative of Tollanj as TUucuitccatl d«es a nativ* of Tlascata, &c. HISTORY OF MEXICO. g5 if, or were easily accommodated with provisions. When they deter- KOOK I. mined to make a longer stay, they erected houses, and sowed the " land with corn, cotton, and other plants, the seeds of which tliey had carried along with them to supply their necessities. In this wandeiing manner did they travel, always southward, for the space of one hundred and four years, till they arrived at a place to which they gave the name of Tollantzinco, about fifty miles to the east of that spot where, some centuries after, was founded the famous city of INlexico. They were led and commanded, upon the whole jour- ney, by certain captains or lords, who were reduced to seven, by the time tliey arrived at Tollantzinco (e). They did not chuse, however,- to settle in that country, although the climate is mild, and the soil fi-uitful ; but in less than twenty years after, they went about forty miles towards the west, wheie, along the banks of a river, tliey founded the city of Tollan or Tu4a, after the name of their native country. That city, the oldest, as far as we know, in Anahuac, is one of the most celebrated in the history of Me.x.ico, and was the ca- pital of the Toltecan kingdom, and the court of their kings. Their monarchy began in tlie yeaa- 8. Acatl ; that is, in the year 607 of the Christian era, and lasted three hundred and eighty-four years. I have subjoined the series of their kings with the year of the Christian era ia; v^hic.h they began to reign (./). Cft'akhiutlai! tizln, in the 667 I.ttlikuecftah uac, in the 715) Huelzhiy ■ in the 771 Totepeiib, in the 823 • Ndca.roc, in the 875- Mitt, in the 927. Xiutzaltzin, Queen > in the 979 Topiltzirit . iii the 1031 It might appear extraordinary that just eight monarehs should reign : in the course of four centuries, if it were not explained by a singvdar (e) The seven Toltecan leaders were Zaeatl, Ckakatziii, Ehecatzin, Cohtiatzon, Tii- kmtcottll, Mctzot^in, and Tlapalmeizoizin, (/) We have pointed out the year in which the TolfecaTi monarehs began their reigns, by taking for graftted the ep»eh oi their leaving Huehuetlapallaiij which; however, is very uncertain. 86 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK II. law of that people, according to which, no king was suffered to ''"~^"~~ reign either longer or shorter than a Toltecan age ; which, as we shall mention in another place, consisted of fifty-two years. If a king completed the age upon the throne, he immediately resigned the go- vernment, and another was put in his place; and if the king, hap- pened to die before the age was expired, the nobles assumed the ad- ministration, and, in the name of the dejcased king, governed the kingdom for the remaining years of the age. This was the case with the Queen Xiutzaltzin, after whose death, in the fifth year of her reign, the nobles held the government for the forty-eight years which succeeded. sErr. II. The Toltecas were the most celebrated people of Anahuac, for viiizat^on of' '^^*''' ^'^'P^''*^'' civilization, and skill in the arts ; whence, in after ages, the Toltecas. it has been common to distinguish the most remarkable artists, in an honourable manner, by the appellation of Toltecas. They alwaj's lived in societ}', collected into cities, under the government of kings and regular laws. They were not very warlike, and less turned to the exercise of arms than to the cultivation of the arts. The nations that have succeeded them have acknowledged themselves indebted to the Toltecas for their knowledge of the culture of grain, cotton, pepper, and other most useful fruits. Nor did they only practise those arts which are dictated by necessity, but those also which mi- nister to luxury. They had the art of casting gold and silver, and melting them in whatever forms the}' pleased, and acquired the greatest reputation from the cutting of all kinds of gems : but no- thing, to us, raises their character so high as their having been the inventors, or at least the reformers of that system of the arrangement of time, which was adopted by all the civilized nations of Anahuac ; and which, as we shall see afterwards, implies numerous observations, and a wonderful I3' correct astronomy. Cav. Boturini (g), upon the faith of the ancient histories of the Toltecas, says, that observing in their own country of Hiiehuetla- patlan, how the solar year exceeded the civil one by Avhich they (g) In a work of his, printed at Madrid in 1746, under the title of Sketch of a general IlUlorif of Neio Spain, founded upon a great Number of Figures, Symbols, Characters, Hieroglyphics, H^mns, and Manuscripts of Indian Authors luteli/ discovered. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 87 reckoned, about six liouis, they regulated it by interposing tlie in- B OOK I t. tercalary day once in the four years, which they did, more than ■""""■""" one liundred years l>efore tlie Cln-istian era. He says besides, that in the year 660, under the reign of Ixtlakucchahiuic, m Tula, a cele- brated astronomer called Hncmutzin, assembled, by the king's consent, all the wise men of the nation, and with them painted tliat famous book called Teoamo.vtU, or Divine Book, in which were represented, in very plain figures, the origin of the Indians, their dispersion, after the confusion of tongues, at Babel, their journey in Asia, their first set- tlements upon the Continent of America, the founding of the king- dom of Tula, and their progress till that time. There were described the heavens, the planets, the constellations, the Toltecan calendar with its cycles," the mythological transformations, in which were in- cluded their moral philosophy, and the mysteries of their deities con- cealed by hieroglyphics from common understandings, togetlier with all that appertained to their religion and manners. The above men- tioned author adds, that that eclipse of the sun which happened at the death of our Sa\ioui', was marked in their paintings, in the year 7. Tochtli (A) ; and that soqie learned Spaniards, M'ell acquainted with the history and the paintings of the Toltecas, l)aving com- pared their clnonology with ours, found that they reckoned fioin the creation of the world to the birth of Christ, five thousand one hundred and ninety-nine years, which is exactly the computation of the Roman calendar. Whatever rr.ay be in these things mentioned by Boturini, upon which I leave the prudent reader to form his own judgment, there cannot be a doubt, with those who have studied the history of that people, that the Toltecas had a clear and distinct knowledge of the universal deluge, of the confusion of tongues, and of the dispersion of the people, and even pretended to give the names of their first ancestors who were divided from the rest of the families upon that (A) All those who have studied carefully the history of the nations of Anahuac, know Tery well that those people were accustomed to mark eclipses, comets, and other phceno- mcna of the heavens, in their paintings. Upon reading Boturini I set about comparing the Toltecan years with ours, and I found the 34th year of Christ, or 30th of our era, to be the 7. Tochtli: but I did this merely to satisfy my own curiosity, and I do not mean either to confirm or give credit to the things told us by that author. SS HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK I. universal dispersion. It is equally certain, as we shall shew in an- ■■"■""■"■ other place, however incredible it may appear to the critics of Eu- rope, who are accustomed to look upon tiie Americans as all equally barbarous, that the Mcxicairs and all the other civilized nations of Anahuac regulated their civil year accoiding to the solar, by means of the intercalary days, in the same manner as the Romans did after the Julian arrangement; and that this accuracy was owing to the skill of the Toltecas. Their religion was idolatrous, and they appear by their history to have been the inventors of the greatest part of the mythologj- of the Mexicans, but we do not know that they practised those bar- barons and bloody sacrifices which became afterwards so common among the other nations. The Tczcucan historians believed the Toltecas the authors of tliat famous idol, representing the god of water, placed on mount Tlaloc, of M-hich we shall speak hereafter. It is certain that tliey^ built in honour of their belove[EXICO. BOOK II. i,y other historians (/). We Mould require to have the Divine Book " cited by I3oturini and by Sig. D. Ferdinand d'Alba Ixtlilxohitl, in iiis most valuable nianuscrij)ts, to throw greater hght on the history of this celebrated nation. After the destruction of the Toltecas, for the space of one cen- tury the land of Anahuac remained solitary and almost entirely depo- pulated, until the arrival of the Chechemecas (m). The Chechemecas, like'the Toltecas who preceded tliem, and other nations which came after them, were originally from the northern countries, as we may call the North of America, hke the North of Europe, the seminary of the human race. From both, in swarms, have issued numerous nations to people the countries in the South. Their native country, of the situation of which we are ignorant, was called Aiiuiqucmecan, where, according to their account, different mo- narchs ruled their nation for many years (h). The character of the Chechemecas, as is shewn by their history, was very singular, as a certain degree of civilization was blended with many traits of bar- barism. They lived under the command of a sovereign, and the chiefs and governors deputed by him, with as much submission as is usual among the most cultivated nations. There were distinctions between the nobility and commonalty, and the plebeians were ac- customed to reverence those whose birth, merit, or favour with the (0 Torqucmaila s.ijs, that at a ccrtaio festival -ball made by the Toltecas, the sad-looking devil appi'ari'd to thcin in a f^iginfic i-ize, with iniiin'iisc arms, and in (he midst of the enter- tainment he embraced and snii'ocated them ; that then he appeared in the figure of a child with a putrid head, and brought the plagnc ; and finally, at the persuasion of the same devil they abandoned the country of Tula. But this good author understood these symbo- lical figures literally; whereas they were meant only to represent the famine and pestilence «liieli had befallen them at the time when they were in (he height of their prosperity. («)) In our second dissertation we differ from Torquemdda, wlio docs not allow more than eleven years of interv.al between the destruction of the Toltecas and the arrival of the t liechemecas. («) Torquemadi names these Chcchemecan kings of Amaquemecan, and to the first he gives oil!! hundred and eighty years of reign ; to the second, one hundrcil and fif(y-six : and to the third, one hundred and thirly-three. See our second dissertation on the absurd chro- nology of this author. He also confidently atlirms, that Amaqucmcc.tn was six hundred miles distant from the spot where the city of (niidalaxara is at present ; but in more than one Ihousand two liundred miles of inhabited country beyond (hat city, there is not the least trace or memory of (he kingdom of Amaquemecan; from whence we believe it to be a country still undiscovered, and greatly farther to the northward tJian Torqucmada imagined. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 9I prince raised tliem above the other ranks. They duelt in com- COOK II. munities together, in places' composed, as we may imagine, of jjoor huts (0) ; bnt they neither practised agriculture, nor those arts wliich accompanj- civil lite. They hvcd only on game, and fruits, and roots which the earth spontaneously produced. Tlieir clothing was the rougii skins of the wild beasts they took in prey, and their arms no other tlian tlie bow and arrow. Their religion was reduced to the simple worship of the sun, to which pretended divinity they offered herbs and flowers which they found springing in the fields. With respect to their customs, they were certainly less displeasing and less rude than those to which the genius of a nation of hunters gives birth. Their motive for leavino; their native country is uncertain, as like- sf.ct. iv. wise the etymology of the word Cliechemecatl {p). The last king J^^i^^ ^f the whom they had in Amaquemecan, left his government divided be- Chechcme- tween his two sons Achcauhtli and Xolotl ; the latter eillier not huac. brooking, as frequently happens, the division of regal authority, was willing to prove whether fortune destined him other territories, where he could govern without a rival ; or perceiving that the moun- tains of his kingdom were not snfticient to provide support for tire then probably increased number of inhabitants, determined to ease necessity by a timely departure. Having taken, therefore, such resolution from the one or other moti\e, and having first got intelligence, by his emissaries, of a good situation in the southern countries, he set out from his native land, with a large army of his subjects, who were disposed, from affection or interest, to accompany him. In tlieir travels they encountered with the ruins of the Toltecan settlements, and in particular of the great city of Tula, where they arrived at the end of eighteen months. From this they proceeded towards Chem- (o) Torquemada says, that the Cheehemecas had no houses, but dwelt in the caverns of mountains ; but in the same chapter where lie says this, he alBrras that the capital citij of their kingdom was called Amaquemecan. (/j) Several authors have laboured to guess at the etymology of the word Chechemecatl. Torquemada says, that this name is derived from Tcchichinani^ which signides sucking, be- cause the Cherhemeca-. suckul the blood of the animals which they hunted. But this is a forced etymology, particularly among those nations who did not alter derivative names in such a manner. Betancoiirt believed it to be derived from 6'/i/c/»V«/ ,■ that is, dogs-beans. They were so called by other nations, in contempt; but had this been the case, they would not have boasted, as they did, of the name Chcchcraccatl. N 2 9s HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK ir. poalla and Tcpcpolco, forty miles distant, towards the north, from the "'■■""■"' site of IMexico. From thence Xolotl sent tlic prince Nopahzin, his son, to survey the country. The prince crossetl the horders of tlie lakes, the mountains which surround the delightful vale of Mexico, and having marked the whole country, from the top of a lofty mountain, he shot four arrows to the four winds in token of taking possession, in the name of his father, of all that country. Xolotl being made acquainted with the quality of the country, resolved to establish himself in Tenayuca, a place six miles distant from the site of Mexico towards the north, and distributed his people among the neighbouring lands; but the greater population being towards the north and north-west, that tract of land had since the name of Chechemecatlalli ; that is, the land of the Chechemecas. Historians relate, that in Tenayuca there was a review of the peojile taken, anil theicfore it was likewise given the name of Nepoluialco, which means the place of enumeration ; but what Torquemada adds is entirely incredible, that there Avere more than a million of Cheche- mecas found at this review, antl there remained even until his time, twelve piles of the stones which they continued to throw during the review. Besides, neither is it probable that so large an army should set out on so long an expedition ; nor does it appear possible that so small a district could support a million of hunters. The king being settled in Tenayuca, which he destined for the place of his court, and having gi\en proper orders for the forming of other towns and villages, he commanded one of his captains, named Achitomatl. to go and trace the source of certain rivers which the prince had observed in his expedition. Achitomatl found in Cha- poltcpec, in Cojohuacan, and in other places, several Toltecan families, from whom he learned the cause and time of their desolation. The Chechemecas not only a\ oidcd to disturb those miserable relics of that c«lebratcd nation, but formed alliances with them, many of the nobles marrying with the women of Tolteca; and among others, prince Nopaltzin married Azcaxochitl, a virgin descended from Pochotl, one of the two princes of the royal family of Tolteca, who sui^ vived the destruction of their nation. This humanity brought its recon)pence to the Chechemecas ; for from tlicir conmierce with HISTORY OF MEXICt). §6 that industrious nation, they began to taste corn and other fruits of BOOK II. industry ; were taught agriculture, the manner of digging metals, and ■"■'^■'^■^ the art of casting them; also to cut stones, to spin and weave cotton, and other things, by wiiich they improved their means of living, their clothing, their habitations, and manners. Nor did the arrival of other civilized nations contribute less to the refinement of the Chechemecas. Eight years were scarcely elapsed from the time that Xolotl had established himself in Tenayuca, when there arrived in that country six respectable persons, with a considerable retinue of people. They were from a northern countr}', neighbouring to the kingdom of Amaquemecan, or a little distant from it, the name of which is not mentioned by historians; but we have reason to believe that it was the country of Aztlan, the native country of the Mexicans, and that these new coloHies were the six famous tribes of Nahuatlachi, of which all the historians of ^lexico make mention, and we shall shortly treat of It is probable that Xolotl sent advice to his native countrv, of the advantasjes of the situation where he was established; and that such information, spread among the adjoining nations, incited many families to follow his steps, and partake his good fortune. It is also to be imagined, that some famine or scarcity having happened to the northern coun- tries, so many people were obliged to seek relief in lands to the soutiiward. However it was, the six persons arrived in Tenayuca from the North, were graciously received by the Chechemecan king; and when he learned the purpose of their travel, and their desire to stay in that country, he assigned them a district which they might inhabit with their people. A few years after, there arrived three other princes, with a great ar- my of the Acolhtian nation, natives of Teoacolhuacan, a country neigh- bouring to, and not far distant from the kingdom of Amaquemecan. These princes were named Acolhuatzin, Chiconcjuauhtli, and Tzoji- tecomatl, and were of the most noble house of Citin. It was the - most cultivated and most civilized of all the nations which were in that country since the Toltecas. It may be easily supposed how great a rumour was occasioned by such a novelty in that kingdom, and what disquiet so great a multitude of unknown people raised ()4 HISTORY or MEXICO. BOOK II. among the Chccheniccas ; nor does it seem probable that they wouIJ """""""""" have been permitted to enter the kingdom, vitliout ha\ ing previously jriven information of their condition, and the motives of their visit. The king was at this time in Tezcuco, a\ here he liad removed his court, either being tired of Tcnayuca, or allured by the advantageous situation of that new place. Here the three princes arrived, and being presented to tiie king, after a proiound bow, and that ceremony of respect so familiar to these nai.ic.ns of kissing the hand aiter having touched the earth with it, they aUlressed him in woids to this pur- pose: " We are come, n i^i \ kinp- the kingdom of Teoacol- '• huacan, a little distance O'ilv '" .• ci)untjjy; we arc all " three brothers, and s^"-; ;: accjuainted with " tlie ha;)piness which i. ~ ...in^i^ t\\]>.i\ viuder the rule of a " prince so Inimane, we have preferrcl o rir.' advantagi-s w'^'ch we " had in cur native country, liie iiououv ol' becon.irg Vc'ur sulijects. " We pray you, therefore, to give us place lu your happy laud, where " we may live dependent on your authoriry and subject to your com- " mand." The Chechemecan sovereign was pleased with the lordly air and courtly manners of these noble youths, but still more with the flatteiing vanity of seeing humbled, in his jjresence, three princes allured from such distant countries by the fame of his clemency and his power. He replied with complaisance to their address, and offered to comply with their desires ; but while he was deliberating in what man- ner he should do it, he ordered his son to lodge them, and take care of their entertainment. The king had two daughters who were marriageable, whom, from the fiist, he had thought of marrying with the two eldest princes; but lie was unwilling to discover this intention until he should be ac- quainted with their disposition, and should be sure of the consent of his subjects. When he was satisfied in mind of both these points, he called the princes to him, who remained anxious about then- tate, and opened his resolution to them, not only to grant them establishments in his kingdom, but also to marry two of them with his daughters, lament- ing that he had no other, to avoid, leaving any one e.\cluded from the new alliance. The princes thanked him with warm expressions of gra- titude, and proffered to serve him with the utmost fidelity. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 95. When the day appointed for the nuptials amved,*-such a concourse BOOK II. of people flocked to Tenayuca, the place destined for the solemniza- "~— — — " tioii, the city being unable to receive them, many remained in the country. Acolhiiatzin married the eldest of tlie princesses, named Cuetlaxochitl, and Chiconciuautli the other. The third prince had Coatetl, a virgin born in Ciialco of most noble parents, in whom the Toltecan and Checheniecan blood were both mixed. The public re- joicings lasted sixty days, and the entertainments consisted of wrestlin"-, running, and combats with wild beasts, exercises Avhich were agree- able to the genius of the Chcchemecas, and in all of them the prince Nopaltzin distinguished himself. After the example of these royal personages, the two nations continued to increase their alliance by in- ter-marriages until they became one, which taking its name from the most noble party, was cnl'-d Acoihua, and the kingdom Acolhuacan; the name of Chechemecas being left to those who, preferring the ex- ercise of the chace to the toil of agiicuiture, or grown impatient of subordination, went off to the mountains, which are towards tlie north and the north-west of the vale of Mexico, where yielding them- selves up to the impulse of their barbarous liberty, without a chief, without laws, without a fixed dwelling, or the other advantages of society, they employed the day in pursuit of animals for prey, and when fatigued sunk down to sleep wherever night overtook them. These barbarians mingled with the Otomies, a nation wliich was at- tached to the same course of life, occupied a tract of more tnan three hundred miles of country, and the S])aniards were harrassed bv their descendants for many years after the conquest of Mexico. When the nuptial festivities were at an end, Xolotl divided his kino-- SECT. Vlt. dom into several distinct states, and assigned the possession of them to ^"'*'°" "*" -I- -111 1 , , „ , the states. Ins sons-m-law, and the other nobles of each nation, lie granted to and rebell. prince Acolhnatzin the state of Azcapozalco, eighteen miles to the ''*""' west of Tezcuco, and from him descended the kings under whose o-q- \er;>ment the Mexicans continued more than fifty years. On Cliicon- quauhtli he conftrred the state of Xaltocan ; and on TzontecomatI, that of ("oatliciian. The populatioii daily increased, and with it the civilization of the people; but at the same time ambition and other passions, which had 96 IHSTOKY OF MEXICO. BOOK n. lain dormant from the want of ideas, in times of a savage life, began to """"""^ auakcn in their minds. Xolotl, who, during the greatest period of Jiis reign, had exercised great clemency in his government, had found himself, in the last years of his life, constrained to use severe measures to check the restless disposition of some rebels, occasionally depriving them of their offices, or punishing the most criminal with tleath. These just chastisements, instead of intimidating, exasperated tliem so much, that they formed the atrocious design of taking the king's life, for the execution of which an occasion speedily presented itself. A little time ])revious to this the king had expressed a wish to increase the waters of his gardens where he wiis accustomed to take recreation, and frequently also relieved his burden of years with sleep, to wiiich he was in\ited by the coolness and channs of the place. Being ac- quainted with this, the rebels dammed up the little river which crossed the city, and opened a ditch to conduct the waters to the gardens ; waited the time at which the king was accustomed to go to sleep, tlicn raising the dam, let all the water at once into the gardens, and suddenly overflowed them. They flattered themselves that their vi- cious aim would never be detected, as the disaster of the king might be imputed to an accident, or to ill-conducted measures by his subjects, who sincerely desired to serve their sovereign ; but they deceived them- selves, and their attempt proved abortive, as tiie king had secret in- telligence of their conspiracy ; but dissembling his knowledge of it, he retired at his usual time into the garden, and went to sleep on an ele- vated spot, where he was exposed to no danger. "When he aft^erwards saw the water enter, although the treason was now apparent, he con- tinued his dissimulation to ridicule his enemies : " I,' he then said, *' was persuaded that my subjects loved mr , but now I see they love " me still more than I believed. I was desirous of increasing the water " of my "garden, and behold my subjects have done it without any " expence ; it is proper therefore to re/ ice at my happiness." He then ordered there should be rejoicings in the court ; and when they were concluded, he departed full of anguish and disdain for Tenayuca, resolved to inflict exemplary punishment on the conspirators ; but there he was seized with a mortal distemper, which moderated his passion. I HISTORY OF MEXICO. ,^7 Being now sensible of an approaching death, he called prince BOOK II. Nopaltzin to him, his daughters, and Acolhuatzin liis son-in-law, the ^ vur" other princes being now dead, and recommended to them concord Death and among themselves, the care of the people committed to their charge, xolotl. the protection of the nobility, and clemency to all their subjefts ; after which, a few hours, in the midst of the tears and plaints of his children, he ended his life in a very advanced age, having reigned in that country, as appears, more than forty years. He was a robust and courageous man, but of a most affectionate heart to his children, and mild to his people. Ilis reign would have bten more happy had its duration been more short (q). The news of the death of the king immediately spread over the whole kingdom, and speedy advice of it was given to the principal lords, that they might attend at the funeral. They adorned the royal corpse with various little figures of gold and silver, which the Che- chemecas, having been instructed by the Toltecas, had begun now to work, and placed it in a chair made of gum copal and other aromatic substances ; and thus it remained five days, while the lords summoned to the funeral arrived. After they were all assembled, the corpse was burnt, according to the custom of the Chechemecas, and the ashes gathered in an urn of the hardest stone. This urn was kept exposed for forty days in a hall of the royal mansion, where daily the nobility thronged to pay their homage of tears to their deceased sovereign, and the urn was afterwards carried to a cave in the neighbourhood of the city with similar demonstrations of grief. As soen as the funeral of Xolotl was concluded, they celebrated the Sect. IX. ascension of prince Nopaltzin to the throne with acclamations and jj°^-"nl^'"f rejoicings for other forty days. "When the lords took leave of their the Cheche- new king to return to their respective states, one of them made this ™^'^^" short harangue : " Great king and lord, as your subjects and servants, " we go in obedience to your commands, to govern the people you " have committed to our charge, bearing in our hearts the pleasure of " having seen you on the throne, not less due to your virtue than your " birth. We acknowlege the good fortune unequalled which wc CqJ Torquemada gives Xolotl one hundred and thirteen years of reign, and more than two hundred years of life. On this see our Dissertation. VOL. I. O gj, IIISTORV OF MEXICO. BOOK II. " have in serving so illustrious and powerful a lord; and \rc request '" " you to regard us ■with the eyes of a real father, and to protect us " with jour might, that we may rest secure under your shade. You " are as veil tlie water v.hich restores, as the fire which destroys, and " in your hands hold equally our life and our death." The lords having taken leave, the king remained in Tenayuca, with his sister the widow of the prince Chiconquauhtli. He was then, as far as wc can conjecture, about sixty years of age, and had sons and crrandsons. Ilis lawful children by the Toltecan queen were Tlotzin, Quaiditcquihua, and Apopozoc. On Tlotzin, who was the first born, he conferred the government of Tezcuco, that he might begin to learn the difficult art of governing men ; and the other two were placed over the states of Zacatlan and Tenamitic (r). The king passed one year in the court of Tenayuca, arranging the affairs of the state, wliich were not so settled as they had been at first. From thence he went to Tezcuco, to treat with his son about the most convenient measures to be taken to restore the former tranquillity of Ids kingdom. While he was there he went one day into the royal gardens with his son, and some other lords of the court, and as they were in conversation, he burst suddenly into a flood of tears ; being requested to explain the cause, " Two causes," said he, "produce my " tears, the one the memory of my late father, which is revived " by the sight of this place where he used to take recreation ; the " other is the comparison which I make of these happy days with the " present bitter moments. When my father planted these gardens, " he had quiet subjects, who served him with sincerity, and received " the odices which he conferred upon them, with humility and gra- " titude; but at present ambition and discord are every where pre- " vailing. It troubles me to be obliged to use the subjects as enemies, " whom I .once in this place treated as friends and brothers. Do you, " my son," addressing Tlotzin, " keep constantly in your eyes the (i) If we are to adopt the chronology of Torquemada, we muft give Nopaltzin when he mounted the throne one hundred and thirty years of age; as when he arrived with his father in the country of Anahuac, he was at least eighteen or twenty years, which added to the one liundred and thirteen years, which, according to Torquemada, Xolotl reigned in tliat country, make one hundred and thirty-one, or one hundred and thirty-three. On this see our Second Dissertation. i 1 HISTORY OF MEXICO. 99 " image of your grandfather, and strive to imitate the examples of pru- BOOK II. " dence and justice which he left us. Strengthen your heart with every " virtue which 5'ou will have occasion for, to govern your subjects."' After condoling some time with his son, the king departed for his court of Tenayuca. The prince Acolhuatzin, who was still living, thinking the boun- daries of his state of Azcapozalco too narrow, resolved to take posses- sion of Tepotzotlan, and in fact took it by force, in spite of the resist- ance made by Chalchiuhcua, lord of tliat state. It is to be believed, that Acolhuatzin would not have done so violent an act without the express consent of the king, who was, probably, willing to revenge himself in that manner of some offence he had received from Chal- chiuhcua. The contest was a good deal more bloody which arose a little after from interests of a very different nature. Huetzin, lord of Coatlichan, son of the late prince Tzontecomatl fs), was desirous of marrying Atotoztli, a noble and beautiful virgin, and grand-daughter of the queen. Jacazozolotl, lord of Tepetlaoztoc, made similar pretensions ; but either being more strongly enamoured, or more violent in teinper, not content with having demanded her of her .father, he was \\'illing to render himself master of his beauty by arms; and for this purpose collected a small army of his subjects, M'hich was joined by Tochin- teuctli, who had been lord of Quahuacan, but Mas dispossessed on account of his misdeeds, and banished to Tepetlaoztoc. Iluetzin, ajjprized of this intent, went to meet him with a greater number of troops, and gave him battle in the neighbourhood of Tezcuco, in which some of Jacazozolotl's people were slain along Avith himself, and the rest of the army routed. Tochinteuctli saved himself by flight, sheltering himself in the city of Huexotzinco, on the other side of the mountains, Huetzin, having got rid of his rival, with the con- (sj Tnrquemada makes Huetzin, son of Itzmitl, and him son of Tzontecomatl in the thir- teenth chapter of book the tirst; but in chapter -10, he says, that Itzmitl was one of those who came with Xolotl from Amaquemican, so that he makes him born before his father Tzontecomatl, as he was a young man only when he came to Anahuac ; and he did not come before the -i/lh year of the reign of Xolotl, as the same author aflirms. Besides in one place, he makes It!;mitl a pure Chichemecan ; and in another place the son of an .Acolhuan. Eut who is capable of marking all the contradictions and anachronisms of Torquemada? 100 BOOK II. Sect. X. Tlotzin in. king of the Checheme- cas. Sect. XI. Quinaltzin IV. king of HISTORY OF MEXICO. sent of the king took possession of the maid and the state of Tepet- hioztoc. After these small wars of the feudatory princes, one itiore consider- able arose between the crown and the province of Tollantzinco, which was in rebellion. The king himself took the field in person with a larcre armv ; but as the rebels were numerous in force and v\cll dis- ciplined, the royal army was worsted during nineteen days Mhich the war lasted, until being reinforced by new troops, under the command of Tlotzin, he defeated the rebels, and punished the heads of the rebel- lion in the most rigorous manner. Their evil example, when imitated b\' other lords, met with the same fate. Nopaltzin had just restored tranquillity to his kingdom, when the famous prince Acolhuatzin, first lord of Azcapozalco, died, leaving the state to his son Tczozomoc. His funeral M'as celebrated with great magnificence, the king and the nubility of both the nations of Acolhua and Chechemcca attending. The king himself did not long survive, having reigned thirty-two years, and declared Tlotzin, his first born, successor to his crown. The funeral rites were performed at the same court, and with the same form and ceremonies as that of Xolotl, to whom he was similar not less in disposition than in robustness and courage. Among the lords who were present at the accession of the new king to the throne, were his two brothers Quauhtiquehua and Apopozoc, whom he entertained for one year in his palace. Tlotzin was of so benevolent and affectionate a disposition, he Mas the whole delight of hi's vassals. All the nobles sought pretences to visit him, and enjoy the. pleasure and charms of his conversation. Notwithstanding his natural disposition to peace, he took great care of the affairs of war, making his subjects frequently exercise in arms, and he himself was fond of the chace ; but we know no particular acts or events of his reign, during thirty-six years which he occupied the throne of Acolhuacan. He died afllictcd with the most severe pains in Tenayuca. His ashes were de- posited in an urn of costly stone, w hich was for forty days exposed to the sight of the people under a pavilion. Tlotzin was succeeded in the kingdom by his son Quinatzin, had by Qiiauhcihuatzin, daughter of the lord of Huexotla. His exaltation HISTORY OF MEXICO. lOj to the throne was celebrated with greater solemnity than that of his BOOK 11. predecessors ; not at Tenayuca, but at Tezcuco, w here he established ^ ' his court, and from that time until the conquest of the Spaniards, that mccas, city continued the capital of the kingdom of Acolhuacan. In his pas- sage from the new to the old court, he made himself be transported in a portable chair or open litter, borne on the shoulders of four principal lords, and under an umbrella which was carried by four others. Until that time all the sovereigns had used to walk on foot. This king was the first to whom vanity suggested such a kind of pomp, and his example was imitated by all the kings and nobles of that country, m ho strove to surpass each other in ostentatious grandeur. An emulation not less pernicious to states than to princes themselves. The commencement of his government was very tranquil ; but the states of Meztitlan and Tototepec, which are situated in the mountains lying to the north of that capital, soon rose in rebellion. The mo- ment the king received the advice, he marched with a great army, and sent to tell the heads of the rebellion, that if their courage was equal to their perfidy, they should descend within two days to the plain of Tlaximalco, where their fate would be decided by battle; if not, he was resolved to put flames to their city, without pardon to women or children. The rebels, as they were already well prepared, came down before the time appointed to the plain, to shew their courage. The signal for battle being given, the attack became furious and obstinate on both sides until night separated the armies, leaving the victory unde- cided. They continued for forty days frequently engaging, the rebels being no w&y discouraged by the advantages Mhich the royal troops daily gained ; but perceiving at length, by the slaughter and diminution of their forces, that their ruin was inevitable, they surrendered to their sovereign, who, after rigorous punishment of the ringleaders of the rebellion, pardoned the crime of the people. The same conduct was< observed with Tcpepolco, which had also rebelled'. This spirit of re!)ellion spread like contagion over all the kingdom ,•; and Tcpepolco was scarcely subdued when Huchuitoca, Mizquic,. Totolapa, and four other cities, declared a revolt. Tiie king chose to go in person with a strong body of troops against Totolapa, and sent against the other six cities as many detachments under command of lirave and faithful generals s his success was such, that in a very short space J02 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK II. of time, and without any considerable loss, he brought all the seven ' cities again under his obedience. Tliese victories were celebrated with great rejoicings during eight days in the court, and rewanls given to the officers and soldiers who had distinguished tlieniselves. As the evil example of some states had excited others to rebciiion, so did the unsuccessful issue serve in future as a caution not to form new conspi- racies against tlie loyalty due to their sovereign; from whence, during the rest of his government, which, according to historians, lasted sixty years. Quinatzin enjoyed tlie utmost tranquillity. M'llien he died they observed ceremonies to him which had never been practised with his ancestors ; they ojiened his body, took out his bowels, and prepared it with different aromatic substances, to keep it some time free from corruption. They afterwards placed it in a great chair, clothed in royal habits, and armed with a bow and arrow, and put at his feet a wooden eagle, and behind him a tyger, to signify his braverj- and intrepidity. In this state it was exposed for forty days; and after the usual mourning, burnt, and the ashes buried in a cave cf the mountains neighbouring to Tezcuco- Quinatzin was succeeded on the throne by his son TechotlaUa ; but the events of this and the foUowing Chechemecan kings reigns being ■connected with these of the Mexicans, who had at tliis period (in the fourteenth century of tlie vulgar era), founded their famous capital, we reser^-e the relation of them to another place, judging it su^cient at present to lay before the reader the series of all the kings, annexing, as far as is known, the year of the vulgar era in which thej- began their reigns, that we may afterwards make some mention of the nations »hich arrived before the Mexicans in that countrj-. Chechemecan Kin^. Xoloil, began to reign in tlie i Cth century. . Nopal tzin, in the isth century. Tlotzin, in the I4th centurj-. Quinatzin, in the i-ith century. Tecliotlalki, in the l4th centurv. Ixtlilxochitl (t), in the year i J06. (<) We do Dot reckon Istlilxockitl among the Cbecfaemecan kings, because be was only cmted govemor of Teacuco by the Spaniards. It ie tbeicfore to be «ioe Mazahuas were once a part of the nation of the Otomies, 'as Sict. XIV» the languages of both nations are but difibcnt dialects of the same imas.Mathii- ton2:ue: but this diversity between two nations so jealous of preserv- >'""'"S' '"' ^ ' _ •' _ '' ' other na- ing their idioms uncorruptcd, is a clear argument of the great antiquity tioiis. (y) Boturini says, thai the Mexicans finding themselves besieged by the Spaniards, sent an embat-sj- tu tlie king of !\licliuacan, to procure his alhance ; that he assembled an liun- dred thousand Tarascas, and as many Teochechemacas, in tl;e province of Avalos ; but that, being intimidated bv certain visions which liis sister had, wlio was once dead but returned to life again, he tlischarged the armv, and abandoned the undertaking of succouring the Mexi- cans, as he had intended. But all this account is a string of fables. As tar as we know, no author of that age makes mention cf fuch an event. ^Vhtnce came these hundred thousand Teochethemecas, wb© were so quickly assembled ? Why "was the army ■colkctid in the province most distant from Mexico ? Wiio has ever seen the king of France order his troops to be assembled in Flanders, to succour some city of Spain f The resurrection of tlie princess is a fable founded on the memorable occurrence, respecting the sister of Montezuma, of which we shall speak hereafter. VOL.. I. P ^QQ IJISTOIIY OF MF.xica BOOK II. of their separation. The principal places which tlicy inhahited were • on the western mountains of the vale of Mexico, and formed the pro- vince of Mazahuacan, belonging to the crown of Tacuba. The Matlatzincas made a considerable slate in the fertile vale of Toluca; and, however great, anciently, their reputation was for bravery, they were, notwitlistanding, subjected to the crown of Mexico, by king Axayacatl. The Miztecas and Zapotecas peopled the vast countries of their name, to the south-east of Tezcuco. The numerous states into whicli these two countries were divided, continued a long time under several- lords or rulers of the same nations, until they were subdued by tlie. ^Mexicans. Those nations were civilized and industrious; they had their laws, exercised the arts of the Mexicans, and made use of the same method to compute time, and tlie same paintings to perpetuate, tlie memory of e\ents, in wliich they represented the creation of the ■\v:orkl, the universal deluge, the confusion of tongues ; although the whole was intermixed with various fables (z). Since the conquest, the !Miztecas and Zapotecas have been the most industrious people of New Spain. V»hile the conmierce of silk lasted, they were tlie feeders of the worms; and to their labours is owing all the cochineal, which for many years, until the present time, has been imported from Mexico into Europe. The Chiapanese have been the first peoplers of the New World, if Ave give credit to their traditions. They say that Votan, the grandson of that respectable old man who built the great ark to save himself and family from the deluge, and one of those who undertook the building of that lofty editice which was to reach heaven, went, by express com- mand of the Lord, to people that land. They say also that the first peoplers came from the quarter of the North, and that when they arrived at Soconusco, they sejjarated, some going to inhabit the country of Nicaragua, and others remaining in Chiapan. This countrv, as historians say, was not governed by a king, but by two military chiefs, elected by priests. Thus they remained until they were subjected by fz) See the work of Era Gregorio Garzia Doniiiiicano, cnUl\ed,theOriginnf tic Indian*, iu book V. chap. 4. concerning the mythology of the Miztecas. 1 II I STO R Y OF M E X I C O. *07 the last kirig's of Mexico to tliat crown. They made the same \ise of I'.0OK ir. paintings as the INIcxicans, and had the same method of computing time; but the fio-ures with which they represented days, years, and montlis, were totally ditt'erent. Of the Coliuixcas, tlie Ciiitlatecas, the Jopas, the ■\Iazatecas, the Popolocas, the Chinantecas, and the Totonacas, we know nothing of the origin, nor the time when they arrived in Anahuac. We shall say something of their particular customs whenever it will illustrate the history of the Mexicans. But of all the nation? which peojjled the region of Anahuac, the Sect. XV". most renowned and the most signalized in the history of Mexico, were atlacas. those vulgarly called the Nahuatlacas. This name, the etymology of which we have explained, in the beginning of this history, was prin- cipally given to those seven nations, or rather those seven tribes of the same nation, who arrived in that country after the Chechemecas, and peopled the little islands, banks, and boundaries of the INIexican lakes. These tribes were the Sochimilcas, the Chalchese, the Tcpanecas, the ColhuaSj theTlahuicas, the Tlascalans, and the Mexicans. The origin of all these tribes was the province of Aztlan, from whence came the Mexicans, or from some other contiguous to it, and peopled with the same nation. All historians represent them as originally of one and the same country : all of them spoke the same language. The dif- ferent names by which they have been known, were taken from the places which they settled, or from those in Mhlch they established themselves. The Sochimilcas derived their name from the great city Xochimilco, which they founded on the southern shore of the lake of sweet water or Chalco ; the Chalchese, from the city of Chalco, upon the eastern shore of the same lake ; the Colhuas, from Colhuacan ; the Mexicans, from Mexico; the Tlascalans, from Tlascala ; and the Tlaluiicas, from the land where they established themselves ; which, from it', abounding in cinnabar, Mas called TlaJiukaii (a). The Tcpanecas possibly had (a) Tlahuitl, is the Mexican nanie of cinnabar : and Tlahuican means the place or country of Cinnabar. Some authors call them T/flMwccs, .and derive the name from a place of that land called 7YaMK(c; but besides that we never heard of stxh a jilace, tlif name does not appear conforming with the language. P 2 108 WfSTORY OF ^r^.^•ICO. POOK ir. t^i^""" name from a place calkd Tcpan (b), where tliey liail been before "' ■ ' ' " they settled their famous city Azcapozako. It is beyond a doubt that these tribes did, not arrive together in that Goiintr}', but at difl'crcnt times, and in the order we have mentioned ; but there is a great ditl'crence among historians resjiecting llie precise time o£ their arrival in Anahnac. We are persuaded, for the reasons set fortli in our dissertations, that the first six tribes arrived under conduct of the six lords. m]io made their appearance immediately after the Chechemecas, and there was not so great an interval as Acosta supposes,, between their arrival and tiiat of the Mexicans. The Colhua.s, whom in general the Spanislj historians confound withi tlic Acolhuas,.from the affinity of thsir names, founded the small mo- narchy of CoUuiacan, which was annexed afterwards to the crown of Mexico, by the marriage of a princess, heiress of that state, with a king of Mexico. The Tcpanecas had also tlitir petty kings, among whom the first ■Nvas prince Acolluiatzin, after having married the daughter of Xolotl. His descendants usurped, as we. shall relate, the kingdom of Acol- huacan, and governed all that country, until the arms of the Mexicans, joined with those of the true heir of Acolhuacau, destroyed both the tyrant and monajchy of Tcjianeca, ^f^T.'.,"^^ ^" TJie TIascalans, whom Torqucmada and odier autliors call Teoche- 1 he 1 lasca- ' /->i i ?ar,^ chemecas, and consider as a tribe of tlic (c) Chechemecan nation, Ch) Several aiiflior.- call tlicm Ticpanecas ; both are Mexican. Tecpanecatl means the inhabitant of the palace ; Tepaiieeati, iiihahitaiit of a stony place. Others i^ive it a very Tioient ^etymology, (cj Torqueinada, not o.nly says that the Tlasculaus were T«ochecheraecas, but likewise • aflirms, in lib. lii. cap. 10. that thcEe Tcochtchcmicas, urre Olomics. . If the TIascalans were Otomies. why did they not sptak i!:p language tit the Otoniies.> .\iid if they ever did speak It, why did tli€y give it up for the Mexican ?• Where is there an instance of a free nation ;ibandoiiing its. own native languaue, to adopt thatol' its enemies i Noras it less incredible lliat the Chtcliemccas were Otomies-, as tiie al)ove author £up.|)Oses, although in lib. i. cap. 2. lie aflirms the contrarj-. Who forced the Cliecheniecas to give up tlieir. primitive language ? He only who was unacquainted ■^ith the character of these nations, and knew Bot how constant thcv were in retaining their nalidnal langiiagSj could be capable of per- «uadmg us that the Chechemecas, by their communication and alliance with the Acolhuas, at>«uidone<) the language of the Otou.ies for tiie Mexican^. If the true Otomies have not, liuring so many ages, altered their idiom, neither under the ctuininion ofthe Mexicans, nor Wfder that .of ll\e Spijiiards, hoi» is it credible that the Ci>edieiBecas skould eiitireJr chanje- HISTORY OF MEXICO. 109 eistablished themselves, oiiginally, in Poyaiilitlan, a place situated on iU)OK Ii; tlie eastern shore of the lake of Tezcuco, between the court and the ~~" vfllage of Chemalhuacan. There ihey lived for some time in great' misery, supporting- themselves solely by the chace, on account of the want of arable soil ; but being multiplied in their numbers, and desirous of extending the boundaries of their territory, they drew upon them- selves the hatred of the surrounding nations. The Sochimilcas, tire Coihuas, the Tc]xinecas, and probably also the Glialchese, who, by being borderere on tliem, were most CTcposed to injury, made a league together, a«d equipped a considerable aniiy to drive such dangerous settlers from the vale of Mexico. The Tlascalans, whom the consciousness- or their usurpations, kept always vigilant, came well arrayed for ai>' encounter. The battle M'as one of the most bloody and memorable u-hich appears in the history of Mexico, The Tlascalans, though in- ferior in number, made such a slaughter of the enemy, that they left the field covered with carcases, and a part of the lake, on the border of which they had engaged, tinged with blood. Notwithstanding they came oft" so gloriously in this battle, they detcnnined to abandon that quarter, being well persuaded that while they remained there they would be daily harassed by their neighbours; for which reason havirjg reviewed the whole country by means of theinemissaries, and finding no situation where they could jointly establish themselves, they agreed to separate, one part of them going towards the South, the other to the. Koith. The latter, after a short journey, settled themselves, with the permission of the Chechemecan king^ in Tollantzinco, and in Quauh- their language, being masters of Hiat' country, and occupying the thiano of AcoUiuacait. from tlie time of Xolotl tlic founder of that kingdom, until the coiKjuest of Mexico. I do not doubt, however, that the proper language of the ancient Chtchemetas-was the same with that of tlie Acolhuas and Nabuatlacas, that is, the Mexic:an. I am of the same opinion respecting the Toltecas, whatever other authors may say ; nor can I, after the most diligent s.udy of iiistory, alti;r my sentiments. We know that the names of tlie places from whence.- the Toltecas and GhechemccM came, and oJ' those which they settled in Auahuac, of the- persons of both nations, and of the years which they used, were Mexican. We know that the Toltecas and C'liechemecas, the Chechemecas and Acolhuas, from the first had commu- nication with each other, and understood each other reciprocalty without an interpreter. Tlie Mexican laugu.ige having spread as far as Nicaragua, is not to be ascribed to anv-. thing else than the dispersion of tlic Toltecas who spoke it; as it is known that the Nahuat-- lacas never went beyond Cliiapan. In short, we lind- nothing to support the control/'. •p^uion, although it is so common among our historians. y^^Q HISTOflY OF MEXICO. BC ()]C II. rhinanco. Tlic fuimci- tihvelling round the great volcano Pcpncatepec, • tliiou^li Telxihi ami Tochimilco, tbuiuled the rity ot Qiiauliquechollan, in the neiuhbourhood of Atrisco; and some, proceeding still farther, Ipunded Anialiuhcan, and other villages ; and thus extended themselves as far as Poyauhtecatl ov the mountain Orizaba, to which they probably gave such a name in memory of the plate in the vale of ^lexieo which they had quitted. But the most numerous and respectable part of the tribe, directed their way b}- Cholulatothe borders of the great mountain Matlalcueye, from whence they drove the Olmecas and Xicallancas, the aucient inhabitants of that country, and slew their king Colopechtli. Here they established themselves under a chief, named ColhuaiatcuctU, con- triving to fortify themselves also, to be the more able to resist the neighbouring people if they should incline to attack them. In fact it was not long before the Huexozincas and other people, who knew of the bravery and number of their new neighbours, fearing thev woiikl, in time, become troublesome, levied a great army to expel them wholly from the country. The attack was so sudden, that the Tlascalans were forced to retreat to the top of that great mountain : finding themselves there in the greatest perplexity, they sent ambas- sadors to implore the protection of the Chechemecan king, and obtained from him a large body of troops. The Huexozincas not having forces sufficient to contend with the royal army, applied for assistance to the Tepanccas, who they believed would not let pass so fair an opportu- nity of revenging themselves; but the tragic event of Posauhtlan was still in their memories, and although they sent troops, these were enjoined not to do hurt to the Tlascalans; and the Tlascalans themselves uere advised not to esteem them as enemies, but to rest confident that that nation was not sent for any other purpose than to deceive the Huexozincas, and not to disturb the harmony which subsisted between thdm aud the Tepanecas. By the aid of tlie Tezcucans, and the perfidious inaction of the Tepanecas, the Huexozincas were defeated, and obliged to return to their state in disgrace. TliC Tlascalans beiu<»- tiecd from no great a. dangej, and having made peace uitli their neigh- bours, returned to their first establishnient, to continue their settlement and population. HISTORY OF MEXICO. Ill Such was tlie r>rigin of the famous city and republic of Tlascala, the BOOK II. perpetual rival of the ^Nlexicaiib, and occasion of their ruin. At first . they all obeyed one chief; but afterwards, when their population M-as considerably advanced, the city was parted into four divisions, called Tepeticpac, Ocotelolco, Qiiiahiiiztian, and Tizatlan. Every division had its lord, to uhom all the places dependent ou such division were like- vise subject ; so that the v/hole state was composed of four small monarchies; but these four lords, together M'ith other nobles of the first rank, formed a kiud of aristocracy for the general state. This diet or senate was tlie umpire of war and peace. It prescribed the number of troops M'hich were to be raised, and the gcuerals who were to com- mand them. lu the state, although it was circumscribed, there were many cities and large villages, in which, in 15C0, there were more than one hundred and fifty thousand houses, and more than five hun- dred thousand inliabitants. The district of the republic was fortified on the western quarter with ditches and entrenchments, and on the east with a wall six miles in length ; towards the south it was, by nature, defended by the mountain Matlalcueye, and by other mountains, on tlie north. The Tlascalans were Avarlike, courageous, and jealous of their honour and their liberty. They preserved, for a long time, the splendor of their republic, in spite of the opposition they sufl^ered from their enemies ; until at length, being in confederacy with the Spaniards against their ancient rivals the ^lexicans, they Avere involved in tlie common ruin. They were idolatrous, and as superstitious and cruel in their form of worship as the ]\Iexicans. Their favourite deity was Ccanaxile, the same A\hich Avas worshipped by the ^Mexicans, under the name of Iluitzilopochtti. Their arts were the same as those of other neigh- bouring nations. Their commerce consisted principally in maize and cochineal. From th.e abundance of maize the name of Tlascallan Avas giA'cn to the capital, Avhich means the place of bread. Their cochineal Avas esteemed above any other, and, after the conquest, brought yearl}' to the capital a revenue of two hundred thousand crowns ; but they entirely abandoued this commerce, for reasons we shall mention elsewhere.' ,.<, llJSTORr or MEXICO. 1 1-2 BOOK II The Aztccns or Mexicans, who were the last people who settled la ; r .....J Anahuac, and are the chief subject of our historv, lived until about the Sr.tT. .\\ II. ' ■' ' . Jiligiiitiuu of year 1 i(j() of the vulgar era, in Aztlan, a country situated to the north toVhocomi- o^" ^^^'^ ."'"'^ "'^ California, aecortling to what appears from tlie route they try of Ana- pursued in their migration, and the conclusions made by the Spaniards in their travels towards these countries (d). The cause of abandoning their native country may have beeu the same which other nations had. But whatever it was, it will not l)e altogether useless to leave to the free judgment of the reader that which the ]Me.\ican historians them- selves relate of the birth of such a resolution. There was, say they, among the Aztecas, a person of great autho- rity called Huhziton, to whose opinion all paid great deference. This person exerted himself, though it is not known for what reason, to persuade his x:ountrynien to change their country, and while he vas meditating on his purpose, he heard once, by accident, a little bird singing on the branches of a tree, whose notes imitated the Mexi- can word Tlliui, wJiich means, let us go. This appeared a favourable opportunity to obtain his wish of his countrymen. Taking, therefore, another respectable person with him, he conducted him to that tree wJiere the liltle bird used to sing, and thus addressed him: " Do you " not attend, my friend Tecpaltzin, to what this little bird says, " Tihui Tihui, which it repeats every moment to us ; what can it " mean, but that we must leave this country and find ourselves an- " other? Without doubt, it is the warning of some secret divinity who " watches over our welfare: let us obey, therefore, his voice, ant the Aztecas had the same motive for raising their edifice on this plan, as every mark of a fortress is to be obser\ ed about it, being defended on one side bj' a lofty mountain, and the rest of it being surrounded by a wall about seven feet thick, the foundations of which are still existing. In this fortress there are stones as large as mill-stone-s to be seen ; the beams of the roof are of pine, and well finished. In the centre of this vast fa- bric is a little mount made on purpose, bj- what a])pears, to keep guard on, and observe the enemy. There have b(x?n some ditches formed in 'this place, and several kitchen utensils have been found, •Sigiienza. Boturini alleges this arm of the sea to be the gulf of Califorma, as he is per- suaded that the Mexicans passed from Aztlau to California, and from thence crof.sing the gulf transportedthemselves to Cuiiacan: but there beingremains found of the buildings constructctl by the Mexicans in their migration, on the river Gila, and in Piincria.and not in California^ there IS no reason to believe that they crossed the sea, but came by laud to Cuiiacan. HISTORY OF MEXICO. jj, such as eai'tlien pots, dishes, and jars, and little looking-glasses of the BOOK 11 stone Itztli (/). " ' \3 . From hence, traversing the steep mountains of Tarahumara, and directing their course toAvards the south, they reached Huiecolhuacan, at present called Culiacan, a place situated on the gulf of California, in 24f deg. of latitude, where they stopped three years (g). Here it is probable that they built houses and cottages to dwell in, and sowed such seeds for their food as they carried with them, and usually did in every place where they stayed any considerable time. There they formed u statue of wood representing Huitzilopochtli, the tutelar deity of the nation, that he might accompany them in their travel, and made a cliair of reeds and rushes to transport it, which they called Tcoicpalli, or chair of God. They chose priests who were to carry him on. their shouldei-s, four at a time, to whom they gave the name of Teotla- macazque, or servants of God, and the act itself of carrying hjm was, called Teomama, that is to carry God on one's back. From Huiecolhuacan, journeying for many days towards the east, they came to Chicomoztoc, where they stopped. Hitherto all the seven tribes had travelled in a body together : but here they separated, and the Xochimiicas, the Tepanecas, the Chalchese, the Tlahuicas, and the Tlascalans proceeding onwards, left the Mexicans there with their idol. Those nations say the separation was made by express command of their god. There is little doubt that some disagreement amon* themselves was the occasion of it. The situation of Chicomoztoc, where the ^lexicans sojourned nine years, is not known ; but it ap- pears to be that place twenty miles distant from the city of Zacatecas towards the south, where there are still some remains of an immense edifice, which, according to the tradition of the Zacatecas, the ancient inhabitants of that country, was the woxk. of the Aztecas in their (/) These are the reports I received from two persons who had seen the Case grandi. We should wish to have a plan of their form and dimensions ; but now it would be very difficult to be obtained, the whole of that country being depopulated by the furious incur-* sions of the Apachas and other barbarous nations. {g) The stay of the Aztecas in Huicolhuacan, is agreeable to the testimony of all hi«tu< rians, as well as the'r separation at Chicomoztoc. There is a tradition among the northeriv people of their passage through Tarahumara. Near to JCaiarit there are, trenches found which were made by the Cori, to defend themselves from the Mexicans in their route fronj HuieeoUiuacan to Chicomoztoc. iiG HISTORY or MEXICO. •UOOK II. migration ; and it certainly cannot be ascribed to any other people > " the Zapatecas themselves being so barbarous as neither to live in housed «or to know how -to build them. Their being reduced to a smaller number by the dismembermeirt of the other tribes, may probablv have t)een the reason that the ^Icxicans undertook no other buildings of that kind in their peregrination. Proceeding from the country of the 2ncatecas toM'ards the south, through Arnica, Cocula, and Zayula, they descended into the maritime province of Colima, and from thcnoe to Zacatula; where turning to the eastward thev ascended to Mali- iialco, a place situated in the mountains which surround the valley t)f Toluca (//), and afterwards taking their course towards the north, in the year 1 196 they arrived at the celebrated city of Tula (/). In their jouiney from Chicomoztoc to Tula, they stopped awhile in Coatlicomac, where the tribe was divided into two factions, A\hich became perpetual rivals, and alternately persecuted each other. This discord was occasioned, as they say, by two bundles which miracu- lously appeared in the midst of their r^nmp. Some of them advanc- ing to the fir^t bundle to examine it, fomid in it a jirecious stone, on which a great contest arose, each claiming ^o possess it as a present from their god. Going afterwards to open the other bimdle they found nothing but two pieces of wood. At first si^jht they undervalued them as things which were useless, but being made acquainted, by the wise Huitziton, of the service they could be of in producing fire, they prized them more than the precious stone. 1 hey wlio appropriated to themselves the gem Avere those, who, after the foundation of Me.^ico trailed themselves TIatelolcas, from the place which they settled r.ear to that city ; they who took the pieces of wood were those who in fu- ture bore the name of Mexicans, or Tenochcos-. This account how- •ever cannot be considered in any other light than as a moral fable, to (A) It is evideni from the manuscripts of P. Giovanni Tobar, a Jesuit cxcectlingly versed in the antiquities of those nations, tiiat the Mexicans passed tbrougii Michuacan, and this could only be by Colima and Zacatula, which probably then belonged to the kingdom, as they nowbelong to the ecclcsiustical diocese of Michuacan ; bccauce if they had performed their journey any other way to Tula, they would not have touched at Malinaico. {i) The epoch of the arrival of the Mexicans at Tula in 1 106, is confirmed by a manu- script history in Mexican, cited by Boturiiii, and in this point of chronology other authors HISTORY OF MEXICO. 117 "teach that in atl things the useful is preferable to tlie beautiful. Not- BOOK XL withstantling this dissension both parties travelled always together for =* their imaginary interest in the protection of their god {/c). It ought not to excite wonder that the Aztecas made so great a ch- cuit, and journeyed upwards of a thousand miles more than was ne- cessary, to reach Anahuac : as they had no limits prescrrbed to their travel, and were in quest of a country where they might enjoy all the conveniences of hfe: neither is it surprising that in some places they erected large fabrics, as it is probable they considered every place where they stopped the boundary of their peregrination. Several situations appeared to them at first proper for their establishment, which they afterwards abandoned, from experience of inconveniences they had not foreseen. Wherever they stopped they raised an altar to their god, and at their departure left all their sick behind ; and, proba- bly, some others, who were to take care of them, and perhaps, alsoj some who might be tired of such long pilgrimages, and unwilling to encounter fresh fatigues. In Tula they stopped nine years, and afterwards eleven years iu other places not far distant, until, in 1216, they arrived at Zumpanco, a considerable city in the vale of Mexico. Tochpanecatl, lord of this citv, received them with singular humanity, and not contenting him- self with granting them commodious dwellings, and regaling them, plentifully ; but becoming attached to them from long and familiar inter- course, he demanded from the chiefs of the nation some noble virgin for a wife to his son Illiuitcatl. The Mexicans obliged by such proofs of regard presented Tlacapantzin to him, who was soon after mar- ried to that illustrious youth ; and from, them, as will appear, the Mexi- can kings descended. After remaining seven )'ears m Zampanco, they went together with the youth Ilhuicatl to Tizayocan, a city a little distant from it, where Tlacapantzin bore a son, named after HuitziliJudtl, and at the same time they gave away another virgin to Xoc/i/afeM, lord of Quauhtitlan. From ' Tiz ay ecan they passed to Tolpetlac and Tepeyacac, w;here, at present, (k) It is not to be doubted that the story of the packets is merely a fable ; as the Aztecas vknew, some ceaturies before, how to produce fire from two pieces of wood, by friction. ,5j HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK II. lie.s the village and renowned 5anctuary of the Holy Virgin of Gnada- *- ■ I •-- loupe, places all situated on the borders of the lake of Tezruco, and near the site of Mexico, in which the}' continued for twenty-two years. .\s soon as the Mexicans appeared in that country they were review- ed by order of Xolotl then reigning ; •who, having nothing to fear, per- mitted them to establish tiieuiselves wherever they could : but those in Tepe\-aeac finding themselves haras.sed by Tenancacaltzin, a Cheche- mecanlord, they were forced, in 1245, to retire to Chapoltepec, a moun- tain situated on the western border of the lake, hardly two miles dis- tant from the site of Mexico, in the reign of Xopaltzin, and not of Qninatzin, as Torquemada and Boturini imagine [l]. The ]iersecutions which they suffered in this place from some lord.s, and particularly from the lord of Xaltocan, made them, at the end of seventeen years, abandon it, to seek a more secure as}lum in Acocolco^ ■which consists of a number of small islands at the southern extremity of the lake. There for the space of fifty-two years they led the most miser- able life ; they subsisted on fish, and all sorts of insects, and the roots of the marslves, and covered themselves with the leaves of the amoxtli Avhicli grows plentifully in that lake, having wore out all their garments, and finding no means there of supplying themselves with others. Their habitations were wretched huts, made of the reeds and rushes m hich the lake produced. It would be totally incredible that for so many years they were able to keep in existence in a ])lace so disadvantageous, where they were so stinted in the necessaiLes of life, was it not verified by their historians and succeeding events. Sect ^"^ '" *^^^ midst of thcu' miseries they were free, and liberty al- XVIII. leviated in some degree their distresses. In 13 14, however, slavery Mexicans in ^^'^s added to their other distresses. Historians differ in opinion con- Colhuacan. ceming this event. Some say, that the petty king of Colhuacan, a city not far distant from .^cocolco, not willing to suffer the Mexi- cans to niaintain themselves in his territories without pa}nng him tri- bute, made open war upon them, and having subdued, en.slaved them. {t) Quinatziii supposing to have been reigning at that time, the reign of him and his snicccssor must have comprehended an space of a hundred and sixty-one years and upwards; if the chronology of Torquemada is adopted, who supposes Quiuatzin reigning until tha tiin« at ^vhich the Mexican.' entered the vale of Mexico. See our BisseHotious. HISTORY OF MEXICO. lig OtTiers affirni, timt this pcttj king sent an embassy to thom, to in- BOOK II. €orm them that having compassion for the miserable hfe vi hich they led -* in those islands, he was willing to grant them a better place where they might live more confortably ; and that the Mexicans, who wished for nothing more ardently, accepted instantly the favour, and gladly quitted their disagreeable sit uation ; but they had scarcely set out when they were attacked by the Coihuas and taken piisoners. Which ever wny it was^ it is certain that the Mexicans were carried slaves toTizapan, a place belonsrins: to the state of Colhuacan. After some years slavery, a war arose between the Coihuas and Xo- chimilcas their neighbours, with such disadvantage to the former, that they were worsted in eveiy engagement. The Coihuas, being afflicted Avith these repeated losses, were forced to employ their prisoners, whom they ordered to prepare for v/ar ; but they did not provide them witii the necessary arms, either because these had been exhausted in pre- ceding battles, or because they left them at liberty to accoutre them- .selves as they chose. The ^Mexicans being persuaded that this was a favourable occasion to win the favour of their lord, resolved to ex- ert eveiy effort of their bravery. They armed themselves with long stout staves, the points of which they hardened in the fire, not only to be used against the enemy, but to assist them in leaping from one bush to another if it should prove necessary, as, in fact, they had to combat in the water. They made themselves knives of itzli, and targets or shields of reeds wove togetlier. It was agreed among them, that they were not to employ themselves as it was usual in making prisoners, but to content themselves with cutting off an ear. and leaving the enemy without further hurt. With this disposition they went out to battle, and while the Coihuas and Xochimikas were engaged, either by land on the borders of the lake, or by water in their .ships, the Mexicans rushed furiously on the enemy, assisted by their staves in the water ; cut off the ears of those whom they encountered^ and put them in a basket which they carried for tliat purpose ; but v, hen tiiey could not effect this from the struggles of the enemy, they killed them. By the assistance of the Mexicans, the Coihuas obtained so ^ctomplete a victory that the Xochimikas not only abandoned the field, j2^ HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK II. ^"t afraid even to remain in their city, tliey took refuge in the movnt ■ tains. This action having ended, with so much glory, according to the custom of those nations, the soldiers of the Colhuas presented themselves with their prisoners before their general ; as the bravery of tlie soldiers M^as. not estimated by the number of enemie.'> which were left dead on the field, but of tliose who were made pri.soncrs alive, and shewn to the general. It cannot be doubted, that tliis was a rational sentiment, and a practice conformable to humanity. If the prince can vindicate his rights, and repel force without killing his enemies humanity demands that life should be preserved. If we are to take utility into our conside- ration, a slain enemy cannot hurt, neither can he serve us, but from a prisoner we may derive much advantage without receiving any harm. If we consider glory, it requires a greater effort to deprive an enemy solely of his liberty, than to wrest his life fi'om him in the heat of contest. The Mexicans were likewise called upon to make the shew of their prisoners ; but not having a single one to present, as the only four which they had taken were kept concealed for a particular pur- pose; they were reproached as a cowardly race by the general and the soldiers of the Colhuas. Then the Mexicans holding out tlieir baskets, fidl of ears, said, " Behold from tlie number of ears which we pre- " sent, you may judge of the number of jirisoners we might have " brought if we had incHned; but we were unwilling to lose time in " binding them that we might accelerate your victory." The Colhuas remained awed and abashed, and began to conceive appreliensions from the prudence as well as from the courage of their slaves. The Mexicans having returned to the place of their residence which, as appears, Avas at tliat time Iluitzolopochco, tliey erected an altar to their tutelary gotl ; but being desirous at the dedication of it to make an offer- ing of .something precious they demanded something of their lord for that purpose. . He sent them^in di.sdain, in a dirty rag of coarse cloth, a vile dead bird, with certain filth about it, which was carried by the priests of the Colhuas, who having laid it upon the altar without any h^alutation re- tired. W hatever indignation the Mexicans felt from so unworthy an in.'-ult, reserving their revenge for anotlier occasion, instead of such lilth they HISTOllV OF MEXICO. izi phceA upon the altar a knife of itzli, and an odoriferous herb. The BO 01: II. day of consecration being arrived, the petty king of Colhua, and bis nobility, failed not to be present, not to do honour to the festival, but to make a mockery of his slaves. The Mexicans began this function with a solemn dance, in which they appeared in their best garments, and while the by-standers were most fixed in attention, they brought out the four Xochimilca prisoners whom they had till then kept con- cealed, and after having made them dance a little, they sacrificed them Upon a stone, breaking their breasts with the knife of itzli, and tearing out their hearts, which, whilst yet warm and beating, they offered to their god. This human sacrifice, the first of the kind which we know to' have been made in that country, excited fuch horror in the Colhuas, that hav- ing returned instantly to Colhuacan, they determined to dismiss slaves who were so cruel, and might in future become destructive to the state ; on which Corcox, so was the petty king named, sent orders to them to depart immediately out of that district, and go wherever they might be most inclined. The Mexicans willingly accepted their discharge from slavery, and directing their course towards the north, came to Acatzilzint- lau, a place situated between two lakes, named afterwards Mexicalt- xi?ico, which name is almost the same with that of Mexico, and was given to it without doul.)t from the same motive, as we shall see shortly which made them give it to their capital; but not finding in that sittia- tion the conveniences they desired, or being inclined to remove farther from the Coihuas, they proceeded to Jztacalco, approaching still nearer to the site of Mexico. In Iztacalco they made a little mountain of paper, by which they probably represented Colhuacan (?«), and spent a whole night in dancing around it, singing their victory over the Xochimilcas, and returning thanks to their god for having freed them from the yoke of the Collmas. After having sojourned two years in Iztacalco, they came at last to that situation on the lake where they were to found their city. There they found a nopal, or opuntia, growing in a stone, and over it (m)1\\c Mexicans represented Colhuacan in their plflures by the figure of a hunch-bacted mountain, and the name has exactly that fignification. VOL. I. R ,2a HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK II. the foot of an eagle. On this account they gave to the place, and af" ■ ■ - tervvards to their cit}-, the name of Tenochtitlan {n). All, or at least uU the historians of Mexico, say this was the precise mark given them by their oracle for the foundation of their city, and relate various events concerning it, which as they apjjcar out of the course of nature we have omitted as being fabulous, or at least uncertain. Sf.ct. XTX. As soon as the Mexicans took possession of that place, they erecSled a oOIexico. temple for their god Huitzilopochtli. The consecration of that sanctuary, although miserable, was not made without the effusion of human blood ; for a daring Mexican having gone out in (iiiest of some animal for a sacrifice he encoiTutered with a Colhuan named Xomimitlj after a few words, the feelings of national enmity, excited them to blows; the Mexican was victor, and having bound his enemy carried him to his countr3'men, who sacrificed him immediately, and with great ju- bilee presented his heart torn from his breast on the altar, exercising such cruelty not more for the bloody worship of that false divinity, than the gratification of their revenge upon the Colhuas. Around the sanc- tuary they began to build their wretched huts of reeds and rushes, bcr ing destitute at that time of other materials. Such was the beginning of the city of Tenochtitlan, which in future times was to become the court of a great empire, and the largest and most bcautifiil city of the new world. It was likewise calletl Mexico, the name that afterwards prevailed, which denomination being taken from the name of its tute- lar god, signifies place of Mexilli, or lluilz'dopochlU, as he had both these names (a). (n) Several anthorc!, both Spanifli and of other nations, from ignorance of tlie Mexican langnage have altered this name; and in tlieir books it is read Tenoxtitlan, Teniistitaii, Te- mihtitlan, &c. (o) There is a great dilFcrencc of opinion among authors respecting the etymology of the word Mexico. Some derive it from MetzU, Moon; because they saw the moon represented in that lake as the oracle had predicted. Others say that Mexico mn-xm upon the fountain, ixom having foundoneof good water in that spot; but these two etymologies are too violent, and the first besides is ridiculous. I was once of opinion that the name wa« Mexicco, which means in the center of Maguei, or trees of the Mexican aloe ; but from the study of the history I iiuve been undeceived, and am now positive that Mexico signifies the placeofMe.\itli,or Huitzi- lopochtli, that is, the Mars of theMexicans, onaccount of the sanctuary there erected tohim; so that A/cjico with the Mexicans is entirely equivalent to Fanum Martis of the Romans : the Mexicans take away the final syllabic tU, in the compounding of words of this kind. The co HISTORY OF MEXICO. The foundation of Mexico happened in the year a. Calli, corres- ponding Avitl\ tlie year 1325 of the vulgar era, when Quinatzin, t!ie Checliemeca, was reigning in that country: but by changing their situfttion the Mexicans did not suddenly better their fortune ; for be- ing insulated in the middle of a lake, without lands to cultivate, or jg^arments to cover them, and linng in constant distrust of their neigh- bours, they led a life as miserable as it was in other places, where thev had supported themselves solely on the animal and vegetable pro- duce of the lake. But, v,hen urged by necessity, of what is not human industry capable ? The greatest want which the Mexicans experienced was that of ground for their habitations, as the little ifland of Tenoch- titlan was not sufficient for all its inhabitants. This they remedied a little by making palisades in those places where the water was shal- lowest, \vhich they terraced with stones and turf, uniting to their princi- pal ifland several other smaller ones at a little distance. To procure to themsehes afterwards stone, wood, bread, and every thing necefl'aiy for their habitations, their clothing, and food, they applied themselves with the utmost assiduity to fishing, not only of white fish, of which we have already spoken, but also of other little fish and insects of the marshes -which they made eatable, and to the catching of innumerable kinds of birds which flocked there to feed in the water. By institut- ing a traffic with this game in the other places situated on the bor- ders of the lake, they obtained all they wanted. But the gardens floating on the water, which they made of the bushes and mud of the lake, the structure and form of which we shall else- where explain, discovered the greatest exertion of their industry; on these they sowed maize, pepper, chia, French beans, and gourds. Thus the Mexicans pafled the first thirteen years, giving as much order and form to their settlement as possible, and relieving their dis- tresses by dint of industr}^; imtil this period', the whole tribe- had con- tinued united, notwithstanding the disagreement of the two factions which had formed themselves during their migration. This discord, which was transmitted from father to son, at last burst violently out in added to it is the preposition in. The word Mexicakzinco means the place of the house or tem- ple of the god Metiili ; so thai Huitzilopoclico, Mcxicallzinco and Mexico, the names of three places fuccessively inhabited by the Mexicans, mean the fame thing in substance, R ot ^J4 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK. II. 1338- One of tlie factions not being longer able to endure the other resolved to separate themselves; but not having it in their power to ren^^ove so far as their rage suggested, they went towards the North to reside on a little island at a small distance, which tliey named Xaltilulco, from finding a great heap of sand there," and afterwards, from a terrace which they made, Tlatelolco, a name which it still preserves (/>). Those who established tliemselves on that small island, which v,as afterwards united to that of Tcnochtitlan, had, at that time, the name of Tlat- elolcas, and those who remained in the first situation called themselves Tenochcas; but we shall call them Mexicans, as all historians do. A little before, or a little after, this event, the Mexicans divided their miserable city into four quarters, assigning to each its tutelar god, besides the protecting god of the whole nation. This division subsist.s at })resent under the names of St. Paul, St. Sebastian, St. John, and St. Mary [q). In the centre of these quarters was the sanctuary of Huit- zilopochtli, to ^vhom they daily performed acts of adoration. Sect. XXI. ^'^ honour of that false divinity at this period they made an abo- Another minable sacrifice which is not to be thought of without horror. huiiiun saciilice. They sent an embassy to the pettv king of Colhuacan, requesting him to give them one of his daughters, that she might be consecrated mo- ther of their protecting god, signifying that it was an express com- mand of a god to exalt her to so high a dignity. The petty king en- ticed and infatuated by the glory which he would receive from the dei- fication of his daughter, or intimidated by the disasters which might await him if he refused the demand of a god, granted quickly all that was requested, especially as he could not well suspect what was to hap- pen. The Mexicans conducted the noble damsel with great triumph to their city; but were scarcely arrived, as historians relate, when the demon commanded that she should be made a sacrifice, and after her death ta be Hayed; and that one of the bravest youths of the nation [f) The ancients represented Tlatelolco in their pictures by the figure of a heap of sanJ. Ifttiishad bfcn known by those who unelertook the interpretation of the Mexican pictures, •which were publi.shed wiliv the letters of Cortes at Mexico, in 1770, they would not have called this place Tlatilolco, which name they have interpreted oven. ((/) The (juartcr of St. Paul was called by the Mexicans Teopan and Xockimilca; that of Jicbastian, Atzacualco; that of St. John, Moyotla; and that of St. Mary, Ciicj)opMinn 'compelled at last to beg provisions of his enemies. So easy is il to fall BOOK ill. from the height of human felicity to the lowest .state of misery. ''" He sent one of his grandsons named Cekuacuecuenofzin, to Otompan, one of the rebel states, to recpiest the citizens of it to supply their king M'ith the provifions he stood in need of, and to admonish them to abandon the j)arty of the rebels, and to call to their minds the loyalty they had sworn. Cchnacuecuenotzin, -well knew the danger of the undertaking; but fear being overcome by the generosity of his senti- ments, his fortitude of mind, and fidelity to his sovereign, he shewed himself ready to obey : " I go, my lord," he said, " to execute your " commands, and to sacrifice mv life to the obedience which I owe " you. You cannot i)e insensible how much the Otompanese are alien- " ated from you by espousing the part of your enemy. The whole " country is occu|)ied by the Tepanecas, and every where dangerous ; *' my return is uncertain. But should I perish in your service, and if " the sacrifice which I make you of my life is worthy of any reconi- " pence, 1 pr^y you to protect the two young children I leave behind."' These words, A\hich were accompanied with strong marks of feeling, touched the king's heart, who, in taking leave of him, said, " ]\Iay " our God accompany and return you safe. Alas ! perhaps at your " return, you may find what j'ou fear for yourself, will have happened " to me, tlie enemies being so numerous who conspire against my life." Cihuacuecuenotzin proceeded without dela}' to Otompan, but before he entered he knew that there were, at that time, Tepanecas in the city, M'ho were sent by Tezozomoc, to publish a proclamation ; he was not, however, discouraged, but went intrepidly to the public place where the Tepanecas had assendjled the people to hear the proclamation, and after having saluted them all gracioush, he freely communicated his embassy. The Otompanese made a jest of him and his demand, but none of them dared to proceed farther, until a mean person among them threw a stone at him, exciting others at the same time to put him to death. The Tepanecas, mIio continued still and silent, to observe what reso- lution the Otompanese would take, perceiving now that they openly declared against the kingof Acolhuacan, and his ambassador, cried out, Kill, kill, the traitor ! accompanying their cries with throwing of stones. T 2 ,40 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK III. Ciliuacuecuenotzin, at first, faced his enemies, but seeing himself ovcr- ■ ' ■ • powered by numbers, and endeavouring to save himself by flight, was killed bv a shower of stones. A character entitled to a better fate ! an example of fidelity most worthy to be recorded, which, had the hero been Grecian or Roman, in i)lace of American, would have been the subject of praise of both historians and poets. The Tcpanecas became vainglorious, of an act equally contrary to^ humanity and the rights, of nations; and protested to the multitude the o-reat pleasure they would have in being able to inform their chief, from being eye-witnesses, of the inviolable lidelity of the Otompanese. They also declared, they had been sent expressly to intimate an order not to give assistance to the king of Tezcuco, under pain of proscrip- tion, and to exhort them to take arms against that king, and in defence of their liberty. The lord of Otdmpan, and the heads of the nobi- lity replied, they would willingly obey the order of the king of Azca- pozalco, and olfercd to do every thing in their power to second, his- intentions. They gave speedy intelligence of this event to the lord of Acolman, M'ho was the sou of Tezozomoc, and communicated it to his father: he believing it now time to put his designs in execution, sent for the lords of Otompan and Chalco, on whose fidelity he chiefly relied, and whose states were most conveniently situated for his purpose, and charged them to levy, with all possible secrecy, a sufficient army, and lav themselves in ambuscade in a mountain near to the camp of the Tcscucan king; that from thence they should send two of the most brave and able captains to the royal camp, who, under pretence of imparting some very important secret to the king, should artfully lead him to as great a distance as possible from his people, and then without delay or hesitation to murder him. Every thing happened as the wicked prince Sect. XI. ^^^^ designed. The king then chanced to be in the neigbourhood of Tragicul Tlascala, and entcrtainina: no suspicion of the two captains who came death of I\t- . , , Ji.\o(hiil. to him, fell unwarily into the snare. The deed was done at some little distance, but yet in sight of the royal army. They ran up immediately to chastise the temerity of those two desperate captains, but the army of the conspirators advancing, which was more numerous, they were tjuickly defeated. The royal corpse was w ith difficulty saved, to pay HISTORY OF !\IEXICO. J4j it funeral honours, and the heir of the crown, who was a witness of BOOK lir. the tragic end of his father, was obhged to hide himself in the bushes " to escape the fury of his enemies. Thus did the unfortunate king Ixthlxochitl end his Ufe in 1410, after a reign of seven j-ears. He left several sons, and among^ them Nezahuakojotl, heir to the throne, whom he had by Matlalcihuatzin, daughter of Acamapitzin, kino- of Mexico f^J. This prince was endued with a great genius, and an unparalleled magnanimity, and pre-eminently deserving of the throne of Acolhuacan ; but he was not able, from the superiority of Tezozomoc, to put himself in possession of the throne which was due to him by so many titles, until may years had elapsed, and many dangers and obsta- cles to it M'ere surmounted. The perfidious Tezozomoc had prepared great bodies of troops, that when the premeditated blow on the person of the king should succeed, they might pour down upon the cities of Tezcuco, Iluexotla, Coatli- chan, Coatepec, and Iztapallocan, which had been the most faithful to their lord, and reduce them to ashes. The inhabitants of those cities, who were able to save themselves by flight, took shelter on the other side of the mountains, among the Huexotzincas and Tlascalans ; all the rest died in defence of their country ; but they sold their lives dearly, as the infinite blood spilt on both sides attested. If we should be disposed to trace the source of so many calamities, we should dis- cover no other than the ambition of a prince. Heaven o-rant the sacri- fices to the passions Mere more infrequent in the world and less violent ! How calamitous is it that the avarice or ambition of a prince or his minister is sufficient to cover the plains with human blood, to destroy cities, to overturn kingdoms, and spread confusion over this globe ! The cruelty of the tyrant being appeased by the oppression of his enemies, the king of Acolhuacan was made to take an oath in the city of Tezcuco, to grant to all those who liad taken up arms against him, general pardon, and liberty to return to their habitations. The city of (t) Torquiraada makes Matlalcihuatzin, daughter of Huitzilihuitl ; but how ? He says, that this king when he mounted the throne, was only seventeen years of age, nor yet married : and that he reigned twenty-two, or at most twenty-sLx years. On the other hand, he repre- sents Nezahuakojotl, at the death of his pretended grandfather, of an age able to go to war, and make negotiations to secure himself the crown : from whence he would make out that Huitzilihuitl, before be was twenty-six years married, had grandsons at least twenty years oldi^ ,44 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK HI. Tczciico was f>ivei) in fief to Chinialpopoca, king ot' Mexico, and that ' of Ilucxotla to Tlacatcotl, king of Tiatclolco, as a reward for the services whicli they had rendered during the Avar. lie placed faithful governors in other places, and proclaimed Azcapozalco the royal resi- dence and capital of all the kingdom of Acolhuacan. At this solemnity were present, though in disguise, sCA'cral persons of distinction, enemies of the tyrant, and amongst these the prince Neza- hualcojotl. The grief and rage which filled him, aided hy the ardour of youth, was like to have urged him to a rash action against his enemies, if a confidential friend, who accompanied him, had not with- held him, by representing the fatal consecjuences of such temerity, and making him sensible how much inore prudent it would be to wait tifl time presented him a fitter opportunity for the recovery of his crown, and revenge of his enemies; that the tyrant was already worn out with age, and that his death, which could not be very distant, would entirely change the state of affairs; that the people themselves would come willingly to submit themselves to their lawful sovereign, from a sense of the injustice and cruelty of the usurper. Upon this same occasion, a Mexican ofiicer of respect, (probably Itzcoatl, the brother of the king, and general of the Mexican forces), either of his own accord, or by order of the king Chinialpopoca, ascended the temple, which the Toltecas had at that court, and addressed the multitude around liim, ""Hear, Chcchcmecas, he.ir Acolhuas, and all ye who are present. " Let no one dare to ofll'er any hurt to our son Nezahuacojolt, " nor permit others to hurt him, if lie is not willing to subject liimself " to severe chastisement." Tliis proclamation contributed much to the prince's security, nobody wishing to draw upon himself the anger of a nation which began now to make itself respected. A little time after, many of tlvose nobles who had taken refuge in Iluexotzinco and Tiascala, to avoid the fury of the Tepanecan troops, assembled at Papalotla, a place near to Tezcuco, to deliberate on the conduct they should pursue in the present circumstances ; and they all agreed to submit themselves to the new lords whom the usurper luid apj)()inted to their cities, that they might be free from farther hos- tilities, and attend in peace to the care of their families and habi- tations. HISTORY OF MEXICO. ]4- After having satisfied his ambition witli the usurpation of the king- BOOK Iir. dom of Acolhuacan, and his cruelty with tlie sLiugliter he had com- t^pcT xil iiiitted, the tyrant was desirous of gratifying his avarice by laying new NtwTjxes taxes on his subjects. Besides the tribute which they had hitherto the tyrant. paid their king of provisions, and a robe to array him, he enjoined them to pay him another tribute of gold and precious stones, without advert- ing how much such burdens would tend to exasperate the minds of his subjects, which he should rather have endeavoured to gain by modera- tion and lenity, to give himself more security in the possession of a throne founded on crueltj^ and injustice. The Toltecan and Cheche- mecan nobles answered tl;e proclamation by desiring to present them- selves in person before the king, to be heard on the subject. The arro- gance of the tyrant appeared to them unbounded, and his conduct M idely different from the moderation of the ancient kings of whom he was descended. They agreed to send to him two eloquent deputies the most learned among them, one a Tolteca, the other a Chcchemeca, that each in the name of his nation might remonstrate with energy and force. They both went to Azcapozalco, Avhen being admitted to an audience of the tyrant, the Toltecan orator, in resjject to the greater antiquity of his nation in that country, began first, and represented to him the humble beginning of the Toltecas, the necessities they endured before they rose to that splendour and glory Mhich the^' had for some time en- joyed, and the misery to \\ hich they were reduced since their revolu- tion; he described the deplorable dispersion in which they were found by Xolotl, Avhen he first arrived in that country, and taking a review of the two last centuries, he made a pathetic enumeration of the hard- ships they had suffered, to move the tyrant to compassion, and get his nation exempted from the new grievances. The Tolteca had hardly finished his harangue when the Chechemeca began his: "I, my lord^ may speak to you with greater confidence '•' and libertj' ; as lam a Chechemeca, and address myself to a prince '■ of my own nation, who is a descendant of the great kings Xolotl, " Nopaltzin, and Tlotzin. You are not ignorant that those divine " Chechemecas, your ancestors, set no value on gold or precious stones. " They wore no other crown on their heads than a ^-arland of herbs " and flowers of the field, nor adorned themselves M'ith any other 14 1 HISTORY OF MEXICO. ROOK III. " bracelets than the stiff leather aofainst which beat the strnisr of their " bow in .shooting. Their food at fn-ft was confined to raw flesh, and ])laii\ " herbs, and their dress was the skin of the stags and wild beasts which " they themselves hunted. When they were taught agriculture by the " Toltecas, their kings themselves cultivated the land to encourage by " their example their subjects to fatigue. The wealth and glory to " which fortune afterwards raised them, did not make them more " proud. As kings they certainly made use of their subjects, but as " fathers they loved them, and were contented to be requited by them " with the simple gifts of the earth. 1 do not call to your memory " these illustrious examples of your ancestors, for any other reason than " that I may most humbly entreat you not to demand more from us " now than they did from our predecessors." The tyrant listened to each harangue, and although the comparison drawn between him and the ancient kings was odious, he dissembled his disgust, and contented himself with giving licence to the orators to confirm the order published respecting tl>e new tax. In the mean time, Nezahualcojotl went anxiously through many cities, to gain their affection, that he might replace himself on the throne. But although his subjects loved him, and were desirous of seeing hini in possession of the kingdom, they durst not openly favour his party from their fear of the tyrant. Among the subjects who were the nearest related to him, and had abandoned him, were the lord of Chimalpan his uncle, and Tecpanecatl the brother of his second wife NczahuaLvo- c///7/, of the royal line of Mexico. Persevering in such negotiations, he arrived one evening at a village of the province of Chalco, belong- ing to a lady and wiK III. that such roads were intersected by ditches, with diawbridges over them, but no historian mentions the time of tlieir construction (a), It is not a little wonderful, that the Mexicans, during a life of so many hardships, should have had the spirit to undertake and constancy to execute a work of such magnitude and difficulty. The following day, upon tlie arrival of the prince Nezahualcojotl at Mexico, the Tcpanecan army appeared in the field in great numbers and brilliancy, being adorned w itli plates of s.!;o!(l, and wearing beau- tiful plumes of feathers on their heads, to add to the appearance of their stature. As they marched they made frequent shouts, in boastful anticipation of victory. Their army was commanded by a fiimous general called Muzatl. The tyrant Maxtlaton, although he had accepted the challenge, did not think proper to leave his palace, either because he believed he would degrade himself by going to combat with the king of Mexico, or, which is more probable, because he dreaded the event of the war. As soon as the ^Mexicans were informed of the motions of the Tepanecas, they went out well ordered to meet them, and the signal for engagement being given by king Itzcoatl, by the sound of a little drum which he carried on his shoulder, the armies attacked each other with incredible fury, each being firmly persuaded that the issue of the battle would determine their fate. During the greatest part of the day it was not to be discerned to which side victory inclined, the Tepanecas losing in one place what they gained in another. But a little before the setting sun, the Mexican populace observing the enemy continually increased by new reinforcements, began to be dis- mayed, and to complain of their chiefs, saying to each other, " What are " we about, O Mexicans, shall we do well in sacrificing our lives to " the ambition of our king and our general? How mnch more prudent *' will it be to surrender ourselves, humbly acknowledging our rashness, " that we may obtain pardon and the favour of our lives r" The king, who heard these words with much vexation, and perceived his troops still more discouraged by them, called a council of the prince and general, to take their advice what should be done to dissipate the (a) I believe the Mexicans had before this time constructed the roads of Tacuba and Tepey- acac, but not that of Iztapallapan, which is larger than those, and where the lake is deeper. 2 HISTaHY OF MEXICO. 165 fears of the people. " What?" anfwered Montezuma; " To fight till book ill. " death. If we die with our arms in our hands, defending our liberty, ~ *' we will do our duty. If we survive our defeat, we will remain covered " with eternal confusion. Let us go then, let us figlit till we die." The cries of the Mexicans began already to prevail as if they had been con- quered, fome of them being even so mean-spirited as to call out to their enemies, " O ye brave Tepanecas, lords of the continent, calm your *' indignation ; for now we surrender. Here before your eyes we will " sacritice our chiefs, to gain your pardon to our rashness which their " ambition has occasioned." The king, tlic prince, the general, and nobles, were so enraged at these speeches, that they would instantly have punished the cowards with death, had not the fear of giving victory to the enemy restrained them. Dissembling their displeasure, they exclaim- ed with one voice, " Let us die with glory," and rushed with such vigour upon the enemy, that they repulsed them from a tlitch which they had gained, and made them retreat. Seeing this advantage, the king began to encourage his people, and the prince and general continued to perform signal acts of bravery. In the utmost heat of the engage- ment Montezuma encountered with the Tepanecan general, as he was advancing full of pride from the terror his troops struck to the Mexi- cans, and gave him so furious a blow on the head, that he fell down lifeless at his feet. The report of the victory spread immediately through the whole field, and inspired the Mexicans with fresh courage: but the Tepanecas were so disconcerted by the death of their brave general Mazatl, that they soon went into confusion. Night coming on pre- vented the Mexicans from pursuing their success : upon which both the armies withdrew to their cities, the Mexicans full of courage, and impatient at not being able, from the darkness of the night, to complete their victory ; the Tepanecas downcast and dejected,, though not alto- gether void of hope to be revenged the following day. Maxtlaton, afflicted at the death of his general, and the defeat of his troops, passed that night, the last of his life, in encouraging his cap- tains, and representing to them on the one hand the gloiy of triumph- ing over their enemies, and on the other the misfortunes which must ensue if they were vanquished ; as the Mexicans, who had hitherto 1(56 HISTORY OP MEXICO. l^OOK III. been tributary to the Tepanecas, if they remained victors, M'ould com- ' pel the Tepanecas to pay a tribute to them (b). Sect. XXII, The day at lengtli arrived wliicli was to decide the fate of three kino:s. Conquest ot Oolh armics took the field, and beo-an battle Avith inicommon fury, Azcapozal- ..... . . co.aiid deatli whjch continued MJlh much fierceness and heat till mid-day. The oftietyraut ]\fexicans beinar emboldened from the advantages obtained the pre- ceding day, as well as from a firm belief which possessed them of coming off victorious, made such havock of the enemy, that they strewed the field with dead bodies, defeated them, put them to flight, and pursued them into the city of Azcapozalco, spreading death and terror in every quarter. The Tepanecas, perceiving that even in their houses they could not escape from the fury of the victors, fled to the mountains, m hich lie from ten to twelve miles distance, from Azcapo- zalco. Tlie proud jNIaxtlaton, who, until that day, had looked vith contempt upon his enemies, and conceived himself superior to all strokes of fortune, seeing the ISIexicans had entered his court, and hearing the cries of the vanquished, unable to make any resistance, and fearing to be overtaken if he attempted to fly, hid himself in a teniaz- calli, or cistus ; but as the conquerors sought for him every where, they at last found him : no prayers nor tears with which he implored their mercy could prevail ; they beat him to death with sticks and stones, and threw his body out into the fields to feed the birds of prey. Such was the tragic end of INIaxtlaton before he had completed three years of his tyranny. Thus did they put a stop to his injustice, his cruelty, his ambition, and treachcrj', and the heavy wrongs done by liim to the lawful heir of the kingdom of AcoUuiacan, to his brother Tajatzin, and to the kings of Mexico. His memory is odious and execrable among the annals of those nations. This memorable event, which totally altered the system of those kingdoms, .signalized the year 14C5, of the vulgar era, precisely one century after the foundation of Mexico. (bj From these expressions of the tyrant it is to be inferred, that wlien he made liitn self master of the crown of Azcapozalco, bv the ast in the fatigue; from their example,, their subjects were animated to such activit}^ that in a short time the work was perfectly comjjleted, which must otherwise have been many years in accomplishing. The dyke was nine miles in length, and eleven cubits in breadth, and was composed of two parallel pali- sades, the space between which w^as entirely filled up with stone and sand. The greatest difficulty which occurred, was in being obliged occasionally to work within the lake, especiall}^ in some places where it was of a con- HISTORY OF MEXICO. jg, sklerable depth; but this was overcome by the skill of the conductor, BOOK IV. and the }ierse\crance of the labourers. This dyke was certainly of '~ great use to the city, although it did not entirely protect it from inun- dations ; that, however, is not woaideiful, as the Spaniards, although the, employed European engineers, were not able to effect its security from them, after labouring two centuries and a half upon it, 'and ex- pending many millions of sequins. Whilst this work was going on, the Chalchese rebelled, but were quickly brought under obedience again, although not without the loss of some Mexican o.^icers. The accident of the iiunidation was soon followed by a famine; which Sect, xij arose froiii the harvest of maize, in the years 1448 and 1449, being ex- ^^'"'."^' '" ceedinglv stinted; the frost having attacked the ears while they were yoang and tender. In the year 1450, the crop was totally lost from the want of water. In 1451, besides having unfavourabie seasons, there wa~> a scarcity of grain for seed, so much of it being consumed on acount of the scarcity of preceding haiT&sts; from which in 1452, the necessities of the people became so great, that as the liberality of their king and the nobles was not su/Ticient to relieve them, aIthou"-h tiiey opened their granaries to assist them, they were obliged to ])ur- chase the necessaries of life, with the price of their liberty. Monte- zuma being unable to relieve his subjects from their distress, permit- ted them to go to other countries to procure their support ; but know- ing that some of them made slaves of themselves for two or tjiree days sustenance only, he published a proclamation, in which he command- ed that no woman should sell herself for less than four hundred ears of maize, and no man for less than five hundred. But nothing could stop the destructive consequences of famine. Of those A\ho \^ ent to seek relief in other countries some died of hunger on their way. Others who sold themselves for food, never returned to their native country. The greater part of the Mexican populace supported themselves like their ancestors, on the water fowl, the herbs growing in the marshe.s, and the insects and small fish which they caught in the lake. The following year was not so unfavourable, and at length, in 1454, which was a secular year, there was a most plentiful harvest of maize, and likewise of pulse, and every sort of fruit. jgi HISTORY OF MEXICO. HOOK IV. But the Mexicans were not permitted to enjoy the season of plenty ■^ in quietness, being obliged to go to war against Atonaltzin, lord of the ■^c^, con- ' ^''-^ ^"*^ State of Coaixtlahnacan, in the country of the Mixtecas. quests and fjiis was a powcrful lord, who for some reasons unknown, ^\•ould not I\lQiiiezuma. allow to any Mexican a passage through his lands, and whenever they happened to come there showed them the worst treatment he could. Monteznma being highly offended ^^ith such hostility, sent an eml)assj' to him, to know the motive of his conduct, and threatened him wilh war if lie did not make a proper apology. Atonaltzin received the em- bassy with scorn, and ordering some of his riches to be set before (he ambassadors, " Bear," said he , " this present to your king, and tell " him, from it he may know how much my subjects give me, and " how great the love is which they have for mc; that I willingly ac- " cept of war, by which it shall be decided whether my subjects are " to pay tribute to the king of Mexico, or the Mexicans to me." Montezuma immediately informed the two allied kings of this insolent answer, and sent a considerable army against that lord, who was well prepared, and met them on the frontiers of his state. As soon as the armies came in sight of each other, they engaged; but the Mixtecas rushed with such fury on the Mexicans, that they were thrown into disorder, and forced to abandon their enlerprize. The priflc of Atonaltzin increased with the victory, but foreseeing that the Mexicans \\ould return with a more numerous force, he de- manded assistance from the Huexotzincas and the Tlascalans, whD readily, granted it, rejoicing in having an opportunity of interrupting the success of the Mexican arms. Montezuma, who was much trou- bled at tlio unhapjiy issue of the war, meditated the re-establishment of tlie honour of his crown, for which purpose he speedily collected a numerous and formidable army, resolving to command it himself, to- gether with his two royal allies; but before they set out on their march, he received intelligence that the Tlascalans and Huexotzincas had at- tacked TIachquiauhco, a place in Mixteca, had killed all the Mexican garrison there, and deprived some of the citizens of their lives, and others of their liberty. Montezuma, now warm with indignation, marched towards Mixteca. Neither his own power, nor the assistance HISTORY OF MEXICO. ig^ which he received from his friends, were of any avail to Atonaltzin. r O O K IV. In tha ver}^ first conflict his army was totally defeated, many of his — soldiers were killed, and almost ail his confederates; the few who escaped the fury of the Mexicans fell by the hands of the Mixtecas, in revenare for the unfortmiate issue of the battle. Atonaltzin surrendered to Montezuma, who not only remained in possession of the city, and the state of Coaixtlahuacan, but proceeding farther made himself mas- ter of Tochtepec, Tzapotlan, Tototlan, and Chinautla, and in the two following years of Cozamaloapan, and Quauhtoclrto. The cause of these last wars was the same with many others, namely, the inha- bitants of these places ha\ang in time of peace put some merchants and couriers of Mexico to death. The expedition undertaken in 1457 against CnetlacJitlan, or Cotasta, proved fiir more difficult, and more celebrated. This province, situ- ated, as we mentioned before, on the coast of the Mexican gulf, and founded, or at least inhabited, by the Olmecas, who w-ere driven out by the Tlascalans, was extremely populous. We are ignorant of the oc- casion of the war; we know, however, that the Cotastese foreseeing the storm which threatened them, called the Huexotzincas and Tlasca- lans to their assistance. The two last feeling high resentment for the loss of Coaixtlahuacan, and thirsting for revenge, not only agreed to assist the other, but persuaded the Cholulans also to enter into the con- federacy. These three republics sent numerous forces to Cotasta to wait fox the enemy. Montezuma, on his part, raised a great and brilliant army, in which the flower of the nobility of Mexico, Acolhua, Tlat- elolco, and Tepaneca enlisted. Among other persons of distinction in this army were Axajacatl, the general, Tizoc and Ahuitzotl, all three brothers, and of the royal family of Mexico, who successively filled: the throne after ]Montezuma their cousin. There were also the lords of Colhuacan and Tenaycuca ; but the most respectable character was MoquUiuix, king of Tlatelolco, successor to the unfortunate Quauh- tlatoa. When the army left Mexico, intelligence had not arrived- a£: the confederacy of the three republics with the Cotastese ; as soon as Montezuma knew it, he sent messengers to his generals not to pro- ceed, but to return instantly to his court. The generals entered into a consultation : some were of opinion that they ought to obey the or- der of their sovereign without hesitation ; others thought they were' l84 HISTORY OF MEXICO, BOOK IV. not under obligation to submit to an order,' which would throw such " reflection on their honour, as the nobles must be disgraced and de- graded if they slauuied enc;aging upon an occasion which was so fit to show their bravery. The first opinion prevailed, as being the most safe ; but in setting out on their march to return to Mexico, Moqaihuix the king addressed them : " Let those return, whose spirit can sufler them " to turn their backs upon the enemy, whilst I with my people of " Tlatelolco alone bear olT the honour of the victoiy." This reso- lute determination of Mofjuihuix, so roused and fired the other gene- rals, that tiiey all resolved to meet the danger. At length they joined battle with the enemy, in which the Cotastese, although they fought courageously, were nevertheless vanqiiislied, with all their alli^^s : of •= these last, the greater part were left on the field; of both, six thousand two hundred were made prisoners, who were soon after sacrificed at the festival of the consecration of the Qiiaxicalco, or. the religious edifice ap- propriated for the preservation of the skulls of the victims. The whole of that province remained subject to the king of Mexico, who esta- bli.shed a garrison there, to keep that ]>cople in obedience to the crowr. This great victoiy was p-incipally owing to the bravery of Moquihuix; and even until our day, a Mexican song or ode has been preserved, which was at that time composed in his praise (f). Montezuma more pleased with the happy fortune of the war, than offended at the disobedience to his orders, rewarded the king of 'llatelolco by giving him one of his cousins to wife, v\ho was the sister of the above-men- tioned princes, Axayacatl, Tizoc, and Ahuitzotl. In the mean while the Chalchese were daily lendering themselves more deserving of chastisement, not solely by rebellion, but also b}- the com- mission of other new ofllnces. At this time they had the audacity to take the brother of the king Montezuma himself, who Avas, according to what we can learn, lord of Ehccatepec, with some other Afexicans, pri- soners. A crime of this nature, committed on a person so nearly related in blood to their sovereign, appears to have been a measure contrived by them to get rid of the power of the Mexicans, and make the city of Chalco the rival of Mexico ; as they were desirous of making that (e) Botuiini makes mention of thisode, whith hehaiI,among other manuscripts aiul paint- ings, in his very valuable museum. HISTORY OF MEXICO. l8' lord, king of Chalco; and frequently, though m vain, proposed it [o BOOK IV. him. He perceiving them fixed in their resolution told thcni he ■^ would accept the crown they offered ; but, that the act of his exalta- tion might be the more solemn, he desired they would plant in the market-place, one of the higliest trees, and place a scaffold upon it, from v.hich he might be viewed by all. Every tiling was done as he requested : baring assembled the Mexicans around the tree, be ascended the scalfold v. ith a bunch of flowers in bis hand ; then from the height, in the view of an immense concourse of people, he thus addressed his own people : " Ye knov.' well, my brave Mexicans, that the Chalchese wish " to make me their king; but it is not agreeable to our god that I * should betray our native country, I choose rather to teach you, by my *' example, to place higher value on fidelity to it, than upon life itself." Having spoke thus, he threw himself headlong from the scaffold. Thi^ act, though barbarous, was agreeable to the ideas which the ancients entertained of magnanimity, and was so much less censurable than that of Cato and others, celebrated by antiquity, as the motive was nobler, and the courage bf the Mexican greater. The Chalchese were so en- raged at the deed, that they fell instantly on the other Mexicans and kil- led them with their darts. The next evening they heard by chance the melancholy .screaming of an owl, \\hich, as they were extremely ad« =dicted to superstition, was interpreted, a fatal omen of their approaching ruin. They were not deceived in the anticipation of their disasters ; for Montezuma, highly provoked by their rebellion, and their enormous of- fences, immediately declared war, and caused fires to be kindled on the tops of the mountains, as a signal of the punishment to which he con- demned the rebels. He then marched with his anny against that pro- vince, and made such havoc of the enemy as to leave it almost depo- pulated. Immense numbers were slaughtered, and those who escajjed wth life, fled into the caves of the mountains which rise above the plains of Chalco ; some, to remove themselves still farther from dan- ger, pa.ssing to the other side of the mountains, took refuge in Huexot- zinco and Atlixco. The city of Chalco was sacked and plundered. The fury of revenge was succeeded in Montezuma, as is usual to noble minds, by feelings of compassion for the unfortunate. He proclaimed a general pardon to all the fugitives, particularly for the relief of the VOL. I. Bti v» i86 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK IV. nged, the women, and the children, inviting tlicin to return withouf fear ' to their native country; nor content with tiiat only, he ordered liis troops to traverse the mountains, to call back the wanderers who had fled from man to hnd shelter among tlie wild beasts, and woods. Many returned, wlio were distributed in Amaquemecan', Tlalmanalco, and other places ; but many resigned themselves to their fate in the mountains, from distrust of the pardon, or the excess of their despair. One i)art of the country of Chalco was dividedby Montezuma among the ofl'icers vv1k> had the most distingui.shed themselves in the war. After this expedition the Mexicans conquered Tamazollan, Piaztlan, Xilotepec, Acatlan, and other places. By such rapid conquests Mon- tezimia so enlarged his dominions, that in the east he extended them as far as the gulf of Mexico ; in the south-east, to the centre of Ihe country of the Mixtecas ; in the south, as far asCliilapan, and something beyond it ; in the west, to the valley of Toluca; in the north-west, to the centre of the country of the Otomres ; and in the north, as far as the termination of the vale df^Iexico. But while so attentive to war, this famous king neglected not what concerned internal polity and religion. He published new laws, added to the splendor of his court, and introduced there many ceremonials not known to his predecessors. He erected a lai-ge temple to the god of war, ordained many new religious rites, and increased the number of the priests. The interpreter of Mcndoza's c;ollection adds, tliat Montezuma was himself sober, and remarkably rigorous in punishing drunkenness ; and that by his justice and prudence, and the propriety of his actions, l>e made his subjects fear and love him. At last, after a very glorious reign of twenty-eight years and some months, in 1464 he died, universally regretted. His funeral was celebratetl with more than ordinary solemnity, in i)roportion to the increased magnificence of the court, and the power of the nation. Sect. XIV. Befoi'e his death he assembled the chief nobility of his court, and sixtlf km''' f ^'^'^O''**-^' them to agree among themselves, and prayed of the elector^ Mexico. that they would, affer his death, choose Axayacatl, whom he thought the fittest person to promote the glory of the Mexicans. Whether it was from deference to the opinion of a king who had gained s© much desert fioni his nation, or because they knew the merit of Axayacatl, HISTORY OF MEXICO. ^g the electors dio.s him fn preference to iiis elder brotl;er. lie wa.s Ihe son BOOK IV of Tezozomoc, wlio had been the brother of the three kinns v. ho Dreceded ^=~- =^ Montezuma, and a son, as well as they, of king Acainapitzin, ' After the festival of the election, the new kin-, after the example of his prcdeces.-ors, went to war, to collect victims for a sacrifice at his coronation. He made his expedition a-ainst the province of Tecua'i. tepee, situated 0:1 tlie coast of the Pacific Ocean, four hundred miles to the south-east, from Mexico. The people of Tecuantepec were vveli prepared, and in confederacy with their neighbours, to oppose the at. tempts of the Mexicans. In the keen battle which took place, Axaya- catl, who co;nmanded as general, pretended fligiit, to lead the enemy into an ambuscade. They pursued the Mexicans, triumphing in th^ir victory, when suddenly they found themselves attacked behind by one part of the Mexican army which came from their ambush, and attacked in front by those who were flying, and had now faced about ui)on them ; harassed thus on both sides, they weie soon totally defeated. The enemy, who were able to save themselves by flight, uere pursued by the Mexicans as hv as the city of Tecuantepec, to which they set fne, and taking advantage of the confusion and consternation of the people, they extended their conquests as far as Coatuico, a maritime l^lace, the port of which was much frequented by the vessels of the Spaniards, in the next century. From this expedition AxayacatI re- turned enriched with spoils, and was cro\vned ^vith the greatest pomp, there being a procession of the tribute-bearers, and a sacrifice made of the prisoners. In the first years of his roign, following the steps of his pre- decessor, he applied himself to the extension of his conquests. In 1467 he reconquered Cotasta and Tochtepec. In 1468 he obtained a com- plete victory over the Huexotzincas and Atlixcas; and on his return to Mexico he undertook the building of a temple, which he called Coaf- Ian. The Tlatelolcos erected another in rivalship, which they called Coaxoloil; by which the discord between these two kings was revived, which turned out, as we shall see hereafter, ftital to the Tlatelolco.s! In 14^19, Totoquihuatzin, the first king of Tacuba, died, who, for up- ■wards of forty years, while he held that small kingdom, was constantly faithful to the king of Mexico, and served him in almost all the war;? which he undertook against the enemies of the state. He was succeeded B b 2 - ' jgS ■ inSTORY OF MEXICO." iSOOK IV. in ihe throne by his son Chimalpopooa,. who resembled him no less in hn — — 7^~ bravery than his fidelity. Deatii and The loss which the Mexicans sufTered, iu 1470, by the death of the culogiumof g-reat Xczahualcoiotl, kinpj of Acolhuacan, was far more afflicting. This king Neza- f ^ ; ^ , , r • a ■ tt- hualcojotl. kmg was one oi tlie most renowned heroes 01 ancient America. His cou- rage, which in his youth was ralher fool hardiness, however great it ap- peared, was still one of the less noble fliculties of his soul. His forti- tude and constancy during the thirteen years which he continued de- prived of the crown, and persecuted by the usurper, were truly won- derful. His integrity in the administration of justice was inflexible. To make his nation more civilized, and to correct the disorders intro- duced into the kingdom in the time of the tyrant, he published eighty laws, Avhich were afterwards compiled by his celebrated descendant D. Ferdinando D'Alba Ixtlilxochitl, in his manuscript, intitled, Storia de' Sig7wri Cicimechi. He oixiained that no suit, ci\il or criminal, should be prolonged more than eighty days, or four Mexican months. E^'erv eigiity days there was a great assembly iu the royal palace, at which the judges and delinquents attended. Whatever causes had been left undecided in the four preceding months, M-ere infallibly determin- ed on that day ; and those M-ho were convicted of any crime, immedi- ately and without any remission, received punislunent proportioned to their offence, in presence of the whole assemWy. To ditferent crimes, different punishments belonged ; some were punished with tiic utmost rigour, particularly adultery, sodomy, theft, homicide, drunkenness, and treason to the state. If we are to credit the Tezcucan historians, he put four of his own sons to death, for committing incest with their mother-in-law. His dcmcncy to the unfortunate was also remarkable. It was for- bid, under pain of death, throughout the kingdom, to take any thing from another's field ; and so strict was this law, that the stealing of se- ven ears of maize was sufficient to incur the penalty. In order to provide, in some measure, for necessitous travellers, witiiout breach of this lawj Nezahualcojotl commanded that b»th sides of the principal highways shonlil be sown witli maize and other secd.s, with the fruits of which those who were in want might supply themselves. A great part of his revenue was spent in relief of the poor, particularly those HISTORY OF MEXICO. jgo who were aged, sick, and in widowhood. To prevent the consump- BOOK. IV. fion of the woods, he prescribed limits to those who cut wood, and •=== forbad trespasses on them, under severe penalties. Being- desirous of knowing if this prohibition was strictly obsen-ed, he went out one dav in disguise, with one of his brothers, and took the, way to the foot of the neighbouring mountains, where the boundaries prescribed com- menced. There he found a youth employed in gathering the small chips which remained of some wood that had been cut, and asked him why he did not go into the woods to cut fuel. Because the king, said the lad, has forbid the trespassing on these limits, and if we do not obey him he will punish us severely. Neither importunity nor promises which the king made, were sufficient to make him Avilling to transgress. The compassion excited in him by this poor youth, moved him t,o en- large the former limits he had fixed. He was particularly zealous in hi.s attention to the faithful admi- nistration of juSth^e.; and that none from their necessities might plead an excuse for being r;orrupted by any of the contending parties, he ordered the support of all his ministers and judges, their clothing, and every necessary, according to the rank and quality of the person, to be sup- plied out of the royal treasury. So much was expended annually in his houshold, in the support of his ministers and magistrates, and iix relief of the poor, it would be totally incredible, nor should we be bold enough toM-riteit, were it not certified by the original paintings, seen and examined by the first religious missionaries, who were em- ployed in the conversion of these people, and confirmed by the testi- many of a third grandson of this same king, who being converted to ehristianity was baptized by the name of Don Antonio Pimentel f/)» The annual expenditure made by Nezahualcojotl, reduced to Castiliaa measure, was therelbre as follows: Of Maize, ... 4,900,300 Fanegas {§), Of Cocoa nuts, - - - 2,744,000 Fan. Of Chili or common pepper and Tomate, 3,200 Fan. Of Chiltecpin, or small pepper, - 240 Fan. (/) Torquemada the historian hadthese paintings in his hands, by liis own testimony. {g) The Fanega is a Spanish measure for dry goods, containing about a hundred Spanish pounds, or one hundred and thirty Roman pounds. t^o HISTORY OP MEXICO. BOOK IV. Of f^a'.t, .... 1,^00 large boikets. ''^" Of Turkeys. - - - ?,co3. The quantitj' consumed of Chia, Frendi beauF, ard other lej^mi- lioiis plants; of deei- aUo, and ducks, quail?, and otiiei 1m. ds, wa.s in- fnr.tc and numberless. Ever}^ person v ill ea-ily coui]>i.;liend how great the extent of population must have been to ama'^s such a vast quantity of maize and cocoas ; particularly j;s it was necessary to procure tl.is last by co.nmerce with warm co\in!:ies, tiiere beinj^ no foil in all (lie kingdoni of Acolhuacan t:t for the culture of this plant. Dtiring- one half of the V'ear, or nine Mexican months, four- teen cities furnished such provisions, and tiiteen other ci*ies supplied them during the other half year. Young men ^vere employed to carry en their backs the fuel which was consumeOOK IV . olziiicas when they came up to the defence of their general, am tlie place the name of that day on which he had obtained the \ Thus did those, who are thought by many to have no views of fntiii iu , seek to immortalize their name and the s^lorv of their actions. Tiie king of Tezctico had aheadv several wives, who were descended ^,^^'^7' ^^ . of noble houses; but he had not declared any of them his queen, having king Ncza- resen'ed that honour ior one whom* he was to take of the royal family of t^"o'p|,'t,'ie |l! Mexico. He demanded her of king Tizoc, who gave him one of his diesofMe.\i- grand-daughters, and daughter of Tzofxocatzin. The nuptials were so^ lemnized in Tezcuco, a great concourse of the nobility of both courts being present. This lady had a sister possessed of singular beauty, who was named Xocotzin. They loved each other so much, that not being able to endure a separation, the new queen obtained permission from her fother, to take her sister along with her to Tezcuco. By frequently viewing and conversing with his beautiful cousin, the king became so enamoured, that he resolved to wed her also, and raise her to the dignity of queen. These second nuptials, according to the account given by historians, were the most solemn and magnificent which were ever celebrated in that country. A short time after, the king had by his first queen, a soii named Cacamalxin, who succeeded him in the crown, and being afterwards made prisoner by the Spaniards, died unhappily. By the second he had Hiiexotzincalzin (o), of Mhom we shall speak jiresently, Coanacolxin, who was also king of Acolhuacan, and, some time after the conquest b}' the Spaniards, ordered to be hanged by the conqueror Cortes, and ixtlUxodiitl, who became a confederate of the Spaniards again.^t the Mexicans, and was converted to Christianity, and baptized I V the name and surname of that conqueror. Whilst Nezahualpilli continued to multiply his descendants, enjoying great peace and tranquillity in his kingdom, the death of the king of Mexico was plotted by some of his feudatory subjects. Tecliotlalla, ^f'^cr. xxr. ,,/.».! • "i ■ n ,~,'' • , 1 • . Trajiic death lord oi Iztapalapan, either m resentment or some aiiront he had received, ot'kinT or grown impatient of subordination to Tizoc, conceived the guilty pur- Tizoc. pose of attempting the king's life, but discovered it to those only whom (o) The name Huexotziiicatl given to that prince, was certainly on account of his victory oVer the Hue.xotzincas. 200 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK IV. SECT. XXII. Ahuitzotl, eighth king >'f Mexi'.o, STCT. X.\llt. Deilicalioii of the greater temple of Mexico. he thought capable of putting it in execution. He and Maxtlaton lord of Tlachco, agreed upon the manner in which they were to accom- plish the dangerous deed. Historians are not of one opinion on this head. Some of them relate that they employed sorceresses, who, by means of their arts, took his life from him; but this is evidently a popular fable. Others aftirm that they administered poison to him. A\'hich ever was his mode of death, it is certain that their machinations were suc- cessful. Tizoc died in the fifth year of his reign, the 1482d of the \ulgar era. He was a person of a circumspect, serious, character; and rigorous, like his predecessors and successors, in punishing delin- (juents. During liis time the power and wealth of the crown had arrivt'd to such a height, that he undertook to construct a temple to the tutelary god of the nation, which was to have surpassed, in grandeur and inagnificencc, all the temples of that country; he had prepared a vast (juantity of materials for that purpose, and had begun the structure when death interrupted his projects. The Mexicans, well knowing their king had not fallen by any natural death, sought revenge before they proceeded to a new election. They were so diligent in their enquiries and search, that they soon detected tJie perpetrators of the act, and executed sentence upon them in the greater piUjlic place of the city of Mexico, in presence of the two allied kings, and of all the Tezcucan and Mexican nobilit}-. The electors being assendjled to appoint a new king, they chose Ahuitzotl, the brother of their two preceding kings, who was already general of tiie army; fur, from the time of Chimalpopoca the custom had prevailed of exiilting no one to the throne who had not first occupied that pions and cloathing to the necessitous. He rewarded his captains and soldiers M'ho distinguished themselves in war, and the ministers and officers of the crown who served him with fidelity, with gold, silver^ jewels, and precious feathers. These virtues were put to the foil by some vices ; as he was capricious, vindictive, and sometimes cruel, and so inclined to war, that he appeared to hate peace; from whicli the name Ahuitzotl was used proverbially by the Spaniards of that kingdom to signify a man whose troublesome vexatious temper would not permit another to live (.r). But he was in other respects good humoured, and delighted so much in music, that he never wanted neitlier by night nor day this amusement in his palace; but it must have been prejudicial to the public good, as it robbed him of a great part of that time which should (jt) The Spaniards say, >,'. es niio Ahuitzote ; Questi es I'Ahuitzotc ili N. a niiino nianca il suo Ahuitzote, &c. 006 HISTORY OF MEXICO. ROOK IV. liavo been ckdicatod to tlio important concerns of his kingdom. lie Avaj! not less attaclicd to the conipan\' of women. His predc^ccssors had m:Hi\- wives, from an opinion that their anthority and grandeur woidd be heightened in proportion to the number of persons who contributed to their pleasures. Ahuitzotl having so much extended his dominion";, and increased the power of the crown, was desirous also of shewing the sujierrority of his grandeur over that of his ancestors, in the excessive numljcr of his wives. In this state was tlie court of Mexico at the beginning of the sixteenth century ; of that century so fruitful in great events, during which that kingdom was to put on a ([uite dilVerent aspect, and the whole order and system of tlie new world was to bf reversed. r/ y. Td.I.Faiff 20 J '///' ■ /,- • -// //I, I /^7^Cility, and heard the congratulatory harangues of the orators. The first speech was made by Nezahualpilli, king of Acolhuacan, which we present to our readers such as it is preserved tn us bv the Mexicans. " The greht good fortune," he said, " of the Mexican monarchy is " made manifest from the unanimity in your election, and tiie uncommon " applause with which it is celebrated by all. All have in truth reason " to celebrate it, for the kingdom of Mexico is arrivetl at such great- " ness, no less fortitude than your invincible heart possesses, no less " wisdom than that which in you we admire, would be suflicient " to support .so great a load. It is most evident, how strong the love " is which the omnipotent God bears to this nation ; as he has en- " lightened it, that it may discern and choose that which can be most " beneficial to it. Who is able to persuade himself that he, who, as :i " private individual, has searched into the mysteries of heaven (it), " will not now, when king, know the things of this earth, which " will preserve the happiness of his snlijccts? That he, who on so " many occasions has displayed the greatness of his soul, will not now " retain it when it is become most necessary to him? Who can believe, " that whrre there is so much courage and so nuicli wisdom, the' widow " or the orphan will ever apply without relief? The Mexican empire " has unquestionably attained the height of its power, as the Creator of *' heaven has invested you with so much authority as to inspire all those " who behold you with awe and respect. K joice, th-.^efore, O happy (rt) This saj'iiig of Xeza'iualpilli appears to imply that Montezuma was engaged in thfe sillily ofa-strononiy. HISTORY OF MEXICO, -WJ "' land, that you are destined to have a prince who will not only be thy B OOK V . " support, but will by his clemency prove a father and brother to his sub- " jecls. Thou hast, indeed, a king who will not seize the occasion of his " exaltation to give himselt" up to luxury, and lie sluggishly in bed, aban- ** doned to pastimes and effeminate pleasiu-es; his anxiety for thee rather " will wake and agitate his bosom in the softest hour of repose, nor " will he be able to taste food, or relish the most delicious morsel, while " thy interests are oppressed or neglected. And do j'ou, noble prince and " most powerful lord, be confident, and trust that the Creator of hea- " ven, who has raised you to so high a dignity, will give you strength " to discharge all the obligations which are annexed to it. He who " has hitherto been so liberal to you, will not now be niggardly of his " precious gifts, having himself raised you to the throne on which I wish " you many years of happiness." Montezuma heard this harangue with much attention, and was so greatly aiTected by it, that he attempted three times to answer it, but could not, from the interruption of the tears, which the secret pleasure he felt produced, and gave him the appearance of much humility ; but, at last, after checking his emotions, he replied in few words, declar- ing himself unworthy of the station to which he was exalted, and returning thanks to that king for the praises which he bestowed on him ; and after hearing the other addresses on this occasion, he returned to the temple to keep fast for four days, at the end of which he was re-conducteJ with great state to the royal palace. He thought now of going to war to procure victims to be sacri- ficed at his coronation. This disaster fell upon the Atlixchese, who some time before had rebelled against the crown. Tiie king, accordingly, set out from the court, with the flower of the noljilit}^ his brothers and cousins being amongst the number. In this war the Mexicans lost some brave officers; but, notwithstanding, they reduced the rebels under their former yoke, and Montezuma returned victorious, bring- ing along with him the prisoners which he required at his corona- tion. On this occasion was displayed so much pomp of games, dances, tiicatrical representations and illuminations, and with such variety and richness of tributes sent from the different })rovinces of the kingdom, that foreigners never known before in Alexico, came to see VOL. I. 2 E ■2L0 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK V. SEtT. II. Di'portineiit ami ( erenio- nialsot king Muittczvuiia. it, and even the enemies of the Mexicans, namely, the Tlascalans ami Michuacanese were present in disguise at the spectacle; but Montezuma having intelligence of this, with a generosity becoming a king, ordered them to be properly lodged and entertained, and caused several scafl'olds to be erected where they might with ease and conveniency vievi^ the whole of the solemnity. The first act of this kind was to reward a renowned captain, named Tlilxocldtl, with the state of Tlachaucho, for the great services he had rendered his ancestors during several wars : a truly happy commence- ment of a reign, had his succeeding conduct been correspondent to it. But he had scarce begun to exercise his authority when he discovered the pride which had hitherto lain concealed luider an exterior of seeming humility. All his predecessors had been accustomed to confer offices on persons of merit, and those who appeared the most able to discharge them, honouring without partiality the nobility, or those of the class of plebeians occasionally, notwithstanding the solenm agreement entered into by the nobility and plebeians in the reign of Itzcoatl. Monte- zuma as soon as he seized the reins of government shewed (juite differ- ent sentiments, and disapproved of the conduct of his predecessors, un- der pretence that the plebeians should be employed according to their rank, for that in all their actions the baseness of their birth and the meanness of their education were apparent. Being biassed by this maxim, he stripped the plebeians of those offices which they held either in his royal mansion, or about the court, and declared them incapable of holding any such in future. A prudent old man, who liad been his tutor, represented to him that this resolution would alienate the minds of the people from him; but no remonstrances were sufficient to divert him. from his purpose. All the servants of his palace consisted of persons of rank. Besides those wlro constantly lived in it, every morning six hundred feudatory lords and nobles came to pay court to him. They passed the whole day in the anti-chamber, where none of their servants were permitted to- enter, conversing in a low voice, and waiting the orders of their sovereign. The servants who accompanied those lords, were so numerous as to oc- cupy three small courts of the palace, and many waited in the streets. The women about the court were not les»^ in number, including those of rank,. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 211 servants, and slaves. All this numerous female tribe lived shut up iu a BOOK Y . kind of seraglio, under the care of some noble matrons, who watched over their conduct; as these kings were extremely jealous, and every piece of misconduct which happened in the palace, however slight, was severely punished. Of these women the king retained those who pleased hiin (t/); the others he gave away, as a recompeuce for the services of his vassals. All the feudatories of the crown were obliged to reside for some months of the year at the court; and at their return to their states, to leave their sons or brothers behind them, as hostages, which the king de- manded as a security for their fidelity; on which account they required to keep houses in Mexico. The forms and ceremonials introduced at court, were another effect of the despotism of Montezuma. No one could enter the palace, either to serve the king, or to confer with him on any business, without pull- ing otf his shoes and stockings at the gate. No person was allowed to appear before the king in any pompous dress, as it was deemed a want of respect to majesty ; consequently the greatest lords, excepting the nearest relations of the king, stripped themselves of the rich dress which they wore, or at least covered it with one more ordinary, to shew their humility before him. All persons on entering the hall of audience, and before speaking to the king, made three bows, saying at the first, lord; at the second, my lord; and at the third, great lord (e). They spoke low, and with the head inclined, and received the answer which the king gave them by means of his secretaries, as attentively and humbly as if it had been the voice of an oracle. In taking leave, no person ever turned his back upon the throne. The audience hall served also for his -dining room. The table wds a large pillow, and his seat a low chair. The table cloth, napkin.s, and towels were of cotton, but very fine, white, and always perfectly clean. The kitchen utensils wore of the earthen ware of Cholula; but none of these things ever served him more than once, as immediately after he gave them to one of his nobles. The cups in which they prepared his ((/) Some historians ailirni that Monlezuma had a hundred and fifty of his wives prftgnaiit. at once; but it is certainly not very credible. (f) The Mexican wurdsarc, Tlaioani, lord ; Notlatocatiin, my lord; andtliut'atoani, great lord. 2 E 2 212 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK V. chocolate, and 'Other drinks of the cocoa, were of gold, or some beau- tiful sea-shell, or naturally formed vessels curiously varnished, of which we shall speak hereafter. He had gold plate, but it was used only ou certain festivals, in the temple. The number and variety of dishes at liis table amazed the Spaniards who saw them. The conqueror Cor- tez, says, that they covered the floor of a great hall, and that there were dishes of every kind of game, fish, fruit, and herbs of that coun- try. Three or four hundred noble \^ouths carried this dinner in form; j)resented it as soon as the king sat down to table, and immediately retired; and that it might not grow cold, everv dish was accompanied with its cliafmg-dish. The king marked with a rod, whicii he had in his hand, the meats which he chose, and the rest were distributed among the nobles who were in the anti-chamber. Before he sat down, four of the most beautiful women of his seraglio presented water to him to wash his hands, and continued standing all the time of his dinner, together with six of his principal ministers, and his carver. As soon as the king sat down to table, the carver shut the door of the hall, that none of the other nobles might see him eat. The ministers stood at a distance, and kept a profound silence, unless when they made answer to what the king said. The carver and the four women served the dishes to him, besides two others who brought him bread made of maize baked with eggs. He frequently heard music during the time of his meal, and was entertained with the humourous sayings of some deformed men whom he kept out of mere state. He shewed much sa- tisfaction in hearing them, and observed that, amongst their jests, they frequently pronounced some important truth. When his dinner was over he took tobacco mixed with liquid amber, in a pipe, or reed beau- tifully varnished, and with the smoke of it put himself to sleep. After having slept a little, upon the same low chair he gave audi- ence, and -listened attentively to all that was communicated to him ; encouragetl those who, from embaiTassment, were unable to speak to liim, and fmswered every one by his ministers or secretaries. After gi\ - ing audience, he was entertained with music, being much delighted •with liearing the glorious actions of his ancestors sung. At other times he, amused himself with seeing various games played, of which we shall speak hereafter. When he went abroad, he was carried on the HISTORY OF MEXICO. 213 slioulders of the nobles in a litter covered with a rich canopy, attended BOOK V. by a numerous retinue of courtiers; and wherever he passed, every person stopped with their eyes shut, as if they feared to be dazzled with the splendour of majesty. When he alighted from the litter to walk on foot, they spread carpets, that he might not touch the earth with his feet. The grandeur and magnificence of his palaces, houses of pleasure, skct. m. woods, and gardens, were correspondent to this majesty. The palace of ficence'of tbe his usual residence was a vast edifice of stone and lime, which had twenty palaces and ,.,,,. - , . „ ' royal kouses, doors to the public square and streets; three great courts, in one of which was a beautiful fountain, several halls, and more than a hundred chambers. Some of the apartments had walls of marble and other valuable kinds of stone. The beams were of cedar, cypress, and other excellent woods, well finished and carved. Among the halls there was one so large, that, according to the testimony of an eye-witness of veracity (/), it could contain three thousand people. Besides this palace, he had others, both within and without the capital. lu Mexico, besides the seraglio for his wives, there was lodging for all his ministers and counsellors, and all the officers of his household and court; and also accommodation for foreign lords who arrived there, and particularly for the two allied kings. Two houses in Mexico he appropriated to animals; the one for i)irds, which did not live by prey; the other for those of prey, quadruneds, and reptiles. There were several chambers belonging to the first, and galleries supported on pillars of marble, all of one piece. These galleries looked towards a garden, Avhere, in the midst of some shrub- bery, ten fish-ponds were formed, some of them of fresh water for the aquatic birds of rivers, and others of salt-water for those of the sea. In other parts of the house were all sorts of birds, in such number and variety, as to strike the Spaniards with wondei-, who could not believe there was any species in the world wanted to the collection. Tiiev were supplied with the same food which they fed upon while tiiev enjoyed their liberty, whether seeds, fruits, or insects. For those birds (/) The anonymous conqueror, in his valuable relation or narrative. He says also, that he went four different times into that great palace, and ranged over it till he was fatigued, but could not see it all. 214 HISTORY OF MEXICO. HOOK V. who lived on fish only, the daily consumption was ten Castilian pesos of fish, (according to the testimony of the contiueror Cortez, in his letters to Ciiarles V.) which is more than three hundred Roman pounds. Three hundred men, says Cortez, were employed to take cure of those birds, besides their physicians, who obser\ed their distempers, and applied timely remedies to them. Of those three hundred men, some procured them their food, others distributed it, others took care of their eggs at the time of their incubation, and others picked their plumage at certain seasons of the year; for, besides the pleasure which the king took in seeing so great a multitude of animals collected together, he was principally careful of their feathers, not less for the sake of tiie famous Mosaic images, of which we shall speak hereafter, than of the other works which were made of them. Tlie halls and chambers of those houses were so many in number, as the conqueror above mentioned attests, that they could have accommodated two great princes with all their retinue. This celebrated house was situated in a place where, at present, the great convent of St. Francis stands. Tiie other house appropriated to the wild animals, had a large and handsome court, with a chequered pavement, and was divided into various apartments. One of them contained all the birds of prey, from the royal eagle to the kestrel, and many individuals of every species. These birds were distributed, according to their si)ecies, in various sub- terraneous chandlers, which were more than seven feet deep, and upwards of seventeen in length and breadth. The Irdf f)f every chamber ^\as covered \vi1li Hat stones; and sttikes were fixed in the \vall, on which they might sleep, and be defended from rain. The other half of the chamber was onh^ covered with a lattice, through w hich they enjoyed the light of the sun. For the support oi these birds, were killed, daily, near five hundred turkeys. In the same house were many low halls filled with a great number of strong wooden cages, in which lions, tigers, wolves, coyotoo, and wild cats were confined, and all other kinds of wild beasts, wiiich were fed upon deer, rabbits, hares, tcH.iichis, and-other animal.^ and the intestines of iiuman sacrifices. The king of Mexico not only ke^it all the species of animals, which oilier princes do for state, but likewise such as by nature seemed ex- HISTORY OF MEXICO. 'ili empted from slavery ; namely, crocodiles and serpents. The serpents BOOK V. were kept in larpre casks or vessels ; the crocodiles in ponds, which were walled round. There were also various ponds for fish, two of which, that are remaining and still beautiful, we have seen in the palace of Chapoltepec, two miles from Mexico. Montezuma, who was not satisfied with having every sort of animal in his palace, also collected there all irregularly formed men, who either from the colour of their hair or of their skin, or some other deformity in their persons, were oddities of their species; — a humour this, how- ever, not unattended with beneficial consequences, as it gave maintenance to a number of miserable objects, and delivered them from the inhuman insults of their other fellow-creatures. All his palaces were surrounded with beautiful gardens, where there was every kind of beautiful flower, odoriferous herb, and medicinal plant. He had, likewise, woods inclosed with walls, and furnished with variety of game, in which he frequently sported. One of those woods was upon an island in the lake, known at present among tne Spaniards by the name of Pinon. Of all these palaces, gardens, and woods, there is now remaining the wood of Chapoltepec only, which the Spanish vicero)^s have pre- served for their pleasure. All the others were destroyed by the con- querors. They laid in ruins the most magnificent buildings of anti- quity, sometimes fi'om an indiscreet zeal for religion, sometimes in re- venge, or to make use of the materials. They neglected the culti- vation of the royal gardens, cut down the woods, and reduced that coun- try to such a state, that the magnificence of its former kings could not now find belief, were it not confirmed by the testimony of those who ^vere the causes of its annihilation. Not only the palaces, but all the other places of pleasure, were kept in exquisite order and neatness, even those which were seldom or never visited; as there was nothing in which he took more pride than the cleanliness of his own person, and of every thing else which was his. He bathed regularly every day, and had baths, therefore, in all his palaces. Every day he wore four dresses ; and that which he once put off, he ne- sect. iv. ver after used a^ain: these were resented as lareesses for the nobles who "^'1*^8"^"^'. ^ _ ° and bad oi served him, and the soldiers who behaved gallantly in Avar, Every Montezuma.. !21f) HISTORY OF MEXICO. BO OK V . moniiug, according to the accounts given by some historians, upwards of a tliousand men were employed by him in sweeping and watering the streets of the city. In one of the royal buildings was an armory fdled with .all kind of olVoiioive and defensive arms, which were made use of bv those na- tions, with military ornaments, and ensigns. He kept a surprising num- ber of artificers at work, in manufacturing these and other things. He had numerous artists constantly busied likewise ; namely, goldsmiths, Mosaic work-men, sculptors, painters, and others. One whole district consistetl solely of dancing-mastei's, who were trained up to entertain J lim . His zeal for religion was not less conspicuous than his magni- ficence. He built several temples to his gods, and made frequent sacrifices to them, observing with great punctuality the established rites and ceremonies. lie was extremely careful that all the temples, and in particular the greater temple of Mexico, should be well kept, and excjuisitely clean; but his vain fear of the auguries and pretended oracles of those false divinities totally debased his mind. He was anxiously attentive to the execution of his orders, and the laws of the kingdom, and was inexorable in punishing transgressors. He tried, fre(iucntly, by secret presents, the integrity of his magistrates ; and whenever he found any of them guilty, he punished them without remission, even if they were of the fii^st rank of the nobility. He was an implacable enemy to idleness, an^gusted his people; but, on the other hand, he gained their love by his liberality in supplying the necessities of individuals, as well as rewarding his generals and ministers. Amongst other things wortiiv to be recorded with the highest praises, and to lie imitated by all HISTORY OF MEXICO. 217 ))rinc'ts, he allotted the city of Colhuacan as an hospital for all invalids, BOOK V. who, after having done faithful service to the crown, either in military or civil employments, required a provision for their age or infirmi- ties. They were there maintained, and attended to at the expence of the king. Such were the good and bad qualities of the celebrated Mon- tezuma; which we have thought proper to lay before the reader here, before we go on to detail the events of his reign. In the beginning of his government, he put to death Malinalli, lord of Tlachquiauhco, for rebellion again-st the crown of Mexico ; he re- duced the state again under his obedience, and conquered, also, that of AdnotlaH. A little time after, another war broke out more serious and dangerous, in which he was not so successful. Amongst the many provinces which either voluntarily subjected them- sect. -«. selves to the Mexicans from fear of their power, or were conquered by ^^\^ force of arms, the republic of Tlascala remained alwaj's unsubdued, hav- ing never bowed to the Mexican yoke, although so little distant from the capital of that empire. The Huexotzincas, Cholulans, and other neigh- bouring states, who were formerly allied with the republic, growing jea- lous afterward of its prosperity, exasperated tjie Mexicans against it, by insinuating that the Tlastalans were desirous of making themselves masters of the maritime provinces on the Mexican gulf, and that by their commerce with those provinces, they were daily increasing their power and their wealth, and were gaining the minds of the people with M'houi thcv had trailick. The commerce of the Tlascalans, of which the Huex- otzincas com})lained, was both justifiable and necessary; becau.se, be- sides that the greater part of the people of these coasts were originally of riascala, and considered each other as kindred and relations; the Tlas- calans were under the necessity of providing themselves from thence Mith what cocoas, cotton, and salt they wanted. Nevertheless the representations of the Huexotzincas had such influence on the Mexi- cans, that since the time of Montezuma I. all the kings of Mexico had treated the 'I lascalans as the greatest enemies of the empire, and had al- ways maintained strong garrisons on the frontiers of Tlascala, to obstruct tlieir commerce witli the maritime parts. The Tlascalans finding themselves deprived of tiieir freedom of com- jncrce, and coiiiequenth' of tlie means of obtaining some of thei^ecessaries VOL. I. 2 F ■^IS HISTORY OF MEXICO. .7?.*''.^_^„ '->f l'^t^ resolvfd to send an embassy to the Mexican nobility, (probably in the time of king Axayacatl) comphiining of the w rong done them through the false insinnations of their rivals. The Mexicans, who were beeom(> insolent from prosperity, replied, tliat the king of Mexico was lord of all the world, and all mortals were his vassals; and that as such, the Tiascalans should render him due obedience, and acknowledge him by tribute, after the cxami)le of other nations; but if they refused snl)- jection, they must perish without remedy, their city would be sacked, and their country given to be inhabited by another race of people. To so arrogant and weak an answer, the ambassador returned these spirited words: " Most powerful lords, Tlasc;da owes you no subscription, nor " Lave the Tiascalans ever acknowledged any prince with tributes since " their ancestors left the countries in the North, to inhabit this land. " They ha\e always preserved their liljerty, and being unaccustomed to •' the slavery to which you pretend to subject them, rather than sub- " mit to your power, they will shed more blood than their fathers " shed in the famous battle of Pojauhtlan." The Tiascalans, alarmed at the arrogant and ambitions pretensions of the Mexicans, and despairing of being able to bring them to any ami- cable agreement, resolved at last to fortify their frontiers to prevent an invasion. They had already inclosed the lands of the republic with in- Ircnchments, and established good garrisons on their frontiers: the threats of the Mexicans made them increase their fortifications, and strengthen their garrisons, and construct that famous wall six miles in lengtii, whic-h prevented the enemy from entering in the quarter of the west, where danger was chiefly to be apprehended. Thev were frecjuenflv attacked by liie Iluexotzincas, the Ciiolulans, the Ilzocanese, the Tr- camuehalchcse, and other states which were neighbouring, or but little ilistant from Mexico; but they never could wrest a foot of land from the republic, owing to the watchful attention of the Tiascalans, aiul the bravery with which they re.>;isted their invaders. A great many subjects of the crown of Mexico had taken refuge in llie country of Tlaseala, particularly some of the Chalchese nation, and the Otomies of Xaltocan who fled from the ruin of their native coun- tries, in tlie wars above mentioned. They bore an inveterate hatred to tlie Mexicans, from the evils whicii they had suifcred, and appearcfl. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 219 therefore, to the Tlascalans, to l»e the fittest people to give vigorous op- BOOK V. position to their enemies ; in this they were not deceived; for the Mexi- cans found no resistance more powerful than that which the}' met with from these exiles, especially the Otomies comjjosing the frontier gar- risons, -who served the republic with great fidelity, and were rewarded with the highest honours and employments. All the time that Axayacatl and his successors reigned, the Tlascalans continued to be obstructed in their commerce with the maritime pro- vinces, by which means the common people were so much in want ol" salt, that they grew accustomed to eat their food without that season- ing, and did not return to the use of it for many years after the con- quest; but the nobles, or at least some of them, had secret correspond- ence with some Mexican lords, and got a supply of what was necessary', Avithout the populace of either CQuntry having any knowledge of it. Every person knows that in all general calamities, the poor are those who suffer the greatest hardships, wbile those of better circumstances escape, or at least find means by their wealth to soften and relieve them. Montezuma beinrr unable to endure a refusal of obedience and horn- age fi'om the little republic of TIascala, while .so many nations, even the most distant, were tributary to him, ordered, in the l)eginniug of his reign, tlie states in its neighbourhood to muster their troops, and attack the republic on every side. The PIncxotzincas, in con- federacy with the Cholulans, quickly raised their forces, tinder com- mand of Tecajahuatzin, the chief of the state of Huexotzinco ; but confiding more in their arts than their strength, thev tried to (haw over to their party, by bribes and promises, - the inhabitants of lIu('jotlij)an, a city of the republic, situated on the frontiers of the king- dom of Acolhuacan, and the Otomies, who guarded the other frontiers; but neither vxould be prevailed upon: on the contrary, they declared tiiey were resolved to die in defence of the republic. Upon which the Iluexotzincas, being obliged to make use of their strength, eii- tLTcd uitli -ucli fary into the boundaries of TIascala, that the frontier gaaison was not al>Ie to withstand them : they committed great slaughter, and advanced as far as Az/caWi ///i)ie po-teriiy, to ee.noble with his virtues the co:i;t uii.l kingdoin of Mj;co. T.ie I.iir.;, perceiving at last the ob.iti lUiv with wiiieh he HISTORY OF MEXICO. HQS refused every ofTcr which ^vas made him, yielded to his barbarous inch- book v. nation, and appointed the day of the sacrifice. Eight days before the ar- jival of that day, tliey began to celebrate the occasion with entertainments of dancing; after which, they, in presence of the king, the nobility, anl an immense croud of people, put the Tlascalan prisoner, tied by one foot, upon the Temalacatl, or the large round stone on which such sa- critlces were made. Si'veral brave men came on, one at a time, to fight with him, of whom, according to report, he killed eight and wounded twenty, until at last falling almost dead from a severe blow which he re- ceived on the head, they carried him before the idol of Huitzilo})ochtli, where the priests opened his breast and took out his heart, and threw tlie body down the stair of the temple according to the established rites.. Thus fell this famous general, whose courage and fidelity to his country, had he lived in more enlightened times, would have raised him high in the rank of heroes. During the time in which Avar was carrying on against the Tlasca- sect. vn. 1 ■ c .^ • T , 1 • 1 /- • Famine ill lans, some provmccs or the empire were distressed with a famine, occa- i],c provinces sioned by two years of dry weather. All the grain whicli indi', i- "! ^^^ '^™" pii'f, and duals possessed being consumed, the king had an opportunity of shewing public works his liberality : he opened all his granaries, and distributed among his "'^h-'^ap't"'- subjects all the maize which was in them; but this not being sufficient to relieve their necessities, in imitation of Montezuma I. he permitted them to go to other countries to procure their subsistence. The following 3'ear, 1505, having had an abundant harvest, the Mexicans went to war against Guatemala, a province upwards of nine hundred miles distant from Mexico in the south-east. During the conti- nuance of this war, occasioned probably by some hostilities oflered to some of the subjects of the crown, the building of a temple^ erected in honour of the goddess Ctntiuil, was finished at Mexico, the conse- cration of w hich was celebrated with the sacrifice of the prisoners made in 'liitt war. Thfy had, during this season also, enlarged the road upon tlie lake from Chapo'tepec to Mexico, and repaired the aqueduct which was upon that road ; but the rejoicings which the conclusion of such a la- bour excited were interrupted by the turret of anotiier temple, called Zomolli, being set on fire by lightning. The inhabitants of that part; ' 5'2i HISTORY OF MEXICO. li OOK V. ot" the city wliicli was most distant from tliu tcmjile, and especially the TIatelolcos, having perceived no hghtning, were jjersuaded that the burning was caused by enemies come unexpectedly into the city, upon which they immediately rose in arms to defend it, and ran in troops towards the temple. Montezuma being suspicious that it was a mere pretence of the TIatelolcos to raise a sedition, as he was always diflident of them, was so provoked at their disturbance, that he deprived them of all the public ofliccs which they held, and even forbade their appear- ;uice at court; neither protestations of their innocence, nor prayers with which they implored the royal mercy, having sufficient weight to make him alter his resolution : biit as soon as the first heat of his passion was over, they were reinstated in their employments and his favour. SECT. VIII. i,^ the meanwhile the Mixtecas and Zapotecas rebelled against the the Mixtecas crovvn. The principal leaders of the rebellion, in ^vhich all the lords and Zapote- ^f gj^^,]^ nation had engaged, were Celccpall, lord of Coaixtlahuacan, C3S* and Mochuixochill, lord of Tzotzollan. First of all they treacherously murdered all the Mexicans in the garrisons of Huayjacac and other places. As soon as Montezunxa had information of the rebellion, he sent a large army against them, comi)05ed of Mexicans, Tezcucans, and Tepanecas, under the command of prince Cuitlaluiac, his brother and successor in tlic crown. The rebels were totally defeated, a irreat many of them taken prisoners with their chiefs, and their cities sacked. The army returned to Alexieo loaded with spoils, the prisoners were sacrificed, and the state of Tzotzollan was given to CoxcaquauhtU, the Ijiother of Nahuixochitl, for his fidelity to the crown, preferring the repent it, on account of the chastisement which they apprehended would BOOK V. follow it. That they might prevent this, they sent two respectable persons to king Montezuma, whose names \xere Tolimpanecatl, and TzoncoztU, who were to justify them, and lay the blame on the Cliolulans. These ambassadors, either with a design to magnify the courage of their citizens, or from some other motive, exaggerated the slaughter made of the Cho- lulans to such a degree, that the king believed they were all cut to pieces, or that the few whose lives had been saved had abandoned the city. On hearing this account Montezuma was extremely afflicted, and dreaded the revenge of the god Q-uelzalcoatl, whose sanctuary, which was one of the most celebrated and most honoured of all that land, he conceived to have been profaned by the Huexotzincas. Having consulted, therefore, with the two allied kings, he sent some persons from his court to Cholula, to gain just information of this transaction ; and having found it very dif- ferent from the representation given by the Huexotzincas, he was so enraged at their deceit to him, that he suddenly dispatched an arm} , with orders to his general, to punish them severely if they did not make a suitable apology and submission. The Huexotzincas, foreseeing the storm which was likely to pour upon them, went out in order of battle to meet the Mexicans; but the Mexican general advanced towards them to explain his commission in the following words : " Our lord " Montezuma, who has has his court in the middle of the water ; Neza- " hualpilli, who commands upon the borders of the lake, and Toto- " quihuatzi who reigns at the foot of the mountains, have ordered us " to tell you, that having learned from your ambassadors that you have " ruined Cholula and killed its inhabitants, they feel the utmost affliction, ♦' and are under an obligation to revenge the violent outrage which " has been offered to the venerable sanctuary of Quelzalcoatl." The Huexotzincas protested that the account given by their ambassadors was extravagant and false, and that a body of men so respectable as the citi- zens of Huexotzinco could not be the authors of it, and declared them- selves ready to satisfy all the three kings by punishment of the guilty. Upon which, having summoned their ambassadors, and cut off their ears and noses, that being the punishment destined for those who told falsehoods pernicious to the state, they delivered them up to the general. Thus they escaped the evils of war, which otherwise would have been inevitable. VOL. I. 2 G '226 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK V. The Atlixchese, who had rebelled against the crown, met Avith a veiy SECT. X. fl'ifcrcnt fate; they were defeated by the Mexicans, and many of them Expediiion niade prisoners. This happened precisely in the month of February, agaiust At- ■, ~^r i •• , • "• /• i i lixco and loUo, when. On account oi the termniation ol the century, the great other places, festival of the renewal of the fire was celebrated with still greater pomp and solemnity than under the reign of Montezuma I. or in other secular years. This, which was the most solemn, was also tiie last festival of the kind celebrated by the Mexicans. A great number of prisoners were sacrificed at it ; a great many also were reserved for the festival of the dedication of Tzompantli, which, as we have observed above, was an edifice close to the greater temple, where the skulls of tiie victims were strung together and preserved. SECT. xr. This secular year appears to have past without war; but in 1507 the war with the Mexicans made an expedition against 1 zoilan and Mictlan, two the Spa- states of the Mixtecas, whose inhabitants fled to the mountains, and niards. left the Mexicans no other advantage than that of making a few pri- soners of those who remained in their houses. From thence they pro- ceeded to subdue Quauhquechollan, which was in rebellion, in which w.ar the prince Cuitlahuac, the general of the army, made a display of his courage. Some brave. Mexican officers fell in this expedition ; but tiie rebels were reduced under the yoke, and three thousand two hundred taken prisoners, who were sacrificed, one part of them at the festival Tlacct.ripc'hualiz/li, which took place in the second Mexican month; and another part of them at the dedication of the sanctuary ZomoHi, which was rebuilt after the burning of it before mentioned, with greater nuignificencc than it was at first. In the year following the royal army of the Mexicans, Tezcucans, and Tepanecas, set out against the distant province of Amatla. On their march,' which lay over a very lofty mountain, they were attacked by a fitrious nortii wind, accompanied with snow, which made great havoc in the army, as some of them who were accustomed to a mild climate, and travelling almost without clothing, perished with cold, and other,*! were beat down by the trees whieh were rooted up by the wind. Of the remainder of the army which continued their journey but feebly to Amatla, the greater part died in battle. These and other calamities, together with the appearance of a comet at that time, threw all the princes of Anahuac into the utmost consterna- HISTORY OF MEXICO. '2%', tioti. Montezuma, who was too superstitious to look with indifference BOOK V. on so uncommon a phenomenon, consulted his astrologers upon it; but thej being unable to divine its meaning, applied to the king of Acolhuacan, who was reputed able in astrology, and in the art of divination. These kings, although they were related to, and perpetual allies of each other^ did not live in much harmony together, the king of Acolhuacan hav- ing put to death his son Hitexotxincatzin, as we shall see presently, pay- ing no regard to the prayeis of Montezuma, who, as the uncle of that prince, had interfered in his behalf. For a long time past thej- had neither met with their usual frequency nor confidence; but on this occasion the mysterious dread which seized the mind of ^Montezuma incited him to profit by the knowledge of the king Nczahualpilli, for which reason he intreated him to come to Mexico to consult with him upon an event which appeared equally to concern them both. Neza- hualpilli went, and after having conferred, at length, wdth Montezu- ma, was of opinion, according to the account of historians, that the comet predicted the future disasters of those kingdoms, by the arrival of a new people. Tiiis interpretation, however, being unsatisfactory to Montezuma, Nczahualpilli challenged him at the game of foot-ball, which was frequently played at even by those kings themselves; and it was agreed between them, that if the king of Mexico gained the party, the king of Acolhuacan should renounce his interpretation, adjudging it to be false; but if Nczahualpilli came off victor, Montezuma should acknowledge and admit it to be true: a folly, though truly ridiculous in those men, to believe the truth of a prediction could depend on the dexterity of the player, or the fortune of the game; but less pernicious, however, than that of the ancient Europeans, who decided on truth, innocence, and honour, by a barbarous duel and the fortune of arms. Nczahualpilli remained victor in the game, and Montezuma disconso- late at the loss and the confirmation of so fatal a prognostic: he was willing, however, to try other methods, hoping to find some more fa- vourable interpretation which might counterbalance that of the king of Acolhuacan, and the disgrace he had suffered at play : he consulted therefore a very famous astrologer who w-as much versed in the super- stitious art of divination, by which he had rendered his naiiie so cele- brated in that land, and acquired so great a respect, that without ever stir- ring abroad from his house he was considered and consulted by the kings 2 G 2 228 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK V. themselves as an oracle. He knowing, without doubt, what had hap- """"'"' pencd between the two kings, instead of returning a propitious answer to his sovereign, or at least one which was equivocal, as such prognos- ticators generally do, confirmed the fatal prophecy of the Tezcucan. . Montezuma was so enraged at the answer, that in return he made his house be pulled to pieces, leaving the unhappy diviner buried amidst the ruins of his sanctuary. These and other .-irailar presages of the fall of that empire appear re- presented in the paintings of the Americans, and are related in the his- tories of the Spaniards. We are far from thinking that all that which has been wrote on this subject is deserving of credit ; but neither can we doubt of the tradition which prevailed among the Americans, that a new people totally dillerent from the native inhabitants were to ar- rive at that kingdom and make themselves masters of that country. There has not been in the country of Anahuac any nation more or less polished which has not confirmed this tradition either by verbal tes- timony or their own histories. It is impossibie to guess at the origin of a tradition so universal as this; but the event which I am going to relate is said to have been public, and to have made a considerable noise ; to have happened also in the presence of the two kings and the Mexican nobility. It is re- presented in some of the paintings of those nations, and a legal attes- tation of it even was sent to the court of Madrid {h). Though in com- pliance with the duty of an historian, we give a place to many of the memorable traditions of those nations; on these, however, we leave our readers to form their own judgement and comments. Papantzin, a ^lexican princess, and sister of Montezuma, wa.s mar- ried to the governor of Tlatelolco, and arter his death li\ed in his palace until the year 1509, when she likewise died of old age. Her funeral was celebi'atcd with magnificence suitable to her exaltcil birth, the king her brother, and all the nobility of Mexico and Tlatelolco be- ing present. Her body was buried in a subterraneous cavern, in the garden of the same palace, near to a fountain where she had used to bathe, and the mouth of the cave was shut with a stone. The day following, a child of five or six years of age happened to pass from lier inotlier's apartment to that of the major-domo of the deceased princess, which (A) See Torqueinada, lib. ii. cap. 91, and Betencourt, Part iii. Trat. i. cap. 8. SECT. XII. Memorable event of a Mexican princes*. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 229 was on the other side of the garden ; and in passing saw the princess BOOK V. sitting upon the steps of the fountain, and heard herself called by her by the word Cocoton (/), which is a word of tenderness used to children. The little child not being capable, on account of its age, of reflecting on the death of the princess, and thinking tliat she was going to bathe as usual, approached without fear, upon which she sent the child to call the wife of her major-domo; the child went to call her, bat the woman smiling and caressing her, told her, " My little girl, Papantzin is dead, ^' and was buried yesterday;" but as the child insisted, and pulled her by her gown, she, more to please than from a belief of what was told her, followed her; but was hardly come in sight of the princess, when she was seized with such horror that she fell fainting to the earth. The little girl ran to acquaint her mother, who, with two other companions, came out to give assistance; but on seeing the princess they were so affected with fear, that they would have swooned away if the princess herself had not endeavoured to comfort them, assuring them she was still alive. She made them call her ma.jor-domo, and charged him to go and bear the news to the king her brother; but he durst not under- take it, as he dreaded that the king would consider the account as a fable, and would punish him with his usual severity for being a liar, without examining into the matter. Go then to Tezuco, said the princess, and intreat the king Nezahualpilli, in my name, to come here and see me. The major-domo obeyed, and the king having received the information, set out immediately for Tlatelolco. When he arrived there, the princess was in a chamber of the palace; though full of astonishment, the king saluted her, when she requested him to go to Mexico, to tell the king her brother that she was alive, and had occasion to see him, to communicate some things to liim of the utmost im- portance. The king set out for Mexico to execute her commission; but Montezuma would hardly give credit to what was told him. However, that he might not do injustice to so respectable an ambassador, he went along with him and many of the Mexican nobility to Tlatelolco, and having entered the hall where the princess was, he demanded of her if she was his sister. " 1 am, indeed, sir," answered the princess^ (?) Cocoton means little girl, only that it is an expression of more tenderness. 230 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOr.K V. •' yuiir lister Papantzin, uhom you buried yesterday; I aui truly alivf, " mid \vi>li to relate to you what I have seen, as it deeply concerns you." I'pon this the two kings sat down, while all the other nobles continued standing lull of admiration at what they saw. The j)rincess then began to speak as follows: " After I was dead, " or if you will not believe that I have been dead, after I remained " l^erell of motion and of sense, I found myself suddenly placed upon ■' an extensive plain, to which there appeared no boundaries. In the " middle of it I observed a road which I afterwards saw was divided " into a variety of paths, and on one side ran a great river whose waters " made a frichtful noise. As I was goino; to throw mvself into the " river to swim to the opposite bank, I sa^v before me a beautiful youth, " of handsome stature, clothed in a long habit white as snow, and " dazzling like the sun; he had wings of beautiful feathers, and upon •' his forehead this mark," (in saying this the princess made the sign of the cross with her two fore fingers, " and laying hold of my hand, " said to me, Stop, for if is not x/et time to pass this riva: God loves t/iee, " though thou knoiccst it not. He then led me along by the river-side, " upon the borders of which I saw a great number of human skulls " and bones, and heard most lamentable groans that waked my utmost " pity. Turning my eyes afterwards npon the river, I saw some large " vessels upon it tilled with men of a complexion and dress quite dilTerent " from ours. They were fair and bearded, and carried standards " in their hands, and helmets on their heads. The }outh then said " to me. It is the zcill of God that thou shall live to he a zcituess of " the revolutions xjchich are to happen to these kingdoms. The groans " ivhich thou hast heard among these bones, are from the souls of your " ancestors, zchich are ever and tcill be tormented for their crimes. " The men xvhoni you see coming in these vessels, are those idio bi; •' their arms tvill make themselves masters of all these kingdoms, and " with them zcill be introduced the knowledge of the true God, the creator " of heaven and earth. As soon as the zcar shall be at an end, and the " bath published and made knozen zchich zvill icash azcay sin, ^e thou lite "first to receive it, and guide bi/ thy e.vample the natives of thy country. " Having sjjoke this the youth disappeared, and I found myself " recalled to life; I rose IVom the place where I lay, raised \ip the stone HISTORY OF MEXICO. 231 " of my sepulchre, and came out to the garden, wliere I was found by BOOK V. " my domestics." Montezuma was struck with astonishment at the recital of so stransre an adventure ; and feeling his mind distracted with a variety of appre- hensions, rose and retired to one of his palaces which was destined for occasions of grief, without taking leave of his sister, the king of Tacuba, or any one of those who accompanied him, although some of his flatterers, in order, to console him, endeavoured to persuade him that the illness which the princess had suffered, had turned her brain. He avoided for ever after returning to see her, that he might not again hear the melancholy presages of the ruin of his empire. Tlie princess, it is said, lived many years in great retirement and abstinence. She ^vas tlie first who, in the year 1524, received the sacred baptism in Tlatelolco, and was called from that time Donna Maria Papaiitzin. Among the memorable events in 1510, there happened, Avithout any sect. xn. apparent cause, a sudden and furious burnins: of the turrets of the greater Uncommon ^ ^ ^ o occurrences. temple of Mexico, in a calm, serene night ; and in the succeeding year, so violent and extraordinary an agitation of the waters of the lake, that many houses of the city were destroyed, there being at the same time no wind, earthquake, nor any other natural cause to which the accident could be ascribed. It is said, also, that in 1511, the figures of armed men appeared in the air, mIio fought and slew each other. These and other similar phenomena, recounted by- Acosta, Torquemada, and others, are found very exactly described in the Mexican and Acolhuan histories. The consternation which these sad omens raised in the mind of Mon- ^i^ct. mh. 1-1 1 -ii-i in TT- Erection of a tezuina, did not, liovvever, turn aside his thoughts from Mar. His ar- new altar for mies made numerous expeditions in 1508, particularly against the TIas- thesacnfices, ' . * . ^"'' "s^^' sx- calans and Huexotzincas, the Atlixchese, Icpatepec, and Malinallepec, peiliiions oi" in v.hich they made five thousand prisoners, which were afterwards sa- ' "^ ^ '^^i- •' r ' cans. crificed. In 1509, the war against Xochitepec happened, that state having rebelled. In the year following, Montezuma thinking the altar for the sacrifices too small, and unproportioned to the magnificence of the temple, he caused a proper stone, of excessive size, to be sought for, Avhich was found near to Cojoacan. After ordering it to be polished and cut, he commanded it to be brought in due form to Mexico. A. 232 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK V. vast number of people went to drag it along, but in passing a wooden bridge over a canal, in the entry to the city, the stone by its enormous weight, broke through the bridge and fell into the canal, drawing sonv.- men after it, and among the rest the high priest, v/ho was accompanying it, and scattering incense. The king and the people were a good deal disconcerted by this misfortunej but without giving up the undertaking, thev drew the stone, with prodigious labour and fatigue, out of the water, and brought it to the temple, where it was consecrated with the sacrifice of all the prisoners that had been reserved for this great festival, which was one of the most solenni ever celebrated by the Mexicans. The king invited the principal nobility of all his kingdom to it, and expended a great deal of his treasure in presents which he made to the nobles and populace. In this same year the consecration of the temple Tlamatzinco was celebrated, and also that of Quaxicalco, of which we shall speak elsewhere. The victims sacrificed at the conse- cration of these two edifices and the altar of the sacrifices, were, according to the account of historians, twelve thousand two hundred and ten in number. To have been able to furnish such a number of victims, they must have been continually at war. In 1511, the Jopas rebelled, and designed to kill all the Mexican garrison in TIacotepec; but their intentions being seasonably discovered, they were punished accordingly, and two hundred of them carried prisoners to Mexico. In 1512, an arm\ of the Mexicans marched towards the north, against the Quitzalapancse, and with the loss only of ninety-five men they made one thousand and three hundred prisoners, which M'ere also carried to Mexico. By these and other conquests made in the three following years, the Mexican empire was extended to its utmost limits, five or six years previous to its fall, to which the very great rapidity of its conquests contributed. Every province and place which was conquered, created a new enemy to the conqueroi-s, who became impatient of the yoke to which they were not accustomed, and, irritated by injuries, only waited for an opportunity of being revenged, and restoring themselves to their wonted liberty. It would appear that the happiness of a kingdom consists not in the extension of its tlominions, nor in the number of its vassals; but on the contrary, that it aj)proaches at no time nearer to its final period, than HISTORY OF MEXICO. 233 when on account of its vast and unbounded extent, it can no longer _BOOK V. maintain the necessary union among its parts, nor that vigour which is requisite to withstand the multitude of its enemies. The revolutions which happened at this time, in the kingdom of sect. xiv. Acolhuacan, occasioned by the death of king Nezahualpilli, did not less euloeinm of contribute to the ruin of the Mexican empire. This celebrated king, )^'"K Neza- r 1 • • 1 c hualpilli. after havmg possessed the throne for forty-five years, either weaned of governing, or troubled with melancholy, from the fatal phenomena he had witnessed, left the reins 6f government in the hands of two of the royal princes, and retired to his palace of pleasure in Tezcotzinco, car- rying with him his favourite Xocotzin and a few servants, leaving orders to his sons not to leave the court, but to wait there for his further com- mands. During the six months of his retirement, he amused him- self frequently with the exercise of the chace, and at night used to employ himself in observing tlie heavens, and for that purpose had con- structed, on the terrace of his palace, a little observatory, whif,;h was preserved for a century after, and was seen by some Spanish historians who mention It. He there not only studied the motion and course of the stars, but conversed with those who were intelligent in astro- nomy: that science having always been in esteem among them, they ap- plied still more to it when excited by the examples of the great Neza- hualcqjotl, and his son and successor. After living six months in this private manner, he i-eturned to his court, ordered his beloved Xocotzin to retire with her children into the palace of Tecpilpan, and shut himself up in the palace of his usual residence, without letting himself be seen by any person but one of his confidents, designing to conceal his death in imitation of his fa- ther. Accordingly, neither the time nor the circumstances of his death liave ever been known. All that is certain is, that he died in 1516, and that before his death he commanded his confidents who were about him to burn his body secretly. From hence it happened that many of the vulgar, and even several of the nobles, were per- suaded that he was not dead, but had returned to the kingdom of Ama- quemecan, where his ancestors sprung, as he had frequently resolved to do. VOL. I. 2 H ^234 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOO K V. Ill matters of religion he was of the same opinion with his great father Nezahualcojotl. lie secretly despised the worship of the idols, although he appeared to conform to it wi(h the people. He resembled his father also in his great zeal for the laws, and in the rigorous admi- nistration of justice, of which he aflibrded a~striking example in the last years of his reign. I'here was a law which forbid, on pain of death, the speaking of indecent words in the royal palace. One of the princes his sons, who was named Hnexotzincalzon, to whom he bore more affection than to any of the rest, not less on account of his dis])0£ition, and the virtues which shone out even in his youth, than of his having been the first-born of his sons by his favourite Xocotzin, violated this law; but the words made use of by the prince were ra- ther the effect of youthful indiscretion than of any cidpable intention. The king was informed of it by one of his niistres.ses to whom the words had been addressed. He enquired of her if they had been spoke before any other persons; and finding that the prince's tutors had been present, he retired to an apartment of his palace, destined for occasions of mourning and grief. There he sent for the tutors to examine them. They being afraid of meeting with severe punishment if they concealed the truth, confessed it openly, but at the same time endeavoured to exculpate the prince, by saying, that he neither knew the person to whom he spoke, nor that the words were obscene. But notwithstand- ing their representations, he ordered the prince to be immediately ar- rested, and the same day pronounced sentence of death upon him. The whole court was astonished at so rigorous a judgement, the nobles pleaded with prayers and tears in his behalf, and the mother of the prince herself, relying on the king's particular afitction for her, pre- sented herself as a plaintive before him, and, in order to move him to compassion, led all her cliildren along with her. But neither reason- ing, praA'ers, nor tears, could bend the king. "My son," he said, " luis violated the law. If I pardon him, it will be said, the laws are " not binding upon every one. I >\ ill let my subjects know that no " one will be pardoned a transgression, as I do not even pardon the son " whom I dearly love." The queen, pierced with the most lively grref, and despairing of being able to shake the constancy of the king, told Iiim, " Since vou have banished from vour heart all the affections of a HISTORY OF MEXICO. 235 " father and a husband for so sHght a cause, why do you hesitate to put me BOOK V. " to death and these young princes wliom I have borne to you ?" The king then w ith a grave aspect commanded her to retire, as the case was w^ith- out a remedy. The disappointed queen retreated to her apartment, and there, in company with some of her attendants who went to console her, abandoned herself to grief. In the meanwhile, those who were charged with the punishment of the prince, continued to delay it, that time might soften the rigour of justice, and give opportiuiity for the return of parental affection and mercy; but the king perceiving their intention, commanded that they should immediately do their duty, which accordingly followed, to the general displeasure of the kingdom, and the utmost disgust to Montezuma, not only on account of the re- lation between himself and the prince, but likewise of the inter- ference which he made in the prince's favour, having been unsuccessful in procuring a repeal of the sentence. After the punishment was exe- cuted, the king shut himself up for forty days in a hall, without let- ting himself be seen by any one, while he secretly vented his grief, and made the door of his son's apartment be closed up witli a wall, to hide from his sight any remembrancer of his sorrows. His severity in punisliing transgressors was compensated by the com- passion which he shewed for the accidental distresses of any of his subjects. There was a window in his palace which looked towards the market- place, covered. with blinds, from which he used to observe, without being- seen, the people that assembled there; and whenever he saw anv ill- clothed woman, he made her be called, and after informing himself of her life and condition, he supplied her with what was necessary for herself and family if she had any. Every day at his palace alms were given to the sick and to orphans. There was an hospital at Tezcuco for all those who had lo»t their eyesight in war, or had become from any other cause unfit for service, where they were supported at the roj^al expence, according to their stations, and frequently visited by the king himself. In such beneficent acts a great part of his revenues was expended. The genius and talents of this king have been highly extolled by the Ixistorians of that kingdom. He endeavoured to imitate, both in his studies and in the conduct of his life, the example of his father, anil 2H2 i236 HISTORY OF MEXI,CO. BO OK V. liis rescmljlance to him was remarkable. The glory of the Chechc- mccaa kii)<;s m;iy be s;iid to ha\u ciifled with him, as the discord which took place among his children, d miaished the splendour of the court, weakened the force of the state, and tended to bring on its fnial ruin. Nezahualpilli did not declare who was to be his successor in the crown, which all his ancestors had done. We are ignorant, however, of the motive that caust d tliis omission, and which proved so prejudicial to the kingdom of Acolhuacan. sHPT. XV. As soon as the supreme council of the deceased king were certain of Revolutions j^jg (Jt.aUi, thev considered it necessary to ilect a successor to him in 111 the king- r . , * , " ciom of Acol- imitation of the Mexicans. They assembled therefore in order to de- luacaii. liberate on a point of such importance, and the oldest and most re- spectable person among them taking the lead in the assembly, represented the great disasters which might accrue to the state of Acolhuacan, if the election was retarded: he was of opinion, that the crown fell to the prince Cacamatzin ; since, besides his prudence and his cou- rage, he was the first-born of the first Mexican princess whom the late king married. All the other counsellors concurred in this opinion, u hich was in itself so just, and came from a person of such autiiority. The princes who waited in a hall adjoining for the resolution of the council, were desired to enter there to hear it. When they were all in- troduced, the principal scat was given to Cacamatzin, who was a youth of twenty-two years; and his brotiiers, Coanocotzin who was twenty, and Ixtlllxochitl who was eighteen, were placed on each side of him. The same aged'' counsellor, who had first addressed the assembly, then rose, and declared that the resolution of the council, which included also that of the kingdom, was to give the crown to Cacamatzin, on account of the right of primogeniture. Ixtlilxochitl, who was an ambitious and enterprising youth, opposed it, by saying, that if the king was really dead, he would certainly have named his successor; that his not having done it was a clear evidence of his life; and while the lawful sovereign was living, it was criminal in his subjects to name a successor. The council, who knew the disposition of Ixtlilxochitl, durst not openly contradict him, but desired Coanocotzin to deliver his opinion. Tliis jirince aj)proved and confirmed the determination of the council, and pointed out the inconveniences which would ensue if the execution of HISTORY OF MEXICO. 23; it was delayed. He was contradicted, and taxed with being light and BOOK V . inconsiderate by Ixtlilxochitl, and that he could not perceive wliile he em- braced such an opinion that he was favouring the designs of Montezuma, who was much inclined to Cacamatzin, and used his endeavours to put him on the throne, because he trusted he Avould find in him a king of wax, to whom he might give what form he pleased. '•' It is by no " means reasonable, dear brother," replied Coanocotzin, " to oppose " a resolution which is so prudent and so just: Are you not aware that " if Cacamatzin was not to be king, the crown would belong not to " you, but to me?" " It is true," said Ixtlilxochitl, " if the right of " succession is to be determined by age only, the crown is due to Ca- " camatzin, and in failure of him to you; but if regard is paid, as it " ought to be, to courage, to me it belongs." The counsellors per- ceiving that the princes were growing gradually more vehement and warm in their altercation, imposed silence on them both, and dismissed the assembly. The two princes went to their mother the queen Xocotzin to con- tinue their cavil, while Cacamatzin, accompanied by many of the nobi- lity, set out immediately for Mexico to inform Montezuma of what had happened, and to demand his assistance. Montezuma — who, besides the attachment he had to the prince, saw the justice of his claim, and the consent of the nation to it — advised him in the first place to secure the ro3'al treasures, and promised to settle the dispute with his brother, and to employ the Mexican arms in his behalf if negociations for that purpose should not prove sufficient. Ixtlilxochitl, as soon as he knew of the departure of Cacamatzin, and foresaw the consequences of his application to Montezuma, set out from court with all his partizans, and went to the states which be- lonsred to his tutors in the mountains of Meztitlan. Coanocotzin sent im- mediate advice to Cacamatzin to return without delay to Tezcuco, and make use of that favourable opportunity for being crowned. Cacamat- zin availed himself of this Avise counsel, and came to the court accom- panied by Cuitlahuazin the brother of Montezuma, and lord of Izta- palapan, and many of the Mexican nobility. Cuitlahuazin, without losing any time, assembled the Tezcucan nobility in the Hiieictccpan^ or the great palace of the king of Acolhuacan, and presented prince 238 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK V. Cacamatzin to be acknowledged by them as their lawful sovereign. He was received as such by them all, and the day for the ceremony of the coronation was fixed; but this was interrupted by intelligence arriving at court, that the prince Ixtlilxochitl was descending from the momi- tains of Meztitlan at the head of a great army. This turbulent youth, as soon as he arrived at Meztitlan, assembled all the lords of the places situated in tliose great mountains, and made them acquainted with his design of opposing his brother Cacamatziii, pretending that it was his zeal for the honour and liberty of the Cheche- mecan and Acolhuan nations which moved him; that it would be dis- graceful, and even dangerous, to pay obedience to a king, so pliant to the will of the monarch of Mexico ; that the Mexicans had forgot what they owed to the Acolhuan nation, and were desirous of increasing their unjust usurpations with the kingdom of Acolhuacan ; that he for liis part was resolved to exert all the courage which God had given him, to defend and save his country from the tyranny of Montezuma. With these arguments, which were probably suggested to him by his tutors, he so fired the minds of those lords, that they all professed lliemselves willing to serve him with all their forces, and raised so many troops, that when the prince descended from the mountains, his army it is said amounted to upwards of one hundred thousand men. Whether it was from the dread of his power, or from an inclination to favour his pretensions, he was well received in all the places through which he passed. He sent an enil)assy from Tepeiwlco to the Otompanese, com- manding them to do obedience to him as their proper king; but the^* replied, that as Nezahualpilli was dead, they would acknowledge no other sovereign than Cacamatzin, who had been peaceably accepted at court and was already in possession of the throne of Acolhuacan. This answer so exasperated the prince, that he went in great wrath against their city. The Otompanese met him in order of battle; but although they for some tin>e resisted the army of their enemy, they were at last vanquished, and their city was taken by the prince. The lord himself of Otompan fell among the slain, which accident soon accelerated the victory. This event threw Cacamatzin and all his court into the utmost un- easiness, fearing the enemy might even besiege the capital. He preparetl niSTORY OF MEXICO. 239 fortifications against them ; but the prince being contented with seeing BOOK V. himself respected and feared, did not move from Otompan; but placed guards on the roads, with orders, hov.cver, to hurt no person, to hinder no individuals from passing from the court to any other place, and to sliew respect and civility to all passengers of rank. Cacamatzin, knowing the forces and the resolutions of his brother, and considering it would be better for him to sacrifice even a great part of his kingdom than to lose it altogether, with the consent of his brother Coanocotzin, dispatched an embassy to treat of an accommodation with him. He sent to tell him, that he might, if he chose, retain all the dominions in the mountains, as he was contented with the court and the territory of the plain ; that he was willing also to share the revenues of his kingdom with his brother Coanocotzin ; but at the same time he re- quested him to drop every other pretension, and not to disturb the pub- lic tranquillity. The prince answered, that his brothers might act a^; they thought proper ; that he was pleased that CacamatSin was in pos- session of the kingdom of Acolhuacan ; that he had no designs against him nor against the state ; that he had no other view in maintaining his army than to oppose the ambitious designs of the Mexicans, who had given grounds for the greatest disgust and suspicions to his father Nezahualpilli; that if -at that time the kingdom was divided for the common interest of the nation, he hoped to see it again united; that above all things it was necessary to guard against falling into the snares of the craft}^ !Montezuma. Ixtlilxochitl was not deceived in -his diffidence of Montezuma, as this king was the verv person who, as we shall find hereafter, gave the unfortunate Cacamatzin into the haiids of the Spaniards, in spite of the attachment he pretended to him. This agreement being made with his brother, Cacamatzin remained in peaceable possession of the crown of Acolhuacan, but with greatly diminished dominions, as he had ceded a very considerable part of the kingdom. Ixtlilxochitl kept his troops constantly in motion, and frequently appeared with his army in the environs of Mexico, daring Montezuma to a single combat with him. But this king was no longer in a state fit to accept such a challenge. The fire which he had in his \^outh had already began to die away with age, and domestic lux- ury had enervated his mind ; nor would it have been prudent to have 840 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BO OK V. exposed himself to a rencounter of this kind with so adventurous a "'~'~~~~~ youth, who had already, by secret negociations, drawn over a great part of the Mexican provinces to his interest. The Mexicans, however, frequently engaged with that army, being sometimes vanquished, and at other times victorious. In one of those battles a relation of the king of Mexico was taken prisoner, who had gone out to the war with an express resolution to make a prisoner of the prince, and to carry hiui bound to Mexico, according to a promise which he had made to Mon- tezuma. Ixtlilxochitl knew of this boastful promise, and in order to be fully revenged, commanded him to be bound and covered with dry reeds, and burned alive in the sight of the whole army. ' In the course of our history it will appear how much this turbulent prince contributed to the success of the Spaniards, who began about this time to make their appearance on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico: but before we undertake the relation of a w ar which totally reversed the order of those kingdoms, it will be necessary to give some account of the re- ligion, the government, the arts, and manners of the Mexicans. \ GENEALOGY OF THE MEXICAN KINGS: Deduced from the Beginning of the Thirteenth Century. Ilh ui catl=Tlacapan tzin. about A. D. 1220. ! Iltiitzilihuitl, the Elder. Opochtli — Atozoztli. I . . Acamapitzin, First Kin? of Mexico. Huitzilihuitl, Second K. of Mexico. Chimalpopoca, Third K. of Mexico. Tezozomoctli— Matlalatzin, his niece. Matlalchihuatzin , mother of Neza- hualcojotl, K.of Alcolhuacan. Moteuczoma llhuicamina, Fifth Kin? of Mexico. Itzcoat!, Fourth K. of Mexicd. Matlalatxin— Tezozomoctli. N. wife of Neza- hualpillijK.of Acol- huacan. Tzotzocatzin. 1 s Xocotzin, wife ofNezahual- pilli^ Axajacatl, Sixth K.of Mexico. Tizoc, Seventh K. of Mexico. Ahuitzotl, Eighth K. of Mexico. r Ixtlalcuechahiiac, Lord of Tollan. ^Moteuczoma Xocojotzin,— Miahuaxochitl. Is'inth K. of Mexico, ftliahuaxochitl, wife to her uncle king Moteuczoma. Cuitlahuatzin, Tenth K. of Mexico. Ahuitzo tl. Quauhtemotzin, ElcTenthK.of Mexico. Tlacahuepan Johualicahuatzin ; or, IJon I'edro ]\Ioteznma. I Don Diego Luis Ihnitemoctzin Motezuma. Married in Spain with Donna Francisca de la Cueva ; of whom the counts of Motezuma and Tula, the Tecuichpotzin ; or, Donna Elizaheta Mo- tezuma, wife of Ring Cuitlahuatzin, her uncle ; and King Quauhtemotzin, her cousin J and afterwards successively of three noble Spaniards, of whom the two celebrated houses of Cano Motezuma and Andrea Motezuma are descended. ■viscounts of descended. lluca, &c. are (To face page 240, Vol. I.) HISTORY OF MEXICO, BOOK VI. Tlie Religion of the Mexicans; namely, their Gods, Temples, Piiests, Sa- crifices, and Offerings: their Fasts and Austerities, their Chrojiologi/, Caletidar, and Festivals ; their Ceremonies npon the Birth of Children, at Marriages, and Funerals. L HE religion, government, and economy of a state are the three BOOK VI. things Avhich chiefly form the character of a nation ; and without being acquainted with these, it is impossible to have a perfect idea of the genius, dispositions, and knowledge of any people whatever. The religion of the Mexicans, of which we are to give an account in this book, was a heap of errors, of superstitions, and cruel rites. Such Aveaknesses of the human mind, of which we have had but too many examples even in the most enlightened nations of antiquity, are insepa- rable from every religion that takes its source in the fantastical ima- ginations and fears of mankind. If we compare, as we shall do in another place, the religion of the Greeks and Romans with that of the Mexicans, we shall find the former more superstitious and ridiculous, the latter more cruel. These celebrated nations of ancient Europe, from the unfavourable opinion which they entertained of the power ot their gods, multiplied their number to excess, confined their influence within narrow bounds, imputed to them the most atrocious crimes, and stained their worship with the most scandalous impurities ; for Avhich they have been justly reproached by the advocates of Christianitj-. The Mexicans imagined their gods more perfect; and in their worship, however superstitious it might be, there was nothing repugnant to decency. The Mexicans had some idea, though a very imperfect one, of a sect. i. ^lupreme, absolute, and independent Being, to whom they acknow- t^Jgj"'^J.glf^ ° ledged to owe fear and adoration. They represented him in no external gion. VOL. I. ^2 I 242 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. form, because thcv believed him to be invisible; and named him only by the common appellation of God, in their language Teotl, a word resembling still more in its meaning than in its pronunciation the TIteos of the Greeks : but they applied to him certain epithets which were highly expressive of the grandeur and power which they con- ceived him to possess. They called him Ipalnemomii , that is. He by whom we live; and Tlhqiie Kalniaquc, He \\ho has all in himself. But their knowledge and worship of this Supreme Being was obscured and in a manner lost in the crowd of deities invented by their super- stition. They believed in an evil spirit, the enemy of mankind, which they called Tlacatecolotull, or Rational Owl, and said that he often appeared to men for the purpose of terrifying or doing them an injury. ^\4th respect to the soul, the barbarous Olomies, as they tell us, be- lieved that it died together with the body : while the Mexicans, with all the other polished nations of Anahuac, considered it as immortal; allowing, at the same time, that blessing of immortality to the souls of brutes, and not restraining it to rational beings alone {a). They distinguished three places for the souls when separated from the body. Those of soldiers who died iu battle or in captivity among their enemies, and those of women who died in labour, went to the house of the Sun, whom thev considered as the Prince of Glorv, where they led a life of endless delight ; where, every day, at the first ap- pearance of the sun's rays, they hailed his birth with rejoicings; and with daticiug, and the music of instruments and of voices, attended him to his meridian ; there they met the souls of the women, and with the same festivity accompanied him to his setting. If religion is intended only to serve the purposes of government, as has been ima- gined by most of the free-thinkers of our times, surely those nations could not 'forge a system of belief better calculated to inspire their soldiers with courage, than one Vvhich promised so high a reward after their death. They next supposed that these spirits, after four years of that glorious life, went to animate clouds and birds of beautiful fea- thers and of sweet song; but always at liberty to rise again to heaven, (a) The ideas here a.scribed to the Mexican.s with respect to the souls of brutes, will ap- pear more fully when wc shall come to speak of their funeral rites. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 2'i:^ or to descend upon the earth to warble and siuk the flowers. The BOOK V I. ])eopIe of TIascala believed that the souls of persons of rank went, after their death, to inhabit the bodies of beautiful and sweet singing- birds, and those of the nobler quadrupeds ; while the souls of inferior persons were supposed to pass into weazles, beetles, and such other meaner aiiimals. Whence we see that the absurd system of the Pytha- gorean transmigration, which has been so firmly settled, and so widely propagated throughout the countries of the East, has not wanted its advocates in those of the "West [b). The souls of those that were drowned, or struck by lightning, of those who died by dropsy, tu- mors, wounds, and other such diseases, went, as the Mexicans believed, along with the souls of children, at least of those which were sacri- ficed to Tlaloc the god of water, to a cool and delightful place, called Tlalocan, where that god resided, and where they were to enjoy the most delicious repasts, ■with every other kind of pleasure. In the inner part of the greater temple of Mexico there was a particular place where they supposed that on a certain day of the year all the children which had been sacrificed to Tlaloc, came, and invisibly assisted at the cere- mony. The Miztecas had a persuasion, that a great cavern in a lofty moun- tain, in their province, \vas the entrance into paradise; and their nobles and great men, therefore, always took care to be buried near the ca- vern, in order to be nearer that place of delight. Lastly, the third place allotted for the souls of those who suffered any other kind of death, was the Micllan, or hell, Mhich they conceived to be a place of utter darkness, in which reigned a god, called MictlantenctU (lord of hell), and a goddess named Micllancihuatl. I am of opinion that they believed hell to be a place in the centre of the earth (c); but tliey did not imagine that the souls underwent any other punishment there than what they suffered from the darkness of their abode. ( b ) Who would believe that a system so preposterous and improbable as that of the Pytha- gorean transmigration, should be supported by a philosopher of the enlightened eighteenth century. Yet it has been seriously maintained, lately, by a Frenchman, in a book printed at Paris, under the title of " The Year Two thousand four hundred and forty." (c) Dr. Siguenza was of opinion, that the Mexicans placed hell in the northern part of the rarth ; as the same word Mtctluwpa, signified toiiards the North, and towards Hell. But I rather think they placed it in the centre, for that is the meaning of the name of Tlalxicco, which they gave to the temple of the god of hell. After all it is possible that the Mexicans themselves might hold different opinions upon the subject. 2 I 2 244 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. The Mexican;;, with all other civilized nations, had a clear tradition, -^—~-^ though somewhat corrupted by fable, of the creation of the wo^ld, of the universal deluge, of the confusion of tongues, and of the disper- sion of the people ; and had actually all these events represented in their pictures [d). They said, that when mankind were overwhelmed with the deluge, none were preserved but a man called Coxcox (to whom others give the name of Teocipactli), and a woman called Xochiquelzal, who .saved themselves in a little bark, and having afterwards got to land upon a mountain called by them Colhuacan, had there a great many children ; that these children were all born dumb, until a dove fiom a loftv tree imparted to them languages, but differing so much that they could not understand one another. The Tlascalans pretended that the men who survived the deluge were transformed into apes, but recovered speech and reason by degrees [e). !,ECT. II. Among all the deities worshipped by the Mexicans, and which were Pr<)vi(ieiice° ^'^''7 nnmcrous, although not near so much so as those of the Romans, and if Ilea- there were tli'irleen principal and greater gods, in honour of whom they consecrated that number. We shall give an account of what we have found in the Mexican mythology with respect to these and the other gods, without regard to the pompous conjectures and absurd system of Cav. Boturini. Tezcaflipoca. This was the greatest god adored in tliese countries, after the invisible God, or Supreme Being, whom we have already mea- 4ioned. His name means ASIiining Mirror, from one that was affixed to his image. He was the God of Providence, the Soul of the World, (he Creator of Heaven and Earth, and Master of all Things. They re- presented him always young, to denote that no length of years ever diminislu'd his power ; they believed that he rewarded with various benefits the just, and punished the wicked with diseases and other af- flictions. Thev placed stone seats in the corners of the streets, for that god to rest upon when he chose it, and upon which no person was ever allowed to sit down. Some said, that he had descended from {(1) Their idea of the deluge appears from the representation in the plate annexed, which i,-" I'opieil from an original puinling of the ^lexicans. (f ) For an accoMnt of the opinions of the Miztecas and other nations of America, \yith respect to the crcatir)n of the world, I must refer the reader to Father (jregorio Garcia, a Do- ■uiiiiican, iiv his work entitled. The Origin of ike Indiuns. HISTORY Ol- MEXICO. 24£ heaven by a rope made of spiders' webs, and had persecuted and driven BO OK VI. from these countries the grand priest of Tula Quetzalcoatl, who was , afterwards consecrated as a god. His principal image was of teotetl (divine stone) which is a black shining stone like black marble, and was richly dressed. It had gol- den ear-rings, and from the under lip hung a crystal tube, within which was a green feather, or a turquoise stone, which at first sight appeared to be a gem. His hair was tied with a golden string, from the end of which hung an ear of the same metal, with tlie appearance of ascending smoke painted on it, by which they intended to represent the prayers of the distressed. The whole breast was covered witk massy gold. He had bracelets of gold upon both his arms, an emerald in the navel, and in his left hand a golden fan, set round with beauti- ful feathers, and polished like a mirror, in which they imagined he saw every thing that happened in tlie world. At other times, to de- note his justice, they represented him sitting on a benclj covered Avith a red cloth, upon which were drawn the figures of skulls, and others bones of the dead: upon his left arm a shield with four arrows, and his right lifted in the attitude of tlirowing a spear: his body dyed black, and his head crowned with quail-feathers. Ometeuctli and Omecihiuitl {/). The former was a god, and the latter a goddess, who they pretended dwelt in a magniticent city in hea- ven, abounding with delights, and there watched, over the world, and gave to mortals their wishes: Ometeuctli to men, and Omccihuatl to women. They had a tradition that this goddess having had many chil- dren in heaven, was delivered of a knife of flint; upon which her children in a rage threw it to the earth, from which, when it fell, sprung sixtetii hundred heroes, who, knowing their high origin, and having no servants, all mankind having perished in a general calamity, [^) agreed to send an embassy to their mother, to intreat her to grant them power to create men to serve them. The mother answered, that if they had had more exalted sentiments, they would have made them- (/) They likewise gave these gods the names of CitlaUatonac and Cidaticue, upon account of the stars. [g) These people, as we shall mention in another place, believed that the earth had suffered three great universal calamities by which all mankind had been destroyed. 246 HISTORY OF MEXICO. HOOK V SECT. III. Deification of tlie sun uiiJ moon. l^ selves wortli}' to live with her eternally in heaven: but since they chose to abide upon the earth, she desired them to go to Micllanlcuctli, god of heil, and ask of him one of the bones of the men that had died; to sprinkle tbis with their own blood, and from it they would have a man and a woman who would afterwards multiply. At the same time she warned them to be upon their guard against Micllantenclli, who after giving the bone might suddenly repent. With those in- structions from his mother, Xolotl, one of the heroes, went to hell, and after obtaining what he sought, began to run towards the upper surface of the earth: upon which Micllantenctli enraged pursued him, •but, being unable to come up with him, returned to hell. Xolotl in his precipitate flight stumbled, and falling, broke the bone into unequal pieces. Gathering them up again, he continued his course till he ar- rived at the place where his brothers awaited him ; when they put the fragments into a vessel, and sprinkled them with their blood, which they drew from different parts of their bodies. Upon the fourth day they beheld a boy; and continuing to sprinkle with blood for three ilays more, a girl was likewise formed. They were both consigned to the care of Xolotl to be brought up, who fed them with the milk of the thistle. In that way, they believed the recovery of mankind was effected at that time. Thence took its rise, as they affirmed, the prac- tice of drawing blood from different parts of the body, which as w<' shall see was so common among these nations: and thev believed the differences in the stature of men to have been occasioned by the in- equality of the pieces of the bone. Ciliuacohuatl (woman serpent), called likewise 2uilaztli. This they believed to have been the first woman that had children in the world ; and she had always twins. She was esteemed a great goddess, and they said that she would frequently shew herself, carrying a child in a cradle upon her back. Tonalricll and Mezlli, names of the sun and moon, both deified by these nations. They said, that after the recovery and imiltiplication of mankind, each of the above-mentioned heroes or demigods had, among the men, his servants and adherents; and that there being no sun, the one that had been, having come to an end, the heroes assem- bled in Ttotilwacctn around a great fire, and said to the men, that the HISTORY OF MEXICO. 247 first of them that should throw himself into the fire would have the BOOK VI. glory to become a sun. Forthwith one of the men, more intrepid than the rest, called Nanahuaztin, threw himself into the flames, and descended to liell. In the interval, while they all remained expecting the event, the heroes made wagers with the quails, locusts, and other animals, about the place of tlie sky where the sun would first appear ^ and the animals being mistaken in their conjectures were immediately sacrificed. At length the sun arose in that quarter which from that time forward has been called the Levant; but he had scarcely risen above the horizon when he stopped; which the heroes perceiving, sent to desire him to continue his course. The sun replied, that he would not, until he should see them all put to death. The heroes were no less enraged than terrified by that answer: upon which one of them named Citli, taking his bow and three arrows, shot one at the sun; but the sun saved himself by stooping. Citli aimed two other arrows, but in vain. The sun enraged turned back the last arrow, and fixed it in the forehead of Citli, who instantly expired. The rest intimi- dated by the fate of their brother, and unable to cope with the sun, resolved to die by the hands of Xolotl, who after killing all his bro- thers, put an end to his own life. The heroes before they died left their cloaths to their servants; and since the conquest of these coun- tries by tlie Spaniards, certain ancient garments have been found, which were preserved by the Indians with extraordinary veneration, under a belief that they had them by inheritance from those ancient heroes. The men were affected with great melancholy upon losing their masters: but Tezcallipoca commanded one of them to go to the house of the sun, and from thence to bring music to celebrate his fesr ti^al: he told him that for his journey, Avhich was to be by sea, he would prepare a bridge of whales and tortoises, and desired him to sing, always as he Avent, a song which he gave him. This, the Mexicans said, was the origin of the mvisic and dancing with which thv cele- brated the festivals of their gods. They ascribed the daily sacrilice which they made of quails to the sun, to that which the heroes made of those birds; and the barbarous sacrifices of human victims, so com- mon afterwards in these countries, they ascribed to the example of Xoloti with his brethren. 248 HISTORY OF MEXICO. JUX1K VI. SECT. IV. Tile god of •ir. 'I'liey told a simikir fable of the origin ol" the moon. • Tczcochfcail, another of those men who a.sscnibled in Tivtihiuican, following the ex- ample of Nanahuatzin, tiirew himself into the fire: but the flames being somewhat less fierce, he turned out less bright, and was trans- formed into the moon. To these two deities they consecrated those two famous temples erected in the plain of Teotihuacan, of which we shall give an account in another place. 'Jluetxalcoatl. (Feathered serpent.) This was among the Mexicans, and all the other nations of Analmac, the god of the' air. He was said to have once been high-priest of Tula. They figured him tall, big, and of a fair complexion, with an open forehead, large eyes, long black hair, and a thick beard. From a love of decency, he wore always a long robe; he was so rich that he had palaces of silver and precious stones; he was thought to possess the greatest industry, and to have in- vented the art of melting metals and cutting gems. He was supposed to have had the most profound wisdom, which he displayed in the laws which he left to mankind; and above all to have had the most rigid and exemplary manners. Whenever he intended to promulgate a law in his kingdom, he ordered a crier to the top of the mountain Tza/zitepec (the hill of shouting) near the city of Tula, whose voice was heard at the distance of three hundred miles. In his time, the corn grew so strong that a single ear was a load for a man : gourds were as long as a man's body : it was unnecessary to die cotton, for it crew naturally of all colours: and all other fruits and seeds were in the same abundance and of extraordinary size. Then too there was an incredible number of beautifid and sweet singing birds. AH his subjects were rich ; and to sum up all in one word, the Mexicans imagined an much happiness under the priesthood of QiiefzalcoaH, as the Greeks did under the reign of Saturn, whom this Mexican god likewise resem- bled in the exile which he suffered. Amid.st all this prosperity, Tez- ruitlipoca, I know not for what reason, wishing to drive him from that country, appeared to him in the form of an old man, and told him that it was the will of the gods that he should be taken to the king- dom of TlapaUa. At the same time he offered him a beverage, which Qtiefzalcoall readily accepted, in hopes of obtaining that immortality after which he aspired. He had no sooner drank it than he felt him- HISTORY OF MEXICO. «49 self so strongly inclined to go to Tlapalla, that he set out imniediately, BOOK VI. accompanied by many of his subjects, who, on the way, entertained liim with music. Near the city of Quaulilitlan he felled a tree with .stones, which remained fixed in the trunk: and near TlalneparJla he laid his hand upon a stone and left an impression, which the Mexicans shewed the Spaniards after the conquest. Upon his arrival at Cholida, the citizens detained him, and made him take upon him the govern- ment of their city. Besides the decency and sweetness of his manner.-^, the aversion he shewed to all kinds of cruelty, insomuch that he could not bear to hear the very mention of war, added much to the atTection entertained for him by tlie inhabitants of Cliolida. To him they said they owed their knowledge of melting metals, their laws by which they were ever afterwards go%'erned, the rites and ceremonies of their religion, and even, as some affirmed, the arrangement of their seasons and calendar. After being twenty years in Cholida, he resolved to pursue his jour- ney to the imaginary kingdom of Tlapalla, carrying along with him four noble and virtuous youths. In the maritime province of Coalza- coalco, he dismissed them, and desired them to assure the Cliolulans that he would return to comfort and direct them. The Cholidan-!, out of respect to their beloved Quetzalcoatl, put the reins of govern- ment into the hands of those young men. Some people said that he suddenly disappeared, others that he died upon that coa.st; but, how- ever it might be, 'duelzalcoatl was consecrated as a god by the Tol- tecas of Cholidan, and made chief guardian of their city, in the cen- tre of which, in honour of him, they raised a great eminence and built a sanctuary upon it. Another eminence, with a temple, was after- wards erected to iiim in Tida. From Cholula his worship was pro- pagated over all that country, where he was adored as the god of the air. He had temples in Mexico, and elsewhere; and some nations, even enemies of the Cliolidans, had, in the city of Cholula, temples and priests dedicated to his worship; and people came from all coun- tries thither, to pay their devotions and to fultil their vows. The Cholulans preserved with the highest veneration some small green stones, very well cut, which they said had belonged to him. The people of Yucatan boasted that their nobles were descended from him. \ DL. I. 2 k 250 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. Barren ^vomen ofRrcd up their prayers to him in order to become IVuitlul. His festivals were great and extraordinary, especially in Cho- Inla, in the Teoxiliuitl, or divine year; and were preceded by a severe fast of eighty days, and by dreadful austerities practised by the priests consecrated to his worshi|). Qiietzalcoatl, they said, cleared the way for the god of water; because in these countries rain is generally pre- ceded by wind. Dr. Sigucnza imagined that the Que/zalcoafl, deified by those people, was no other than the apostle St. Tiiomas, who announced to them the Gospel. He supported that opinion with great learning, in a work [h) which, with many other of his inestimable writings, has been unfortu- nately lost by the neglect of his heirs. In that work he instituted a comparison betwixt the names of Didi/mos and ^iicfzalcoatl (/), their dress, their doctrine, and their prophecies; and examined the places through which they went, the traces which they left, and the mira- cles which their respective disciples related. As we have never seen the manuscript above mentioned, we shall avoid criticising an opinion to which we cannot subscribe, notwithstanding the respect which we bear for the great genius and extensive learning of the author. Some Mexican \\riUrs are persuaded that the Gospel had been jjreached in America some centuries before the arrival of the S])aniar(ls. Tlie grounds of that opinion are some crosses (/.) whicii have been (//) Tliis work of Siguenza is mentioned by Betancouit, in his Mexican Theatre; and hv Dr. Eguieia, in liis I\Ie.\ican Bibliotheca. {i) Betancourt observes, when he is comparing together tlie names of Didijmos and 'Huet- znlcoutl, that the latter is roni]>osed o( contiw twin, and (jiieizuHi a gem; and tiiat it signifie'; a precious twin. Rut 'I'urqiiemada, who jierfectlv understood tlie ^lexican language, and had tliose names interpreted to him by the ancient people, says that Quetzalcoatl means, ser- pent furnished with feathers. In fact, coutl does perfectly signify serpent, and rjiietzalii, tureen fiutlier, and have been applied to twin and gem, only metaphoricallv. (X) The crosses the most i-elcbrated are those of Yucatan, of .Mizteca, Queretaro, Te])i()ue, and Tianquiztepec. Those of Yucatan are mentioned by Father Cogolludo, a Franciscan, in his Ilistorj', book ii. chap 12. The cross of Mizteca is taken notice of by Boturini in liis work, and in the chronicle of Father Burgoa, a Dominican. There is an account of ihe cross of Queretaro, written bv a Franciscan of the college of Propug inda in that city; and of that of Tepique by the learned Jesuit Sigisniund Tarabal, whose manuscripts are preserved in the Jesuit college of GuaUalajora. That of TiamiuiztcptH; was discovered by Boturini, and is iiK-ntioned in his work. The cro.sscs of Yucatan were worshipped by the Yucatanese, in obedience, as they said, to the instructions of their great prophet Cliilum-Cambal, who desired K\ks\. when a certain race of men with beards should arrive in that country from the East, and HISTORY OF MEXICO. 251 found at different times, vhich seem to have be; n made before the BOOK VI . arrival of the Spaniards: the fast of fort}^ days observed by the people of the new world (/), tlie tradition of the future arrival of a strange people with beards, and the prints of human feet impressed upon sonic stones, which are supposed to be the footsteps of the apostle St. Tho- mas [71). We never could reconcile ourselves to this opinion ; but the examination of such monuments and remains, would require a work of a very different kind from that which we have undertaken. Tlaloc, otherwise TlalocateuctU (master of paradise), was tlie god ot water. They called him fertilizer of the earth, and protector of their temporal goods. They believed he resided upon the highest moun- tains, where the clouds are gencrallj'^ formed, such as those of Tlaloc, Tlascala, and Toluca; whither they often went to implore his pro- tection. The native historians relate, that the Acolhuas having arrived in that s^ct. v. country in the time of Xolotl, the first Chechemecan king, found at the niountains, top of the mountain of Tlaloc an image of that god, made of a white and "^'^r, fire, ,. , • , , c . . earth, night, very light stone, m the shape of a man sitting upon a square stone, with and hell. a vessel before him, in which was some elastic gum, and a variety of seeds. This was their yearly offering, by way of rendering up their thanks after having had a favourable harvest. That image was reckoned the oldest in that country; for it had been placed upon that hill by the ancient Toltecas, and remained till the end of the XVtli or beginning of the XVIth century, when Nezahualpilli, king of Acol- huacau, in order to gain the favour of his subjects, carried it away, and placed another in its stead, of a very hard black stone. The new image, however, being defaced by lightning, and the priests declaring it to be a. punishment fpom heaven, the ancient statue was restored, and there .should be seen to adore that sign, they should embrace the doctrine of those strangers. We shall have an opportunitj' of speaking more particularly concerning these monuments, in the Ecdesiasticril History of Mexico, if Heaven vouchsafe to favour our design. (/) The fast of forty days proves nothing, as those nations likewise observed fasts of three, four, five, twenty, eiifhty, a hundred and sixty days, and even of four years ; nor was that of forty days by any means the most common. (rt) Not only the marks of human feet have lieen found printed or rather cut out in stones, bnt those likewise of animals have been found, without our being able to fonn any conjecture »»f the purpose had in view by those who have taken the trouble to cut them. 2K2 ?52 HISTORY OF MEXICO. J30OK VI. continued to be preserved and worshipped, until the promulgation of the Gospel, when it was thrown down and broken by the order of the ' first bishop of Mexico. The ancients also believed that in all the high mountains there resided other gods, subaltern to Tlaloc. They all went under the same name, and were revered, not only as gods of water, but also as the gods of mountains. The image of Tlaloc was painted blue and green, to - express the diflVrent colours that arc 61)served in water. He held in his hand a rod of gold, of an undulated and pointed form, by which they intended to denote the lightning. He had a temple in Mexico, within the inclosure of the greater temple, and the Mexicans celebrated several festivals in honour to him every year. Chalchiidicueje, otherwise ChalchihuilUcue, the goddess of water, and companion of Tlaloc. She was known by some other very expressive names (o), which either signify the elTects which water produces, or tiie dilTerent appearances and colours which it assumes in motion. The TIascalans called her Matlalciieje, that is, clothed in a green robe; and they gave the same name to the highest mountain of ' Tiascala, on whose summit are formed those stormy clouds which generally burst over the city of Angelopoli. To that summit the TIascalans ascended to perform their sacrifices, and otTer up their prayers. This is the very same goddess of water, to which Torquemada gives the name of Xochiquctxal, and the Cav. Boturini that of Macidlwchi- qiie/zalli. Xiuhteuctli (master of the year and of the grass), was among these nations the god of lire, to whom tiiey likewise gave the name of I.rco- zmihqui, which expresses the colour of fire. This god was greativ revered in the Mexican empire. At their dinner they made an offering to him of the first morsel of their food, and the first draught of their bevera:;e, by throwing both info the fire; and burned incense to him at certain times of the day. In honour of him they held two fixed festivals of the most solemn kin«l, one in the tenth, and another in the eighteenth montii; and one moveable feast at which they created the (n) Apozonaltod and Acueciiejotl express the swelling and lluctuatioii of water : Atlacumani, storms excited on it: Ahuic and Aiauh, its motions sometimes to one side and sometimes to another : Xixiqiiipililiui, the alternate rising and falliiv.,' of the wave-s, &c. HISTORY OF MEXICO. ^53 usual magistrates, and renewed tlie ceremony of the investiture of the BOOK VI. fiefs of the kingdom. He had a temple in Mexico, and some other palaces. Centeotl, goddess of the earth and of corn, called likewise Tona- cajohua [p], that is, she who supports us. She had five temples in Mexico, and three festivals were held on her account, in the third, eighth, and eleventh months: she was particularly revered and honoured by the Totouacas, who esteemed her to be tlieir chief protectress; and erected to her, upon the top of a high mountain, a temple, where she was served by a great number of priests solely devoted to her ^vor- ship, and adored by the whole nation. They had an extraordinary lo\e for her, being persuaded that she did not require human victims, but was contented with the sacrifice of doves, quails, leverets, and such animals, which tiiey oifered up to her in great numbers. They expected she was at last to deliver them from the cruel slavery they were under to the other gods, who constrained them to sacrifice so many human creatures. The Mexicans entertained very different .sen- timents of her shedding a great deal of human blood at her festivals. In the abpve-mentioned temple of the Totonacas, was one of the most renowned oracles of the countrv. Mictlanteuctli, the god of hell, and Mictlancihuatl his female com- panion, were much honoured by the Mexicans. These deities were imagined to dwell in a place of great darkness in the bowels of the earth. They had a temple in Mexico, in which they held a festival in the eighteenth month. Sacrifices and offerings were made to them by night, and the chief minister of their worship was a priest called 77//- lantlenamacac, who was always dyed of a black colour, in order to perform the functions of his priesthood. Joalteuctli, the god of night, who seems to us to have been the same ^ with Mez/li or the moon. Some think him the same with Tonalhih, or the sun, while others imagine him to have been quite a distinct deitv. They recommended their children to this god, to gi\e them sleep. [p) They gave lier likewise the names of Tzinteotl (original goddess), XUonen, Iztacaccuteotl and Tlntlaiihquicenteotl, changing lier name according to the different states of the grain in the progress of its growth. 254 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BO OK VI. Joalticitl (nightly physician), goddess of cradles; to whom they like- wise recommended their children to he taken care of, particularly in the night-time. SECT. VI. Huitzilopochtli, or Mexitli, was the god of war; the deity the most war." honoured by the Mexicans, and their chief protector [q). Of this god some said he was a pure spirit, others that he was born of a woman, but without the assistance of a man, and described his birlh in the fol- lowing manner. There lived, said they, in Coatepec, a place near to the ancient city of Tula, a woman called CoatUcue, mother of the Ccutzonhuixuahuis , who was extremely devoted to the woi-ship of the gods. One day as she was employed, according to her usual custom, in walking in the temple, she beheld descending in the air a ball made of various feathers. She seized it and kept it in her bosom, intending afterwards to employ the feathers in decoration of the altar; but when she wanted it after her walk was at an end, she could not find it, at which she was extremely surprised, and her wonder was very greatly increased when she began to perceive from that moment that she w;vs pregnant. Her pregnancy advanced till it was discovered by her chil- dren, who, although they could not themselves suspect their mother's virtue, yet fearing the tlisgrace she would suffer upon her delivery, de- termined to prevent it by putting her to death. They could not take their resolution so secretly as to conceal it from their mother, who while she was in deep affliction at the thoughts of dying by the hands of her own children, iicard an unexpected voice issue from her womb, saying, " Be not afraid, mother, for I shall save you with the greatest honour to yourself, and glory to me." Her hard-hearted sons, guided and encouraged by their sister Cojolxauliqiii, \\\\o had been the most keenly bent upon the deed, were now just upon the point of executing their purpose, when Huitzilopochtli was burn, with a shield in his (f/) Huitzilopochtli \& a compound of two wonls, viz. Huitzilin, the hummingbird, and Opoclitti, left. It was so called from his image having the feathers of the little birf the great temple, which was afterwards given bj' the authors of the General H/sloty of Voyages, and is still to be met with in an edition of the conqueror Cortes's Letters, published at Mexico in 1770 : but the careless- .ness of the editors of that edition v^'ill appear from comparing the print in it with Cortes's own tlescription. He says, in his first letter, though somewhat hyperbolicallv, that the great temple of Mexico was higher than the tower of the cathedral ciiurch of Seville, while in the print ■mentioned it scarcely appears to be seven or eight perches or toises. Cortes declaj'es that five hundred IMexican nobles fortified themselves in the upper area, whereas that space as repre- sented in the print could not contain more than seventy or eighty men. Lastly, omitting many other contradiction^, Cortes says, that the temple consisted of three or tbur bodies, and that each body had, as he describes it, its corridores or balconies; j'et in the print it i? reprc- ■seiited as consisting of one body only, without any of those corridores at alL 2(52 HISTORY OK MEXICO. I'.o oiv. ^ ^l This great temple occiH)iecl the centre of tlie city, and, togcllicr .\\ ilh the other temples and buildings annexed to it, comprehended all tliat space upon which the greater cathedral church now stands, part ol" til'.' great market-place, and part likewise of the streets and building? around. Within the inclosure of the wall which encompassed it in u square form, the conqueror Cortes affirms that a town of five hundred houses might have stood (j/). The wall, built of stone and lime, was \ery thick, eigiit feet high, crowned with battlements, in the form of niches, and ornamented with many stone figures in the shape of serpents, whence it obtained the name of CoatepanlU, or the wall of serpents. It had four gates to the four cardinal points: the eastern gate looked to a broad street which led to the lake of Tezcuco : the rest cor- responded to the three principal streets of the city, the broadest and the straightest, which formed a continuation with those built upon the lake that led to Iztapalapan, to Tacuba, and to Tepejacac. Over each of the four gates was an arsenal filled with a vast quantity of ollensivc and defensive weapons, where the troops went, when it was necessary, to be supplied with arms. The space within the walls was curiously paved with such smooth and polished stones that the horses of the Spaniards could not move upon them without slipping and tumbling down. In the middle was raised an immense solid building of greater length than breadth (r), covered with square equal pieces of pavement. The l)uilding consisted of five bodies nearly equal in height, but ditfering in length and breadth j the highest being narrowest. The first body, or basis of the building, was more than iifty perches long from east to west, and about forty-three in breadth, from north to south [a). The {y) Tlie Anonymous Conqueror says, that what was within the wall was like a city. Go- nvua aftirnis, that the wall was a very long bowshot in length upon every side. Torquemada, although agreeing with Gomara in book viii. chap. 2. says afterwards in chap. xix. that the circunifcreiicft ot'the wall wus above three thousand paces, which is plainly a mistake. Dr. Her- uandez, in his prolix description of the temple, preserved in manuscript in the library of the liscurial, and which Father Niereniberg has made use of in his Natural History, allows to the wall, of every side, two hundred Toledan cubits, which is about cightv-six pei'ches. (:) Sahagun makes the temple perfectly square, but the Anoiiynwus Conqueror, both in the description and in the figure which he has left u.s represents it to have been of greater length than breadth, like those of Teotihuacan which served as models for all the rest. («) Sahagun gives to the first body upon every side three hundred and sixty Toleda^i feet, and that is the measure of its length. (Jomara gives it fit'ly bruzas, which is the measure of iiii breadth. Three hundred and sixty Toledan feet make three hundred and eight Parisian, or I'/.VI . l'o{.I.Ftu/r 2(yu . • ' y//, f//'fy//rr,:/f/r/////' // '//A W/i ffii'/yp . HISTORY OF MEXICO. - 263 second body was about a perch less in length and breadth than the BOOK VI. lirst; the third as much less than the second; and the rest in pro- portion, so that upon each body there remained a free space or plain which would allow three, or even four, men abreast to walk round the next body. The stairs, which were upon the south-side, were made of large well-formed stone>;, and consisted of a hundred and fourteen steps, each a foot high. They were not, however, one single staircase continued all the way, as they have been represented by the authors of the Gene- neral History of Travels, and the Publishers of Cortes's Letters, in Mexico; but were divided into as many separate staircases as there were bodies of the building in the manner shewn in our plate ; so that after getting to the top of the first staircase, one could not mount the second, without going along the first plain round the second; nor the third, without going along the second plain, and so of the rest. This will be better understood "by consulting the plate, which is copied from that of the Anonymous Conqueror {b), but con-ected as to the di- mensions, from that author's own description, and other historians. Upon the tifth body was a plain, Avhich we shall call the upper area, which was about forty-three perches long (c), and thirty-four broad, and was as well paved as the great area below. At the eastern extre- mity of this plain were raised two towers to the height of fifty-six feet or nearly nine perches. Each was divided into three bodies, of which the lower was of stone and lime, and the other two of wood very well wrought and painted. The inferior body or basis of each were properly the sanctuaries, where, upon an altar of stone, five feet high, were placed their tutelary idols. One of these two sanctuaries was conse- a little more than fifty perches. Fifty brazas, or eslados, make two hundred and fifty-seven Carisian feet, or about forty-two perches. (6) A copy of the drawing of the temple made by the Auonymous Conquei-or, is to be found in the collection of Jo. Ramusio; and another in Father Kircher's woik, entitled,.Osrf/- ptis Egyptiaais. (c) Sahagun, whose measures have been adopted by Torquemada, allows no more that se- venty Toledan feet square, which is about ten perches, to the upper area; but it is impossible that five hundred Mexican nobles, as Cortes asserts, could have stood to fight against the Spa- niards, in such a narrow space; especially if we believe Bernard Diaz, who says, that four thousand Alexicans fortified themselves in that temple, and that numbers had got up before the nobles ascended. 2(j4 HISTORY OF MEXICO. HOOK V I. crated to Iluitzilopochtli, and the gods of war; and the other to 'I'oz- catlipoca. The other bodies were desthied to the keepnig of some things belonging to the worship, and the ashes of some kings and lords wlio, through particular devotion, desired that to be done. The doors of botii sanctuaries were towards the west, and both the towers terminated in a very iieautiful wooden cuijola. There is ik) author who has de- scribed the internal disposition and ornaments of the sanctuaries; nor indeed the size of the towers; so that what is represented in our plate is only delineated from conjecture. I believe, however, we may ven- ture to say, without danger of mistake, that the height of the building without the towers was not less than nineteen perches, and with the towers exceeded twenty-eight. From that height one might see the lake, the cities around, and a great part of the valley ; and it has been affirmed by eye-witnesses to be the finest prospect in the world. In the upper area was the altar for the common sacrifices, and in •the lower that for the gladiatorial. Before the two sanctuaries were two stone stoves of the height of a man, and of the shape of our holy l)yx, in which they preserved a constant fire, night and day, with the utmost care; fearing that if ever it went out, they sliould sufier the most dreadful punishment from heaven. In the other temples and religious buildings comprised within the inclosure of the great wall, there were six hundred stoves, of the same size and figure, which in the night time, when they used all to be burning, presented a \ery pleasing sight. SECT. xr. In the space betwixt the wall and the great temple, there were, be- iiexecl"to^?he ^^^^^ * place for their religious dances, upwards of forty lesser temples, great temple, consecrated to the other gods, several colleges of priests, some semi- naries for youth and children of both sexes, and many other buildings scattered about, of which, for their singularity, it will be necessary to give some account. The most remarkable were the temples of Tezcatlipoca, Tlaloc, and Quetzalcoatl. They all resembled one another in form, but were of (Unircnt sizes, and all fronted the great temple; while the other temples without this area were bviilt with the front towards the west. Tiie temple of Quetzalcoatl alone difl'ered from the rest in funn ; it being round, the others all quadrangular. The door of HISTORY OF MEXICO. 265 this sanctuary %vas the mouth of an enormous serpent of stone, armed BOOK VI. witli fangs. Some Spaniards, tempted by curiosity to go into that dia- boHcal temple, afterwards confessed the horror which they felt upon entering it. Among other temples there was one called Ilhuicafitlan, dedicated to the planet ^'enus, in which was a great pillar with the figure of that star painted or engraved upon it; near which, at the time of her appearance, they sacrificed prisoners. The colleges of priests and the seminaries were various; but we particularly know only of five colleges or monasteries of priests, and three seminaries of youth, although there must certainly have been more, from the prodigious number of persons that were found there consecrated to the worship of the gods. Among the remarkable buildings within this area, besides the four arsenals over the four gates, there was another near the temple Tezca- calli (house of mirrors), so called from its walls being covered with mirrors on the inside. There was another small temple called Tecciz- calli, all adorned with shells which had a house annexed to it, into which, at certain times, the king of Mexico retired for the purposes of fasting and prayer. The high-priest had likewise a house of retire- ment called Pojaulitlan, and there were several others for other persons. There was also a great house of entertainment to accommodate strangers of distinction who came upon a devout visit to the temple, or from curiosity to see the grandeurs of the court. There were ponds in which the priests bathed; and fountains, the water of which they drank. In the pond called Tezcapan, many bathed in obedience to a particular vow made to the gods. The water of one of tlie foun- tains called Tozpalatl was esteemed holy : it was drank only at the most solemn feasts, and no person was allowed to taste it at any other time [cl). There were places allotted to the bringing up of birds for the sacrifices gardens in which flowers and odoriferous herbs were raised for the deco- ration in the altars; and even a little vvood, in which were artificially [d] The fountain Torpaltul, the water of which was excellent, was stopped up at the time when the Spaniards destroyed the temple ; it was opened again in 1582, in the little square of the Marquis (which at present is called et Evipedraditlo), near to the cathedral ;. but for some reason or other, of which we are ignorant, it was a second time stopped up. VOL. I. 2 M 266 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. represented hills, rocks, and precipices, and from which they issued to that general chacc which we shall describe i'l another part of this work. Particular apartments were destined for the keeping of the idols, the ornaments, and all the furniture of their temples; and among them were three halls so large, th.it the Spaniards were astonished upon see- ing them. Among the buildings most striking from their singularity, was a great prison like a cage, in Avhich they kept the idols of the conquered nations as if imprisoned. In some other buildings of this kind they preserved the heads of those who had been sacrificed, some of which were nothing but heaps of bones piled upon one another. In others the heads were arranged in regular order upon poles, or fixed against the walls, forming, by the variety of their disposition, a spec- tacle not less curious than horrid. The greatest of these buildings called Hititzompany although not within the great wall, was but a little way from it, over against the principal gate. This was a prodigious rampart of earth, longer than it was broad, in the form of a half py- ramid. In the lowest part it was one hundred and fifty-four feet long. The ascent to the plain upon the top of it was by a staircase of thirty steps. Upon that plain were erected, about four feet asunder, more than seventy \ery long beams, bored from top to bottom. By these holes, sticks Wire )}assed across from one beam to anolJier, and upon each of them a certain number of heads were strung by the temples. Upon the steps also of the staircase there was a head betwixt every stone; and at each end of the same edifice was a tower which appeared to have been made only of skulls and lime. As soon as a head began to crum- ible with age, the priests supplied its place with a fresh one from the bone-heaps in order to preserve the due number and arrangement. Thc- Kkulls of ordinary victims were stripped of the scalp; but those of men of rank and great warrioi-s, they endeavoured to preserve with the skin and beard and hair entire, wliich served only to render more frigiit- ful those trophies of their barbarous superstition. The number of heads preserved in this and such other Ijuildings is so great, that some of (he Spanish con(juerors took the trouble of reckoning up those HISTORY OF MEXICO. 26? upon the steps of this biiiitling, and upon the files betwixt the beams, BOOK VI. and found tliem amount to one hundred and thirty-six thousand (c). They who wish for a more minute detail of the buildings within the wall of the great temple, may read the relation of Sahagun in Torquemada, and the description of the seventy-eight edifices, there by Dr. Hernandez, in the Natural History of Nieremberg. Besides these temples there were others scattered in different quarters ^ect. xh. ,. , . „ . , ■ , • O'her tem- ot the city. Some authors make the number oi temples m that capi- pies, tal (comprehending, as may be imagined, even the smallest) amount to two thousand, and that of the towers to three hundred and sixty; but we do not know that any one ever actually counted them. There can be no doubt, however, that they were very numerous, and among them seven or eight distinguishable for their size; but that of Tlate- lolco, consecrated likewise to Huitzilopochtli, rose above them all. Out of the capital, the most celebrated were those of Tezcuco, Cholula, and Teotihuacan. Bernal Diaz, who had the curiosity to number the steps of their stairs, says, that the temple of Tezcuco had one hundred and seventeen, and that of Cholula one hundred and twenty. We do not know whether that famous temple of Tezcuco was the same with Tezcutzinco, so celebrated by Valades in his C/u-is- tian Rhetoric, or the same with that renowned tower of nine bodies, erected l)y the king Nezahualcojotl, to the Creator of heaven. The great temple of Cholula, like many others of that city, was detlicated to their protector Quetzalcoatl. All the old historians speak with wonder of the number of the temples in Cholula. Cortes wuote to the emperor Charles V. that from the top of one temple he had counted more than four hundred towers of others (/). The lofty pj^amid raised by the Toltecas remains to this day in that place where there was (e) Andrea de Tapia, an officer belonging to Cortes, and one of them who counted tlie skulls, gave this information to Gomara the historian, according to his own testimony in tap. Ixxxii. of his History of Mexico. (/) " Certifico a vuestra Alteza que yo cont^ desder una mezquita quatro cientas y tantas "torres en la dicha ciudad {de Cholula) y todas son de mezquitas." Letter to Charles V. Oct. 30, 1520. The Anonymous Conqueror affirms, that he counted one hundred and ninety towers of the teniples and palaces. Bernal Diaz says, that they exceeded a hundred ; but it is pro- bable, thai the two authors counted those only which were remarkable for their height, i^ome later authors have said that these towers were as many in number as the days of the year. 2 M 2 268 HISTORY OF MEXICO. ROOK VI. formerly a temple consecrated to that false deity, and now a holy sanc- —^—— ^lary of the mother of the true God; but the pyramid from its great antiquity is so covered with earth and bushes, that it seems more like a natural eminence than an edifice. We are ignorant, indeed, of its di- mensions, but its circumference in the lower part is not less than half a mile {§). One may ascend to the top by a path made in a spiral direc- tion round the pyramid; and I went up on horseback in 1744. This is that famous hill about which so many fables have been feigned, and which Boturini believed to have been raised by the Toltecas as a place of refuge in the event of another deluge like Noah's. The famous edifices of Teotihuacan, about three miles south from that place, and more than twenty from Mexico, towards Greco, still subsist: those immense buildings which served as a model for the tem- ples of that country, were two temples, consecrated, the one to the sun and the other to the moon, represented by two idols of monstrous bulk, made of stone and covered with gold. That of the sun had a great concavity in the breast, and an image of that planet of the purest gold fixed in it. Tlie conquerors possessed themselves of the gold, the idols were broken by order of the first bishop of Mexico, and the fragments remained in that place till the end of the last century, and may per- haps be there still. The base, or inferior body of the temple of the sun, is twenty-eight perches long, and eighty-six broad, and the height of the whole building is in proportion [h). That of the moon is eighty- six perches long in the base, and sixty-three broad. Each of these temples is divided into four bodies, and as many staircases, which aro arranged in the same manner with those of the great temple of Mexico; but cannot now be traced, partly from their ruinous condition, and partly from the great quantity of earth with w hich they are every-whcrc covered. Round these edifices are scattered several little hills, which are supposed to have been as many lesser temples, dedicated to the other {:;) Betancourt says, that the height of the pyramifl of Choluta was upwards of forty oitados, that is, more than two hundred and five Parisian feet ; hut tiiis author has been too snaring iu his ineasure, as that heiyht unquestionably exceeds five hundred feet. (/() Gemelli measured the length and breadth of those temples, but had no instrument to measuie their height. Cav. Boturini mea.sured their height, but when he wrote his work lie had not the measiue by him, yet he thinks he found the temple of the sun to have been two hundred Castilian cubits high, that is, eighty-six perches. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 269 planets and stars; and from this place being so full of religious build- BOOK VI. ings, antiquity gave it the name of Teotihuacim. . The number of temples throughout the whole Mexican empire was very great. Torquemada thought there might be above forty thousand ; but I am persuaded they would far exceed that number, if we should take the lesser ones into the account ; for there is not an inhabited place without one temple, nor any place of any extent without a considerable number. The architecture of the great temples was for the most part the same with that of the great temple of Mexico ; but there were many likewise of a difterent structure. Many consisted of a single body in the form of a pyramid, with a staircase ; others of ordinary bodies, with similar staircases, as appears in the subjoined plate, which is co- pied from one published by Didaco Valades in his Christian Rhe- toric [i). The superstition of those people, not contented with such a great number of temples in their cities, villages, and hamlets, erected many altars upon the tops of the hills, in the woods, and in the streets, not only for the purpose of encouraging the idolatrous worship of travellers, but for the celebration of certain sacrifices to the gods of mountains and other rustic deities. The revenues of the great temple of Mexico, like those of the other temples of the court and the empire, were very large. Each temple had its own lands and possessions, and even its own peasants to cultivate them. Thence was drawn all that was necessary for the maintenance of tlie priests, together with the wood which was consumed in great quantities in the temples. The priests that were the stewards. of the temples frequently visited' sect. xm. their possessions, and those who cultivated them, thought themselves f^^^^^^^l^^ happy in contributing by their labour to the worship of the gods and the support of their ministers. In the kingdom of Acolhuacan, those niiie-and-twenty cities which provided necessaries for the royal palace, ( i ) Diclaco Valades Franciscano, after having been employed many years in the conver- sion of the Mexicans, came to Rome, where he was made procurator-general of his order. A little time after he published his learned and valuable work in Latin, intitled, Rhetorica Christiana, dedicated to pope Gregory the Xlllth, adorned with many representations of Mex- ican antiquities. 'J7ri HISTORY OF MEXICO. f'i>OK^yi. wove likewise obliged to provide for the temples. There is reason to beUcve th;it that tract of countrjs which went iiiulcr tl)C name of Teof- lal/jan (land of the gods'), was so named from being among the posses- sions of tlie temples. There were besides great nnmbers daily of free- olferings, from the devout of every kind, of provisions and fust fruits, which were presented in returning thanks for seasonable rains and other blessings of heaven. Near the temples were the granaries where all the grain and other provisions, necessary for the maintenance of the priests, were kept ; and the overplus was annually distributed to the poor, for whom also there were hospitals in the larger towns. si;cT. XIV. Xhe number of the priests among the Mexicans corresponded with Number and i • i r i i i • i i diirerent the multitude ot gods and temples; nor was the homage which they ranks of the pr^\^\ j^ jj^p deities themselves much srreater than the veneration in which priests. * ■- they held their ministers. We may form some conjecture of the im- mense number of priests in the Mexican empire, from the number within the area of ihe great temple, which some ancient historians tell us amounted to five thousand. Nor will that calculation appear sur- prising, when we consider that in that place there were four hundred jiriests consecrated to the service of the god Tezcalzoncatl alone. Every temple, indeed, liad a considerable number, so that I should not think it rash to affirm, that there could not be less than a million of priests throughout tlie empire. Their number could not fail to be increased from the great respect paid to the priesthood, and the high opinion they conceived of the oflice of serving in (he worship of the gods. The great men even vied with one another in eonsecraling their children for some time to ihe service of the temples ; while the inferior nobility employed theirs in works without, such as carrying wood, feeding and keeping up the fire of the stoves, and other things of that kind ; all considering the honour of serving in the worship of the gods as the greatest to which they could aspire. There were several different orders and degrees among the priests. The chief of all were the two high priests, to whom the\' gave the names of Teoteiictli (divine lord), and HucUeopixqui (great priest). Thiit eminent dignity was never conferred but upon such as were dis- tinguished for their birth, their probity, and their great knowledge of evL-ry thing toniiected with the ceremonies of tluir religion. The HISTORY OF MEXICO. 271 liigh-priests were the oracles whom the kings consulted in all the most BOOK VI. important affairs of the state, and no war was ever undertaken without their approbation. It belonged to them to anoint the king after his election, and to open the breast, and tear out the hearts of the human victims, at the most solemn sacrifices. The high-priest in the king- dom of Acolhuacau was, according to some historians, always the se- cond son of the king. Among the Totonacas he was anointed with the elastic gum mixed wiih children's blood, and this they called the divine unction (A). Some authors say the same of the high-priest of Mexico. From what is said it appears, that the high-priests of Mexico were the heads of their ix-ligibn only among the ^Mexicans, and not with respect to the other conquered nations: these, even after being subject- ed to the crown of Mexico, still maintaining their priesthood inde- pendent. The high-priesthood was conferred by election ; but we are igno- rant whether the electors were of the priestly order, or the same with those who chose the political head of the empire. The higli- priests ol Jvlexico vs'ere distinguished by a tuft of cotton which hung from their breast; and ^ the principal feasts there were dressed in splendid habits, upon which were represented the insignia of the god whose feast they celebrated. On solemn festivals, the high-priest of the Mistecas was clothed in a short coat, on which the principal events of their mytho- logy was represented; above that he had a surplice, and over all a large capuchhi; on his head he wore plumes of green feathers, curiously in- terwoven with small figures of their gods; at his shoulder hung one tassel of cotton, and another hung at his arm. Next to this supreme dignity of the priesthood, the most jrespectable charge was that of the MexicoteohiuUzin, which was conferred by the high- priests. The employment of this officer was to attend to the due observ- ance of the rites and eeremomes, and to watch over the conduct of those priests v. ho had the charge of seminaries, and to punish them whea guilty of a misdemeanor. In order to enable him to discharge all the (k) Acosta confounds the divine unction of the high-priest with that of tiie king ; but it was totally diiTereut; the king did not aaoint himself with elastic gum, but with a particular sort of ink. 272 HISTORY OF MEXICO. noOK VT. duties of so extensive an ajjpointmf nt, he was allowed two curates or de- puties, the* one named the Iluitznahiiateohuatziu, the other the Tepaneo- huafzin. The Mexicoteohuatzin was the superior-general of all the semi- naries ; his chief badge of distinction was a little bag of copul, which he aluavs carried aiona; with him. The Tlatquiinilolteuctli managed the economy of the sanctuaries, the OmetachtU was the chief composer of the h3mns which were sung at festivals; the Epcoacuilfzin (/), the master of the ceremonies; the 77a- phcatzin the master of the chapel, who not only appointed the music, but superintended the singing and corrected the singers. Others, whose names we omit, to avoid growing tedious to om- readers, were the im- mediate superiors of the colleges of the priests which were consecrated to different gods [m). The name Teopixqui was also given to the priests, which means the guard or minister of God. To every division of the capital, and probably of every other great city, belonged a priest of superior rank, who acted in the quality of rector to that district, and appointed every act of religion which was to be performed within the bonds of his jurisdiction. All these rec- tors were subject to the authority of the Mexicoteohuatzin. SECT. XV. All the offices of religion were divided among the priests. Some The employ- ^yg|.g j^g sacrificers, others the diviners; some were the composers of ments, dress, '■ anrt life of liymns, others those who sung. Amongst the singers some sung at e priests, ggrtain hours of the day, others sung at certain hours of the night. Some priests had the charge of keeping the temple clean, some took care of the ornaments of the altars ; to others belonged the instructing of youth, the correcting of the calendar, the ordering of festivals, and the care of the mythological paintings. Four times a-day they offered incense to the idols, namely, at day- break, at mid-day, at sun-set, and at mid-night. The last offering was made, by the priest whose turn it was to do so, and the most re- spectable officers of-the temple attended at it. To the sun they made dailv new ofierings, four times during the day, and five times during (/) Torqiicmaila calls ih\s^x\it&i Epqualiztli, and Hernandez EpoaquacuiliztU ; but both of of them are mistaken. (m) Whoever is desirous of knowing the other officers aud names of the priests, may con- sult the 8th book of Torquemada, and the account given by Hernandez, which Nieremberg inserted in his Natural History. Fl. VII . 'J//,.4-trir// ■ -/>■/<.// Voi.I.Pa^'^ iJ3 '}N,:/tr>i n /< '/trrft^r. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 273 the night. For incense they generally made use of copal, or some BOOK VI. other aromatic gum; but on certain festivals they employed Chapopotli, or bitumen of Judea. The censers were commonly made of clay ; but tiiey Iiad also censers of gold. Every day the priests, or at least some of them, dyed their whole bodies with ink made of the soot of the Ocotl, which is a species of pine very aromatic, and over the ink they painted themselves with ochre or cinnabar, and every evening they bathed ill ponds which were within the inclosure of the temple. The dress of the Mexican priests was no way different from the dress of the common people, except a black cotton mantle, which they wore in the manner of a veil upon their heads; but those who in their monasteries professed a greater austerity of life, went al- wa3's clothed in black, like the common priests of other nations of the empire. They never shaved, by which means the hair of many of them grew so long as to reach to their legs. It was twisted with thick cotton cords, and bedaubed with ink, forming a weighty mass not less inconvenient to be carried about with them than disgusting and even horrid to view. Besides the usual unction with ink, another extraordinary and more abominable one was practised every time they went to make sacrifices on the tops of the mountains, or in the dark caverns of the earth. They took a large quantity of poisonous insects, such as scorpions, spi- ders, and worms, and sometimes even small serpents, burned them over some stove of the temple, and beat their ashes in a mortar together with the soot of the Ocotl, tobacco, the herb Ololiuhqui, and some live insects. They presented this diabolical mixture in small vessels to their gods, and afterwards rubbed their bodies with it. When thus anointed, (hey became fearless to every danger, being persuaded they were ren- dered incapable of receiving any hurt from the most noxious reptiles of the earth, or the wildest beasts of the woods. They called it Teo- patl'i, or divine medicament, and imagined it to be a powerful remedy for several disorders; on which account those who were sick, and the young children, went frequently to the priests to be anointed with it. The young lads who were trained up in the seminaries were charged with the collecting of such kind of little animals; and by being ac- customed at an early age to that kind of employment, they soon lost VOL. I. 2 N 274 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. *F.tT. XVI. Tlie piitst- esses. the horror which attends the first familiarity with such reptiles. The priests not only made use of this unction, but had likewise a ridiculous superstitious practice of blowing with their breath over the sick, and made them drink water which they had blessed after their manner. The priests of the god IxtUlton were remarkable for this custom. Tiie priests observed many fasts and great austerity of life; they ne- ver were intoxicated with drinking; and seldom even tasted wine. The priests of Tezcatzoncatl, as soon as the daily singing in praise of their god was over, laid a heap of three hundred and three canes on the ground, corresponding to the number of singers, of which heap only one was bored; every person lifted one, and he who happened to take up the cane which was bored, was the only person who tasted the wine. All the time that they were employed in the service of the temple, they abstained from all other women but their wives; they even affect- ed so much modesty and reserve, that when they met a woman, they fixed their eyes on the ground that they might not see her. Any in- continence amongst the priests was severely punished. The priest who, at Teohuacan, was convicted of having violated his chastity, was deli- vered up by the priests to the people, who at night killed him by the bastinado. In Ichcatlan, the high-priest was obliged to live constantly within the temple, and to abstain from commerce with any 'woman whatsoever; and if he unluckily failed in any of his duties, he was cer- tiiin of being torn in peices, and his bloody limbs were presented as an example to his successor. They poured boiling water on the head of those who, from laziaess, did not rise to the nocturnal duties of the temple, or bored tlieir lips and ear?; and if they did not correct that, or anv otlier such fault, they were ducked in the lake and banished from the temple during the festival, which was made to the god of water in the sixth month. The priests in general lived together in com- munities, subject to superiors who watched over their conduct. The office and charactei- of a priest among the Mexicans was not in its nature perpetual. There were certainly some who dedicated their whole lives to the service of the altars; but others engaged in it only for a cer- tain time, to fulfil some vow made by their fathei-s, or as a particular act of devotion. Nor was the priesthood confined to the male sex, some women being employed in the immediate service of the temples. They HISTORY OF MEXICO, 275 offered incense to the idols, tended the sacred fire, swept the area, BOOK VI. prepared the daily offering of provisions, and presented it with their hands to the idols; but they were entirely excluded from the office of sacrificina;, and the higher dignities of the priesthood. Among the priestesses, some were destined by their parents from their infancy to the service of the temples; others on account of some particular vow which they had made during sickness, or that they might ensure from their gods a good marriage, or the prosperity of their fomilies, entered upon such offices for one or two years. The consecration of the first was made in the following manner : As soon as the girl was born, the parents offered her to some god, and in- formed the rector of that district of it; he gave notice to the Tepan- teohuatzin, who, as we have already mentioned, was the superior ge- neral of the seminaries. Two months after they carried her to the temple, and put a small broom and a small censer of clay in her ht- tle hands, with a little copal in it, to shew her destination. Every month they repeated the visit to the temple and the offering, together with the bark of some trees for the sacred fire. When the child at- tained her fifth year, the parents consigned her to theTepanteohuatzin, Avho lodged her in a female seminary, where children were instructed in religion, and the proper duties and employments of their sex. The first thing done to those wlio entered into the service on account of some private vow, was the cutting off their hair. Both the latter and the former lived in great purity of manners, silence, and retire- ment, under their superiors, without having any communication with men. Some of them rose about two hours before midnight, others at midnight, and others at day-break, to stir up and keep the fire burn- ing, and to otYer incense to the idols; and although in this function they assembled with the priests, they were separated from each other, the men forming one wing and the women another, both under the view of their superiors, who prevented any disorder from happening. Every morning they prepared the offering of provisions which was presented to the idols, and swept the lower area of the temple; and the time which was not occupied in. these, or other religious duties, was employed in spinning and weaving beautiful cloths for the dress of the idols, and the decoration of the sanctuaries. Nothing was more 2N 2 276 m.STORV OF MEXICO. BOOK VJ. zealously attciidrd to llian the chastity of these virgiiis. Any trespass of this nature was nnpardonabie ; if it remained an entire secret, the female culprit endeavoured to appease the anger of the gods by fasting and austerity of life ; for she dreaded that in punishment of her crime her flesh would rot. When a virgin, destined from lier infancy to the worship of the gods, arrived at the age of sixteen or eighteen, at which years they were usually married, her parents sought for a husband to her, and after they found one, presented to the Tepauleohuatzin a certain number of quails in plates curiously varnished, and a certain quan- tity of copal, of flowers and provisions, accompanied with a studied ad- dress, in which they tlianked him for the care and attention he had shewn in tlie education of their daughter, and demanded his permission to settle her in marriage. Tlie Tei)anteohuatzin granted the request, in a reply to the address, exhorting his pu[)il to a perseverance in virtue, and the fulfilment of all the duties of the married state. >rcT. XVII. Amouffst the different orders or con"re2^ations both of men and wo- Ditlurent re- =' , , ■ r ■ i , ligiousor- men, who dedicated themselves to the worship oc some paitieular god.s, **■ that of Quetzalcoatl is worthy to be mentioned. The life led in the colleges or monasteries of either sex, which were devoted to this ima- ginary god, was uncommonly rigid and austere. The dress of the order was extremely decent; they bathed regidarly at midnight, and watched until about t^vo hours before day, singing hN-nms to their •god, and observing many rules of an austere life. They were at li- berty to go to the mountains at any hour of the day or night, to spill their blood; this was permitted them from a respect to the virtue which tliey were ail thought to possess. The superiors of the monas- feries bore also the name of QucLzalcoatl, and were perwns of such high antliorily, that they vi.sited none but the king when it was neces- sary. The iiiembtrs of this religious order were destined to it from ' their infanev. 1 he parents of the child invited the suf)erior to an en- tertainment, who usually dejiuted one of his subjects. The deputy brought the diild to him, upon which he took the boy in his anus, ami oliored him w ilh a prayer to Quetzalcoatl, aud put a collar about his neck, which was to be woin until he was seven \ears old. When the boy completed his second year, the superior made a small incision in his i)ix^ast. which, like tin- collar, was another mark of his destination. As IMSTOKY (JF MEXICO. 277 soodi as tbe boy attained his seventh year, lie entered into the monastery, BOOK VI. having first lieard a long discourse from his parents, in which they advertised liim of the vow wliicli they liad made to Quetzalcoatl, and exhorted him to fulfil it, to behave well, to submit himself to his prelate, and to pray to the gods for his parents and the whole nation. This order was called Tlamacazcajotl, and the members of it Tluma- cazcjue. Another order which was called Telpochtliztli, or the youths, on account of its being composed of youths and boys, was consecrated to Tezcatlipoca. This was also a destination from infancy, attended with almost the same ceremonies as that of Quetzalcoatl ; however, they did not live together in one community, but each individual had his own home. In every district of the city they had a suiierior, who governed them, and a house where they assembled at sun-set to dance and sing ,tlie praises of their god. Both sexes met at this dance, but without- committing the smallest disorder, owing to the vigilance of the superiors, and the rigour with which all misdemeanors were punished. Among the Totonacas was an ordei* of monks devoted to their goddess Centcotl. They lived in great retirement and austerity, and their life, exce])ting their superstition and vanity, was perfectly unimpeachable. None but men above sixty 3'ears of age wlio were widowers, estranged from all commerce with women, and of virtuous life, were admitted into this monaster3^ Their number was fixed, and when any one died another was received in. his stead. These monks were so much esteemed, that they were not only consulted by the common people,, but likewise by the first nobility and the high-priest. They listened to consultations sitting upon their heels, with their eyes fixed upon the ground, and their answers were received like oracles even by tiie kings of Mexico. They were employed in making historical paintings, which they gave to tlie high-priest that he might exhibit them to the people. But the most important duty of the priesthood, and tlie chief cere- sect. xvni. raony of the religion of the Mexicans, consisted in the sacrifices which ciific&oniu- they made occasionally to obtain any favour from heaven, or in grati- "«» victims, tude for those favours which they had already received. Tiiis is a subject which we would willingly pass over, if the laws of history permitted,. -278 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. to prevent the disgust which the description of siu;h abominable acts of cruelty must cause to our readers; for although there has hardly been a nation which has not practised similar sacrifices, it would be difticult to find one which has carried them to so great an excess as the Mexicans appear to have done. We are ignorant what sort of sacrifices may have been practised by the ancient Toltecas. The Chechemecas continued long without using them, having at first neither idols, temples, nor priests, nor offering any thing to their gods, the Sun and Moon, but herbs, flowers, fruits, and copal. Those nations never thought of sacrificing human victims, until the example of the Mexicans banished the first impressions of nature from tiieir minds. A^'hat they report touching the origin of such barbarous sacrilices we have already explained ; namely, that which appears in their history concerning the first sacrifice of the four Xochi- Tuilcan prisoners which they made when in Colhuacan. It is probable, that at the time when the Mexicans were insulated in the lake, and particularly A\hile they remained subject to the dominion of the Tepanecas, the sacrifice of human victims must have happened very seldom, as they neither had prisoners, nor could purchase slaves for .sacrifices. But when they had enlarged their dominions, and multiplied their victories, sacrifices became frequent, and on some festivals the victims were luimerous. The sacrifices varied with respect to the number, place, and mode, according to the circumstances of the festival. In general the victims sulfered death by having their breasts opened; but others were drowned in the lake, others died of hunger shut up in caverns of the mountains, and lastly, some fell in the gladiatorian sacrifice. The customary place was the temple, in the upper area of which stood the altar destined for ordinary sacrifices. The altar of the greater temple of Mexico w'as a green stone (probably jasper), convex above, and about three feet high and as many broad, and more than five feet long. The usual ministers of the sacrifice were six priests, the chief of whom was the To/)/7/2/m, whose dignity was pre-eminent and hereditary; but at every sacrifice he assumed the name of that god to whom it was made. For the pcrfoiniance of this function, he was clothed in a red habit, similar in make to the scapulary of the moderns, fringed Pi vin. Ve{.. J. fat//' ajtf . // I'l'i/i >Ni-/i • /tir/'//fr/- . HISTORY OF MEXICO. 2/9 with cotton; on his head he wore a crown of green and yel- BOOK VI. low feathers, at his ears hung golden car-rings and green jewels, (perhaps emeralds), and at his under-lip a pendant of turquoise. The other five ministers were dressed in white habits of the same make, but embroidered with black; their hair was wrapped up, their heads were bound with leathern thongs, their foreheads armed with little shields of paper painted of various colours, and their bodies dyed all over black. These barbarous ministers carried the victim entirely naked to the upper area of the temple, and after having pointed out to the bystanders the idol to whom the sacrifice was made, that they might pay their adoration to it, extended him upon the altar; four priests held his legs and arms, and another kept his head fimi with a wooden instrument made in form of a coiled serpent, which was put about his neck; and on account of the altar being convex, the body of the vic- tim lay arched, the breast and belly being raised up and totally prevent- ed from the least movement. The inhuman Topiltzin then approached, and, with a cutting knife made of flint, dexterously opened his breast and tore out his heart, which, while yet palpitating, he otfered to the sun, and afterwards threw it at the feet of the idol ; then taking it up again he offered it to the idol itself, and afterwards burned it, preserv- ing the ashes with the utmost veneration. If the idol was gigantic and hollow, it was usual to introduce the heart of the victim into its mouth with a golden spoon. It was customary also to anoint the lips of the idol and the cornices of the door of the sanctuary with the vic- tim's blood. If he was a prisoner of war, as soon as he was sacrificed they cut off his head to preserve the skull, and threw the body dov\ u the stairs to the lower area, where it was taken up b}" the officer or soldier to whom the prisoner had belonged, and carried to his house to be boiled and dressed as an entertainment for his friends. If he was not a prisoner of war, but a slave purchased for a sacrifice, the proprietor carried oiTthe carcase from the altar for the same purpose. They eat only the legs, thighs, and arms, and burned the rest, or preserved it for food to the wild beasts or birds of prey which were kept in the roval palaces. The Otomies, after having killed the victim, tore the body in pieces, which they sold at market. The Zapotecas sacrificed men tQ 280 HISTORY OF MEXICO. SECT. XIX. The gladia- torial! sacri- fice. J^'H^K yj^ their gods, women to their goddesses, and children to some other diminutive deities. This was the most common mode of sacrifice, but often attended witli some circumstances of still greater cruelty, as we shall see hereaAer; other kinds of sacrifices which tiiey used were much less frequent. At tlie festival of Teleoinan, the woman who represented this goddess was beheaded on the shoulders of another woman. At the festival of the arrival of the goils, they put tiie victims to death by fire. At one of the festivals made in honour of TIaloc, they sacrificed two children of both sexes by drowning them in a certain place of the lake. At another festival of the same god, they purchased three little boys of six or seven years of age, shut them up inhumanly in a cavern, and left them to die of- fear and hunger. The most celebrated sacrifice among the Mexicans was that called by the Spaniards with much propriety the gladiatoriav. This was a very honourable deatli, and only prisoners who were renowned for their bravery were permitted to die by it. Near to the greater temple of large cities, in an open space of ground sudicient to contain an immense croud of peopJe, was a round terrace, eight feet high, upon which was placed a large round stone, resembling a mill-stone in figure, but greatly larger, and almost three feet high, well polished, with figures cut upon it{?i). On this stone which was called the Temalacatl, the prisoner was placed, armed with a shield and a short sword, and tied by one foot. A Mexican oificer or soldier, l>etter accoutred in arms, mounted to combat with him. Every one will be able to imagine the efitirts made by the desperate victim to defend his life, and also those of the Mexi- can to save his honour and reputation, before the multitude of people that assembled at such a spectacle. If the prisoner remained van- quished, immediately a priest named Clialchiithtepchua, carried him dead or alive to the altar of the common sacrifices, opened his breast, and took out his heart, while the victor was applauded by the assembly, and rewarded by the king with some military honour. But if the prisoner (n) The form of the I'difices represented in the plate of the gladiatorian sacrifice is a mere caprice of the designer ; there was never any thing else tlvan the terrace and the battlcmeuts. Ff.IX. rUJ.Page zSo // (//au.nals, whenever they pronounced sentence in an important cause, vvhethei- civil or criminal, offered incense to the four principal winds. But iucense-otTering among the Mexicans, and other nations of Anahuac, was not only an act of religion towards their gods, but also a piece of civil courtesy to lords and ambassadors. The superstition and cruelties of the Mexicans were imitated by ail the nations which they conquered, or that were contiguous to the empire, without any difference, except that the number of sacrifices amongst those nations was less, and that particular circumstances sometimes attended them. The Tlascalans, at one of their festivals, fixed a prisoner to a high cross, and shot arrows at liim ; and upon another occasion, they tied ii prisoner to a low cross, and killed him by the bastinado. The sacrifices celebrated every fourth year by the Q,uauhtjtlans, -in sfct. xxi. honour of the god of fire, were inhuman, and dreadful, A day before cfificer^n^*" the festival, they planted six very lofty trees in the under area of the Quaulitjtlan. temple, sacrificed two slaves, stripped their skins off, and took out the bones of their thighs. The next day two eminent priests clothed themselves in the bloody skins, took the bones in their hands, and de- scended with solemn steps and dismal bowlings down the stairs of the temple. The people who were assembled in crouds below, called out in a loud voice, " Behold there come our gods*," As soon as they reached the lower area, tliey began a dance to the sound of musical instruments, which lasted the greatest part of the day. In the mean- while, the people sacrificed an incredible quantity of quails, the num- 2o2 284 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. ber of them being never less than eight thousand. When these sacri- fices were over, the priests carried six prisoners to the tops of the trees, and after tying them there, descended; but they had hardly time to reach the ground before the inihappy victims were pieiced with a multitude of arrows. The priests mounted again to cut down the dead bodies, and let them drop from tiic height; inmirdiately their breasts were opened, :uid their hearts torn out, according to the cus- tom of those people. Tlie victims as well as the quails were shared among the priests and nobles of that city, for the banquets which crowned their barbarous and detestable festival. SECT. XXII. AVhile they were tlius cruel to others, it is not wonderful that they Austeritie.s i-. • • i • i i i i t-i • i and fastiiiii likewise practised inhumanity towards themselves. liemg accustomed of the Mexi- jq bloodv sacrifices of their prisoners, thev also failed not to shed abun- cans. •' . . " dance of their own blood, conceiving the streams which flowed from their victims insufhcient to quench the diabolical thirst of their gods. It makes one shudder to read the austerities which they exercised upon themselves, either in atonement of their transgressions, or in preparation for their festivals. They mangled their flesh as if it had been insensible, and let their blood run in such profusion, that it appeared to be a super- fluous fluid of the body. The efl'uslon of blood was frequent and daily with some of the jiriests, to which practice they gave the name of TUiviacazqui. They pierced themselves with the sharpest spines of the aloe, and bored se- veral parts of their bodies, particularly their ears, lips, tongue, and the fat of their arms and legs. Through the holes which they made with these spines, they introduced pieces of cane, the firet of which were small pieces, but every time this penitential suffering , was re- " " peated, a thicker piece was used. The blood which flowed from them was careiully collected in leaves of the plant acxojatl (/■). They fi.Kcd the bloody' spines in little balls of hay, which they exposetl upon the battlements of the walls of the temple, to testify the penance which they did lor the people. Those who exercised such severities wjion themselves within the inclosure of the greater temple of Mexico, ()•) .-Ncyojatl is a tree of several upriglit stems, with long leaves, which are .strong and sjiu- (uetrically di.sgostd. lliey made formerly and still make excellent brooms of this plant. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 285 batlied themselves in a pond that was formed there, which from be- BOOK VI. ing ahvays tinged with blood was called Ezapan. There was a cer- tain fiKed number of canes to be made use of on this occasion, which, after being once used were preserved as attestations of their penitence. Besides those and other austere practices of which we shall treat shortly, Avatching and fasting was very frequent amongst the Mexicans. A fes- tival hardly occurred for which they did not prepare themselves with fasting for some days, more or less, according to the prescriptions of their ritual. From all that is to be inferred from their history, their fasting consisted in abstaining from flesh and wine, and in eating but once a day; this some did at mid-day, others after that time, and some tasted nothing till evening. Fasting was generally accompanied with watching and the effusion of blood, and then no person was permitted to have commerce with any woman, not even with -iiis own wife. Some fasts were general and observed by the whole people; namelv, the fast of five days before the festival of Mixcoatl, which was ob- served even by children; the fast of four days before the festival of Tez- catlipoca, and also, as we suspect, that which was made previous to the festival of the sun(.y). During this fast the king"" retired into a certain place of the temple, where he watched and shed blood, according to the custom of his nation. Any other fasts bound only particular individuals, such as that which was observed by the proprietors of victims the dav before a sacrifice. The proprietors of prisoners which were sacrificed to the god Xipe, fasted twenty days. The nobles as well as the king- had a house within the precincts of the temple, containing numerous chambers, where they occasionally retired to do penance. On one of the festivals, all those persons who exercised public oifioes, after their daily duty was over, retired there at evening for this purpose. In the third miiith the Tlamacazqui, or penance-doers, watched every night; and in the fourth month they were attended in their diitv bv 'the no- bility. In Mixteca, where there were many monasteries, the first-born sons of lords, before they took possession of their estates, were svxbjected to a (.v) The fast which nas held in honour of the sun was called Netonatiuhzahtudo, or Nelona- tiuhzahunlitzli. Dr. Hernandez says, it was held every two hundred, or three hundred days. We suspect that it was kept on the day I Olin, which occurred every two hundred and si-Kti? days. 286 Hisroin OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. rigorous penance . d mini; ^t whole year. They coiulucted the herr '"" ■" with a numeroiii attendanee to a monastery, where they stripjied otf his garments, and clotheti hnii m rags daubed over with o///, or ihistic gum, nibbed hi^ face, belly, and back, with stinking herbs, and delivered a small lance of itzUi to him, that he might draw his own blood. They restricted him to a very abstemious diet, subjected him to the hardest labours, and punished him severely for any failure in duty. At the end of the year, after being washed and cleansed by four girls with sweet-scented water, he was reconducted to his house with great pomp and music. In the principal temple of Teohuacan, four priests constantly resided, who were fanious for the austerity of their lives. Their dress was the same with that of the common people; their diet was limited to a loaf of maize of about two ounces in weight, and a cup of atoUi, or gruel, made of the same grain. Every night two of them kept watch, em- ploying their time in singing hymns to th(;ir gods, in offering incense, which they did four times during the night, and in sliedding their blood upon the stones of the temple. Their fasting was continual during the four years which they persevered in that life, except upon days of festival, one of which happened every month, when they were at liberty to eat as much as they pleased; but in preparation for every festival, they })ractised the usual austere rules, boring their ears with the spines of the aloe, and passing little pieces of cane through the holes to the number of sixty, all of which difliered in thickness in the manner above mentioned. At the end of four years, other four priests were introduced to lead the same kind of life; and if before the completion oftliat term any one of them happened to die, another was substituted in his place, that the number might never be incomplete. Tliese priests were so high in respect and esteem as to be held in veneration even by the kings of Mexico: but woe unto him who violated his chastity! for if after a strict examination the crime was proved, he was killed by bastinadoes, his body was burned, and his ashes .scattered to the win(ls. Upon occasion of any public calamity, the Mexican high-priest al- ways observed a most extraordinary fast. For this purpose he retired tM a wood, where he constructed a hut for himself, covered with HISTORY OF MEXICO. 287 branches, which were always fresh and green ; as whene\-er the first BOOK VI. became dry, new ones were spread in their place. Shut up in this hut he passed nine or ten months in constant prayer and frequent effusions of blood, deprived of all communication with men, and without any other food than raw maize and water. This fast was not indispensible, nor did all the high-priests observe it; nor did those who attempted it ever do it more than once in their lives; and certainly it is not proba- ble, that those who survived so rigorous and long an abstinence, were ever able to repeat it. The fast observed by the Tlascalans every divine year, at which pe- sect. xxm.. riod Ihey made a most solemn festival in honour of their god Camaxtle, a^rof peni- was likewise very singular. "When the time of commencing it was ar- tenceofthe rived, all the Tlamacazquis were assembled by their chief Archcau'ldii, who made them a serious and grave exhortation to penitence, and fore- warned them if any one of them should find that he was incapable of per- forming it, that he should declare so within five days; for that if, after that space of time was elapsed, and the fast was once begun, he should hap- pen to fail and renounce the attempt, he would be deemed unworthy of the company of the gods, his priesthood would be taken from liim, and his estate sequestered. At the expiration of the five daj's, which was allowed for the purpose of deliberation, the chief, attended by all those who had courage to attempt this penitential dutj-, the numl)er of whom used. to exceed two hundred, ascended the very lofty mountain Matlal- cueje, on the top of which was a sanctuary, consecrated to the god- dess of water. The Archcauldli mounted to the top to make his ob- lation of gems, precious feathers, and copal, while the others waited in the middle of the ascent, praying their goddess to give them strenpth and courage to go througli their penance. They afterwards descended from the mountain, and caused a number of little knives of itzli, and a great ([uantity of small rods of different thicknesses, to be made. The labourers upon those instruments fasted five days before they beean their work; and if any little knife or rod happened to break, it was accounted a bad omen, and the workman was considered to have broke the fast. The Tlamacazqui then began their fast, which did not last less than one hundred and sixty days. The first day they bored holes in their tongues, through which they drew the little rods, and notwith- 288 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BO'i K VI. stauding the excessive pain and loss of blood which they suffered, they were obliged all the while to sing aloud songs to their god, and every twenty days this cruel operation was repeated. When the fust eighty days of the fast of the priests were elapsed, a general fast, from which even the heads of the republic were not exempted, began with the people, and continued an equally long time. During this period, no person was allowed to bathe, nor to eat pepper, which was the usual seasoning of all their dishes. To such excesses and cruelty did fanaticism carry those nations. SECT. XXIV. All that we have hitherto related does not so much make known the tnrvam)vtar I'^ligion of the Mexicans, and the extravagance of their horrible su- nt" the Mexi- perstition, as the number of their festivals, and the rites which were observed at them; but before we enter more deeply into this subject, it is nece.ssary to give some account of their mode of dividing time, and the method which they adopted to measure days, months, years, and centuries. What we have to communicate on this head has been carefully investigated and certified by intelligent men, who are worthy of the utmost credit, who have applied with the utmost a.ssi- duity to this study, and who have diligently examined the ancient paintings, and obtained information from the best instructed persons among the Mexicans and Acolhuans. We are particularly indebted to the religious missionaries Motolinia and Sahagun, from whose writings Torquomada has taken all that is valuable in his work, and to the very learned Mexican D. Carlo Scguenza, whose opinions we have found to be just and accurate by the examination which we have made of several Mexican paintings, in which months, years, and cen- turies, are distinctly represented by their proper figures. The Mexicans, the Acolhuans, and all the other nations of Ana- huac, distinguished four ages of time by as many suns. The first named Atbnatiuh, that is the sun, or the age of water, commenced with tlie creation of the world, and continued until the time at which all mankind almost perished in a general inundation, along with the first sun. The second TlalUmafhih, the age of earth, lasted from the time of the general inundation until the ruin of the giants, and the great earthquakes, which concluded in like manner the second sun. The third, E/ucatoiiatiuh, the age of air, lasted from the destruction HISTORY OF MEXICO. 289 of the giants until the great whirlwinds, in which all mankind perished BOOK VI. along with tlie third sun. The fourth Tletonaliuh, the age of fire, be- gau at the last restoration of the human race, and was to continue, as we have already mentioned in their mythology, until the fourth sun, and the earth were destroyed by fire. This age it was supposed would end at the conclusion of one of their centuries; and thus we may account for these noisy festivals in honour of the god of fire, which were cele- brated at the beginning of every century, as a thanksgiving for his re- straining his voracity, and deferring the termination of the world. The Mexicans, and the other polished nations of Anahuac, used thft same method to compute centuries, years, and months, as the ancient Toltecas. Their century consisted of fifty-two years, which vvei-e sub- divided into four periods of thirteen years each, and two centuries formed an age, which was called by them Huehuetiliztli, that is, old age, of a hundred and four years (f). They gave to the end of the century the name of Toxiiihmolpia, which signifies, the tying of our years; because by it the two centuries were joined together to form an age. Their years had four names, which were Tochtli, rabbet; Acafl, cane or reed; Tecpatl, flint; and Calli, house; and of these with dif- ferent numbers their century was composed. The first year of the century was 1. Tochlli; the second, 2. Acatl; the third, 3. Tecpatl; the fourth, 4. Calli; the fifth, 5. Tochlli; and so on to the thirteenth year, which was 13. Tochlliy and terminated the first period. They began the second period with 1. Acatl, which was succeeded by 3. Tecpatl, 3. Calli, 4. Tochtli, until it was completed by 13. Acatl. In like manner the third period began with 1. Tecpatl, and finished with 13. Tecpatl; and the fourth commenced with 1. Calli, and terminated to- gether with the century in 13. Calli; so that there being four names and thirteen numbers, no one year could be confounded with another ( u ). {t) Thous;h some authors have given the name of century to tlieir age, and that of half lentLiry to their century, it is of little con.sequence, as their matter of computing vears and distributing time is not in tlie least altered by it. («) Boturini affirms, in contradiction to the general opinion ofauthors, that they did not begin all tlieir centuries with 1. Tocluli, but sometimes with I. Acatl, 1. Tecpatl, or 1. Calli. lie is mistaken, however, for it appears both from the best informed ancient authors, and the paintings examined by ourselves, that the Me.\ican century began always with I. 7bc/i///. This author says also, t.hat in the course of four centuries the same name or character was ne- VOL. r. 2 P 290 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. All this will be more clearly understood in the table of the ccntur^^, which we shall afterwards subjoin. The Mexican year consisted, like ours, of three hundred and sixty- five da\'s; for although it was composed of eis;hteen months, each of which contained twenty days, which make up only three hundred and sixty, they added after the last month five days, which they called Xe- moiiteini, or useless; because in these days they did nothing but re- ceive and return visits. Tlie year 1. Tochtli, the first of their century, began upon the tu'cnt}''-sixth day of February [x); but every four years the Mexican century anticipated one day, on account of the odd day of our bissextile, or leap-year; from whence in the last years of the Mexican century, the year began on the fourteenth of February, on account of the thirteen days which intervene in the course of fifty-t\so years. But at the expiration of the centur}^ the commencement of the year returned to the twenty-sixth of February. The names which they gave their months were taken both from the employments and festivals which occurred in them, and also from the accidents of the season which attended them. These names appear dif- ierently arranged among authors ; because, in fact, their arrangement was not only different among different nations, but even among the Mexicans themselves it varied. The following was the most common: 1. Atlacahialco [y). 4. Ilucitozoztii. 2. Tlacaxipeliitalizfli. 5. Toxcatl. 3. TozoztotUli. 6. EtzalcuallztU. v«r repealed with the same number: but how is It possible that this could happen in the pe- riod of two hundred and eight years, while the characters were only four and the numbers used but thirteen, as he himself allows? (x) Authors difler in opinion respecting the day on which the Mexican year comraeireed. The reason of this was unquestionably the dillerencc which is occasioned by our leap years, to which probably those authors did not advert. It may also have been the case, that some of them spoke of the astronomical year of the Mexicans, and not of the religious, of which we treat. (j^) Gomara, Valades, and other authors make Tlaaiiipehualktli, the first month of the Mexican year, which in our table is the second. The authors of the edition of the Letters of Cortes, published at Mexico in 1780, make ^/ewoi/// the first, which is the 16th in our table. But Motolinia, whose authority has most \>eight, has put, as we do, Atlnliunlco for the first month; and Torquemada, Betancourt, and Martinodi Leon, a Dominican, thinks as he does. To avoid troubling our readers, we omit the strong reasons which have induced us to adopt our present opinion. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 291 7. TccuUhuUontU. 13. Tepeilhuill. BOOK VI. 8. Hiieitecuilhuifl. 14. Quecholli. 9. Tlaxochimaco. 15. Panquetzaliizli. 10. Xoi-ohuetzi. J 6. Atemoztli. 11. Ochpaniztli. ■ 17. Tititl. 12. 7>c;//fca. 18. /zca///. Tlieir month consisted as we have ah-ead\^ mentioned ol" twenty sect. xxv. days, the names of which are these : ^^^ 'l^lexi- •' oan month. 1. Cipadli. II. Ozomatli. 2. Ehicatl. 12. Malinalli. 3. Cain. IS. Acad. 4. Ciietzpalin. 14. Ocelotl. 5. Coatl. 15. Quauhtli. 6. Miquitzli. 16. Cozcaquauhtli [z). 7. Mazatl. 17. Olin tonatiuh. 8. TwA///. 18. Tlr/ja//. 9. ^//. 19. Quiahidti. 10. Itzcuintli. 20. Xochitl. Although the signs or characters which are signified by these namefe, should be distributed among the twenty days, according to the order above, nevertheless in their mode of reckoning, no regard was paid to the division of months, nor that of years, but to periods of thirteen days (similar to those of thirteen years in the century), which run on without interruption from the end of a month or yeax. The first day of the century was 1. Cipactli; the second, 2. Ekecatl, or wind; the third, 3. Calli, or house ; and so on to thirteen, which was 13. Acatl, or reed. The I4th day began another period, reckoning I, Ocelotl (tyger), 2. QuauhlU (eagle), &c. until the completion of the month 7- Xochitl (flower), and in the next month they continued to count 8. Cipactli, 9- Eliecatl, &c. Twenty of these periods made in thirteen months a cycle of two hundred and sixty days, and during the whole of this time, the same sign or character was not repeated (i) Cozcaquauhtli is tlie name of a bird which we described in our first book. Car. Boturini puts instead of it Temetlatl, or the stone used to grind maize or cocoas. 2P2 292 HISTORY OV MEXICO. BOOK VI. with tlie same number, as will appear from the calendar which we shall give hereafter. On the first day of the fourteenth month, another cycle commenced in the same order of the characters, and of the same number of periods, as the first. If the year had not, besides the eighteen months, had the five days called Nemontemi, or if the periods had not been continued in these days, the first day of the second year of the century would have been the same with that of the preceding, 1. Cipactli; and in like manner, the last day of every year would always have been Xochitl; but as the period of thirteen days was continued through the days called Nemontemi, on that account the signs or cha- racters changed place, and the sign Miquiztli, which occupied in all the months of the first year the sixth place, occupies the first in the second year; and on the other hand, the sign Cipactli, which in the first year had occupied the first place has the sixteenth in the second year. To know what ought to be the sign of the first day of any year, there is the following general rule. Every year Tochtli begins with Cipaclli, every year Jca/l with Miqueztli, every year Tecpall with Ozomalli, and every year Calli with CozcaquaiihtU, adding always the number of the year to the sign of the day; as, for example, the vear 1. Tochtli has for the first day 1. CipuctU; so the 2. Acatl has y. Miquiztli i the 3. Tecpall has 3. Ozomatli, and 4. Calli has 4. Coz- caqiiauhtU, &c. («). From what we have already said it will appear, that the number thirteen was held in high estimation by the Mexicans. The four periods of which the century consisted, were each of thirteen years; thirteen months formed their cycle of two hundred and sixty da^'s; and thirteen days their smaller periods, which we have already mentioned. The origin of their esteem for this number was, according to what Si- s:uenza has said, that thirteen was the number of their greater gods. The number four seems to have been no less esteemed amongst them. As (hey reckoned four periods of thirteen years each to their century, they also reckoned thirteen periods, of four years each, at the expiration of (d) Cav. Boturini says, that the year of the Rabbet began uniformly with the day of the Rabbet, the year of the Cane with the day of the Cane, &c. and never with the days '.vhich we have mentioned ; but we ought to give more faith to Siguenza, wiio was certainly better informed in Mexican antiquity. The system of this gentleman is fantastical and fullof coh- tiadictiony. Javs. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 293 each of which they made extraordinary festivals. We have already BOO K VI. mentioned both the fast of four months, and the Nappapohuallatolli, or general audience, which was given every four months. In respect to civil government, they divided the month into four periods of five days, and on a certain fixed day of each period their fair or great market was held; but being governed even in political matters by principles of religion in the capital, this fair was kept on the da3's of the Rabbet, the Cane, the Flint, and the House, which were their favourite signs. The Mexican year consisted of seventy-three periods of thirteen days, and the century of seventy-three periods of thirteen months, or cycles of two hundred and sixty days. It is certainly not to be doubted, that the Mexican, or Toltecan sect. x.wi. system of the distribution of time was extremely well digested, though j"'*^"^^ ^'-^ at fust view it appears rather intricate and perplexed; hence we may infer with confidence, it was not the work of a rude or unpolished people. That however which is most surprising in their mode of com- puting time, and which will certainly appear improbable to readers who are but little informed with respect to Mexican antiquity, is, that having discovered the excess of a few hours in the solar above the civil year, they made use of intercalary days to bring them to an equality; but with this difference in regard to the method established by Julius Caesar in the Roman calendar, that they did not interpose a day every four years, but thirteen days, (making use here even of this favourite number) every fifty-two years; which produces the same regulation of time. At the expiration of the Century they broke, as we shall men- tion hereafter, all their kitchen utensils, fearing that then also the fourth age, the sun and all the world were to be ended, and the last night they performed the famous ceremony of the new fire. As soon as they were assured by the new fire, that a new centur3-, according to their belief, was granted to them by the gods, they emploj'ed the thir- teen following days, in supplying their kitchen utensils, in furnishing new garments, in repairing their temples and houses, and in making every preparation for the grand festivals of the new century. These thirteen days were the intercalary days represented in their paintings by blue points; they were not included in the century just expired, nor 294 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK Vl^ i„ thivt which was just commencing, nor did ihey continue in them their periods of days, which tlicy always reckoned from the first day to the last day of the century. When the intercalary days were elapsed, tiiey began the new century with the year I. Tocht'i, and the day 1. Cipactli, upon the 26th day of oin- February, as they did at the beginning of the preceding century. We would not venture to relate these particu- lars, if we were not supported by the testimony of Dr. Siguenza, who, in addition to his great learning, his critical .skill and sincerity, was the person who most diligently exerted himself to illustrate these points, and consulted both the best instructed Mexicans and Tczcucans, and fcitudied their histories and painting.s. Boturini affirms, that a hundred and more years before the Christian era, the Toltecas adjusted their calendar, by adding one day every four years, and that they continued to do so for several centuries, until the Mexicans established the method we have mentioned: that the cause of the new method was, that two festivals concurred upon the same day, the one the moveable festival of Tczcatlipoca, the other that of Huitzilopochtli, which was tixed; and that the Colhuan nation had celebrated the latter, and passed over the former; upon which Tczcat- lipoca in anger predicted, that the monarchy of Colhuacan would soon be dissolved; that the worship of the ancient gods of the nation would cease, and that it would remain confmed to the worship of one sole di- vinity, which was never seen or understood, and subjected to the power of certain strangers who would arrive from distant countries; that the kings of Mexico being made acquainted with this prediction, ordered, that whenever two festivals concurred upon the same day, the principal festival was to be celebrated on such day, and the other on the day after; and that the day which was usually added every four year's, should be omitted ; and that at the end of the century, the thirteen davs shouhj be added instead of them. But we are not willing to give credit to this account. Two things must appear truly strange in the Mexican system, the one is, that they did not regulate their months by the changes of the moon; the other that they used no particular character to distinguish one century from another. But with respect to the first, we do not nieau that thrir astronomical months did not accord with tjie lunar r/.x '/>;,,■ Vof .1 . Piitff a/y,,- HISTORY OF MEXICO. 295 periods; because we know that their year was justly regulated by the BOO K VI. sun, and because they used the same name, which was Metztli, in- differently for month or moon. Tiie month now mentioned by us is their religious month, according to which they observed the celebration of festivals, and practised divination; not their astronomical month, of which we know nothing unless that it was divided into two periods, that is, into the period of the n'litching, and into that of the sleep of the moon. We are however persuaded, that they must have made use of some characters to distinguish one century from another, as this distinction was so very easy and necessary ; but we have not been able to ascertain this upon the authority of any historian. The distribution of the signs or characters, both of days and yearsj sect. xxvu. served the Mexicans as superstitious prognostics, according to which I^"'"^^'*"^ they predicted the good or bad fortune of infants from the sign under which they were born; and the happiness or misfortune of marriages, the success of wars, and of every other thing from the day on which they were undertaken or put in execution; and on this account also they considered not only the peculiar character of ever\' day and 3"ear, but likeu ise the ruling character of ever}^ period of d;iys or years ; for the first sign or character of every period was the ruling sign through the whole of it. Of merchants we find, that whenever they wished to undertake any journey, they endeavoured to begin it on some day of that period, during which the sign Coatl (serpent) ruled, and then they promised themselves much success in their commerce. Those persons who were born under the sign Qiiauhtli (eagle), were suspected to prove mockers and slanderers, if they were males; if females, loqua- cious and impudent. The concurrence of the year with the day of the Rabbet was esteemed the most fortunate season. To represent a month they painted a circle or wheel, divided into sect, xxvin. twenty figures signifying twenty days, as appears in the plate we have figures of Jo o J o ^ J ' t-r r jl^g century, given, which is a copy from one published by Valades, in his Relto- the year, and rica Crist iana, and the only one hitherto published. To represent the "*°"* " year they painted another, which they divided into eighteen figures of the eighteen months, and frequently painted within the wheel the image of the moon. The representation which we have given of this image, was taken from that published by Geraelli, which was a copy from an. •29(J HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. ancient painting in the possession of Dr. Siguenza [b). The century was represented by a wheel divided into fifty-two figures, or rather by four figures which were thirteen times designed. Tliey used to paint a serpent twisted about the wheel, which pointed out by four twists, of its body the four principal winds, and the beginnings of the four periods of thirteen years. The wheel which we here present, is a cop}-^ of two others, one of whicii was published by Valades, and the other by Gemelli, Avithin which we have represented the sun,- as was generally done by the Mexicans. In another place we shall explain the figures of these wheels in order to satisfy our curious readers. The method adopted by the Mexicans to compute months, years, and centuries, was, as we have already mentioned, common to all tliu polished nations of Anahuac, without any variation among them ex- cept in the names and figures (c). The Chiapanese, who, among the tributaries to the croM'n of Mexico, were the most distant from the capital; instead of the names and the figures of the Rabbet, the Cane, Flint, and House, made use of the names Vota?}, Lamba/, Been, and Chinan, and instead of the names of the Mexican days, they a(k)pted the names of twenty illustrious men among their ancestors, among which the four names a!)ove mentioned, occupied the same place that the names Rabbet, Cane, Flint, and House, held amongst the Mexican days. The Chiapanese names of the twenty days of the month were the SECT. XXIX Years and niOHtiis of the Chiapa- nese. following : 1. Mot. 2. /i,'A. 3. VOTAN. 4. Ghanan. 5. Jbagli. 6. Tor. 7. Moxic. 8. LAM BAT. 9. Mob, or Midu. 10. Elah. 11. Blitz. 12. Enoh. (6) Three copies of the Mexican year have been published. The fust that of Val.ules, the second that of Siguenza, published by Gemelli, and the third that of Boturini, published at Mexico, in 1770. In that of Siguenza, within the wheel of the century, appears that of ♦he vear; and in tlr.it of Valades, within both wheels, that of the month is represented. We have separated them to malic them more intelligible. (c) Boturini savs, that the Indians of the dioce.se of (iuaxaca made their J'ear consist of thirteen months; hul it niiisl have been their astronomical or civil year, and not their religious year. n.Ai. rolIPa^e 2^6'. '///^^rican Qnfury HISTORY OF MEXICO, 29: J 3. been: U. Ha: 15. Tziquin. 16. CItabin. 17. C///1-. 18. CIIJWaa 19. Ca6oo/i. 20. ^^/iH«/, BOOK VI. There was no month in which the Mexicans did not celebrate some festival or otlier, which was either fixed and established to be held on a certain day of the month, or moveable, from being annexed to some signs whicli did not correspond with the same days in every year. The principal moveable fostivols, according to Botnrini, were sixteen in number, among which the fourth was that of .tlie god of wine, and llie thirteenth, that of the god of fire. With respect to those festivals which were fixed, we shall mention, as concisely as possible, as much as we judge will be sufficient to convey a competent idea of the reli- gion and the superstitious disposition of the Mexicans. On the second day of the fust month, they made a great festival to Tlaloc, accompanied with sacrifices of children, which were purchased for that purpose, and a gladiatorian sacrifice} these children, which were purchased, were not sacrificed all at once, but successively so, in the course of three months, which corresponded to those of March and April, to obtain from this god the rains which were necessary for their maize. On the iirst day of the second month, which, in the first year of their century, corresponded to the 18th of March [d), they made a most solemn festival to the god Xipe, the sacrifices ofl'ered at which were extremely cruel. They dragged the victims by their hair to the upper area of the temple, where, after they Vvcre sacrificed in the usual manner, they skinned them, and the priests clothed themselves in their skins, and appeared for some days in these bloody coverings. The owners of prisoners that were sacrificed, Meve bound to fast for twenty days, after which they made great banquets, at which they dressed the flesh of the victims. The stealers of gold or silver were sacrificed along with prisoners, the law of the kingdom having or- dained that punishment for them. The circumstance of skinning the {d) Whenever we mention the correspondence of the Mexican months with ours, it is to be understood of those of the first year of their century. VOL. I. 2 Q SECT. .\.KX. Festivals of the four first months. 298 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. victims, obtained to this month the name of Tlacaxipehualiztli, or the skinning of men. At this festival, the mihtary went through several exercises of arms and practises of war, and the nobles celebrated with songs the glorious actions of their ancestors. In Tlascala, the nobles, as well as the plebeians, had dances, at which they were all dressed in skins of animals, and embroidery of gold and silver. On account of these dances, which were common to all ranks of people, they gave the festival as well ai> the month the name of Coailliuitl, or the general festival. In the third monlh, which began on the 7th of April, the second festival of Tlaloc was celebrated with the sacrifice of some children. The skins of the victims which were sacrificed to the god Xipe, in the preceding month, were carried in procession to a temple called Jopico, which vviis within the inclosure of the greater temple, and there deposited in a cave. In this same month the Xochimanqiti, or those who traded in flowers, celebrated the festival of their goddess Coatlicue, and presented her garlands of flowers curiously woven. But before this offering was made, no person was allowed to smell these flowers. The ministers of tlie temples watched every night of this month, and on that account made great fires; hence the month took the name of TozoztoiiU, or little watch . The fourth month was called Hueitozoztli , or great watch; be- cause, during this month, not only the priests but also the nobility and populace kept watch. They drew blood from their ears, eye- brows, nose, tongue, arms, and thiglis, to expiate the faults committed by their senses, and exposed at their doors leaves of the sword-grass, coloured with blood, but with no other intention, probably, than to make ostentation of their penance. In this manner they prepared themselves for the festival of the goddess Centeotl, which was cele- brated with sacrifices of human victims and animals, particularly of quails, and with many warlike exercises, which they performed before the temple of this goddess. Little girls carried ears of maize to the temple, and after offering them to that false divinity, carried them to granaries, in order that these ears, thus hallowed, might preserve all the rest of the grain from any destructive insect. This month commenced on .the 27th of April. HISTORY OF MEXICO. '■209 The fifth month, which began upon the 17th of May, was ahnost BOOK VI . wholly festival. The first, which was one of the four principal fes- *i=^*-t- ^x^' tivals of the Mexicans, was that which they made in honour of valofthe their great god Tezcatlipoca. Ten days before it a priest dressed him- f?°^ Tezcat- self in the same habit and badges which distinguished that god, and went out of the temple with a bunch of flowers in his hands, and a little flute of clay which made a very shrill sound. Turning his face first towards the east, and afterwards to the other three principal winds, he sounded the flute loudly, and then taking up a little dust from the earth with his finger, he put it to his mouth and swallowed it. Upon hearing the sound of the flute, all kneeled down; criminals were thrown into the utmost terror and consternation, and with tears implored that god to grant a pardon to their transgressions, and hinder them from being discovered and detected; warriors prayed to him for courage and strength against the enemies of the nation, successful victories, and a multitude of prisoners for sacrifices; and all the rest of the people, using the same ceremony of taking up and eating the dust, supplicated with fervour the clemency of the gods. The sound of the little flute was repeated every day until the festival. One day before it, the lords carried a new habit to the idol, which the priests immediately put upon it, and kept the old one as a relique in some repository of the temple ; they adorned the idol with particular ensigns of gold and beautiful feathers, and raised up the tapestry, which always covered the entrance of the sanctuaiy, that the image of their god might be seen and adored by the multitude. When the day of the festival ar- rived, the people flocked to the lower area of the temple. Some priests painted black, and dressed in a similiar habit with the idol, car- ried it aloft upon a litter, which the youths and virgins of the temple bound with thick cords of wreaths of crisp maize, and put one of these ^vreaths round the neck, and a garland on the head of the idol. This cord, the emblem of drought, which they desired to prevent, was called Toxcatl, which name was likewise given to the month on ac- count of this ceremony. All the youths and virgins of the temple, as well as the nobles of the court, carried similar wreaths about their necks and in their hands. Then followed a procession through the lower area of the temple, where flowers and odoriferous herbs were 2q 2 300 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. scattered; two priests offered incense to the idol, which two others carried upon tiieir sho\dders. In the meanwhile the people kept kneel- ing, striking their backs with thick knotted cords. When the pro- cession finished, and also their discipline, they carried back the idol to the altar, and made abundant offerings to it of gold, gems, flowers, feathers, animal.'^, and provisions, which were prepared by the virgins and other women, who on account of some particular vow assisted for that day in the service of the temple. These provisions were car- ried in procession by the same virgins, who were led by a respectable priest, dressed in a strange fantastical habit, and lastly the youths car- lied them to the hal)itations of the i)riests for whom they had been pre- ])arcd. Afterwards tiny made tlie sacrifice of the victirn representing the god Tezcatlipoca. This victim was the handsomest and best sha,ped youth of all the prisoners. I hey .selected him a year before the festival, and during that whole time he was always dressed in a similar habit with the idol; he was permitted to go round the city, but always ac- . companicd by a strong guard, and was adored every- where as the liv- ing image of that supreme divinity. Twenty days before the festival, this youth married four beautiful girls, and on the five days preceding the festival, they gave him sumptuous entertainments, and allowed liim all the pleasures of life. On the day of the festival, they led him with a numerous attendance to the temple of Tezcatlipoca, but before they came there they dismissed his wives. He accompanied the idol in the procession, and when the hour of sacrifice was come, they stretciied him upon the altar, and "the high-priest \\ith great reverence opened his breast and pulled out his heart. His body was not, like the bodies of other victims, thrown down the stairs, but carried in tlie arms of the priests and beheaded at the bottom of tlie temple. His head was strung up "in the Tzompantli, among the rest of the skulls of the vic- tims which were sacrificed to Tezcatlipoca, and hi.s legs and arms were dressed and prepared for the tables of the lords. After the sacri- fice, a grand dance took place of the collegiate youths and nobles who were present at the festival. At s\m-set, the virgins of the temple made a new offering of bread baked \\ith honey. This bread, with some «ther things unknown to us, was put before the altar of Tezcatlipoca, HISTORY OF MEXICO. 301 and was destined to be the reward of the youths wlio should be the BOOK VI. victors in the race which they^ made down the stairs of the temple; they were also rewarded with a garment, and received the praise and applause of the priests as well as the people who were spectators. The festival was concluded by dismissing from the seminaries all the voutlis and virgins \\ ho were arrived at an age fit for marriage. The youtlis who remained, mocked the others with satirical and humorous raillery, and threw at them handfuls of rushes and other things, upbraiding tiiem with leaving the service of God for the pleasures of matrimony; the priests always granting them indulgence in this emanation of youthful vivacity. In this same fifth month, the first festival of Huitzilopochtli was sect. x.xxii. celebrated. The priests made a statue of this god of the regular stature festi\^l of of a man; they made the flesh of a heap of Tzohualli, which is Huitzilo- .111 pochth. i} certaui eatable plant, and the bones of the wood Mixqiiltl. They dressed it in cotton with a mantle of feathers; put on its head a small parasol of paper, adorned with beautiful feathers, and above that a bloody little knife of flint-stone, upon its breast a plate of gold, and on its garment m ere several figures representing bones of the dead, and the image of a man torn in pieces; by which they intended to signify either the power of this god in battle, or the terrible revenge, which, according to their mj'thology, he took against those who conspired against the honour and life of his mother. They put this statue in a litter made on four wooden serpents, which four principal oflicers of the Mexican army bore from the place where the statue was formed, into the altar where it was placed. , Several youths forming a circle, and joining themselves together by means of arrows, which they laid hold of with their hands, the one by the head, the other by the })oint, carried before the litter a piece of paper more than fifteen perches long, on which, probabU', the glorious actions of that false divinity were represented, and which they sung to the sound of musical instru- ments. When the day of the festival was arrived, in tlie morning they made a great sacrifice of quails, which, after their heads were twisted off, they threw at the foot of the altar. The first vyho made this sacrifice was the king, after him the priests, and lastly, the people. Of this great prQ« 302 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. fusion of quail?, one part was dressed for the king's table and those of the priests, and the remainder was reserved for another occasion. Every person who was present at the festival, carried a clay censer, and a quantity of bitumen of JnJea, to burn in offering to their god, and all the coal which was made use of was afterwards collected in a large stove called Tlexictli. On account of this ceremony they called this festival the incensing of Hiiitzilopochlli. Immediately after fol- lowed the dance of the virgins and priests. The virgins dyed their faces, their ai-ms-were adorned with red feathers, on their heads they wore garlands of crisp leaves of maize, and in their hands they bore canes which were cleft, with little flags of cotton or paper in them. The faces of the priests were dyed black, their foreheads bound with little shields of paper, and their lips daubed with honey, they covered their natural parts with paper, and each held a sceptre, at the extremity of which Avas a flower made of feathers, and above that another tuft of feathers. Upon the edge of the stove two men danced, bearing on their backs certain cages of pine. The priests in the course of their dancing, from time to time, touched the earth with the extremity of their sceptres, as if they rested themselves upon them. All these ceremonies had their particular signification, and the dance on account of the festival at which it took place was called ToxcacliochoHa. In another separate place, the court and military people danced. The musical instruments, which in some dances were placed in the centre, on this occasion were kept without and hid, so that the sound of them was heard, but the musicians were unseen. One year before this festival, the prisoner Avho was to be sacrificed to Huitzilopochtli, to which prisoner they gave the name of Ixteocale, which signifies. Wise Lord of Heaven, was selected along with the victim for Tezcatlipoca. Both of them rambled about the whole year; with this difference, however, that the victim of Tezcatlipoca was adored, but not that of Huitzilopochtli. "When the day of the festival was arrived, they dressed the prisoner in a curious habit of painted paper, and put on his head a mitre made of the feathers of an eagle, with a plume upon the top of it. He carried upon his back a small net, and over it a little bag, and in this dress he mingled himself in the dance of the courtiers. The most singular thing resjiecting this prisoner HISTORY OF MEXICO. 303 was, that although he was doomed to die on that day, yet he had the BOOK VI. liberty of fixing the hoiu" of the sacrifice himself. Whenever he chose """""""" he presented himself to the priests, in whose arms, and not upon the altar, the sacrificer broke his breast, and pulled out his heart. When the sacrifice was ended, the priests began a great dance, which conti- nued all the remainder of the day, excepting some intervals, which they employed to repeat the incense-offerings. At this same festival, the priests made a slight cut on the breast and on the belly of all the chiidren of both sexes which were born within one preceding year. This was the sign, or character, by which the Mexican nation specially acknowledged itself consecrated to the worship of its protecting god; and this is also the reason why several authors have believed, that the rite of circumcision was established among the Mexicans (e). (e) F. Acosta says, that " i JNIessicani srtcrificavano ne' lor fanciulli e Y orechie e il menibro genitale nel che in qualche maniera contra fFacevano la circoncisioue de' Giudei." But if this author speaks of the true Mexicans, that is, the descendants of the ancient Aztecas wha founded the city of Mexico, whose history we write, his assertion is absolutely false; for after the most diligent search and enquiry, there is not the smallest vestige of "such a rite to be found among them.- If he speaks of the Totonacas, who, by having been subjects of the king of Mexico, are, by several authors, called Mexicans, it is true, that they made such an incisioa on children. The indecent and lying author of the work, entitled, " Recherches Philo.mphiques siir ki Americains" adopts the account given by Acosta, and makes a long discourse on the origin of circumcision, which he believes to have been invented by the Egyptians, or the Ethiopi- ans, to preserve themselves, as he says, from worms, which trouble inhabitants of the torrid zone who are not circumcised. He affirms, that the Hebrews learned it from the Egvptians, and that at first it was a mere physical remedy, but was afteryvards by fanaticisui constituted a religious ceremony : that the heat of the torrid zone is the cause of this disorder, and that the Mexicans, and other nations of America, in order to free themselves from it, adopted cir^ cumcision. But leaving aside the falseness of his principles, and his fondness to discuss mi- nutely every subject which has any connexion with obscene pleasures, that we may attend to that only which concerns our history, we assert that no traces of the practice of circumcision have ever been found among the Mexicans, or among the nations subjected by them, except the Totonacas ; nor did we ever hear of any such distemper of worms in these countries, though they are all situated under the torrid zone, and we visited for thirteen years all kinds of sick persons. Besides, if heat is the cause of such a distemper, it ought to have been more fre- . nuent in the native country of that author than in the inland provinces of Mexico, where the climate is more temperate. M. Mailer, who is quoted by the same author, made no less a mistake; in his Discourse on Circumcision, inserted in the Encyclopedia, he, frpm not havino- understood the expressions of Acosta, believed that they cut the ears and the parts of generation, of ail the Jilexican children entirely oft"; in wonder at which he asks, if it was possible that many of them could remain alive after so cruel an operation? But if we had believed what M. Mailer believed, we would rather have asked how there came to be any Mexi- 304 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK \l_ But it" possibly the people of Yucatan and the Totonacas used this rile, it was ne\tr practised by the Mexicans, or any other nation of the empire. SECT. xxxm. In the sixth month, which began upon the sixth of June, the third ofthes^xth * festival of the god Tlaloc was celebrated. They strewed the temple seventh, jn a curious manner with rushes from the lake of Citlaltepec. The eiiihth, and ,^11 • i ■ 1 -i- • n ninth priests who went to tetch them, committed various liostiljties upon all months. passengers whom they met in their way, plundering them of every thing they had about them, and sometimes even stripping them quite- naked, and beating them if they made any resistance. With such im- punity were th<>se priests, turned assassins, favoured, that they not only robbed the common people, but even carried off the royal tributes from the collectors of them, if they chanced to meet with them, no private person being allowed to make complaint against them, nor the king to punish them for such enbrmities. On the day of the festival, thcv all eat a certain kind of gruel which they called Etzalli, from which the month took the name of EtzalqualizlU. They carried to the temple a vast quantity of painted paper and elastic gum, with which thov besmeared the paper and the cheeks of the idol. After this ridi- culous ceremony, they sacrificed se\eral prisoners who \\'ere clothed in habits the same with that of the god Tlaloc and his companions, and, in order to com[)lete the scene of their cruelty, the priests, attended by a great croud of people, went in vessels to a certain place of the lake, where in former times there was a whirlpool, and there sacrificed two children of both sexes, by drowning them, along with the hearts of tlie prisoners who had been sacrificed at this festival, in order to obtain from their gods the necessary rains for their fields. U[)on this occa- sion, those ministers of the temple, who, iu the course of that year, had either been negligent in oflice, or convicted of some high misde- meanor wJiicli was not, however, deserving of capital punishment, were stripped of their priesthood, and received a chastisement similar to the trick wiiich is j)ractised on seamen the first time they pass the can.s at all in the world ? That no future mistakes may be committed by those who read the ancient Spanish historians of America, it is necessary to be observed, that when these histori-ins say that the Mexicans, or other nations, sacrificed the tongtie, the cars, or any other member of the body, all they mean by it is, that they made some slight incision in iheve members, and drew some blood from them. HISTORY OF MEXICO. ■.iOr, line, but more severe, as by being repeatedly ducked in the water they BOOK V[. were at last so exhausted, it became necessary to carr\' them home to their houses to be recovered. In the seventh month, which began upon the SCth of June, the fes- tival of Huixtocihuatl, the goddess of salt, was celebrated. A day before the festival there was a great dance of women, who danced in a circle, joined to each other by strings or cords of different flowers, and wearing garlands of wormwood on their heads. A female prisoner, clothed in the habit of the idol of that goddess, was placed in the centre of the circle. The dancing was accompanied with singing, in both of which two old respectable priests took the lead. This dance continued the whole night, and, in the morning after, the dance of the priests began, and lasted the whole day, without any other interruption than the sacri- fice of prisoners. The priests wore decent garments, and held in their hands those beautiful yellow flowers which the Mexicans called Cempoalxochitl, and many Europeans Indian Cai-nations ; at sun-set the}"^ made the sacrifice of the female prisoner, and concluded the festival with sumptuous banquets. Daring the whole of this month the Mexicans made great rejoicings. They wore their best dresses ; dances and amusements in their gardens were frequent; the poems which they sang were all on love, or some other equally pleasing subject. The popiilace went a hunting in the mountains, and the nobles used warlike exercises in the field, and some- times in vessels upon the lake. These rejoicings of the nobility procured to this month the name of Tecuilhuitl, the festival of the lords, or of TecuilhidtontU, the small festival of the lords, as it was truly so, in comparison of the festival of the following month. In the eighth month, which began upon the iCth day of July, they made a solemn festival to the goddess Ceiiteotl, under the name of Xilo- nen; for, as we have already mentioned, they changed the name ac- cording to the state of the maize. On this festival they called her Xi'o- nen; because the ear of maize, while the grain was still tender, was called Xilotl. The festival continued eight days, during which there was constant dancing in the temple of that goddess. Gn such days, the king and the nobles gave away meat and drink to the populace, both in which were placed in rows in the under area of the temple, and there VOL. I. 2 R 306- HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. the ChiaminiwUi, which ^^•a.s one of tlicir most common drinks, was gi\f n. and also the Tamalli, which was paste of maize, made into small rolls, and also other provisions, of which we shall treat hereafter. Pre- sents were made to tiie jiriests, and the nobles invited each other reci- procally to entertainments, and presented each other with gold, silver, beantiful feathers, and curions animals. They sung the glorious actions of their ancestors, and boasted of the nobleness and antiquity of their families. At sun-set, when the feasting of the populace was ended, the priests had their dance which continued four hours, and on that account there was a splendid illumination in the temple. The last day was celebrated with the dance of the nobility and the military, among whom danced also a female prisoner, who represented that goddess, and was sacrificed after the dance along with the other prisoners. Thus the festival, as well as the month, had the name of Ilucilccuilhuill, that is, the great festival of the lords. In the ninth month, which began on the 5th of August, the second festival of Huitzilopochtli was kept; on which, besides the usual cere- monies, they adorned all the idols with flowers; not only those which were worshipped in the temples, but likewise those which they had for private devotion in their houses; from whence the month was called Tlaxochimaco. The night preceding the festival was employed in preparing the meats which they eat next day with the greatest jubilee. "^Ihe nobles of both sexes danced together, the arms of the one resting on the shoulders of the other. This dance, which lasted until the evening, finished with the sacrifice of some prisoners. In this month also the festival of Jacateuctli, the god of commerce, was held, ac- companied with sacrifices. .w.cT. XXXIV. In the tenth month, the beginning of which was on the 25th of the^\enth" August, they kept the festival of Xiuhleuctli, god of fire. In the tleveiith, preceding •months, the priests brought out of the woods a large tree, thirteenth which they fixed in the under area of the temple. The day before months. tjje festival they stript off its branches and bark, and adorned it with painted paper, and from that time it was reverenced as the image of Xiuhteuctli. The owners of the prisoners which were to be sacrificed on this occasion, dyed their bodies with red ochre, to resemble in some measure the colour of fire, and were dressed in their best garments^ HISTORY OF MEXICO. 307 Tliey went to the temple, accompanied by their prisoners, and passed BOOK VI. the whole night in singing and dancing with them. The day of the festival being arrived, and also the hour of the sacrifice, they tied the hands and feet of the victims, and spruikled the powder o^ Jauhlli (/) in their faces, in order to deaden their senses, that their torments might be less painful. Tiien they began the dance, eacli with his victim upon his back, and one after the other threw them into a large fire kindled in the area, from which they soon after drew them with hooks of wood, to complete the sacrifice upon the altar in the ordi- nary way. The Mexicans gave to this month the name of Xocolatetzi, which signifies the maturity of the fruits. The Tlascalans called the ninth month Miccailheuitl, or the festival of the dead; because in it they made oblations for the souls of the deceased; and the tenth month Hueimiccailhuitl, or the grand festival of the dead; because in that they wore mourning, and made lamentation for the death of their ancestors. Five days before the commencement of the eleventh month, which began on the 14th of September, all festivals ceased. During the first eight days of the month, was a dance, but without music or singing; eveiy one directing his movements according to his own pleasure. Af- ter this period was elapsed, they clothed a female prisoner in tlie habit of Teteoinan, or the mother of the gods, whose festival was cele- brating; the prisoner was attended by many women, and particularly by the midwives, who for four whole days employed themselves t9 amuse and comfort her. When the principal day of the festival was arrived, they led this woman to the upper area of the temple of that goddess, where they sacrificed her; but this was not performed in the usual mode, tior upon the common altar where other victims were sa- crificed, for they beheaded her upon the shoulders of another woman, and stripped her skin olT, which a youth, with a numerous attend- ance, carried to present to the idol of Huitzilopochtli, in memory of the inhuman sacrifice which their ancestors had made of the princess {/) The Jauhtli is a plant whose stem is about a cnbit long; its leaves are similar to those of the willow, but indented ; its flowers are yellow and the roots thin. The flowers, as well as the other parts of the plant, have the same smell and taste as those of the anise. It is verj useful in medicine, and the Mexican physicians applied it in different distempers: it was als* jnade use of for many superstitious ends. 2 R 2 308 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI . of Colluiacaii; but before it was presented, they sacrificed in the usual mode four prisoners, in memory, as is probable, of the four Xochi- milcan prisoners, which they had sacrificed during tlieir captivity in Coliiuacan. In this month they made a review of their troops, and enlisted those youths who were destined to the profession of arms, and who, in future, were to serve in war when there should be occasion. All the nobles and the populace swept the temples, on which account this month took the name of Oclipaniztli, w^hich signifies, a sweeping. They cleaned and mended the streets, and repaired the aqueducts and their houses, all which labours were attended with many superstitious rites. In the twelfth month, which began upon the 4th of October, they celebrated the festival of the arrival of the gods, which they expressed by the word Tcotleco, which name also they gave to both the month and the festival. On the 16th day of this month, they covered all the temples and the corner stones of the streets of the city with green branches. On the ISth, the gods, according to their accounts, began to arrive, the first of whom was the great god Tezcatlipoca. They spread before the door of the sanctuary of this god a mat made of tlie palm-tree, and sprinkled upon it some powder of maize. The high- priest stood in watch all the preceding night, and went frequently to look at the mat, and as soon as he discovered any footsteps upon the powder, which bad been trod upon, no doubt, by some other deceit- ful priest, he began to cry out, " Our great god is now arrived." All the other priests, with a great croud of people, repaired there to adore him, and celebrate his arrival with hymns and dances, which were repeated all tlie rest of the night. On the two days following, other .gods successively arrived, and on the twentieth and last day, when they believed that all their gods were come, a number of youths, dressed in the form of various monsters, danced around a large fire, into which, from timte to time, they threw prisoners, w^ho were there consumed as burnt sacrifices. At sun-set they made great entertainments, at which they drank more than usual, imagining, that the wine with which they filled their bellies would serve to wash the feet of their gods. To such excesses did the barbarous superstition of those people lead! Nor was the ceremony which they practised, in order to preserve their HrSTORY OF MEXICO. S09 children from the evil which they dreaded from one of their gods, less BOOK VI. extravagant : this was the custom of sticking a number of feathers on their shoulders, their arms, and legs, by means of turpentine. In the thirteenth month, which began on the 24th of October, the festival of tlie gods of water and the mountains, was celebrated. The name Tepcilliuitl, which was given to this month, signified only the festival of the mountains. They made little mountains of paper, on which they placed some little serpents made of wood, or of roots of trees, and certain small idols called Ehecalotontin, covered with a particular paste. They put both upon the altars and worshipped them, as the images of the gods of the mountains, sung hymns to them, and presented copal and meats to them. The prisoners who were sacrificed at this festival were five in number, one man and four women; to each of which a particular name was given, alluding, probably, to some mystery of which we are ignorant. They clothed them in painted paper, which was besmeared with elastic gum, and carried them in pro- cession in litters, after which they sacrificed them in the usuaJ manner. In the fourteenth mouth, which commenced on the 13th of Novem- sect. xxxv. ber, was the festival of Mixcoatl, goddess of the chace. It was pre- Jf^heTv^'* ceded by four days of rigid and general fasting, accompanied with the last mouths, effusion of blood, during which time they made arrows and darts for the supply of their arsenals, and also certain small arrows which they placed together with pieces of pine, and some meats, upon the tombs of their relations, and after one day burned them. When the fast was over, the inhabitants of Mexico and Tlatelolco went out to a "eneral chace in one of the neighbouring mountains, and all the animals which they caught were brought with great rejoicings to Mexico, where they were sacrificed to Mixcoatl; the king himself was present not only at the sacrifice, but likewise at the chace. They gave to this month the name of Quecholli, because at this season the beautiful bird which went amongst them by that name, and by many called ,fianwungo, made its appearance on the banks of the Mexican lake. , In the fifteenth month, the beginning of which was on the 3d day of December, the third and principal festival of Huitzilopochtli and his brother, was celebrated. On the first day of the month, the priests formed two statues of those two gods, of different seeds pasted toge- 510 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. ther, with the blood of children that had been sacrificed, in whicli in the place of bones they substituted pieces of the wood of acacia. They placed tlicse statues upon the princiual altar of the temple, and, during the whole of that night, the priests kept watch. The day follow- ing, they gave their benediction to the .statues, and also to a small quantity of water which was preserved in the temple for the purpose of being sprinkled on the face of any new king of Mexico, and of the general of their armies after their election ; but the general, besides being besprinkled, was required to drink it. As soon as the statues were con- secrated by this benediction, the dance of both sexes began, and con- tinued all the month for three or four houre every day. During the whole of the month a great deal of blood was shed ; and four days before the festival, the masters of tlie prisoners which were to be sacri- ficed, and which were selected for the occasion, observed a fast, and had their bodies painted of various colours. In the morning of the ■twentieth day, on which the festival was held, a grand and solemn pro- cession was made. A priest bearing a serpent of wood, which he raised high up in his hands, called Ezpamill, and which was the badge of the gods of war, went first, with another priest bearing a standard, such as they used in their armies. After them came a tliird priest, who carried the statue of the god Painalton, the vicar of Huitzilopochtli. Then cam© the victims after the other priests, and lastly, the people. The pro- cession set out from the greater temple, towards the district of Teot- ■ laclico, where it stopped, while two prisoners of war, and some purchased slaves, were sacrificed ; they proceeded next to Tlatelolco, Popotla, .and Chapoltepec, from whence they returned to the city, and after having passed through other districts, re-entered the temple. Tjiis circuit of nine or ten miles, which they performed, consumed the greatest part of the day, and at all the places where they stopped, they sacrifited quails, and, probably, some prisoners also. When they arrived at the temple, they placed the statue of Painalton, and the stand- ard, upon the altar of Huitzilopochtli ; the king offered incense to the two statues of seeds, aiul then ordered another procession to be made round the temple, at the conclusion of which they sacrificed the rest, of the prisoners and slaves. These sacrifices were made at ihe close of Any. That night the priests kept watch, and the next morning they HISTORY OF MEXICO. Sll carried the statue in paste of Huitziiopochtli to a great hall, which BOO K VI. was within the precincts of the temple, and there iu the presence only of the king, four principal priests, and four superiors of the semi- naries, the priest Q,uetzalcoatl, who was the chief of the Tlama- cazqui, or penance-doers, threw a dart at the statue, which pierced it. through and through. They then said, that their god was dead. One of the principal priests cut out the heart of the statue, and gave it to the king to eat. The body was divided in two parts; one of which was given to the people of Tlatelolco, and the otlier to the Me.xicans. The share was again divided into four parts, for the four quarters of the city, and each of these four parts into as many minute particles as there were men in each quarter. This ceremony they expressed by. the word Teocualo, which signifies, the god to be eat. The women never tasted this sacred paste, probably because they had no concern with the profession of arms. We are ignorant, whether or not they made the same use of the statue of Tlacahuepan. The Mexicans gave to this month the name of Panquetzaliztli, which signifies, the raising of the standard, alluding to the one which they carried in the above procession. In this month they employed themselves in renewing the boundaries, and repairing the inclosures of their fields. In the sixteenth month, which began upon the 23d of December,.^ the fifth and last festival of the gods of water, and the mountains, took place. They prepared for it with the usual austerities, by making ob- lations of copal and other aromatic gums. They formed little figures of the mountains, which they consecrated to those gods, and certain^ little idols made of the paste of various eatable seeds, of which, when they had worshipped them, they opened the breasts, and cut out the hearts, with a weaver's shuttle, and afterwards cut off their heads, in imitation of the rites of the sacrifices. The body was divided by the heads of families amongst their domestics, in order that by eating- them they might be preserved from certain distempers, to which those persons who were negligent of worship to those deities conceived themselves to be subject. They burned the habits in which they had dressed the small idols, and preserved the ashes with the utmost care in their ora- tories, and also the vessels in which the images had been formed. Be- sides these rites, which were usually observed in private houses, they J12 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. made some sacrifices of human victims in the temple. For four days ■ -preceding the festival, a strict fast was observed, accompanied with the effusion of blood. Tiiis month was called Atemozlli, which signifies the descent of the water, for a reason which we will immediately mention (g). In the seventeenth month, which began upon the I'ith of January, they celebrated the festival of the goddess Ilamateuctli. A female pri- soner was selected to represent her, and was clothed in the habit of her idol. They made her dance alone to a tune which some old priests sung to her, and she was permitted to express her affliction at her ap- proaching death, which, however, was esteemed a bad omen from other victims. At sun-set, on the day of the festival, the priests, adorned with the ensigns of various gods, sacrificed her in the usual manner, and afterwards cut off her head, when one of the priests, taking it in his hand, began a dance, in which he was joined by the rest. The priests, during this festival, made a race down the stairs of the temple ; and the following day the populace entertained themselves with a game similar te the Lupercalia of the Romans; for running through the streets^ they beat all the women they met with little bags of hay. In this same month they kept the festival of Mictlanteuctli, god of hell, on which they made a nocturnal sacrifice of a piisoner, and also the second festival of Jacateuctli, god of the merchants. The name Tititl, which they gave to this month, signifies the constringent power of the season which the cold occasions (A). In the eighteenth and la.st month, which began on the first of Fe- bruary, the second festival of the god of fire was held. On the 10th day of this month, the whole of the Mexican youtii wont out to the chace, not only of wild beasts in the woods, but also to catch the birds of the lake. On the sixteenth, the fire of the temple and private houses was (stinguished, and they kindled it anew before the idol of that (?) Martino di I,€one, a Dominican, makes AtemoztU signify the altar of the gods; but the name of the altar is Tcomomoztli, not AtemoztU. Boturini pretends that the name is a con- traction of Auomomoztii, but snch contractions obtained not among the Mexicans; besides the figure of this month, which represents water falling obliquely upon the steps of an edifice, expresses exactly the descent of water, signified by the word Alentoztti. (A) The above author says, that Tititl signifies our belly ; but all those who understand ♦Ike Mexican language know that such a name would be a solecism. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 313 ^od, whicli they adorned, on the occasion, with gems and beautiful BOOK Vf. feathers. The hunters presented ail their spoils to the priests, one ~ part of which was consumed in burnt-offerings to their gods, and the other was sacrificed, and afterwards dressed for the tables of the nobility and priests. The women made oblations of Tamalli, which they after- wards distributed among the hunters. One of the ceremonies observed upon this occasion was that of boring the ears of all the children of each sex, and putting ear-rings in them. But the greatest singularity attending this festival was, that not a single human victim was sacrificed at it. They celebrated likewise in tins month the second festival of the mo- ther of the gods, respecting which, however, we know nothing except the ridiculous custom of lifting up the children by the ears into the air, from a belief that they would thereby become higher in stature. With regard to the name Izcalli, which they gave to this month, we are unable to give any explanation [i). After the eighteen months of the Mexican year were completed on the 20th of February, upon the 21st the five days called Nemontemi com- menced, during which days no festival was celebrated, nor any enter- prise undertaken, because they were reckoned dies infaiisti, or unlucky days. The child that happened to be born on any of these days, if it was a boy, got the name of Nemoqidchlli, useless man; if she ^yas a girl, received the name of Nencihuatl, useless woman. Among the festivals annually celebrated, the most solemn were those of TeoxUudtl, or divine years, of which kind were all those years which had the rabbit for their denominative character. The sacrifices were on such occasions more numerous, the oblations more abundant, and the dances more solemn, especially in Tlascala, in Huexotzinco, and Cholula. In like manner, the festivals at the beginning of every period of thirteen years, were attended with more pomp and gravity ; that is, in the years 1. Tochtli, 1. Acatl. 1. Tecpafl, and I. Calli. But the festival which was celebrated every fifty-two years, was by far sect, .\xxvi. the most splendid and most solemn, not only among the Mexicans, but ^*^|^"'*'' ''^^'^'" {i) Izcalli signifies, Behold the house. The interpretations given by Torquemada and Leone are too violent. VOL. L 2 S 314 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK V I. likewise among all the nations of that empire, or who were neighbouring to it. On the last night of their century, thoy extinguished the fire of all the temples and houses, and broke their vessels, earthen pots, and all other kitchen utensils, pre|)aring tiiemselves in this manner for the end of the Avorld, which at the termination of each century they ex- pected with terror. The priests, clothed in various dresses and ensigns of their gods, and accompanied by a vast croud of people, issued from the temple out of the city, directing their way towards the mountain Hidxachtla, near to the city of Iztapalapan, upwards of six miles distant from the capital. They regulated their journey in some measure by observation of the stars in order that they might arrive at the mountain a little before midnight, on the top of which the new fire was to be kindled. In the meanwhile, the people remained in the utmost suspense and solicitude, hoping on the one hand to find from the new fire a new century granted to mankind, and fearing, on the other hand, the total destruction of mankind, if the fire, by divine interference,, should not be permitted to kindle. Husbands covered the faces of their pregnant wives with the leaves of the aloe, and shut them up in gra- naries; because they were afraid that they would be converted into wild beasts, and Avould devour them. They also covered the faces of children in that way, and did not allow them to sleep, to prevent their being transformed into mice. All those who did not go out with the yjriests, mounted upon terraces, to observe from thence the event of the ceremony. The office of kindling the fire on this occasion be- longed exclusively to a priest of Copolco, one of the districts of the- city. The instruments for this purpose were, as we have already men- tioned, two pieces of wood, and the place on which the fire was produced from them, was the breast of some brave prisoner whom they sacri- ficed. As soon as the fire was kindled, they all at once exclaimed with joy; .and a great fire was made on the mountain that it might be seen from afar, in which they afterwards burned the victim whom they had sacrificed. Immediately they took up portions of the sacred fire, and strove with each other who should carry it most speedily to their houses. The priests carried it to the greater temple of Mexico, from whence all the inhabitants of that capital were supplied with it. During the thirteen days which followed the renewal of the fire> HISTORY OF MEXICO. 315 whicli were the intercalaiy days, interposed between the past and ensu- F'^^^K VI. ing century to adjust the year with the course of the sun, they em- ployed themselves in repairing and whitening the public and private buildings, and in furnishing themselves with new dresses and domestic utensils, in order that every thing might be new, or at least appear to be so, upon the commencement of the new century. On the fu-st day of that \'ear, and of that centur}', which, as we have already men- tioned, corresponded to the 26th of February, for no person was it lawful to taste water before mid-day. At that hour the sacrifices be- gan, the number of which was suited to the grandeur of the festival. Ever}^ place resounded with the voice of gladness and mutual congra- tulations on account of the new century which heaven had granted to them. The illuminations made during the first nights were extremely magnificent; their ornaments of dress, their entertainments, dances. and public games, were superiorly solemn. Amongst the last, amidst an immense concourse of people, and the most lively demonstrations of joy, the game of the flyers, which we shall describe in another place, was exhibited ; in which the number of flyers were four, and the number of turns which each made in his flight, thirteen, which signified the four periods of thirteen years, of which the century was composed. AVhat we have hitherto related concerninEC the festivals of the Mexi- cans, clearly evinces their superstitious character; but it will appear still more evident from the account we are now to give of the rites which they observed upon the birth of children, at their marriages, and at funerals. As soon as a child was born, the midwife, after cutting the navel- se't-^xxvu. string, and burying the secundine, bathed it, saying these words; served upon Receive the water; Jo?' the goddess Chalchiuhcueje is thy mother. May \■^^\^^^^^ this bath cleanse the spots which thou bearest from the zvoinb of thy mo- tlier, purify thy lie art, and give thee a good and perfect life. Then ad- dressing her prayer to that goddess, she demanded in similar words the same favour from her; and taking up the water again with her right hand, she blew upon it, and wet the mouth, head, and breast of the child with it, and after bathing the whole of its body, she said: May tlie invisible God descend upon this xoater, and cleanse thee of every sin 2 S2 316 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BO OK VI. and iiiipuriti/f and free thee from evil fortune: and then turning to the ' child, slie spoke to it tliiis: Lovdif child, the gods Onieteuctli and Oniecihuatl have created thee in the highest place of heaven, in order to send thee into the ivorldi but know, that the life on uhick thou art en- tering is sad, painful, and full of uneasiness and tniseries: nor i,.ilt thou be able to eat thij bread tvithout labour : M^ay God assist thee in the many adversities xchich axcuit thee. This ceremony was concluded with con- gratulations to the parents and relations of the child. If it was the son of the king, or of any great lord, the chief of his subjects came to congra- tulate the father, and to wish the highest prosperity to his child {k). When the first bathing was done, the diviners were consulted cou- ceniing the fortune of the child, for which purpose they were in- formed of the day and hour of its birth. They considered the na- ture of the sign of that day, and the ruling sign of that period of thirteen days to which it belonged; and if it was born at midnight, two signs concurred, that is, the sign of the day which was jast con- cluding, and that of the day which was just beginning. After having made their observations, they pronounced the good or bad fortune of the child. If it was bad, and if the fifth day after its birth-day, on which the second bathing was usually performed, was one of the dies infausti, the ceremony was postponed until a more favourable occasion. To the second bathing, which was a more solemn rite, all the relations and friends, and some young boys were invited; and if the parents were in good circumstances, they gave great entertainments, and made presents of apparel to all the guests. If the father of the child was a military person, he prepared for this ceremony a little bow, four arrows, and a little habit, resembling in make that which the child, when grown up, would wear. If he was a countryman, or an artist, (A) In Guatemala, and other .surrounding provinces, the binlis of raale children were cele- brated with much solemnity and superstition. As soon as the son was born a turkey was sa- •frificed. The bathing was performed in some fountain or river, where they made oblations of copal, and sacrifices of parrots. The navel-string was cut upon an ear of maize, and with a new knife, which was immediately after cast into the river. They sowed the seeds of that ear, and attended to its growth with the utmost care, as if it had been a sacred thing. What was reaped from this seed was divided into three parts; one of which was given to the di- viner; of another part they made pap for the child; and the rest was preserved until the same child should be old enough to be able to sow it. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 317 lie prepared sonic instruments belonging to his art, proportioned in size BOOK VI. to tlie infancy of the child. If the child was a girl, they furnished a little ' habit, suitable to her sex, a small spindle, and some other little instru- ments for weaving. They lighted a great number of torches, and the midwife taking up the child, carried it through all the yard of the house, and placed it upon a heap of the leaves of sword-grass, close by a bason of water, which was prepared in the middle of the yard, and then undressing it, said: My child, the gods OmeieucXYx and Omf.Q\\\\iat\, ' lords of heaven, have sent thee to this dismal and calamitous zvorld. Receive this zvater ichicJi is to give thee life. And after wetting its mouth, head, and breast, with forms similar to those of the first bath- ing, she bathed its whole body, and rubbing every one of its limbs, said. Where art thou. III Fortune? In what limb art thou hid? Go far from this child. Having spoke this, she raised up the child to offer it to the gods, praying them to adorn it with every virtue. The first prayer was offered to the two gods before named, the second to the goddess of water, the third to all the gods together, and the fourth to the sun and the earth. Vou, sun, she said, father of all things that live upon the earth, our mother, receive this child, and protect him as your oivn son; and since he is horn for war (if his father belonged to the army), may he die in it, defending the honour of the gods; so may he enjoy in heaven the delights xvhich are prepared for all those who sacrifice their lives in so good a cause. She then put in his little hands the instruments of that art which he was to exercise, with a prayer addressed to the protecting god of the same. The instruments of the military art were buried in some fields, where in future it was imagined the boy would fight in battle, and the female instruments were buried in the house itself, under the stone for grinding maize. On this same occasion, if we are to credit Boturini. they observed the ceremony of passing the boy four times through the fire. Before they put the instruments of any art into the hands of the child, the midwife requested the young boys who had been invited, to give him a name, which was generally such a name as had been suggested to them by the father. The midwife then clothed him, and laid him in the cozolli, or cradle, praying Joalticitl, the goddess of cradles, xn 318 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK Vl. warm him ami guard liiin in lier bosom, and Joalteuctli, god of the . night, to make him sleep. The name which was given to boys, was generally taken from the sign of the day on which they were born (a rule particularly practised among the Mixteca^), as Nahnixochitl, -or IV Flower, Macuikoatl, or V Serpent, and O/iuralli, or II House. At other times the name was taken from circumstances attending the l)irth; as, for instance, one of the four chiefs \\ ho governed the republic of TIascala, at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, received the name of CitlaLpopoca, smoking star; because he was born at the time of a comet's appear- ance in the heavens. The child born on the day of the renewal of the lire, had the name of Molpilli, if it was a male; if a female she was called Xiuhnenell, alluding in both names to circumstances attending the festival. Men had in general the names of animals; women those of flowers; in giving which, it is probable, they paid regard both to the dream of the parents, and the counsel of diviners. For the most part they gave but one name to boys; afterwards it was usual for them to acquire a surname from their actions, as Montezuma I. on account of his bravery was given the surnames oi Ilhuacamina and Tlacaeli. AVhen the religious ceremony of bathing was over, an entertain- ment was given, the quality and honours of which corresponded with the rank of the giver. At such seasons of rejoicing, a little excess in drinking was permitletl, as the disorderliness of drunken persons extendetl not beyond private houses. The torches were kept burning till they were totally consumed, and particular care was taken to keep up the fire all the four days, which intervened between the first and second ceremony of bathing, as they were persuaded, that an omission of such a nature would ruin the fortune of the child. These rejoicings were repeated when they weaned the child, which they commonly did at three years of age (/). suT. "With respect to the marriages of the Mexicans, although in them, XXXVlll. 11 • II 1 • • • 1 1 > . . Nuptial rites, ^s well as ui all then' customs, superstition had a great sliarc, nothing, iiowe\er, attended them which was repugnant to decency or honour. Any marriage between persons related in the first degree of consan- {/) In Cuatemala it was usual to make rejoicings as soon as the child began to walk, and for seven years they continued to celebrate the anniversary of its birth. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 319 gainity or alliance, was strictly forbid, not only by the laws of Mexico, B OOK V I. but also by the laws of Micliuacan, unless it was between cousins (/«). The parents were the persons who settled all marriages, and none were ever executed without their consent. When a son arrived at an age capable of bearing the charges of that state, which in men was from the age of twenty to twenty-two years, and in women from sixteen to eighteen, a suitable and proper wife was singled out for him; but before the union was concluded on, the diviners were consulted, who,, after having considered the birth-day of the youth, and and of the young- girl intended for his bride, decided on the happiness or unhappiness of the match. If from the combination of signs attending their births, they pronounced the alliance unpropitious, that young maid was aban- doned, and another sought. If, on the contrary, they predicted hap- piness to the couple, the young girl was demanded of her parents by certain women amongst them called Cihuatlanqiic , or solicitors, who were the most elderly and respectable amongst the kindred of the youth. These women went the first time at midnight to the house of the dam- sel, carried a present to her parents, and demanded her of them in a humble and respectful style. The first demand was, according to the custonj of that nation, infallibly refused, however advantageous and eligible the marriage might appear to the parents, who gave some plau- sible reasons for their refusal. After a few days were past, those wo- men returned to repeat their demand, using prayers and arguments also, in order to obtain their request, giving an account of the rank and fortune of the youth, and of what he would make the dowry of his wife, and also gaining information of that which she could bring to the match on her part. The parents replied to this second request, [m) III the 4-tli book, tit. 2. of the third provincial council of Mexico, it is supposed that, the Gentiles of that new world married with their sisters ; but it ought to be understood, that the zeal of those fathers was not confined in its exertions to the nations of the Mexican em- pire, amongst whom such marriages were not suffered, but extended to the barbarous Cheche- mecas, the Panuchese, and to other nations, which were extremely uncivilized in their cus- toms. There is not a doubt, that the counsel alluded to those barbarians, who were then (in 15S5) in the progress of their conversion to Christianity, and not to the Mexicans and the nations under subjection to them, who many years before the council were already converted. Besides, in the interval of four years, between the conquest of the Spaniards and the promul- gation of the gospel, many abusive practices had been introduced among those nations never before tolerated under their kings, as the religious missionaries employed in their conversion, attest. d20 HISTORY Ot MEXICO. BOOK VI. that it was necessary to consult tlieir relations ami connections, und Ut ftnd (Hit the inclinations of their daughter, before they could come to any resolution. These female solicitors returned no more; as the pa- rents themselves conveyed, by means of other women of their kindred, a decisive answer to the party. A favourable answer being at last obtained, and a day appointed for the nuptials, the parents, after exhorting their daughter to fidelity and obedience to her husband, and to such a conduct in life as would do honour to her family, conducted her with a numerous company and music to the house of her father-in-law ; if noble, she was carried in a litter. The bridegroom, and the father and mother-in-law, received her at the gate of the house, with four torches borne by four women. At meeting, the bride and bridegroom reciprocally offered incense to each other; then the bridegroom taking the bride by the hand, led her into the hall or chamber which was prepared for the nuptials. They both sate down ujion a new and curiously wrought mat, which was spread in the middle of the chamber, and close to the fire which was kept lightetl. Then a priest tied a point of the hueptlli, or gown of the bride, with the tilmatli, or mantle of the bridegroom, and in this ceremony the matrimonial contract chiefly consisted. The wife now made some turns round the fire, and then returning to her mat, she, along with her husband, offered copal to their gods, and exchanged presents with each other. The repast followed next. The mar- ried pair eat upon the mat, giving mouthfuls to each other alternately and to the guests in their places. When those who had been invited were become exhilarated with wine, which was freely drank on such occasions, they went out to dance in the yard of the house, while the married pair remained in the chamber, from which, during four days, they never stirred, except to obey the calls of nature, or to go to the oratory at- midnight to burn incense to the idols, and to make ob- lations of eatables. They passed these four days in prayer and fasting, dressed in new habits, and adorned with certain ensigns of the gods of their devotion, without proceeding to any act of less decency, fearing tiiat otherwise the punishment of heaven would fall upon them. Their beds on the.'je nights were two mats of rushes, covered with small sheets, with certain feathers, and a gem of Chakhihuitl in the middle HISTORY OF MEXICO, 3;^1 of them. At the four corners of the bed, green canes and spines of the HOOK V I aloe were laid, with which tliev were to draw blood from their tongues and their ears in honour of their gods. The priests were the persons who adjusted the bed to sanctify the marriage; but we know nothing of the mystery of the canes, the feathers, and the gem. Until the fourth night the marriage was not consummated; they believed it would have proved iniluck}-, if they had anticipated the period of consum- mation. The morning after they bathed themselves and put on new dresses, and those who had been invited, adorned their heads with white, and their hands and feet with red feathers. The ceremony was concluded by making presents of dresses to the guests, which were pro- portioned to the circumstances of the married pair; and on that same day they carried to the temple the mats, sheets, canes, and the eatables • which had been presented to the idols. The forms which we have described, in the marriages of the Mexi- cans, w^ere not so universal through the empire, but that some provinces observed other peculiarities. In Ichcatlan, whoever was desirous of marrying presented himself to the priests, by whom he was conducted to the temple, where they cut off a part of his hair before the idol which was worshipped there, and then pointing him out to the people, they began to exclaim, saying. This man wishes to take a zvife. Then they- made him descend, and take the first free woman he met, as the one whom heaven destined to him. Any unman who did not like to have him for a husband, avoided coming near to the temple at that time, that she might not subject herself to the necessity of marrying him: this marriage was only singular therefore in the mode of seeking for a wife. Anions? the Otomies, it was lawful to use anv free woman before they married her. ^Vhen any person was about to take a wife, if on the first night he found any thing about his wife which was disagree- able to him, he was permitted to divorce her the next day; but if he shewed himself all that day content with having her, he could not af- terwards abandon her. The contract being thus ratified, the pair re- tired to do penance for past offences twenty or thirty days, during which period tliey- abstained from most of the pleasures of the senses, drew blood from tliemsehes, and frequently bathed. VOL. I. 2 T 3!22 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. SECT. XXXIX. Tuneral rites. Among the Miztecas, besides the ceremony of tying the married pair together by the end of their garments, they cut off a part of their hair, and the husband carried his wife for a little time upon his back. They permitted polygamy in the Mexican empire. The kings and lords bad numerous wives; but it is pro!)able, that they observed all the ceremonies with their principal wives only, and that with the rest the essential rite of tying their garments together was sufficient. The Spanish thcolugists and canonists, who went to Mexico imme- diately after the conquest, being unacquainted ^ith the customs of those people, raised doubts about their marriages; but when they had learnt the language, and properly examined that and other points of iinportance, they acknowledged such marriages to be just and lawful. Pope Paul III. and the provincial council of Mexico, ordered, in conformity to the sacred canons, and the usage of the church, that all those who were willing to embrace Christianity, should keep no other wife but the one whom they had first married. However superstitious the Alexicans were in other matters, in the rites which they observed at funerals they exceeded themselves. As soon as any person died, certain masters of funeral ceremonies were called, who were generally men advanced in years. They cut a number of pieces of paper, with which they dressed the dead body, and took a glass of water with which they sprinkled the head, saying, that that was the water used in the time of their life. They then dressed it in a habit suitable to the rank, the wealth, and the circumstances attend- ing tlie death of the party. If the deceased had been a warrior, they clothed him in the habit of Huitzilopochtli; if a merchant, in that of Jacatuetli; if an artist, in that of the protecting god of his art or trade: one who had been drowned was dressed in the habit of Tlaloc; one who had been executed for adultery, in that of Tlazolteotl ; and a drunkard "in the habit of Tezcatzoncatl, god of wine. In short, as Gomara has well observed, tiiey wore more gaiments after they were dead than while they were living. "With the habit they gave the dead a jug of water, which was to serve on the journey to the other world, and also, at successive different times, different pieces of paper, mentioning the use of eacli. On con- signing the first piece to the dead, they said, Bj/ means of lids you laill HISTORY OF MEXICO. J23 pass u-ithont danger between the two moimtains which fght against each BOOK VI. other. With the second they said, % means of this you ivill icalk zcifhout obstruction abng the road which is defended by t/ie great serpent. With the third, Bif this you will go securely through the place, tvhere there is the crocodile l^ochhonal. The fourth vva.s a safe passport through the eight deserts; the fifth through the eight hills; and the sixth was given in order to pass without hurt through the sharp Avind; for they pretended that it was necessary to pass a place called Itzehecajan. where a wind blew so violently as to tear up rocks, and so sharp that it cut like a knife; on which account they burned all the habits which the deceased had worn during life, their arms, and some household goods, in order that the heat of this fire might defend them from the cold of that terrible wind. One of the chief and most ridiculous ceremonies at funerals w as the killing a techichi, a domestic quadruped, which we have already men- tioned, resembling a little dog, to accompany' the deceased in their jour- ney to the other world. They fixed a string about its neck, believ- ing that necessary to enable it to pass the deep river of Chiu/inahuapan, or New AValers. They buried the techichi, or burned it along with the body of its master, according to the kind of death of which he died. While the masters of the ceremonies were lighting up the-fire in which the body was to be burned, the other priests kept singing in a melan- choly strain. After burning the body, they gathered the ashes in an earthen pot, amongst which, according to the circumstances of the de- ceased, they put a gem of more or less value; which they said would serve him in place of a heart in the other world. They buried this earthen pot in a deep ditch, and fourscore days after made oblations of bread and wine over it. Such were the funeral rites of the common people; but at the death of kings, and that of lords, or persons of high rank, some peculiar " forms were observed that are worthy to be mentioned. When the king fell sick, says Gomara, they put a mask on the idol of Huitzilopochtli, and also one on the idol of Tezcatlipoca, which they never took off until the king v.as either dead or recovered ; but it is certain, that the idol of Huitzilopochtli had alwajs two masks, not one. As soon as a king of Mexico happened to die, his death was published in great 2t 2 324 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. form, and all the lords who resided at court, and also those who were but a little distant from it, were informed of the event, in order that they might be present at the funeral. In the mean time they laid the royal corpse upon beautiful curiously wrought mats, which was attended and watched by his domestics. Upon the fourth or fifth day after, when the lords were arrived, who brought with them rich dresses, beautiful feathers, and slaves to be presented, to add to the pomp of the funeral, they clothed the corpse in fifteen, or more, very fine habits of cotton of various colours, ornamented it with gold, silver, and gems, hung an emerald at the under lip, which was to serve in place of a heart, covered the face with a mask, and over the habits were placed the ensigns of that god, in whose temple or area the ashes were to be buried. They cut off some of the hair, which, together with some more which had been cut off in the infancy of the king, they preserved in a little box, in order to perpetuate, as they said, the me- mory of the deceased. Upon the box they laid an image of the deceased, made of wood, or of stone. Then they killed the slave who was his chaplain, who had had the care of his oratory, and all that belonged 10 the private worsliip of his gods, in order that he might serve him in the same oftice in the other world. The funeral procession came next, accompanied by all the relations of the deceased, the whole of the nobilit}^ and the wives of the late king, who testified their sorrow by tears and other demonstrations of ■ grief The nobles carried a great standard of paper, and the royal arms and ensigns. The priests continued singing, but without any musical instrument. Upon their arrival at the lower area of the tenvple, the high-priest, together with their servants, came out to meet the royal corpse, which without delay they placed upon the funeral pile, which was prepared there for that purpose of odoriferous resinous woods, together with a large quantity of copal, and other aromatic sub.'5tances. While the royal corpse, and all its habits, the arms and ensigns were l)urning, they sacrificed at the bottom of the stairs of the temple a great number of slaves of those which belonged to the deceased, and also of those which had been presented by the lords. Along with the slaves, they likewise sacrificed some of the irregularly formed men, whom the king collected m his palaces for his entertainment, in order HISTORY OF MEXICO. 325 that they might give him the same pleasure in the other world; and BOOK VI. for the same reason they used also to sacrifice some of his wives («). The number of the victims was proportioned to the grandeur of the funeral, and amounted sometimes, as several historians affirm, to two hundred. Among the other sacrifices the techichi was not omitted; they were firmly persuaded, that without such a guide yt would be impossible to get through some dangerous ways which led to the other world. The day following the ashes were gathered, and the teeth which re- mained entire; they sought carefully for the emerald which had been hung to tlie under lip, and the whole were put into the box with the hair, and they deposited the box in the place destined for his sepulchre. The four following days they made oblations of eatables over the se- pulchre; on the fifth, they sacrificed some slaves, and also some others on the twentieth, fortieth, sixtieth, and eightieth day after. From that time forward, they sacrificed no more human victims; but every year they celebrated the day of the funeral with sacrifices of rabbits, butterflies, quails, and other birds, and with oblations of bread, wine, copal flowers, and certain little reeds filled with aromatic substances, which they called acajttl. This anniversary was held for four years. The bodies of the dead were in general burned ; they buried the bodies entire of those only who had been drowned, or had died of dropsy, and some other diseases; but what was the reason of these exceptions we know not. There was no fixed place for burials. Many ordered their ashes to sect. xl. be buried near to some temple or altar, some in the fields, and others gi,res. in those sacred places of the mountains where sacrifices used to be made. The ashes of the kings and lords, were, for the most part, de- posited in the towers of the temples (o) especially in ihose of the [n) Acosta says (lib. v. cap 8.), that at the funerals of lords, all the members of his fa- mily wexi. sacrificed. But this is grossly false and in itself incredible; for had this been the case, the nobles of Mexico would iiave soon been exterminated. There is no record in the History of Mexico, that at the death of the king of Mexico any of his brothers were sacri- ficed, as this author would intimate. How is it possible they could practise such cruelty when the new king was usually elected from among the brothers of the deceased. (o) Solis, in his History of the Conquest of Mexico, affirms, that the. ashes of the kings were deposited in Chapoltepec ; but this is false, and contradicts the report of the conqueror Cortes, whose panegyric he wrote, of Bernal Dias, and other eye-« itnesses of the contrary. 32(3 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI. greater temple. Close to Teotilmacan, ^vhe^e there were many temples, there were also innumerable sepulchres. The tombs of those \\hose bodies had been buried entire, agreeable to the testimony of the Anony- mous Conqueror who saw them, were deep ditches, formed with stone and lime, within which they placed the bodies in a sitting posture upon icpalli, or low seats, together with the instruments of their art or pro- fession. If it was the sepulchre of any military person, they laid a shield and sword by him; if of a woman, a spindle, a weaver's shuttle, and a xicalli, which was a certain natiircdly formed vessel, of which we shall say more hereafter. In the tombs of the rich they put gold and jewels, but all were provided with eatables for the long journey which the}"^ had to make. The Spanish conquerors, knowing of the gold which was buried with the Mexican lords in their tombs, dug up several, and Ibund considerable quantities of that precious metal. Cortes savs in his letters, that at one entry which he made into the capital, when it was besieged by his army, his soldiers found fifteen hundred caslellanos [p], that is, two hundred and forty ounces of gold in one sepulchre, which was in the tower of a temple. The Anonymous Conqueror sa^s, also, that he was present at the digging up of another sepulchre, from which they took about three thousand castellanos. The caves of the mountains were the sepulchres of the ancient Chechemecas; but, as they grew more civilized, they adopted in this and other rites the customs of the Acolhuan nation, which were nearly the same with those of the Mexicans. The Miztecas retained in part the ancient usage of the Chechemecas, but in some things they were singular in tiieir customs. When any of their lords fi-ll sick, they offered prayers, vows, and sacrifices for the recovery of his health. If it was restored, they made great re- joicings. If he died, they continued to speak of him as if he was still alive, and conducted one of his slaves to the corpse, dressed him in the habits of his master, put a mask upon his face, and for one wliole day paid him all the honours which they had used to render to Xp) The .'^pn^li^h s;oWsmilhs diride the pouiid weight of gold into two mnrchi, or into six- teen onnccs, or a hundrod caslellanos; consequently, an ounce contains 6} caslellanos. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 32? the deceased. At midnight, four priests carried the corpse to be buried BOOK VI. in a wood, or in some cavern, particularly in that one where they believed the gate of paradise was, and at their return they sacrificed the slave, and laid him, with all the ornaments of his transitory dignity, in a ditch ; but without covering him with earth. Every j^ear they held a festival in honour of their last lord, on which they celebrated his birth, not his death, for of it they never spoke. The Zapotecas, their neighbours, embalmed the body of the principal lord of their nation. Even from the time of the first Chechemecan kings aromatic preparations were in use among those nations to preserve dead bodies from speedy corruption; but we do not know that these were very frequent. We have now communicated all that we know concernins: the religion of the Mexicans. The weakness of their worship, the superstition of their rites, the cruelty of their sacrifices, and the rigour of their austerities, will the more forcibly manifest to their descendants the advantages which are derived from a mild, chaste, and pure religion, and will dispose them to thank eternally the Providence which has enlightened them, while their ancestors were left to perish in darkness and error. HISTORY OF MEXICO. J500K VII. BOOK VII. llie political and mili/a?y Governinent of (lie Mexicans, thai is, the Kings, Lords, Electors, Ambassadors, Dignities, and Magistrates ; the Judges, Laws, and Punishments i the Military Force; Agriculture, Chace, Fishing, and Coynmerce; the Games ; the Dress, Food, and Household Furniture; the Language, Poetry, Music, and Dancing ; Medicine, History, and Painting; Sculpture, Mosaic Works, and Casting of Metals ; Architecture, and other Arts of that Nation. J.N the public as well as private economy of tlie Mexicans, the traces which remain of their poUtical discernment of their zeal for justice, and love of the public good, would meet with little credit, were they )K)t confirmed both by the evidence of their paintings, and the attestations of many faithful and impartial authors, who were eye-witnesses of a great part of that which they have written. Tlio.se who are weak enough Id imagine they can know the ancient Mexicans in their descendants or from the nations of Canada and Louisiana, will be apt to consider the account we are to give of their refinement, their laws, and their arts, as fables invented by the Spaniards. But that we may not violate the laws of history, nor the fidelity due to the public, wc shall candidly set forth all that which we have found to be authentic, without any apprehension of censure. The education of youth, which is the chief support of a state, and which best unfolds the character of every nation, was amongst the Mexicans of so judicious a nature as to be of itself sufficient to retort the supercilious contempt of certain critics upon themselves, vvlio believe the empire of reason to be circumscribed to the boundaries of Europe. In wliatevtir we say on this subject we shall be guided by tiie paintings of those nations, and their best informed historians. IMucat'ion of Nothing, says F. Acosta, has sur[)rised me more, or appeared more the Mexican woitliv of memory and praise, than the care and method which the j'outh. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 329 Mexicans oljserved in the tuition of youth. It would be difficult, indeed, BOOK VII. to find a nation that has bestowed more attention on a pointy so important to every state. It is true, they mixed superstition witli their precepts; but the zeal they manifested foi" the education of their children, upbraids the negligence of our modern fathers of families; and many of the lessons which they taught to their youth might serve as instruction to ours. All the Mexican children, even those of the royal family, were suckled by their own parents. If the mother was prevented from doing this by sickness, she did not emplo^^ a nurse till she was well informed both of her condition in life, and the quality of her milk. They were accustomed from infancy to endure hunger, heat, and cold. When they attained five years of age, they were either consigned to the priests, in order that they might be brought up in the seminaries, which was the general practice with the children of nobles, and even with those of the kings themselves ; or if they were to be educated at home, their parents began at that period to instruct them in the worship of their gods, and to teach them the forms by which they were to pray and implore their protection. They were led frequently to the temple, ihat they might become attached to reli- gion. An abhorrence of vice, a modesty of behaviour, respect to superiors, and love of fatigue, were strongly inculcated. They were even made to sleep upon a mat ; and were given no more food thaa the neces- sities of life required, nor any other clothing than that which decency demanded. When they arrived at a certain age, they were instructed in the use of arms, and if their parents belonged to the army, they were led to the wars along with them, that they might learn the military art, and to banish fear from their minds, by habituating themselves to danger. If their parents were husbandmen, or artists, they taught their children their own profession. Girls were learned to spin and weave, and obliged to bathe frequently, that they might be always healthy and cleanly, and the universal maxim was to keep the young of both sexes constantly employed. One of the precepts most warmly inculcated to youth was, truth in their words; and whenever a lie was detected, the lip of the delinquent was pricked with the thorns of the aloe. They tied the feet of girls who were too fond of walking abroad. The son, wha VOL.1. 2U 330 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VII. was disobedient or quarrelsome, was beat with nettles, or received punishment in some other manner, proportioned, according to their judgment, with the fault he had committed. SECT. II. The system of education agreeable to which the Mexicans trained up on']iu"seve'n *'^6''' children, and the constant attention with which tlioy watched Mexican their actions, may be traced in the seven paintings of the collection of education. Mendoza, included between the numbers forty-nine and fifty-seven. In these are expressed the quantity and quality of the food which was allowed them, the employments in wiiich they were occupied, and the punishments by which their vices were corrected. In the fiftieth painting is represented a boy of four years, who is employed by his parents in some things that are easy to do, in order to inure him to fatigue; another of five years, who accompanies his father to market, carrying a little bundle on his back; a girl of the same age who begins to learn to spin ; and another boy of six years whose father employs him to pick up the ears of maize, which happen to lie on the ground in the market-place. In the fifty-first painting are drawn a father who teaches his son of seven years of age to fish ; and a mother, who teaches her daughter of the same age to spin; some boys of eight years, who are threatened with punishment if they do not do their duty ; a lad of nine years, whose father pricks several parts of his body, in order to correct his indocility of temper; and a girl of the same age, whose mother only pricks her hands; a lad and a girl often years whose parents beat them with a rod, because they refuse to do that which they are ordered. The fifty-second painting represents two lads of eleven j'cars, who, not being amended by other punishments, are made by their fathers to receive the smoke of Chilli, or great pepper up their nose; a lad of twelve years, whose father, in order to punish him for his faults, keeps him a whole day tied upon a dunghill ; and a wench of the same age' whose mother makes hev walk, dining the night, all over the liouse and part of the streets; a lad of thirteen years, whose father makes him guide a little vessel laden with rushes; and a wench of the same age grintling maize by order of her mother; a youth of fourteen years employed by his father in fishing, and a young woman set to weave by her nix»ther.. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 331 III the fifty-third painting are represented two youths of fifieen BOOK VII. years, the one consigned by his father to a priest, to be instructed in the rites of rehgion; the other to the Achcauhtli, or ofiicer of the mi- litia, to be instructed in the military art. The fifty-fourth shews the youth of the seminaries employed by their superiors in sweeping the temple, and in carrying branches of trees and herbs to adorn the sanc- tuaries, wood for the stoves, rushes to make seats, and stones and lime to repair the temple. In this same painting, and in the fifty-fifth, the different punishments inflicted on youth, who have committed trespas- ses, by their superiors, are also represented. One of them pricks a youth with the spines of the aloe for having neglected his duty; two priests throw burning firebrands on the head of another youth, for hav- ing been caught in familiar discourse with a young woman. They prick the body of another with sharp pine-stakes, and another for dis- obedience is punished by having his hair burned. Lastly, is exhibited a youth carrying the baggage of a priest, who goes along with the army to encourage the soldiers in war, and to perform certain supersti- tious ceremonies. , Their children were bred to stand so much in awe of their parents, that even when gi'own up and married, they hardly durst speak before them. In short, the instructions and advice which they received were of such a nature, that I cannot dispense with transcribing some of the exhortations employed by them, the knowledge of which was obtained from the Mexicans themselves by the first religious mission- aries who were employed in their conversion, particularly Motolinia, Olmos, and Sahagun, who acquired a perfect knowledge of the Mexican language, and made the most diligent inquiry into their manners and customs. " Mv son," said the Mexican father, " who art come into the light rpu'^*^^'^,"^' " ' o 1 he exhor- " from the womb of thy mother like the chicken from the egg, and tationsofa •' like it art preparing to fly through the world, we know not how his^son!" *' long heaven will grant to us the enjoyment of that precious gem "which we possess in thee; but, however short the period, endeavour " to live exacth^ praying God continually to assist thee. He created " thee; thou art his property. lie is thy Father, and loves thee still '' more than I do; repose him in thy thoughts, and day and night di- 2U2 332 HISTORY OF ISIEXICO. BOOK VII. " rect thy sighs to him. Reverence and salute thy elders, and hold " no one in contempt. To the poor and the distressed be not dumb, " l>iit rather use words of comfort. Honour all persons, particularly " thy parents, to whom thou owest obedience, respect, and service. "Guard against imitating the example of those wicked sons, who, like " brutes that are deprived of reason, neither reverence their parents, lis- " ten to their instruction, nor submit to their correction; because, who- " ever follows their stej.s will have an unhappy end, will die in a desperate " or sudden manner, or will be killed and devoured by wild beasts. " Mock not, my son, the aged or the imperfect. Scorn not him " whom you see fall into some folly or transgression, nor make him re- " proaches; but restrain thyself, and beware lest thou fall into the " same error which ofltnds thee in another. Go not where tliou art " not called, -nor interfere in that which does not concern thee. En- " deavour to manifest thy good breeding in all thy words and actions. " In conversation do not lay thy hands upon another, nor speak too " much, nor interrupt or disturb another's discourse. If thou hearest " any one talking foolishly, and it is not thy business to correct him, " keep silence; but if it does concern thee, consider first what thou art " to say, and do not speak arrogantly, that thy correction may be well " received. " When any one discourses with thee, hear him attentively, and " hold th3'self in an easy attitude; neither playing with thy feet, nor " putting thy mantle to thy mouth, nor spitting too often, nor look- " ing about you here and there, nor rising up frequently if thou art " sitting; for such actions are indications of levity and low breeding. " When thou art at table do not eat voraciously, nor shew thy dis- •* pleasure if any thing displeases thee. If any one comes unexpectedly " to dinner with thee, share with him what thou hast; and when any ** person is entertained by thee, do not fix thy looks upon him. " In walking, look where thou goest, that thou mayest not push " against any one. If thou seest another coming thy way, go a little " aside to gi\e him room to pass. Never step before thy elders, unless " it be necessary, or that they order thee to do so. When thou sitiest '■' at table with them, do not eat or di ink before them, but attend to '* them in a becoming manner, that thou mayest merit their favour. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 333 " When they give thee any thing, accept it with tokens of grati- B OOK VII. " tnde: if the present is great, do not become vain or fond of it. If " the gift is small do not despise it, nor be provoked, nor occasion dis- " pleasure to them who favour thee. If thou becomest rich, do not "grow insolent, nor scorn the poor; for those very gods who deny " riches to others in order to give them to thee, offended by thy pride, " will take them from thee again to give to others. Support thy- "' self by thy own labours; for then thy food will be sweeter. I, my " son, have supported thee hitherto with my sweat, and have omitted " no duty of a father; I have provided thee with every thing necessary, " witliout taking it from others. Do thou so likewise. " Never tell a falsehood; because a lie is a heinous sin. When it " is necessary to communicate to another what has been imparted t4 " thee, tell the simple truth without any addition. Speak ill of no- " body. Do not take notice of the failings which thou observest in " others, if thou art not called upon to correct them. Be not a news- " carrier, nor a sower of discord. When thou bearest any embassy, and " he to whom it is borne is enraged, and speaks contemptuously of those '' " who sent thee, do not report such an answer, but endeavour to sof- " ten him, and dissemble as much as possible that which thou heardst, " that thou mayest not raise discord and spread calumny of which thou " mayest afterwards repent. " Stay no longer than is necessary in the market-place; for in such '' places there is the greatest danger of contracting vices. " AVhen thou art offered an employment, imagine that the proposal " is made to try thee; then accept it not hastily, although thou knowest " thyself more fit than others to exercise it; but excuse thyself until thou " art obhged to accept it ; thus thou wilt be more esteemed. " Be not dissolute; because thou wilt thereby incense the gods, and " they will cover thee with infamy. Restrain thyself, my son, as tlioa " art yet young, and wait until the girl, whom the gods destine for " thy wife, arrive at a suitable age: leave that to their care, as they " know how to order every thing properly. When the time for thy " marriage is come, dare not to make it without the consent of thy " parents, otherwise it will have an unhappy issue. "Steal not, nor give thyself up to gaming; otherwise thou wilt be " a disgraqe to thy parents, whom thou ought rather to honour for 334 HISTORY OF MEXICOi BOOK VII. " tlif education (hey have given thee. If thou wilt be virtuous, thy " example will put the >vicked to shame. No more, my son ; enough " has been said in discharge of the duties of a father. "With these ■" counsels I wish to fortify thy mind. Refuse them not, uor act in " contradiction to them; for on them thy life, and all thy happiness, " depend." srcT. IV. Such were the instructions which the Mexicans frequently inculcated Exhortation »» , i • i i Ota Mexican to their sons. Husbandmen and merchants gave then- sons other ad- aioihertoher ^^ resrardinor their particular profession, which we, however, omit, daughter. o o r r not to prove tedious to our readers ; but I cannot dispense with transcribing one of the exhortations made use of by mothers to their daughters, as it illustrates their mode of education and manners. " My daughter," said the mother, " born of my substance, brought " forth with my pains, and nourished \\ith my milk, I have endea- " voured to bring thee up with the greatest possible care, and thy " father has wrought and polished thee like an emerald, that thou " mayest appear in the eyes of men a jewel of virtue. Strive al- " ways to be good ; for otherwise who will have thee for a wife ? thou " wilt be rejected by every one. Life is a thorny laborious path, atid '•' it is necessary to excH-t all our powers to obtain the goods which the " gods are willing to yield to us; we must not therefore be lazy or " negligent, but diligent in every thing. Be orderly, and take pains " to manage the economy of thy house. Give water to thy husbanil " for his hands, and make bread for thy family. Wherever thou goest «' go with modesty and composure, without hurrying thy steps, or " lau"hing with those whom thou meetest, neither fixing thy looks " U])on them, nor casting thy eyes thotightlessly, first to one side, " and then to another, that thy reputation may not be sullied ; but « give a courteous answer to those who salute and put any question to « thee. " Employ thyself diligently in spinning and weaving, in sewing and "embroidering; for by these arts thou wilt gain esteem, and all " the necessaries of food and clothing. Do not give thyself too *' much to sleep, nor seek the shade, but go in the o])en air and there " repose thyself; for efl'eminacy brings along with it idleness and »' other vices. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 335 " In whatever thou doest, encourage not evil thoughts; but attend BOOK VII. " solely to the service of the gods, and the giving comfort to thy " parent.s. If thy father or thy mother calls thee, do not stay to be "called twice; but go instantly to know their pleasure, that thou " mayest nol disoblige them by slowness. Return no insolent answers, " nor shew any want of compliance ; but if thou canst not do what they " command, make a modest excuse. If another is called and does not "come quickly; come thou, hear what is ordered, and do it well. " Never offer thyself to do that which thou canst not do. Deceive " no person, for the gods see all thy actions. Live in peace with every " body, and love every one sincerely and honestly, that thou mayest be " beloved by them in return. " Be not greedy of the goods which thou hast. If thou seest any " thing presented to another, give way to no mean suspicions ; for the " gods, to whom every good belongs, distribute every thing as they " please. If thou wouldst avoid the displeasure of others, let none " meet with it from thee. " Guard against improper familiarities with men ; nor yield to the " guilty wishes of thy heart ; or thou wilt be the reproach of thy family, " and will pollute thy mind as mud does water. Keep not coni- " pany with dissolute, lying, or idle women ; othei-wise they will in- " fallibly infect thee by their example. Attend upon thy family, and do " not go on slight occasions out of thy house, nor be seen wandering " through tlie streets, or in the market-place ; for in such places thou " wilt meet thy ruin. Remember that vice, like a poisonous herb, "• brings death to those who taste it ; and when it once harbours in " the mind it is difficult to expel it. If in passing through the streets " thou meetest with a forward youth who appears agreeable to thee, " give him no correspondence, but dissemble and pass on. If he says " any-thing to thee, take no heed of him nor his words; and if '' he follows thee, turn not your face about to look at !iim, lest that " might inflame his passion more. If thou behavest so, he \vill soon " turn and let thee proceed in peace. " Enter not, without some urgent motive, into another's house,. " that nothing may be either said or thought injurious to thy honour; " but if thou euterest into the house of thy relations, salute them with 336 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VII. " respect and do not remain idle, but immediately take up a spindle to " spin, or do any otlier thing that occurs. " When thou art married, respect thy hubbaud, obey him, and dili- " gently do what he commands thee. Avoid incurring his (Usj.leasuie, " nor slicw thyself passionate or ill-natured ; but receive him fondly " to thy arms, cvcu if he is poor and lives at thy expence. If thy " husband occasions thee any disgust, let him not know thy displeasure " when he commands thee to do anv thing; but dissemble it at that " time, and afterwards tell him with gentleness what vexed thee, " that he may be won b}^ thy mildness and oiTend thee no farther. " Dishonour him not before others; for thou also wouldst be disho- " noured. If any one comes to visit thy husband, accept the visit " kindly, and shew all the civility thou canst. If thy husband is " foolitli, be thou discreet. If he fails in the management of wealth, " admonish him of his failings; but if he is totally incapable of taking " care of his estate, take that charge upon thyself, attend carefully " to his possessions, and never omit to pay the workmen punctually. " Take care not to lose any thing through negligence. " Embrace, my daughter, the counsel which I give thee; I am al- " ready advanced in life, and have had sufficient dealings with tlie " world. I am thy mother, I wish that thou mayest live well. Fix " my precepts in thy heart and bowels, for then thou wilt live happy. " If, by not listening to me, or by neglecting my instructions, any mis- " Ibrtuues befall thee, the fault will be thine, and the evil also. Enough, " my child. May the gods prosper thee." SECT. V. Jvot contented with such instructions and domestic education, the schools -.(nd Mexicans sent their children to public schools, which were close to seminaries. ^\^Q temples, where they were instructed for three years in religion and good customs. Besides this, almost all the inhabitants, particularly the nobles, took care to have thtiir children brought up in the semi- naries belonging to the temples, of which there were many in the cities of the Mexican empire, for boys, youths, and young women. Those of the boys and young men were governed by priests, who were solely devoted to their education; those for young women were under the direction of matrons equally respectable for their age and for their manners. No communication between the youth of both sexes was HISTORY OF MEXICO. 337 ]>emiittecl ; on the contrary, any transgression of that nature \vslS se- BOOK VIL verely punished. There were distinct seminaries for the nobles and plebeians. The young nobles were employed in offices which were rather internal, and more immediately about the sanctuary, as in sweep- ing the upper area of the temple, and in stirring up and attending to the fires of the stoves which were before the sanctuary. The others were employed in carrying the wood which was required for the stoves, and the stone and lime used in repairing of sacred edifices, and in other similar tasks: both were under the direction of superiors and masters, who instructed them in religion, history, painting, music, and other arts agreeable to their rank and circumstances. The girls swept the lower area of the temple, rose three times in the night to burn copal in the stoves, prepared the meats which were daily oiYered to the idols, and wove different kinds of cloth. They were taught every female dutyj by which, besides banishing idleness from them, which is so dangerous to the age of youth, they were ha- bituated to domestic labours. They slept in large halls in the sight of the matrons, who governed them, and who attended to nothing more zealously than the modesty and decency of their actions. When any male or female pupil went to pay their respects to their parents, and which case happened very seldom, they were not allowed to go by themselves, but were always accompanied by other pupils and their superior. After listening for a few moments with silence and attention to the instructions and advices which their parents gave them, they returned back to the seminary. There they were detained until the time of marriage, which, as we have already mentioned, was with young men from the age of twenty to twenty-two, and with girls at eighteen or sixteen years. When this period arrived, either the young man himself requested leave of the superior to go and get himself a wife, or, what was more common, his parents demanded him for the .same purpose, returning thanks first to the superior for the care he had taken of his instruction. The superior, upon the dismission which he gave at the grand festival of Tezcatlipoca, to all the young men and women who were arrived at that age, made them a discourse, exhorting them to a perseverance in virtue, and the discharge of all the duties of the new state. The virgins educated in these seminaries were particularly sought after for wives, not only on account of their principles, but likewise of the VOL. I. 2 X 338 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK Vir. skill which they acquired there in the arts belonging to their sex. The youth ^\ho when arrived at the age of twenty-two did not marry, was esteemed to have devoted himself for ever to the service of the temples; and if after such consecration of himself he repented of celibacy, and desired to marry, he became infamous for ever, and no woman would accept him for a husband. In Tlascala, those who, at the age fit for marriage, refused taking a wife, were shaven, a mark of the highest dis- honour with that nation. The sons in general learned the trades of their fathers, and embraced their professions. Thus they perpetuated the arts in families to the advantage of the state. The young men M'ho were destined to the ma- gistracy, were conducted by their fathers to tribunals, where they heard the laws of the kingdom explained, and observed the practice and forms of judicature. In the sixtieth picture of Mendoza's collection, are re- presented four judges examining a cause, and behind them four young Teteuctin, or Gentlemen, who are listening to their decision. The sons of the king, and principal lords, were appointed tutore, who at- tended to their conduct; and long before they could enter into posses- sion of the crown, or their state, they were entrusted with the govern- ment of some city, or smaller state, that they might learn by degrees the ardous task of governing men. This was the custom as early as the time of the first Chechemecan kings; for Nojtaltzin, from the time that he was crowned king of Acolhuacan, put his first-born son Tlotzin in possession of tlie city of Tezcuco. Cuitlahuac, the last king of Mexico, obtained the state of Ixtapalapan, and the brother of Monte- zuma tliat of Ehecatepec, before X\\ey ascended the throne of Mexico. Upon this base of education the Mexicans supported the fabric of their ])oIitical system which we are now to unfold. SECT. vt. From the time that the Mexicans, after the example of other neiijh- •.f tlifcir bourmg states, placed Acamapitzm at the liead oi the nation, mvest- k'ttg*- ing him with the name, the honours, and authority of royalty, the crown of their kingdom was made elective; for which purpose they created some time after four electors, in whose judgement and decision all the suffrages of the nation were comprehended. These were four lords of tlie first rank of nobility, and generally of the royal blood, possessed likewise of prudence and probity adequate to the di-eliarge of so important a function. Their office was not perpetual; their electoral HISTORY OF MEXICOv 339 power terminated with the first election, and new electors were imme- BOOK VII. diately nominated, or the iirst were re-chosen by the votes of the nobility. If a deficiency happened in their nimiber before the king died, it was sn|)piied by a new appointment. In the time of king Itzcoatl, two other electors were added, which were the kings of Acolhuacan and Tacuba; but their title was merely honorary. They usually ratified the choice which was made by the four real electors ; but we do not know- that they ever interfered otherwise with the election. That the electors might not be left too much at liberty, and in order to prevent the inconveniencies arising from parties and factions, they fixed the crown in the family of Acamapitzin; and afterwards established a law, that when the king died he should be succeeded by one of liis brothers, and on failure of brothers by one of his nephews; or on failure of tliem by one of his cousins, leaving it in the option of the e]ector.s to choose among the brothers or nephews of the deceased king, the person whom they should think best qualified to govern; by means of which law, they avoided numerous inconveniencies that we have already mentioned. This law was observed from the time of their second, until the time of their last king. Huitzihhuitl, the son of Acamapitzin, was succeeded by his two brothers Chimalpopoca and Itzcoatl; Itzcoatl by his nephew Montezuma Ilhuicamina; Montezuma by his cousin Axa- jacatl; Axajacatl by his two brothers Tizoc and Ahuitzotl; Ahuitzotl by his nephew Montezuma II. ; Montezuma II. by his brother Cuitla- huatzin, to whom lastly his nephew Quauhtemotzin succeeded. This series of kings will appear more distinctly in the table of genealogy which we have subjoined. In the election of a king no regard was paid to the right of primo- geniture. At the death of Montezuma I., Axnjacatl was elected in preference to his elder brothers Tizoc and Ahuitzotl. No new king was elected until the funeral of his predecessor ^vas sect. vn. celebrated with due pomp and magnificence. As soon as the election , ''"'"'' *^ '^ ^ and cerenio- was made, advice was sent to the kings of Acolhuacan and Tacuba, in nials at the. order that they might confirm it, and also to the feudatory lords who had and'^uTcTioii" been present at the funeral. These two kings led the new chosen of the king. sovereign to the greater temple. The feudatory lords went first, with the ensigns of their states; then the nobles of the court with the badges o V o ^ j\, jit 340 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VII. of their dignity and ofilccs; the two aUicd kings followed next, and behind them the king elect, stript naked, without any covering except the viaxtlall, the girdle, or large bandage, about his middle. He ascended the temple, resting on the arms of two nobles of the court, where one of the high-priests, accompanied by the most respectable officers of the temple, received him. He worshipped the idol of Huit- zilopochtli, touching the earth with his hand, and then carrying it to his mouth. The high-priest dyed his body with a certain kind of ink, and sprinkled him four times with water which had been blessed, according to their rite, at the grand festival of Huitzilopochtii, making use for this purpose of branches of cedar and willow, and the leaves of maize. He was clothed in a mantle, on which were painted skulls and bones of the dead, and his head was covered with two other cloaks, one black, and the other blue, on which similar figures were represented. They tied a small gourd to his neck, containing a certain powder, which they esteemed a strong preservative against diseases, sor- cery, and treason. — Happy would that people be whose king could carry about him such a preservative! — They put afterwards a censer, and a bag of copal in his hands, that he might give incense to the idol with them. When this act of religion was performed, during which the king remained on his knees, the high-priest sat down and delivered a discourse to him, in which, after congratulating him on his advance- ment, he informed him of the obligation he owed his subjects for having raised him to the throne, and warmly recommended to him zeal for religion and justice, the protection of the poor, and the defence of his native country and kingdom. The allied kings and the nobles next addressed him to the same purpose; to which the king answered with thanks and promises to exert himself to the utmost of his power, for the happiness of the state. Gomara, and other authors who have copied liim, affirm, that the high-priest made him swear to maintain their ancient religion, to observe the laws of his ancestors, and to make the sun go his course, to make the clouds pour down rain, to make the rivers run and all fruits to ripen. If it is true, that they made the king take so extravagant an oath, it is probable that they only meant to oblige him to maintain a conduct worthy of these favours from heaven^ HISTORY OF MEXICO. 341 After hearing these addresses, the king descended with all his attend- BOOK VII. ants to the lower area, where the rest of the nobility waited to make their obedience, and pay homage in jewels and apparel. He was thence conducted to a chamber within the inclosure of the temple called Tlacatecco, where he was left by himself four days, during which time he was allowed to eat but once a day ; l)ut he might eat tlesli or any other kind of food He bathed twice everyday, and after bathing he drew blood from his ears, which he otfered toerether with some burnt copal to Huitzilopochtli, making all the while constant and earnest prayers to obtain that enlightenment of understanding which was requi- site in order to govern his monarchy with prudence. On the fifth day, the nobility returned to the temple, conducting the new king to his palace, where the feudatory lords came to renew the investiture of their fiefs. Then followed the rejoicings of the people, entertainments, dances, and illuminations.. To prepare for the coronation it was necssary, according to the law '^ect. vm. of the kingdom or the custom introduced by Montezuma I., that the tion, tiowu, new-elecled king should go out to war, to procure the victims which were necessary for the sacrifices on such an occasion. They never were with- royalty, out enemies on whom war might be made; either from some province of the kingdom having rebelled, or from some Mexican merchants having been unjustly put to death, or on account of some insult having been otTered to the royal ambassadors, of which cases history shews many examples. The arms and ensigns which the king wore upon going to war, the parade with which his prisoners were conducted . to the court, and the circumstances which attended the sacrifice of them, shall be explained when we come to treat of the mili- tary establishment of the Mexicans; but we are entirely ignorant of the particular ceremonies which were used at his coronation. The king of Acolhuacan was the person who put the crown upon his head. The crown, v\hich was called by the Mexicans copilli, was a sort of small mitre, the fore part of which was raised up, and termi- nated in a point, and the part behind was lowered down, and hung over the neck in the same manner as is represented in the figures of the kings given in this history. It was composed of different mate- rials, according to the pleasure of the kings; sometimes made of thin i dress, and insignia of 342 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VI T. plates of gold, sometimes wove, with golden thread, and figured with beautiiiil feathers. Tiie dress which he usually wore in the palace was the xinhtilmalli, which was a mantle of a blue and while mixture. AV^hen he went to the tem|)le he put on a white hal ■ 1- 1 /> 1 • w .n Couriers and ot difterent ensigns accordm^ to the nature of the mtelhgence, or attair posts. with which they were charged. If it was the news of the Mexicans having lost a battle, the courier wore his hair loose and disordered, and, without speaking a word to any person, went straight to the palace, where, kneeling before the king, he related what had happened. If it w-as the news of a victory which had been obtained by the arms of Mexico, he had his hair tied with a coloured string, and his body girt with a white cotton cloth; in his left hand a shield, and in his right a sword, which he brandished as if he had been in the act of engagement; expressing by such gestures his glad tidings, and singing the glorious actions of the ancient Mexicans, while the people, overjoyed at seeing him, led him with many congratulations to the royal palace. In order that news might be more speedily convoyed, there were upon all the highv,fays of the kingdom certain little to.vers, about six miles distant from each other, where couriers were always waiting in readiness to set out with dispatches. As soon as the first courier was sent off, he ran as swiftly as he could to the first stage, or little tower, where he communicated to another his intelligence, and delivered to him the paintings which represented the news, or the affair which was the sub- ject of his eml)assy. The second courier posted without delay to the next stage, or little tower ; and thus by a continued and uninterrupt- ed speed of conveyance, intelligence was carried so rapidly from place to place, that sometimes, according to the affirmations made by se- veral authors, it reached the distance of three hundred miles in one dav. It was by this means that fresh fish were daily brought to Monte- voL. I. 2 y 546 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VII. zunia II. from the Gulf of Mexico, which is at least upwards of two hundred miles distant from the capital. Those couriers were ex- ercised in running from their childhood ; and in order to encourage them in this exercise, the priests, imder whose discipline they were trained, frequently bestowed rewards on those who were victors in a race. SECT. xm. AVith respect to the nobility of Mexico and of the whole empire. The nobihtv . ,..,,. , , ^ ■ r ^ •, and right of it was divided into several classes, which were confounded together by succession, ^j^g Spaniards under the general name of caziques [q). Each class had its particular privileges and wore its own badges, by which means, although their dress was extremely simple, the character of every per- son was immediately understood. The nobles alone were allowed to wear ornaments of gold and gems upon their clothes, and to them ex- clusively belonged, from the reign of Montezuma 11., all the high of- fices at court, in the magistracy, and the most considerable in the army. The highest rank of nobility in Tlascala, in Huexotzinco, and in Cholula, was that of Tcuctli. To obtain this rank it was necessary to be of noble birth, to have given proofs in several battles of the utmost courage, to be arrived at a certain age, and to command great riches for the enormous cxpences which were necessary to be supported by the possessor of such a dignity. The candidate was obliged besides to undergo a year of regular penance, consisting in perpetual fasting and fre- (jucnt effusions of blood, and an abstinence from all commerce what- soever with women, and patiently enduring the insults, the reproaches, and ill-treatment, by which fortitude an'd constancy are put to the test. The}' bored the cartilage of his nose, in order to suspend from it cer- tain grains of gold, which were the principal badge of this dignity. On the day on which he came to the possession of it, they .stripped him of the (Jismal habit which he had worn during the time of his pe- nance, and dressed him in most magnificent attire: they tied his hair with a leathern ribband, dyed of a red colour, at which hung beau- tiful feathers, and fixed also the grains of gold at his nose. , This ce- vemony was performed, in the u[)per area of the greater temple, by a (ed was sold for a slave, in order to purchase with his Jibcrl}- what he could not gain by his industry. For the administration of justice, the Mexicans had various tribunals ajid judges. At court, and in the more considerable places of the HISTORY OF MEXICO. "353 kingdom, there was a supreme magistrate named Cihuacoail, whose BOOK VII . aullioritv was so great that from the sentences pronounc(?d by him, either in civil or criminal causes, no appeal could be made to any other tribunal, not even to majesty. He had the appointment of the inferior judges; and the receivers of the royal revenues, within his district, rendered in their accounts to him. Any one who either made use of his ensigns, or usurped his authority, was punished with death. The tribunal of the Tlacatecatl, though inferior to the first, was extremelj^ respectable, and composed of three judges, nauiely of the Tlacatecatl, who was the chief, and from whom the tribunal took its name, and of two others who were called Quauhnochtli and TlanotUct. They took cognizance of civil and criminal causes in the first and second instance, although sentence was pronounced in the name only of the Tlacatecatl. They met daily in a hall of the house of the public, which was called Tlatzontecojan, that is, the place where judgment is given, to which belonged porters and other officers of justice. There they listened with the utmost attention to litigations, diligently examined into causes, and pronounced sentence according to the laws. If a cause was purely civil, there was no appeal from that court; but if the cause was of a criminal nature, an appeal lay to the Cihuatcoatl. The sentence was published by the Tepojotl, or public cryer, and was executed by the Qnaunochtli, who, as we have already mentioned, was one of the three judges. The public cryer, as well as the executive minister of justice, was held in high esteem amongst the Mexicans, because they were considered to be the representatives of the king. In every district of the city resided a Tcuclli, who was deputy of the tribunal of Tlacatecatl, and was elected annually by the commons of that district. He took cognizance, in the first instance, of the causes within his district, and daily waited upon the Cihuacoatl, or the Tla- catecatl, to report to him every thing which occurred, and to receive his orders. Besides these Teuctli, there were in every district certain commissaries, elected in the same manner by the commons of the district, and named Ccntectlapixque ; but they, from what appears to us, v\ere not judges, but only guardians, charged to observe the conduct of a certain number of families committed to their care, and to acquaint the magistrates with every thing tliat passed. Next to tlie Teuctli were VOL. I. 2 Z 3.34 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VIT. the Tciqv.ilkitoquc, or the niniici-?, wlio carried the notifications of the magisticvtcs, and summoned guiU^' persons, and the Topilli, or the oliicers who apprehended and made prisoners. Ill the kingdom of AcoUiuacan, the judicial power was divided amongst seven principal cities. Tlie judges remained in their tribunals from sun-rise until evening. Tlieir meals were brouglit to them in the tribunal-hall, and that they might not be taken oil' from their em- ployment, by givi^ig attendance upon their families, nor have any excuse for, being corrupted, they were, agreeable to the usage in the kingdom of Mexico, assigned possessions and labourers, who cultivated ilieir fields. Tliose possessions, as they belonged to the ofl'ice, not to the officer, did not })ass to his heirs but to his successors in that appointment. In causes of imi)ortance they durst not pronounce sentenc:e, at least not in the capital, without giving information to the king. Every Mexican month, or every twenty days, an assembly of all the jutlges was held before the king, in order to determine all causes then undecided. If from their being much perplexed and intricate, they were not finished at that time, they were reserved for another general assembly of a more solemn nature, wdiich was held every eighty days, and was tlierefore called Nappapsallatolit, that is, the Conference of Eighty, at which all causes were finally decided, and in the presence of that whole assembly punishment was inflicted on the guilty. The king pronounced sentence by drawing a line with the point of an arrow upon the head of the guilty person, which was painted on the process. In the tribunals of the Mexicans the contending parties made their own allegations: at least we do not know that they employed any otiier advocates. In criminal causes the accuser was not allowed any other proof thaa that of his witnesses ; but an accused person could clear himself from guilt by his oath. In disputes about the boundaries of possessions," the paintings of the land were consulted as authentic writings. All the magistrates were obliged to give judgment according to the laws of the kingdom which were represented by paintings. Of these wc liave seen many, and have extracted from them a part of that which we shall lay before our readers on the subject. The power of making laws in Tezcuco belonged always to the kings, \vho made those wliich SECT. xvn. Penal laws. HISTORY OF .AIEXICO. 3oo tiiey published, be rigorously observed. Amongst the Mexicans, the BOOK VII. first laws were made, from what we can discover, by the bod3^ of the no- f)ility; but afterwards the kinsjs became the legislators of tlic nation, and while their authority was confined within moderate limits, they were zealous in the observance of those laws which they or their an- cestors had promulgated. In the last years of the monarchy despotism altered, and changed them at caprice. We shall here enumerate those which were in force at the time the Spaniards entered into Mexico. In some of them much prudence and humanity and a strong attachment to good customs will be discovered; 1)ut in others an excess of rigour which degenerated into cruelty. A traitor to the king or the state was torn in pieces, and his rela- tions who were privy to the treason, and did not discover it, were deprived of their liberty. Whoever dared in war, or at any time of public rejoicing, to make use of the badges of the kings of Mexico, of Acolhuacan, or Ta- cuba, or of those of the Cihuacoatl, was punished with death, and his goods confiscated. Whoever maltreated an ambassador, minister, or courier belonging to the king, suffered death; but ambassadors and couriers were forbid on their part to leave the high road, under pain of losing their pri- vileges. The punishment of death was inflicted also on those persons who oc- casioned any sedition amongst the people; on those who carried off, or changed, the boundaries placed in the fields by public authority ; and likewise on judges who gave a sentence that was unjust, or contrary to the laws, or made an unfaithful report of any cause to the king or a superior magistrate, or allowed themselves to be corrupted by bribes. He who in war committed any hostility upon the enemy without the order of his chief, or attacked them before the signal for battle was given, or abandoned the colours, or violated any proclamation published to the army, was infallibly beheaded. He who at market altered the measures established by the magis- trates, was guilty of felony, and was put to death without delay in the same place. 2 Z Q 3o6 HISTORY OF iMEXICO. BOOK VII . A murcloier forfeited his own life for his crime, even although the person murdered was but a slave. He who killed his wife, although he caught her in adultery, suffered death; because, according to them, he usurped the authority of the magistrates, whose proviuce it was to take cognizance- of misdeeds, and punish evil-doers. Adultery was iu'vitably punished with death. Adulterers were stoned to death, or lluir heatis were bruised between two stones. This law, which prescribed that adulterers should be stoned to death, is one of those which we have seen represented in the ancient paintings whicli were preserved in the library of the supreme college of Jesuits at Mexi- co. It is also represented in the last painting of the collection made by Mendoza, and is taken notice of by Gomara, Torquemada, and other authors. But they did not consider, nor did they punish as adul- tery, the trespass of a husband with any woman who was free, or not joined in matrimony: wherefore the husband was not bound to so much fidelity as was exacted from the wife. In all places of the empire this crime was punished, but in some places with greater severity than in others. In Iclfoatlan, a woman who was accused of adultery was summoned before the judges, and if the proofs of her crime were satis- factory, she received punishment there immediately; she was torn in pieces, and her limbs divided amongst the witnesses. In Itztepec in- fidelity in a woman was punished according to the sentence of the ma- gistrates by her husband, wlio cut off her nose and her ears. In some parts of the empire the punishment of death was inflicted on the hus- band who cohabited with his wife, after it was proved that she had violated her fidelity. No divorce was lawful without the permission of the judges. He who desired to divorce his wife, {)resented himself before the tribunal and explained his reasons for it. The judges exiiorted him to concord, and endeavoured to dissuade him from a separation; but if he persisted in his claim, and his reasons appeared just, they told him that he might do that which he should judge most proper, without giving their au- thority for a divorce by a formal sentence. If after all he divorced her, he never could recover her nor be united to her again. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 357 Tljose who were guilty of incest with their nearest of blood, or rela- BOOK VI I. tioiis, were hanged, and all marriages between persons so nearly con- nected were strictly forbid by law, excepting marriages between brothers and sisters-in-law; for amongst the Mexicans, as well as amongst the Hebrews, it was the custom that the brothers of the deceased husband might marry with their widowed sisters-in-law; but there was great difference in this practice of these two nations; for amongst the He- brews such a marriage could only happen in one case; that was, where the husband died without issue. Amongst the Mexicans, on the contrary, it was necessary that the deceased should leave children, of whose edu- cation the brother was to take charge, entering into all the rights of a father. In some places which were distant from the capital, the nobles were accustomed to marry their widowed mothers-in-law, provided their lathers had not had children by them; but in the capitals of Mexico and Tezcuco, and the places neighbouring to them, such marriages were deemed incestuous, and pimished with severity. Any person guilty of a detestable crime was hanged; if a priest, he was burnt alive. Amongst all the nations of Anahuac, excepting the Panuchese, this crime was held in abomination, and was punished bv them all with rigour. Nevertheless, vicious men, in order to justify their own excesses, have defamed all the nations of America with this horrid vice; but this calumny, which several European authors have too readily admitted to be just, is proved to be false by the testi- mony of many other authors, who are more impartial and better in- formed (,r). The priest, who, during the time that he was dedicated to the service of the temple, abused any free woman, was deprived of the priesthood and banished. If any of the young men, or young women, who were educating in the seminaries, were guilty of incontinence, they were liable to a severe punishment, and even to suffer death, according to the report of some authors. But, on the other hand, there was no punishment whatever prescribed for simple fornication, although the evil tendency of an ex- cess of this kind was not unknown to them; and fathers frequently (,r) See what we have said in our Dissertations respecting the author who has revived this atrocious calumny upon the Americans. "^J8 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK Vir. aumoiiislied their cluldreii to l)eware of it: they burned the hair of a iiawd ill the market-place with pine torches, and smeared lier liesid with tile resin of the same wood. Tlie more respectable the persons were to u hoii) she served in this capacity, so mucii the greater was the punishment. According to fiie laws, the man who dressed himself like a woman, or the woman who dressed herself like a man, was hanged. The thief of things of small value met witli no punishment, except- ing that of being obliged to restore what he had stolen; if the things were of great value, he was made the slave of the person whom he had robbed. Jf the thing stolen did no longer exist, nor the robber had any goods by which he could repay hi^ robbery, he was stoned to death. If he had stolen gold or gems, alter being conducted through all the streets of the city, he was sacrificed at the festival which the gold- smiths held in honour of their god Xipe. He iVho stole a certain number of ears of maize, or pulled up from another's field a certain number of useful trees, w'as made a slave of the owner of that field [y ) ; i)ut every poor traveller was permitted to take of the maize, or the fruit- bearing trees, which were planted by the side of the highway, as muci» as was sufficient to satisfy immediate hunger. He who robbed in the market, was immediately put to death by the bastinado, in the market-i)lace. He also was condemned to death, w ho in the army robbed another of his arms or badges. AVhoever upon finding a strayed child made it a slave, and sold it to another, as if it were his own, forfeited by that crime his liberty and liis goods, one half of which was appropriated to the support of the child, and the other half was paid to the purchaser that he might set the child at liberty. Whatever number of persons were concerned in tiic crime, all of them were liable to the same punishment. To the same punishment of servitude, and to the loss of his goods, was every person liable who sold the possessions of another, winch he only iiad in farm. {y) Tlie Anonymous Conqueror says, that stealing of three or four ears of maize was e borne, as it was among other people; for the condition of a slave among them was by no means oppressive. Tlieir labour was moderate, and their treatment humane; when their masters lied, they generally became free. The common price of a slave was a load of cotton garments. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 361 Tlierc was among the Mexicans another kind of slavery, which they BOOK vri. caUed Huehuetatlacolliy which wa?;, where one or two families, on ac- count of their |)Overty, bound themselves to furnish some lord perpe- tually ^vith a slave. They delivered up one of their sons for this pur- pose, and after he had served for some years they recalled him, in order to let him marry, or for some other motive, and substituted another iu his place. The change was made without giving any offence to the patron; on the contrary, he generally gave some consideration for a new slave. In the year 1506, on account of a great scarcity whicli happened then, many famlHes were obliged to this kind of seiTitudej but they were all freed from it by the king of Acolhuacan, Nezahualpilli, owing to the hardships they suffered from itj and, after his example, the same thing was done by Montezuma II. in his dominions. The conquerors, who imagined they entered into all the rights of the ancient Mexican lords, had, at first, many slaves of those nations; but when the Catholic kings were informed of it by persons of credit who were zealous for the public good, and well acquainted with the manners and customs of those people, they declared all those slaves free, and forbid, imder severe penalties, any attempt against their li- berty. A law infinitely just, and worthy the humanity of tliose mo- narchs; for the first religious missionaries who were employed in the conversion of the Mexicans, amongst whom were men of much learning, declared, after diligent examination, that they had not been able to find one amongst the slaves who had been justly deprived of his natural liberty. We have now said all that we know of the Mexican legislature. I\Iore complete information on this head, and in particular concern- ing their civil contracts, their tribunals, and supreme councils, might iiavc proved extremely valuable; but the unfortunate loss of the greater part of their paintings, and of some manuscripts of the first Spaniards, has deprived iis of the only lights which could have illustrated this Although the laws of the capital were generally received through- sect. xix. Laws of otlref countries of tiut the whole empire, yet in some of the provinces man}- variations from them took place; for as t,be Mexicans did not oblige the conquered AnaUuac vol.. 1. .3 a 362 HISTORY OF MEXICO. R OOK VII. nations to speak (he language of their court, neither did they compel them to adopt all their laws. The legislature of Acolhuacan was the most similar to that of Mexico; but still they diflered in many parti- culars, and the former was far more severe than the latter. The laws published by the celebrated king Nezahualcojotl ordained, that a thief should be dragged through the streets, and afterwards hanged. Murderers were beheaded. The agent in the crime of so- domy was sutVocated in a heap of ashes; the patient had his bowels torn out, after which his belly was tilled with ashes, and then he was burned. He who maliciously contrived to sow discord between two states, was tied to a tree and burned alive. He who drank till he lost his senses, if a nobleman, was imniLdiately hanged, and his body was thrown into the lake, or into some river; if a plebeian, for the first offence he lost his liberty, and for the second his life. And when the legislator was asked, why the law was more severe upon nobles, he answered, that the crime of drunkenness was less pardonable in rhem, as they were more bound in duty to set a good examjile. The same king prescribed the punishment of death to iiistorians who puljlished any falsehood in their paintings [y). He con- demned robbers of the fields to the same punishment, and declared that the stealing seven ears of maize was sufficient to incur the pe- nalty. The Tlascalans adopted the greater part of the laws of Acoliniacan. Among them, sons, who were wanting in respect and duty to their parents, were put to death by order of the senate. Those jjersons who were authors of any public misfortune, and yet did not deserve to be punished with death, were banished. Generally speaking, among all the polished nations of Anahuac, murder, theft, lying, adultery, and other similar crimes of incontinence, were rigorously punished, and that which we have already observed, when speaking of their cliarac- ter, appears to be verified in every thing, namely, that they, were (as they still are) naturally inclined to severity and rigour, and more vigi- lant to punish vice than to reward virtue. (_y ) This law against false historians is aUested by D. Ferdinando d'Alba Ixtlilxochitl (who was a descendant of that legislator)^ in his valuable manuscripts. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 36S Among the punishments prescribed by the legislators of Mexico against BOOK VII. malefactors, that of the fork or gallows was reckoned the most ignomi- ■ sect. xx. nious. That of banishment was also thought infamous, as it supposed .„„] pvison;.^ the guilty person possessed of an infectious vice. That of whipping is not found among their laws ; nor do we know. that it was ever made use of except by parents to their children, or masters to their pupils. They had two sorts of prisons: one similar to modern prisons, called Teilpilojan, which was appropriated for debtors who refused to pay their debts, and for such persons as were guilty of crimes not deserving death ; the other called Quaukcalli, resembling a cage, was used to confine prisoners who were to be sacrificed, and persons guilty of capi- tal offences. Both of them were well watched and strongly guarded. Those w'ho were to be capitally punished Avere fed very sparingly, in order that they might taste by anticipation the bitterness of death. The prisoners on the contrary were well nourished, in order that they might appear in good flesh at the sacrifice. If through the negligence of the guard, any prisoner escaped from the cage, the community of the dis- trict, whose duty it was to supply the prisons with guards, was obliged to pay to the owner of the fugitive, a female slave, a load of cotton garments, and a shield. Having treated thus far of the civil, it is now become necessary to sect. xm. say something of the military government of the Mexicans. No pro- ^ randmiU- ^ession was held in more esteem, amongst them than the profession of taiy orders, arms. The deity of war was the most revered by them, and regarded as the chief protector of the nation. No prince was elected king, un- til he had, in several battles, displayed proofs of his courage and mili- tary skill, and merited the splendid post of general of the armyj and no king was crowned, until he had taken, with his own hands, the \ictims which were to be sacrificed at the festival of his coronation. All the Mexican kings, from Itzcoatl the First, down to Quautemotzin, who was their last, rose from the command of the army to the govern- ment of the kingdom. Those who died for the sake of their country, with their arms in their hands, were imagined to be the happiest souls in another life. From the great esteem in which the profession of arms was held amongst them, they were at much pains to make their children courageous, and to inure them from the earliest infancy to the hardships 3a2 364 HISTOllY OF MEXICO. BOOK VII. of war. It was this elevated notion of the glory of arms, which formed those heroes, whose illustrious actions we have already related: which made them shake off the yoke of the Tepanecas, and erect on so hum- ble a foundation, so famous and celebrated a monarchy: and lastly, which produced the extension of their dominions from the banks of the- lake to the shores of the two opposite seas. The highest military dignity was that of general of the army; but there w"ere four dilferent ranks of generals, of which the most respect- able was that of Tlacochcalcall (2), and each rank had its particular badges of distinction. We are uncertain in what degree the other three ranks were subordinate to the first; nor can we even tell their names, on account of the different opinions of authors on this head (a). Next to the generals were the captains, each of whom commanded a certain number of soldiers. In order to reward the services of warriors, and give them every kind of encouragement, the Mexicans devised three military orders, railed Achcauhtin, Qitaiiltfin, and Oocelo, or Princes, Eagles, and Ti- gers. The persons belonging to the order of Princes, who were called Huachktin, were the most honoured. They wore their hair tied on the top of their heads with a red string, from which hung as many locks of cotton as they had performed meritorious actions. This ho- nour was so much esteemed among them, that the kings themselves, as well as the generals, were proud of having it] conferred upon thera» Montezuma II. belonged to this order, as Acosta affirms, and also king Tizoc, as appears in the paintings of him. The Tigers were dis- tinguished by a particular armour which they wore, it being spotted like the skins of these wild animals; but such insignia were only made use of in war: at court all the officers of the army wore a dress of jnixed colours, which was called Tlachquauhjo. No persons on the iirst time of their going to war, were allowed to wear any badge of dis- (;) Some authors say tliat Ttacochcakad, signifies prince of the darts; but unquMtionably It means only, inhabitant of the arsenal, or house of the dart.s. ((•») The interpreter of ^Mendoza's Collection says, that the names of the four ranks of ge-. neraU, were TIacochcalcatI, Alempanecatl, Ezhaacalecrttl, and TliUancalqui. Acosta, instead of Atempanecatl, says Tlacatecall, and instead o( EzltuacatecatI, Ezkuahuacatl ; and adds, that these were the names of the four electors. Torquemada adopts the name of Tlacatecatl, but some- times be makes his rank inftrior to the TIacochcalcatI, and at other times he confounds ^hem foizether. 1 HISTORY OF MEXICO. 365 tinction; they were dressed in a coarse white habit of cloth made from BOOK VIL the aloe; and this rule was so strictly observed, that it was even neces- " sary for the princes of the ro\^al blood to give some proofs of their cou- rage before they could be entitled to change that plain dress for an- other more costly, called Teucaliuhqiti. The members of those mili- tary orders, besides the exterior marks of distinction which they wore,, were allotted particular apartments in the royal palace, whenever they waited upon the king as guards. They were allowed to have furniture in then- houses made of gold, to wear the finest cotton dress, and finer shoes than those of the common people; but no soldier had permission to do this until he had gained, by his bravery, some advancement in- the army. A particular dress called Tlacatziuhqui was given as a re- ward to the soldier who, by his example, encouraged a dispirited army to renew battle with vigour. When the king went to war, he wore, besides his armour, particular sect. xxn. badges of distinction; on his legs, half boots made of thin plates of dress'ofthe^ gold; on his arms, plates of the same metal, and bracelets of gems; '^'"S- at his under lip hung an emerald set in gold; at his ears, ear-rings of the same stone; about his neck a necklace, or chain of gold and gems, and a plume of beautiful feathers on his head; but the badge most ejt- pressive of majesty, was a work of great labour made of beautiful fea- thers, which reached from the head all down the back (/>). The Mexicans were very attentive to distinguish persons, particularly in war, by different badges. The defensive and offensive arms which were made use of by the *ect. xxii». Mexicans, and the other nations of Anahuac, were of various sorts, the Mex- The defensive arras common to the nobles and plebeians, to the offi- 'cans, cers and soldiers, were shields, which they called Chimalli (c), and were made of different forms and materials. Some of them were per- fectly round, and others were rounded only in the under part. Some {b) All these royal insignia had their particular names. The boots were called cozehuatl, the brachials matermcatl, the bracelets matzopeztli, the emerald at the lip tentetl, the ear-rings nacochtU, the necklace cozcapetlatl, and the principal badge of feathers qvachict/i. (c) Solis pretends, that the shield was used only b\' lords ; but the Anoiijnious Conqueror, who frequently saw the Mexicans in arms, and was engaged in many battles against them, asserts expressly, that this armour was common to all ranks. No author has informed us more accurately than he of the Mexican armour. 366 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VII. were made of oluUi, or solid elastic canes, interwoven with thick cot- ton threads, and covered with feathers; those of the nobles with thin plates of gold; others were made of large tortoise-shells, adorned with copper, silver, and gohl, according to the wealth of the owner, or his rank in the army. Tliese Mere of a moderate size; but others were so excessively large, that they could occasionally cover the whole body; but \\ lien it was not necessary to use them, they could compress them, and cany them under their arms like the parasols of the moderns; it is probable, they were made of the skins of animals, or cloth waxed with Ilk, or elastic gum {d). On the other hand, many of tlieir shields were very small, more beautiful than strong, and adorned with fine feathers; these were not employed in war, but only at the enter- tainments which they made in imitation of u battle. The defensive arms peculiar to the oflicers were breast-plates of cotton, one and sometimes two fingers thick, which were arrow-proof; and on this account the Spaniards themselves made use of them in the war against the Mexicans. The name Ichcaluu'jnUi, which the Mexicans gave to this sort of breast-plate, was changed b}- the Spaniards into the word Escaupil. Over this sort of cuirass, which only covered part of the breast, they put on another piece of armour, which, besides the chest, covered the thighs, and the half of the arms, figures of which appear in the plate representing the Mexican armour. The lords were accustomed to wear a thick upper coat of feathers, over a cuirass made of several plates of gold, or silver gilt, whic'a rendered them invul- nerable, not only by arrows, but even by darts or swords, as the Ano- nymous Conqueror affirms. Besides the armour which they wore for the defence of their eliests, their arms, their thighs, and even their legs ; their heads were usually cased in the heads of tigers, or ser- jjents, made of wood, or some other substance, with the mouth open, and furnished with large teeth that they might inspire terror, and so animated in appearance, that the above-mentioned author says, they seemed to be vomiting up the soldiers. All the officers and nobles wore a beautiful plume of feathers on their heads, in order to add to the appearance of their stature. The common soldiers went entirely naked, ((/) These large sliielik are mentioned by tlie Aniinynious Conqueror, Didaco Godoi, and Bernal Diaz, wlio were all present at the coii(]iieM. /Jf,:i-(<;i/i ^////K'lir roi.I.Ft^esSfi Fl Xll HISTORY OF MEXICO. 36? except the maxtlatl, or girdle, which covered the private parts; but BOOK VIT. they counterfeited the dress which they wanted by different colours, with which they painted their bodies. The European historians, who express so much wonder at this, have not observed how common the same practice was among the ancient nations of Europe itself. The offensive arms of the Mexicans were arrows, slings, clubs, spears, pikes, swords, and darts. Their bows were made of a wood, which was elastic and difficult to break, and the string of the sinews of animals, or the hair of the stag. Some of their bows were so laige (as they are at present among some nations of that continent), that they required more than five feet length of string. Their arrows w^ere made of hard rods, pointed with the sharp bone of a fish, or other animal, or a piece of flint, or itzli. They were extremely expert at drawing the bow, and very dextrous marksmen, being exercised in it from childhood, and encouraged by rewards from their masters and parents. The Tehuacanese nation was particularly famous for their skill in shooting two or three arrows together. The surprising feats of dexterity, which have been exhibited even in our time by the Tarau- marese, the Hiaquese, and other people of those regions, who still use the bow and arrow, enable us to judge of the expertness and excellence of the ancient Mexicans in that way [e). No people of the country of Anahuac ever made use of poisoned arrows; this was probably ow- ing to their desire of taking their enemies alive for the purpose of sa- crificing them. The Maquahidtl, called by the Spaniards Spada, or sword, as it was the weapon among the Mexicans, which was equivalent to the sword of the old continent, was a stout stick three feet and a half long, and about four inches broad, armed on each side with a sort of razors of the stone itzli, extraordinarily sharp, fixed and firmly fastened to the stick with gum lack (/), which were about three inches long, one or two inches ( e ) The dexterity of those people in shooting arrows would not be credible, were it not well ascertained by the depositions of a variety of eye-witnesses. It was usual for a number of archers to assemble together, and throw up an ear of maize into the air, at which they imme- diately shot with such quickness and dexterity, that before it could reach the ground it was stripped of every grain. (/) Hernandez says, that one stroke of the maquahuitl was sufficient to cut a man throu"h -the middle; and the Anonymous Conqueror attests, that he saw in anengageinent a Jlexican,. 368 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VII. broad, and as thick as the blade of our ancient swords. Tliis weapon was so keen, tliat once it entirely beheaded a liorse at one stroke, ac- cording to the afih-niation of Acosta; but the first stroke only was to be feared; for the razors became soon blunt. They lied this weapon by a string to their arm, lest they might lose it in any violent conflict The form of the maquahuitl is described by several historians, and i> represented in one of the plates of this history. The pikes of the Mexicans, instead of iron, were pointed \\ith a large flint, but some of them also with copper. The Chinantecas, and some people of Chiapan, made use of pikes so monstrous, that they exceeded three perches, or eighteen feet in length, and the conqueror Cortes employed them against the cavalry of bis rival Panfilo Navae;^. The Tlacochtli, or Mexican dart, was a small lance oi otatli, or some other strong wood, the point of which was hardened by fire, or shod with copper, or itzli, or bone, and many of them liad three points, in order to make a triple wound at every stroke. They fixed a string to their darts {g), in order to pull them back again, after they had launched them at tlie enemy. This was the wea- 1)011 which was the most dreaded by the Spanish conquerors; for they Avere so expert at throwing them, that they pierced the body of an enemy through and through. The soldiers were armed in general with a sword, a bow and arrows, a dart, and a sling. We do not know, whe- ther in war tiu^y ever made use of their axes, of which we shall shortly speak. They had also standards and musical instruments proper for war. Their standards, which were more like the Hignum of the Romans than our colours, were staves from eight to ten feet long, on which they carried tiie arms or ensigns of the state, made of gold, or feathers, or some other valuable siaterials. The armorial ensign of the Mexican empire, was an eagle in the act of darting u|wn a tiger; that of the republic of TIa.scala, an eagle with its win^s spread (A); but each of sfeCT. XXIV. Standards and martial with one stroke which he gave a horse in the belly, make his intestines drop out; and auotflicr, who wilii one stroke which lie gave a horse upon the head, laid him dead at his feet. { g) The Mexican dart was of that kind of darts which the Romans used to call JJustik, Ja- cidum, or Tdum amtnt:itum, and the Spanish name Amento or Aniiento, w hich the historians of Mexico have adojrted, means the same tiling as the Amentum of the Hoiiians. (A ) (joniara says, that tlio aimorial ensign of the n public of TIascala was a crane ; but «thef liistoriaus, belter informed than lie was, afTirin that uwas an eagle. .HISTORY OF MEXICO. SG9 the four lordships which composed the repubhc, had its proper ensign. BOOK VII. That of Ocotelolco, was a green bird upon a rock; that of Tizatlan, a heron upon a rock also; that of Tepeticpac, a fierce wolf, holding t^ome arrows in his paws ; and that of Quiahuiztlan, a parasol of green feathers. The standard which the conqueror Cortes took in the famous battle of Otompan, was a net of gold, which, in all probability, was the standard of some city situated on the lake. Besides the common and principal standard of the army, every company, consisting of two or three hundred soldiers, carried its particular standard, and was not only distinguished from others by it, but likewise by the colour or the feathers, which the officers and nobles bore upon their armour. The standard-bearer of the army, at least in the last years of the empire, was the general ; and those of the companies, most probabh', were borne bv their commanding officers. Those standards were so tirmly tied upon the backs of the officers, that it was almost impossible to detach them without cutting the standard-bearers to pieces. The Mexicans always placed their standard in the centre of their army. The Tlascalans, when they marched their troops in time of peace, placed it in the van; but in the time of war, in the rear of their army. Their martial music, in which there was more noise than harmony, consisted of drums, horns, and certain sea- shells which made an extremely shrill sound. Previous to a declaration of war, the supreme council examined into sect. xxr. the cause which induced them to undertake it, which was for the most , ^? "3° ^ °, ' declaring and part the rebellion of some city or province, the putting to death carrying on unlawfully some Alexican, Acolhuan, or Tepanecan couriers, or merchants, or some gross insult offered to their ambassadors. If the rebellion originated in some of the chiefs, and not among the people, the guilty persons were conducted to the capital and punished. But if the people were also in fault, satisfaction was demanded from them in the name of the king. If they submitted, and manifested a sinceri* repentance, their crime was pardoned, and they were advised to better conduct; but if, instead of submission, they answered with arrogance, and persisted in denying the satisfaction demanded, or offered any nevr insult to the messengers which were sent to them, the affair was dis- cussed in the council, and if war was resolved upon, proper orders were VOL. I. 3 B 370 ■ HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VII. given to the gencM'als. Sometimes the kings, in order to justify their conduct more fully before they made war upon any state or place, sent three dilTerent embassies ; . the first to the lord of the state which iiad given oft'ence, requiring from him a suitable satisfaction, and also pre- scribing a time for the same, on pain of being treated as an enemy; the second, to tlie nobles, that they might persuade their lord to make a submission, and escape the punishment wliich threatened him; and the third to the people, in order to make them acquainted with the occasion of the war; and very often, as a certain historian asserts, the arguments made use of by the ambassadors were so powerful, and the ad\aiitagcs of peace, and the distresses of war, were so forcibly repre- stMited, that an accoirimodation took place between the parties. They used also to send along with ambassadors the idol of Huitzilopochtli, enjoining the people Avho were stirring up a war to give it a place among their gods. If they on the one hand found themselves strong enough to resist, tJTey rejected the proposition, and dismissed the strange god; but if they thought themselves unable to sustain a war, they received the idol, and placed it among their provincial gods, and answered to the embassy with a large present of gold, gems, or beautiful feathers, acknowtedging their subjection to the sovereign. If war was to be commenced, previous to every thing else they sent advice of it to the enemy, that thoy might prepare for defence, consi- dering nothinj« more mean ami unworthy of brave people than to attack the unguarded: for this purpo.se, therefore, they sent before them several shields, which wvrct the signals of a challenge, and likewise some cotton dresses. When one king was challenged by another, tliey used also the ceremony of anointing, ajid fixing feathers upon liis head, which was done by the and^assador, as happened at the challenge a:ivcn by king Itzcoatl to the tyrant Maxtlaton; they next dispatched spies, who were carUcd Quhnichtin, or sorcerers, and were to go in disguise into the country of the enemy, to observe their number anle, there were among them gardens of flowers and odoriferous ])lants, which were employed in the worship of their gods, and served for the recrea% tion of the nobles. At present they cultivate flowers^ and every sort of laUe. 576 HISTORY OF MEXICO. ■RfK^K VIJ. ganku herbs upon them. Every day of the year, at sun-rise, innumerable vessels loaded with various kinds of flowers and herbs which are culti- vated in those gardens are seen arriving by the canal, at the great mar- ket-place of that capital. All plants thrive there surprisingly; the mud of the lake is an extremely fertile soil, and requires no water from the clouds. In the largest gardens there is commonly a httle tree, anil even a little hut to shelter the cultivator, and defend him from rain, or the sun. A\'hcn tile owner of a garden, or tiie Chinampa, as he is usually called, wishes to change his situation, to remove from a disagreeable neighbour, or to come nearer to his own family, he gets into his little vessel, and by his own strength alone if the garden is small, or with the assistance of others if it is large, he tows it after him, and conducts it wherever he pleases with the little tree and hut upon it. That part of the lake where those floating gardens are, is a place of infinite recreation, where the senses receive the highest possible gratification. SECT, xxviii. As soon as the Mexicans had shaken off the Tepanecan yoke, and tuhi'vat'ii"' ''^'^ gained by their concjuesls lands fit for cultivation, they applied the earth. themselves with great diligence to agriculture. Having neither ploughs, nor oxen, nor any other animals proper to be employed in the culture of the earth, they supplied the want of them by labour, and other more simple instruments. To hoe and dig the ground they made use of the Coatl (or Cou), which is an instrument made of copper, with a wooden handle, but dilferent from a spade or mattock, rhcy made use of an axe to cut trees, which w'as also made of copper, and was of the same Jovm \\\i\\ those of modern times, except that we put the handle in the eye of the axe, vhcreas they put the axe into an eye of the handle. Thev had several other instruments of agriculture; but the negligence of ancient writers on this subject has not left it in our power to attempt their description. For the refreshment of their fields they made use of the water of ri- vers and small torrents which came from the mountains, raising dams to collect them, and forming canals to conduct them. Lands which were high, or on the declivity of mountains, were not sown every vear, Ijut allowed to lie fallow until they were over-run with bushes, which tliev burned, to repair by their ashes the salt which rains had wa.shed away. They surrounded their fields with stone inclosures, or hedges made of the mtll, or aloe, which make an excellent fence; and in thr' PL Air. rol.I.Fa(f<- -j-fi C ///^//.■// ///,,,/ S^ //''t'„/„ji r/'}??^a-/rr *• -ii:2T3ti=«feS8s55S^ HISTORY OF MEXICO. 377 month Panquetzaliztli, which began, as we have ah'eady mentioned, BOOK V II. on tiie thii-d of December, they were repaired if necessary [in). The method they observed in sowing of maize, and which they still practise in some places, is this. The sower makes a small hole in the earth with a stick, or drill probably, the point of which is hardened by fire; into this hole he drops one or two grains of maize from a bas- ket which hangs from his shoulder, and covers them with a little earth by means of his foot ; he then passes forward to a certain distance^ which is greater or less according to the quality of the soil, opens another hole, and continues so in a straight line unto the end of the field ; from thence he returns, forming another line parallel to the first. The rows of plants by these means are as straight as if a line was made use of, and at as equal distances from each other as if the spaces between were measured. This method of sowing, which is now used by a few of the Indians only, though more slow [ii], is, however of some advantage^ as they can more exactly proportion the quantity of seed to the strength of the soil; besides, that there is almost none of the seed lost which is sown. In consequence of this, the crops of the fields which are cul- tivated in that manner are usually more plentiful. When the n>aize springs up to a certain height, they cover the foot of the plant round with earth, that it may be better nourished, and more able to withstand sudden gusts of wind. In the labours of the field the men were assisted by the women. It was the business of the men to dig and hoe the ground, to sow, to heap the earth about the plants, and to reap ; to the women it belong- ed to strip oiT the leaves from the ears, and to clear the grain; to weed and to shell it was the employment of both. They had places like form yards, where they stripped off the sect, xxi.x. leaves from the ears, and shelled them, and granaries to preserve the Poors' 'a,"f" grgin. Their granaries were built in a square form, and generally of gianaries. ^\■ood. They made use of the ojamcll for this purpose, which is a very Joi'ty tree, with but a few slender branches, and a thin smooth bark; the wood of it is extremely pliant, and diflicult to break or rot. These (;«) This is called a penguin fence in Jamaica and the Windward Islands. (n) This manner of sowing is not so slow as might be imagined, as the country people used to this method do it with wonderful quickness. VOL. I. 3 c 378 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VII. granaries were formed by placing the round and equal trunks of the ''~~~~~~~~~ ojamctl in a square, one upon the other, without any labour except that of a small nitch towards their extremities, to adjust and unite them so perfectly as not to suffer any passage to the light. AVhen the struc- ture was raised to a suflicient hcicht, thev covered it with another set of cross-beams, and over these the roof was laid to defend the grain from rains. Those granaries had no other door or outlet than two windows, one below which was small, and another somewhat wider above. Some of them were so large as to contain five or six thousand, or sometimes more fanegas [o] of maize. There are some of this sort of granaries to be met with in a few places at a distance from the capital, and amongst them some so very ancient, that they appear to have been built bctbre the conquest; and, according to the information we have had from persons of intelligence, they preserve the grain bet- ter than those which are constructed by the Europeans. Close to fields which were sown :they commonly erected a little tower of wood, branches and mats, in which a man defended from the sun and rain kept watch, and drove away the birds which came in flocks to consume tlie young grain. Those little towers are still made use of even in the fields of the Spaniards on account of the excessive number of birds. SECT. XXX. The Mexicans were also extremely well skilled in the cultivation of i.fhe/""rdens kitchen and other gardens, in which they planted with great regularity and woods. and taste, fruit-trees, and medicinal plants and flowers. The last of those were much in demand, not less on account of the particular plea- sxwe taken in them, than of the custom which prevailed of presenting bunches of flowers to their kings, lords, ambassadors, and other per- sons of rank, besides the excessive quantity which were made use of in the temples and jirivate oratories. Amongst the ancient gardens, of which an account has been handed down to us, the roval gardens, of Mexico and Tezcuco, which we have already mentioned, and those of the lords of Iztapalapan and Huaxtepec, have been much celebrated. Among the gardens of the great palace of the lord of Iztapalapan, there was one, the extent, disposition, and beauty of which excited the {") A Caitiliun measure of dry goods, Ibrmerly mcntioued by \is. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 379 admiration of the Spanish conquerors. It was laid out in four squares, BOOK VII. ami planted with every variety of trees, the sight and scent of which gave infinite pleasure to the senses: through those squares a number of roads and paths led, some formed by fruit-bearing trees, and others by espaliers of flowering shrubs and aromatic herbs. Several canals from the lake watered it, by one of which their barges could enter. In the centre of the garden was a fish-pond, the circumference of which measured sixteen hundred paces, or four hundred from side to side, where innumerable water-fowl resorted, and there were steps on every side to descend to the bottom. This garden, agreeable to the testi- mony of Cortes and Diaz, who saw it, was planted, or rather extend- ed and improved by Cuitlahuatzin, the brother and successor in the kingdom to Montezuma II. He caused many foreign trees to be transplanted there, according to the account of Hernandez, who saw them. The garden of Huaxtepec was still more extensive and celebrated, than the last. It was six miles in circumference, and watered by a beautiful river which crossed it. Innumerable species of trees and plants were reared there and beautifully disposed, and at proper distances from each other different pleasure houses were erected. A great number of strange plants imported from foreign countries were collected in it. The Spaniards for many years preserved this garden, where they culti- vated every kind of medicinal herb belonging to that clime, for the use of the hospital which they founded there, in which the remarkable hermit, Gregorio Lopez, served a number of years (p). They paid no less attention to the preservation of the woods which supplied them with fuel to burn, timber to build, and game for the diversion of the king. We have formerly mentioned the woods of (/)) Cortes, in his letter to Charles V. of the 15th of May, 1522, told him, that the far- den of Huaxtepec was the most extensive, the most beautiful, and most delightful whitli had ever been beheld. Bernal Diaz, in chap, cxlii. of his history says, that the garden was most wonderful, and truly worthy of a great prince. Hernandez frequently makes mentioa of it in his Natural History, and names several plants which were transplanted there, and a- iiiongst others the balsam-tree. Cortes also, in his letter to Charles V. of the 3uth of Octo- ber, 1520, relates, that having requested king Montezuma to cause a villa to be made in Ma- linaltepec for that emperor, two months were hardly elapsed when there were erected at that place four good houses; sixty fanegas of maize sown, ten of French beans, two thousand feet of ground planted with cacao, and a vast pond, where five hundred ducks were breeding, and fifteen hundred turkies were rearing in houses. 380 HISTORY OF MEXICO. ROOK V^II. king Montezuma, and the laws of king Nczalmalcojotl concerning the cutting of them. It would be of advantage to that kingdom, that those laws were still in force, or at least that there was not so much liberty granted in cutting without an obligation to plant a certain num- ber of trees; as many people preferring their ])rivate interest and con- venienceto the jiublic welfare, destroy the wood in order to enlarge their possessions [q). SECT. .XXXI. Among the plants most cultivated by the Mexicans next to maize. Plants most . . cultivated by tlie principal were those of cotton, the cacao, the metl or aloe, the ca^s ^^' chia, and great pepper, on account of the various uses which they made of them. The aloe, or maguei alone, yielded almost every thing ne- cessary to the life of the poor. Besides m-^king excellent hedges for their fields, its trunk served in place of beams for the roofs of their houses, and its leaves instead of tiles. From those leaves they obtain- ed paper, thread, needles, clothing, shoes, and stockings, and cord- age-, and from its copious juice they made wine, honey, sugar, and vinegar. Of the trunk, and thickest part of the leaves, when well baked, they made a very tolerable dish of food. Lastly, it was a power- ful medicine in several disorders, and particularly in those of the urine. It is also at present one of the plants the most valued and most profitable to the Spaniards, as we shall see hereafter. sKCT. XXXII. AVith respect to the breeding of animals, which is an employment Animalsbred associated with agriculture, althousrh among the Mexicans there were Tiy the Mexi- ° ^ '^ cans. no shepherds, they having been entirely destitute of sheep, they bred up innumerable species of animals iniknown in Europe. Private per- sons brought up (cchic/iif, quadrupeds as we have already mentioned similar to little dogs-, turkeys, quails, geese, ducks, and other kimls of fowl. In the houses of lords were bred fish, deer, rabbits, and a varietv of birds; and in tlie royal palaces, almost all the species of qna- drupctls, and winged animals of those countries, and a prodigious num- ber of water animals and reptiles. We may say, that in this kind of magnificence Montezuma II. surpa.<;sed all the kings of the world, and that there never has been a nation equal in skill to the Mexicans in the ((/) ^lany places .still feel the pernicious effects of the liberty to tut the woods. The city Uiicretaro was fornicilv provided with timber for building from the wood which was upon tiic neicthbouring niouutaiii Cimatario. At present it is obliged to be brought from a great distance, as the mountain is entirely slript of its wood. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 381 care of so many diiTerent species of animals, which had so much know- BOOK VI I. ledge of their dispositions, of the food which was most proper for, each, and of all the m.eans necessary for their preservation and increase. Among the animals reared by the Mexicans, no one is more worthy of mention than the nochiztli, or ^Mexican cochineal, described by us in our first book. This insect, so greatly valued in Europe on account of its dyes, and especially those of scarlet and crimson, being not only extremely delicate, but also persecuted by several enemies, demands a great deal more care from the breeders than is necessary for the silk- worm. Rain, cold, and strong winds destroy it. Birds, mice, and worms, persecute it furiouslj^, and devour it ; hence it is necessary to keep the rows of opuntia, or nopal, where those insects are bred, always clean ; to attend constantly to drive away the birds, which are destructive to them ; to make nests of hay for them in the leaves of the opuntia, by the juice of which they are nourished; and when the sea- son of rain approaches, to raise them from the plants, together with the leaves, and guard them in houses. Before the females are delivered they cast their skin, to obtain which spoil the breeders make use of the tail of the rabbit, brushing most gently with it that they may not detach the in- sects from the leaves, or do them any hurt. On every leaf they make three nests, and in every nest they lay about fifteen cochineals. Every year they make three gatherings, reserving however each time a certain number for the future generation ; but the last gathering is least valued, the cochineals being smaller then, and mixed with the shavings of the opuntia. They kill the cochineal most commonly with hot water. On the manner of drying it afterwards the quality of the colour which is obtained from it chiefly depends. The best is that which is dried in the sun. Some dry it in the comalli, or pan, in which they bake their bread of maize, and others in the femazcalli, a sort of oven, of which we shall speak elsewhere. The Mexicans would not have been able to assemble so many sorts sect. .xxxm. of animals, if they had not had great dexterity in the exercise of the Mex^kans!'" chace. They made use of the bow and arrow, darts, nets, snares, and cerboUane*. Tlie cerbottane which the kings and principal lords made * Cerbntmne are long tubes, or pipes, through which thej' shoot, by blowing with the month little halls at birds. Sec. 3S-Z HIST01l\ Of MEXICO. BOO K VII. use of were curiously car\ed and painted, and likewise adorned with gold and silver. Besides the exercise of the chace, which private indi- viduals took cither for amusement, or to provide food for tliemsclves, there were general chaces, which were either those established by cus- tom to procure a plenty of victims for sacrifices, or others occasionally appointed by the king. For this general chace they fixed on a large wood, which was generally that of Zacatepcc, not far distant from the capital ; there the}' chose the place most adapted for setting a great number of snares and nets. With some thousands of hunters they formed a circle roiuid the wood of six, seven, eight, or more miles, according to the number of animals they intended to take: they set fire every-where to the dry grass and herbs, and made a terrible noise with drums, horns, shouting, and whistling. The animals, alanned by the noise and the fire, fled to the centre of the wood, which was the very place where the snares were set. The hunters approached towards the same spot, and still continuing their noise, gradually con- tracted their circle, until they left but a very small space to the game, Avliich they all then attacked with their arms. Some of the animals were killed, and some were taken alive in the snares, or in the hands of the hunters. The number and variety of game which they took was so great, that the first viceroy of Mexico, when he was told of it, thought it so incredible, that he desired to make experience of the method himself. For the field of the chace, he made choice of a great plain which lies in the country of the Otomies, between the villages of Xilotepec and -S". Giovanni (Id Rio, and ordered the Indians to pro- ceed in the same manner as they had been used to do in the time of their paganism. The viceroy with a great retinue of Spaniards repaired lo the plain, where accommodations were prepared for them in houses built of wood, erected there on purpose. Eleven thousand Otomies fornicd a circle of more than fifteen miles, and after practising all the means above mentioned, assembled such a quantitj- of game on the plain, that the viceroy, who was quite astonished at the sight, commanded that the greater part of tliem should be set at libert}', w Inch was accordingly done ; notwithstanding the number of animals taken would be altoge- ther incredible, if the circumstance had not been publicly known and attested by many, and among others by a witness worthy of the highest HISTORY OF MEXICO. 383 oreflit(r). They killed more than six hundred deer and wild goats, 5.'2^_ ^IL npwards of a hundred cojotes, and a surprising number of hares, rab- bits, and other quadrupeds. The plain still retains the Spanisli name Cazadnv, or place of the chace, which was then given it. Besides the usual method of practising the chace, they had otlier par- ticular devices for catching particular kinds of animals. In order to catch young apes, they made a small fire in the woods, and put among the burning coals a particular kind of stone which they called Cacalo- teil (raven, or black stone), which bursts with a loud noise when it is Avell heated. They covered the fire with earth, and sprinkled around it a little maize. The apes, allured by the grain, assembled about it with their young, and while they were peaceably eating, the stone burst; the old apes fled away in terror leaving their young behind them: the hunters, who were on the watch, then seized them before their dams could return to carry them off. The method also which they had, and still use, to catch ducks, is artfiil and curious. The lakes of the Mexican vale, as well as others of the kingdom, are frequented by a prodigious multitude of ducks, geese, and other aquatic birds. The Mexicans left some empty gourds to float upon the water, where those birds resorted, that they might be accustomed to see and approach them without fear. The bird-catcher went into the water so deep as to hide his body, and covered his head with a gourd; the ducks came to peck at it, and then he pulled them by the feet under water, and in this manner secured as many as he pleased. They took serpents alive either by twisting them with great dexter- ity, or approaching them intrepidly, they seized them with one hand by the neck, and sewed up their mouths with the other. They still take them in this way; and every day in the apothecary's shops of the capital, and other cities, may be seen live serpents which have been taken in this manner. But nothing is more wonderful than their quickness in tracing the steps of wild beasts. Although there is not the smallest print of them to be seen from the earth being covered with herbs or dry leaves which (r) P. Toribio di Benaventi, or Motolinia. 384 HISTORY OF MEXICO. SECT, xxxir. Fishing. BOOK VII. fall from the trees, they still track them, particularly if they are wounded, by observing most attentively sometimes the drops of blood which fall upon the leaves as they pass, sometimes the herbs which are broken or beat down by their feet(.y). From the situation of their capital, and its vicinity to the lake of Chalco, which abounded with fish, the Mexicans were still more in- vited to fishing than the chace. Tliey employed themselves in it from the time of their arrival in that country, and their art in fishing procured them all other necessaries. The instruments which they most commonly made use of in fishing were nets, but they also employed hooks, harpoons, and weals. The fishers not only caught fish, but even took crocodiles in two ditVerent methods. One was by t^^ing them by the neck, which, as Hernandez asserts, was very common; but this author does not ex- plain the manner in which they performed an act so daring against so terrible a creature. The other method, which is still used by some, was that which the Egyptians formerly practised on the famous croco- diles of the Nile. The fisher presented himself before the crocodile, carrying in his hand a strong stick, well sharpened at both ends, and when the animal opened its mouth to devour him, he thrust his armed hand into its jaws» and as the crocodile shut its mouth again, it was transfixed by the two points of the stick. The fisher waited until it grew feeble from the loss of blood, and then he killed it. Fishing, hunting, agriculture, and the arts, furnished the Mexicans several brandies of commerce. Their commerce in the country of Anahuac began as soon as they were settled upon the little islands in the Tezcucan lake. The fish which the\- caught, and the mats which they wove of rushes which the same lake produces, was exchangetl for maize, cotton, stones, hme, and the wood wliicii they required for their support, for their clothing, and their buildings. In proportion to the power which their arms acijuired, their commerce increased; so that from having been at first confined to the environs of their own »ECT. XXXV, Commerce. (s) Tlie account which we have of the Taraumaresc, the Opafes, and other nations beyond the Tropic, when pursued by their enemies the Apacci, is still more wonderful ; for by the touch and observations of the footsteps of their enemies, they can tell the time iit which they passed there. The same thing we understand is reported of tlie people of Yucatan. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 385 city, it extended at last to the most distant provinces. There were in- book Vll numerable Mexican merchants, who incessantly travelled from one city to another to exchange their goods to advantage. In every place of the Mexican empire, and of all the extensive country of Anahuac, a market was opened everyday ; but every five days they held one which was more considerable and general. Cities which «ere near together had this market on dilTerent days, that they might not prejudice each other; but in the capital it was kept on the days of the House, the Rab- bet, the Reed, and the Flint, which, in the first year of the century, were the third, the eighth, the thirteenth, and eighteenth of every month. In order to convey some idea of those markets, or rather fairs, which have been so much celebrated by the historians of Mexico, it will be sufficient to describe that held in the capital. Until the time of king Axajacatl, it was kept in a space of ground before the royal palace; but after the conquest of Tlatelolco, it was removed to that quarter! The public place of Tlatelolco was, according to the account of the conqueror Cortes, twice as large as that of Salamanca, one of the most famous m Spain (t), and surrounded by porticos for the convenience of the merchants. Every sort of merchandize had a particular place allotted to it by the judges of commerce. In one station were goods of gold, and silver, and jewels; in another, manufactures of cotton; m another, those of feathers, and so forth; and no change of situation was allowed to any of them; but although the square was very large, as all the merchandizes could not be lodged in it without interrupting the transaction of business, it was ordered that all large goods, such as beams, stones, &c. should be left in the roads and canals near to the market-place. The number of merchants who daily assembled there, according to the affirmation of Cortes himself, exceeded fifty thou- sand {ii). The things which were sold or exchanged there, were so (<) In three editions of the letters of Cortes which we have seen, we have read, that the square of Tlatelolco was twice us large as the city of Salamanca^ whereas it ought to read, as that of the city of Salamanca. («) Although Cortes affirmed that there assembled daily in the market-place of Tlatelolco fifty thousand people, it appears that it ought to be understood of the great market which was held every five days ; for the anonymous conqueror, who speaks more distinctly of it, sa}-s, that at the markets there were from twenty to twenty-five thousand, but at the great markets from forty to fifty thousand. VOL. I. 3D 386 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VII . numerous and so various, that historians who saw them, after making a long and tedious enumeration, conclude with saying, it is impos- sible to express them all. AVithout contradicting their assertion, and to avoid prolixity, we will endeavour to comprehend them in a few words. To that square were carried to be sold or exchanged all the productions of the Mexican empire, or adjacent countries, which could serve for the necessaries of life, the convenience, the luxuries, the vanity, or curiosity of man (.i); innumerable species of animals, both dead and alive, every sort of eatable which was in use amongst them, all the metals and gems which were known to them, all the medicinal drugs and simples, herbs, gum, resins, and mineral earths, as w'ell as the medicines prepared by their physicians, such as beve- rages, electuaries, oils, plasters, ointments, &c. and every sort of manufacture and work of the thread of the metl, maguei, or aloe, of the mountain palm, of cotton, of feathers, of the hair of animals, of wood, of stone, of gold, silver, and copper. They sold there also slaves, and even whole vessels, laden with human dung, for dressing the skins of animals. In short, they sold in that square every thing which could be sold in all that city ; for they had no mart elsewhere, nor was any thing sold out of the market-place except eatables. The potters and jewellers of Cholula, the goldsmiths of Azcapozalco, the painters of Tezcuco, the stone-cutters of Tenajocan, the hunters of Xilotepec, the fishers of Cuitlahuac, the fruiterers of hot countries, the mat-wea- vers and chair-makers of Quauhtitlan, and florists of Xochimilco, all assembled there. SECT. Their commerce was not only carried on by way of exchange, as XXXVI. many authors report, but likewise by means of real purchase and sale. They had five kinds of real money, though it was not coined, which served them as a price to purchase whatever they wanted. The first was a certain. species of cacao, different from that which they used in their daily drink, which was in constant circulation through the hands of traders, as our money is amongst us. Tliey counted the cacao by ^iqiiepilli (thh, as we have before observed, was equal to eight thousand), (i) Whoever will take the trouble to read the descrfptioii whicii Cortes, Bernal Diaz, arnJ the anonymous conijueror have given of their market, will be conviuced tiicre is no exag- geration made here of the variety of their merchandizes. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 337 and to save the trouble of counting them when the merchandize was BOOK VII. of great value, they reckoned them by sacks, every sack having been "" reckoned to contain three xiquepilli, or twenty-four thousand nuts. The second kind of money was certain small cloths of cotton, which they called patotquaclilli, as being solely destined for the purchase of mer- chandizes which were immediately necessary. The third species of money was gold in dust, contained in goose-quills, which by being transparent showed the precious metal which fdled them, and in proportion to their size were of greater or less value. The fourth, which most resembled coined money, was made of pieces of copper in the form of a T, and was employed in purchases of little value. The fifth, of which mention is made by Cortes, in his last letter to the emperor Charles the Fifth, consisted of thin pieces of tin. They sold and exchanged merchandizes by number and measure ; but we do not know that they made use of weights, either because they thought them liable to frauds, as some authors have said, or because they did not find them necessary, as others have aftirmed, or because if they did use them the Spaniards never knew it (y). To prevent fraudulent contracts and disorder amongst the traders, sect. there were certain commissioners who were continually traversino: the „ ''"J'^!'- •' ° Kegulations market to observe what happened, and a tribunal of commerce, com- ofthemarket. posed of twelve judges, residing in a house of thesquare, was appointed to decide all disputes between traders, and take cognizance of all trespasses committed in the market-place. Of all the goods which were brought into the market, a certain portion was paid in tribute to the king, who Avas on his part obliged to do justice to the merchants, and to protect their property and their persons. A theft seldom happened in the market, on account of the vigilance of the king's officers, and the severity with which it was instantly punished. But it is not the least surprising, that theft was so rigorously punished, where the smallest disorders were never pardoned. The laborious and most {^) Goniara believed, that the Mexicans tuaile no use of scales or weights, because they were ignorant of such a contrivance ; but it is very improbable, that a nation so industrious and commercial should not iiave known the manner of ascertaining the weight of goods, when among other nations of America, less acute than the Mexicans, steel-yards were made use of, according to the report of the same author, to weigh gold. Of how many circum- stances relative to American antiquity are we still ignorant, o\^ ing to the want of proper examination and inquiry ! 3 D 2 38S HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VII. ^'"cere F. Motolinia relates, that a quarrel having arisen odlc between two women in the market of Tezcuco, and one of tliem having gone so far as to beat the other with her hands, and occasion the loss of some blood, to the amazement of the people, who were not accustomed to see such an outrage committed there, she was immediately condemned to death for the offence. All the Spaniards who saw those markets extolled them with the highest praises, and were unable to express iu words the admirable disposition, and the wonderful order which was maintained among so great a multitude of merchants and merchandizes. The markets of Tezcuco, Tlascala, Cholula, Huexotzinco, and other large places, were ordered in the same manner as that of Mexico. At the market of Tlascala, Cortes affirms, more than thirty thousand merchants and others assembled [z). At that of Tepeyacac, which was not one of the largest cities, Motolinia above mentioned says, he has known twenty-four years after the conquest, when the commerce of those people was greatly declined, that at the market held every five days, there were not less than eight thousand European hens sold, and that as many were sold at the market of Acapitlayocan. j^p When young merchants were desirous of undertaking a long journey, xxxvm. they gave an entertainment to the old merchants, who were no longer merchants in ^^'^ °" account of their age to travel, and also to their own relations, their jour- and informed them of their design, and the motive which induced neys. , .... them to travel mto distant countries. Those who were invited praised their resolution, encouraged them to follow the steps of their ancestors, particularly if it was their first journey which they were going to perform, and gave several advices to them how they were to conduct themselves. In general, many of them travelled together for greater safetv'. Each of them carried in his hand a smooth black stick, which, as they said, was the image of their god Jacateuctli, with which they imagined themselves secure against all the dangers of the journey. As soon as they arrived at any house where they made a halt, they assembled and tied all the sticks together and worshipped them; and twice or thrice, during the night, they drew (s) That which Cortes has said respecting the number of merchants and dealers which assembled at the market of Tlascala, ought most proljahly to be understood of tiic market of every five days, in the same manner as we have observed above respecting that of Mexico. a HISTORY OF MEXICO. 389 blood from themselves iu honour of that god. All the time that a BOOK vil. merchant was absent from home, his wife and children did not wash their heads, althongh they bathed, excepting once every eighty days> not only to testify their regret of his absence, but also by that species of mortification to procure the protection of their gods. AVhen any of the merchants died on their journey, advice of his death was imme- diately sent to the oldest merchants of his native country, and they communicated it to his relations and kindred, who immediately formed an imperfect statue of wood to represent the deceased, to which they paid all the funeral honours which they would have done to the real dead body. For the convenience of merchants, and other travellers, there were SECT. public roads, which were repaired every year after the rainy season. xxxix. They had likewise in the mountains and uninhabited places, houses housesforthe erected for the reception of travellers, and bridges, and other vessels '"'^'^'^P'i'on of '■ ' o ' travellers, for passing rivers. Their vessels were oblong and flat-bottomed, with- vessels, and out keel, masts, or sails, or any other thing to guide them but oars. " °^^' They were of various sizes. The smallest could hardly hold two or three people, the largest could carry upwards of thirty. Many of them were made of one single trunk of a tree. The number of those which were continually traversing the Mexican lake, exceeded, according to the account of ancient historians, fifty thousand. Besides the vessels, or flats, they made use of a particular machine to pass rivers, which was called valsa, by the Spaniards of America. This is a square plat- form, of about five feet, composed of otatli, or solid canes, tied firmly upon large, hard, empty gourds. Four or six passengers seated them- selves upon this machine, and were conducted from one side of a river to the other by two or four swimmers, who laid hold of one corner of the machine with one of their hands, and swam with the other. This sort of machine is still used on some rivers distant from the capital, and we ourselves passed a large river on one of them in 1739. It is perfectly safe where the current of the water is equal and smooth, but dangerous in rapid and impetuous rivers. Their bridges were built either of stone or wood, but those of stone Ave are of opinion were extremely few in number. The most singular kind of bridge was that to which the Spaniards gave the name of Ha- maca. This was a number of the ropes, or natural ligatures of a tree, ago HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VII. Jiioie pliant than the willow, but thicker and stronger, called in Amc- ~''~"~~ rica Bejucos, twisted and wove together, the extremities of which were tied to the trees on each side of rivers, the tress or net formed by them remaining suspended in the air in the manner of a swing [a). There are some rivers with such bridges still. The Spaniards durst not pass them, but the Indians pass them with as much confidence and intre- pidity as if they were crossing by a stone bridge, perfectly regardless of the undulatory motion of the hamaca, or the depth of the river. But it is to be observed, that the ancient Mexicans having been excel- lent swimmers, had no need of bridges, unless where from the rapi- dity of the current, or the weight of some burden, tliej' could not swim across. The Mexican historians tell us nothing of the maritime commerce of the Mexicans. It is probable that it was very trifling, and that their vessels, which were seen coasting on both seas, were chiefly those of fishermen. Their greatest traflic by water was carried on in the lake of Mexico. All the stone and wood for building, and for fire, the fish, the greater part of the maize, the pulse, fruit, flowers, &c. Avas brought by water. The commerce of the capital with Tezcuco, Xo- chimilco, Chaico, Cuitlahuac, and other cities situated upon the lake, was carried on by water, and occasioned that wonderful number of vessels to be employed Avhich we have already mentioned. SECT. .\L. "\Vhate\cr was not transported by water was carried upon men's Men w lo backs, and on that account there were numbers of men who carried earned uur- ' dens. burdens, called Tlainavia or Tlamevie. They were brought op from childhood to this busine.ss, which they continued all their lives, A regular load was about s-ixty pounds, and the length of way they daily walked was fifteen miles: but they made also journeys of two hun- dred and three hundred miles, travelling frequently over rocky and steep mountix, and sometimes eight hours. This was the form of their ordinary dance ; but they had others that were very different, in which they represented either some mystery of their religion, some event of history or war, the chace, or agriculture. Not only the lords, the priests, and the youth of tiie colleges danced, but likewise the kings in the temple in performance of their devotion, or for their amusement in the palaces, but on sucli occasions they had always a distinct place for themselves in respect to their character. /'/.M7. n./. I. /•„,„■ I,;. -} o '///e\ff(t//f /fft/.i f>/ ^/)/ir////. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 401 Among others there Mas one extremely curious dance, which is still BOOK VII . kept up by the people of Yucatan. They fixed in the earth a tree, "~~~"~ or strong post, fifteen or twenty feet high, from the top of which, ac- cording to the number of dancers, they suspended twenty or more small cords, all long and of dilTercnt colours. AVhen each dancer had taken hold of the end of his cord, they all began to dance to the sound of musical instruments, crossing each other with great dexterity until they formed a beautiful net-work of the cords round the tree, on which the colours appeared chequered in admirable order. Whenever the cords, on account of the twisting, became so short that the dancers could hardly keep hold of them with their arms raised up, by crossing each other a they put down, or took up, certain little stones from the junction of the lines, and whoever had three little stones first in a series, was. victor. Bernal Diaz makes^ mention of another game at which king Monte- zuma used to amuse himself with the conqueror Cortes, during the time of his imprisonment, which he informs us was called Totoloquc. That king, he says, threw from a distance certain little balls of gold,, at certain pieces of the same metal, wliich were placed as marks, and- whoever made the first five hits won tlie jewels for which they played.. yVmong the Mexicans there were persons extremely dexterous at games with the hands and feet. One man laid himself upon his bade on the ground, and raising up his feet, took a beam upon them, or a piece of wood, which was thick, round, and about eight ibet in length.. He tossed it up to a certain heigiit, and as it iA\ he received and, tossed it up again with his feet j taking it afterwards between his feet,, he turned it rapidly round, and what is more, he did so with two mcu [h) Patolli is a gepjeric term .signifying every sort of game. 2'/.ATJ/l. Tel I T(tttf ito4 . r///,r /,„/., .y //,///-// //, / HISTORY OF MEXICO. 40.5 tfi'tting astride upon it, one upon each extremity of the beam. Tliis BOOKVIL feat was performed at Rome before pope Clement VII. and many Ro- ~~~~~ man princes, by two Mexicans sent over there by Cortes from Mexico, to the singular satisfoction of the spectators. The exercises also which in some countries are called the Powers of Hercules, were extremely common amongst them. One man began to dance; another, placed upright on his shoulders, accompanied him in his movements ; while a third, standing upright upon the head of the second, danced and displayed other instances of agility. They placed also a beam upon the shoulders of two dancers, while a third danced upon the end of it. The first Spaniards, who were witnesses of those and other exhibitions of the Mexicans, were so much astonished at their agility, that they suspected some supernatural power assisted them, forgettin"- to make a due allowance for the progress of the human genius when as- sisted by application and labour. Though games, dances, and music, conduced less to utility than sect. xlvu. pleasure, this was not the case with History and Painting-; two arts .^''^r*^'!-* * •' 5 -••" 111 ij, kinds oi which ought not to be separated in the history of Mexico, as they had Mexican no other historians than their painters, nor any other writings than P^'"'"*^^ their paintings to commemorate the events of the nation. The Toltecas were the first people of the new world who employed the art of painting for the ends of history; at least we know of no other nation which did so before them. The same practice prevailed, from time immemorial, among the Acolhuas, the seven Aztecan tribes, and among all the polished nations of Anahuac. The Chechemecas, and the Otomies were taught it by the Alcolhuas and the Toltecas, when they deserted their savage life. Among the paintings of the Mexicans, and all those nations, there were many which were mere portraits or images of their gods, their kings, their heroes their animals, and their plants. With these the royal palaces of Mexico and Tezcuco both abounded. Others were historical, containing an account of particular events, such as are the first thirteen paintings of the collection of Mendoza, and that of the journey of the Aztecas, which appears in the work of the traveller Gemelli. Others were mythological, containing the mysteries of their religion. Of this kind is the volume which is preserved in the great 406 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VII . library of the order of Bologna. Others were codes, in which were compiled their laws, their rites, their customs, their taxes, or tributes; and such are all those of the above mentioned collection of Mendoza, from the fourteenth to the sixt^^-third. Others were chronological, astronomical, or astrological, in which were represented their calendar, the position of the stars, the changes of the moon, eclipses, and prog- nostications of the variations of the weather. This kind of painting was called by them Tonalamatl. Siguenza makes mention (?) of a painting representing such-like prognostications which heinserted inhis Ciclographia Mexicana. Acosta relates " that in the province of Yu- " catan, there were certain volumes, bound up according to their " manner, in which the wise Indians had marked the distribution of " their seasons, the knowledge of the planets, of animals, and other " natural productions, and also their antiquity; things all highly cu- " rious and minutely described :" which, as the same author says, were lost by the indiscreet zeal of an ecclesiastic, who, imagining them to be full of superstitious meanings, burned them, to the great grief of the Indians, and the utmost regret of the curious amongst the Spaniards. Other paintings were topographical, or chorographical, which served not only to show the extent and boundaries of possessions, but likewise the situation of places, the direction of the coasts, and the course of rivers. Cortes says, in his first letter to Charles V. that having made inquiries to know if there was any secure harbour for vessels in the Mexi- can gulf, Montezuma presented him a painting of the whole coast, from the port of Chalclduhcuecan, where at present Vera Cruz lies, to ' the river Coatzacualco. Bernal Diaz relates, that Cortes also, in a long and difficult voyage which he made to the Bay of Honduras, made use of a chart which was presented to him by the lords of Coatzacu- alco, in which all the places and rivers were marked from the coast of Coatzacualco to Huejacallan. The Mexican empire abounded with all those kinds of paintings; for their painters were innumerable, and there was hardly any thing left unpainted. If those had been preserved, there would have been nothing wanting to the history of Mexico; but the first preachers of (j) In his work entitled. Libra ds'tronomica, printed in Mexico. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 40? ihe gospel, suspicious that superstition was mixed witliall their paintings, BOOK VII . inade a furious destruction of tliem. Of all those which were to be found in Tezcuco, where the chief school of painting was, they col- lected such a mass, in the square of the market, it appeared like a little mountain ; to this the}' set fire and buried in the ashes the memory of many most interesting and curious events. The loss of those monu- ments of antiquity was inexpressibly afBicting to the Indians, and re- gretted sufficiently afterwards by the authors of it, when they became sensible of their error ; for they were compelled to endeavour to re- medy the evil, in the first place by obtaining information from the mouths of the Indians; secondly, by collecting all the paintings which had escaped their fury, to illustrate the history of the nation ; but al- though they recovered many, these were not sufficient ; for from that time forward, the possessors of paintings became so jealous of their preservation and concealment from the Spaniards, it has proved dif- ficult, if not impossible to make them part with one of them. The cloth on which they painted was made of the thread of the sect. maguei, or aloe, or the palm Ic.vo/l (A), dressed skins, or paper, cloths ami They made paper of the leaves of a certain species of aloe, steeped to- colours, gether like henip, and afterwards washed, stretched, and smoothed. They made also of the palm Icxotl, and the thin barks of other trees, when united and prepared with a certain gum, both silk and cot- ton; but we are unable to explain any particulars of this manufacture. We have had in our hands several sheets of Mexican paper: it is simi- lar in the thickness to the jiasteboard of Europe, but softer, smoother^ and easy for writing. In general they made their paper in very long sheets, which they preserved rolled up like the ancient membranes of Europe, or folded up like bed-skreens. The volume of Mexican paintings, which is pre- served in the library of Bologna, is a thick skin ill-dressed, composed of different pieces, painted all over, and folded up in that manner. The beautiful colours which they employed both in their paintings and in their dyes, were obtained from wood, from leaves, and tlic (i) The coarse cloth on which the famous image of the Virgin of Guadaloiipe is painted, is of the palin Icxotl. 408 HISTORY OF MEXICO. HOOK VI I. llowers of diiTerent plants, and various animals. White ihey obtained from the stone Chimalllzotl, which, on calcination, becomes like a fine plaster, or from the Tizatlalli, another mineral, which after be- ing made into a paste, worked like clay, and formed into small balls, takes in the fire a white colour resembling Spanish white. Black they got from another mineral, which, on account of itsstinking smell, was called TUililiijac, or from the soot of the Ocotl, which is a certain aromatic species of pine, collected in little earthen vessels. Blue and azure colours were obtained from the flower of the Matlalxihuitl, and the Xiuhquilipitxahuac, which is indigo (/), although their mode of making them was very different fiom the way of the moderns. They put the branches of this plant into hot, or rather lukewarm water; and after having stirred them about for a sufliciept time with a stick or ladle, they passed the water when impregnated with the dye into certain pots or cups, in which the^'^ let it remain until the solid part of the dye was deposited, and then they poured off the water. This lee or sediment was dried in the sun, and afterwards it was placed between two plates near a fire, luitil it grew hard. The Mexicans had another plant of the same name, from which they likewise obtained an azure colour, but of an inferior quality. Red they got from the seeds of the Achiot or Ruocou, boiled in water; and purple from the Nochiztli, or cochineal. Yellow from the Tecozahuitl, or ochre; and likewise from the Xochipalli, a plant, the leaves of which resemble those of the Artemisia. The beautiful flowers of this plant, boiled in water with nitre, furnished them a fine orange-colour. In the same manner as they made use of nitre to obtain this colour, they employed alum to obtain others. After grinding and dis.solving the aluminous earth in water, which they called Tlalxocotl, they boiled it in earthen vessels; (/) Tlie description of the indigo plant is found in many authors, particularly in Hernan- dez, lib. iv. cap. 12. which is totally different from that described by Raynal, in the sixth book of his Philosophical and Political IIistor)\ This author aftirms, that indigo was trans- planted from the East-Indies to America, and that experiments having been made of it in se- veral countries, the culture of it was established in Carolina, Hispaniola, and iNIexico. This however is one of the many mistakes of that philosopher. It is certain, from the testimony of Ferdinand Columbus,' in cap. Ixi. of the Life of his famous parent Christopher Columbus, that one of the plants, native to the island of Hispaniola, was the indigo. We know also from the historians of Mexico, and jiarticularly Hernandez, that the ancient Mexicans niad« use of indigo. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 409 then by distillation, tliej extracted the allum pure, white, and trans- BOOK Vll . parent, and before they hardened it entirely, they parted it in pieces to sell it in the market. To make their colours hold better together, they made use of the glutinous juice of the Tzauhtli (w), or the fine oil of Chian (7?). The figures of mountains, rivers, buildings, trees, and minerals, and SECT. XLIX. above all, those of men, which appear in the paintings still extant of '^^^ '^'^*'■^.''- the ancient Mexicans, are for the most part unproportioned and de- pa'^tings!" formed; this, however, we think is not to be ascribed so much to their ^nd mode of f. ,1 . ,. , . vy <-■«<. 11 representing Ignorance ot the proportions of objects, or their want of abilities, as objects. to their haste in painting, of which the Spanish conquerors were wit- nesses : for as they solely paid attention to make a faithful representa- tion of things, they neglected making their images perfect, and on that account frequently contented themselves with mere sketches or outlines. However, we have seen among the ancient paintings, many portraits of the kings of Mexico, in which, besides the singular beauty of the colours, the proportions were most accurately observed; but we will notwithstanding, confess, that the Mexican painters were by no means arrived at much perfection of design, or in mixing shade and light. The Mexicans used in painting not only to represent the simple images of objects, as some writers have reported, but also employed hieroglyphics and characters {0). They represented material things by their proper figures, but in order to abridge and save labour, paper, and colours, they contented themselves with representing a part of an ob- ject which was sufficient to make it be understood by the intelligent; and as we cannot understand the writings of others, until we have learnt to read them, in like manner those American authors required to have been first instructed in the Mexican manner of representing ob- jects, in order to have been able to understand the paintings whicli (m) The Tiauhtli is a plant very common in that country. Its leaves are similar to those of the leek, its stem is straight and knotty, its flowers tinged with a yellowish green, its root while and fibrous. To extract its juice they broke it and dried it in the sun. (n) Thinking to render a service to the Italian paintersy we cultivated with great atten- tion three plants of the Chian sprung from seed sent from Mexico ; they took root success- fully, and we had the pleasure of seeing them loaded with flowers in September 1777; but the frost of that year coming nwre early than usual, nipped them entirely. (o) Such authors are eftectually refuted by Dr. Eguiara, in the learned preface to his Bibliotheca Messicana, and by us in our Dissertations. VOL. I. 3 G 410 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VII . served them in place of writings. For things which are even by na- """""" ture totally devoid of figure, or were difiicult of representation, they substituted certain characters ; but these were not verbal, or destined to form words like our letters, but real characters immediately signifi- cative of the things, such as the characters of astronomers and alge- braists. That our readers may form some idea of them, we have sub- joined the Numeral characters of the Mexicans, also those of Time, the Heavens, the Earth, Water, and Air (p). When they would represent any person, they painted a man, or a human head, and over it a figure expressing the meaning of his name, as appears in the figures of the Mexican kings. To express a city, or a village, they painted in the same manner a figure, which signified the same thing with its name. To form their histories or annals, they painted on the margin of the cloth or paper, the figures of the years in so many squares, and at the side of each square the event or events which occurred in that year ; and if, on account of the number of years the history of which they meant to relate, they could not all be contained in one canvas, they were continued in another. With re- spect to the order of representing the years and events, it was at the liberty of the historian to begin at whichever angle of the piece he pleased ; but at the same time constantly observing, that if the painting began at the upper angle on the right hand,, he proceeded towards the left. If it began, which was most common, at the upper angle on the left hand, he proceeded straight downwards. If he painted the first year at the lower angle on the left, he continued towards the right ; but if he began at the lower angle on the right, he proceeded straight upwards ; so that on the upper part of his canvas he never painted front left to right, nor ever on the lower part from right to left; never ad- vanced upwards from the left, nor downwards by the right. AVlien this method of the Mexicans is understood, it is easy to discover at first (p) Respecting the numeral characters, it is to be observed, they painted as many points as there were units unto twenty. This number has it proper character. Then they doubled it lor '-'0 times, that is -l-OO. This character was doubled in like manner, that is to 6000. Tlien they began to double the character of 8000. With tliosc three characters, and the |)oints, they expressed whatever number tiiey chose, at least to twenty times 8000> or 160,000. But it is probable this number had its character also. /yjy.r. '//u/f/rrif/ r//ii i/irftr.i. 'S' • ^ l/z/irr'/'Cil/ '• ^'"/ii/'i:'. T/ri.IJ'ai/f 410. % 9^ w] w] ri in M ■ ■ ^ ■ ■ A # # # >' 1 2.> 19 2^ I I ^^ mm 400 So(>r> S400 1600 C«««*« • ^J^'a ■//u,/,f 'Jff/i/rNi//it ■M-ar tt/iiuri, (^rl>//l /( 'nfff • '^/Af \y)f//i/f/- ,\ rr/i//t.tf^n I'/ <'/i'ntti(eo . HISTORY OF MEXICO. 411 sight, wliich is the beginning and which is the end of any historical BOOK VII . painting. It cannot be denied that this method of expressing things was im- perfect, perplexed, and equivocal ; but praise is due to the attempt of those people to perpetuate the memory of events, and to their industry in supplying, though imperfectly, the want of letters, which it is probable they would have invented, in their progress to refinement, had their empire been of longer duration; at least they would have a- bridgcd and improved their paintingsbythemultiplication of characters. Their paintings ought not to be considered as a regular full history, but only as monuments and aids of tradition. We cannot express too strongly the care which parents and masters took to instruct their chil- dren and pupils in the history of the nation. They made them learn speeches and discourses, which they could not express by the pencil; they put the events of their ancestors into verse, and taught them to sing them. This tradition dispelled the doubts, and undid the ambi- guity which paintings alone might have occasioned, and by the assist- ance of those monuments perpetuated the memory of their heroes and of virtuous examples, their mythology, their rites, their laws, and their customs. Nor did that people make use only of tradition, of paintings, and songs, to preserve the memory of events, but also of threads of dif- ferent colours, and differently knotted, called by the Peruvians Qiiipu, and by the Mexicans Nepoliualtzitzin. This curious method of the re- presentation of things, however much used in Peru, does not appear to have been employed in the province of Anahuac, if not in the most earlv acres: for no traces of such monuments are now to be found. Boturini says, that after the most diligent search, he, with difficulty, found one in a place of Tlascala, the threads of which were already wasted and consumed by time. If those who peopled South America ever passed the country of Anahuac, they possibly might have left there this art, which was afterwards abandoned for that of painting, intro- duced by the Toltecas, or some other nation still more ancient. After the Spaniards communicated the use of letters to them, seve- ral able natives of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlascala, wrote their histo- ries partly in Spanish and partly in an elegant Mexican style, which 3 g2 412 HISTORY OF MEXICO. SECT. I, Sculpture. BOOK VII . histories *ire still preserved in some libraries of Mexico, as we liave al- ready mentioned. The Mexicans were more successful in sculpture, in the art of cast- ing metals and mosaic works, than in painting. They exi^resscd the images of their heroes, and of the works of nature iu stone, wood, gold, silver, and feathers, better than on paper, either because the greater difficulty of those labours stimulated greater diligence and exer- tions, or because the high esteem in which they were held among that people, excited genius and encouraged industry. Sculpture was one of the arts exercised by the ancient Toltecas. Until the time of the conquest several statues of stone were preserved which had been cut by the artists of that nation ; in particular the idol of Tlaloc, placed upon the mountain of the same name, which was so much revered and worshipped by the Chechemecas and Acolhuas, and the gigantic statues erected in the celebrated temples of Teotihuacan. The Mexicans had sculptors among them when they left their native country Aztlan, for we know that they had at that time formed the idol of Huitzilopochtii, which they carried along with them in their Ion g^ peregrination. The usual materials of their statues were stone and wood. They wrought the stone without iron, steel, or any other instrument than a chisel made of flint stone. Their unparalleled phlegmatic nature and constancy in labour, were both necessary to overcome the difficulty, and endure the tediousness of such labours ; and they succeeded in spite of the unfitness of their instruments. They learned to express in their statues all the attitudes and postures of which the human body is ca- pable ; they observed the proportions exactly, and could, when neces- sary, execute the most delicate and minute strokes with the chisel. They not only made entire statues, but likewise cut out in stone, figures in basso-relievo, of which kind are those of Montezuma II. and one of his sons, recorded with praises by Acosta. They also made statues of clay and wood, employing for these a chisel of copper. The surpris- ing number of their statues may be imagined from that of their idols, which we mentioned in the preceding book. In this respect we have also to lament the furious zeal of the first bishop of Mexico, and the first preachers of the gospel ; who, in order to remove from the sight HISTORY OF MEXICO. 413 of their converts all incentives to idolatry, have deprived us of many BOOK VII . valuable monuments of the sculpture of the Mexicans. The founda- tion of the first church which was built in Mexico, was laid with idols, and so many thousand statues were then broke in pieces and de- stroyed, that although the kingdom was most abounding in Morks of that kind, at present the most diligent search can hardly find any of them remaining. The conduct of those missionaries was no doubt laud- able both in cause and efteet, but they should have distinguished be- tween the innocent statues of those people, and their superstitious images, that some of the former might have been kept entire in some place where no evil consequence would have attended their preser- vation. The works which they executed by casting of metals were in more sect. lf. esteem with the Mexicans than the work of sculpture, both on ac- n^efa\"° "^ count of the greater value of the materials, and the excellence of the art itself The miracles they produced of this kind would not be cre- dible, if besides the testimony of those who saw them, curiosities in number of this nature had not been sent from Mexico to Europe. The works of gold and silver sent in presents from the conqueror Cortes to Charles V. filled the goldsmiths of Europe with astonishment; who, as several authors of that period attest, declared (q) that they were al- together inimitable. The Mexican founders made both of gold and silver the most perfect images of natural bodies. They made a fish in this manner, which had its scales alternately one of silver and the other of gold; a parrot with a moveable head, tongue, and wings, and an ape with a moveable head and feet, having a spindle in its hand in the attitude of spinning. They set gems in gold and silver, and made most curious jewellery of great value. In short, these sorts of works were so admirably finished, that even the Spanish soldiers, all stung with the same wretched thirst of gold, valued the workmanship above the materials. This wonderful art, formerly practised by the Toltecas, the invention of which they ascribed to the god Quetzalcoatl, has been entirely lost by the debasement of the Indians, and the indolent neg- Cq) See in particular what is said of those works by the historian Gomara,who had them ia his hands, and heard what the goldsmiths of Seville said upon seeing them. 414 HISTORY OF MEXICO. SECT. Lll. INIosaic works. BOOK VI I. Icct of tlie Spaniards. We are doubtful if there are any remains o( those curious works ; at least we apprehend, it would be more easy to find some in the cabinets of Europe tlian in all New Spain. Covetous- ness to profit by the materials must unquestionably have conciucred all desire to preserve them as curiosities. The Mexicans also wrought with the hammer, but in an inferior manner, and not at all to be compared with the goldsmiths of Europe; for they had no other instruments to beat metals than stones. How- ever, it is well known that they wrought copper well, and that the Spaniards were much pleased with their axes and pikes. The Mexi- can founders and goldsmiths formed a respectable body of people. They rendered particular worship to their protecting god Xipe, and in honour of him held a great festival in the second month, at which human vic- tims were sacrificed. Nothing, however, was more highly valued by the Mexicans than their mosaic work.s, uhich were made of the most delicate and beau- tiful feathers of birds. They raised for this purpose various species of birds of fine plumage wilh which that country abounds, not only in the palaces of the king, where, as we have already observed, there were all sorts of animals, but likewise in private houses, and at certain seasons they carried ofl' their feathers to make use of them on this kind of w ork, or to sell them at m:irket. They set a high value on the fea- thers of those wonderful little birds which they call Jliiifzitzili/i, and the Spaniards P/, it was certainly not occasioned by seeing the arch, which was in use among themselves, » but possibly from seeing the scallblding taken away quickly, or some other circumstance f which elicited their admiratioa. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 419 time of that king the quarries of the stone Tetzontli, upon the banks BOOK vn . of the Mexican lake, it was afterwards preferred as tlie most fit for the buildings of the capital, it being hard, light, and porous like a spunge : on which account lime adheres very firmly to it. For these properties, and its colour, which is a blood red, it is at present valued above any other stone for buildings. The pavements of their courts and temples were in general of the stone of Tenajoccan ; but some also were chequered with marble and other precious stones. Although the Mexicans are not to be compared with the Europeans in regard to taste in architecture, yet the Spaniards were so struck with admiration and surprise on seeing the royal palaces of Mexico, that Cortes, in his first letter to Charles V., unable to find words to describe them, speaks thus: " He had," he says, speaking of Monte- zuma, " besides those in the city of Mexico, other such admirable houses " for his habitation, that I do not believe I shall ever be able to express " their excellence and grandeur ; therefore I shall only say that there are " no equals to them in Spain." Such expressions are made use of by Cortes in other parts of his letters ; by the anonymous conqueror in his valuable relation, and by Bernal Diaz in his most faithful history, who were all three present at the conquest. The Mexicans also constructed, for the convenience of inhabited sect. liv. places, several excellent aqueducts. Those of the capital for conduct- amTway^sup- ing the water from Chapoltepec, which was two miles distant, were °^ '^^ ^^^^ two in number, made of stone and cement, five feet high, and two paces broad, upon a road raised for that purpose upon the lake, by which the water was brought to the entrance of the city, and from thence it branched out through smaller channels to supply several fountains, and particularly those of the royal palaces. Although there were two aque- ducts, the water was only brought by one at a time, as in the interval they cleared the other, that they might always have the water pure. At Tezcutzinco, formerly a palace of pleasure of the kings of Tezcu- co, may still be seen an aqueduct by which water was conveyed to the royal gardens. The above-mentioned road of Chapoltepec, as well as others made upon the lake, and frequently taken notice of in this history, are in- contestible proofs of the industry of the Mexicans j but it is still 3H2 SECT. LV. Remains of ancient edi- fices. 420 HISTORY OF MEXICO. B OOK VII . more manifested in the foundation of their city ; for whereas other "''^'"' architects have no more to do than to lay a foundation upon solid earth, to raise an edifice, the Mexicans were obliged to make the soil on ■which they built, uniting by terraces several little islands together. Be- sides this prodigious fatigue, they had to raise banks and palisadoes to render their habitations secure. But if in these works their industry is conspicuous, in many others the Mexicans show their taste for mag- nificence. Amongst the monuments of ancient architecture which are extant in the Mexican empire, the edifices of Mictlan, in Mizteca, are very celebrated : there are many things about them worthy of admira- tion, particularly a large hall, the roof of which is supported by various cylindrical columns of stone, eighty feet high, and about twenty in cir- cumference, each of them consisting of one single piece. But this, or any other fabric of Mexican antiquity now remaining, cannot be compared with the famous aqueduct of Chempoallan. This large work, worthy of being ranked with the greatest in Europe, was done about the middle of the sixteenth century. The Franciscan mis- sionary Francisco Tembleque, directed, and the Chempoallcse executed it with wonderful perfection. Moved with compassion for the distress which his proselytes suffered from a scarcity of water, as all that could be gathered in trenches and ditches was consumed by the cattle of the Spaniards, that pious father undertook to relieve the necessities of his people at all events. The water was at a great distance, and the coun- try through which it was necessary to conduct it, was mountainous and rocky; but every difficulty was overcome by his zeal and activity, aided by the industry and toil of his converts. They constructed an aqueduct of stone and lime, which, on account of the frequent turnings they were obliged to make in the mountains, was upwards of thirty miles long. The greatest difficulty consisted in crossing three great precipices which intercepted their progress; but this was got over by three bridges, the first consisting of forty-seven, the second of tiiirteen, and tlie tliird, which is the largest and most wonder- ful of all, having sixty-seven arches. The largest arch, which was in the middle, situated in the greatest depth of the precipice, is one hun- dred and ten geometrical Ret in height, and sixty-one in breadth, so that a large vessel could pass under it. The other sixty-six arches. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 421 situated on each side of the largest, diminished gradually on each side BOOK VI I. unto the edge or top of the precipice, so as to leave the ground level with the course of the aqueduct. This large bridge is 3,178 geome- trical feet, or upwards of half a mile in length. The work of it occu- pied the space of five years, and the whole aqueduct seventeen. We have deemed it not improper to insert the description of this superb fabric; as although it was the undertaking of a Spaniard, after the conquest, it was executed by the Chempoallese, who survived the downfal of their empire. The ignorant Mr. de P. denies that the Mexicans had either the knowledge, or made use of lime; but it is evident from the testimony of all the historians of Mexico, by tribute-rolls, and above all from the ancient buildings still remaining, that all those nations made the same use of lime as the Europeans do. The vulgar of that kingdom believe, that the Mexicans mixed eggs with lime to render it more te- nacious; but this is an error, occasioned by seeing the ancient walls of a yellowish cast. It is manifest also, from the testimony of the first his- torians, that burnt tiles or bricks were used by the Mexicans, and that they sold them like all other things in the market-place. The stone-cutters, who cut and wrought stones for building, did not sect. lvi. make use of pickaxes, nor iron chisels, but only of certain instruments S'°"«-'="*- . ters, engra- ot flmt-stone ; with these, however, they executed beautiful works and vers, jewel- engravings. But those sort of labours without iron do not raise so Jers! ^"'^ ^°'' much wonder as the stones of stupendous size and weight which were found in the capital and other places, transported from great distances, and placed in high situations without the aid of machines which me- chanism has invented. Besides common stone they wrought marble, also jasper, alabaster, itztli, and other valuable stones. Of itztli, they made beautiful looking-glasses set with gold, and those extremely sharp razors which they fixed in their swords, and which their barbers made use of They made those razors with such expedition, that in the space of one hour an artificer could finish more than a hundred {u). The Mexican jewellers not only had skill in gems, but likewise understood how to polish, work, and cut them, and formed them into (u) Hernandez, Torquemada, and Betancoiirt, describe the manner in which those artists made their razors of the stone itztli. 42S HISTORY OF MEXICO. B OOK VII . whatever figures they chose. Historians affirm, that these works were done with a particular sand ; but it is most certain, they could not do them without some instrument of flint, or hard copper, which is found in that country. The gems most common among the Mexi- cans were emeralds, amethysts, cornelians, turquoises, and some others not known in Europe. Emeralds were so common, that no lord or noble wanted them, and none of them died without having one fixed to his lip, that it might serve him as they imagined instead of a heart. An infinite number of them were sent to the court of Spain in the first year after the conquest. When Cortes returned the first time to Spain, he brought along Avith him, amongst other inestimable jewels, five emeralds, which, as Gomara, who was then living, bears testimony, were valued at a hundred thousand ducats, and for one of them some Ge- noese merchants ofiered him forty thousand, in order to sell it again to the grand signer (x) ; and also two emerald vases, valued, as the celebrated P. Mariana ( j/) says, at three hundred thousand ducats, which vases Cor- tes lost b}' the shipwreck which he suffered in the unfortunate expedition of Charles V. against Algiers. At present no more such gems are wrought, nor is even the place of the mines known where they were formerly dug : but there are still some enormous pieces of emerald re- maining, namely, a sacred stone in the cathedral church of Angelopoli, and another in the parochial church of Quechula (unless this is the same transported from thence to Angelopoli) which the priests keep secured with chains of iron, as Betancourt says, that no one may carry it off. The potters not only made the necessary family utensils of clay, but also other things of mere curiosity, which they embellished with (x) With regard to Cortes's etneraids, the first was in form of a rose, tlie second like a horn, the third like a fish, with eyes of gold ; the fourth was a little bell, with a fine pearl for a clapper, and upon the lip this inscription in Spanish, Benditoquiaitecrio, that is. Blessed lie, aho credited thee. The fifth, which was the most valuable, and for which the Genoese merchants would have given forty thousand ducats, was a small cup with a foot of gold, and four little chains also of gold, which united in a pearl in the form of a button. The lip of the cup was girt with a ring of gold, on which was engraved this Latin sentence. Inter natos mu- lierum non suricxit imijor. These five emeralds, wrought by the Mexicans at the order of Cor- tes, wcie presented by him to his second wife, the daughterof the count of Aguilar; jewels, says Gomara, who saw them, better than any other woman whatsoever had in all Spain. Cy) Mai-iiina in the Summary, or Supplement, of the History of Spain. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 423 various colours ; but they did not understand, by what we can discover, BOOK VII . the art of making glass. The most famous potters formerly were the Cholulese, whose vessels-were much prised by the Spaniards; at pre- sent the most reputed are the potters of Quauhtitlan. Their carpenters wrought several kinds of wood with instruments lvh. made of copper, of which there are still some remains of tolerable weavers ^&c workmanship. Manufactures of various kinds of cloth were common every where; it was one of those arts which almost every person learned. They had no wool, nor common silk, nor lint, nor hemp, but they supplied the want of wool with cotton, that of silk with feathers, with the hair of the rabbit and hare, and that of lint and hemp with icxotl, or moun- tain-palm, with the qitefzalic/ifli, the pati, and other species of the maguei. Of cotton they made large webs, and as delicate and fine as those of Holland, which were with much reason highly esteemed in Europe. A few years after the conquest, a sacerdotal habit of the Mexicans was brought to Rome, which, as Boturini affirms, was un- commonlv admired on account of its fineness and beauty. Thevwove these cloths with different figures and colours, representing different animals and flowers. Of feathers, interwoven with cotton, they made mantles and bed curtains, carpets, gowns, and other things not less soft than beautiful. We have seen some beautiful mantles of this kind which are preserved still by some lords ; they wear them upon extraor- dinary festivals, as at those of the coronation of the Spanish kings. With cotton also they interwove the finest hair of the belly of rabbits and hares, after having dyed and spun it into thread ; of these they made most beautiful cloths, and in particular winter waistcoats for the lords. From the leaves of the pati and qiietzalichtli, two species of the maguei, they obtained a fine thread, with which they made cloths equal to those made of lint ; and from the leaves of other kinds of the maguei, namely, those of the mountain-palm, they drew a coarser thread, similar to hemp. The method they used to prepare those ma- terials was the same Avhich is practised by the Europeans for lint and hemp. They soaked the leaves in water, then cleaned them, put them in the sun, and beat them until they were fit to spin. 424 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VII. Of the same leaves of the mountain-palm, and also of those of the """""" izhuall, another species of palm, they made extremely fine mats of dif- ferent colours. They made others more coarse of the rushes which grew in abundance in the lake. Of the thread of the maguei they made also ropes, shoes, and other things. They dressed the skins of animals tolerably well, both of quadrupeds and birds, leaving upon some of them the hair or plumage, according to the use which tiiey proposed to make of them. Lastly, to convey some idea of the taste of the Mexicans in arts, we have thought proper to transcribe here the list of the first things which Cortes sent from Mexico to Charles V. a ievr days after he ar- rived in that country (~). SECT. Lviii. Two wheels, ton hands in diameter, one of gold with the image of the rareu/ssent "un, and the other of silver with the image of the moon upon it; both by Cortes to formed of plates of those metals, with difterent figures of animals and other things in basso-relievo, finished with great ingenuity and art [a). A gold necklace, composed of seven pieces, with a hundred and eighty-three small emeralds set in it, and two hundred and thirty-two gems similar to small rubies, from which hung twenty-seven little bells of gold, and some pearls. Another necklace of four pieces of gold, with one hundred and two red gems like small rubies, one hundred and seventy two emeralds, and ten fine pearls set in it, with twenty-six little bells of gold. A headpiece of wood covered with gold, and adorned with gems, from which hung twenty-five little bells of gold; instead of a plume it had a green bird with eyes, beak, and feet of gold. A bracelet of gold. A little rod like a .sceptre, with two rings of gold at its extremities, set with pearls. Four tridents; adorned with feathers of various colours, with pearl points ticil with gold thread. (i) This list is taken from the history of Gomara, then living in Spain, some things only omitted which were of little importance to he mentioned. ■ {a) The wheel of gold was unquestionably the figure of their century, and that of sil the figure of their year, according to what Gomara says, but he did not know it with c ver cer- tainty. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 425 Several shoes of the skin of the deer, sewed with gold thread, the BOOK VII . soles of which were made of blue and white stone of Itztli, extremely thin {b). A shield of wood and leather, with little bells hanging to it, and covered with plates of gold In the middle, on which was cut the image of the god of war between four heads of a lion, a tiger, an eagle, and an owl, represented alive with their hair and feathers. Several dressed skins of quadrupeds and birds with their plumage and hair. Twenty-four curious and beautiful shields of gold, of feathers, and very small pearls, and other four of feathers and silver only. Four fishes, two ducks, and some other birds of cast gold. Two sea-shells of gold, and a large crocodile girt with threads of gold. A large mirror adorned with gold, and many small mirrors. Several mitres and crowns of feathers and gold, ornamented with pearls and gems. Several large plumes of beautiful feathers of various colours, fretted with gold and small pearls. Several fans of gold and feathers mixed together; others of feathers only, of different forms and sizes, but all most rich and elegant, A variety of cotton mantles, some all white, others chequered with white and black, or red, green, yellow, and blue; on the outside rough like a shaggy cloth, and within without colour or nap. A number of under-waistcoats, handkerchiefs, counterpanes, tapes- tries, and carpets of cotton. All those articles were, according to Gomara, more valuable for the workmanship than the materials. The colours, he says, of the cotton, ivcre extremely .fine, and those of the feathers natural. Their ivorks of ' cast metal, are not to be comprehended by our golds??iiths. This present, which was a part of that which Montezuma made to Cortes, a few days after he had disembarked at Chalchiuhcuecan, was sent by Cortes to Charles V. in July 1519, and this was the first gold and the first (i) Gomara does not express that tlie soles were made of the stone Itztli, but it is to be understood from his account. VOL. I, 3 I 426 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VII . silver which Avas sent from New to Old Spain ; a small presage of the immense treasures it was to send in future. Amongst other arts exercised by the Mexicans, that of medicine has been entirely overlooked by the Spanish historians, although it is certainly not the least essential part of their history. They have con- tented themselves with saying, that the Mexican physicians had a great knowledge of herbs, and that by means of these they performed mira- culous cures; but do not mark tiic progress which they made in an art so beneficial to the human race. It is not to be doubted, that the same necessities which stimulated the Greeks to make a collection of experiments and observations on the nature of diseases, and the virtue of simples, would also have in time led the Mexicans to the know- ledge of those two most important parts of medicine. SECT. iix. We do not know whether they intended by tlieir paintings, like the of'naturelnd Greeks by their writings, to communicate their lights to posterity. use of medi- Thosc who followed the profession of medicine instructed their sons in the nature and differences of the diseases to which the human frame is subject, and of the herbs which Providence has created for tlieir re- medy, the virtues of which had been experienced by their ancestors. They taught them the art of discerning the symptoms and progress of different distempers, and to prepare medicines and apply them. We have ampfe proofs of this in the natural history of Mexico, written by Dr. Hernandez (c ). This learned and laborious writer had always the; Mexican physicians for his guides in the study of natural history, which Cc) Tlernandfz, wlio was physician to Philip II. king of S|)ain, anil much renowned for the worlis he published concerning the Natural History of Pliny, was sent by that mo- narch to iVIexico, to study the natural liistory of that kingdom, lie oraplo3'ed himself tliere with other able learned naturalists for several years, assisted by the Mexican phy- siicians. His worlc, worth}' of the expense which it cost of sixty thousand ducats, consisted of twenty-four books of history, and eleven volumes of excellent figures of plants and animals; but the king thinking it too voluminous, gave ordei-sto his physician Nardo Antonio Ricchi, a Neapolitan, to abridge it. This abridgement was published in Spanish by Francisco Ximenes, a Dominican, in 1015, and afierwards in Latin, at Rome, in 1(351, by the Lin- ccan academicians, with notes and learned dissertations, though rather long and uninterest- ing. The manuscripts of Hernandez were preserveil in the library of the Escurial, from which Nuremberg extracted, according to his own confession, a great part of «hat he has written in his Natural History. F. Claude Clement, a French Jesuit, discoursing of the ma- nuscript of Hernandez, says thus: " Qui onines libri, et commentarii, si ])rout affecti " sunt, ita fortnt perfect!, ct absoluti, Philippus II. et I'ranciscus Ilernandius haud qua- " quain AUxandro, et .'Vristoteli hac in parte concederent." HISTORY OF MEXICO. 4gy he prosecuted in that empire. They communicated to him the know- BOOK VII. ledge of twelve hundred plants, with their proper Mexican names ; '~^""~* more than two hundred species of birds; and a large number of qua- drupeds, reptiles, fishes, insects, and minerals. From this most valu- able, though imperfect history, a system of practical medicine may be formed for that kingdom ; as has in part been done by Dr. Farsan, in his Book of Cures, by Gregorio Lopez, and other eminent physi- cians. And if since that time the study of natural history had not been neglected, nor such a prepossession prevailed in favour of every thing which came from beyond the seas, the inhabitants of New Spain would have saved a great part of the expenses they have been at in pur- chasing the drugs of Europe and of Asia, and reaped greater advan- tages from the productions of their own country. Europe has been ob- liged to the physicians of Mexico for tobacco, American balsam, gum copal, liquid amber, sarsaparilla, tecamaca, jalap, barley, and the pur- gative pine-seeds, and other simples, Avhich have been much used in medicine: but the number of those of which she has been de- prived the benefit by the ignorance and negligence of the Spaniards, is infinite. Among the purgatives employed by the physicians of Mexico, be- sides jalap, pine-seed, and the small bean, the Mechoacan, so well known in Europe (d), was extremely common, also the Izticpalli, much celebrated by Hernandez, and the Amamaxtla, vulgarly called the Rhubarb of /he Brothers. Among other emetics the Mexicans made use of the Mexochitl, and the Neixxotlapatli j and among diuretics the Axixpatli, and the Axixtlacotl, which is so highly praised by Hernandez. Amongst their antidotes the famous Contrahierba was deservedly valued, called by them on account of its figure, Coanenepilli, To7jgue of Serpeiit, and on account of its effects Cvapatli, or remedx) against serpents. Amongst their errhines Avas the Zozojatic, a plant so efficacious, that it was Cd) The celebrated root of Mechoacan is called Tacuache by the Tarascas, and Tlalantla- cuitlapilli by the Mexicans. The knowledge of it was communicated by a physician of the king of Michuacan to the first religious missionaries who went there to preach the gospel; he cured them with it of certain fevers of a putrid nature. By them it was made known to the Spaniards, and from the Spaniards to all Europe. 3 I 2 SECT. LX. Oils, oint- ments, and infusions. 43$ HISTORY OF MEXICO. B OOK VII . suflicient to hold the root to the nose to produce sneezing. For in- termittent fevers they generally employed the Cliataliiuic, and in other kind of fevers the Chiautzolli, the Iztacxalli, the Iliiehiietzonticomatl, and above all the Izticpatli. To prevent the illness which frequently followed too much exercise at the game of the ball, they used to eat the bark of the ApitzalpatU soaked in water. We should never finish if we were to mention all the plants, gums, minerals, and other me- dicines, both simple and compound, which they employed against all the distempers which were known to them. Whoever desires to be more amply informed on this subject may consult the above-mentioned work of Hernandez, and the two treatises published by Dr. Monardes, a Sevillian physician, on the medicinal articles, which used tobebrought from America to Europe. The Mexican physicans made use of infusions, decoctions, oint- ments, and oils, and all those things were sold at market, as Cortes and Bernal Diaz, both eye-witnesses, afTum. The most common oils were those of ule, or elastic gum, Tlapatl, a tree similar to the fig, Chilli, or great pepper, Chian, and Ocotl, a species of pine. The last they obtained by distillation, the others by decoction. That of Chian was more used by painters than physicians. They extracted from the Huitziloxitl, as we have already mention- ed, those two sorts of balsam described by Pliny and other ancient na- turalists, that is, the opobalsam, or balsam distilled from the tree, and the xylobalsam obtained by decoction of the branches. From the bark of the Huaconex, soaked four days continually in water, they extract- ed another liquor equal to balsam. From the plant called by the Spa- niards maripenda, (a name taken it appears from the language of the Tarascas), they obtained also a liquor equal to balsam, as much in its odour as wonderful effects, by putting the tender stones of the plant, together with the fruit, to boil in water, until the water became as thick as must". In the same manner they obtained many other valu- able oils and liquors, namely, that of liquid amber, and that of the fir. Blood-lettinu.anoperation which their physicians performed with great SECT. LXl. O' I I J I. a Blood-letting dexterity and safety with lancets odtztli, was extremely common among "" ''^*'" the Mexicans, and other nations of Anahuac. The country people used to let themselves blood as they still do with the prickles of the ma- I'/ xx. ' ^i//i//xfi/r '/it///i Vi'^ I -t^i^f 4'i^ ,,...,, Mexicans. the historians of that kingdom have described it, attending more fre- quently to descriptions and accounts of less importance, so much that if some of those baths had not been still preserved, the memory of them must have totally perished. The TemazcalU, or Mexican vapour-bath, is usually built of raw bricks. The form of it is similar to that of ovens for bakinsr bread; but with this diflerence, that the pavement of the Temazcalli is a lit- tle convex, and lower than the surface of the earth, whereas that of most ovens is plain, and a little elevated for the accommodation of the baker. Its greatest diameter is about eight feet, and its greatest height six. The entrance, like the mouth of an oven, is wide enough to allow a man to creep easily in. In the place opposite to the entrance there is a furnace of stone or raw bricks, with its mouth outwards to receive the fire, and a hole above it to carry off the smoke. The part which unites the furnace to the bath, and which is about two feet and a half square, is shut with a dry stone of Telzontli, or some other stone porous like it. In the upper part cf the vault there is an air hole, like that to the furnace. This is the usual structure of the Temaz- calli, of which we have subjoined a figure; but there are others that arc without vault or furnace, mere little square chambers, yet well co- vered and defended from the air. When any person goes to bathe, he first lays a mat [e] within the Temazcalli, a pitcher of water, and a bunch of herbs, or leaves of (e) The Spaniards, when they batheJ; marlc use of a mattrass for more convenience. 430 HOOK VII. RLCT. XLllI. Surgery. HISTORY OF MEXICO. maize. He then causes a fire to be made in the furnace, which is kept burning, until the stones wliich join the Temazcalli and furnace are quite hot. The person who is to use the bath enters commonly naked, and generally accompanied for the sake of convenience, or on account of infirmity, by one of his domestics. As soon as he enters, he shuts the entrance close, but leaves the air-hole at top for a little time open, to let out any smoke which may have been introduced through the chinks of the stone; when it is all out he likewise stops up the air- liole. He then throws water upon the hot stones, from which imme- diately arises a thick steam to the top of the Temazcalli. AVhile the sick person lies upon the mat, the domestic drives the vapour down- wards, and gently beats the sick person, particularly on the ailing part, with the bunch of herbs, wliich are dipped for a little whilein the water of the pitcher, which has then become a little warm. The sick person falls immediately into a soft and co])ious sweat, which is in- creased or diminished at pleasure, according as the case requires. When the evacuation desired is obtained, the vapour is let off, the en- trance is cleared, and the sick person clothes himself, or is transported on the mat to his chamber ; as the entrance to the bath is usually within some chamber of liib habitation. The Temazcalli has been regularly used in several disorders, parti- cularly in fevers occasioned by costiveness. The Indian women use it commonly after child-birth, and also those persons who have been stung or wounded by any poisonous animal. It is undoubtedly, a powerful remedy for all those who have occasion to carry off gross hu- mours, and certainlj^ it would be most useful in Italy where the rheu- matism is so frequent and afflicting. When a very copious sweat is desired, the sick person is raised up and held in the vapour ; as he sweats the more, the nearer he is to it. The Temazcalli is so common, that in every place inhabited by the Indians there are many of them. With respect to the surgery of the Mexicans, the Spanish conqucr- or.i attest their expedition and success in dressing and curing wounds (fj. Besides the balsam and maripenda, they employed the milk of the (f) Cortes himself being in great danger of his life from a wound he received on his head in tiie famous battle of Otompan, was greatly relieved, and at last perfectly cured by the Tiuscalan art of surgery. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 431 ItzontecpatU ( species of thistle ) , tobacco, and other herbs. For ulcers BOOK VI I. they used the Ncmahuapatli, the Zacatlipatli, and the Ifzcuinpatli; ''''^^'^^^ for abscesses and several swellings, tiie Tlahanall, and the milk of the Chilpatli; and for fractures the Nacaxol, or Toloatzin. After drying, and reducing the seed of this plant to powder, they mixed it with a cer- tain gum, and applied it to the affected part, covered the part with feathers, and over it laid little boards to set the bones. The physicians were in general the persons who prepared and applied medicines; but they accompanied their cures with several superstitious ceremonies, with invocations to their gods, and imprecations against distempers, in order to render their art more mysterious and estimable. The physicians held the goddess Tzupotlatenan in veneration, as the protectress of their art, and believed her to have been the discoverer of many medicinal secrets, and amongst others of the oil which they ex- tracted by distillation from the Ocotl. It is wonderful that the Mexicans, and especially the poor among sect. lsiv. them, were not subject to numberless diseases, considering the quality Aliment of of their food. This is an article in which singular circumstances at- cans. tended them ; for having been, for many years after the foundation of Mexico subjected to the most miserable kind of life upon the little islands of th© lake, they were constrained by necessity to feed upon whatever they could find in the waters. During that disastrous time, they learned to eat, not only the roots of the marsh plants, water ser- pents, which abounded there, the Axolotl, Ateiepix, Atopinaji, and other such little animals, inhabitants of the water ; but even ants, marsh-flies, and the very eggs of the same flies. They fished such quantities of those flics, called by them Axajatl, that they ate them, fed several kinds of birds with them, and carried them to market. They pounded them together, and made little balls of them, which they rolled up in leaves of maize, and boiled in water with nitre. Some historians who have tasted this food, pronounce it not disagreeable. From the eggs, which those flies deposit in great abundance on the rushes in the lake, they extracted that singular species of cuviare, which they called AhuaiihtU. Not contented with feeding upon living things, they ate also a cer- tain muddy substance that floats upon the waters of the lake, which -iSa HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOKVU. tlioy dried in the sun, and preserved, to make use of it as cheese, which it resembled in flavour and taste. They gave this sul)stance the name oi Tecnitlatl, or excrement of stones. Accustomed thus to those vile articles of food, they were unable to abandon them in the season of their greatest plenty ; on which account the market was always seen full of innumerable species of raw, boiled, fried, and roasted little ani- mals, which were sold there, particularly to the poor. However, as soon as by their commerce with fish they were able to purchase better aliment, and to cultivate by the exertions of their industry the floating gardens of the lake, they entertained themselves with better provisions, and at their meals there was nothing wanting, as the conqueror says, either in respect to the plenty, vari ty, or nicety of their dishes [g). Among the eatables, thf first place is due to maize, which they called Tlaolli, a grain granted by Piovidence to that part of the world, instead of the corn of Europe, the rice of Asia, the millet of Africa, over all which it possesses some advantages; as besides its being whole- some, relishing, and more nutritive, it multiplies more, thrives equally in difierent climes, does not require so much culture, is not so delicate as corn, stands not in need, like rice, of a moist soil, nor is it hurtful to the health of the cultivator. They had several species of maize, dif- fering in size, colour, and quality, from each other. Of maize they made their bread, which is totally different from that of Europe in taste and appearance, and in the manner of making it, which they for- merly had, and still continue to use. They put the grain to boil in w ater, with a little lime ; when it becomes soft, they rub it in their hands to stri[) off the skin ; then pound it in the Meflall{h), take out a little of the paste, and stretching it by beating it with both hands, they form the bread, after which they give it the last preparation in the ComalU. The form of the bread is round and flat, about eight inches in diameter, and one line or more in thickness; but tlicv make their loaves or cakes still sqialler and thinner, and for the nobles they make them as thin as our thickest paper. It was customary also to mix something (g) See tht first letter of Cortes, the history of Bernal Diaz, and tlie relation of the ano- nymous conqueror. (h) The Spaniards call the jMetlatl mciatc, the Comalli comal, of which we shall presently speak, and the .\tolli atolc. PIXXI. Val.I.Paifi- 4^2. '////•■r/fff/i /nimt>(/ I'/ //ui/,ina (SfY/ii/ i HISTORY OF MEXICO. 433 else with the bread to make it still more wholesome and relishing. For BOOK VH . persons of rank and circumstance, they used to make bread of red maize, ■"■"""" mixing with it the beautiful flor-er coatzonfecoxochitl, and several me- dicinal herbs, to diminish its heat to the stomach. This is the sort of bread wjiich the Mexicans, and all the other nations of those extensive regions, have used until our time, preferring it to the best bread of wheat. Their example has been imitated by many Spaniards ; but to speak impartially, this bread, allhough it ii^ extremely wholesome and substantial, and when fresh made of a good taste, becomes rather disagreeable when stale. The making of bread, as well as the prepar- ing and dressing of every kind of meat, has always among those nations been the peculiar occupation of their women. They were the persons who made it for their families, and who sold it in the market. Besides bread, i\\ey made many other meats and drinks of maize, with different ingredients and preparations. The rt/o/// is a gruel of maize, after it has been boiled, well ground, dissolved in water, and strained. They put the strained liquor over a fire, and give it another boilin"- until it becomes of a certain thickness. The Spaniards think it insi- pid to the taste, but they give it commonly to sick persons, as a most salutary food, sweetening it with a little sugar, instead of honey, which is used by the Indians. To them it is so grateful they cannot live with- out it. It was formerly and still is their breakfast, and with it they bear the fatigues of agriculture, and other servile offices in which they are employed. Hernandez describes eighteen species of atolU, which differ both with regard to the seasoning ingredients, and the manner of preparing them. Next to maize, the vegetables most in use were the cacao, the chia, and the French bean. Of the cacao they made several common drinks, and among others that which they called CJiocolatl. They ground equal quantities of the cacao and the seeds of Pochotl, put them both with a proportionable quantity of water into a little pot, in which they stirred and turned them with that little indented instrument of wood, which the Italians cdWfnillo, the Spaniards moUnillo, and the Eng- lish milling-stick ; they then poured off the floating oily part into an- other vessel. VOL. I. 3 K 404 HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOK VII . Into the remainder they put a handful of paste of boiled maize, and boiled it for a certain time, after wiiich they mixed it with the oily part, and took it when it was cool. This is the origin of the famous chocolate, which the cultivated nations of Europe have used in imita- tion of them, as well as the name and instruments for making it; al- though the name is a little corrupted, and the drink altered according to the language and taste of each nation. The Mexicans used to put in their chocolate, and other drinks which they made of the cacao, the Tlilxochitl, or vaniglia, the flower of the Xochinacaztli [k], and the fruit of the Mecaxochitl (/), and sometimes also honey, as the Europeans put sugar, both to render it palatable and more wholesome. Of the seed of the chia they made a most refreshing drink, which is still very common in that kingdom ; and of this seed also, with maize, they made the chianzotzoolatelli, which was an exquisite drink much used by the ancients, particularly in time of war. The soldier, who carried with him a little bag of flour of maize and chia, thought himself amply provided. When necessary, he boiled the quantity he wished for, mixing a little honey of the maguei with it; and by means of this de- licious and nourishing beverage (as Hernandez calls it), endured the ardour of the sun and the fatigues of war. The Mexicans did not eat so much flesh as the Europeans; never- theless, upon occasion of any banquet, and daily at the tables of the lords, different kinds of animals were served up; such as deer, rabbits, Mexican boars, Tnze, Tccliichi, which they fattened as the Europeans do hogs, and other animals of the land, the water, and the air, but the most common were turkeys and quaih. The fruits most used by them were the mamei, the lULalwll, the ccchifzapoll, the chiefzapotl, the ananas, the chirionoja, the ahnacally the anona, the pilahaja, the ccipoliii, or Mexican cherry, and dilTcrcnt (A) The tree of the Xochinacaztli has long, straight, narrow leaves, of a dark green colour. Its flower consists of six petals, which are purple within, green without, anil pleasingly odo- rous. From the resemblance of their figure to an ear, they were called by this name among the Mexicans, and by the Spaniards orejuda, or little car. The fruit is angular, and of a bloody colour, and grows within a pod of six inches in length, and about one inch thick. It is peculiar to hot countries. The flower was greatly valued, and never wanting in the markets. (/) The Mecaxochitl is a small flexible plant, whose leaves are large and thick, and the fruit resembles long pepper. HISTORY OF MEXICO. 435 species of Tune, or Indian figs, which fruits well supplied the want of BOOK VII . pears, apples, and peaches. Amongst all their plenty of foods the Mexicans were destitute of millc, and fat, as they had neither cows, sheep, goats, nor hogs. With respect to eggs, w^e do not know that they ate any, except those of turkeys and iguanas, the flesh of which they likewise did and still eat. The usual seasoning to their food, besides salt, was great pepper and tomate, which have become equally common among the Spaniards of that country. They drank also several sorts of wine, or beverages similar to them, sect. lkv. of the maguei, the palm, of the stems of maize, and of the grain also, ''^'"®' of which last, called chiclia, almost all the historians of America make mention, as it is the kind most generally used in that new world. The most common with the Mexicans, and also the best was that of the ma- guei, called octli by them, and by the Spaniards /)z//^«' HISTORY OF MEXICO. 437 coats of cotton, interwoven with soft feathers, or the hair of the rab- BOOK VII. bit. Women of rank wore, besides the huepilli, an upper vest, some- ~~~~~ thing like the surplice or gown of our ecclesiastics, but larger and with longer sleeves (o). Their shoes were nothing but soles of leather, or coarse cloth of the maguei, tied with strings, and only covered the under part of the foot. The kings and lords adorned the strings with rich ribands of gold and jewels. All the Mexicans wore their hair long, and were dishonoured by sect. lxvu. being shaved, or having it clipped, except the virgins consecrated to the service of the temples. The women wore it loose, the men tied in different forms, and adorned their heads with fine plumes, both when they danced and Avhen the}^ went to war. It would be difficult to find a nation which accompanied so much simplicity of dress, with so much vanity and luxury in other ornaments of their persons. Besides feathers and jewels, with which they used to adorn their clothes, they wore ear-rings, pendants at the under lip, and many likewise at their noses, necklaces, bracelets for the hands and arms, and also certain rings like collars about their legs. The ear-rings and pendants of the poor were shells, pieces of crystal, am- ber, or some other shining little stone; but the rich wore pearls, emeralds, amethysts, or other gems set in gold. Their household furniture was by no means correspondent to this sect, lxvih. passion for personal finery. Their beds were nothing else than one ^rnj^^ur'J^and or two coarse mats of rushes, to which the rich added fine palm mats, employ- and sheets of cotton ; and the lords, linen wove with feathers. The pillow of the poor was a stone or piece of wood; that of the rich, pro- babh^ of cotton. The common people did not cover themselves in bed v,ith any thing else than the tilmatli, or mantle, but the higher ranks and nobles made use of counterpanes of cotton and feathers. At dinner, instead of a table, they spread a mat upon the ground ; and they used napkins, plates, porringers, earthen pots, jugs, and other vessels of fine cla}^ but not, as we can discover, either knives or forks. Their chairs were low seats of wood and rushes, or palm, or a kind (o) We have spoken elsewhere of the habits of the kings,^riests, and military persons. ^gg HISTORY OF MEXICO. BOOKVi^- of reed called /t7)fl//, grandee of Spain, prince of S. R. I. &c. man 'ed Douna Costaiiza Medici, of the princes of Ota- jano. Their son was (4^4). DliSCENDANTS OF FERDINAND CORTES. t IX. D. Hector Pignatdti d'Anagon, &:c. X, duke of Montelionc, X. (liikc of Tciranova, XII. marquis of the Valley of Oaxaca, giaivdee of S|)ai:i, prince of S. K. I. living at present in Naples, anil niariied with Doiina X. Piceoloniini, of the didoes of Anudfi. Of that noble couple Mhom we ha\e i)laced under Number VI. were born four sons, Diego, Fernando, Antonio, and Fabri/io ; and as many daughters, Rosa, Maria Teresa, Stephania, and Caterina. 1. Don Diego was heir of the marquisatc of tlie Valley, and the dukedoms of jNIontelione and Terranova. 2. Don Ferdinand mar- ried Donna Lucretia Pignatelli, princess of Strongoli, whose son D. Salvatore took to wife donna Julia ^lastrigli, of tlie dukes of Ma- rigliauo. 3. D. Antonio, married in Spain, an only daughter of the count of Fuentes. Of this marriage m\is born D. Jerom Pig- natelli d'Arragon, Moncayo, &c. count of Fuentes, marquis of Goseo- juela, grandee of Spain, prince of S. 11. I. knight of Toson d'Oro, of St. Jago, &c. ambassador iVom the court of Spain to the courts of England and Fi-ance, and president of the royal council of military or- ders ; wliose son, now living, has married the only daughter and heir- ess of Casimiro Pignatelli, count of Egniont, duke of liisaccia, &c. knight of Toson d'Oro, and lieutenant-general of the armies of liis most Christian majesty. A. D. Fabrizio took to wife Virginia Pignatelli, sister to the princess of Strongoli, whose son, D. Michael, is marquis ofSaliceand Guagnano. 5. Rosa was given in marriage to the prince of Scalea. 6. JMaria Teresa, to the marquis of Wcsterlo, Senor Boemo. 7. Stephania, to the prince of Bisignano. 8. Caterina, to the count of Ac.etra. APPENDIX. THE MEXICAN CENTURY. Years. I. TOCHTLI. II. Acatl. III. Tecpatl. IV. Calli. V. Tochtli. VI. Acatl. VII. Tecpatl. VIII. Calli. IX. Tochtli. X. Acatl. XI. Tecpatl. XII. Calli. XIII. Tochtli. I. ACATL. II! Tecpatl. III. Calli. IV. Tochtli. V. Acatl. VI. Tecpatl. VII. Calli. VIII. Tochtli. IX. Acatl. X. Tecpatl. XL Calli. XII. Tochtli. XIII. Acatl. Years. I. TECPATL. II. Calli. IIL Tochtli. IV. Acatl. V. Tecpatl. VI. Calli. VIL Tochtli. VIII. Acatl. IX. Tecpatl. X. Calli. XL Tochtli. XIL Acatl. XIII. Tecpatl. L CALLI. II. Tochtli. III. Acatl. IV. Tecpatl. V. Calli. VL Tochtli. VIL Acatl. VIII. Tecpatl. IX. Calli. X. Tochtli. XL Acatl. XII. Tecpatl. XIIL Calli. The years wrote with large characters are those from which the four small periods of thirteen years, of which their century was com- posed, began. VOL. I. 3 L 442 APPENDIX. MEXICAN YEARS, From the Foundation to the Conquest of Mexico, compared with Christian Years. Those printed with large Characters are the first of every Period. Those marked with an Asterisk are secular Years. Mexican Years. Christian Years. Mexican Years. Christian Years. II. Calli 1325 [a] III. Tecpatl 1352 (r) III. Tochtli 1326 IV. Calli 1353 (rf) IV. Acatl . 1327 V. Tochtli . 1354 V. Tecpatl 1328 VI. Acatl 1355 VI. Calli 1329 VII. Tecpatl 1356 VII. Tochtli 1330 VIII. Calli . 1357 VIII. Acatl 1331 IX. Tochtli 1358 IX. Tecpatl 1.332 X. Acatl 1359 X. Calli 1333 XI. Tecpatl 1360 XI. Tochtli 1334 XII. Calli 1361 XII. Acatl 1335 XIII. Tochtli 1362 XIII. Tecpatl 1336 I. ACATL 1363 I. CALLI . . 1337 II. Tecpatl . 1364 II. Tochtli 1338 (h) III. Calli 1365 III. Acatl 1339 IV. Tochtli 1366 IV. Tecpatl 1340 V. Acatl 1367 V. Calli 1341 VI. Tecpatl 1368 VI. Tochtli 1342 VII. Calli . 1369 VII. Acatl 1343 VIII. Tochtli 1370 VIII. Tecpatl . 1344 IX. Acatl 1371 IX. Calli 1345 X. Tecpatl 1372 X. Tochtli 1346 XL Calli 1373 XI. Acatl 1^47 XII. Tochtli 1374 XII. Tecpatl 1348 XIII. Acatl 1375 XIII. Calli . . 1349 I. TECPATL 1376 *I. TOCHTLI 1350 II. Calli 1377 II. Acatl 1351 III. Tochtli . 1378 (a) Founilation of Mexico. {!>) Division of those of Tenochcho and Tlatelolco. (c) Acamapiizin, first king of Mexico, (rf) Quaquauhpitzahuac, first king of Tlatelolco. APPENDIX. Mexican Years. Christian Years. Mexican Years. ( i^hristian Years. IV. Acatl . . 1379 XII. Calli 1413 (A V. Tecpatl . 1380 XIII. Tochtli \ / 1414 VI. Cali 1381 I. ACATL . 1415 VII. Tochtli . 1382 II. Tecpatl , . 1416 VIII. Acatl . 1383 III. Calli 1417 IX. Tecpatl . 1384 IV. Tochtli . 1418 X. Calli 1385 V. Acatl 1419 XI. Tochtli . 1386 VI. Tecpatl . 1420 XII. Acatl . 1387 VII. Calli . 1421 XIII. Tecpatl 1388 VIII. Tochtli 1422 (A) . 1423 (/) 1424 I. CALLI . 1389 (e) IX. Acatl . II. Tochtli . 1360 X. Tecpatl . III. Acatl . 1391 XI. Calli 1425 (ra) IV. Tecpatl . 1392 XII. Tochtli . 1426 (w) V. Calli 1393 XIII. Acatl . 1427 VI. Tochtli . 1394 I. TECPATL 1428 VII. Acatl . 1395 11. Calli 1429 VIII. Tecpatl 1396 IIL Tochtli . 1430 IX. Cam 1397 IV. Acatl . 1431 X. Tochtli . 1398 V. Tecpatl . 1432 XL Acatl . 1399 (/) VI. Calli 1433 XII. Tecpatl 1400 VII. Tochtli . 1434 XIII. Calli . 1401 VIII. Acatl . 1435 *I. TOCHTLI 1402 IX. Tecpatl . 1436 («) II. Acatl 1403 X. Calli 1437 IIL Tecpatl . 1404 XI. Tochtli . 1438 IV. Calli 1405 XII. Acatl . 1439 V. Tochtli . 1406(0^) XIII. Tecpatl 1440 VL Acatl 1407 I. CALLI . 1441 ip) VII. Tecpatl . 1408 IL Tochtli . 1442 VIII. Calli . 1409 III. Acatl 1443 IX. Tochtli . 1410 (/O IV. Tecpatl . 1444 X. Acatl 1411 V. Calli 1445 XL Tecpatl . 1412 VI. Tochtli . 1446 {q) 443 (e) Huitzilihuitl, second king of Mexico. (f) Tlacateotl, second king of Tlatelolco. (g) Ixtlilxochitl, king of Acolhuacan. (hj Chimalpopoca, third king of Mexico. (i) Tezozomoc, the tyrant.. (k) Ma.xtlaton, the tyrant. ID Itzcoatl, fourth king of Mexico. (m) Conquest of Azcapozalco. (n) Nezahualcojotl, king of Acolhuacan, and Totoquihuatzin, king of Tacuba. (o) Montezuma Ilhuicamina, fifth king of Mexico. (pj Mo°quihuix, fourth king of Tlatelolco. (q) Inundation of Mexico. 3L 2 444 APPENDIX. Mexican Years. Christian Years. Mexican Years. Christian Years. VII. Acatl . 1447 II. Calli . 1481 VIII. Tecpatl 1448 III. Tochtli . 1482 (j/) IX. Calli 1449 ly. Acatl . 1483 X. Tochtli . 1450 V. Tecpatl . 1484 XI. Acatl . 1451 VI. Calli 1485 XII. Tecpatl . 1452 VII. Tochtli . 1486 (z) XIII. Calli . 1453 VIII. Acatl . 1487 {J) *I. TOCHTLI . 1454 IX. Tecpatl . 1488 II. Acatl 1455 X. Calli 1489 III. Tecpatl . 1456 XI. Tochtli . . 1490 IV. Calli 1457 (r) Xn. Acatl . 1491 V. Tochtli . 1458 XIII. Tecpatl . 1492 VI. Acatl . 1459 I. CALLI . 1493 VII. Tecpatl. 1460 II. Tochtli . . 1494 VIII. Calli . 1461 III. Acatl . . 1495 IX. Tochtli . 1462 IV. Tecpatl . 1496 X. Acatl 146.3 V. Calli 1497 XI. Tecpatl . 1464 (s) VI. Tochtli . 1498(5) XII. Calli . 1465 VII. Acatl . . 1499 XIII. Tochtli 1466 VIII. Tecpatl 1500 I. ACATL . 1467 IX. Calli 1501 II. Tecpatl . 1468 X. Tochtli . 1502 (C) in. Calli 1469 (/) XI. Acatl . 1503 IV. Tochtli . 1470 («) XII. Tecpatl. 1504 V. Acatl 1471 XIII. Calli . 1505 VI. Tecpatl . 1472 I. TOCHTLI 1506 VII. Calli 1473 II. Acatl 1507 VIII. Tochtli 1474 in. Tecpatl . 1508 IX. Acatl 1475 IV. Calli 1509(D) X. Tecpatl . 1476 V. Tochtli . 1510 XI. Calli 1477 (.r) VI. Acatl 1511 XII. Tochtli . 1478 ^TI. Tecpatl . 1512 XIII. Acatl . 1479 VIIL Calli . 1513 i. TECPATL 1480 IX. Tochtli . 1514 fr} Famous war of Cuetlachtlan. t's! Axajacatl, sixth king of Mexito. (0 Chimalpopoca, king of Tacuba. fu) Nezahualpilii, king of Acolhuacan. fx) Tizoc, seventh king of Mexico. />.' Ahuizoll, eighth king of Mexico. I'zl Dedication of the greater temple. lAJ Totoquihuafzin, second king of Tacuba. /B/ Xew inundation of Mexico. (CJ Montezuma Xocojotzin, ninth king of Mexico. (DJ Memorable event of the princess Papanfzin. Mexican Years. APPENDIX. Christian Years. Mexican Years. X. Acatl XI. TecpatI . XII. Calli . XIII. Tochtli 1515 1516 (£) 1517 1518 Christian Years. I. ACATL II. TecpatI III. Calli 1519 [F) 1520 {G) 1521 {H) The exactness of this table will appear from our Second Disser- tation. (Ej Cacamatzin, king of Acolhuacan. (Fj Entry of the Spaniards into Mexico. (G) Cuitlahuatzin, tenth king, and Quauhtemotzin, eleventh king of Mexico, death of Montezuma, and defeat of the Spaniards. (H) The taking of Mexico, and fall of the empire. 445 446 APPENDIX. MEXICAN CALENDAR, From the Year I Tochtli, the first of the Century. ATLACAHUALCO First Month. Modern Style. Mexican Days. Festivals. February 26 27 I. CIPACTLI II. Ehecatl The great secular festival. Festival oiTlalocafeuctli, and 28 III. Calli the other gods of water, Avith March 1 IV. Cuetzpalin the sacrifice of infants, and 2 V. Coatl the gladiatorian sacrifice. S 4 VI. Miquiztli VII. Mazatl 5 VIII. Tochtli 6 IX. Atl 7 X. Itzcuintli 8 XI. Ozomatli Nocturnal sacrifice of fiittened 9 10 XII. MalinalU XIII. Acatl prisoners. 11 I. OCELOTL 12 II. Quauhtli 13 14 III. Cozcaquauhtli IV. Oliii - 15 16 V. Tecpatl VI. Quiahuitl 17 VII. Xochitl TLACAXIPEHUALIZTLI Second Month. 18 VIII. Cipactli The great festival of Xipe, god 19 IX. Ehecatl of the goldsmiths, with sa- 20 X. Calli crifices of prisoners and mi- 21 2J XI. Cuetzpalin XII. Coatl litary exercises. Fast of the owners of prisoners 23 24 XIII. Miquiztli I. MAZATL for twent}' days. The days marked in large characters are those which began the small periods of thirteen days. APPENDIX. Modern Style. Blexican Days. Festivals. March 25 II. Tochtli 26 III. Atl 27 IV. Itzcuintli 28 V. Ozomatli 29 VI. Malinalli 30 VII. Acatl Festival of the god Chicoma- 31 VIII. Ocelotl catl. April 1 IX. Quauhtli Festival of the god Tequiztli- 2 X. Cozcaquauhtli matehuatl. 3 XI. Olin 4 XII. Tecpatl 5 XIII. Quiahuitl Festival of the god Chancoti, Q I. XOCHITL with nocturnal sacrifices. TOZOZTONTLI Third Month. 7 II. Cipactli Watch kept by the ministers of 8 III. Ehecatl the temples every night of 9 IV. Calli this month. 10 V. Cuetzpalin 11 VI. Coatl Tlie second festival of the gods 12 VII. Miquiztli of water, with sacrifices of 13 VIII. Mazatl children, and oblations of 14 IX. Tochtli flowers. 15 X. Atl 16 XI. Itzcuintli 17 XII. Ozomatli 18 XIII. Malinalli 19 I. ACATL Festival of the goddess CoatlL- 20 II. Ocelotl cue, with oblations of flow- 21 III. Quauhtli ers, and a procession. 22 IV. Cozcaquauhtli 23 V. Olin 24 VI. Tecpatl 25 VII. Quiahuitl 56 VIII. Xochitl 447 448 APPENDIX. HUEITOZOZTLI Fourth Month. Modern Style, Mexican Days. Festivals. April 27 IX. Cipactli "W^atcli kept in the temples, and 28 X. Ehecatl a general fast. 29 XI. Calli 30 XII. Cuetzpaliu Festival of Cenleofl, with sacri- May 1 XIII. Coatl fices of human victims and 2 I. MIQUIZTLI quails. 3 II. Mazatl 4 III. Tochtli 5 ly. Atl 6 V. Itzcuintli Solemn convocation for the 7 VI. Ozomatli grand festival of the follow- 8 VII. Malinalli ing month. 9 VIII. Acati 10 IX. Occlotl 11 X. Quauhtli 12 XI. Cozcaquauhtli Fast in preparation of the fol- 13 XII. Olin lowing festival. 14 XIII. Tecpatl 15 I. QUIAHUITL 16 II. Xochitl TOXCATL Fifth Month. 17 III. Cipactli 18 IV. Ehecall 19 V. Calli 20 VI. Cuet;5palin 21 VII. Coall 22 VIII. Miquiztli 23 IX. Mazatl 24 X. Tochtli 25 XI. Atl 26 XII. Itzcuintli 27 XIII. Ozomatli 28 I. MALINALLI 29 II. Acall 30 III. Ocelotl 31 IV. Quauhtli The grand festival of Tezcalli- poca, with a solemn peniten- tial procession, the sacrifice of a prisoner, and dismission of all the marriageable youth from the temple. The first festival of Iliiifzilo- pochfli. Sacrifices of human victims and quails. Solemn incense-ortering of Chapo- potli, or bitumen of Judea. Solemn dance of the king, the priests, and the people. Modern Style. June 1 2 3 4 APPENDIX. Mexican Days. V. Cozcaquauhtii VI. Olin VII. Tecpatl VIII. Quiahuitl IX. Xochitl m Festivals. ETZALCUALIZTLI Sixth Month. 6 X. Cipactli 7 XI. Ehecatl 8 XII. Calli The third festival of the gods 9 XIII. Cuetzpalin of water, with sacrifices and 10 I. COATL a dance. 11 II. Miquiztli 12 III. Mazatl 13 IV. Tochtli 14 V. Atl 15 VI. Itzcuintli 16 VII. Ozomatli 17 VIII. Malinalli Punishments of priests negli- 18 IX. Acatl gent in the service of the 19 X. Ocelotl temple. 20 XI. Quauhtli i. 21 XII. Cozcaquaijitii 22 XIII. Olin 23 I. TECPATL 24 II. Quiahuitl 25 III. Xochitl 26 27 28 29 30 July 1 2 3 4 5 TECUILHUITONTLI Seventh Month. IV. Cipactli V. Ehecatl VI. Calli VII. Cuetzpalin VIII. Coatl IX. Miquiztli X. Mazatl XI. Tochtli XII. Atl XIII. Itzcuintli Festival of Huixtocihuatl, with sacrifices of prisoners, and a dance of the priests. VOL. I. 3m 450 APPENDIX. Modem Style. Mexican Days. Festivals. July 6 I. OZOMATLI 7 II. Mulinalli 8 III. Acatl 9 IV. Ocelotl 10 V. Qiiauhtli 11 12 VI. Cozcaquauhtli VII. Olin 13 14 VIII. Tecpatl IX. Quialuiitl 15 X. Xochitl HUEITECUILHUITL Eighth Month. 16 XI. Cipactii 17 XII. Eliecatl 18 XIII. Calli 19 I. CUETZPALIN 20 II. Coatl 21 III. Miquiztli 22 IV. Mazatl 23 V. Tochtli 24 VI. Atl 25 VII. Itzcuintii 26 VIII. Ozomatli 27 IX. Malinalli 28 X. Acatl 29 XI. Ocelotl 30 XII. Quauhtii 31 XIII. Cozcaquaulitli August 1 I. OLIN 2 II. Tecpatl 3 III. Quiahuitl 4 IV. Xochitl The second festival of Centeotl, with the sacrifice of a female .slave; illumination of the temple, dance, and alms- giving. Festival of MactilitochtU. TLAXOCHIMACO Ninth Month. o 6 7 8 9 V. Cipactii VI. Ehecatl VII. Calli VIII. Cuetzpalin IX. Coatl Festival of Macuilcipactti. APPENDIX. 451 Modern Style. Mexican Days. Festivals. August 10 X. Miquiztli The second festival of Huit- 11 XI. Mazatl zilopochtli with sacrifices of 12 XII. Tochtli prisoners, oblations of flow- 13 XIII. Atl ers, general dance, and so- 14 I. ITZCUINTLI lemn banquet. 15 II. Ozomatli 16 III. Malinalli 17 IV. Acatl Festival o{ Jacateuctli, god of 18 V. Ocelotl the merchants, with sacri- 19 VI. Quauhtli fices and entertainments. 20 VII. Cozcaquauhtli 21 VIII. Olin 22 IX. Tecpatl 23 X. Quiahuitl 24 XI. Xochitl XOCOHUETZI Tenth Month. September 25 XII. Capactli 26 XIII. Ehecatl 27 I. CALLI 28 II. Cuetzpalin 29 III. Coatl 30 IV. Miquiztli 31 V. Mazatl I VI. Tochtli 2 VII. Atl 3 VIII. Itzcuintli 4 IX. Ozomatii 5 X. Malinalli 6 XI. Acatl 7 XII. Ocelotl 8 XIII. Quauhtli 9 I. COZCAQUAUH- TLI 10 II. Olin 11 III. Tecpatl 12 IV. Quiahuitl 13 V. Xochitl The festival of Xiuhteuctli, god of fire, with a solemn dance, and sacrifice of pri- soners. All festivals cease during those five days. SM 2 452 APPENDIX. OCHPANIZTLI Eleventh Month. Modern Style. Mexican Days. Festivals. September 14 VI. Cipactli Diince preparatory to the fol- 15 VII. Ehecatl lowing festival. 16 VIII. Calli 17 IX. Cuetzpalin 18 X. Coatl 19 XI. Miquiztli 20 XII. MazatI 21 XIII. TochtU ■ 22 I. ATL Festival of Tetcoinan, mother 23 II. Itzcuintli of the gods, with the sacri- 24 III. Ozomatli fice of a female slave. 25 IV. Malinalli 26 V. Acatl 27 VI. Ocelotl The tliird feast of the goddess 28 VII. Quauhtli Cenfeotl, in the temple Xi- 29 VIII. Cozcaquauhtli uhcalco, with a procession 30 IX. Olin and sacrifices. October 1 X. Tecpatl 2 XI. Quiahuitl 3 XII. Xochitl TEOTLECO Twelfth Month. 4 XIII. Cipactli 5 I. EHECATL 6 II. Calli 7 III. Cuetzpalin 8 IV. Coatl 9 V. Miquiztli 10 VI. MazatI 11 VII. Tochtli 12 VIII. Atl 13 IX. Itzcuintli Festival of Chiucnahuitzcuint- 14 X. Ozomatli U, Nahiialpilli, and Ccnteotl, 15 XI. Malinalli gods of the lapidaries. 16 XII. Acatl 17 XIII. Ocelotl 18 I. QUAUHTLI Modern Style. October 19 20 21 22 23 APPENDIX. Mexican Days. 45-3 II. Cozcaquauhtli III. Oliu IV. TecpatI V. QuiahuitI VI. XochitI Festivals. Watch kept for the following festival. Festival of the arrival of the gods, with a great supper and sacrifices of prisoners. TEPEILHUITL Thirteenth Month. 24 VII. Cipactli 25 Vill. Eliecatl 26 IX. Calli 27 X. Cuetzpalin 28 XI. Coatl 29 XII. Miquiztli SO XIII. Mazatl 31 I. TOCHTLI November 1 II. Atl 2 III. Itzcuintli 3 IV. Ozomatli 4 V. Malinalli 5 VI. Acatl 6 VII. Ocelotl VIII. Quauhtli 8 IX. Cozcaquauhtli 9 X. Olin 10 XI. TecpatI 11 XII. QuiahuitI 12 XIII. XochitI* OUECHOT.T.I Fc 13 I. CIPACTLI 14 II. Ehecatl 15 III. Calli 16 IV, Cuetzpalin 17 V. Coat! 18 VI. Miquiztli 19 VII. Mazatl Festival of the gods of the moun- tains, with the sacrifice offour female slaves and a prisoner. Festival of tiie god Tochinco, with the sacrifice of a pri- soner. YesUvid o( Nappateucili, with the sacrifice of a prisoner. ¥est\va\ o{Centzo?i(otochtin,god of wine, with the sacrifice of three slaves of three dif- ferent places. Fourteenth Month. The fast offour days, in prepa- ration for the following fes- tival. Festival oi Mixcoatl, god of the chace ; a general chace; pro- cession and sacrifice of ani- mals. * Here ends the fi rst cycle of two hundred and sixty days, or twenty periods of thirteen day.« ASA APPENDIX. Modern Styl*. Mexican Dajs. Festivals. November 20 VIII. Tochili . 'IJ. 21 IX. Atl 22 X. Itzcuintli 23 XI. Ozomatli 24 XII. Malinalli 2.5 XIII. Acail 26 I. OCELOTL 27 II. Quaulitli 28 III. Cozcaquauhtli 29 IV. 01 in Festival of Tlamatzincatl, with 30 V. Tecpatl sacrifices of prisoners. December I VI. Quiahuitl 2 VII. Xochitl PANQUETZALIZTLI Fifteenth Month. 3 VIII. Cipactli 4 IX. Ehecatl 5 X. Calii 6 XI. Cuetzpalin 7 XII. Coatl 8 XIII. Miquiztli 9 I. MAZATL 10 II. Tochtli 11 III. Atl 12 IV. Itzcuintli 13 V. Ozomatli 14 VI. Malinalli 15 VII. Acatl 16 VIII. OcelotI 17 IX. Quauhtli 18 X. Cozcaquauhtli 19 XI. Olin 20 XII. Tecpatl 21 XIII. Quiahuitl 22 I. XOCHITL Thethird and principal festival of Iluitzilopochtli and his companions. Severe fast, so- lemn procession. Sacrifices of prisoners and quails, and the eating of the statue of paste of that god. APPENDIX. 455 Modern Style. December S3 24 25 26 27 28 29 50 31 January 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 II ATEMOZTLI Sixteenth Month. Mexican Days. II. Cipactli III. Ehecatl IV. Calli V. Cuetzpalin VI. Coatl VII. Miquiztli VIII. MazatI IX. Tochtli X. Atl XI. Itzcuintli XII. Ozomatli XIII. Malinalli I. AC ATL II. Ocelotl III. Quauhtli IV. Cozcaquauhtli V. Oli.i VI. Tecpatl VII. Quiahuitl VIII. Xochitl Festivals. Fast of four days, in prepara- tion of the following festi- val. The fourth festival of the gods of water, with a procession and sacrifices. TITITL Seventeenth Month. 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 IX. Cipactli X. Ehecatl XI. Calli XII. Cuetzpalin XIII. Coatl I. MIQUIZTLI II. MazatI III. Tochtli IV. Atl V. Itzcuintli VI. Ozomatli VII. Malinalli VIII. Acatl Festival of the goddess Ilama- teuctli, with a dance and sa- crifice of a female slave. Festival of MictlanteuctU, god of liell, with the nocturnal sacrifice of a prisoner. The second festival of Jaca- teuctli, god of the merchants, with the sacrifice of a prisoner. 456 APPENDIX. Modern Style. Mexican Days. Festivals. January 25 IX. Ocelotl ' 26 X. Quauhtli 27 XI. Cozcaquauhtli 28 XII. Olin 29 XIII. Tecpatl 30 I. QUIAHUITL 31 II. Xochitl February 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 IZCALLI Eighteenth Month. III. Cipactli IV. Ehecatl V. Calli VI. Cuetzpalin VII. Coatl VIII. Miquiztli IX. MazatI X. Tochtli XI. Atl XII. Itzcuintli XIII. Ozomatii I. MALINALLI II. AcatI III. Ocelotl IV. Q.uauhtli V. Cozcaquauhtli VI. Olin VII. Tecpatl VIII. Quiahuitl IX. Xochitl General chace for the sacri- lices of the next festival. The second festival of Xiuh- teiictli, god of fire, with sa- crifices of animals. Renewal of fire in the houses. 21 22 23 24 25 NEMONTEMI, or useless Days. X. Cipactli XI. Ehecatl XII. Calli XIII. Cuetzpalin I. COATL During these days there was no festival. The following year II. Acatl, begins with II. Miquiztli, and conti- nues in the same order. APPENDIX. 457 EXPLANATION of the Obscure FIGURES. I. Of Ihe figures of the Mexican century. IN the wheel of the Mexican century are four figures, thirteen times repeated, to signify, as we have already mentioned, the four period? (by some authors called indiclions), of thirteen 3'ears, of which their century consisted. The four figures are, first, the head of a rab- bit, expressive of that quadruped ; secondl}^ a reed; thirdly, a knife or the point of a lance, representing a flint stone ; fourthly, a part of a building, signifying a house. The ^earsof thecentur}' are counted by beginning at the upper twist of the serpent, and descending towards the left. The I. figure, with a small point, denotes I. rabbit ; the second, with two points, signifies II. reed; the third, with three points, signifies III. flint; the fourth, with four points, I\". house; the fifth, with five points, V. rabbit ; and so it continues until the twist upon the left, where the second period begins with the figure of the reed, and termi- nates in the lower twist ; and then the third period commences. II. Of the figures of the year. The first figure is that of water, spread upon a building, to denote the first month, whose name Acahualco, or Atlacahualco, signifies, the ceasing of water ; because, in the month of March the winter rains cease in northern countries, where the Mexican or Toltecan calendar took its origin. They called it also 2uahuitlchua, which signifies the budding of trees, which happens at this time in hot countries. The Tlascalans called this month Xilomaniliztli, or the oblation of ears of maize ; because in it they offered to their gods those of the past year, to obtain prosperity to the seed, which about this time began to be sown in high grounds. The figure of the second month, appears at first sight to be a pavi- lion, but we believe it is rather a human skin ill designed, to express that which is meant by the name TlacaxipchualitzU, which they gave to this month, or skinning of men, on account of the barbarous rite VOL. I. 3 N 458 APPENDIX. of skinning human victims, at the festival of the god of the goldsmiths. The Thiscalans called this month Coaillwitl, or general festival, and represented it by the figure of a serpent wound about a fan, and an Ajacaxfli. The fan and the Ajacaxtii denote the dances which were then made, and the coiled serpent signifies their generality. The figure of the third month is that of a bird upon a lancet. The lancet signifies the spilling of blood, which was made during the nights of this month; but we do not know what bird it is, nor what it means. The fourth month is represented by the figure of a small building, upon which appear some leaves of rushes, signifying the ceremony which they performed in this month of putting rushes, sword-grass, and other herbs, dipped in blood, which they shed in honour of their gods, over the doors of their houses. The Tlascalans represented the third month by a lancet, to signify the same kind of penance ; and the fourth month by a large lancet, to d-enote that during it they did still greater penance. Tiie figure of the fifth month is that of a human head, with a neck- lace under it, representing those chaplets or wreaths of crisp maize which they wore about their necks, and with which they adorned also the idol of Tezcatlipoca, from whence tlie month took the name of Toxcatl, as we have said above. The sixth month is represented by an earthen pot or jug, signifying a certain gruel which they took then, called Efxalli, from which the month took the name of Etzalqitalizfli. The two figures of the seventh and eighth months, appear designed to signify the dances which they made then, and because the dances of the eighth month were the greatest, the figure also which represents it is greater. Near to these figures appear lancets, denoting tiie austeri- ties practised pl-eparatory to these festivals. The Tlascalans repre- sented those two months i>y the heads of two lords, that of the month Tccuilhuilontli, or little festival of the lords, appears a young man, and that of the month HucitecuiUmitl, or grand festival of the lords, seems an old man. The figures of tlie ninth and tenth months, are evidently expressive of the moui-ning which they put on, and the lamentation which they APPENDIX. 459 made for their dead, which obtained the ninth month the name of Miccailhuitl, or festival of the dead, and the tentli HneimiccailkuiU, or great festival of the dead ; and because the mourning of the tenth month was the greater, tlie figure of it also is larger. The Tlascalans painted for each of these two months a skull with two bones, but the skull of the tenth was the larger. The figure of the eleventh month is a broom, by which is signified the ceremony of sweeping the pavement of the temples, which was in this month performed by all ; from whence the name Ochpaniztli. The Tlascalans painted a hand grasping a broom. The figure of the twelfth and thirteenth months is that of a parasite plant called by the Mexicans pachtli, which in this season twines about oaks, and from them the twelfth mouth took its name ; because in the next month this plant is grown up, the figure of it is larger, and the month takes the name oi Hiteipachtli. These names, althouo^h more used by the Tlascalans, were also employed by the Mexicans ; we have, however, adopted the names Teotleco and Tepeilkuitl in this history, as being more commonly used by the Mexicans. The figure of the fourteenth month is very similar to that of the se- cond ; but we know nothing of its meaning. The Tlascalans used to represent this month by the figure of that bird which some have called Fiammingo, and the Mexicans Qtiecholli, which name the Mexicans gave also to the month j because, at this time, these birds resorted to the Mexican lake. The figure of the fifteenth month is a piece of a Mexican standard, signifying the one which was carried at the solemn procession of Huit- zilopochtli, made in this month. The name Panquetzalitzli, by which it was called, signifies no more, as we have already said, than the mounting the standard. The figure of the sixteenth is that of water upon a stair, signifying the descent of water, expressed by the name Atemoztli, which was given to this month either because this is the season of rain in north- ern countries, or because at this time they held the festival of the gods of the mountains and water, to obtain the necessary showers. The figure of the seventeenth month, is two or three pieces of wood tied with a cord, and a hand, which, pulling the cord forcibly, binds 3N2 460 APPENDIX. the wood, denoting the constriction occasioned by the cold of this sea- son, which is the meaning of the name Tifitlt. The Tlascalans paint- ed two sticks cased, and firmly fixed in a plank. The figure of the eigliteenth month is the head of a quadruped up- on an altar, signifying the sacrifices of animals which were made dur- ing this month to the god of fire. The Tlascalans represented it by the figure of a man holding up a child by the head ; this makes an in- terpretation which some authors give of the name /scfliV/, very proba- ble, as they say that word means, risen frojn the dead, or 7iezv crea- tion. The figure of the moon, which is in the centre of the wheel, or circle of the year, has been copied from a Mexican painting, from which it appears, that those ancient Indians knew well that the moon has her light from the sun. In some wheels of the Mexican year which we have seen, after the figures of the eighteen months, there followed five large points or dots, denoting the five days called Nemontemi. III. Of the fgurcs of the month. Authors differ greatly in opinion concerning the signification of Ci- pactli, the name of the first daj*. According to Boturini, it signifies a serpent; M'ith Torqucmada, the sword-fish; and with Betanconrt, the tibiiron. In the only wheel yet published of the Mexican month, which is that by Valades, the figure representing the first Any, is al- most totally similar to that of the lizard, which appears in the fourth day. As we do not know the truth, we have put the head of a tibu- ron, according to Betancourt. The second day is called Ehhatl, or wind, and is represented by a human head blowing with the mouth. The third dav is called ("alii, or house, represented bvasmall buildinsr. The name of the fourth day is Ciictzpalin, or lizard, and the figure is that animal. The name of the fifth day is Coatl, or serpent, and the figure is that animal. ivxxm ///,.,'fr, ■ /tf/z/i/u^y .////^w/fU'ar ;/(>///r///zttirf yHIJ'ii<>r 461 . ff/rf,/ii/rr ///ii//// Z'l/m / 1 rfff/ '////< ■/i//i/ift'//i/i //ttif/a/^-ff/i/// '.~^//tt////// fuvtttn t'y/firAn^ ooeeo ^^ — l ,q^^^g= i/r/,uM',>'r.,„ '^^/'oAu.,U • '■'//Kt'/f/irr z^]^s^ I 7f4rf'Zft//Af/)t APPENDIX. The name of the sixth day is Miqidztli, that is, death, repre- sented by a skull. The seventh day is called Mazatl, or stag, represented by the head of that quadruped, as the eighth day is by that of the rabbit, Tochtli, and so it is called. The name of the ninth day is Atl, or water, and is represented by the figure of that element. The tenth day is named Itzcuintli, that is, a certain Mexican quadruped, similar to a little dog, and the figure of it is that little animal. Tlie ele\enth day was called OxomatU, or ape, represented also by the figure of that animal. The twelfth day was called MalinalU, the name of a certain plant of which they made brooms, and is represented by the figure of the same plant. The thirteenth day is named ^ca//, or reed, and is represented by a reed. The fourteenth day is named Ocelotl, tiger; and the fifteenth 2iiaiihtli, eagle, represented by the heads of these animals. The sixteenth day is Cozcaqiiauhtli, the name of a Mexican bird, described in the first book of this history, and represented by the figure of it, though it is very imperfect. The seventeenth day is Olin tonatiuh, or motion of the sun, repre- sented by the figure of the same luminary. The eighteenth day is Tecpatl, or flint, and the figure of it is the point of a lance, ^a hich used to be made of flint. The nineteenth day is 2uiahiutl, rain, and is represented by a cloud 45^ raining. The twentieth day is Xochitl, flower, and the figure that of a flower. In the centre of this, wheel we have put the figure of the fifteenth month, in order to reduce it to a determined month. I\'', Of tlie figures of cities. The first figure is that of an opuntia, or nopal upon a stone, the >ymbol of the city of Tenochfitlan, or Mexico. Tcnochtitlan means i62 APPENDIX. the place where the opuntia is in the stone, aUuding to what we have ah'eady said respecting the foundation of this great city. The second figure is that by which they expressed a gem. The name Chalco means in or upon the gem (yj. The third figure is the hinder part of a man close to a rush plant, and the fourth is the same close to a flower, signifying the cities of Tollafitziiico and Xochitxincho, the names of which signify, at the end of the place full of rushes, and at the end of the flowers, or flowerv field: and almost all the names of places which have the termination in tzinco, and which are numerous, have a similar signification, and are represented by similar figures. The fifth figure is a little branch of the tree Huavin upon a nose, in order to represent the city of Hiia.rjacac, a name composed of Hu- axin and jacalt, and means upon the point or extremity of the little tree Huaxin ; because, although jaca// signifies properly the nose, it also is used to signify any other point. As Tepejacac, the name of two places, means upon the point of the mountain. In the sixth figure appears an earthen pot upon three stones, as the Indians used to place it, and still do so, in order to keep it over fire, and in the mouth of the pot is the figure of water, to represent the city of Atotonilco, which name signifies, in hot water, or the place of the baths. The seventh figure is that of water, in which appears a man with his arms opened, in token of rejoicing, representing the city oi Ahui- lizapan, called by the Spaniards Orizaba, the name of which means, in the water of pleasure, or in the cheerful river. The eighth figure is also that of water in a mouth, representing the city of Atenco [z). This name is compounded of Ail, water, of Tentli, lip, or metaphorically bank, shore, edge, &c. &c. and the preposi- tion, or article go, which means in, so that Atenco means upon the (3/) Acosta says, that Chidco means, in the mouths, but the IMexican name signifying the mouth is Camatl, and when they would say, in the mouths, they express it Camac. (t) There were, and are many places, called Atenco, but the most considerable was that which appears close to Tezcuco, in our chart of the lakes of Mexico. I'f.JXLV. • ^////iri'/.i 1/ ///I //il/lli.i r/ ///I ///t.J'/r/f/i .///////. I. I'ltl [ . I'ni/<' ./f>/j . t/iy/ //iii/i//z/n l/l//H/l//li'//<>f/l '//fotrz^z/nui .'///////f/i '////■//■ •/////,/ 'T:\ '.y/^f/// :////////>/ '/i/ttf> APPENDIX. 4g| the bank, shore, or edge of the water; and all the places which have such a name are situated upon the bank of some lake or river. The ninth figure is that of a Mexican mirror, to represent the city of Tehuillojoccan, which term signifies, place of the mirrors. The tenth figure is that of a hand in the act of counting by the fingers, to represent the village of Ne]x)hualco, which word signifies, the place where they count, or the place of enumeration. The eleventh figure is that of an arm holding a fish, representing the city of Michmalojan, which word signifies, place where the fish are taken, or place of fishing. The twelfth is a piece of an edifice, with the head of an eagle within it, to represent the city of 2uauhtmchan, which signifies, house of eagles. The thirteenth figure is that of a mountain, such as they used to paint in their pictures, and a little above a small knife, to represent the city of Tlacotepec, which name signifies, the cut mountain. The fourteenth figure is that of a flower, and beneath it five of those points by which they used to express numbers from one to twenty. With such a figure they represented the place called Macuilxochitl, which signifies, five flowers. This name is still used to signify a day of the year; and it is probable, that the foundation of that place hav- ing been laid on such a day it obtained such a name. The fifteenth figure is the game of football, representing the city of Tiachco, called by the Spaniards Tasco, which name signifies the place where they played at this game. Those two small round figures in the middle are two mill-stones, pierced in the centre, which were used in that game. There were at least two cities or villages of this name. The figure of the sixteenth, represents the place of Tecotzauhtla^ signifying the place abounding with ochre. V. Of the fgiires of the Merican kings. These figures are not portraits of the kings, but symbols of their names. Li all of them appears a head, crowned in the Mexican style, and each has its mark to show the name of the king represented by it. 464 APPENDIX. Acamapitxin, the name of the first king of Mexico, signifies, he who has reeds in his fist, which also appears in the figure. Huitzilihidtl, the name of the second king, signifies, feather of the little flower-sucking bird ; and therefore the head of that little bird is represented, though imperfectly, with a feather in its mouth. Chimalpopoca, name of the third king, means, smoaking shield, which is represented in his figure. Itzcoatl, name of the fourth king, means, serpent of itzli, or armed with lancets, or ra^sors of the stone itzli, which is represented by the fourth figure. Ilhuicamina, the surname of Montezuma I. the fifth king of Mexi- co, means, he who shoots into the sky, and therefore an arrow is represented shot at that figure, by which the Mexicans used to signify the sky. Axajacatl, the name of the sixth king, means also a marsh-fly, and signifies the face or aspect of water, and therefore a face is represented, above which is the figure of water. Tizoc, the name of the seventh king, signifies, pierced, and therefore he is represented by a perforated leg. AJniitzotl, the name of the eighth king, is also that of an amphi- bious quadruped, mentioned in our first book, and is therefore re- presented by the figure of that quadruped ; and to show that this animal lives in the water, the figure of that element appears on its back and tail. Moteuczoma, the name of the ninth king, means, angry lord ; but we do not understand the figure of it. The figures of the two last kings, Cuittahuatzin and Quauhtemotzin, are wanting ; but we do not doubt but that that of 2uauhtemotzi7i, signifies, a dropping eagle, as the name has that meaning. VI. 0/ the Jigure of the deluge, and the confumn of tongues. The water signifies the deluge ; the human head, and the bird in the water, signify the drowning of men and animals. The ship, with a man in it, denotes the vessel in which, according to their tradition, APPENDIX. 465 ene man, and one woman, were saved to preserve the human race. The figure in one corner is that of the mountain Colhuacan, near to which, according to their account, the man and the woman who were saved disembarlced from the deluge. In all the Mexican paintings, in which mention is made of that mountain, it is represented by the same figure. The bird upon the tree represents the pigeon, which, as they say, com- municated speech to men, as they were all born dumb after the deluge. Those rods which issue from the mouth of the pigeon towards men, are the symbols of languages. Wherever the Mexican paintings al- lude either to languages or words, they employ these rods. The multitude of them in one figure, signifies the multitude of those which were thus communicated. Those fifteen men, who receive the lan- guages from the pigeon, represent so many families separated from the rest of mankind, from whom, as they account, descended the nations of Anahuac. LETTER irom Abbe Don Lorenzo Hervas, to tlie Author, upon the Mexican Calendar. Ab. Hervas, aidhoi- of the icork entitled. Idea of the Universe, having read this loork in manuscript, and made some curious and learned ob- servations on the Mexican Calendar, communicated them in thefollotvin" letter, tchich rct' trust xvill prove acceptable to our readers. FROM the work of your Reverence I learn with infinite pain, how much the loss of those documents which assisted the celebrated Dr. Siguenza to form his Ciclography ; and the Cav. Boturini to pub- lish his Idea of the General Histoiy of Nezo Spain, is to be regretted ; and at the same time I am farther confirmed in my opinion, that the use of the solar year was contemporar}^ or, perhaps, anterior to the Deluge, as I attempt to prove in the eleventh volume of my work, in which is inserted The Extatic Journey to the Planetary World, where- in I propose some reflexions on the Mexican Calendar, which I shall here anticipate and submit to your censure. VOL. L 3 466 APPENDIX. The year and century have, from time immemorial, been regulated by the Mexicans with a degree of intelligence, which does not at all correspond with their arts and sciences. In them they were certainly extremely inferior to the Greeks or Romans ; but tlic discernment which appears in their Calendar, equals them to the most cultivated nations. Hence we ought to imagine, that this Calendar has not been the discovery of the Mexicans, but a communication from some more enlightened i)eople ; and as the last are not to be found in America, we must seek for them elsewhere, in Asia, or in Egypt. This supposition is confirmed by your aftirmation ; that the Mexicans had their Calen- dar from the Toltecas (originating from Asia), whose year, according to Boturini, was exactly adjusted by the course of the sun, more than a hundred years before the Christian era ; and also from observing that other nations, namely, the Chiapanese, made use of the same Calendar with the Mexicans, without any difference but that of their sj^mbols. The Mexican year began upon the 26th of February, a day cele- brated in the era of Nabonassar, which was fixed by the Egypti- ans 747 years before the Christian era; for the beginning of their month Toth, corresponded with the meridian of the same day. If those priests fixed also upon this day as an epoch, because it was cele- brated in Egypt [a), we have there the Mexican Calendar agreeing with the Egyptian. But independent of this, it is certain, that the Mexi- can Calendar conformed greatly with the Egyptian. On this subject Herodotus says (6), that the year was first regulated by the Egyptians, who gave to it twelve months, of thirty days, and added five da^s to every j'ear, that the circle of the year might revolve regularly : that the principal gods of the Egyptians were twelve iu number, and that each month was under the tutelage and protection of one of these gods. The Mexicans also added to every year, five days, which they called Ncmontemi, or useless ; because during these they did nothing. Plutarch says (c), that on such days the Egpytians cele- brated the festival of the birth of their gods. (a) On the 20th day of February of the above-mentioned year, the year according to the meridian of Alexandria, which was built three centuries after, properly began. Q. Curt, lib. iv. c. 21. See La Lande Astronomic, n. 1597. (b) Herod, lib. ii. cap. I. and 6. (c) Plut. de Iside and Osiridc. APPENDIX. It is certainly true, tiiat the Mexicans divided their year into eigh- teen months, not into twelve like the Egyptians; but as they called the month viiztli, or moon, as you have observed, it seems undeniable, that their ancient month had been lunar, as well as that of the Egypti- ans and Chinese, the Mexican month verifying that which the scrip- tures tell, that the month is obliged for its name to the moon (d). The Mexicans, it is probable, received the lunar month from their an- cestors, but for certain purposes afterwards instituted another. You have affirmed in your history, upon the faith of Boturini, that the Miztecas formed their year into thirteen months, which number was sacred in the Calendar of the Mexicans, on account of their thirteen principal gods, in the same manner as the Egyptians cotisecrated the number twelve, on account of their twelve greater gods. The symbols and periods of years, months, and days in the Mexi- can Calendar, are truly admirable. With respect to the periods it ap- pears to me, that the period of five days might not improperly be termed their civil week, and that of thirteen their religious week. In the same manner, the period of twenty days might be called their civil month; that of twenty-six their religious month; and that of thirty, their lunar and astronomical month. In their century, it is probable that the period of four years was civil, and that of thirteen religious. From the multiplication of these two periods they had their century, and from the duplication of their century, their age of one hundred and four years. In all those periods an art is discovered not less ad- mirable than that of our indictions, cycles, &c. The period of civil weeks was contained exactly in their civil and astronomical month ; the latter had six, the former four, and the year contained seventy- three complete weeks ; in which particular our method is excelled by the Mexican ; for our weeks are not contained exactly in the month, nor in the year. The period of religious weeks was contained twice in their religious month, and twenty-eight times in the year ; but in the latter there remained a day over, as there is in our weeks.' From the periods of thirteen days, multiplied by the twenty characters of the month, the cycle of two hundred and sixty days was produced, of fd) A luna signum dici festi— Mensis secundum nomen ejus est. EccL xliii, 502 467 468 APPENDIX. which yon have made mention; but as there remained a day over the twenty-eight religious weeks of the solar year, there arose another cycle of two hundred and sixty days, in such a manner that the Mexicans could> from the first day of every year, distinguish what year it was. The pe- riod of civil months, multiplied by the number of days, (that is eigh- teen by twenty), and the period of lunar months, multiplied by the number days, (that is, twelve by thirty), give the same product, or the number three hundred and sixty; a number certainly not less memorable, and in use among the Mexicans than among the most au- cietiit nations ; and a number, which from time immemorial, has ruled in geometry and astronomy, and is of the utmost particularity on account of its relation to the circle, which is divided into three hun- dred and sixty parts, or degrees. In no nation of the world do we meet with any thing similar to this clear and distinct method of Calendar. From the small period of four years, multiplied by the above men- tioned cycle of two hundred and sixty years, arose another admirable cycle of one thousand and forty years. The Mexicans combined the small period of four years with the period above named ic-eek of thir- teen years ; thence resulted their noted cycle or century of fifty-two years; and thus with the four figures, indicating the period of four years, they had, as we have from the dominical letters, a period, which, to say the truth, exceeded ours ; as it is of twenty-eight years, and the Mexican of fifty-two; this was perpetual, and ours in Gregorian years is not so. So much variety and simplicity of periods of weeks, months, years, and c^'cles, cannot be unadmired ; and the more so, as there is im- mediately discovered that particular relation which these periods have to many different ends, which Boturini points out by saying i "The Mexi- " can Calendar was of four species; that is, natural, for agriculture ; " chronological, for history; ritual, for festivals; and astronomical, " for the course Qf the stars; and the year was lunisolar." This year, if we do not put it at the end of three Mexican ages, after several cal- culations I am not able to find it. Boturini detei'mines by the Mexican paintings the year of the con- fusion of tongues, and the years of the creation of the world; which determination appears not to be difficult, because as the eclipses are noted in the Mexican paintings, there is not a doubt but the true epoch APPENDIX. 46j^- of chronology may be obtained from them, as P. Souciet obtains the Chinese from the solar eclipse, which he fixed in the year 2155 be- fore the Christian era. An eclipse well circumstantiated, as P. Briga Romagnoli [e) proves at length, may assist us to fix the epoch of chronology in the space of twenty thousand years; and although in the Mexican paintings all the circumstances of eclipses are not described, yet the defect of them is remedied by many eclipses wl«ch are marked there. The Mexican lords therefoi'e, who still preserve great numbers of paintings, might by study of them adduce many lights to chrono- logy- Respecting the symbols of the Mexican months and 3^ear, they dis- cover ideas entirely conformable with those of the ancient Eg^'ptians. "^ The latter distinguished, as appears from their monuments, each month or part of the zodiac, where the sun stood, with characteristical figures of that which hai>pcned in every season of the year. Therefore we see the signs of Aries, Taurus, and the two young Goats (which now are Gemini), used to mark the months of the birth of those animals i the signs of Cancer, Leo, and Virgo, with the ear of corn, for those months; in which the sun goes backward like a crab, in which there is greater heat, and in which the harvests are reaped. The sign of the Scorpion (which in the Egyptian sphere occupied the space which at present is occupied by the sign of Libra), and that of Sagitta- rius, in the months of virulent or contagious distempers, and the chace ; and, lastly, the signs of Capricorn, Aquarius, and Piscis, in those months in which the sun begins to ascend towards others, in which it rains much, and in which there is abundant fishing. These ideas at least are similar to those which the Mexicans associated with their clime. They called their first month AcahualcOy that is, the cessation of the waters, which began on the 26th of February, and they sym- bolize this month by a house with the figure of water above it: they gave also to the same month the name of Quakuitlehua, that is, the moving or budding of trees. The Mexicans afterwards distinguished their first month by two names, of which the first, Acahualco, or the cessation of the waters, did not correspond with their climate, where the (e) Scientia Eclipsium ex Europa in Sinas, Pars iii. c. 2. sect. 20. 470 APPENDIX. rains came in October : but it agrees with the fields of Sennaar, and the northern climes of America, from whence their ancestors came; and from that the origin of this name appears evidently to be very an- cient. The second name, that is Qualiuitlehua, or budding of the trees, agrees much witli the word Kimath, used by Job to signify the Pleiades (/), which in his time announced the spring, when the trees begin to move. The symbol of the second Mexican month was a pavilion, which indicated the great heat prevalent in Mexico in April, before the rains of May come on. The symbol of the third month was a bird which appeared at that time. The twelfth and thirteenth months had for their symbol the plant />flc///", which springs up and ma- tures in these months. The symbol of the fourteenth month was ex- pressed by a cord, and a hand which pulled it, expressive of the bind- ing power of the cold in that month, which is January; and to this same circumstance the name Tititl, which they gave it, alludes. The constellation Kesil, of which Job speaks to signify winter, signifies iu the Arabic root (which is Kesal), to be cold and asleep ; and in the text of Job it is read, " Couldst thou break the cords or tics of Kesil?" Leaving apart the evident conformity which the symbols and ex- pressions of spring and winter have with those of Job, who, in my opinion, flourished a short time after the Deluge (as I say in my ele- venth volume), it ought to be noted, that these symbols, which are excellent for preserving the year invariable, demonstrate the use of the intercalary days of the Mexicans: otherwise it would happen that in two centuries the symbol of the month of cold would fall iu the month of heat. Thus it is found, from the Mexican paintings, that in them the conquest of Mexico was marked in the ninth month, called Tlaxochimaco i from thence it ought to be concluded, that the interca- lary days were in use. The same deduction might be made from see- ing that the Mexicans, at the entry of the Spaniards, preserved that * order of months, which, according to the signification of their names, agreed with the seasons of the year, and the productions of the earth. Further, to ascertain how the Mexicans regulated their leap years, and if their year was just, an exact examination and comparison ought to if) Job, chap. ix. v. 9 ; and chap, xxxviii. v. 31. APPENDIX. 471 be made of some event known to us, which has been marked by them. You have, for example, fixed the death of Montezuma on the 29th of June, 1520: if in the Mexican paintings this is found in the se- venth day, Cuctzpalin, of the seventh month, we must infer their year to be just, and that the leap years were interposed every four years : if it corresponds to the fourth day, CipactU, it would be a sign that their year was just, and that the leap years were added after the century : if it should correspond with the seventh, Ozomatli, then it must be con- cluded that their leap years were put after the century, and their year was as erroneous as ours was at that time. The proposed example is grounded upon the Calendar, at the end of your second volume: this I did for the sake of perspicuity : but to make an exact calculation, it would be necessary to see that your Calendar corresponds with the first year of the Mexican century, and that the year 1520 was the four- teenth year of the century ; whence the name of days would have taken a very different order from that wdiich is proposed for more clearness. Lastly, the symbol which j'ou have put for the Mexican century, convinces me, that it is the same which the ancient Egyptians and Chal- deans had. In the Mexican symbol, we see the sun as it were eclipsed by the moon, and surrounded with a serpent, which makes four twists, and embraces the four periods of thirteen years. This very idea of the serpent with the sun has, from time immemorial in the world, signi- fied the periodical or annual course of the sun. We know that in astronomy, the points where eclipses happen, have, from time imme- morial, been called (as P. Briga Romagnoli [g] has noted) the head and tail of a dragon. The Chinese, from folse ideas, though conform- able to this immemorial allusion, believe that at eclipses a dragon is in the act of devouring the sun. The Egyptians more particularly agree with the Mexicans; for to symbolize the sun, they employed a circle, with one or two serpents ; but still more the ancient Persians, among whom their Mi/ras (which was certainly the sun) was symbo- lized by a sun {h) and a serpent; and from P. Montfaucon {i), we are {g) Vol. cited, p. 4. Inv. iii. c. 2. [h) See Banier Mythologie, vol. ii. bo'ok iv. cap. iv., vol. iii. book vii. c. xii. Pluche, History of the Heavens, vol. i. c. ii. sect, 1. Goguet, Origin of Sciences, &c. rol.i. Dissert, 2. (0 Tom. i. p. 378. 472 APPENDIX. given, in his Antiquities, a monument of a serpent, which, surround- ing the signs of the Zodiac, cuts them, by rolling itself in various modes about them. In addition to these incontestiblc examples, the following reflexion is most convincing. There is not a doubt that the symbol of the serpent is a thing totally arbitrary to signify the sun, with which it has no physical relation : wherefore then, I ask, have so many nations dispersed over the globe, and of which some have had no reciprocal intercourse, unless in the first ages after the deluge, agreed in using one same symbol so arbitrary, and chose to express by it the same object .? When we find the word sacco in the Hebrew, Greek, Teutonic, Latin languages, &c., it obliges us to believe that it belongs to the primitive language of men after the deluge; and when we see one same arbitrary symbol, signifying the sun and his course, used by the Mexicans, the Chinese, the ancient Egyptians, and Per- sians, docs it not prompt us to believe the real origin of it was in the time of Noah, or the first men after the deluge? This fair conclusion is strongly confirmed by the Chiapanese Calendar (which is totally Mexican), in which the Chiapanese, according to Monsig. Nugnez de la Vega, bishop of Cliiapa, in his preface to his Synodal Constitutions, put for the first symbol or name of the first 3'ear of the century a Vo- fafi, nephew of him who built a wall up to heaven, and gave to men the languages which they now speak. Here is a fact connected with the Mexican calendar, relative to the building of the tower of Babel, and the confusion of tongues. Many similar reflexions are suggested by the observations and remarks which occur in your history, &c. Cesena, July 31, 1/80. So far the letter of Sig, Ab. Hervas. What- ever may have been the truth respecting the use of the solar 3'ear among these first men, in which dispute I do not mean to engagr^, I cannot be persuaded that the Mexicans, or the Toltecas, have been indebted to , any nation of the-old continent for their Calendar, and their method of computing time. From whom did the Toltecas learn their age of one hundred and four years, their century of fifty-two, their year of eighteen months, their months of twenty days, their periods of thir- teen years and thirteen days, their cj'cle of two hundred and sixty days, and in particular their thirteen intercalary days, at the end of the cen- tur3% to adjust the year with the course of the sun.'' The Egyptians APPENDIX. 475 were the greatest astronomers of those remote times, but they adopted no intercalary space to adjust the year with the annual retardation of the solar course. If the Toltecas of themselves discovered that re- tardation, it is not to be wondered at if they discovered other things which did not require such minute and prolix astronomical observa- tions. Boturini, of whose testimony Ab. Hervas avails himself, says expressly upon the faith of the annals of the Toltecas, which he saw, that the ancient astronomers of that nation having observed in their native country Huehuetlapallan, (a northern country of America,) the excess of about six hours of the solar, over the civil year which was observed among them, corrected it by the use of intercalary days, more than one hundred years before the Christian fera. With respect to the conformit}^ between the Mexicans and Egyptians, we shall treat of it in our dissertations. Animadversions of the Author on the Work entitled, Letteke Americane, or American Letters. Some of the observations made by Ab. Hervas have also been made by the learned author of the American Letters, a work full of erudi- tion, recently published in the Literary INIagazine of Florence, and come to us at the time the last sheets of this volume were printing. The author, in opposing the absurd opinions of M. de Paw, from a just though imperfect idea of the culture of the Mexicans, discourses in ge- neral very intelligently of their customs, their arts, and, above all, their astronomical knowledge, explains their calendar and tlieir cycles, and in these points compares them with the ancient Egyptians, as was done in the last century by the learned ^Mexican, Siguenza, to prove their conformity and the antiquity of the population of America. In the perusal ojf these letters, I have had the pleasure of seeing some of my own sentinients supported and explained ; although the author has connnitted many mistakes, and shewn more acrimony against the Spa- iiisli nation tlian is consistent with candour and impartiality. The alteration of the Alcxican names in his work is a tiespass upon all the rules, of literary propriety and accuracy with respect to ety- mology. VOL. I. P p p 474 APPENDIX. In the ninth letter of the second part, where he speaks of the iNfexi- cau year, he cites GcnicUi, and accuses him, though falsely, of an error. Gemelli says, that the iMexican year, at the connnaiceinent of their century, began upon the lOtii of April; but that every four years it anticipated one flay on account of our bissextile; so that at the end of four years it bcg-an upon the 9th of that month ; at the end of eight years it began upon the 8th, and so it went on anticipating every fuur years, one day, unto the end of the Mexican century, where by the interposition of the thirteen intercalary days, omitted in the pro- gress of the century, the year returned to begin upon the 10th of April. 'J'his, adds the author of the Letters, is a contradiction of fact, as the year at the end of the four years should have begun upon the 11 th, and not the ninth, and thus every four years it ought to have increased a day ; and in such case, the correction of thirteen days after the end of fifty-two years became superfluous, or without the retrocession of a day every four years, the (iirt'ereuce of the solar year, at the end of the cycle should have been double ; that is, twenty-six days. We wonder nn\ch that an author, who appears to be a good calcu- lator, should err in a calculation so simple and clear. The year 1506 ■was a secular year among the Mexicans. Let us suppose, for the sake of perspicuity, that their year began, as ours, on the first day of Janu- ary. This first year of the Mexican century, composed like ours of 365 days, ended as ours on the 31st of December, and in like man- ner the second year corresponding to 1507 ; but in 1508, the Mexican year ought to finish a day before ours ; because ours being bissextile, or leap year, had 366 days, whereas the Mexican had only 365 ; therefore the fourth year of the Mexican century corresponding to 1509, ought to commence a day before ours; that is, on the 31st of December 1508. In the same manner, the eighth year, corresponding to 1513, ought to commence on the 30th of December, 1512, for the same reason of that year having been bissextile. The twelfth year, corres- ponding to 1517, ought to begin on the 29th of December 1516, and so forth, unto the year 1557, the last of the Mexican century, in which the Mexican year ought to anticipate ours as many days as there were bissextile years. Thus in the 52 years of the Mexican century, A P P E N D I X. 475 there are thirteen bissextile; the last year of the century, therefore, ought to anticipate ours by thirteen cla3S, and not twenty-six. Con- sequently, the interposition of the thirteen days to adjust tlic year at tlie end of the century witli tlie course of the sun, was not superfluous. So tliat (lenielli said properly as to the anticipation of tlie day, althouglr lie erred in saying that the INIexicans began tlie year upon the iOth of April, as it began, as we have often repeated, on the 26"th of Fein-uary. The author of the Letters believes, that the Mexicans began their year at the vernal eciuinox. We are of the same opinion as to their astro- nomical year; but we ha\e not ventured to affirm it as we do not know it. The ancient Spanish historians of Mexico were not astrono- mers, and were less attentive to explain in their histories the pro- gress of the Mexicans in sciences than their superstitious rites. The J/e.iicdu Cyclographi/, composed by the great astronomer Siguenza, after a diligent Study of the ^lexican paintings, and various calculations of the eclipses and comets marked in their paintings, has not reached us. We cannot pardon the Author of the Letters the injustice he does tliis great Mexican in his third Letter of the second volume, where he speaks, on the faith of Gemelli, of the pyramids of Teotihuacan. Carlos Siguenza, says that author, imagines these pyramids anterior to the deluge. This is not true ; how could Siguenza imagine these pyra- mids anterior to the deluge, if he believed the population of America posterior to the confusion of tongues, and the first settlers descendants of Nephtuim, grand nephew of Noah, as Boturini attests, who saw some of the works of Siguenza? Gemelli also, on whose testimony the author of the Letters rests, gives express contratliction to this particular in his sixth volume, second book, and eighth chapter. " No Indian historian," says this travellei-, " has been able to investigate the time of the erection ■ " of the pyrainids of America ; but D. Carlos Siguenza imagined them " very ancient, and built a little time after the Deluge.''* Nor has Ge-- melli properly explained the opinion of Siguenza; for Dr. Eguiaia, treating in the Bibliotheca Jlle.vicana, of the works of Siguenza, and amongst others of that which he wrote upon the peopling of America, says, that in that work he fixed the first peopling of the new world i7b" APPENDIX, paula post Babylonkam confusionem ; that is, a little after the time which Gemelli has mentioned. With respect to some other more important points treated of in those Letters, we shall speak of them in our Dissertations, in which we shall sometimes concur, and at other times differ in opinion with the author. J.ND OF THE FIRST VOLUME. lovcc oom, pnivrEh, SHOti-rANK. ■^ i / 9 li. V. ( I N^«< m